0^ »l:^% ^ I N a ./\ '• '^ ^^ **-^ "q. **^** ^0^ r. •*^o< ; "^* -^"-v ?;T» .A .,T' .A *P'rl, .^'% > - - • »*» A > r ..^" .0 '^ » • « *rt »** ^ '. c'^'^ '« "^^ 0^ V ..^"^ ^ • » *• *^ ,«•..•••>-• ••■•'a' • 4.1- n, v^s"*;* o^ -^ ' ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE ^ / / American Museum of Natural History. Vol. IX, Part 1. NOTES ON THE EASTERN CREE AND NORTHERN SAULTEAUX. BY ALANSON SKINNER NEW YORK: Published by Order of the Trustees. 1911. Mofwe:rap»i ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE American Museum of Natural History Vol. IX, Part I. NOTES OX THE EASTERX CREE AXD XORTHERN SAULTEAUX. By Alaxsox Skixxer. CONTEXTS. INTRODUCTION .... I. THE EASTERN CREE HABITATIONS .... The Conical Lodge Dome-.shaped Lodge The Two-Fire Wigwam . Sweat Lodge .... CLOTHING AND TOILETTES . Men's Clothing Women's Garments Articles Common to both Sexes Mittens Combs ..... Facial Painting Tattooing Facial Scarification Method of Weariiig the Hair Earrings ..... FOODS AND THEIR PREPARATION Hunting ..... Fishing ..... Meats Vegetable Foods Cooking and Utensils Fire Making .... Page. 7 S 12 12 13 14 14 14 15 18 20 21 21 21 23 23 23 24 24 25 27 28 30 30 33 1 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX, TANNING .... WEAVING .... GAMES AND AMUSEMENTS The Cup and Pin Game Bows and Slings The Otter Hunting Game The War Game The Dart Game Caribou Hunting Game Goose Hunting Game Square Game . Football . Smoking . DANCES The War Dance The Conjuring Dance The Feasting or Greeting Dance The Deer (Caribou) Dance The Bear Dance Mide Dance . MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS TRAVEL AND TRANSPORTATION SIGNS AND SIGNALS DIVISIONS OF TIME MISCELLANEOUS Leg-skin Bags Grooved Stone Axes Crooked Knives Stone Knives . ART .... SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Marriage RELIGION . Shamanism Hunting Customs . DOCTORS AND MEDICINES WAR CUSTOMS . MORTUARY CUSTOMS SOME NOTES ON FOLKLORE WiSAGATCAK . Wemishus The Son of Aiqswe TcIgibis, the Hell Diver MisHi Shigak, Big Skunk Why James Bay is Salt The Adventures of Tcikapis (Rupert's House The Adventures of Tcikapis (Albanj' Ver The Virgin Birth .... The Beaver Wife .... Version) 1911. Skinner, The Eastern Cree. The Burning of the World Kanweo and the Cannibals Origin of the Races of Man The Wolf and the Otter . The Legend of Stag Rock The Stars that Married Sisters A "Conjuring Story" The Cannibals .... The Legend of Iroquois Falls IL THE NORTHERN SAULTEAUX HABITATIONS .... The Conical Lodge Sweating Lodge or Sudatory . Conjuring Houses CLOTHING AND TOILETTES Method of Wearing the Hair Personal Ornamentation MANUFACTURES Tanning . Weaving and Sewing Quill Work Dyes and Paints Pottery Use of Birchbark Canoe Making Miscellaneous PREPARATION OF FOOD Hunting and Fishing Wild Rice Culture Preserved Berries Pemmican Fire-Making AMUSEMENTS . Dances and Music Pipes and Smoking TRAVEL AND TRANSPORTATION SIGNS AND SIGNALS MONTHS AND SEASONS DIRECTIONS AND WEATHER CUS ART .... SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Marriage Menstrual Customs RELIGION . Doctors and Medicines Hunting Customs WAR .... MORTUARY CUSTOMS TOMS Page. •107 108 112 112 113 113 113 114 115 117 119 119 120 120 121 124 124 125 125 127 129 130 130 130 131 132. 133 134 137 138 138 138 139 142 143 144 146 147 147 148 149 1.50 1.52 152 160 162 164 166 Aiilhropolof/ical Papers American Museum of Xatural History. \\o\. XI, NORTHERN SAULTEAUX TALES . Omishus WisEkejack .... BIBLIOGRAPHY .... Page. 168 168 173 176 ILLUSTRATIONS. Plates. i. Doiu('-.slun)ed Lodge, Cree of Rupert's House. Drying Moose Meat, Sandy Lake, Ontaiio. 2. Cree Bark Lodge, Rupert's House. Text Figures. 1. Map showing the Distribution of the Eastern Cree and Saulteau.x 2. Hooded Coat of Caribou Skin, front and back 3. Coat of Woven Rabbitskins . 4 Decorated Coat ..... o Design on a Woman's Legging 6. Moccasin Types .... 7. Types of Face Decoration 8. Wooden Spoon 9. Net Floats for winter Lse 10. Spoons for eating Fish .... 11. Small Wooden Cup .... 12. Model of a Tray 13. Firedrill and Carrying Bag 14. Semilunar Knife for scraping Skins 15. Flesher and Beaming Tool 16. Pipe from Eastmain River 17. Pipe Bowl of Stone .... 18. A Drvun ...... 19. A Rattle ...... 20. Dog Harness 21. A Toboggan ...... 22. Snowshoes ...... 23. Needle for netting Snowshoes 24. The Maxilla of a Lynx for untying Snowshoc 2.5. A Cradle 26. A Miniature Basket 27. A decorated Basket made of Birchtjark 28. Bag made of Caribou Leg-skins 29. Bag made of Caribou Ears 30. Needle Case 31. A snow Shovel Page. 10 16 17 IS 19 20 22 26 2S 31 31 32 32 33 34 39 40 41 42 44 44 45 45 45 46 46 46 50 51 51 51 1911. Skinner, The Eastern Cree. mgs 32. A Knife made of Beaver Teeth 33. A crooked Knife 34. Snow Spectacles 35. A Series of painted Designs 36. A bear's claw Trophy 37. Bears' Skulls with Ceremonial Mar 38. A String of Bearskin Charms 39. A Ring of Bear Claws . 40 A Series of hunting Charms . 41. Types of Saulteaux Moccasins 42. Cree skinning Tool 43. A Beaming Tool 44. Needle and Thread 45. Detail of a Straw Mat . 46. A Bag of Cedar Bark 47. Basket of unusual Technique 48. A Rogan for storing Dried Meat 49. A Puzzle of Hoop and Rings 50. A Buzzer of Bone . 51. A Top .... 52. A Drum and Stick 53. Stone-headed Pipes 54. Two Types of Snowshoes 55. A decorated Birchbark Basket 56. A bear Pole. Drawn from a Photograph Page. 52 52 52 54 69 70 72 72 74 123 125 126 127 127 128 129 134 139 140 141 142 143 145 149 162 INTRODUCTION. The data presented in the following papers consist of a series of field notes collected by the writer on two trips to Northern Canada. The first of these, in the summer of 1908, was made by canoe, from ^Nlissanabie, a point some sixty miles north of Lake Superior on the Canadian Pacific Railway, down the Missanabie River to James Bay, thence northeast to Eastmain River, the southern boundary line of Ungava. At the various posts of the Hudson's Bay Company which we visited en route, we met most of the members of the Woods Cree bands of the vicinity, who had come from their far-off hunting grounds to barter their winter's catch of furs. In this way, we were able to interview many Indians residing at remote points in the Ungava wilderness, at Lake Nitchequon, and even beyond. The following summer we entered the northern forests at Dinorwic, west of Lake Superior, and first visited the scattered Ojibway camps on Sandy Lake, Lac Seul, Lake St. Joseph and Lake Eabamet and then de- scended the Albany River for its entire length reaching the Cree stationed at Fort Albany on James Bay, where farther research was carried on. The aggregate distance covered during the two trips was some 2400 miles, all of which was traveled by canoe or on foot with two half-breed guides. Owing to the roughness of the country, the exigencies of the weather- the scarcity of food, the lack of good interpreters, and other causes, there is still much to be desired in the fullness and condition of these papers The press of other work has forced their publication in this cmde, unfinished form, rather than to shelve them away to be forgotten. New York, October, 19n. Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX, I. THE EASTERN CREE. The habitat of the great Algonkin tribe known as the Cree, or Kniste- naux, extends from Lake Xitchequon, in the interior of Labrador on the northeast, to Lake Athabaska on the northwest. The western hmit of their territory is approximately at the foothills of the Canadian Rockies, while the southern boundary may be drawn from this point, touching the northern end of Lake Winnipeg and passing on to Lake Alistassini. The body politic of the tribe is made up of two great divisions: the Plains Cree of the Manitoba and Saskatchewan prairies ; and the Wood, or Swamp Cree, or Maskegon. These branches are further sub-divided into local groups. The two great divisions differ in their methods of life and material culture but are linguistically related. The Woods Cree, or Maskegon, are now to be found in interior Labrador as far north and east as Lakes Nitchequon and Mistassini. They hold the shores of James Bay, west of York Factory on Hudson's Bay, then inland as far west as the Peace River and its tributary, the Loon River. Their southern boundary is comprised by the northern horizon of the Plains in Saskatchewan and the northwest territories, and by a line drawn from Norway House on the northern end of Lake W innipeg to Lake Mistassini in Quebec. For the purposes of this paper, the name Eastern Cree will be used to designate that portion of the Wood, Swamp, or Maskegon division lying east of York Factory and Norway House, from whom the notes and informa- tion here presented have been gathered. In addition, however, information from the early writers in so far as it is related to the Cree residing in the forested region west of the districts where our field trips were conducted, has been employed, and where possible, the locality has been given. Their neighbors are the Naskapi of Labrador on the northeast; the Eskimo on the eastern shores of James and Hudson's Bays; the Chipewyan on the northwest; the Plains Cree, Assiniboine, and Blackfoot on the southwest; the Saulteaux Ojibway on the south; and the Montagnais on the southeast. Never a warlike race, the Eastern Cree have been almost constantly at peace with their neighbors, perhaps with the exception of the Eskimo. W'ith the latter they have been on terms of enmity until well within the last century, when peace was brought about by the intercession of the Hudson's Bay Company. It is probable that occasional broils have occurred with practically all of their neighl)ors save the Ojibway. The Eastern Cree 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 9 to this day retain a vivid recollection of Iroquois forays made among them during b\-gone times. The Eastern Cree, in common with most North American tribes, know themselves as Ililu or "men among men." (The epithet is here given in the Moosonee dialect). They also know themsehes collectively., in con- tradistinction to other tribes, as Muskeko-wug, or "Swamp people." They consider themsehes to be made np of five distinct di\isions: — 1. Winnipego-wug, or "Coast-people", found, as their name implies, about the shores of James and Hudson's Bay and hunting for a very short distance inland. 2. Xatclmiu-iiu, or "South-inlanders", in the inland forests south and east of the Bay. 3. Klwetin-ihiwug, or "North-people", at Fort George and northward. 4. Oscheiskakamikau-ilu, or "On-the-height-of-land-people", residing on the height of land from Albany to Fort George. 5. Nekapi-ininuwug, or the "West-people",, or York Cree, residing in the vicinity of York Factory. These terms are here given in the dialect of the respective divisions. In addition to these recognized bands, which do not correspond with the dialectic divisions of these people, the bands trading at the various rendez- vous have often been designated by the names of these places since the advent of the Europeans; for example, "Rupert's House Indians." "Albany Indians," and "Moosonee." The latter term has caused endless confusion The Moosonee, ^ are a portion of that band of the Eastern Cree, known as the ^Yinnipego-wug. Their rendezvous is at Moose Factory, more properly known as Moosonee, and the fact that they speak a dialect differing slightly from their neighbors, combined with the confusion of terms and local names, has lead many writers to suppose them to have been a distinct tribe. The Ojibway know the Eastern Cree as ^luskeko (corrupted into Maskegon) or ]\Iuskeko-ninni, "Swamp-people," this term being merely the Ojibway form of their own name for themselves. For this reason, many writers have supposed the so-called Maskegon to have been a tribe distinct from, but related to, the Cree. This confusion probably resulted from the fact that early travelers often referred to the Woods, or Swamp Cree, as Maske- gon in order to distinguish them from the Plains band. By the Eskimo, the Eastern Cree are called AUat. Other terms were not obtained. It is probable that the original home of the Eastern Cree was south and east of James Bay, although their traditions hold that they have always occupied the region where they now dwell. Within late prehistoric times 1 Franklin, 56, makes a similar statement. 10 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX, to the present day, however, the Northern Saulteaiix division of the Ojibway has been steadily encroaching on their southern borders, driving the Cree to seek new hunting grounds to the north and east. In fact, one band of Saulteaux has worked so far northwest on the headwaters of the Atta- Fig. 1. INIap showing the Distribution of the Eastern Cree and Saulteaux. wapiscat Ri\er that it has nearly reached Hudson's Bay, and e.xcept along the coast, has almost cut off the York Cree from their Albany neighbors. Irociuois raids in former times no doubt drove a portion of the Eastern Cree northeast into Labrador from the more bountiful game fields further south. 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. U On the other hand, the Hudson's Bay Company has constantly urged them north and west in the interests of the fur trade, so that those Cree in the vicinity of Lake Athabaska are said to have originally come from the James and Hudson's Bay regions, and some think this is true of the Plains bands. Be this as it may, it seems impossible for the forests of the north to have originally supported the present population, which is at present kept alive largely by food obtained from the Hudson's Bay Company. The Eskimo of the coast who could obtain plenty of sea mammals, and the Naskapi of Labrador who were in close touch with the great caribou migra- tions, had better economic conditions. In regard to the Xaskapi, a comparison of the writer's notes obtained from the Labrador and l'nga^•a Cree shows a remarkable agreement, in material culture at least, with Turner's observations.^ The Cree themselves claim that the Naskapi are closely related to them. It is possible that the Naskapi may be a band of the former, kept primitive by their isolation from European contact. The Eastern Cree also claim a relationship with the ]\Iontagnais of Labrador The dialect spoken as far inland as the English Uixer, 220 miles from Fort Albany on the southwest coast of the Bay, and extending southward and eastward around the Bay as far north as Fort George on the east and Agumiska Island on the west, is called by the traders and missionaries the ^'James Bay Cree. " Between Agumiska and York, the Ojibway, who originally dwelt inland along the north shore of Lake Superior, have worked northward to the headwaters of the Attawapiscat. River in pursuit of furs, since the advent of the Hudson's Bay Company, forming a northern wedge, as it were, projecting into the Cree domains. Originally, the Indians at English River Post spoke Ojibway, but they have been in contact with the Albany Cree until they have given up their old language for that tongue, and ha^'e lost their nati^■e culture. The James Bay Cree are susceptible of separation into a numl)er of different dialects; but the local modifications which occur are slight and perfectly regular, so that the Cree of this entire region can hold intercourse with each other. The dialects distinguishable are: — Albany Cree: example, kina (you), ininu (man). Moose Cree (Moosonee) : example; kila (3'ou), ililu (man). Rupert's House Cree: example, tela (you), iiu (man).- York Cree. The Fort George Indians speak the same dialect as at Rupert's House. The difference between All)any and Moose Cree is that there is no 1 in the Albany dialect, n taking its place. At Rupert's House the /.' as in kila, you, becomes tc, and the / is omitted, as tela, you. 1 Turner, 267. 12 Aiilhropulogical Papers American Museum of Natural History. [\o\. IX, HABITATIONS. In former times the Eastern Cree dwelt in lodges of three general types. The conical lodge or wigwam, of bark, skins, or brush; the round arch- topped or dome-shaped lodge, also skin or bark covered; and the large two-fire wagwam. To-day, though all these types are still used, they are usually covered with canvas. The skin lodge has become obsolete. The Conical Lodge. In constructing the conical lodge (Mitchua) two saplings are first laid on the ground with their ends converging in the form of a ^^ They are then bound together at the intersection of their ends. The V is set upright, standing upon the ends of the two arms which are stretched far apart, and the tip of a third pole is placed in the crotch formed by the intersection of the first two poles, and lashed there. ^ The poles are now too far apart, but they are drawn closer together at the base, elevating the top and making the sides steeper. On this three-pole foundation, other poles are laid until the framework is ready to receive a covering of skins or bark. During the process of erecting a lodge it is regarded as exceedingly unlucky to count the poles. On the completion of the task it is, however, permissible to count them. The usual mmiber of poles used in erecting a lodge is twenty-five, thirty, or forty, according to the size. After the foundation poles have been raised, they are covered with rolls- of bark, each of which is made up of segments sewed together to form a roll about thi-ee feet broad, and varying in length according to the position on the frame, those at the bottom being the longest. Where birchbark is not used for this purpose, slabs of pine bark are substituted, but these are not sewed together. After the cover has been put o\er the framework, other poles are laid upon it in order to prevent it from being blown away. x\s birchbark is scarce in the northern part of the Cree country, pine bark takes its place; but the former is often brought in from the south in rolls of about ten pieces, each of which is composed of a number of segments about three feet square sewn together, sufficient in all to make a plain wig- wam. In building a bark wigwam, birchbark is preferred to pine bark,, for while the latter is warmer it becomes too brittle in cold weather. Formerly, many lodges were built of caribou skins. So far as could be 1 Even the most western Cree seem to have used the same method (Henry and Thompson, 513) and perhaps the Sioux of Wisconsui (Carver, 148). In Vol. 5, 111, of this series is a misquotation to the effect that a crotclied pole was used. — Ed. 1911.] Skin72er, The Easlem Cree. 13 learned, these were not sewed together to form a single cover as in the case of the Plains tipis, but were laid o\-er the poles somewhat after the fashion of the small pieces of canvas shown in the wigwam in Plate 1. These lodges were often ornamented with paintings which had the value of property marks. The place of honor for guests was on the side opposite the door. Foundations for conical lodges of brush were built in the same way. Boughs were then wo\en in transversely, beginning at the bottom and working upward. They were worked in tightly enough to prevent leaking. In the summer of 1908, at Eastmain River Fort, the writer saw a conical lodge in which split logs were set up on end surrounding the foundation poles. The logs were covered with can\as, and sod and moss was placerl o\'er all, causing an appearance not dissimilar to that of a sod house. In winter-wigwams seen by the w-riter at Eastmain Ri\er, aiifl at de- serted camping grounds along the east coast of James Bay, it was noted that the interior of the lodge was dug out from six inches to a foot below the surface of the ground. Pine boughs were heaped about the sides for the dwellers to recline or sit upon.. A fireplace generally occupied the center of the lodge and an open unco\ered space was left at the apex of the frame- work as an escape for the smoke. This opening was quite large in fine weather but could be closed during storms by laying bark or can\as o\er it. There were no flaps to close the smoke hole, such as are found on the lodges of the Plains Indians. During the heat of summer the co^-ering of skin or canvas is usually raised up from a foot to two or even more feet from the base all around, permitting the air to l)low through. Poles were lashed across the interior of the tent at distances from six to eight feet from the ground from which Aarious articles such as utensils and moccasins, were hung. Often fish M^ere hung on this cross piece directly o\er the fire, in order to be casually cured by the smoke. While the fireplace is almost always within, in the center of the lodge, it is sometimes placed outside, directly in front of, and not far fro;n, the door. A circle of stones is usuallv' made and earth is placed insifie of them to raise the hearth abo\'e the general knel of the ground. Similar stone fireplaces ha\e been exca\'ated on the sites of prehistoric Algonkin \'illages in the vicinity of Xew York City and elsewhere in the east. Dome-Shaped Lodge. Round, arched, or dome-shaped lodges (muto- tisan) while not as popular as the conical form, are still used. The frame- work is made of willow saplings. Taking a willow pole, one end is driven in the ground and the other is arched o\'er until it touches the ground where it is also driven in and made fast. Others are bent over this transversely and then all are bound together where they intersect, until there are about fifteen tiers. The frame is co\'ered with canvas, bark, or skins. These 14 Anlhropulogical Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX, dwellings are sometimes thirty or forty feet in circumference, and eight or ten feet high. The door is arch-shaped. As in the conical lodge, the place of honor was at the side opposite the door. Conjuring houses, while much smaller than the dwelling-houses, are huilt in the .same manner as the dome-shaped lodges. (Plate 2.) The Two-Fire Wigwam. The two-fire wigwam (shabuktowan) was rectangular in groundplan, with rounded angles. It somewhat resembled two wigwams joined together. There was a fire at either end, with a smoke hole above each. Unlike the Saulteaux, the Cree recognized no imaginary l)oundaries, neither were there any rules about coming and going. The name indeed, means, "the house that you walk right through." Such a lodge was usually covered with bark or skin. The place of honor was in the middle at one side farthest away from the door. It was called wesk- watem, "at the back of the lodge." Sweat Lodge. In making a sudatory, willows are bent over "like a beaver house" and bound crosswise with others, as in the building of a dome-shaped lodge. The framework is co\'ered with skins and no opening of any kind is permitted. Stones are then lieated and brought in. The user usually stays in the steaming bath for al)out two hours, or until the stones are cold. If it becomes too hot, an air hole is made to let out steam. Sweat l)aths are taken to cure any kind of sickness, but it is not now remem- bered whether this process was ever used for purification previous to any ceremony, religious or otherwise. No cold pliuige ever followed the sweat bath among the Eastern Cree, as they believed that the shock would soften the brain. CLOTHING AND TOILETTES. According to information gathered from various parts of the Eastern Cree territory, in former times, leather and fur clothing was used extensively, by both sexes; but the advent of the Hudson's Bay Company placed within reach of the Indians, first cloth, and later European garments of all sorts, which they have universally adopted. Moccasins, it is true, are still worn especially by the hunters; and rabbitskin garments and blankets are used in winter. It is not infrequent, however, to see small children dressed in clothing of the old style. In spite of the wide range separating the localities where some of my informants dwell, their information shows that the styles of clothing used in former times were remarkablv uniform. Under these circumstances 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 15 it may not be amiss to cite Mackenzie's account of the garments Avorn by the Woods Cree with whom he came in contact during the years 1789-93, as it bears many resemblances to the data obtained by the writer, and gives us our earhest information in this regard. Mens Clothing. "Their dress is at once simple and commodious. It consists of tight leggins, reaching near the hip: a strip of cloth or leather, called assian, about a foot wide, and five feet long, whose ends were drawn inwards and hang behind and before, over a belt tied around the waist for that purpose : a close vest or shirt reaching down to the former garment, and cinctured with a broad strip of parchment fastened with thongs behind; and a cap for the head, consisting of a piece of fur, or small skin, with the brush of the animal as a suspended ornament : a kind of robe is thrown occa- sionally over the whole of the dress, and serves both night and day. These articles, with the ad.dition of shoes and mittens constitute the variety of their apparel. The materials vary according to the season, and consist of dressed moose-skin, beaver prepared with the fur, or Eia-opean woolens, the leather is neatly painted, and fancifully worked in some parts with porcupine quills, and moose-deer hair : the shirts and leggins are also adorned with fringe and tassels; nor are the shoes and mittens without somewhat of appropriate decoration, and worked with a considerable degree of skill and taste. These habiliments are put on, however, as fancy or convenience suggests; and they will sometimes proceed to the chase in the severest frost, covered only with the slightest of them. Their head-dresses are composed of the feathers of the swan, the eagle, and other birds. The teeth, horns, and claws of different animals are also the occasional ornaments of the head and neck. Their hair, however arranged, is always besmeared with grease. The making of every article of dress is a female occupation."