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ADDRESS 
 
 CF THE 
 
 . HEPU^LICAjYS 
 
 (£0 
 
 CF THE 
 
 f n '} 
 
 CITY AND jCCUNTY OF NEW-YORK, 
 
 TO TIIIUll 
 
 REPUBLICAN FELLQW-Cl TIZENS OE .THE 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 Kead and unanimously adopted, at a G-eneval Meeting^ held at 
 Mr. A. B. Martling's, Sept. 20, 1S08. 
 
 " Interwoven as is the 'ove of Liberty with every liganient of 
 your liearts, tio recomrnsndatlon of mine is necessaiy to fortify 
 or crjnfinn the attachiriert. 
 
 " Tiie uniw of pjovernment, w'lic'ii coastiLutcs yon one people, 
 JK also now dear to you. It is justly so ; f«r it ;« a rriaiii pillar in 
 the edifice of your real independence ; the su]>i»ovt of your tran- 
 quility at Iiome, your pence abroad ; of your safety; of your 
 prosperity ; of that very Liberty wiiicii you so highly prize." 
 
 WASlU^s'GTaK, 
 
 PUBLISHED BY ORTJF.R OF THE GEUEKAL 
 REPUBLICAN MEETING. 
 
 NE^r.YORK: 
 
 PRINTED BY FRANF, WHITE, AND tO^ 
 
 OfEce of tiie Public Advertiser, Nfl. lo2, 
 Water-street. 
 
■M .-7 
 
 
lAt d General Meeting of\he Republicans of the City 
 of Neiv-Yorkj held at Mr. Abraham B. Marthng'sj 
 •« Thursday evenings the I5th September, 1808 ; 
 
 Col. Wm. Few, Chairman. 
 IcHABOD Prall, Secretary. 
 
 The following Resolutions were with but few dis- 
 puting voices, passed i 
 
 Resolvedy That this meeting continues to repose full 
 confidence in the patriotism and wisdom of the PRE- 
 SIDENT and of the Republican Majority in both houses 
 of the Congress of the United States. 
 
 Resolved, That in our opinion the EMBARGO is a 
 prudent, just, and politic measure, rendered necessary 
 by the rapacity and depredations of the principal bellige- 
 rent nations, and not originating from any events within 
 the power of our government to liave controuled — that 
 a repeal of the same, under existing circumstances, 
 would probably involve us in the calamities of WAR ; 
 and, that it is therefore the duty of every faithful citi- 
 zen to afford the Administration his firm and decided 
 support. 
 
 Resolved, That the present ovvositiq-h to the 
 MEASURES of the Administration, merits the se- 
 verest reprehension of every true friend to the National 
 Independence and Commercial Rights of the United 
 States ; particularly as such opposition may encourag;e 
 
t 4 J 
 foreigners to persist in withholding from us our just 
 rights, and stimulate them to acts of future hostility and 
 aersrression. • 
 
 J?esoived, That a committee be appointed to prepare 
 And report a resj>ectful Address to our Republican fel- 
 low-citizens of the Unired States, stating our full deter- 
 mination to support the government in its patriotic ex- 
 ertions to maintain the dignity and rights of our country, 
 together with the reasons upon which such determina- 
 tion is founded, and, that William Few, Tunis Wort- 
 man, Nathan Sanford, Augustus Weight, Abraham 
 Bloodgood, Adrian Hegeman, Jonas Humbert, Samuel 
 Lawrence, James Townsend, and John Mills, compose 
 the said committee. 
 
 Besolved, That this meeting do approve of the 
 NOMlNTATION made by a majority of our Republican 
 Representatives in Congress, of JAMES MADISON 
 as a candidate for the office of President, and Geo. Clin- 
 toN for the office of Vice President of the United States. 
 
 Resolved^ That a general meeting of our republican 
 fellow citizens, be convened at this place on Tuesday 
 evening next, the 20th inst. at 7 o'clock, for the purpose 
 of hearing and determining upon the report of the com- 
 mittee. 
 
 Resolvedj That tlie proceedings of this meeting be 
 published in the Public, Mercantile, and Daily Adver- 
 tisers. 
 
 WILLIAM FEW,, Chairman. 
 I. PRALL, Secretary. 
 
