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mum ABOUT THE WAR: 
 
 OB, 
 
 f la til Jfacls far ^Vlaiii f capk. 
 
 iz:f^ 
 
 BY 
 
 EZRA M. HUNT. 
 
 COPYRIGHTED. 
 
 PRINTED BY F. S O M E ^I^S/JT tT C^.-U ''"^ 
 
 No. 13 8PKUCE STREET. ^^ ^>. »r>frJ.!s.,M " '''*'- 
 
 1861. X;-^o." >-^^:«- ^c>^' 
 
 N?-.\^ 
 
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Entered, according to Act of Congress, in th3 year 1861, by Frederick Somors, 
 In the Clerk's OlBoe of the District Court of Ahe United States, for the Southern Dis- 
 trict of New York. 
 
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WORDS ABOUT THE WAR. 
 
 With every American citizen, and we miglit almost say, with every 
 citizen of a free government, our present war is the subject occupy- 
 ing the largest share of worldly attention and remark. No ordinary 
 times are these in which we live. Human society is disturbed to its 
 foundations, and the greatest questions of national order and existence 
 are in the process of agitation. No longer need we turn our eyes 
 toward European struggles, and pass sentence upon the deeds of an- 
 other continent. The crisis of the age is under consideration at home. 
 It is not a time for day-dreaming, but life-acting ; not a period for 
 doubtful disputations, but one when mind and men must with their 
 reasons, opinions and acts throw the weight of their influence either 
 upon the side of Liberty or Tyrany, of constitutional order and law, 
 or of anarchy, confusion and misrule. It is vastly important that 
 people of all classes and conditions should in this living present think 
 and act aright, and not allow the interests of this or of coming gen- 
 erations to suffer damage by their delay. Right views are the pa- 
 rents of right action, and no earthly matter is at this time half so im- 
 portant as that the citizens of the country should be satisfied as to 
 the causes that have brought about this war, as to the justness of 
 our determined defence, and the results which are to be sought. Those 
 who, under the first impulses of patriotism, have already I'ecognized 
 the great necessity of their decided co-operation and support of the 
 Government in this war, need to know the facts bearing on the pres- 
 ent struggle, that with calm and inflexible purpose they may be able 
 to endure, if need be, prolonged effort, and occasional defeat. Those, 
 on the other hand, who have little or no sympathy with the efforts put 
 forth to suppress the rebellion, need kindly to be shown the justifying 
 causes of our action, and to be induced to perceive that they occupy 
 a position unjust to tliose who were the heroes of the revolution, un- 
 
4 WORDS ABOUT THE WAR. 
 
 just to themselves, and untrue to the g-reat interests of American 
 Liberty. Until I have exhausted all reasonable means to convince 
 them I shall not denounce as traitors and tories those who are not 
 lending the force of their influence to sustain us in this struggle. 
 
 Some have not enjoyed the means of information and cannot be ex- 
 pected to know the facts of the case, others have been misled by de- 
 signing men, some are Nabals by nature, always in the negative on 
 every other subject as well as this, some are self opinionated, and 
 once getting an idea in their heads cling to it as their birth right, 
 and have never been known to change on any subject whatever. The 
 more closely facts and reason press upon them the more completely 
 they close their minds to conviction, and even when silenced are true 
 to the recipe of Hudibras, 
 
 " A man convinced against his will 
 Is of the same opinion still ." 
 
 Supposed political rules still bind those who have not yet learned 
 that party is far below patriotism, and because they did not vote for 
 the present officers they seem to feel they must sympathize with the 
 enemies of our Government, But leaving out these scattered excep- 
 tions, it cannot be concealed that there are men among us, sensible 
 and deservedly esteemed in other matters, who in one form or other 
 fail to lend hearty co-operation in our present struggle. Some of them 
 are professed Union men, but are crying "Peace, Peace, when there 
 is no peace." They carp and criticize every act and measure of our 
 chief officers for the suppression of the rebellion, and like Brecken- 
 ridge councel a policy which, while pretending great respect for the 
 Constitution, would, had it been pursued, left us ere this without one 
 and the play and sport of faction and misrule. Others are timid, 
 afraid that we shall not succeed, like those in Patrick Henry's time 
 crying we are too weak, and magnifying every trouble and reverse. 
 Others are in great fear as to its effect upon the times in the article 
 of money, and are in real concern about the means of future support. 
 Another class assume still more decided ground, and declare the war 
 to be unjustifiable on our part, and to have arisen from a disposition 
 to impose upon the South. These assert that she has not had her 
 rights, and that she has due cause for this uprising and rebellion. 
 We will suppose all these to be sincere, and, if so, open to kind con- 
 viction, and as such we shall address ourselves to them. 
 