^ According to my informants, before European contact, men's clothing in winter consisted of a thinly dressed shirt of beaver or other skin with the fur turned in. The skin of an adult beaver formed the body covering, while the sleeves, which were attached to the trunk, were made of the pelts of young animals. Leggings were made of beaver, fisher, or of the skin of the legs of the caribou, worn usually with the fur inside. They extended froiu the thigh to the ankle. Garters of leather or rabbitskin, with the fur on them, v-ere worn below the knee, outside the leggings. Hooded coats of caribou skin tanned with the hair, somewhat resembling Eskimo parkas, were also worn in winter. They were symbolically painted inside by outlining on the skin, the e^^es and mouth, of the animal, signi- fying that the garment possessed the powers of speed, endurance, or cunning 1 Mackenzie, 65. 16 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX, \ 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 17 of the living animal, and was able to convey them to the wearer. So far as could be learned, this symbolism is confined ,to the garments of men, and the designs occur on the hood or head coverings only. Fig. 2 shows a parka of this type, of boy's size, which was obtained by the writer at Rupert's House. It is made of caribou fawn skin. Coats with attached hoods made of woven rabbitskins were also used. These, like the parkas, were put on over the head, in contradistinction to the similar coats of rabbitskin worn by the women which were put on coat- wise and laced up in front. The tufts of hair representing the ral)bit's ears are attached to the outside. These show the wearer to be as imper- vious to cold as the rabbit. (Fig. .3.) Rabbitskin moccasins are generally worn only in winter in traveling over smooth ice when they pre- vent the feet from slipping. %> Among the natives at Fort ^%^--v Albany, a curious interchange " ■; ~v- of cultiu'c has been observed. m^^ The typical rabbitskin garments ^ ^ ^ of the Eastern Cree are the coat, f t S >.|: hood, and blanket. The North- N \^j4 ern Saulteaux, migrating into the ' »ii|*'il# finding warmer clothing than their own tanned buckskin gar- Fig. .3 (.50-7463). Coat of Woven Rabbit- skins. Length. 4S cm. ments neccssary, borrowed the art of rabbitskin weaving from them. In addition, the.y invented leggings, clouts, moccasins, and mittens of the same material which the Cree of Albany and Moose Forts in their turn readopted from the Saulteaux. While the Cree admit the antiquity of their fur clothing they firmly claim that many of the rabbitskin gar- ments now used by them were acquired in this manner. In summer, the man's costume consisted of a short-sleeved coat made of tanned skin with the hair removed, and trousers coming only to the knee. Another type of leather coat (Fig. 4) was made of thinly dressed caribou skin tanned without the hair, with sleeves coming to the wrists. Designs were painted upon the sleeves and on the borders of these coats and feathers were sometimes sewn along the sleeves in the front and back, while duck's bills and caribou phalanges were fastened upon the collars and shoulders. During the summer, trousers took the place of leggings, while in very warm weather, even these were discarded in favor of the breechclout. Especially ornate garments were worn in time of war and these were always kept outside of the wigwam in a secret place. 18 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX, Women's Garments. According to Mackenzie : — " The female dress is formed of the same materials as those of the other sex, but of a different make and arrangement Their shoes are commonly plain, and their leggins gartered beneath the knee. The coat, or body covering, falls down to the middle of the leg, and is fastened over the shoulders with cords, a flap or Fig. 4 (10-3). Decorated Coat. Length, 99 cm. cape turned down about eight inches, both before and behind,, and agreeably ornamented with quill-work and fringe; the bottom is also fringed, and fancifully painted as high as the knee. As it is very loosC; it is enclosed round the waist with a stiff belt, decorated with tassels, and fastened behind. The arms are covered to the wrist, with detached sleeves, which are sewed 1911. Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 19 as far as the bend of the arm; from thence they are drawn up to the neck, and the corners of them fall down behind, as low as the waist. The cap, when they wear one, consists of a certain quantity of leather or cloth, sewed at one end, by which means it is kept on the head, and, hanging down the back, is fastened to the belt, as well as under the chin. The upper garment is a robe like that worn by the men."^ The writer was informed that the clothing of the women consisted of a robe of dressed skin worn like a sheet, with a hole for the head and a hole on the right side for the passage of the arm. The left side was tied or laced together at intervals. The robe was made of caribou, bear, or beaverskin, tanned without the hair, and reaching to the ankles. Separate sleeves were tied on over the shoulders like mittens, and leggings from the knees down completed the costume. Women were always fully dressed, even in summer. In winter, hooded Fig. 5 (50-7056). Design on a Woman's Legging. coats of woven rabbitskin were used, differing from those used by the men in that they were laced up in front, being put on like a coat, instead of over the head like a shirt. After the appearance of white traders, cloth soon took the place of the ancient skin garments. The cloth garments were first cut in the aboriginal style, but were soon made in imitation of those worn by the Europeans. A few leggings of beaded cloth may still be found among the old women. These are much shorter than those worn by the men and are tied on below the knee. Fig. 5 shows the decorations on a pair of woman's leggings ob- tained at Eastmain River. An old beaded cloth hood, rectangular in shape and closed on two sides was shown to the writer by a Hudson's Bay trader, who had obtained it man3^ years ago at Fort George. ^ Mackenzie, 66. 20 Anlhropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX, Articles Common to both Sexes. Cloaks of skin, fastened at the throat with a bone pin were used by both sexes, as were separate caribou skin hoods, the latter usually being made of the skin of the head of the caribou with the ears left on and adorned with symbolic painting inside. Fig. 2 shows one intended for a small boy obtained at Eastmain River Fort. Moccasins were of three styles. None of these were ever ornamented in the old days, for the Cree, like their southern neighbors, the Northern Saulteaux, claim that the embroidered moccasins now used are not of the old style. The types of footgear were : — (1) The ordinary northern type (Fig. 6c) has a seam running from beneath the toes to the oval vamp over the instep, a short vertical seam bisecting a short horizontal seam containing a welt at the heel. A seal- Fig. 6(7 (.50-7004), b (50-7003), c (50-6972). Moccasin Types. loped ankle band and welt separate the sole and upper, which are all in one piece, from the extension upper, which runs midway up the shin and opens in front. Ankle-threaded tying laces occur, which are run about the extension upper to close and secure it. Nowadays, the vamp is usually double, the upper piece being of white caribou skin embroidered with floral designs in silk. Beadwork is apparently placed on a single vamp, but is not nearly so common as the silk embroidery. Both high and low forms occur in this and other types. (2) The "deer's tooth" style (Fig. 6b), is identical with the former, save that the toe seam ends in a short transverse seam over the toe where the sides are puckered to it in a manner suggesting the name. In the specimens collected for the Museum there is a welt between the vamp and 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 21 the sides. This form of moccasin is usually made when the skin is too thick to permit the manufacture of the first type, but it is rare. Those the writer saw in use were worn by the inland hunters from near Labrador. (3) The third type is known to the Indians as the "rabbit's nose" type (Fig. 6a) because of the peculiar pucker in which the toe seam ends on the upper side. The seams are all turned outward and ridged. The heel seams are of the same character as in the ordinary style. This type is rarely if ever used now by any of the Cree, except those- from Nitchequon and Lake ]Mistassini. Many of the hunters from this region who come out to Rupert's House wear them. They are said to have once been com- mon to all the bands. Mittens. Two types of mittens are made. The first is composed of three pieces, a thumb in one piece and hand and sleeve in two. The second type is made with a separate sleeve in one piece which is attached to the hand. Mittens are always carried suspended from the neck by means of a thong and are drawn up the sleeve when not in use. Combs. Combs were made of birch wood, and were of the same type as those seen by Turner among the Naskapi of Labrador. They were carried about in a birchbark case. A piece of porcupine tail, which is covered with stiff bristles, was used to clean the teeth of the comb. It was usually fastened by a thong to the comb or comb box. Facial Painting. Facial painting was much in vogue up to a compara- tively recent time, old and even middle-aged men well remembering when it was done. This form of ornamentation was used for Avar, hunting, and ceremonies. According to Mackenzie, "A material article in their toilettes is vermilion, which the}' contrast with their native blue, white, and brown earths, to which charcoal is frequently added." ^ " The women,^ though by no means inattentive to the decoration of their own persons, appear to have a still greater degree of pride in attending to the appearance of the men, whose faces are painted with more care then those of the women." The designs employed were often merely geometrical, consisting of lines and dots as shown in Fig. 35 ; but on the other hand, attempts were made to portray realistically the mammals, birds, or fish, upon which the wearer subsisted. Sometimes these were combined with the geometric designs. This was done largely to placate the spirits of these animals that there might be no diminution of their supply in the future. In most cases, the entire animal was portrayed in profile, but occasionally the head of the caribou was drawn either in profile or full face. The bear's foot was also used as a sign of strength. A series of such designs (Fig. 7) as well as 1 Mackenzie, 65. 2 Mackenzie, 66 el. seq. 22 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [V^ol. IX, Fig. 7. Types of Face Decoration: a Scars as the signs of bravery and valor in battle; 6 Representing different kinds of fish as a prayer for a future supply; c The bear and the bear foot as a symbol of power; d The loon^fox, and beaver, a prayer for success in hunting. 1911.] SJdnner, The Eastern Cree. 23 some of the more geometrical forms, for which the meaning now seems to be lost, was collected at Rupert's House. In summer, when elbow sleeves and trousei's reaching only to the knee were worn by the men, the arms and legs, where uncovered, were smeared with paint, usually white for the arms, and red for the legs. The red paint for these purposes was made of ochre mixed with isinglass and could not be washed oif. \Alien once put on it had to remain until it wore away. Taitoo'uuj. This was a frequent mode of decoration in the old days, but has long become obsolete. The only design now remembered is a simple band about the wrists, but it is probable that many other designs were employed. Mackenzie observes that: "Some of the women tattooed three perpendicular lines, which were sometimes double: one from the centre of the chin to that of the under lip, and one parallel on either side to the corner of the mouth." ^ Franklin says of the Cree of Cumberland House, somewhat to the west, " some of the men have their bodies covered with a great variety of lines and figures. . . .The lines on the face are formed by dexterously running an awl under the cuticle, and then drawing a cord, dipt in charcoal and water, through the canal thus formed. The punctures on the body are formed by needles of various sizes set in a frame. A number of hawk bells attached to this frame serve by their noise to cover the sup- pressed groans of the sufferer, and, probably for the same reason, the process is accompanied with singing An indelible stain is produced by rubbing a little finely powdered willow-charcoal into the punctures A half-breed, whose arm I amputated, declared, that tattooing was not only the most painful operation of the two, but rendered infinitely more difficult to bear by its tediousness, having lasted in his case three days." ^ Facial Scarification. This practice is now long obsolete, but was used as a sign of personal valor. The scars were raised welts of a lighter color than the natural skin. The only design now remembered, if others there were, consisted of six straight scars: a vertical mark in the middle of the forehead on a line with the nose and between the eyes, a second vertical scar from the lower lip to the point of the chin on a line with the fii'st scar, and two parallel horizontal scars on each upper cheek below the eye. Method of Wearing the Hair. Mackenzie says, " Their complexion is of copper colour, and their hair black, which is common to all the natives of North America. It is cut in various forms, according to the fancy of the several tribes, and by some is left in the long, lank, flow of nature. They very generally extract their beards, and both sexes manifest a disposition to pluck the hair from every part of the body and limbs." ^ According to 1 Mackenzie 66. Also Maximilian's Atlas, Tab. 33. 2 Franklin. 64. 3 Mackenzie, 65. 24 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX, Mackenzie, "Their hair is divided on the crown, and tied behind, or some- times fastened in hvrge knots over the ears." ^ Our informant said that the men sometimes wore their hair in a single plait down the back. Another method was that seen among some of the older men wdio clipped it at the shoulders. Women, however, always wear their hair in tw^o plaits, to the base of which the skins of ducks' and other birds' necks were sometimes tied. The women sometimes wear their hair in two tight braids wound flatly around the back of the head. At the present day, it is most unusual to see a Cree woman without a handkerchief or shawl over her head. Women eradicate the pubic hairs; but nowadays beards are encouraged by the men as it heightens their resemblance to Europeans. Earrings. In former times, the ears of both sexes were pierced for the insertion of bone rings, but the antiquity of this custom is not known. Some doubt that it is of great age. FOODS AND THEIR PREPARATION. Owing to climatic conditions, agriculture was and is practically impossi- ble to the Eastern Cree. Berries and fruits are not at all abundant in their range, so that it may be said that they have practically no vegetable food. They rely primarily upon hunting, and secondarily upon fishing, for their subsistence. In former times, bows were made quite short, as long onee could not be used to advantage in the forest. They were sinew-backed. Special bows wei'e used for warfare. The bowstring was made of twisted bark. The ]Moose Factory Cree claim to have made flint arrow-heads by percussion, but at the more easterly Posts it was said that rubbed slate points were used. Points of antler or bone, cut b}' grooving with a sharp stone were more widely distributed. At present the boys at all the Posts use blunt arrows for killing small game, especially birds, but these weapons are no longer used by the men. These blunt arrows have flat-sided nocks like those of the Eskimo. Some have a swollen head with flat point and circular cross-sections while in others the cross-section is polygonal and there is a little point or hump in front. Arrows were formerly finished with two or three feathers, but they were never feathered with a twist. 1 Mackenzie, 66. 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 25 Hunting. During the winter the rabbit, or hare, is the staff of hfe. Easy to snare, and occurring in great abundance throughout the northern forests, they furnish both food and clothing. They also supply food for most of the fur-bearing animals. Every seventh year, it is said, that the rabbits are seized with a disease, some form of tuberculosis, according to the Hudson's Bay Company doctor and Assistant Commissioner, Dr. Millan, which sweeps them away in great numbers. During the periods when rabbits are scarce, the Indians experience great suffering. Not only do they themselves starve, but the fur-bearing carnivora upon which they depend for the means of barter in the spring, and which, if not always very palatable, would at least sustain life, are also depleted in numbers through the general lack of food. During these bad years, for it takes two or more years for the rabbits to recuperate, the Indians are not infrequently driven to cannibalism. There are individuals at nearly every post who have tasted human flesh under these conditions. The usual way of snaring rabbits is to set a noose made of wikopi, or willow bark, in their runways. This is fastened to a tossing pole, or sapling, which jerks the unfortunate rabbit up out of the reach of prowling cai-- nivora. The flesh of the rabbit is usually boiled in a kettle and eaten. The paws are never thrown away, but cut off at the elbow, the hair is removed and they are dried and pounded on a stone until powdered. In this state they are carried about in winter for food. Beaver are frequently eaten. They are caught by "chiseling". The creek where the beaver dwell is shut up above and below the houses by rows of stakes driven through the ice to the bottom of the stream. Then the houses are broken in from above. Some beaver are caught within, others escape to the creek, and' finding the stakes, pass along them until they reach an opening about a fathom wide, covered with a net-like bag of bark. They run into this, and as soon as the Indian on guard on the ice feels one struggling he draws the bag tight and the beaver is caught. Some- times beaver holes in the bank are found and blocked up and the beaver is dug out. Beaver bones are always thrown back into the water in order that the dogs may not get them, for this would so offend the spirit of the beaver that it would warn those still alive not to be caught. Caribou are taken in winter with the bow and arrow, but sometimes with a spear. They were shot with arrows and trailed down when wounded. Formerly, when hunting caribou on the ice, it was customary to set up a row of poles with rags tied to them. The poles were arranged to form the two sides of a triangle, the hunter hiding at the apex. The deer approaching the open base are frightened by the poles and run along between the lines until they come to the apex where the hunter is able to fire at them at close 20 Anthropohniicol Papers Atnoican Museum of Natural Ilislory. [Vol. IX, range. Thoy More often arranged in liourglass fashion, that deer coming- in either iHreetion might be caught. This method of hmiting is only used on ice and is most conunonly followed at Fort George and Whale River.^ In limiting caribou in the forest, a favorite method is as follows:— It is well kiHn\n that when started caribou will run through a valley from end to i>nd, and not up the sides. When they are discovered feeding in a valley, a hunter will go to one end and lie in wait while another, or even an unarmed boy or girl, will go to the other end, and returning, howl in imita- tion of a wolf. Alarmed at this, the caribou rush desperately towards the hunter lying in wait for them. The luinter sometimes announces the death of a caribou by cutting off and bringing home a tuft of hair, or the right foreleg, severed at the knee. This is given to the person who it is desired shall butcher the carcass. No further ceremony accompanies the act, nor is the leg necessarily preserved. All forms of "driving" are usually done over bare hills where there is little or no forest or underbrush. Slip noose snares, sometimes with heavy tossing poles, were set along trails in the snow. The animals were driven down the paths and were caught and choked to death in the snares. Caribou meat is eaten either fresh or smoked. The blood is mbced with the undigested wliite moss found in its stomach, and sometimes " rock- weed" (a Hchen) is added to thicken it. It is boiled and eaten \\-ith a shallow, round-bowled wooden ladle (Fig. 8). The legs of the caribou are singed free of hair, cooked, and eaten. ^Mien hunting, the leg bones of the caribou are pounded to a powder, put in a little sack and carried to cat on the journey. Tliis bone powder is also boiled as a substitute for tea. ^^^len in the forest, a small bag-hke part of the caribou's stomach, called the owao, is used as a kettle for cooking food. It is carried while joume\-ing, and usually lasts about a week. So far as the writer could learn, moose, which are found in the southern range of the Eastern Cree, is pursued, taken, and used in the same manner as the caribou. The bear is an important article of diet. In the old days, the hunters engaged the bear in hand to hand conflicts and clubbed it to death, for the bow and arrows were not considered strong enough weapons. Bears I See VoL V. 51. Fig. S .50-6977). Wood en Spoon. Length. 