C 5 ] 
 
 ,4t a General Meeting of the Republicans of the Cltif. 
 and County of New-York^ held at A. B. Marfling^s, 
 agreeably to public notice, on Tuesday everting, Sep- 
 tember 20, 1808, 
 
 Col. Henry Rutgers, Chairman. 
 
 IcHABOD Prall, Secretary. 
 
 The committee appointed for that purpose, reported 
 in Address to our Fellow Republicans of the United 
 States, which being read, was unanimously adopted and 
 approved. 
 
 Resolved, That a committee be appointed to cause the 
 Address to be printed, and forwarded to the Republicans 
 of the Union ; and that William Few, James Townsend, 
 Tunis Wortman, Samuel Lawrence, Augustus Wright, 
 John Mills, Adrian Hegeman, Samuel Torbert, Rensse- 
 laer Havens, and Jonas Humbert, compose the said 
 committee. 
 
 Resolved^ That the Chairman and Secretary of this 
 meeting be added to the committee. 
 
 Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be given to 
 the Committee which drafted and reported the Address. 
 
 HENRY RUTGERS, Chairman, 
 ICHABOD PRALL, Secretary. 
 
i: 6 ] 
 
 TO THE 
 
 'Republicans of the Ux\ited states. 
 
 Fellow Citizexi;, 
 
 ♦ 
 
 AN interesting crisis has taken place in the aifairs of 
 our country. The \,ar which during many years had 
 agitated the natlop.s of Europe, has at length extended its 
 its baneful efi'ects to us. In the course of an arduous con- 
 test, France had acquired the absohite dominion of the 
 European continent, wliile Great-Britain has maintained 
 an unrivalled ascendency upon the ocean. Impregna- 
 ble and invulnerable to each other by the operations 
 of an ordinary warfare, the high contending powers have 
 been driven to a conflict of policy rather than of arms* 
 England on one hand, resolved to interdict the furnishing 
 supplies to France and her dependencies ; while France, 
 on the other, determined to assail the commerce of her 
 rival, -which she perceived to be the foundation of her 
 power, and the sinews of her maritime greatness. A 
 contest so desperate in ks nature, so peculiar in its cha- 
 racter, has interrupted or destroyed the intercourse of 
 nations. Laws that have followed the footsteps of civil- 
 ization, principles rendered venerable by their justice and- 
 antiquity; rules v/hich duriag centuries had established 
 and confirmed the relative rights and duties of neutrals 
 and belligerents, have been openly disregarded. The 
 moral code of nations has been sternly prostrated, and 
 every privilege of independent states, subverted by the 
 arbitrary will of despotism, and by the power of the 
 sword. 
 
 Far distant from these dreadful scenes of contention 
 and of blood; pursuing an eqaitable and peaceful policy; 
 reposing itself upon the wisdom, justice and impartiality 
 
i 
 
 C 7 ] 
 
 of its measures, our administration foiul'yliopccl. that the 
 distant tempest would not approach ; or but slightly aiFect 
 our shores. Extending our national hospitality to every 
 people; rendering equal justice to all -, conferring upon 
 none, a privilege or favour that was denied to another; 
 considering them alike as friends in veace, and enemies 
 alone in war, it was the only wish of government to 
 afford security to the citizen, and to protect him in those 
 useful pursuits of agriculture, commerce, and industry, 
 which are equally essential to subsistence and to hap- 
 piness. 
 
 The farewell advice of the gieat and excellent 
 WASHINGTON should be deeply impressed upon our 
 minds. '* Observe," said that enlightened patriot, 
 *' good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate 
 peace and hanr.ony with all; religion and moral it} enjoin 
 this conduct, and can it be that good policy decs rot 
 equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, 
 and at no distant period, a GREAT NATION, to give 
 to mankind, the magnanimous and too noAcl example, of 
 a people always guided by an exalted justice and bene- 
 volence. Who can doubt, that in the course of tim.e ar.d 
 things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any 
 temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady 
 adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not con- 
 nected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? 
 The experiment at least is recommended by cAcry senti- 
 ment M^hich ennobles human nature. Alas! is it ren- 
 dered impossible by its vices ? 
 
 " The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign 
 nations, is in extending our commercial relations to have 
 "with them as little political connexion as possible. So 
 
C s ] 
 
 far as we liavc already formed engagements, let them be 
 fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. 
 
 ** Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us 
 have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must 
 be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of 
 which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, 
 therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, 
 by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes o'' her poli- 
 tics, or in the ordinary combinations and collisions of her 
 friendships or enmities. 
 
 " Our detached anddistajit situation, invites and ena- 
 bles us to pursue a different course. If we remain one 
 peoplr, under an efficient government, the period is not 
 far 01% when we may take such an attitude as will cause 
 the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be 
 scrupulously respected ; when belligerent nations under 
 tlie impossibility of making acquisitions upon us will not 
 lightly hazard the giving us provocation ; when we may 
 choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, 
 ishall counsel. 
 
 " Wh y forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? 
 Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why 
 by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of 
 Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the trials 
 of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour or 
 caprice ?" 
 
 Such was the sage advice afforded by the man who 
 has been distinguished by the name of father of his 
 country, upon the eve of his retiring-, forever, from pub. 
 lie life. — We cannot doubt the sagacity of his judgment, 
 nor question the disinterested purity of his intentions. 
 Such also h^^ been the oudine of the system pursued bj 
 
[ 9 ] 
 
 our republican administration with undeviating firmness 
 and fidelity. 
 
 At the commencement of the war, which with a tran- 
 sient intermission, has so long ravaged the finest coun. 
 tries of Europe, the government of these United States, 
 determined to adopt and maintain a system of rigid neu- 
 trality. At an early period of the contest. Great Britain 
 calculating upon the formidable strength of the coalition, i 
 openly avowed a war of concjuest and extermination. On 
 the eighth of June 1793, she issued her celebrated orders 
 in council, declaring, among other infractions of the 
 right of neutral commerce, that it should be lawful to 
 sieze and detain all vessels, laden in whole or in part 
 with corn or meal destined to any port in France, or 
 to any place occupied by the French armies. Not- 
 withstanding the rigour and injustice of this interdict, 
 and notwithstanding the rapacity and spoliations of all 
 the belligerents, captures during the first war were 
 comparatively less frequent. Our differences were sub- 
 mitted to negociation and settled by treatks. Com- 
 merce, though greatly harassed, continu .d to flourish 
 and remained a source of national revenue as well as 
 individual emolument. 
 
 The peace of Amiens wliich had promised to restore 
 peace to the world was of but short duration. la the year 
 1802, hostilities became renewed with equal asperity and 
 vigor. From that period until after 180 , American 
 commerce continued with but little variation upon the 
 footing of the former war. A change in the British 
 ministry took place. Former ministers ^^ ere considereu to 
 have been too favorable to the United States. A spirit of 
 jealousy was indulged against our trade. We were ac- 
 cused with having fraudulently covered enemies property, 
 
 s 
 
[ 10 ] 
 
 and of being the mere carriers of an enemy's commerce. 
 A svstem of severe commercial restriction was, under that 
 pretext, meditated an^ avowed by the present cabinet. 
 
 While the court and cabinet of Great-Britain, regard- 
 less of every consideration of national righ^ had thus deter- 
 mined to restroin the commerce of the United States, the 
 decisive victory at Austerl'itz conferred upon their war- 
 like rival, the absolute dominion of the continent. On the 
 21st November, 1806, as B rlin, the capital of conquer- 
 ed Prussia, an imperial decree was passed, declaring the 
 British islands in a state of blockade, and prohibiting 
 commerce and correspondence with them. This decree 
 however was a subject of explanation, and remained for a 
 considerable period,unexecuted, or but partially enforced, 
 againsi the United States. On the 7th of January, 1807, 
 the cabinet of England is; ued retaliating orders, and on 
 the lUh November following proclaimed those decisive 
 and arbitrary orders of her privy council, by which all 
 trade, directly from America, to every port and country 
 of Europe, at war with Great Britain, or from which the 
 British liag is excluded, is totally prohibited. This pro- 
 hibition included every part of the continent of Europe, 
 with the single and precarious exception of the " barren 
 kingdom of Sweden." 
 
 The United States were indeed permitted to export 
 their own produce, directly to Svfedcn alone; but in 
 every other case our carj^oes were ordered to be first 
 landed in a British port, a British permission for re-ex- 
 portation to be obtained, and British duties paid. Those 
 new orders, by the confession of an English writer,* were 
 of a description to produce a revolution in the whole 
 commerce of the world, and a total derangement of those 
 
 * Sir Alexander Baring. 
 