 It is in no wise strange that such a party or parties should exist. 
 War is in itself an evil, independent of necessity and of good results 
 to be obtained thereby ; such an evil that the first impulse of men 
 should be to avoid it. But when necessary, the law of self-preserva- 
 
. WORDS ABOUT THE WAR. 6 
 
 tion, the welfare of our country, of ourtjclvcs, of posterity, make it a 
 thrilling', moving duty. 
 
 Even our own history has shown us the existence of such feelings, 
 lu the times of the glorious Revolution of '76 hundreds and thousands 
 of American citizens, many of them good and substantial men, Avcre 
 opposed to the war. Sabine, the historian, says : " It is a very 
 moderate computation to place the number of the Tories in the 
 colonies who in arms aided the British troops, at 20,000. Thus a 
 large share of the available fighting men in the colonies were arrayed 
 against them. In the Carolinas and Pennsylvania the Whigs and 
 Tories went through the war nearly equally divided. In Georgia 
 the British held the State until 1782, and at the time of giving up, 
 the royalist administration was complete throughout it. In New 
 York the Loyalists were throughout the struggle the better party." 
 One wlio will read the papers and coi'respondence of those times can 
 not but see how many, who were no doubt sensible and good meaning 
 men, disapproved of the Revolution, and yet many of them lived to bless 
 its supporters ; and their children, in common with those of the 
 patriots, have rejoiced with gratitude in the liberty thus secured. 
 Is it not possible that you are making the same mistake ? When 
 posterity comes to pass judgment upon your opinions may they not 
 stand astonished that you should have been idle or felt lukewarm 
 amid such a struggle. 
 
 Come, let us reason together, and see the facts bearing upon the 
 rebellion. None will deny but that for some cause, or under some pre- 
 tense, certain of the States are resisting the authority of our Govern- 
 ment. Under any and all circumstances resistance to a government 
 must not only have reasons, but most weighty and unanswerable 
 ones. " Prudence," says our Declaration of Independence, " will 
 dictate tiiat governments long established should not be changed for 
 light and transient causes." Governments arc not a mere idea. 
 They are not the growth of a day or a 3'ear. Our Government was 
 the result of four centuries })rcceding it. Like the Old English oak, 
 if you cut it down it is many long years, if ever, before such another 
 occupies its place. He who, without immense justification, lays 
 hand upon a government commits a wholesale depredation upon the 
 rights of man. It is " assault and battery " in its most diabolical 
 proportion; "highway robbery, with intent to kill," in its most 
 daring audacity. Religion, pliilosophy, and law, have ever alike 
 pronounced it among the foremost sins in the catalogue of crime. 
 Our forefathers were able to enumerate, and by specific facts to show, 
 at least twenty-seven distinct and flagrant reasons for their secession. 
 
6 WORDS AlivlT THE WAR. 
 
 It is even a question whether under a republican form of govern- 
 ment the right of rebellion exists at all. So long as its elections are 
 conducted by law, its modes of representation maintained, the ballot 
 box open, the supreme court unstained by a corrupt judicary, the 
 same cause for rebellion can not exist as may in a monarchy where 
 authority is not put to vote, but is an inherited, life-long power. 
 Majorities limited by frequent expirations of their terms of office, 
 with their powers modified by the different branches of government, 
 and all in accordance with the laws of the Supreme Court, these are 
 the ultimate reliances of our Liberty. If these do wrong for a time, 
 the spread of virtue and intelligence, the changes of time, and the 
 voice of public opinion will coi'rect them. If these fail, our liberty 
 fails, and the basis of our republican government is lost. 
 