32 cm. 1911.] Skinner, The Ea^ern Cnx. 27 were frequently killed in their winter dens in tliis manner. At present, bears caught in steel traps are sometimes killeti l\\' striking them over the head with an ax, although they are usually shot. Dogs were and are used in their capture. In the summer time, the bear is generally trapped, either in modern steel traps, by means of a deadfall, or a stranghng noose. The subject of bear hunting, and the elaborate attendant ceremonies which have grown up concerning it are described elsewhere i,p. 69\ Lynx are also eaten. Owing perhaps to their nocturnal habits these animals are hard to catch. They are trapped both in summer and winter; but in winter they are usually nm down with snowshoes and killed with an ax. If the lynx nms up a tree, a noose is ptit on a pole and thrown over its neck, and it is hauled down and choked to death. Seals are eaten by the Winnipego-wiig who shoot, harpoon, or club them to death when they come ashore. The Coast Cree also take whales by means of harpoons. They claim that the taking of both seals and whales with harpoons is of Eskimo origin and that within comparatively recent times was introduced through European influence. Sealskin is tanned and used for some purposes. Ducks and geese were taken with the bow and arrows or with snares, but they are now killed with gims. Every fall and winter the Hudson's Bay Company buys from the Indians great quantities of gray, snow, and blue geese which are salted down in barrels for future use. On the coast, loons, while too strong in flavor for use most of the year, are often eaten in the spring. In the interior, their flesh is milder and is eaten all the year roimd. The entrails of dticks and geese roasted in the ashes are considered a great delicacy, especially in the fall, when the birds arc Nery fat. Partritlges and ptarmigan are taken in snares. Ix>ng parallel hedges of sticks are built with holes for the birds to enter. Nooses are set in these and the birds driven in and caught. Large nets are spread and gravel put in them. The partridges come to get this, and the net is pulled over them. Fi,^'hing. Jack-fish (^pike) and sttu-geon are usually speared. The spear used in the old days consisted of a wooden foreshaft to which were fastened two barbed harpoon-like blades of bone at angles to each other, fastened to a long handle. The blades were driven into the fish and the backward pointing barb prevented its escape. Such spears are still used, Init the bone blades have been stipplanted by iron. Gill nets were originally made of willow root bark, but now of twine. However, the Indians at present gen- erally prefer to buy their nets ready-made from the Hudson's Bay Company. They are set along the banks of rivers, especially at the mouths of streams. Two specimens secured at Moose Factory are in the collection. The sink- 28 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. ["\'ol. IX, ers are plain unnotched stones, bound around by bands of willow bark. For floats, peeled sticks about two inches in circumference and two feet long are used. In winter, the net floats are made like an apple seed in shape as floats of this shape are said not to freeze in the ice (Fig. 9) . Fishing through the ice was originally carried on with a fish hook made of a bone barb bound to an oblong-shaped piece of wood. The bait was tied to this and lowered through a hole in the ice. AMien angling for fish that live near the bottom the line is sunk by a stone sinker. Vrhen the bottom is reached the line is hauled up again, the proper distance gauged, the sinker removed, and the line again lowered. The end of the line is then tied to a wooden hook, or running stick, which is again placed over a stick set up obliquely in the snow or ice; the line being let out to the proper distance, the slack is wound up and secured by a slip knot. When a fish takes the bait, the slack line unwinds and the hook or running stick slides down the oblique rod to the groimd, warning the fisherman that he has a bite. Meats. Meat is usually roasted on a spit, or "poneask". The rump of the caribou or bear, and the shoulder of the beaver are generally so treated. Sometimes flesh was roasted on a grill of green poles or sticks built over the fire. Fish are dried, smoked, and also occasionally cooked in this way. Pemmican is made of meat dried on a grill over a fire till crisp, and pounded to a powder, with the addition of caribou grease. Fish is also treated in the same manner. An uncommon method of cooking meat is to wrap it up so that no du't can reach it, and then place it in a hole in the sand which has previously been heated by a fire. Hot sand is then heaped over it and another fire built on top. Meat to be "poneasked", or roasted, is cut as thin as possible and a spit run through it from end to end, lengthwise. It is then spread out by means of wooden skewers, or spreaders, which cause it to receive the heat evenly. The spit is set obliquely, very close to the fire. Deer, moose, and caribou hearts are often suspended from a tripod by a string, the meat Fig. 9 (50-7042, 7043). Net Floats for winter Use. Length, 13 cm. 1911. J Skinner, the Eastern Cree. 29 secured to the string by means of a skewer. This is swung close to the fire and is kept rcAohing in order to obtain a \uiiform degree of heat. Meat of all kinds is smoked and dried for future consumption. While meat is often roasted, it is frequently boiled. In boiling fish, it is considered that the flavor is better preserxed if they are thrown into the kettle, scales, entrails and all. After they have been cooked for a time, the scales are easily rubbed oft" and the entrails removed. As has been stated, the water in which fish is boiled is considered a very healthy beverage. The nose, heart, and tongue of all species of the deer family are con- sidered great delicacies. ]Marrow is obtained by splitting the bones, and is eaten either roasted, raw, or boiled. The joints of animal bones are pounded up as finely as possible by laying them on a flat stone and striking with a stone pestle or the back of an ax. They are then boiled to obtain the grease. This is run into moulds and kept there until it cools and hardens. In this form it is kept in birchbark boxes. Meat is often mixed with it. On August LS, 1909, the writer was so fortunate as to witness the manner of smoking moose meat for preservation. As a matter of fact, the curing of the meat was accomplished by drying up the juice of the flesh by the heat from the fire. The name smoked meat is a misnomer, "fire-cured meat" is more correct. The moose was butchered by two Cree, and the following day the flesh was cut up and dried on a scaffold built over the fire. The scaffold was formed of four upright sticks of green wood which were driven into the ground in the shape of a rectangle at a height of about three feet. Longitudinal bars were lashed on the long sides. These cross pieces used in the grill were from a foot to eighteen inches in length, flattened on the sides in order to hold the meat firmly. The bars were first laid two flat ends and then two round ends, alternately. Then a grill, also made of green wood, was laid crosswise over them. The meat was carefully re- moved from the bones and cut into thin strips, which were hung over the cross bars of the grill. A rather large fire was built under it and the heat and smoke served to cure the meat enough to make it last for several days. This process took about two or three hours. One man was constantly employed going about the grill, keeping the raw meat turned towards the fire. This method of drying meat is the quickest, but meat so dried is not cured as thoroughly as when it is smoked on a frame built of three poles fastened together at the top with cross bars on which the meat is hung. It is smoked for several days and will last a long time. The method here described is generally employed when tra\eling. When meat has been hastily dried in this manner by a traveling party, the Indians often stop canoeing more than usually early in the day in order to erect a hasty scaffold and repeat the process during the evening and ensuing night. Smoked meat 30 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [\^ol. IX, may be eaten as it is, or it may be boiled, or perhaps fried, according to taste. When fish are to be preserved for future use they are placed on a grill of green wood over a fire and smoked. Vegetable Foods. ^>getable foods were almost unloiown. Berries, especially blueberries were eaten. They were boiled until they formed a paste, and then cut into loaves. As most of the Eastern Cree territory is be^'ond the northernmost range of the sugar maple, they have no maple sugar or syrup; but "birch water molasses" is made. Roots are often eaten. The tops and the stems of wild onions are cut up and boiled, but the roots are not eaten. A plant said to resemble rhubarb is also used. Cooking and Utensils. In cooking while traveling, part of the stomach of the caribou or moose is often used as a kettle. It is hung from a bar upheld by cross pieces or from the end of a stick driven obliquely in the ground, directly over the fire over the flame and will last for use about a week. Wooden pans and bowls were used to boil food. In this case, hot stones were dropped in the water to heat it; such bowls are now obsolete. Vessels or baskets of birchbark are used for boiling water. They are placed directly over the fire, and do not last as long as the stomach kettle.^ Pottery is unknown to the Eastern Cree who used vessels of steatite or soapstone. The form of these has been forgotten. These had the ad- vantage of being able to stand the heat if placed directly on the fire. Such vessels were necessarily clumsy and heavy, and were not carried when traveling. The skull caps of animals were also used as culinary utensils. The parfleche of the Plains is imloiown, but meat is sometimes carried in a bark roll. This is made of three pieces of bark sewed together with root thread. Sticks are fastened at each end to prevent the bark from splitting. The roll is spread out on the ground and the feasters sit about it as around a table. The meat is laid upon it, cut up, and distributed. The roll may be six, eight, or ten feet long. This primitive table cloth is kept rolled up when not in use. Several types of spoons used in eating and preparing food were obtained. The first of these possesses a shallow, rounded bowl and is used for eating caribou blood mixed with moss. The second, has a longer oval pointed shallow bowl and is used for ladling out boiled fish. A third type is called the "bear's foot" spoon, from its shape (Fig. 10b). Whether it has a special use could not be learned. The handles of some large spoons or ladles from Fort Albany are ornamented with deep scallops at the base of the bowl. Several crude spoons were made at the writer's request by Indians at INIoose Factory. As wooden spoons are apparently no longer used there See Vol. V, 45. 1911. Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 31 it may be that these were reconstructed from memory. They certainly are very crudely and poorly constructed and are of a different shape from those obtained at other Posts. They are dyed yellow with willow root dye. Children's toy spoons occur and are made in imitation of the larger types. b Fig. 10a (50-6976), b (50-6975). Spoons for eating Fish. Length of, a. 35 cm. A flat, square-bladed bread turner and stirrer, with a handle o\er a foot long was observed in use among some women with the Mistassini voj^ageurs at Rupert's House. A child's small wooden cup (Fig. 11) with a perforated handle was also collected from these voyageurs. Dr. F. G. Speck informs the writer that similar cups in use among the Mon- tagnais, Abnaki, and Passamac^uoddy (the former sometimes come to Lake Mistassini) are worn suspended from the belt by means of a thong and wooden button. The model of a wooden tray here figured was ob- tained at Rupert's House (Fig. 12). Wooden bowls and trays, while in common use in the forests, are very difficult to obtain since they are always cached at the camping grounds and rarely brought to the Posts. When leaving a camping place to which it is expected the party will return, it is customary to cache, or store, a certain amount of food, and Fig. 11 (50-6981). Small Wooden Cup. Depth, 5 cm. 32 Anthropological Papers Amencan Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX, utensils which it is not desirable to take along. These are usually placed on scaffolds high in the air to be out of the way of lost dogs, wolves, and Fig. 12 (50-69S2). INIodc'l of a Tray. especially wolverenes. Xo person destroys or steals a cache, and unless driven b^' starvation will never tamper with one. A cache was seen at Black Bear's Point on the northern end of James Bay, slightly west of the mouth of the Nottoway River. In former times the only two meals were in the morning and at night; but it is probal)le that food was frequently eaten between times. In winter, drinking water is sometimes obtained by placing a snowball in a stone having a panlike hollow, fastened in the end of a split stick, and melting tlu> snow o^•er the fire. . Fig. 13 (50-6987). Firedrill and Carrying Bag. 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 33 Fire Making. A four-piece bow firedrill, somewhat resembling the Eskimo perforator, was used in the old days. The model (Fig. 13) obtained, is incorrect as the hand-cap for holding the top of the shaft should be per- forated at one side to hold tinder, for fire was sometimes generated here before it was obtained on the hearth. A bag of caribou leg-skin was used to c-Avry the firedrill (Fig. 13). Before they had the bow firedrill, the Eastern Cree claim that they used to strike two pieces of "white flint" (quartz) over touchwood. Touchwood is the punk or dry under-bark of a dead tree. It was always kept dry for use as tinder while traveling. A birchbark box was sometimes used for this purpose. When a spark was obtained it was placed in the touchwood between two pieces of charcoal, and blown upon until the charcoal became ignited. Then shredded birchbark was added. Fire was also carried about for days smouldering in birch punk. For fire- wood, dry sticks and limbs were broken, not chopped off, and dragged to the wigwam. The sticks were placed in the hearth so that they radiated like the spokes of a wheel and as they were consumed the unbin'nt parts were shoved into the fire to feed it. TANNING. The manufacture of leather, as practised by the Cree differed in some essentials from the methods employed by the Plains and Gulf tribes, but resembled the process used by the Woodland peoples in general. The task was divided into six parts: flaying, fleshing, scraping, braining, working, and smoking. As soon as the animal is killed, the hunter proceeds to flay it. The skin is cut down the belly and the inside of the legs, and is remoN^ed with the assistance of a wedge-shaped bone skinning tool.^ In winter, the skin is allowed to freeze and is kept in this condition awaiting the leisure of the tanner, but in warmer weather it is Avell to flesh it at once. For this purpose the skin is pegged out on the ground and scraped with a semilunar 1 -J- /T^' 1 <\ 1 • 1 • 11 ^1 Fig- 14 (50-7047). Semilunar Knife knife (Fig. 14) which is used by the for scraping Sldns. Length. 9 cm. Eastern bands, but a chisel-shaped scraper with or without teeth often takes its place to the westward. When '' For illustration see Fig. 42. 34 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX, the superfluous tissue and skin has been removed, the scraping process begins. The skin is thrown over the smoothed upper end of a log driven obhquely in the ground, and a beaming tool (P^ig. 15) made of the shin bone of a deer, is grasped firmly in the tanner's hands and pushed over the skin against the grain of the hair, until the fur has been shaved away. After this, the skin is washed and hang out to dry. Once dry again, a mixture of animal grease and brains is worked thor- oughly into the skin, which is warmed from time to time. When this process is concluded, it is again himg out to dry. When the skin is dry once more, it is taken down and soaked and the brains and grease washed out. The Fig. 1.5a (.50-0995), h (50-7457). Flesher and Beaming Tool: wet skin in now worked and stretched with the hands while it dries, until it becomes pliable. The skin is now beautifully white and soft, and is ready for use as it is, but in this condition it is likely to become mouldy, and is not very durable. In order to obviate this difficulty, it is sewed up in a bag-like form, and suspended from a tripod, by the closed bottom of the bag. A pot of smouldering punk is swung underneath, until the skin is saturated with the fumes. The tanning is now completed unless it is desired to make the leather waterproof, when it is soaked in the liquor of boiling willow bark which serves fairly well. Nowadays, skins are seldom tanned with the fur, but the method is similar except that the scraping process is omitted. 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 35 WEAVING. Garments of rabbitskin were universally worn both in summer and winter, and the custom still survives although to a lesser extent. The process of their manufacture is as follows : — The fresh skin of a ral^bit is removed by making a single cut at the breast and the body is drawn through the opening. Then the skin is turned inside out, and placed over a stick which is put up in the middle of the wigwam. Xext the skin is cut into string. Taking the skin in the left hand, the Indian holds his knife against it near the tail and revolves the skin around the stick, the strand unwinding itself as it is cut. When a sufficient amount of string has been made, it is twisted. One end of the string is tied about the middle of a stick about six inches long while the other is held down with the foot to prevent its turning. Holding the string near the stick in one hand, it is twisted by revohing the wood with the forefinger of the other hand. Another method of twisting rabbitskin string is to split a stick about six inches long at one end and to insert one end of the string in the split. The other end of the string is held firmly with the foot, the stick is placed against the right thigh and rolled rapidly by the right hand with an up and down movement. The cord Avhich is now ready for use is wound into a ball until needed. For weaving blankets, a frame consisting of four sticks is lashed together in the form of a rectangle the size of which varies in accordance with the desire of the worker. To begin the blanket, a bark cord is wound about the frame, or loom, in order to bind it loosely to a strip of the rabbitskin string along the inner edge to form the outer margin of the garment. Then a piece of the rabbitskin string carried along by a bone needle is taken and looped at intervals over the margin cord. While the Eastern Cree use frames to make the blanket, the Northern Saulteaux often do not take the trouble to do this, but wea\-e the blanket on a single stick, and on rarer occasions, use no frame at all but merely a piece of string. However, blankets made in this manner are quite inferior to those made with a loom. In working, the needle is shoved down from the top over the margin cord. ]\Iiss ]VI. L. Kissell of this Museum has kindly identified the weave as the "coil without foundation" variety, which is in common use among A'arious Athapascan peoples. To make a coat, that part of the garment which covers the trunk is 36 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Nalural History. [Vol. IX, worked up on the loom in exactly the same way as a blanket, but holes are left for the sleeves. In case of the sleeves, a stick is set up in the ground and a piece of cloth or skin is wrapped about it until it has reached the proper size. A string is then tied around the top and the weaving is started downward in the same manner as a blanket is woven, until the desired length is attained. Leggings are made in the same manner as the sleeves; moccasins are manufactured over a buckskin moccasin stuffed out in the shape of the foot. Breechclouts are usually made with the fingers without a loom. For hoods, the measurement of the head is taken with a string of rabbit- skin and this is tied together in a circle. The hood is then woven with the fingers on this string base, no needle being used. GAMES AND AMUSEMENTS. Oddly enough, no record of any gambling games was gathered among the Eastern Cree, although they have a number of pastimes which are used for this purpose elsewhere. Franklin observes that the Cree of Cumberland House and westward had the platter game and the game of mittens and lacrosse.^ While Franklin's notes on lacrosse correspond with our data, the other two games were unknown to the Cree visited by the writer. It must be remembered, however, that the natives of Cumberland House were far enough west to have come in contact with the Plains tribes. The Cup and Pm Game (Tap-han). This is an old game and has two forms with several counting systems. The game seems to simulate the taking of caribou with spears and is played by any number of persons, each player playing imtil he fails to score, when he passes it on to the next one. As played at Eastmain River and Rupert's House, it consists of five worked caribou phalangeal bones, four of which are cut into conical shape, strung on a buckskin thong with a wooden or bone striking pin fas- tened at the end. The large open ends of the bones are nearest the pin, and when not in use rest one over the other. The joint of the topmost bone is not worked down, the thong passes through a hole in the top of the condyle where it is fastened to a piece of caribou tail. There are four holes, one on each side of the condyle. The object of the game is to toss the bones in the air and catch them on 1 Franklin, 65. 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 37 the striking pin, the eount being as follows: — each individual bone, count- ing away from the striking pin, 1, 2, 3, 5, 10. If more than one bone is caught^ the player receives the sum of the counts granted for each bone. If the pin penetrates the hole at the posterior of the condyle, 50; of the anterior, called "the back of the neck," 40; the right side and left sides, known as " the ears," 20, and 30, respectively. The caribou hair is known as "the tail," and if by any chance the pin catches in this, 100 is scored. At Moose Factory, catching the bones counts, 8, 10, 12, 15; but the other counts were not secured. Another form of the game which the Cree claim was derived from the Ojibway closely resembles the form seen by the writer among them just north of Lake Superior. The phalanx units are five in number and count one a piece, and twenty for each of the four holes surrounding the condyle. The difference between this game and the typical Cree form is that a piece of perforated buckskin is used instead of a caribou tail, each perforation counting 10. The Fort Albany- Cree count as follows : — 1 for each of the ten phalan- geal units; 5 for each ear; 10 for "the back of the neck"; 20 for each hole in the buckskin; stringing all the bones at once, 10 points; stringing the tail, 20 points; stringing the last bone next the tail, 10 points; catching any hole on the side of the bone, "the ear," 5 points; and catching the tail, the game, regardless of the former count. Bo2vs and Slings. Bows and blunt arrows, and the bow gun, the latter doubtless a European innovation, are seen in daily use by the Indian boys at all the Posts. ^ The bows range from several feet to five or six inches in length. Very diminutive ones are c^uite common. A sling was ob- served which consists of a small perforated piece of buckskin to which are attached two long thongs. It is whirled violently around the head for a moment, the user then lets go of one string, and the stone is propelled a considerable distance with no great degree of accuracy. The Otter Hunting Game. This game is played b^' two men. Ten wooden otters are set up, each smaller than the other, and shot at with pointed arrows. The game consists in hitting the smallest otter which is kept moving with a stick. When it is struck, the game is won. The game is lost to the player who shoots away all his arrows without hitting the smallest otter. The War Game. This was an old-time game played by men and boys to teach dexterity in dodging missiles, a necessary part of a warrior's edu- cation. It was naturally most extensively practised just before going to war. One man ran back and forth in front of the warriors who shot blunt arrows at him, which he attempted to dodge or ward off. 1 Dr F. G. Speck lias ob.servcd the bow giin user! by Montagnais boys. 38 Anthropological Papers American Museum of A^ttural History. [\'ol. IX, The Dart Game. A thong was tied to the end of a supple stick about three or four feet long, and a large arrow " with a big tail " notched to recei\'e the string was fastened to this. The object of this game was to throw the arrow up out of sight. Caribou Hunting Game. This game, observed by the writer among the Eastmain River Cree, is quite similar to that mentioned by Turner^ as found among the Naskapi. X board about a foot long and six inches high was carved to represent a caribou with a branching twig for antlers. This was set up on a stick about 18 inches high, and served as a target for a crowd of small boys, who from a distance of from six to ten feet flipped pebbles at it with a stick. This "pop-gun" was about ten inches long, rounded at the base, and tapered to a point. It was grasped at the rounded end with the right hand, and pressed against a pebble held between the thumb and forefinger of the left hand, the grip of the thumb and fore- finger being relaxed, the pebble was flipped or propelled forward as though b}' a catapult. Among the Naskapi, this game is played with bows and arrows, and the Cree also use these weapons for this purpose. Goose Hunting Game. Two boys representing hunters sit on the ground in a blind. Two others, carrying goose feathers in their hands, approach from different directions. As the}' draw near, the two hunters let fly pebbles at the feathers with their "flipping sticks" or "pop-guns." If they hit one, the carrier drops it. The hunter killing the most game wins. Square Game. This game resembles the European "puss in the corner," and "fox and geese." A square is drawn in the snow, and in the center stands the person who is "it" (called by the Indians "the cannibal"). The other players occupy the fom* corners of the square. The object of the game is to run from corner to corner without being touched by "the cannibal." If "the cannibal" succeeds in touching anyone, that person becomes "it" and takes his place. Lacrosse is said to have been played formerly at ]Moose Factory, but is now obsolete. Football. The game consists in kicking the ball from one goal to another. Any number can play, but usually the sides are fairly even. The only rule seems to be that no one is allowed to throw the ball. The goals are very close together, perhaps not more than one hundred feet apart. The ball is made of tanned skin, stuffed with hair, and is about as big as a man's head. Cat's cradle was observed but the forms and rules were not obtained. Hand ball is also a common game. The ball is similar to the football, but smaller, and there seem to be no rules. 1 Turner, 326. 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 39 A number of English or European games, especially cards, are much in vogue. Some occur in a modified form. Checkers, played with a regu- lation board, and thirty men, all of the same color, is the most prominent of these. Fox and geese, played with a board, two foxes and fifty geese, may also be seen. A windmill toy, made with six six-inch revolving blades, and a handle about three feet long, is made and fastened where the wind catches and whirls it. This is claimed by the Cree as an old native toy but is probably an importation. In former times, dolls were carved from wood, and fully dressed. Such dolls have been entirely displaced by the advent of toys of foreign make, and can no longer be obtained. Carvings of animals, fish, and birds, were also made. The children play with miniature wigwams and utensils. Little girls are fond of playing house and sometimes dress up puppies instead of dolls. Children are never whipped, but are allowed to do just about as they please without training of any kind. Smoking. The oldest form of pipe among the Ci'ee has an elongated stone bowl set upon a perforated base, and is according to McGuire's ^ classi- Fig. 16 (50-7046). Pipe from Eastmain River. Lengtli, 16 cm. fication of the INIicmac tj^pe. Through the basal perforation is fastened a cord, which is attached to the stem and prevents the bowl from falling off and breaking. While this is the common form of pipe among the Naskapi of Labrador and Unga\'a, as described hx Turner,^ it is now obsolete and very hard to obtain among the Eastern Cree. A specimen collected at Eastraain River Fort, is shown in Fig. 16. The stems of these pipes are made either of wood or of hollow lione. The modern stone pipe differs from the old form only in that the bowl is very much shorter, and that the string or thong from the bowl to the stem. 1 McGuire, 479. 