C 11 ] 
 
 neutral rights and relations by which civilized nations 
 liave hitherto been connected. 
 
 The orders of the British privy council were itnme- 
 diately followed by the countervailing regulati ns 
 passed at Mil m, December 17, 1807. By th';- decree 
 of Milan, every vessel which has been visited by an 
 English ship, or which has submitted to make a vay- 
 age to England, or has paid any duty to the English 
 government, is dechred denationalized, to have forfeited 
 the rights of her flag, '.nid to be deemed and taken for 
 British propert3\ 
 
 Every vessel of whatever nation she may be, or 
 whatever description her cargo may be, which is clear- 
 ed out in the harbours of England or in English colo- 
 nies, or in places in possession of English troops, or 
 steering her course to England, Engi'sh colonies, or to 
 places in possession of English troops, shall be consi- 
 dered good and lawful prize. The Milan decree was 
 enforced by a proclamation of the king of Spain«ited 
 from Aranjuez, the 3d January last. 
 
 You will readily perceive that adverse orders and de- 
 crees so comprehensive in their extent, produced of 
 necessity the total annihilation of commerce. We were 
 the only neutral nation that aspired to commercial emi- 
 nence ; it was therefore perfecdy understood, and must 
 have been contemplated by the belligerents, tliat these 
 'decrees and orders should b; , and were, principally 
 directed against us^ " There scarcely remained a port in 
 the world to which a cargo could b^ shipped, or a spot 
 upon the ocean that could be nuvigtited with safety. — 
 With the single exception of that of Sweder, the whole 
 sea-coast of continental Europe, from the ArcJiipelago 
 to the mrthest extremity of Noriuay^ was in the poose^:- 
 
[ 12 ] 
 
 sion of France or of her allies. If we destined a vessel 
 to the continent, we violated the orders of privy council ; 
 if we sent a ship to an English port, we infringed the 
 Berlin decree ; if a vessel Avas bound to Great Britain in 
 the first instance, with the view of landing her cargo and 
 paying duties there, and from thence proceeding to the 
 continent, Vv^e contravened the decree of Milan. In either 
 event, there was no escape from capture and from con- 
 demnation. The direct operation and manifest inten- 
 tion of the British orders were to abrogate every ancient 
 principle that had been settled by the law of nations ; to 
 render American commerce dependent upon the man- 
 date of her privy council, to impose a tax and to create 
 a revenue from our trade. We could not submit t® 
 these innovations without consenting to become the tri^ 
 butaries of England. The decrees of Erance, on the 
 other hand, being equally an infraction of the laws of 
 nations, sought the destruction of a commerce which her 
 enemyhad resolved to abridge, or to regulate in such a 
 manner as to render it subservient to its own resources. 
 In a state of affairs thus desperate and humiliating, a 
 continuance of commerce would have amounted to a 
 surrender of our independent rights, equally degrading 
 and ruinous. Such an acquiescence could neither have 
 been reconciled with the duties of our government, the 
 dignity of the nation, the interests of our citizens in 
 general, or even with those of the merchant in parti,- 
 cular. 
 
 From the stern and arbitrary regulations of the cabi^ • 
 nets of Europe, we direct the attention of a moment 
 to the conduct of belligerent cruisers on the coast of 
 the United States. Our West-India trade, had long 
 been infested by the privateers of New- Providence, and 
 
[ 13 ] ., 
 
 in proportion to their means , I y these cf th,e French. 
 But with respect to the English, ^o retrospect r.o ta rtl^er 
 than to 1804, detachments from their regular navy were 
 stationed along our shore. Our principal seaports were 
 closely blockaded, our vessels watched and intercepted, 
 our native as well as lawfully naturalized seamen im- 
 pressed bv violence, and the whole of our commerce 
 subjected to their abuse. Not contented with attacking 
 private vessels, they fired at the revenue cutter, station- 
 ed at New- York, and commanded by Captain Brewster, 
 within our o^\ti waters and acknowledged jurisdiction. 
 On the 25th of April, 1806, the murder of Pierce was 
 perpetrated within tlie limits of the port of New- York. 
 To injure the feelings and prostrate the dignity of our 
 country-, the offender, Captain Whitby of the Lcander, 
 instead of being punished, is stated to have been elevat- 
 ed to a superior command. On the 22d June. 1S07, our 
 national frigate the Chesapeake, unprepared for an attack, 
 her commander believing his country to remiaiu in a state 
 of peace, relying upon the inviolability of our jurisdic- 
 tion and the protection of cur laws, was forcibly attacked 
 by the Leopard, ship of war, commanded bv Captain 
 Humphries, under the superior direction of the British 
 admiral Berkely, several of our fellovr citizens killed, and 
 some of her seamen, proved to be Americans, impressed 
 by violence. Such has been, and such exists the state 
 of our affairs. Atrocious iiiiuries have been ap-g'ravated 
 by marked and repeated indignities. Each belJigerent 
 without exception, had determined that ou: commerce 
 should be its victim ; but England in particular, exiiltino- 
 in the strength of her navy, open]\- discarded every sem- 
 blance of equity and e\ ery appearance of moderation. 
 She blockaded our harbours. She captured our merchant 
 