 In such a land as ours the argument against rebellion is still 
 further magnified. Other lands have rebelled against tyranny, but 
 he who rebels against the American Government, rebels against the 
 world's national standard-bearer of the banner of Liberty. Other 
 rebellions have been in behalf of freedom ; this is in behalf of slavery, 
 A government founded by men who with every advancing year have 
 become more and more the admiration of the civilized world, whose 
 wisdom and counsel drew forth eloquent plaudits from the Chathams 
 and Burkes of the British Parliament, which have been more fully 
 endorsed by orators and statesmen of every country and age, a con- 
 stitution which has already been the model of one hundred and twenty 
 more, a system which in its practical working has been found so 
 efficient as to raise an infant republic in the short space of seventy 
 years to a point scarce second to any nation on the globe ; such laws, 
 such institutions, must have for resistance thereto, not only reasons, 
 but such reasons as will carry home overwhelming conviction to the 
 minds and consciences of a watching world. Posterity will ask of 
 History enormous endurance, immense oppression, as the justifying 
 causes of such rebellion. 
 
 It is not enough that little differences may have arisen, for happy 
 families cannot always think just alike. It is not enough that inter- 
 ests have seemed to clash, and one is favoured at the expense of the 
 other, for it is the beauty of our system that diffusion of knowledge, 
 change of office, free discussion, and popular vote, provide a remedy 
 for such friction, where a remedy is really needed or deserved. The 
 highest justifying causes for rebellion under every system of free 
 government are where the ballot-box is untrue, the courts corrupt, 
 the voice of the majority unheeded, direct taxation oppressive, 
 and access to the public ear prevented. None of these are claimed 
 
WORDS ABOUT THE WAR. 7 
 
 by any southern statesman, and all minor causes combined ar<; uoi 
 suflScient to make out a case justifying- armed resistance. Bc■sid^'s, 
 the history of our own Government has frequently shown how easily 
 the voice of the people can be changed for due cause, how readily a 
 wrong of one period, if it be a wrong, is corrected in another, and 
 how time and experience give a changed view to human events. 
 
 In the formation of the Constitution, New York was the most fear- 
 ful about her State Rights, instead of South Carolina. In 1814, New 
 England was complaining of sectionalism and oppression inBtead of the 
 South, and at the Hartford Convention actually adopted a resolution, 
 " That the admission of new States into the Union, formed at pleasui'C! 
 in the western region, had destroyed the balance of power which ex- 
 isted among the original States, and deeply affected their interests." 
 
 The Protective Tariff was originally the policy of the South. Up- 
 on it Louisiana was dependent for her sugar culture, and still earlier, 
 the culture of cotton was commenced only under its fostering care. 
 The North was opposed to the system ; and yet, in 1832, we find 
 South Carolina endeavoring- to rebel on account of it. The North ac- 
 cepts the system, and the South opposes it. Elections over and over 
 again have shown precisely similar changes. States have been in 
 turn the strongest on the side of one political party, and then of an- 
 other ; and a single State, in the last election, changed its vote from 
 that four years before, by one hundred and forty thousand. Surely, 
 in view of such facts, rebellion, against any supposed grievance, is 
 the most unjustifiable resort of the American people. 
 
 Resistence to such a government is so undeniably at war with all 
 the principles of human and divine law, and has so little to excuse a 
 crime, which has ever been classed among the most guilty and inex- 
 cusable in the conception of men, that even the very leaders of the 
 movement seemed to have dreaded to face its enormity as treason. 
 
 In the history of government a new thing under the sun is claim- 
 ed, and we have the so called " Right of Secession.^' This means that 
 our Government was so constituted that any State, whenever it may 
 see proper, without the consent of the others or of the General Gov- 
 ernment, has a right to withdraw, and to be a separate country. 
 
 Let us see if it can not be proven, both from history and common 
 sense, that such is not the case. 
 
 1. The first Union of these States was under the so-called " Arti- 
 cles of Confederation." The first sentence calls them " articles of con- 
 federation and perpetual union." Their title is in the same lan- 
 guage. The words, peipetual union, are used five times in the docu- 
 ment ; and surely peipetual did not in those days mean that a State 
 
8 WORDS ABOUT THE WAR. 
 
 eould leave whenever it sees proper. The concluding part of its hist 
 Article is this : 
 
 " Know ye that we, the undersigned delegates, by virtue of the power and au- 
 thority to us given for that purpose, do, by these presents, in the name and in be- 
 half of our respective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each and 
 every of the said Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union, and all and singu- 
 lar the matters therein contained ; and we do further solemnly plight and engage 
 the faith of our respective constituents, that they shall abide by the determination 
 of the United States in Congress assembled, on all questions which by the said Con- 
 federation are submitted to them ; and that the articles thereof shall be inviolably 
 observed by the States we represent ; and that the Union be perpetual.'. 
 