2 Turner, 302. 40 Anthropological Papers American Museiun of Xaturul History. [Vol. IX, and the stem itself are usually beaded. For commercial purposes these pipes are known as one, two, and three "beaver" pipes, according to their value in skins. They are now usually made to sell, but a very few are still used. Fig. 17 is a stone pipe bowl coming from Fort Albany on the west coast of James Bay, and shows a type in use there. It has a large bowl, an imperforate base, nar- rowing below the bowl and expanding like the tail of a Fig. 17 (50-6960). fish. About the coustriction was tied a thoug f or f astcu- Pipe Bowl of Stone. ••...!, tj. • i i • tt Height, 5 cm ^^S it to the stem. It IS an old specimen. How uni- versally these were used on the west coast it is diffi- cult to determine. The east coast people claim that these pipes were common there. Red willow, and a ground-trailing plant called "minik (duck) leaf" were smoked, and, while admitting they have smoked and used pipes for a. long time, the Indians doubt that tobacco was ever gro^^^l by them. It is not now raised at any of their camps. DANCES. Memories of but few native dances now remain among the Eastern Cree and these have been set aside for the square dances of Europeans. For this reason, information concerning the old dances is very hard to obtain but so far as could be learned they were: — (1) The War Dance. From statements made by old Cree at ]Moose Factory, Rupert's House, and Eastmain River Fort, the writer gathered that this was preceded by the "Discovery Dance," in which the warriors imitated the pursuit, battle, and final defeat of the enemy. As its name implied, this dance was given before going into battle. (2) The Conjuring Dance. Like the war dance this ceremony took place before a battle, and was given to insure success over the enemy. (3) The Feasting, or Greeting Dance. The dance was held in the spring when the families came together at their chosen rendezvous. A sur\'ival made over into an English square dance, is still held at the Posts when the hunters arri\e in the spring. (4) The Deer (Caribou) Dance. (5) The Bear Dance. A small square enclosed yard was made and the conjuror sat in the middle and drummed. All the adults, men or women^ entered the enclosure and danced about the conjuror. (6) Mide Dance. Part of the midewin ceremonies of the Albany band partook of the nature of a dance. 1911. Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 41 MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS. The musical instruments of the Eastern Cree are few in number. The drum and rattle are most common. Rattles were never used for an ac- companiment to singing or dancing, but only to soothe fretful children. Drums, however, were used, and these were like the shaman's drum, though different in some particulars. Dancing drums of Indian make have been entirely superseded by those bought from the Hudson's Bay Company. They are said to have been smaller in circumference and of greater depth. It is not known whether they were painted. No information as to the use of the flute was secured. ^ Of drums, two kinds are in vogue among the Eastmain and Labrador bands. The conjuror's drum is a foot or more in diameter and three or four inches thick. The heads are made of caribou parchment stretched across and held down by a narrow hoop. The rawhide on either side is then brought up around the outside of this hoop and held down by another; the opposite hoops are tightly laced by a rawhide thong. Both the upper and lower heads are crossed by a band bearing three dumb-bell shaped re- sounders. A loop of raw- hide is usually left at the top for suspension. The second variety, used only in social dances, is now obsolete. It was broader than the conjuror's drum, and probably not deco- rated, otherwise it resem- bled it closely. These drums are deco- rated by painting in ver- milion. The one shown in Fig. 18 is surrounded by a half inch band of red inside of which is a row of dots in \erniilion. In the center is a large dot surrounded by a circle of others. A row of large dots Fig. IS (50-7005). A Drum. Diameter, 44 cm. 42 Anthro'pological Papers American Museum of Natural History. \Xo\. IX, encircles the sides. The obverse is the samC; save that a tear in the drum head has been sewed up with sinew and the patch rubbed with vermiHon. This drum closely resembles one obtained by Turner among the Naskapi. The stick for beating such a drum is now made of an "Eley's" percussion cap box of tin, filled with shot and per- forated to receive the wooden handle at top and bottom, mak- ing a rattle as well as a drum- stick. Formerly, two discs of caribou horn fastened to sides made by a circular band of this substance were used for a rattle box and drumstick head. The Albany Cree have three types of drums? a narrow double-headed, a long cylindrical double-headed drum, and a tambourine drum. All of these were used at feasts. By this band, the rattle was used to keep time for singing and conjuring. Fig. 19 represents a typical rattle. It is circular, one side projecting to form a handle. The sides are held together by wooden pegs. The pieces of rawhide are stretched over it to form the heads and these are sewed with sinew along the sides. Some- times the rawhide is also stretched over the handle. Fig. 19 (50-7002). A Rattle. Diameter, 12 cm. TRA\'EL AND TRAXSPORTATIOX. Owing to the great extent of the dense northern forests, overland trails are practically imknown. INIost of the summer tra^•eling to and from Hudson's Bay is done by canoe along the rivers. The canoe birch does not grow to a large size in the northern part of the range of the Eastern Cree, or else the bigger trees have been destroyed l)y the Indians so that birchbark canoes are becoming rarer every year at Eastmain River Fort and Rupert's House. Owing to this scarcity, those seen by the writer were made of many small pieces of bark. Owing to the difficulty in obtaining birchbark it has long been imported in rolls for canoe and tent-making. Now, however, most canoes and wigwams are covered with canvas purchased from the Hudson's Bay Com- 1911.] Skimier, The Ea>itern Cne. 43 pany. At Rupert's House, in 1908, there was not a single birchbark canoe, all those seen were canvas-covered. The Eastern Cree canoes have lower and less rounded bows than those of the Ojibway, who border the southern part of their country*. The writer Avas informed, however, that the canoes used at Fort George, and in Ungava and northward along the Hudson's Bay proper, have such very high bows that they are called "crooked" canoes. This is to aid in battling with the waves on the open sea. Canoes average twelve or fifteen feet in length, but those used by the Labrador voyageurs are often twice that size and sometimes more. They are capable of bearing enormous weights, and many will hold twenty or more men. The paddles used are short and rather clumsy. They have no swelling at the end of the handle to facilitate the grip. In paddling, the Eastern Cree take shorter and more jerky strokes than their Ojibway neighbors on the south, ^^'hen a fair wind is blowing, a blanket or even a bush is set up in the bow for a sail. In shooting rapids, the men at the bow and stern (the bowsman, by the way, is considered the leader) always stand upright in the canoe when approaching the head of the rapids and gaze down the stream for a moment, noting the easiest course for travel in an incredibly short space of time. When the\- reach rapids which are known to be bad, they sometimes go ashore and follow down the stream to examine the course. If the rapids prove wild, the canoe is then lightened and they proceed, or portage around, as the case may be. All steering in the rapids is done from the bow, the man in the stern merely keeping the boat straight. In ascending streams, it is usual to pole up many of the rapids. Tliis is accomplished by pushing from the bow and stern. WTiere the water is too deep for poles and too swift for paddling, the canoe is towed from the shore by one of the voyageurs. Bundles are carried across portages by means of a burden strap which passes across the forehead. However, not a single specimen of "tump line" of aboriginal make was observed. In winter, sleds drawn by Eskimo dogs, are used in traveling, but according to the Indians this custom was derived from the Eskimo, from whom the Eastern Cree still purchase dogs for this purpose. A dog harness of Indian make is shown in Fig. 20. Toboggans are used to draw provisions when traveling. They are seven or eight feet long, narrow, and slightly turned up in front. Sleds to transport canoes oxer the snow are still used, and the type is said to be ancient. Fig. 21 represents one of these, drawn from a model which does not represent the old style canoe sled. The canoe was placed bottom upwards and bound on. The snowshoes in vogue on the coast are short, light, and flat at the ends. They are all made expressly for running and jumping or when following the 44 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX, dog sleds. Three types were observed: — (1) elongated west coast type, specimens of which were obtained, but had to be discarded along the Moose River on the return trip; (2) round east coast type, with pointed tail; (3) Fig. 20 (50-7065). Dog Harness. round eastern interior and Labrador type with rounded tail. "Bush" or forest snowshoes, are long, large, heavy, and turned up in front. The man's size ranges from four to five feet in length. They are used for travel- Fig. 21 (50-7989). A Toboggan ing in deep snow in the forest. For teaching children to use snowshoes, small round "bear's foot" type shoes are used. The pair here shown (Fig. 22) came from Rupert's House. Chisels of beaver teeth were once used in perforating the framework of snowshoes. 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 45 Fig. 22 (50-7018, 800.!!). Snowshoes. In weaving the gut net of the snowshoes, bone needles, perforated in the mififlle, about three inches long and pointed at the ends, are used (Fig. 23). For untying the laces of the snowshoes when frozen, and the fingers are too numb with cold to manipulate them, one of the inferior maxillae of the lynx is used. It is not worked in any way (Fig. 24). For carrying chil- dren, a simple bag laced up the front and stuffed " with moss is used. In Fig. 2.3 (50-7001). permanent camp, how- Needle for netting ^y^^ ^ ij^bv board is Snowshoes. Length, " . Fig. 24 (50-7052). The Maxilla of 9 cm. used (tig. 2o). I O this a Lynx for untying Snowshoe Laces. 46 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History [Vol. IX^ a strip of cloth or skin is fastened along the sides. It laces up in front and is stuffed with moss to make the child comfort- able and to absorb urine. For this purpose, the drawers and trousers of small boys and girls are also stuffed with dry moss. A line of twisted caribou rawhide rubbed with \'ermilion and decorated at inter\als with beads and puffs of goose down resembles very nuich the caribou snare figured and described by Turner as occurring among the Naskapi. It differs, howe^■er, in that at its termina- tion it is bound to an elongate oval pointed piece of birch wood painted red, from which pro- jects a notched l)one barb at an angle of Fig. 25 (50-694?.). A Cradle. Fig. 26 (50-6988). 45 degrees. This line ture Basket. A niinia- is used to drag home caribou carcasses in winter, and the hook is to hoist up the green skins beyond the reach of the dogs. These implements are considered of great importance by the Indians, who often hand them down from father to son. Songs are occasionally sung in their honor. Fig. 27 (50-8082). A decorated Basket made of Birchbark. Length, 26 cm. 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 47 Carrying baskets of birchbark are used in traveling. They have exten- sion tops of leather or cloth closing with a drawstring and are carried by a headl)and. Fig. 26 shows a miniature one of these from Rupert's House, and Fig. 27 another with decorated sides, top, and bottom, from Lake Mistassini. SIGNS AND SIGNALS. In traveling through the trackless northern forests fellow-travelers are rarely met, and some means of communication between the nomadic Indian households being necessary, a series of signs has been evolved. Writing of a realistic character on birchbark was no doubt once used but this art is now lost on account of the introduction, by the missionaries, of a system of syllabic writing quite comparable to oin- shorthand. Besides these two methods of communication, a third form, probably as old as the first, still survives. This is by means of signs set up along trails and at camping grounds, especially in the winter, the season of activity. A party about to leave a certain spot, and wishing any one following it to know at what time the camp was left, will draw a circle in the snow and set up a stick in the middle, marking the shadow of the stick as cast by the sun on the snow at that time. The next person to come along will at once judge by the distance of the shadow from the mark how long it has been since the first party left. The age of the circle or of a nearby track is reck- oned by its appearance, the fall of snow upon it, and other indications. The distance of a preceding party's camp is represented by the height at which a perpendicular twig intersects the oblique stick. To mark a trail, a stick is placed obliquely on the ground, the ele\ated end pointing in the direction taken, and trees blazed to show the path. If the path deviates, sticks are inclined in that direction. A signal to express "we are starving" is made by girdling and sha\ing a standing tree. This is done in order that a chance passer-by may perhaps bring aid. A sign of "plenty, nothing wrong" is made by blazing a tree on opposite sides. If visitors are welcome, a stick is inclined in the direction of the camp. Death in camp is signified by girdling and shaving the trunk of a stand- ing tree, painting the cut part black, with charcoal, and felling the tree so that the cut base rests on the stump, or if it is a small tree, by tying down the top. The size of the tree represents the age of the person; an old or large tree meaning an old person, and a young sapling, a child. The number of trees so marked, indicates the number of deaths. 48 Anthropological Papers American Museum of N^atural History. [Vol. IX, A signal for the convocation of all the neighboring Indians is made by repairing to a small island on some lake, where little damage can be done, and burning the timber. The ascending smoke is visible for a long distance in the clear northern atmosphere. A signal meaning "come here", is made by burning birchbark on a rock. It gi\'es oft' a dense black smoke and when done in calm weather, a high steady column of smoke is obtained. DIVISIONS OF TIME. The Cree year is divided into eight seasons and twelve months, or moons. The seasons are: sigun, spring before open water; miluskamin, spring, after the water is open and before summer; nipin, early summer; megwani- piu, middle summer; tukwagun, early autumn; migiskau, late autumn; pichipipun, early winter, just before the frost; megwapipun, late winter. The months or moons are: January, gishepapiwatekimumpizun, the moon when the old fellow spreads the brush ;^ February, cepizun, old month; March, migisupizun, eagle month; April, misklpizun, gra^' goose month; May, aligipizun, frog month; June, saglpukawipizun, the month leaves come out; July, opaskwuwipizun, the moon when ducks begin to moult; August, opunhopizun, the moon young ducks begin to fly; September, weweoplzun, wa\y or snow goose month; October, opinahamowipizun, the moon the birds fly south; November, kaskatinopizun, the moon the rivers begin to freeze; December, papiwatiginashispizvm, the moon in which the 3'oung fellow spreads the brush. In this connection it is interesting to note the names of the months and seasons as collected by Harmon.^ They are as follows: "Winter, A-pe-pook or Pepoon; Spring, Me-is-ka-mick or Se-gum-uck; Summer, Nic-pin Autumn, Tuck-wa-gin." It will be seen that he gives but four seasons, following the European idea, probably not suspecting that the Cree made any difference in this respect. Of these, the terms for all but summer and early autumn differ from our information. In regard to the months he has: "January, Kush-a-pa-was-ti-ca-num o Pes-im, Extreme cold Moon; Feb- ruar}^ Kee-chay o Pes-im, The ISIoon when small birds begin to chirp or 1 This means literally, the moon when the old fellow, that is, the winter, causes the pine needles to drop on the snow, forming a covering, like the pine boughs laid on the floor of a wigwam for bedding. The laying of these boughs on the wigwam floor is called, "spreading the brush." - Harmon, 321. 1911.1 Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 49 sing; or Kich-ee o Pes-im, Big, or old Moon; March. Me-ke-su o Pes-im, Eagle Moon; April, Nis-ka o Pes-im, Goose Moon, as at this season, these animals return from the south; May, I-ieh-e Pes-im, Frog Moon; June, 0-pin-a-wa we Pes-im, the Moon in which birds begin to lay their eggs; July, O pus-ko we Pes-im, The Moon when birds cast their feathers; August, 0-pa-ko we Pes-im, The Moon when the young birds begin to fly; September, Wa-was-kis o Pes-im, The ]\Ioon when the moose ^ cast their horns; or A-pin-nas-ko o Pes-im, The Moon when the leaves fall off from the trees; October, 0-no-chi-hit-to-wa o Pes-im, The rutting Moon; or 0-ke-wa-ow o Pes-im, The ^Nloon when the fowls go to the south; November, Ay-e-coop- ay o Pes-im, Hoar frost Moon. Kus-kut-te-no o Pes-im, Ice Moon; Decem- ber, Pa-watch-e-can-a-nas o Pes-im, Whirlwind Moon." Mackenzie says : — "With respect to their di\'isions of time, they compute the length of their journies by the number of nights passed in performing them; and they divide the year by the succession of moons. In this calculation, however, they are not altogether correct, as they cannot account for the odd days. The names which they give to the moons are descriptive of the several seasons. May Atheiky o Pishim. June Oppinu o Pishim. July Aupascen o Pishim. August Aupaliou Pishim. September Waskiseon o Pishim. October Wisac Pishim. November Thithigon Pewai o Pishim. Kuskatinayoui o Pishim. December Pawatchicananasis o Pishim. January Kushapawasticanum o Pishim February Kichi Pishim. IMarch Mickysue Pishim. April Niscaw o Pishim. Frog-Moon. The ^Nloon in which birds be- gin to lay their eggs. The ]Moon when birds cast their feathers. The Moon when the young birds begin to fly. The ]Moon ^\"hen the moose- deer cast their horns. The Rutting ^loon. Hoar-Frost-AIoon . Ice-Moon. Whirlwind-Moon. Extreme cold Moon. Big Moon; some say, Old Moon. Eagle Moon. Goose-Moon." - I A case of mistaken identity. Virginia deer. - IMaclfenzie, 73. Tiie Cree for moose is MusE; wa-wash-tcesli is the 50 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX, It will be found that differences exist between the lists in regard to the names for the months of June, September^ November, and December. Of course, allowances must be made for translation, orthography, and dialect. It is interesting to note that Harmon in some cases gives two synonyms for the same month, whereas the writer collected none. The absolute differences may best be accounted for by local environment, some natural occurrences being more emphatically notable in one locality than in another. MISCELLANEOUS. Lcc/skin Bags. Women's bags, made of the skin of the legs of the caribou, are to be found in every well-regulated Cree wigwam. These bags are of various sizes (Fig. 28) and are used to carry family effects. One seen it ^ Mm X'li Ik// Fig. 28 (50-7059). Bag made of Caribou Leg fikins. Length, 48 cm. by the writer looked as if the hair had been remo\ed, but as close examina- tion was not possil)le, it may be that this was the result of attacks by moths. 1911.1 Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 51 Fig. 29 (.50-6991). Length, 29 cm. Bag made of Caribou Ears. A peculiar feature of these bags, which lace up at the top, is a skin handle on each end. A small bag, similar to some of the preceding (Fig. 29) re- sembles the leg-skin bags in every particular save that it is made of the skin of caribou's ears. Netted carrying bags are used to transport clothing and utensils. They are now made of commercial twine, but formerly were composed of twisted bark string. Needle cases are made of hollow bird bones stopped up at one end (Fig. 30). They greatly resemble the bone tubes found on the prehistoric and early historic Iroquoian sites of Western New York, Southeastern Ontario, Canada, and on the sites of the Madisonville culture in Ohio and Kentucky. These prehistoric tubes were in some cases undoubtedly used as beads, and in others as paint pots, but they may also have had a use as needle cases, like those seen among the Cree. Snow shovels of wood are commonly used. They are four or five feet long and resemble long spoons or scoops. Fig. 31 represents ' a small specimen of a type used as to}'s by the children. Grooved Stone A.ve.'i. In former times, the Eastern Cree used grooved stone axes. The blade was set in a handle, split at one end, and bound above and below the split with deerskin. Stone celts were fastened in wooden handles, the handle being at right angles to the blade as in an adze. These were used as ice chisels. When working wood, fire was not used by these people to aid in cutting. The Cree at ]Moose Factory stated that some axes for cutting branches for firewood were made of deer (caribou or moose) shoulder blades or beaver rump bones. Fig. 31 (.50-6983) Crooked Knives. These were made of beaver's teeth. A snow Shovel. A set of beaver's teeth so used was collected at East- Fig. Case. 30 (.50-7000). Length, 6 cm. Needle 52 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX, main River Fort (Fig. 32). The Indian from whom the implement was secured claimed that it had no handle, but was merely held in the hand. Others, however, disagreed with him, and claimed that such knives had wooden handles. Steel or iron-bladed crooked knives are now used (Fig. 33). Chisels of beaver's teeth, with wooden handles were used in making snowshoes in the old days. Stone Knives The Cree of Moose Factory claim to have made flint knife blades by percussion, but those at Rupert's House and east and north of there made slate knife blades by rubbing. When it was neces- sary to sharpen such knives, they were rubbed with limestone, wetting it with saliva. Fig. 32 (50-7053). A Knife made of Bea- ver Teeth. Fig. 33 (50-6955). A crooked Kiiife. Length, 25 cm. Slate semilunar scrapers, identical in shape with the Eskimo woman's knife, or ulu, were used as fleshers in working skins. Bags are made of the bladder of the black bear, to hold grease for various purposes. Fig. 34 (50-7845). Snow Spectacles. 