ships. She attacked a national vessel. She impressed 
 and impresses (uu' native mariners, and by the tenor of 
 licr conduci «, viiices obdurate and unrelenting hostility. 
 
 The concerns of our country had arrived to an unex- 
 ampled crisis. It was necessary to determine upon peace 
 or war. The Iatt< r was to be sustained with fortitude, 
 if rendered inevitable. The former, unquestionably pre- 
 ferable, if possible to preiicrve it, by policy, by the force 
 of reason, or evcji by moderate sacrifices. Governmert 
 was comp^^lled to elect between its pacific and neutral 
 systeni, and an immediate recurrence to hostility. It has 
 studied to presovc the liberties, and cherish the interests 
 of our country. Commerce rigorously interdicted by 
 foreig'.iers could not have been pursued with advantage, 
 to any class of our citizens. An equal and impartial in- 
 tercourse with the powers at war, was sternly prohibited 
 by all, a partial intercourse with ore, must have immedi- 
 ately tCjiminated in an open and immediate rjipture with 
 tly^ others. 
 
 Fcliow-cilizcns ! Oln' fathers and our elder brothers, 
 \\ould not submit to tax.ition by the British parliament. : 
 In justice to thtir memoric s, to our cause, and to our 
 nation, we cani-ot submit to commercial taxation by an 
 English privy council. 
 
 Fcllc^V'Citizp.ns ! We are now a respectable, and in 
 the langui'ge of Washington, vrill shortly become a 
 creat nation. We have received the inestimable ar.d 
 deur-bonglit prize of independence, we now enjoy its 
 blessing:;, an 1 shall we not preserve them ? 
 
 Feliovv'-citizens, our flithers and our elder brothers 
 were strictly virtuous, they voluntarily abandoned the 
 bosoms of their families and every profitable pursuit of 
 life. They cheerfully encountered the dangers and hard- 
 
[ 15 ] 
 
 sHos ofa dreadful and procrastinated war — and shall nofe 
 we, enjoying a free and fruitful countr}', endure a tempo- 
 rary suspension of trade, which, with ordinary fortitude, 
 must bring our enemies to terms ? Have we in a few 
 years been rendered so degenerate ? Do we value the in- 
 es imable blessings of freedom and independence ? Can 
 we expect to retain those blessings, if we cease to strive 
 for and to preserve them? 
 
 We entertain no parlialit}', we cherish no preference ; 
 we indulge neither causeless prejudices nor partial affec- 
 tion towards France or England. Each of those powers 
 have deeply injured us, they have equally violated tha 
 laws and invaded the sovereign rights of nations. As it is 
 our duty, so let it be our determined resolution, to resist 
 the injurious decrees of the one, with as much energy as 
 the arbitrary orders of the other. The interests and the 
 honor of our couatr}' demand this course. 
 
 Fellow citizens, our national character and our public 
 interests are at stake. If we surrender now, VvC mav 
 yield forever. This is the proud and decisive moment, 
 in which we must determine the question, whether we can 
 maintain our real independence ? Such is the hapless 
 condition of society in that quarter of the globe, that the 
 nations of Europe ^vill be constantly Avarring against each 
 other. Our country is too iniportaat to remain unno- 
 ticed. We must determine to maintain our neutral stand 
 at present, or remain exposed to their intrigues, and at- 
 tempts to involve us in their incessant strug.n'e.:, lor ever. 
 Should they succeed, their attempts will be perpetually 
 renewed; if they fail, their present privations and disap- 
 pointments will deter them from similar endei vours in 
 future times. In maintaini:;g our own, we ar •, ;ij f,.-}; 
 contending for the neutral commercial riglits oi evjiv 
 
[ 16 ] 
 
 people. Our own posterity will bless, and future national 
 regard us with approbation and applause. 
 