 The preamble to our Constitution begins thus : "We the people of 
 the United States, in order to form a a more perfect union." 
 
 The following points are undisputed matters of liistory. Wash- 
 ington was among the first to feel the necessity of a Constitution, and 
 he took the first steps toward ui'ging the matter upon the attention 
 of the proper authorities. In a circular letter to the governors of the 
 States, dated June 8, 1183, he names as "essential to the existence 
 of the United States as an independent power, First, an mdis^oluble 
 union of the States under one federal head." Surely, " never to be 
 dissolved," does not mean, to be dissolved at pleasure. 
 
 The Resolution, appointing the Convention to make our Constitu- 
 tion, in its preamble declares the design to be, " a firm national gov- 
 ernment. It met in 178*1. Washington, President. Governor Ran- 
 dolph, of Virginia, introduced the first series of resolutions by which, 
 as he said, he meant "a firm and consolidated Union." Mi*. C. Pinck- 
 ney, of South Carolina, introduced a plan, as he said, "on the same 
 principles as of the above resolutions." Mr. Patterson, of New Jer- 
 sey, presented a plan, " on the basis of the sovereignty of the respec- 
 tive States." Randolph's plan was adhered to. Virginia, the Caro- 
 linas and Georgia, with other States, voted in favor of it. The let- 
 ter addressed, by unanimous order of the Convention, to the President 
 of Congress, has this language : " In all our deliberations on the sub- 
 ject, we have kept steadily in view the consolidation of our union.'' 
 
 In answer to Hamilton's suggestion of its adoption by New York, 
 "with the reservation of the right to recede," Madison, a prominent 
 member of the Convention, and afterward a President, declares that 
 " the Constitution requires an adoption in toto and forever. It has 
 been so adopted by the other States." 
 
 In the Legislature of South Carolina, in 1188, Charles C. Pinckney 
 her leading statesman said, "Let us consider all attempts to weaken 
 this Union, by maintaining that each State is separately and individ- 
 ually independent, as a species of political heresy which can nevei 
 
WORDS ABOUT THE WAR. 9 
 
 benefit us, hut uiny bring on us thi? most serious distresses." In 
 1789, South Carolina voted for "the firm consoUdated Union." 
 These are but a few of many like evidences to show that not only 
 was our Government meant to be a perpetual Union, but that this 
 light of secession was at that very time discussed and decided against, 
 and that decision is our Constitution. It was meant to make of the 
 United States a nation. Hence Ave have ever talked of our national 
 welfare, interests, and institutions. It was reserved for the disciples 
 of Calhoun to start the doctrine that this is a grand mistake, and to 
 say, as did General Quitman, who until his death Avas the next repre- 
 sentative of this doctrine, " that the United States is not, nor never 
 has been, in any true sense a nation." 
 
 Now look at a few of the absurdities of the so-called right of 
 secession. 
 
 If one State has a right to secede, so have all ; and then where is 
 the Government, and who pays the debts ? 
 
 If secession is a riglit, New Jersey, or any central State, may se- 
 cede, and invite some European power to her borders ; and then Avho 
 shall protect the other States ? 
 
 If the Constitution gives the right of secession, then it is the spec- 
 tacle of a government making provision for its own destruction. 
 Was this the wisdom of our fathers ? 
 
 Would we have ever paid what, at our present population, is equiva- 
 lent to 400,000,000 of dollars for Florida, Texas, Louisiana, and the 
 country west and northwest thereof, if we believed they had the right 
 to leave whenever they chose 'i 
 
 Such, briefly yet sufliciently, is the truth of history and of common 
 sense as to this so-called right of secession ; and yet Davis and his 
 confederates profess not to be rebelling, but seceding. Neither his- 
 tory nor reason can find the distinction. It is treason in lamb's-wool. 
 It is what the leaders themselves have not claimed the right of, and 
 that is rebellion. 
 