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 53 Snow spectacles of birchbark are worn (Fig. 34). These go over the nose. As they are blackened inside, and not perforated at all, if the wearer wishes to look out he is obliged to tilt his head back and look out from under them. Splint baskets are never made nor are mats of any sort manufactured by the Eastern Cree who claim never to have had them. However, they now purchase cheap Japanese matting from the traders. Baskets of birch- bark are used when the material is obtainable, but if not, pine bark is used for the purpose. The bark baskets are usually oblong with rounded corners and are of one piece, sewed at the corners with roots. About the top, they have a couple of withes, bound or sewn on to make a firm edge. ART. The art of the Eastern Cree is meager in comparison with that of some other Algonkin peoples. Originally, but few designs were used for purely decorative purposes, the majority of them having a religious or utilitarian significance, while the protective designs so well known to some of their neighbors were apparently unknown. Nowada;s's, when the former order of things has been quite thoroughly l^roken up through European influence, the old meanings have become obscured or lost, and many religious symbols have become decorative. Painting is considered by the Eastern Cree to be their aboriginal form of art. It has now largely disappeared and what is left is debased in char- acter. It was used for all purposes, religious, utilitarian, and decorative. No hair or quill embroidery was obtained or seen by the writer, and the natives claim that the porcupine is too rare in their country to furnish quills for the purpose. It seems probable, however, that dyed hair work preceded the modern silk embroidery on moccasins, pouches, and other utensils. Beadwork is said to have been unknown in pre-European days. The old painted designs of religious import included those on the skins and skulls of bears, and the skins of other animals, on the inner surface of skin garments, and on the faces of the natives themselves. Of the former, all the designs were geometric, generally consisting of lines or bars, and dots painted in red. The symbolism of this painting is difficult or impossible to obtain. A frequent motif of admittedly esoteric meaning is a rectangular cross, the two perpendicular bars being represented in each case b}^ five dots (Fig. 35a). This design occurs on the skins of animals, where it is placed 54 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Nalural History. [\'ol IX, with the idea of propitiating the animal's spirit, and as a decorative border on skin tents, in conjunction with other figures, among them soHd rectangu- lar crosses. We have also observed dot figures similar to the sacred crosses painted on shaman's drums. The paintings on the inner surface of the skin represents the animal from which it was taken. Red daubs outline the eyes of the animal when the skin of its head is used as a hood. These markings symbolize that the skin is animate and able to imbue the owner • • 0+0+0+ ^OOOOOOO Ooooo o oo oooooooo ©LRIOU MKix i xix i x -Mar [XtXbKlXlXlXlXl ~i_rLrLn. "T-p-aj^^UJ ixb American Museum of Xaiural History. [\'ol. IX, According to our data, girls married at about fifteen years of age; men when they became good hiuiters. A yoinig man often took an elderly woman as she had had exp)erience and was better able to manage his aft'airs. Small presents were made to the brides parents. At present, the unmarried girls are Uix in virtue. ^larried women, however, are quite faithful to their vows. This is an old fault, for even in his day ^lackenzie says: — "It does not api>ear, that chastity is considered by them as a virtue; or that fidehty is believed to be essential to the happiness of wedded life. Though it some- times happens that the infideUty of a wife is punished by the husband with the loss of her hair. nose, and perhaps hfe; such severity proceeds from its having been practised without his permission: for a temporary interchange of wives is not un- common: and the offer of their persons is considered as a necessary part of the hospitahty due to strangers." ^ Carver says : — '*I observed that this people stiU continued a custom, that appeared to have been universal before any of them became acquainted with the manners of the Em-opeans, that of complimenting strangers with the company of their wives: and this is not only practised by the lower ranks, but by the chiefs themselves, who esteem it the greatest proof of courtesy they can give a stranger." - The education of children receives no small attention, though we did not learn that much care is now devoted to them. According to ^lac- kenzie: — "To their children they are indulgent to a fault. The father, though he assumes no command over them, is e\"er anxious to instruct them in all the preparatory qualifications for war and hunting; while the mother is equally attentive to her daughters in teaching them every thing that is considered as necessary to their character and situation. It does not appear that the husband makes an\" distinction between the children of his wife, though they may be the off-spring of different fathers. Illegitimacy is only attached to those who are bom before their mothers have cohabited with any man by the title of husband." ^ In regard to the diA'ision of labor, there seem to be no generally regarded rules, for men nowadays perform almost any tasks as well as women, re- gardless of their nature. At an earlier date we read : — ■"The profession of the men is war and himting, and the more active scene of their duty is the field of battle, and the chase in the woods. Thej' also spear fish, but the management of the nets is left to the women. The females of this nation are in the same subordinate state with those of all other savage tribes; but the severitv of their labotu- is much diminished by their situation on the banks of lakes 1 Mackenzie, 67. • Car^-er. SI. ^ Mackenzie, 67. 1911.] Skinner, The Easlern Cree. 59 and rivers, where they employ canoes. In the winter, when the waters are frozen, they make their joumies, which are never of way great length, with sledges drawn by dogs. They are, at the same time subject to everj- kind of domestic drudgery: they dress the leather, make the clothes and shoes, weave the nets, collect wood, erect the tents, fetch water, and perform every culinary service; so that when the duties of maternal care are added, it will appear that the life of these women is an uninterrupted succession of toil and pain. This, indeed, is the sense they entertain of their own situation; and, under the influence of that sentiment, thej- are some- times known to destroy their female children, to save them from the miseries which they themselves have suffered. They also have a read}- way, by the use of certain simples, of procuring abortions, which they sometimes practise, from their hatred of the father, or to save themselves the trouble which children occasion: and, as I have been credibly informed, this unnatural act is repeated without any injiu-y to the health of the women who perpetrate it."' RELIGION. Owing to the universal acceptance of the Christian faith as inculcated \)\ missionaries from the Church of England for many decades, and at Fort Albany and westward by the Roman Cathohc fathers, the Eastern Cree have either almost entirely gi\'en up their ancient religion, or have so thickly veneered it with Christianity that it is well nigh impossible to obtain any information in regard to their old beliefs. Certain it is that they were, as is so universal in North America, polytheistic, and that the idea of a single "great spirit," (Kitche-manitou) is entirely a European importation; and none are more positive of this than the Cree themselves. The economic conditions of their country are so hard, and so much depends on the fortunes of the chase, that almost the whole life of these people is spent in sacrifices propitiating the souls of animals upon which they subsist in order to secure more certainly the future food supply, and in appealing to the great powers of nature for aid in the struggle for existence. The winds are supposed to be four brothers, the eldest and most power- ful of whom is the north wind (Kiwetinung-nizeo). It is he who sends the cold and has, as well, the power and aijility to j^iniish evil doers. If in thawing weather a north wind is desired, a snow man is made and set up on the ice, facing the north, or a "witch's broom" (a diseased growth appearing on coniferous trees) is sometimes set upon the ice. On the other hand, to turn the wind from the north, a stone is wet by spitting upon it, then a bit of charcoal placed on the saliva, and struck with another stone I Mackenzie, 68. 60 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX,. to cause a loud report. Next to the north wind in importance is Nikapi- hun-nizeo, the west wind. He is a favorable person, good and generous to mankind. This is the best hunting wind. Wapanung-nizeo, the east wind, is a stingy fellow, he starves the people, and will give them nothing to eat. Shawanung-nizeo, the south wind, gives food in summer, and has charge of it. He gives the berries. Hunters and others to whom the wind is of importance use a bull roarer to bring it. They sit up all night manipulating this instrument. Its con- nection with the wind probably lies in its noise, which resembles the rush of the wind. Three kinds of bull roarers were used. The first is made of a bone fastened to two hand grips of cedar string about a foot long, on either side, or a many-pointed round serrated wooden block doubly perforated and attached to thongs in a similar manner. Again, a rectangular wooden block, is used in the same manner. These forms are all worked by revolving the central piece on itself which winds and unwraps the sinew strings. When these are wound up, they are stretched and relaxed alternately, causing the central piece to revolve on itself with great rapidity, making a loud buzzing or humming noise. Instruments of this kind are usually spoken of as buzzers by ethnologists. Another is lanceolate and serrated. It is attached by a perforation in a perforation in the rounded end to a cord fastened to a hand grip. It is manipulated by taking the hand grip in one hand and swinging around the head by the cord. These imple- ments are rarely used as toys. To bring snow, a rabbit (hare) skin is thrown into the fire and singed. The reason for this is that the rabbit's skin is as white as the snow in which he lives in winter, and which he loves when deep. He is the winter's friend, and if his hair is burned, the winter is offended and angry. To bring rain a roasting spit that is greasy and covered with old flesh is picked clean with the teeth. This action of the teeth and saliva in cleaning the stick sym- bolizes the rain, which washes the roasting spit clean. Shamanism. The Eastern Cree had an esoteric medicine society re- sembling to some extent the Ojibway midewin. In fact, it goes b}^ the same name among the Albany Cree who arc in contact with the Saulteaux. It was composed of but two degrees among the Labrador and Eastmain l)ands. Initiatory ceremonies from the lower to the higher are held. There were formerly four degrees among the INIoose and Albany Cree but the society no longer exists as an organized body and the degrees are obsolete. Admission was through dreams, and progress from the lower to the higher degree was made by ^'isions in which the secrets of the higher office are revealed to the noA-ice. The process to be followed in order for a youth to gain admission into the midewin, was as follows: — 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 61 The young man. when lie reached the proper age for him to take up the duties of manhood, would repair to a secluded spot in the forest and there wait and fast night and day for a week or ten days, according to his powers of endurance. During this time, the supplicant prayed and waited for supernatural dreams or visions in which he expected his future would be expounded to him. While waiting for these dreams, he stayed and slept upon a scaffold built on poles and about ten or twelve feet high. The ordinary dreams vouchsafed to a youth, concerned his guardian spirit, usually some animal, and informed him through this mediimi of what things he was to do. what tasks he must perform, what charms or fetishes he must keep about him in order to be successful in his vocation, generally that of a hunter. Sometimes, on the contrary, the dreams were of a different character, and the yoimg man had \isions of great power and strength bestowed from supernatural sources which led him to understand that he was destined to be a shaman. More rarely, a man sleeping in his tent at night in the ordinary way, received supernatural revelations of power and his personal ability in that direction. When a man had unexpectedly had his dream by sleeping in the ordi- nary way in the lodge, he at once repaired to a tree leaning over the river and built a stage over the water. There he slept for seven days. If he was a young man, he told his father to come and see him at the end of that time and bring him food. Sometimes the father would forget to arri\e at the proper time with food and in such cases the young man was invariably tinned into a sturgeon. If power was revealed to a youth in his dreams, he went to a shaman of his acquaintance, or to his father, if his father was a member of the midewin, and made this fact known. He was then instructed by this member and as a compensation he was obliged to give practically e\erything he had. Young men fasting on the scaffold sometimes overtaxed themselves by fasting too long, and there are stories concerning the sad fate of youths who had over-estimated their strength and who died or were turned into various animals, as in the case of the Sauk and Fox.^ Among the Moose Cree, when, a young man was on his scaffold, waiting for \isions he could come down e\ery day and go home, although this was not done by those of Fort Albany. He, however, fasted and never spoke to an\-one for fear the spirits would be driven awa^- and forsake him. In the fall of the year, the final ceremonies were held in which the young man was initiated to the lowest degree of the midewin. UnUke those of the Central Algonkin, these ceremonies were not open to the public view, nor was there anyone present except the old shaman and i)ossil)ly a few other » Jones, (a). 183-186. 62 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX,. members of the society. The ceremonies opened with the singing of songs, after which the shaman took his medicine bag which is usually made of otterskin, the otter being considered the most powerful of the medicine animals, and held it in front of him. Then he began to go about the lodge holding the otter in front of him with both hands. At every step, the otter- skin, which was held head up at al)out the height of the chest was thrust forward. When the shaman approached the novice it was pushed directly at the young man until its nose touched him, and as it did so it made a noise. The novice immediately fell down and lay unconscious. During this time, the medicine power of the otter was passed into his body. When at length, he came to, the shaman inquired of him if he understood what the otter had said. The no\'ice invariably replied, "No." The shaman answered, "I will tell you what the otter said to you. Death is on you, but you will be alive again." When the young man had fully recovered he knew as much as could possil)ly be taught to him by any human being, because of the power of the otter which had been passed into his body while he lay unconscious. The youth could never accomplish anything more than was revealed to him in his dreams, or later by his instructors in the miflewin. Before being initiated, he generally tried to see if he could do all the things revealed to him in his \-ision. Sometimes the dreams were of feats greater than he was able to accomplish, but in most cases he could do everything that had been promised him. No one ever told what had l^een revealed during these dreams for fear his power would be revoked by the spirits. In some cases, the midewin ceremony was held by a shaman who instructed his son, who had had a medicine dream. In this case, no one was present at the ceremony but the shaman and his son. The office was not hereditary. Two degrees of the midewin were known. Among the Eastmain and Labrador Cree the first and lowest was called the Kwosapiitcikewin. A member of this division was able to procure interviews with the spirits for himself and others. Members of either order are generally known to the whites in this region as "conjurors," and "miteo," which now seems to he the general native term for a shaman of any class. A member of the first division wishing to attain the second and higher degree, lived and fasted by himself while trying for power. During this period, voices spoke to him, and he saw visions. He dared not tell of these at home, however, for fear the spirits who had spoken to him would with- draw their aid. In asking for power a "conjuror" always knelt with his head bent to the ground. When the secrets of the second order had been revealed the member became a miteo (wizard) and had all the powers of the Kwosapiitcikewin 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 63 with the additional power to prophesy and to kill his enemies by magic. A miteo could also cross rivers or streams without a canoe, for the spirits transported him bodily. In addition to the fall ceremony, the midewin was sometimes held in the spring, as soon as the snow was soft. It was never held in the autumn before the first fall of snow. When a 3'oung man had entered the lowest of the four degrees, the only way in which he could rise was by having further dreams as to his power, which was always entirely restricted by them. He kept the skins of such animals as had appeared in his first dreams and promised to be protectors to help him. A man might see a great many animals and keep all their skins and could send any one of these animals to destroy his enemy. Snakes, salamanders, mink and otter, were well known personal guardians. The songs used in the various midewin ceremonies were kept on rolls of birchbark of different sizes. The ideas were expressed by means of geometric signs drawn or scratched upon the bark, closel}^ resembling those kept by the Ojibway except that they were less realistic. The contents of these rolls were committed to memory by the novice. In Petitot, under the title, "Mitewi (the Labour), Bienniel medicine ceremony of the Crees," ^ we find the following reference to a ceremony which is probably more public and elaborate than those described to us, and which is quoted in full: — "At the approach of the vernal and autumnal equinoxes, the oldest and most powerful jugglers, the Sokaskew convoke all the Crees in the neighborhood to the ceremony of the Mitewi, sending by messengers, little presents of tobacco. If the tobacco is accepted by a Cree, he renders himself liable by this act to the equivalent of a promise to be present at the Mitewi, but it is permissible for any one to refuse the tobacco. Nevertheless, very few of the people refuse it for fear of arousing the ire of the magicians. 'He will change us into a bear or a horse,' think they, 'they can kill us at a distance or send us who can tell what sickness.' For this reason few of the Crees are brave enough to refuse. When all of the Crees are gathered at a place designated bj' the delegates, they build an oblong and conical house or shed, with an opening at each end. This is the Mitewi tent. The Cree, nude, painted, and prepared as if for war, enter the Mitewi lodge, and place themselves in along the length of the walls, which are elevated on stakes to the height of a support. The middle of the lodge is left vacant for the conjurors. The medicine men and magicians now enter, Maskikiy-Iyiniwok (magic-men) lead by the grand priest or Sokaskew. They carry in their hands the skin of the animal which is their totem (fetish, nagwal, or manito) because it is revealed to them in a dream that it is to be their guardian and good spirit. These skins belong to all kinds of animals, snakes, badgers, wolves, mink, coyotes, I Petitot. 477. {j4 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX, buffalo, foxes, lynx, mice, etc. Each skin is embellished with ornaments according to Indian taste, and placed on the earth in front of its fortunate possessor. This being done, they carry into the council lodge all the medicinal roots and herbs which have been plucked and culled by the medicine men during the heart of the summer. These are arranged in a single line in order that each conjuror may infuse into them the curative or malevolent vu-tues possessed by his totem. This is, properly speaking the commencement of the Mitewi or the Judgment of the Roots. This judgment is composed of first, the collection of medicine powers, and second, awarding this or that root according to the wish of the conjurors. In the first case, each magician holding his totem or manitou, the spirit of which haunts him, in his hand makes the rounds of the roots chanting and placing on them the head of the animal to the accompaniment of contortions and grimaces. Each one having made three rounds of the roots, it is the part of the grand priest to say such a root has received such a curative power, and such another root such another virtue. Some are declared good for the cramps and others for the megrims, such a one is only good for the feet, and another for the head, and another for the body. Such a root is to be used alone, and such another with one or two others. The time, the manner and the method for using are also determined by the medicine men and what of their powers they can communicate to their totem or animal-god . The judgment of the doctors being terminated, they proceed to the initiation of neophytes. No Cree not yet initiated may enter the mysteries of the Mitewi. The initiation is given for payment and carries with it the obligations of fidelity to the laws of magic. The novices having been brought into the lodge, they are passed in review, by all the jugglers, to the accompaniment of chants, grimaces, and insufflations and passes by means of the powerful totems. Each medicine man points towards him the head of his genie, and cries 'Wi! wi!' all of a sudden, with one common accord they direct them together on the same novice whom they have designated in advance, crying 'Wew!' This having been done, they are seen to point the invisible arrows of their power- ful manitous at the stomach of the novice. Immediately the novice falls to the earth without movement, and they cry, 'He is dead!' Sometimes it happens that the novice does not perceive that he has been pointed out by the unanimous consent of the magicians. Then his companions inform him, telling him, 'You have been shot,' and he immediately drops as if dead. The initiate being dead, the problem is to resuscitate him. This is the great miracle of magic of the science of initiation. The juggler approaches the candidate, touches him and makes magnetic passes with his hands and with his totem and sacred roots. Then come the songs, struck up with a trembling voice, a voice full of emotion and uncertainty, terminating with bellows. They breathe towards the heart of the dead man in order to recall him to life. Then little by little one sees life reappear in the body of the candidate. The invocations are redoubled, the medicine men press their mouths to the body of the patient, cup him and draw from the blood, worms, pebbles, nails and other objects. In short, life is returning, the dead man yawns, stretches, opens his eyes, which he casts with a haggard look over the crowd as if he were astonished and stupified at returning to life. Suddenly he cries, ' Why have you called me back to this low world? Why have you taken me away from the pleasures of the Earth of Spirits and of the celestial hunt?' 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 65 ' What have you seen, oh brother, what have 3-ou seen? ' the people around him cry. Then everyone hastens to hear his vision. 'Ah, my brethi-en,' said one of the initiates in my presence, 'how can mortal lips narrate what I have seen? I have seen, yes, I have seen the Great Spirit myself. I entered his tent, a magnificent mansion full of servants and e.xceUent things. As soon as he saw me, he cried, 'Go away, I do not want you here you ragged beggar.' 'No,' I answered him, I shall not depart. 'Go away, I tell you,' cried the Great JNIanitou, 'return to the earth which 3'ou have left before your time and without my command.' 'No,' I replied again, 'it is well to stay here, and here I shall remain.' 'Oh, you don't want to go away,' he cried, 'well you will see.' Saying this he loosened his dogs at me, his terrible dogs. What dogs, my friends I Animals as large as a pine tree and armed with long sharp teeth like the big knives of the Yankees of the south. Then when I saw the dogs of Kitchi-Manito I betook myself to flight. This is how I came back to earth.' After the initiate has spoken, he returns to the ranks of the old men, who con- gratulate him and crowd about him. After the judgment of the roots and the initiation, the sacrifice takes place. White dogs are prepared, bled, skinned and cut into pieces. With their blood are tied the four posts supporting the great lodge of the Mitewi and the rest is spread on the ground around this lodge. The white dog or dogs are then roasted and quartered without breaking a single one of their bones, about which they are very careful. Then the entire assemblage satisfies their hunger in honor of the Great Spirit. Then there follow chants, dances, and orgies until the morning of the next day. This ceremony is repeated twice as I have already said, in the vernal and autumnal equinoxes. "^ WTiile Petitot does not definitely state in what locality his observations were made, beyond sa^nng that they were made on the lower Saskatchewan, which would bring them within the Woodlands, from his description it appears that the region in question was one where Ojibway influence was more strongly in evidence than where the writer has made his obse^^•ations. The farther we recede from the Ojibway boundaries, especially to the East the midewin seems to lose strength and importance in Cree territory. It may even have been wanting among the Cree before they began their westward migrations and came in contact with the Ojibway. The midewin has long fallen into disuse and the notes here presented represent all that can be obtained at present, the mere vague and fragmentary memories of the oldest men. The Cree of Fort Albany admit that their midewin was closely related to that of the Ojil)way and that the}^ exchanged medicine and secrets with them. The Ojibway frequently came and lived among the Cree, fasting and dreaming in order that they might join the Cree branch of the midewin. The Cree in turn went through the same ceremony with the Ojibway. 1 Petitot, 477-483. (')() A lilhroiioliigicdl I'lifcrs A nii-ricau Museum of ?