 Bat indulging a more limited and interested view of 
 this iiiiportait subject. Disregarding for a moment 
 the dignity of our nation, the honor of our flag, the per- 
 manent rights of commerce, our substantial interests and 
 future security. What, we may enquire, would have 
 been our present condition if the government of our 
 country had adopted any difl:erent plan ? Could we in 
 any case or by any different course of conduct have expe- 
 rienced a more beneficial result ? 
 
 We must be satisfied in the first place that our gov- 
 ernment has determined from tfie best and purest inten- 
 tions. Indulging no favour or fear, no partiality, aifec- 
 tion or preference towards either of the powers at war, 
 it has cherished no interest separate from the welfare of 
 its country. If the path which it has pursued with in- 
 tegrity lias been marked by wisdom,' shall it not receive 
 our gratitude and approbation? However aggravated 
 the injuries and provocations we have received ; howev- 
 er justifiable the measure might have been, suppose that 
 abandoning every present prospect and wish of peace, 
 we had resolved upon immediate war, would any addi- 
 tional good have been obtained, or the interests of any 
 portion of our country been better cherished ? War 
 would not have promoted agriculture, or have restored 
 our commerce. It would have multiplied our expences, 
 impelled us to taxation, and , added its every calamity 
 to our present comparatively inferior privations. 
 
 Neither was it possible for us to have continued our 
 accustomed commerce under the severe restrictions and 
 injuries it had experienced. Our vessels would have 
 been captured, their cargoes seized, and all inevitably 
 
[ 17 J 
 
 tondemned. Our brave and unoffending mariners 
 would have been exposed to long and hopeless captivity 
 and absent from their families and homes, been immur- 
 ed in foreign ships, or confined in distarit prisons, during 
 tidies in which their services may be most necessary to 
 their country, and finally when deprived of our vessels 
 and stripped of our property ; when so great a portion of 
 our resources, incautiously exposed had fallen, pefhaps 
 into the hand of the enemy, without possessing [one ra- 
 tional prospect of advantage we must of ncccssit}-, ha\'e 
 eeri driven into war. 
 
 It is impossible that we should speak of the existing 
 opposition to government in terms of adequate indignation 
 and sensibility. If an opposition thus wanton and ui.- 
 founded in principle has not been able to ombarrass 
 the administration it has at least increased the obstinac}' 
 of belligerents and impeded the progress of negociaticn* 
 We are common partakers of the benefits of our* coun- 
 try, we should sustain its distresses with fortitude and 
 fidelity. Your government, your countrymen and friends 
 look to you for support. The eyes of foreign nations arc- 
 steadfastly directed towards you. The interesting ques- 
 tion is now to be decided whether the people of y\m rica 
 possess sufficient intelligence and public spirit to .siippcrt 
 the measures of their administration, or whether u.cv 
 will tamely abandon their cver}^ estimable right to the 
 hand of violence and rapine. Let us decide this point 
 with dignity and virtue. When France and 1 ritain be- 
 hold our steady resolution they v/ill probal ly oe con- 
 strained to yield 'heir arrogant pretensions. 
 
 Ill the midst of these difficulties, the gcv.'-nment of 
 our country has pursued a course equ.illy distinguished 
 by firmness and moderation. In the pursuit of a pacific 
 
[ 18 ] 
 system, it has studied the interests, and regarded the sen- 
 timents of the people. The unprejudiced world must 
 be convinced that it has been actuated by a sense of jus- 
 tice, and not influenced by terror. In all its negociations 
 it has respected the proper clanns of other nations ; but 
 it has also evinced a full determination never to surren- 
 der the essential riglits of our own. The last treaty at- 
 tempted to be formed widi Great-Britain, is acknowledg- 
 ed by an English author to have been even less flivoura- 
 ble to us than that which was granted by Mr. Pitt, and it 
 was principally rejected because it contained no substan- 
 tial provisions for the security of our seamen. In the 
 last negociation with England, it was desired by our go- 
 vernment that every subject of difference should have 
 been settled, and nothing left to future controversy. At 
 the request of Mr. Rose, we chearfully consented to se- 
 parate the afiair of the Chesapeake from other topics of 
 disDUte ; but that minister neither consented to afford a 
 previous satisfaction, nor would he condescend to inform 
 V-s what terms v/ere contemplated by his government, as 
 a just and necessary reparation. The correspondence 
 upon this occasion has been communicated to the public. 
 It evinces the utmost spirit of justice and frankness on 
 the part of our government; but an unconciliating dis- 
 position and total want of candor in the opposite party. 
 