\(ilural History, [^'ol. IX, A few people liad iiiiilevolent powers rexealed to them diirini;' their dreams and sueh were able to eliange tlieiiisel\es into any animals at will. ( 'arver, referring to the ( 'ree in the A'icinity of Lake Winnipeg, describes the following method employed hy a shaman to look into the future and foretell the arrival of a party of traders who were anxiously awaited. '"Tlie following evening was fixed \ipon foi' this sj)iritiial conference. When everv thing had been proi)erly prepared, the king came to me and led nie to a capa- cious tent, the covering of which was drawn up, so as to render what was transacting within visible to those who stood without. We found the tent surrounded by a great number of the Indians, but we readily gained admission, and seated ourselves on skins laid on the ground for the pmpose. In the centre I observed that there was a place of an oblong shape, which was composed of stakes stuck in the ground with intervals between, so as to form a kind ,of chest or coffin, large enough to contain the body of a man. These were of middle size, and placed at .such a distance from each other, that whatever lay within them was readily to be discerned. The tent was perfectly illuminated b}' a great number of torches made of splinters cut from the pine or birch tree, which the Indians held in their hands. In a few minutes the priest entered; when an amazing lai'ge elk's skin being spreatl on the ground just at my feet, he laid himself down upon it, after having stri))t himself of every garment except that which he wore close about his middle. Being now prostrate on his back, he finst laid hold of one side of the skin, and folded it over him, and then the other; leaving only his head uncovered. This was no sooner done, than two of the young men who stood b}'. took about forty yards of strong cord, made also of an elk's hide, and rolled tight round his body, so that he was completely swathed within the skin. Being thus bound up like au Egyptian Mununy, one took him by the heels, and the other by the head, and lifted him over the pales into the inclosure. I could also now discern him as plain as I had hitherto done, and I took care not to turn my eyes a moment from the object before me, that I might the more readily detect the artifice; for such I doubted not br.t that it would turn out to be. The priest had not Iain in this situation more than a few seconds, when he began to mutter. This he continued to do for some time, and then bj' degrees grew louder and louder, till at length he spoke articulately; however what he uttered was in such a mixed jargon of the Chipewaw, Ottawaw, and Killistinoe languages, that I could understand but verj' little of it. Having continued in this tone for a considerable while, he at last exerted his voice to its utmost pitch, sometimes raving and some- times praying, till he had worked himself into such an agitation, that he foamed at his mouth. After having remained near three quarters of an hour in the place, and continued his vociferation with unabated vigor, he seemed to be quite exhausted, and remained speechless. But in an instant he sprung upon his feet, notwithstanding at the time he was put in, it appeared impossible for him to move either his legs or arms, and shaking off his covering, as quick as if the bands with which it had been bound were burned asunder, he began to address those who stood around, in a firm and audible voice. 'My Brothers,' said he, 'the Great Spirit has deigned to hold a Talk with his servant at niv caiiu-st leqtiest. He has not, indeed, loid nie when tiie i)er.-s noted rival miteos will build conjuring houses, and proceed to battle with e'ach other, the man whose influence with the spirits is the stronger or who has the most mysterious power, ne\er fails to vanquish the other. ( onjtiring is carried on for hunting, war-like piu'po.ses, love-making, and to see into the futin-e for the purpose of prophesying. The influence of the conjuror was much greater than that of the chief, and e\illy dispo.sed conjurors often held an entire conuumiity in terror, no one daring to refuse their demands. To .secure success in himting, conjuring is carried on in the following manner: — The conjm-or retires to a secluded spot, and there builds a dome- .shaped "conjuring house" (p. 14). The Indian hunters gather at least twenty-fi\e feet away from the sjjot forming a circle aroimd the lodge through which no one is allowed to pass. The conjiu'or enters and com- mences to sing in order to inxoke the spirits. The tent shakes violently, the wind i)lows, and the xoices of the spirits are heard from the top of the liouse and the cries of birds and beasts are plainly audible. The conjuror is heard to ask the spirits concerning the success of the hunt, and their Noices rv])\y from t\\v top of the lodge. The result of the lumt always depends on the answers given. The drtuu is nev(>r used in a conjm'ing house. A white man residing at Ivistmain Kix'er Fort informed the writer that ' Carver, 7S. 68 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [^'ol. IX, on one occasion, wishing to see just how the shaking of the lodge and the other mystical performances were accomplished, suddenly broke through the Indian lines, and running to the tent, lifted up a flap and there found the conjuror, his feet braced against one side of the tent, off the ground, with his hands firmly grasping the other side of the structure, shaking it violently and imitating the calls of the animals and the spirit voices. In conjuring for a ^•ictory in war, a dance, known as the "conjuror's dance," was g•i^'en. Conjuring is also done for the purpose of gaining mastery over the other sex, either individually or in general. Love charms or medicines are also used for this purpose. These, however, are personal dream revelations. Some magic object is sometimes held in the hand, and brought into contact with the person of the woman desired, who cannot resist the holder. The Rev. Dr. Robert Rennison, the Church of England missionary at Moose Factory informed the writer of a certain famous little greenish stone held by some of the Indians he had known. It had been in one family for a long time, and had a very powerful influence over women. If carried by a young man any girl to whom he stopped to talk would find him irresistible through its influence. Hunting Customs. As the Cree live in constant fear of starvation, and of the unseen forces of nature, their daily life is one long round of sacrifice. Tobacco is always thrown in the fire before a feast, to propitiate the spirits in general, and when reaching a rapid the Cree voyageurs invariably cast tobacco into it to conciliate the resident manitou or demon, half woman and half fish. To the Eastern Cree mind every animal has a spirit whose hixor must be acquired or it will exert its influence to prevent its species from being taken by Indian hunters.^ On this account the bones of the beaver are carefully cleaned and cast into the running water whence they came in order that the dogs may not get them. The heads of geese and ducks, the teeth of moose and caribou, and the claws and chins of the bear are saved. They form not only an offering to the spirit of the animal from which they were taken, but serve as talismen for the owners, and trophies or tallies of the chase as well. The skin of every animal taken is decorated with vermilion stripes and dots, never omitting the mystic series of five dots, the secret meaning of which could not be obtained (Fig. 35). Like many other North American tribes, the Eastern Cree consider that of all animals, the most powerful and important is the bear, concerning whom the following series of customs has originated. 1 According to Dr. F. G. Speck, the Micmac, Montagnais, and Naskapi still believe animals will be reborn if the proper taboos are observed. This is no doubt also the case with the Cree. 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 69 If a hunter, while in the forest, comes upon a bear and wishes to slay him, he first approaches and apologizes, explaining that nothing but lack of food drives him to kill it, and begging that the bear will not be offended at him, nor permit the spirits of other bears to be angry. On killing the bear, he cuts off the middle toe and claw of the right fore foot and returns with it to his camp. ^Yhen he arrives he first smokes for some time, saying nothing of what he has done, but meanwhile mentally deciding whom he shall ask to take charge of, bring in, and butcher the carcass. Usually, if he is a married man, the person chosen is the wife of the hunter. When the proper time, perhaps an hour, has elapsed, he gives the announc- ing claw to the person whom he has picked out, and states where the bear may be found. The recipient of the claw understands what is required, and, ask- . ^'^- f^ (50-7034). A ^ ' ' bear s claw Trophy. ing no further questions, takes a companion, goes out, and brings in the carcass. The announcing claw is wrapped in cloth, beaded, or painted, or both, and kept as a memento of the occasion (Fig. 36). In case two or more men kill a bear, it is laid out on its back in their canoe, and carefully covered. When the hunters approach their camp or Post, the burden is seen from afar, and all the Indians crowd the river bank with cries of congratulation. When the canoe grates on the beach, it is at once surrounded by the small boys, who run down and draw back the blanket or covering enough to expose the bear's head, or at least, its teeth. It is then carried up and laid out, like a man, in front of its slayer's wigwam. After the bear has been laid out, and tobacco placed on his teeth or in his mouth, the hunter and the chief men present smoke over it. Nowadays when the bear is brought in, it is laid out upon a new blanket purchased from the Hudson's Bay Company for the occasion. While the ceremony is going on, if it must be mentioned, the bear must be called Kawi'piitc mi'tcEm (black food). Pointing with the finger at the carcass during this ceremony is strictly tabooed. After the hunter and chief men have smoked, the bear is butchered, and the flesh distributed to all the camp. Certain parts of the bear's flesh are at once burnt ("given to its spirit to eat"), including a small piece of its heart. The rest of the heart is at once eaten by the slayer, in order that he may acquire the cunning and courage of his victim. Women are not allowed to eat of the bear's head or paws, nor men of his rump. The bones are never given away, unless the bear's flesh is served as a feast in the lodge of the slayer. In any event, they are carefully cleansed, saved, and hung up, or placed on a scaffold where the dogs cannot "0 Aiilliropolof/ic/il Papers Atuermin Museum of Xaliinil History. [Vol. IX, reach them. If wild animals, other tlian dogs, reach and devour them, no harm is done. The skull of the bear is cleaned, and the brains renio\ed through an opening made by enlarging the foramen magnum. It is dried, and painted with A'ermilion (Fig. 37), and is placed in a safe place (now generally on a Fig. 37 (.50-7028). Bears' Skulls with Ccremoniid Markings. shelf in the Hudson's Bay Company's stort', if the Indians are at a Post) and kept from three to six months, when it is secretly taken by its owners and hung up on a tree in the forest. Formerly, the Cree of Moose Fort, instead of smoking ()\-er the carcass of a dead bear, like those of the Eastmain, went through the following cere- mony : — 1911.] Sl:inner, The Eadern Cree. tl The head of tlie hear was first cut off and cooked, after whicli the men and hoys of the camp sat down in a circle ahout it. A large stone pipe was laid beside the head and a plug of tobacco placed upon it. Tlien the man who had killed the bear arose from his place in the circle and filled the pipe with the tobacco, after which it was lighted and passed about the circle from left to right, the slayer smoking first. Each person had the alternative of smoking the pipe for several moments or merely taking a single puff before passing it on. After this, the bear's head was passed about and everyone stro\'e to l)ite out a piece of its flesh without touching it with his hands. ^ The same ceremony was sometimes also gone through after the slaying of a caribou. Another bear ceremony obser\'ed by the ^loose Cree was as follows: — The bear's intestines were remox'ed, slightly cooked and smoked, after the passing of the head. They were then coiled up on a plate and passed about the circle by the slayer and offered to all the men present, each of whom bit off a piece. Women were allowed to be present at this part of the ceremony but were not allowed to partake of the meat. This ceremony was quite recently observed. The Cree of Rupert's House and Eastmain River Fort, taboo pointing at a bear with the finger e\'en if it is a live bear in the woods, for if this is done, the bear would turn and rim away, even if he did not see the offender, for his medicine woidd warn him of the approach of danger. At the feast, after the slaying of a bear, a certain amount of food is always set before each guest, who is obliged to finish it at one sitting. If, howe\'er, he can- not eat it all at once, he is privileged to leave it at the house of the gi\'er of the feast until the next night, when he must finish it. The Moose and Albany Cree do not now observe the majority of the bear customs, nor have they for many years. Those at Albany have forgotten their significance. It is permissible to speak of a bear as Muskwa (the "angry one" or "wrangler") in his absence only, unless one wishes to anger him, or as an expression of reproof. It must never be used before his carcass. If a hunter comes upon a bear in the woods, and is obliged to speak of him, he may call him Kawl'patc mItcEm (black meat, or food) because this is the bear's proper name, and he will not be offended or frightened by it. This name may also be used before the dead body. Under the same circum- stances as abo\e, or when it is not desirable to let him know that he is being spoken of, he may be called Tclsheak (old porcupine) because he will not I The writer saw an almost identical ceremony of passing the bear's head during a, midnight ceremony of the Little Waters, or Secret Medicine Society, of the Seneca Iroquois on the Cattaraugus Reserve, New York. This time a bear's head was not obtainable, and a chunlv of salt pork was used. Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Yoi. IX, know who is being talked about. When making fun of a bear, or joking about him, he may be called Wakiush (crooked tail). This name must never l)e used before the carcass, but TukwaiakEn (short tail) may be used. PisEsu or Pisistciu (resembling a cat, or lynx) is another term applied to the bear to avoid calling him by his real name. Waklu may be another form of Wakiush and Matsue may be a variant of Muskwa. The skin of the bear is dried, but never tanned and painted. The skin of the imder-lip or chin is sacred, and with a piece of bone from the tongue is sa\'ed. The bone is placed in a little pouch or bag, and fastened to the point of the chin on the inside. The skin is folded (sometimes being first painted with vermilion) and sewed together (Fig. 38). The edges of the skin and of the pouch containing the tongue bone are beaded. At East- main River Fort, the skin is folded, but not fastened, so that the little bag cannot be seen, as at Rupert's House. These chins serve as charms, and as tallies or hunting trophies. A string of these which was perhaps used as a necklace (Fig. 38) was collected at Eastmain Ri\er Fort. Single claws are also kept as trophies, the bony part being re- jected and the horny nail saved, often a number are fitted together one inside of the other to form a ring (Fig. 39). A skinning tool of the thigh bone of a young bear, and a worked scapula, from the same animal, perhaps in- tended for a spoon, were obtained at Rupert's House and the writer was informed that these were kept as charms, and never used. A bear's foetus skin, obtained at the same Post was kept for the same reason. Anciently, the Eastern Cree never used the Fig. 38. Fig. 38 (50-7041). Fig. 39 (50-7031). Fig. 39. A String of Bearskin Cliarms A Ring of Bear Claws. 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 73 bow and arrow in taking the bear, as they did not consider these weapons strong enough. Bears were invariably hunted with the war club and knife, especially in winter, when their hibernating dens might be found. The hunter always endeavored to strike the bear a fatal blow on the head with his club, or approached at still closer quarters, to stab him. Dogs were used to worry the bear and the Indians affirm that when standing on his hind legs neither the polar nor black bear can turn well on the right side, making it comparatively easy for an agile man to run in closely and stab it to the heart. Bears are supposed, as will be seen, to understand everything said to them. One man whom we saw at Eastmain River Fort in 1908 was horribly scarred and mangled by a black bear which he had attacked and wounded, but which finally set him free when he pleaded with it for mercy. A " bear dance" was formerly held but no information could be obtained (p. 40) concerning it, other than a meager description. The carcass of the first caribou killed by any member of the band, is skinned, with the exception of the head. The breast and lower part of the throat including the tongue are cut off in one piece. The head is then singed, cut off the body, and boiled together with the flesh of the neck and throat. The slayer of the animal takes the body from the fire and puts the flesh into a new kettle, which he passes around the circle to every man and boy present. Women may not partake of the food. Each man tries to eat as much as he can. ^Mien a caribou is killed, its death is sometimes announced by bringing in a tuft of its hair, or its right fore leg, cut off at the knee. No other ceremony accompanies this act, however. Tanned caribou skins invariably have the tail, or a tuft of hair from it left upon them; they are also painted symbolically in vermilion. Painting with esoteric meaning also occurs on the inside of the caribou skin parkas, or coats. A "deer dance" was held but no information can now be obtained coneerning it. The heads of ducks and geese are stuffed, preser\'ed, and decorated with beads, and kept to propitiate the spirits of the birds and as charms and trophies (Fig. 40). A piece of the skin of the loon's neck is often attached to the rifle of a hunter as a luck charm. The first fish caught in the spring are burnt as an offering to the so\'ereign spirit or manitou of the fish. When camping together, a band of Eastern Cree will sometimes take a pole, strip it of its bark and place it up right before the camp. From this, out of reach of the dogs, are hung the skulls of the l)ear, beaver, otter, and loon, to honor them, and to proclaim to the world to what animals the hunters are indebted for their lives. The whites of the James Bay region call the.se ceremonial, or sacrificial posts, "Indian flagpoles". 74 • Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX, Fig. 40 (50-7039, 703S, 7058). A Series of hunting Charms. 1911.] Skiniirr. The luislfrn Crec. 75 A in;m desirinfi- success in fishini;- or luintinu \\atcr ;iiiiiii;ils souictimes biiilcis a scaffold of poles, and after he has fasted foi- a wliile lie ascends the scaffold at nijilit, praying and fasting until lie lias a dream in which he may be told how to take the various denizens of the water. Jn the ca.se of hunting-medicine an e\il spirit appears and gives the hunter a magic draught which imbues him with the power to attract the beasts to his traps. These two usages were obtained among the Cree of Moose F'actory and may also be found among the Rupert's House Indians, although they were not heard of there by the writer. If a hunter dreams of seeing or killing any animal, when he wakes up he at once sings a song, for luck, concerning his dream and about the animal which appeared to him, for luck. A young man ha\'ing killed any large animal for the first time sits up all night singing, drumming, and praying A feast is gi\en in his honor. This is repeated whene\'er he slays any new species of big game for the first time. Franklin says of the Cree of C'miiberland House, " ^lany of the Creek (sic) hunters are careful to pre\ent a woman from partaking of the head of a moose-deer, less it should spoil their future hunts, and for the .same reason they avoid bringing it up to a fort, fearing less the white people should give the bones to the dogs." ^ While it is true that the original reasons for which most of these bear ceremonies and sacrifices were offered by the Eastern Cree are now lost, the Northern Saulteaux have preser\ed certain customs connected with the bear and moreo\er gi\e reasons for tlie sacrifices which they otter. According to the Saulteaux all bear kind are controlled l)y a great chief, a bear of extraordinary size with remarkable supernatural powers. This "bear manitou" controls the destiny of all the species, and it is through his will that they wander about the earth. If so inclined, the "l)ear mani- tou" may .send any one of his subjects to any place that he wills, and it is throvigh him alone that a bear is ever caught in an Indian trap or slain by an Indian. Therefore, the sacrifices and honors accorded to the bear by the Ojibway ha\'e a dual reason: first, through this means the slain bear is himself honored, and secondly, the "bear manitou" is pleased and takes pains to see that the Indian thus according him his due is rewarded by future succe.s.sful hunts. Some kindred reason no doubt actuates the Eastern Cree when he smokes tobacco over the l)ody of tlie bear or saves the skin of the bear's chin. From the proximity of most of the Eastern Cree to the Northern Saulteaux, and the known interchange of ideas and culture, one would imagine that the.se rea.sons at former times obtained in both localities. 1 Franklin. 64. 7t» Aidhropoloijiail Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX^ The Indians l)elie\e that all animals are speaking and thinking beings, in many ways not one whit less intelligent than human beings. The reason that they are less successful in life is that they are unfortunate, "their metlieine is not as strong." The reason that the Indian is able to prey upon them is that he is more fortunate, not more intelligent. In some cases, however, certain animals have a greater supernatural ability than the Indian. This is particularly true of the bear who is considered more intelligent and to have greater medicine powers in many ways than mankind. He walks iil)()ii liis hind legs like a man, and displays manlike characteristics. In fact, some tribes regard the bear as an unfortimate man. For this reason, much attention is paid to him. He is also noted for his bravery, and many tribes are known to esteem a necklace of bear's claws, the trophy acquired by a man who has slain a l)ear, above the human scalp. In this connection, the writer has noted special honors accorded the bear among the Cree, Ojibway,. Menomini, Seneca, Delaware, Assiniboine,^ and others. DOCTORS AND MEDICINES. Considerable general knowledge of medicines, herbs, and simples is in the possession of the ordinary' people. There are, however, regular physi- cians, each of whom has to possess some degree of magic power. Among the Eastern Cree, doctors never suck wounds with bone tubes, as among some Algonkin tribes. They must always be paid when a cure is effected. The diagnosis, as far as observed by the writer, generally consists of a purely superficial examination. The Eastern Cree are expert botanists and even recognize many obscure plants. They claim to be very well conversant with their curative properties. Unfortunately, owing to the lack of oppor- tunity for collection and identification, the following list of medicinal plants is very incomplete and indefinite in regard to classification.^ It is given here merely to show in a small part the wide range of medicinal plant usage among the Eastern Cree. Kakigebilk, "country tea"; for retention of urine. "blackberry willow root "; as an emetic. \MsegipKk, "bitter leaf"; externally, used for strains, blistering, as a sticking plaster and sometimes small quantities taken internally. ' Lowie, .56. • For the few identiflcations here made and in fact for all those used here and elsewhere in this paper, the writer is indebted to Mr. Waldron De Witt Miller of the Department of OrnilholoKy <>f tliis Museum. 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 77 Watcinakun, juniper bark, Juniper communis; as a poultice to draw out pain. Oskiskkatik, "English" pine, jnnus sp. (?); used for heating wounds. INIinahik, spruce, Picea sp. (?); boiled or beaten. Used as a plaster on wounds, kept there until it comes off of itself. llilatchitipityu, balsam spruce; gum used for cuts. Atamisklu, pinus, all species; pitch used to heal cuts. Muscmninanatik, mountain ash; now and again as a tonic, upper and ■outer bark discarded, inner bark boiled. , black willow; roots boiled as an ? , red willow ; bark boiled for an emetic. , castoreum, used to heal cuts and wounds. For constipation, water to which fish grease has been added is given as an enema bj- means of a syringe made of bladder with a tubular bone mouthpiece. This is placed in the rectum and the water injected l)^' pressing the bladder.^ According to Mackenzie: — "These people are, in general, subject to few disorders. The lues venerea, however, is a common complaint, but cured by the application of simples, with whose virtues they appear to be well acquainted. They are also subject to fluxes, and pains in the breast, which some have attributed to the very cold and keen air which they inhale; but I should imagine that these complaints must frequently proceed from their immoderate indulgence in fat meat at their feasts, particularly when they have been preceded by long fastings." ^ Again he says : — "These people know the medicinal virtues of many herbs and simples, and apply the roots of plants and the bark of trees with success. But the conjiuors, who monopolize the medical science, find it necessary to blend mystery with their- art, and do not communicate their knowledge. Their materia medica they administer in the form of purges or clysters; but the remedies and surgical operations are supposed to derive much of their effect from magic incantation. When a blister rises in the foot from the frost, the chaffing of the shoe, etc., they immediately open it, and apply the heated blade of a knife to the part, which painful as it may be, is found to be efficacious. A sharp flint serves them as a lancet for letting blood, as well as for scarification in bruises and swellings. For sprains, the dung of an animal just killed is considered as the best remedy. They are very fond of European medi- cines, though they are ignorant of their application : and those articles form a con- siderable part of the European traffic with them." ' Doctors also obtained medicines in the following manYier: — Receptacles of several different sizes were hung outside in the exening. The shaman 1 Heame, 190. 2 Mackenzie, 66. 3 Mackenzie, 74. 78 Aiithni/jologirdl Papers A iiwriran Miiscuin of Ndtiintl History. [Vol. IX, tlien rctunu'd to liis lodiic and heat the dniiii all night singing- and praying. In the morning, he sent someone to secure the receptacles which were found to he full of different kinds of medicine, whereas they had l)een empty. Each of these liad a distinct use. Such medicines were either liquid or solid. l)iit if dry medicines alone Mere desired, hirchhark folders were hung- up. The shaman alone knew the use of his medicines and no one else could l)c .successful with them. With these magic medicines even amputa- tions and injuries could he ciu'ed. No attempt is made to cure or attend the insane. As an idiot is popu- larly supposed to he possessed of an e\il spirit, the unfortunate wi'etch is usually killed. To this day such an execution usually takes the form of burning at the stake. WAR CUSTOMS. According to our informants, in olden times every warrior had special garments, worn only in time of battle. The war cap, or bonnet, was a close-fitting skull cap of l)uck.skin, witli a standing ridge of larger feathers placed close together and running across the crown from forehead to back. Sometimes a band of .skin was bound around the liead and on this plumes were fastened, chaplet \\ise. War paint was not used. Howe\er, war medicine re\'ea.led in dreams was rubbed o\er the body. The weapons were a ball-headed war club with a stone set in it, the spear and the bow and arrows. The arrows were made of iron willow, and tipped with bone; the short sinew-backed bow of juniper or tamarack. The war spear was extensively used. It had a bone point and a smooth handle with a knob at the end so that it could not slij) out of the hand when in service. Armor was made of skin drawn over wood, thick l)ark or hard leather which rested ne.xt to the skin of the wearer. The outside was inflated by blowing, making a kind of pneumatic cushion. Shields were not carried as e\'ery warrior was taught to dodge arrows. If a man carried a spear he could knock aside the arrows with that. The war dance and conjuring dance, were always gi\en before going into battle (p. 40). Feasts for success Mere sometimes made, the efficacy of these depending upon the guests devouring everything that was set before them. Unlike the Northern Saulteaux, the Eastern Cree did not change their names prior to going into battle. The w^ar cry (SaskM-eo) M'as some- times given at the order of the chief, mIio cried, "Siiskwek!" (Give the Mar cry.) ^Var cries are still given Mhen shooting rapids. Scalping Mas 1911.) Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 79 carried on, and in the old wars against the Eskimo, it was customary for the victor to eat a piece of fat cut from the thigh of the slain enemy. This has been done recently, for the fathers of some middle-aged hunters met at Moose Factory are credited with the experience. Famous persons, when captured, were sometimes tied to a stake, cut up piecemeal while alive, l)oiIed and eaten before their own eyes. If the sacred war bundle of the Central tribes is or was known to the Cree, no traces of its use coidd be imearthed, yet a certain correspondence of ideas and practices was apparent. The people against whom the Eastern Cree made war were the Eskimo and some of the neighboring Algonkin. They are still desperately afraid of the Iroquois (Xotohoweo) who pursuefl them to their most northern boundaries. They were always on terms of great friendship with the Saulteau x ( )j i b way . While most prayers were ottered silently, a man who felt that he was losing his power during battle would stand and pray aloud to the sun as follows: — tciya' ni manitoum you my manitoU: my kaspe mutatam tapoena that I trusted to are you kika wa' yl tcihen ^ really going to decei\'e me? The war song which was given liefore and during liattle, begged for power to go against the enemy as swiftly as the bird flies, and begged that the Sim would help, and not deceive, the supplicant. Here a certain resemblance to the beliefs of the central tribes may be observed, for these war songs plead for the same powers to whom the southern tribes appealed, and which they received through their palladiums, the war l)undles. The sun too, is almost universally recognized in the Woodlands, as the chief war god. To hark bac-k to earlier times, Mackenzie informs us that: — ■'Many and various are tlie motives which induce a .savage to engage in war. To prove his courage, or to revenge the death of his relations, or some of his tribe, b}' the massacre of an enemy. If the tribe feel themselves called upon to go to war, the elders convene the people, in order to know the general opinion. If it be for war, the chief pubHshes liis intention to smoke in the stem at a certain period, to whicli solemnity, meditation and fasting are required as preparatory ceremonials. When the people are thus assembled, and tlie meeting sanctified b,y the customs of smoking, the chief enlarges on the causes which have calletl them together, and the necessity ' Rupert's House dialect. 80 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX, of the measures proposed on the occasion. He then myites those who are wilhng to follow him, to smoke out of the sacred stem, which is considered as the token of enrollment; and if it should be the general opinion, that assistance is necessary, others are invited, with great formality, to join them. Every individual who attends these meetings brings something with him as a token of his warlike intention, or as an object of sacrifice, which, when the assembly dissolves, is suspended from poles near the place of covmcil." ^ MORTUARY CUSTOMS. When at the Posts, the modern Cree Indians bury then* dead according to the ceremonies of the Church of England. In the "bush" they follow this method as nearly as possible; but, of course, without the burial service. Coffins of wood are constructed and the grave closely surrounded by a fence, more for appearance than for protection against wild animals. Head- stones, or rather boards, are often set up. In the old days, so the Indians say, the body was laid out straight in the grave and not flexed, as was so universal a custom among most of the Algonkin peoples. It was wrapped in birch or pine bark, and, if a man, skulls and l)ones of the animals the hunter used to kill were put nearby. Persons never got into a grave while digging it, only taking out as much earth as they could reach, for if any one went into the grave it was thought that he would die in a very short time. The belongings of the deceased were laid upon the grave and not in it, as common farther to the south. After a week or two people generally took the articles left at the grave with the exception of the bow and arrows, if the grave was that of a man. Custom decreed that these might never be used by any other person. It was customary for the oldest man in the band to watch over the grave for two or three days in order that the spirit of the departed might not return and take away any one else. Sometimes, for the first three nights, the wig- wam was entirely surrounded by fish nets stretched on poles, to form a barrier to prevent the spirit from returning. From Mackenzie we learn that the Cree of his time had different prac- tices than those now observed: — "The funeral rites begin, like all other solemn ceremonials, with smoking, and are concluded by a feast. The body is dressed in the best habiliments possessed by the deceased, or his relations, and is then deposited in a grave, lined with branches: 1 Mackenzie, 69. 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 81 some domestic utensils are placed on it, and a kind of canopy erected over it. During this ceremony, great lamentations are made, and if the departed person is very much regretted the near relations cut off their hair, pierce the fleshy part of their thighs and arms with arrows, knives, etc., and blacken their faces with charcoal. If they have distinguished themselves in war, they are sometimes laid on a kind of scaffolding; and I have been informed that women, as in the East, have been known to sa(!rifice themselves to the manes of their husbands. The whole of the property belonging to the departed person is destroyed, and the relations take in exchange for wearing apparel, any rags that will cover their nakedness. The feast bestowed on the occa- sion, which is, or at least used to be, repeated annually, is accompanied with eulogiums on the deceased, and without any acts of ferocity. On the tomb are carved or painted the symbols of his tribe, which are taken from the different animals of the country. "^ Mackenzie also states : — "Among theh- various superstitions, they believe that the vapor which is seen to hover over moist and swampy places, is the spirit of some person lately dead. They also fancy another spirit which appears, in the shape of a man, upon the trees near the lodge of a person deceased, whose property has not been interred with them. He is represented as bearing a gun in his hand, and it is believed that he does not return to his rest, till the property that has been withheld from the grave has been sacrificed to it." ^ SOME NOTES ON FOLKLORE. Owing to the great mortality among the older people, during the influenza epidemic which scourged northern Quebec, Ontario, and Keewatin during 190S-9, it is now very hard to find anyone able to relate the myths and legends of the Eastern Cree. The younger generation usually remembers only fragments of the stories, and they object strongly to relating them in this form. There are, as is customary among other Algonkin tribes, fixed titles for each story. These titles are usually chosen from the name of one of the characters, and the hero is by no means always selected. The custom of never telling a story until after the first frost, has been discontinued lately. Like their kindred, the Ojibway and Menomini, the Cree used to prefer long stories, crowding numy incidents into one tale. In this respect they difl^er from the Sauk and Fox, who delight in short succinct narratives; but 1 Mackenzie, 68. 2 Mackenzie, 74. 82 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX, the tendency of the younger Cree is to break up their legends into short anecdotes.^ All along the west coast of James and Hudson's Bays, Wisakatcak plays a prominent part as the culture hero and trickster, but the cycle seems to be unknown to the Eastmain and Labrador Cree, at least all inquiries made among them in 1908 proved barren. As ipight be expected, some of the Cree who are cognizant of Ojibway folklore identify Wisakatcak with Nanabozo. On the other hand, those Saulteaux living in pi-oximity to the Cree have incorporated the name of Wisakatcak in the form of WisEketcak. While many of the adventures of Wisakatcak are ludicrous and often obscene, the stories are not told for the sake of their humor, and his role of benefactor is never forgotten. Otter takes the part of the buffoon, and is presumably thrown into serious myths to lessen the gravity of the plot. Like Otter, the Hell-diver, is regarded as a clown and an ignoramus. An animal which appears in more southern tales as a water monster is identified by the Cree with the walrus, who, like the Horned Snake of other tribes, fears the implacable Thunder. The most characteristic of Eastern Cree tales are those concerning cannibalism, which may well have a foundation in fact, and those stories which narrate alternately the feats of ri\'al conjurors. Escaping danger by means of a hole dug in the ground seems to be a Cree institution. In common with their Saulteaux neighbors, the Cree are fond of making humorous quotations from well-known legends. For example, a half breed Cree-Ojibway noticing me talk earnestly to a crowd of Lidians observed laughingly, "Shingibis is walking!" The idea is that when Shingibis the Hell-diver, a very aquatic bird, takes to the land, there is something doing. A Cree, under almost identical conditions remarked, with the same purport, " W'isakatcak is in his conjuring tent!" Freaks, phenomena, and accidents, are often jocularly attributed to the mischievous pranks of Wisakatcak. A sly person may be nicknamed for the Trickster, but a dog is called Tcikapis under the same circumstances. A comparison with the folklore of their neighbors and some of their relatives shows that out of fifty incidents found among the Eastern Cree, twenty-two are common to the Ojibway, thirty to the Assiniboine, ten to the Sauk and Fox, eight to the Blackfoot, eight to the Naskapi, six to the Menomini, four to the Montagnais, and one to the Chipewyan. The discrepancy shown in the number of incidents among the Chipewyan and neighboring Montagnais, and the comparatively larger number among such more distant people as the Sauk and Fox may be accounted for by the fact that our data from the northern tribes are less complete. 1 A series of good examples of this disnaembering may be found in Russell, 201. 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 83 WlSAGATCAK.^ One winter day, ^Yisagatcak was chiseling for mythical "big" beaver. He caught the beaver by shutting up the creek with stakes, lea^■ing an opening in the center of the stream. He stood there waiting all day for the beaver to try to swim through the opening and escape. Towards evening, he saw one coming along, but just as he was about to kill it, INIusk- rat stole up behind and scratched his anus. This startled Wisagatcak so that he failed to slay his quarry. At last, it grew so dark that he could no longer see the game, so he went ashore and built a fire without eating any- thing. He thought to himself, "To-morrow, I will try to break the beaver* dam and dry up the creek." Early the next morning, Wisagatcak arose and made a pointed stick, or spear, from juniper. \Yith this he broke the dam, and when it was broken, the water began to rise, so that at last AYisagatcak could no longer stand on the ground. When this happened, he made a raft of logs and got on that. He took aboard a pair of every kind of animal and stayed there with them for two Meeks. They drifted about, for there was no chance to anchor anywhere, ^^'hile all this happened the Big Beaver were conjuring against Wisagatcak to revenge themselves for breaking their dam. After two weeks had passed, Wisagatcak wished to know the depth of the water under- neath the raft so he. took ISIuskrat and tied a long string to his feet and told him to di^■e under the water and bring up some mud. The rat went down; he was unable to reach the bottom and was drowned before Wisagatcak could pull him up. Wisagatcak waited for three days and then sent the crow to see if he could find any dry land. He told Crow if he found any he was to bring back some moss; but Crow came back empty-billed. When Wisagatcak learned this, he was frightened. He had a little moss on his raft and he took it and began to conjure. The next day, he told Wolf to take the moss in his mouth and run around the raft with it. W^olf did as he was told and as soon as he ran around the raft, earth began to appear and grow on it. Wolf continued to run around for a week while the land kept on growing larger. It continued to grow for two weeks. At the end of this time, Wolf had made it so big that he never came back. Since the earth is built over water, this accounts for the existence of subterranean springs. When Wolf liad been gone a week and had not yet returned, Wisagatcak said to the other animals, " Well, the ground must now be big enough for I Albany Cree. 84 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX, US to live on." Beaver asked Wisagateak. "How are we going to live? We are now eating willows and poplars and there are as yet no trees on the earth for us to live on." Wisagateak replied, "Just wait, you will need a Httle creek to live in also." "Yes," said Beaver. "I'll do something to- night," said Wisagateak. That night Wisagateak conjured again. He dug down through the earth over the raft to get a log from it; but the earth was now so great he could not find any trace of his raft. When Wisagateak failed to get even a stick he said to Beaver, " Well, I '11 make a creek for you, and you may live on the roots of the grass until trees grow up." That is why Beaver eats certain white roots to this day although his proper diet is bark. When Wisagateak had built the creek for Beaver, he dwelt in it. After a while, Wisagateak came back and found that Beaver had dug trenches everywhere in his search for roots. He saw one beaver swimming about. " Come here brother," he said, for he was the older brother of all the animals. The beaver refused to go. "Why do you call me," said Beaver, "when you only wish to kill me?" Then Wisagateak was angry and said, "I'll never come again." He never did. One time, when Wisagateak was out hunting, he saw a great number of wild fowl and said to himself, "What can I do to get them?" He was carr^'ing a big bag and he thought he would pull up some moss and fill his bag with that. He did so, and when he had stuffed it full he went away, carrying it on his back. When the wild fowl saw Wisagatcak's bundle, they approached and asked, "What is that you are carrying on jour back?" Wisagateak stopped and replied, " This is my ' singing wigwam ' (sic) where I used to sing and dance." Then he took out the moss and made a lodge of it. Wlien the wild fowl saw the wigwam, they came over and went in. Wisagateak said to the birds, " When I sing, take care to do everything that I say to do." Then all the wild fowl began to dance. After Wisagateak had sung for some time, he cried out in the song for all the birds to shut their eyes, and dance in a circle, with their heads and necks inward and close together. When the birds did this, Wisagateak took a cord and made a running noose of it which he threw over the necks of all the birds at once and so succeeded in strangling a great many of them. When Loon heard the dying l>eat of the wild fowls' wings he began to open his eyes and peep. As soon as he saw that the birds were being killed, he cried out, "Wisagateak is killing us," and ran to the door. Wisiigatcak pursued Loon, and just as he was escaping through the door, Wisagateak managed to kick him squarely in the rump. This accovmts for the peculiar shape of the loon's rinnp bone to-day. Then thought Wisagateak to himself, "I wonder how I can cook all 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 85 these birds." He dug down under the sand by the fireplace for he intended to roast the fowls by burying them in the hot sand. In order to remember where he had put them, he left one leg of each bird sticking up above the surface. When he had done this, Wisagatcak wished to have a good sleep but before going to bed he said to his rump, " Well, you had better watch while I sleep." At last, someone passing by saw the tent. He waited until he was sure Wisagatcak was asleep and then he came and peeped in at the door. The faithful rump gave warning by breaking wind, Wisagatcak roused at once, jumped up, and looked about. The marauder, however, had disappeared and Wisagatcak saw no one and returned to bed. " Don't you fool me like that again," he said to his rump. As soon as the intruder heard Wisagatcak snore again, he came and peeped in the tent once more. Again, Wisagatcak's rump gave tongue. W'isagatcak leaped up and looked out, but again the culprit escaped him. As Wisagatcak could see no one, he spoke very sharply to his rump for deceiving him. Then he went back to his bed. As soon as he was asleep the man came and looked in again but this time Wisagatcak's rump was angry because it had been reproved twice, and failed to give warning. Then the man entered Wisagatcak's wigwam and stole all the geese and other wild fowl. The thief pulled off one foot from each and to deceive Wisagatcak stuck them up in the sand around the fire where the birds' had been. At length, Wisagatcak awoke and being very hungry, he commenced to pull up his geese, but all that he could find were the feet, so he knew he had been robbed while he slept. Wisagatcak was very angry with his rump for not warning him of tlie thief's approach. So he put a stone in the fire and heated it red hot. When it was hot enough he took off his leggings and breechclout and sat upon the stone to burn his rump to punish it for its treachery. As he sat on the hot stones he began to break wind and continued to do so. "Look here now." said Wisagatcak to his anus, "you suffer because you did not warn me." When he had finished burning it, it was withered and shaped like everyone's else and there was a deep crease burned in the middle. That is why man- kind has the rump shaped in this way. Formerly, a man's rump was puckered like that of a frog. Wlien Wisagatcak had done this, he went hurrying off and left his wig- wam standing. He took his bow and arrows to hunt game, for he was very hungry since he had lost his dinner. At every step he took he broke wind, "Poop! poop! poop!" and so his rump revenged itself by warning all the game and spoiling his hunting. At length, Wisagatcak began to starve because he could not approach 8G Anthropological Papers American Museum of A'atural flistory [\'ol. IX, the game. "Don't make any more noise," said he to his rump, "and I'll give you something to eat." There was a big scab on his rump where he had burned it, and at last it dropped off. As Wisagatcak was starving, he picked up the scab and began to eat it. He thought it was dried meat.^ The squirrel saw Wisagatcak eating the scab and he could n't help laughing. "That is your own scab jou are eating," said he to Wisagatcak. Then Wisagatcak threw his scab at the birch tree and the punk of rotten birches is of that scab. Then Wisagatcak pounded the tree with a stick as well and thus he marked the bark in the way one sees it to-day. After Wisagatcak had done this, he went away from there. He saw a bear eating berries. He approached the liear to shoot it but his rump broke wind and warned the bear that Wisagatcak was coming. When the bear heard and saw Wisagatcak coming he would run off, but Wisagatcak called out, " Hold on, my brother." The bear answered, " I did not know you were a brother of mine." Wisagatcak replied, "Don't you know? Long ago, Ave were brothers; we will eat berries together. Do you see that thing sticking up out of the water there?" "No," said the bear. "Don't you see that thing sticking out of the water?" said Wisagatcak. "No, I see nothing," said the bear. "Do you know what I have done?" said Wisagat- cak, " Formerly, I used to see as poorly as you do, but I ma.shed berries and put them in my eyes." Then the bear thought he would like to see as well as Wisagatcak so he began to mash berries and put them in his eyes. " After I had done that," said Wisagatcak, " I went to bed and had a short nap. I had a stone for my pillow too." The bear did likewise. When the bear fell asleep Wisa- gatcak took up a big stone and mashed the bear's head with it and killed him.- Then Wisagatcak skinned the bear. He cut it in pieces and cooked them all. He preserved the grease and intestines. He did not attempt to eat until he had cooked all of it. While he was cooking he looked up and saw ]\luskrat swimming in the river. As the grease would not harden, he called to the rat to take it and swim through the water with it. When Muskrat returned with the grease, Wisagatcak stripped all the flesh from his tail to reward him for his services. Tliat is why it is so thin and skinny now, whereas formerly it was fat and broad like a beaver's and too heavy for him. "Try now and see how fast you can go," said Wisagatcak to Muskrat. Muskrat tried and went so fast that he broke the grease bladder and the grease and oil came out. This accounts for the smooth slick wake the muskrat leaves when swimming. It is the bear's oil and grease calming the water. 