 Representations have been made that our administra- 
 tion is adverse to the iiiterests of commerce. Every 
 suggestion to that effect is foreign to the truth. Instead 
 of being hostile to trade, its best endeavours are exer- 
 cised to maintain our commerciiil rights ; such has been 
 its regard for commerce, and such its voluntary depend- 
 ance upon it, that it has relinquished every species of di- 
 rect tax, and placed its reliance upon the resources dc- 
 
[ 19 ] 
 
 rived from trade. Your own intelligence must deter- 
 mine who are the best friends of commerce, those who 
 are ably and firmly maintaining our commercial rights, 
 or those who for the sake of a temporary, and preca- 
 rious traffic, at the risk of war are willing to surrender 
 them to a foreign power ? Gk-.dly would our govern- 
 ment remove the embargo. Ready it is to renew our ac- 
 customed trade, and intercourse with nations the mo- 
 ment it can be done without the sacrifice of principles 
 and privileges which a virtuous people, and an enlight- 
 ened administration can never abandon. 
 
 Fellow-citizens, it is hop<=d that we need not apologize 
 for having trespassed thus long on your attention. We 
 are the inhabitants of a common country, we possess a 
 mutual interest, and are bound by reciprocal obi gations. 
 Our nation has been injured ; our administration has 
 fliithfully performed its duties. Let us examine the 
 measures that have been pursued with candor and impar- 
 tiality, and let us afford to a virtuous government, that 
 support wb/ich is worthy of a generous, free and en- 
 lightened people. 
 
 : And now to you, as republicans, as friends of the con- 
 stitution of your country, permit us to make a candid ap- 
 peal. We sincerely believe that upon tlie preservation 
 of the general republican part\ , under Providence, the 
 liberties and happiness of these United Sjtates depend. 
 Let us cherish virtuous and salutary principles. Let 
 us promote a spirit of union. Let us discounte- 
 nance contention and jealousies between state and state ; 
 and consider ourselves citizens of one nation, one free 
 and happy counMy. In the choice of our general olti- 
 cers, let our councils he unmingled by personal prefer- 
 ences and local partialities. Let us remember, forever. 
 
t 20 ] / 
 
 this solemn truth, that our union is the palladi- 
 um OF OUR CIVIL LIBERTY. Let US rcsist and pros- 
 trate faction, by whatsoever persons, under whatsoever 
 form, or with whatsoever pretext, its head may be erect- 
 ed. Let us never violate that sacred rule which freedom 
 cannot survive, that the will of a majority ought to be 
 pursued ; and finally, let us remember, that the existence 
 of our Republic depends upon its virtue. And let us 
 therefore, fellow-citizens, support the government of our 
 choice. Let us also support such candidates for offices 
 in the general government, as are regularly selected and 
 reconmiended by a republican majority of the 
 UNION. Steadfastly pursuing the path of patriotism, 
 convinced that we are promoting the happiness of our 
 country, however we may lament the errors of opposi- 
 tion, we shall feel happy and tranquil in the exercise of 
 rectitude and chearfuUy entrust the final success of vir- 
 tue to Heaven and to you. 
 
 BY THE MEETING. 
 
 H KNR Y • RUTGERS, Chairman 
 ICHABOD PRALL, Secretanj, 
 WILLIAM FEW, 
 JAMES TOWNSEND, 
 TUNIS WORTMAN^ 
 SAMUEL LAWRENCE, ' 
 AUGUSTUS WRIGHT, 
 JOHN MILLS, 
 ADRL\N HEGEMAN, 
 SAMUEL TORBERT, 
 RENSALAER HAVENS, 
 JONAS HUMBERT, 
 
 Republican Committee^ « • 
 
 I 
 
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