1 Some narrators claim he knew it was his scab, but others hold the contrary to be true. 2 One version of tliis tale makes Wisagatcak turn into a bear and live with his intended victim until lie got fat in the fall. 1911.) Skiimer, The Eastern Cree. 87 "Now, I will cat my hear," said Wisagatcak. He began to eat, Init he was soon so full that lie could hold no more. Then he went over to where two trees were standing close together. He stoofl between them and said, " Squeeze me mitil my stomach is stretched so far that I can finish my bear at one meal." At once, the trees came together and began to squeeze Wisa- gatcak. When they held Wisagatcak so closely that he could not get away, they called out to all the animals to come and eat his bear. All the animals came at once and though Wisagatcak begged the trees to let him go, they held him fast until his bear was eaten. When it was all gone, they released him. Of all the animals, Seal got the most grease, and Rabbit the least. That is why Seal is so fat and Rabbit so lean. When the trees finally released Wisagatcak, he was very angry. He started to revenge himself on them by twisting them with his hands. That is the reason some trees are spirally twisted in their growth. Wisagatcak went away. It was late in the fall and all the birds were flying south. He told them he would like to go with them. "I can fly as well as you," said he. He started off. The birds said to him, "If you see any people when 3'ou are flying, don't look at them, for if you do so, you will fall down." They all flew away and soon Wisagatcak saw some people. He looked hard at them and down he fell and was smashed to pieces. Then he resumed his human shape, for he had been a bird when he was flying. Then the Indians he had looked at came up. He was unalile to get up for some time, and whenever they felt like evacuating, they would go over and do it upon Wisagatcak. At last, an old woman came. Wisagatcak saw her approach, jumped up, and seized a stick which he shoved up her anus. He killed the old woman and ran his stick in the ground, leaving her upon it as meat is placed on a spit to roast before the fire. Then he went home. Once Wisagatcak was tra\'eling. As he went along he met three sisters who had never seen a man before. "Ah," thought Wisagatcak, "I will show them something." He had been hunting beaver and had a- freshly severed beaver's head in his hand. "Let us play a new game," said Wisa- gatcak to the best looking sister. "You take hold of one jaw and I will take the other and we will sit down, place our feet together, and j)ull apart." They did as Wisagatcak suggested and l)racing their feet against each other, began to pull. When the woman was exerting her utmost strength. Wisa- gatcak let go. Prostratam mulierem, vestibus sublatis genitalibas conspectis, stupravit. Ilia exclamavit, "Wisi'igatcak me interficiti" Tunc sorores eum detrahere, " minime mihi malum facit." ("um Wisagatcak eain stuprasset, nuilier itenun cum eo coire Nohiit, sed sorores quare tantam ex novo ludo cepit 88 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xatural History. [\o\. IX, delectationem nesciebant et ludum eiiodem disure concupi^"erunt. So she could not keep him to herself. Very soon Wisagatcak was very nearly dead, but they insisted upon his continuing the play. Finally, he escaped, but he was almost dead. At last, "Wisagatcak went to the north. On the other side of Winisk-sibi (Ground Hog or ^Yoodchuck River) he met the north wind Avho was travel- ing in the same direction. To escape from the north wind he built a shelter of rocks which may still be seen there to this day. It is just the size of a man. After this happened, nobody knows what became of ^Yisagatcak. ^YEMISHUS.^ A whole family was once killed by the devil - (sic), excepting two very small boys. The Cannibal kept them, for he intended to fatten and eat them. The oldest boy discovered this and said to his brother, "Do you know where our mother's awl is?" "Yes," replied the little one. "Find it as quickly as you can, our parents have been killed and eaten by the Cannibal." The little fellow found the awl and gave it to his big brother who took it and bored a hole down into the ground. Then the little boys went into the hole and the oldest brother carried with him a piece of wood and a bit of stone, besides the awl. Early in the morning, the Cannibal disco\-ered the bovs were gone so he came into the hole to look for them. When the boys heard the Cannibal coming, the oldest brother took the youngest on his back, and fled through the hole under the ground. The first thing they knew, a root projecting from the roof of the hole, tore the little one's cheek very badly as they brushed by. Soon the Cannil)al began to gain on them. Then the older brother threw away the piece of wood. "Let a forest grow up," he cried, and up sprang a dense forest which hindered the progress of the Cannibal. At length, the Cannibal began to catch up again. This time the older brother tried throwing away the rag. Thick briars grew up where it fell and the Cannibal was again delayed, this time longer than before, but after a time he got through. When the older brother heard him coming, he threw away the stone, it became a very large boulder and shut up the hole. This time, it took the Cannibal a very long time to get through. Then the fugi- ti\es came out by the side of a lake. When the boys got to the shore they were frightened lest they could not escape. They saw some large animal 1 Albany Cree. 2 A cannibal or Wetigo. 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 89 (^Yalrus) in the lake and they called to him to take them across. Walrus agreed. "Keep a sharp lookout for Thunder," he told them, "I only come out when it is a fine clear day, othenvise I stay beneath the surface." The little chaps promised and got on his back. As soon as they started out, it began to cloud up. Walrus saw the clouds and thought he heard it thunder. He was not sure, however, and he trusted the little boys to tell him. The boys were afraid that Walrus would dive under the water with them, so they dared not tell him. At last they reached the shallow water near the other shor^, where they knew they would be safe, so they told Walrus. Walrus said to the boys, "There is an old man named Wemishus who always travels up and down the lake near this place. If you see him com- ing, hide and never fire your arrows in the water, for if he sees them in the water he will find you. If you should shoot your arrows in the water, don't try to get them again, let them go." Then Walrus returned. When Walnis returned, the Cannibal was waiting on the shore. He called to Walrus, to take him across. "Sit on my. back then," .said Walrus, "but don't move, for if you do you will hurt my neck." The Cannibal promised, l)Ut when they were off he did move and hurt Walrus, who dove down and drowned him. Walrus often warned the boys about Wemishus. At last, one day, the old man came arovmd a point all at once and caught the boys unaware. Just then, the older boy's arrow fell into the water and Wemishus called to the boy to come and get it. For a long time, the lad was afraid. Wemi- shus said, "Come and take your arrow. I won't touch you. You can see I am far off in my canoe and could not reach you anywa\'. The boy approached. " Come a little closer," said Wemishus. The boy hesitated although Wemishus spoke to him se\eral times. At last, the boy came so close that Wemishus hooked him up into his canoe with his paddle. Then he took the boy away, crying. The younger brother lie left behind on the bank also crying. The older brother begged Wemishus to take the little one too, but he refused. "One is enough. For if 1 take your little l)rother there will be two of you against me and you will tie able to lieat me in conjuring." The little brother sat on the bank crying all day, for he thought that he would surely starve to death now that his brother was gone. At last, two polar bears came to him. "Don't cry any longer," said they, "we will bring you up." So they looked after him, and were just like dogs to him until he became a man. The older brother was taken home by Wemishus. When his daughter saw him, she said, "So you are bringing another one home to kill." \\em- ishus had brought the boy to be her husband, for he had already become a man. 90 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX, So the older brother took the girl to wife and Hved with her for a while. He was continually contesting with his father-in-law with the bow and arrow, and he always beat the old man. At last, the boy said one day to Wemishus, "I wonder where we can get some gulls' eggs?" "Oh," said Wemishus, "I know where to go." So off they went. As they walked along, they came to a great rock which was split open, and they had to jump over the crack. "You jump first," said Wemishus to the youth. Although the crack was very wide the boy jumped over. The old man was to jump next, but he drew back once, for he knew he would not succeed because the young man's power (medicine) was stronger than his. (It seems the old man had caused the split rock to be where it was by his magic, for he hoped to trap his son-in-law.) At last the old man jumped but he fell into the crack. The rock came together and would have killed him if he had been an ordinary man. Instead, however, it quickly released him. The old man's head was broken in four pieces but he tied the fragments and his head became whole again. They started off again; this time in their canoe. By and by, they came to the island where they expected to obtain the gulls' eggs and feathers. As they walked about, the old man kept sending the young man farther and farther away from the shore, until at last he had a chance to run to his canoe and get away. Wemishus did not paddle. He rapped on the bottom of his canoe with his staff and off it went. The young man killed a gull and collected some eggs. He skinned the gull. Then he crawled into the skin and flew off. He flew over Wemishus as he passed by. Wemishus was lying on his back in the canoe. The young man defecated full in his face as he flew by. " Oh, the odor," cried the old man, "the gulls have finished my son-in-law already." The young man flew home. He lit near by and took off the skin and went to his tent before the old man arrived. His wife asked him where her father was. " I 'm not taking care of him," said the young man, " but he is coming along over there." Finally, the old man arrived. When he came ashore he saw his two grandsons shooting with their bows and arrows. Their arrows were feath- ered with gulls' feathers and they had gulls' eggs to eat. " Where did you get those?" asked Wemsihus of his grandson. "Our father gave them to us," they replied. " Oh, your father, the gulls have eaten him by this time," said the old man, " for I found the smell of him as I came along in my canoe." When the old man really saw his son-in-law in the tent he was surprised. He sat there feeling very much frightened. He could not take his eyes off the young man. "No wonder you feel sad," said his daughter, "you always used to be trying to beat someone, but now you have someone to beat you." The old man had nothing to say, so to divert attention he 1911.] Skinner, The Easlern Cree. 91 cried out, "Oh, see that louse running about on my son-in-hivv's face." The old man began to get frightened for he could not x-anc^uish his son-in- law howe\'er hard he tried. It was nearing winter, and the two men were camping alone. They used to hang their leggings and moccasins to dry in the tent every night The younger man did not trust Weniishus and watched him all the time. He changed moccasins and leggings with the old man. Then the old man got up in the night and made a great fire. The young man lay still and pretended to be asleep but he watched his father-in-law all the time. The young man saw Wemishus go to where he thought his son-in-law's moccasins were and threw them in the fire. \Yhen he thought they were burned up he cried out, " Your leggings are burning." Then his son-in-law jumped up. "Mine are safe," he cried. "Where are yours?" Then \Yemishus found that he had been tricked into l)urning his own moccasins and leggings. They had a long way to go from their camp to their home. It was so cold the next day that the trees fairly cracked. The old man did n't know what to do, but he blackened his legs with charcoal to look like leggings, and he hoped that would keep out the cold. They started out. Soon the old man began to freeze. He said to his son-in-law, "The best thing I can do is to turn into a juniper (tamarack) tree. It will be good for my descendants to use for firewood." When the young man looked back where his father-in-law had stoofl, there was a juniper tree. The young man reached home. His sons were grown up now. His wife knew something had gone wrong, so she asked her husband where her father was. "Your father has got what he wanted now," said he. Then she guessed the old man was dead and began to cry. Then her husband told her the old man had burned all his clothes and turned into a juniper tree. "Now, I am going away," he told her, "our grown-up sons will look after you. I may come back again, and I may not." He really could n't tell, for he meant to go and look for his younger brother, who was now a grown man. So he went to the place where Wemishus had left the little fellow and sure enough, there he saw signs of his brother. He saw his tent and approached it. The younger brother knew someone was coming and came out with his bow^ and arrow drawn. "Don't shoot, I am your older brother," said the other. So the young man did not fire, for he heard him. Though he could just remember the time he had lost his older brother, for a long time he would not believe that this stranger was he. At last when the older brother asked the younger one many questions about his parents, he partly believed. " Did you ever look in the water to see yourself?" said the older brother. "Yes," replied the younger. "Did 92 Anlhropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IX^ you see that scar on your face? Do you remember the root that caught you and scratched you?" "Yes, I remember that now," said the young man and now he was sure of his brother, and they Hved together. The elder brother wanted him to go home with him, but the young man w^ould not go, nor would he let his older brother go home. The young man asked him if he had a wife and family, but he said that he did not. The younger brother continually found the older one crying. "You must have a family if you cry so." "Yes," said he, "I have two grown-up sons." The two polar bears still lived with the youth, but he told them they must go now, for he had his brother. The bears were very sorry and when he did drive them away they came back two or three times. At last he said to the bears, " The next time you come back, I will be gone, and you will not see me." The two brothers went away, but in what direction, I did not hear. The Son of AioswE.^ Once there was an old man named Aioswe who had two wives. When his son by one of these women began to grow up, Aioswe became jealous of him. One day, he went off to hunt and when he came back, found marks on one of the women (the co-wife with his son's mother) which proved to him that his son had l)een on terms of intimacy with her. One day the old man and the boy went to a rocky island to hvmt for eggs. Wishing to get rid of his son. the old man persuaded him to gather eggs farther and farther away from the shore. The young man did not suspect anything until he looked up and saw his father paddling off in the canoe. "Why are you deserting me, father?" he cried. " Because you have played tricks on yoiu* stepmother," answered the old man. When the boy found that he was really left behind, he sat there crying- hour after hour. At last, Walrus appeared. He came near the island and stuck his head above the water. "What are you crying for, my son?" said Walrus. "My father has deserted me on this island and I want to get home to the mainland. Will you not help me to get ashore? " the boy re- plied. Walrus said that he would do so willingly. " Get on my back," said Walrus, "and I will take you to the mainland." Then Walrus asked Aioswe's son if the sky was clear. The boy replied that it was, but this was a lie, for he saw many clouds. Aioswe's son said this because he was afraid that Walrus would desert him if he knew it was cloudy. Walrus said, " If you think I am not going fast enough, strike on my horns (tusks) and let me ' Or Aisweo. Rupert's House Cree, also Moose Factory. 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 93 know when you think it is shallow enough for you to get ashore, then you can jump off my back and walk to the land." As they went along, Walrus said to the boy, "Now my son, you must let me know if you hear it thunder, because as soon as it thunders, I must go right under the water." The boy promised to let Walrus know. They had not gone far, when there came a peal of thunder. Walrus said, "^ly son, I hear thunder." "Oh, no, yovi are mistaken," said the boy who feared to be drowned, "what you think is thunder is only the noise your body xnakes going so quickly through the water." Walrus believed the boy and thought he must ha^•e been wrong. Some time later, there came another peal of thunder and this time, Walrus knew he was not mistaken, he was sure it was thunder. He was very angry and said he would drop Aioswe's son there, whether the water was shallow or not. He did so but the lad had duped ^^ alms with his lies so that he came where the water was very shallow and the boy escaped, but Walrus was killed by lightning before he could reach water deep enough to di^'e in. This thunderstorm was sent to destroy Walrus by Aioswe's father, who conjured for it. Walrus, on the other hand, was the result of conjuring l\v his mother, who wished to save her son's life.^ ^^^aen Aioswe's son reached the shore, he started for home, but he had not gone far before he met an old woman, who had been sent as the result •of a wish for his safety by his mother (or was a wish for his safety on his mother's part, personified). The old woman instructed the lad how to conduct himself if he ever expected to reach his home and mother again. " Xow you have come ashore there is still a lot of trouble for you to go through before you reach home," said she, and she gave him the stuffed skin of an ermine (weasel in white winter coat). "This will be one of your weapons to use to protect yourself," were her words as she tendered him this gift, and she told him what dangers he would encounter and what to do in each <;ase. Then the son of Aioswe started for his home once more. As he journe^^ed through the forest he came upon a solitary wigwam inhabited by two old blind hags, who were the result of an ad^•erse conjuration by his father. Both of these old women had sharp bones like daggers protruding from the lower arm at the elbow. They were very savage and used to kill everybody they met. When Aioswe's son approached the tent, although the witches could not see him, they knew from their magic powers that he was near. They asked him to come in and sit down, but he was suspicious, for he did not like the looks of their elbows. 1 One version of this tale says that Walrus dived and escaped, leaving the boy struggling in the water and that a gull pitied him and carried him ashore. 91 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Naiural History. [\'ol. IX, He thought of a plan by which he might dupe the old women into kilhng eacli other. Instead of going himself and sitting between them he got a large parchment and fixing it to the end of a pole, he poked it in between them. The old women heard it rattle and thought it was the boy himself coming to sit between them. Then they both turned their backs to the skin and began to hit away at it with their elbows. Every time they stabbed the skin, they cried out, "I am hitting the son of Aioswel I've hit him.' ISe hit him I" At last, they got so near each other that they began to hit one another, calling out all the time, "I am hitting the son of Aioswel" They finally stabbed each other to death and the son of Aioswe escaped this danger also. ^^'hen the young man had vanquished the two old women he proceeded on his journey. He had not gone very far when he came to a row of dried human bones hung across the path so that no one could pass by without making them rattle. Not far away, there was a tent full of people and big dogs, ^^^lenever they heard anyone disturb the bones, they would set upon liim and kill him. The old woman who had ad^■i3ed Aioswe's sons told him that when he came to this place he could escape by digging a tunnel in the path under the bones. \Mien he arrived at the spot he began to follow her advice and burrow under. He was careless and when he was^ very nearly done and completely out of sight, he managed to rattle the bones. At once, the dogs heard and they cried out, " That must be Aioswe's son." All the people ran out at once, but since Aioswe's son was under ground in the tunnel they could not see him, so after they had searched for^ while they returned. Tlie dogs said, "We are sure this is the son of Aioswe," and they continued to search. __ At length, they found the mouth of the hole Aioswe's son had dug. The dogs came to the edge and began to bark till all the people ran out again Avith their weapons. Then Aioswe's son took the stuffed ermine skin and poked its head up. . All the people saw it and thought it was really Ermine. Then the\- were angry and killed the dogs for lying. Aioswe's son escaped again and this time he got home. When he drew near his father's wigwam, he could hear his mother crying, and as he ap- proached still closer he saw her. She looked up and saw him coming. She cried out to her husband and co-wife, "My son has come home again." The old man did not believe it. "It is not possible," he cried. But his wife insisted on it. Tlien the old man came out and when he saw it was really his son, he was very much frightened for his own safety. He called out to his other wife, "Bring some caribou skins and spread them out for my son to walk on." But the boy kicked them away. "I have come a long way," said he, "with only my bare feet to walk on." 1911.] Skinner, The Eastern Cree. 95 That night, the boy sang a song about the burning of the world and the old man sang against him but he was not strong enough. " I am going to set the world on fire," said the boy to his father, " I shall make all the lakes and rivers boil." He took up an arrow and said, "I am going to shoot this arrow into the woods, see if I don't set them on fire." He shot his arrow into the bush and a great blaze sprang up and all the woods began to burn. "The forest is now on fire," said the old man, " but the water is not yet burning." " I '11 show you how I can make the water boil also," said his son. He shot another arrow into the water, and it immediately began to boil. Then the old man who wished to escape said to his son, "How shall we escape?" The old man had been a great bear hunter and bad a large quantity of bear's grease preserved in a bark basket. " Go into your fat basket," said his son, "you will be perfectl\ safe there." Then he drew a circle on the ground and placed his mother there. The ground enclosed by the circle was not even scorched, but the wicked old man who had believed he would be safe in the grease baskets, was burned to death. Aioswe's son said to bis mother, " Let us become birds. What will you be?" "I'll be a robin," said she. "I'll be a whisky jack (Canada jay)," he replied. They flew off together. TclGiBis, THE Hell Diver. ^ Tcigibis was out canoeing and as he went along he saw Otter lying on the bank. Otter knew that Tcigibis had seen him so he took some punk and put some up his nostrils and up his rectum and lay down again, feigning death. AYhen Tcigibis returned he saw Otter lying there and went ashore to look at him. AYhen he saw the rotted wood on Otter's nose and anus, he said, "Well, it seems this otter is full of maggots." Tcigibis turned back from there and hunted up Crawfish and told him he had just found Otter lying dead. Not long before this. Otter had tried to kill and eat Crawfish, but he had only succeeded in pulling all his legs and his claw off on one side. When Crawfish heard that his enemy was dead, he was very glad. He called all the other crawfish together and said, " Let us go over and see the dead otter." They all went over and a whole lot of them went ashore to look at him. As soon as they saw the punk in Otter's rectum, they com- menced to pull it out. Otter w^as so amused at this that he could not help laughing. One of the crawfish then said, "I believe that that Otter is moving." Crawfish, who had been pulling the punk out of Otter's rectum 1 Albany Cree. IX^ Anihropoloffical Papers Amffican Musetim of Natural History. [Vol. IX, replied. "Oh. I guess that was I. I must have moveti Otter."" Thou Otter jump)e