 We have then before us the f ict, that a portion of the country is 
 disobeying the Government, setting at naught its authority, and disre- 
 garding its laws. In seeking out the enormous reasons which should 
 in anv way justify such a proceeding, it is right and fair first to turn 
 to the leaders of the outbreak, and hear what they have to say in 
 justification. 
 
 In the list of grievances mention is made of the Tariff. It was in 
 reference to this that South Carolina, in 1832, espoused the doctrine 
 of Nullification, and assumed a right to set at naught the revenue 
 laws of the United States, The larger portion of the South was suf- 
 
10 WOEDS ABOUT THE WAE. 
 
 fering, as they supposed, from the unjust oppression of this tariff; 
 but liere again we learn how Uttle excuse these sectional views are 
 for disturbing the peace of the Union. A single passage from the 
 speech of A. H. Stephens, of Georgia, now Vice-President of the so 
 called Southern Confederation, disposes of the whole matter : 
 
 In 1832, when I was in college, South Carolina was ready to nullify or secede 
 from the Union on this account. And what have we seen? The tariff no longer 
 distracts the public councils. Eeason has triumphed. The present tariff was voted 
 for by Massachusetts and South Carolina. The lion and the lamb lay down to- 
 gether ; every man in the Senate and House from Massachusetts and South Caro- 
 lina, I think, voted for it, as did my honorable friend himself. And if it be true, 
 to use the figure of speech of my honorable friend, that every man in the North 
 that works in iron, and brass, and wood has his muscle strengthened by the protec- 
 tion of the Government, that stimulant was given by his vote, and I believe every 
 other Southern man. So we ought not to complain of that. [Mr. Toombs — That 
 tariff lessened the duties.] Yes ; and Massachusetts with unanimity voted with 
 the South to lessen them, and they were made just as low as Southern men asked 
 them to be, and that is the rates they are now at. If reason and argument, with 
 experience, produced such changes in the sentiments of Massachusetts from 1832 to 
 1857 on the subject of the tariff, may not like changes be effected there by the same 
 means — reason and argument, and appeals to patriotism — on the present vexed 
 question ? And who can say that by 1875 or 1890 Massachusetts may not vote with 
 South Carolina and Georgia upon all those questions which now distract the country 
 and threaten its peace and existence ? I believe in the power and efficiency of 
 truth, in the omnipotence of truth, and its ultimate triumph when properly 
 wielded. 
 
 Something has been said by way of complaint by one or more 
 Southern statesmen about the fishing bounty and the navigation laws. 
 If there is reason for complaint at all, the West has far more occasion 
 as to these than the South ; but Stephens and Everett, between them, 
 have set these matters at rest. Stephens shows that they were com- 
 menced under a Southern President, and not a single administration 
 has ever set " its principles or policy against them." Everett shows 
 that it amounted to but $200,005 as an annual average, and in the 
 single matter of removing the Indians from Georgia more money was 
 expended than for fishing bounties in seventy years. As to the navi- 
 gation laws, the prince of Southern statesmen says that " they were 
 commenced under one of the Southern Presidents, and had been con- 
 tinued through all of them since," and that the effort of his friend 
 Mr. Toombs to get them repealed "had met with but little favor 
 North or Soicth.'" 
 
 Texas, in her ordinance, gives one original cause of secession, and 
 that is, she has not been "properly protected on her exposed frontier," 
 when she has cost us more than a hundred million of dollars, and the 
 chief expense of our military department has been of the Southwestern 
 
WORDS ABOUT THE WAR. H 
 
 frontier. As a comment upon this reason, you need but to have seen 
 the care-worn troops who were so meanly betrayed after her revolt. 
 But all these are mere incidental points. Throughout the South, and 
 chiefly throughout the North, the subject of Slavery is in some foiiii 
 or other the alleged reason for this rebellion. Gathering up all the 
 general or specific charges which are to be found in Southern i;on- 
 ventions, journals, Congressional reports, and excited speeches, from 
 the time of the first agitation imtil last November, they are all in- 
 cluded under these four reasons : 
 
 I. The election of a Republican President. 
 
 II. The agitation of the Slavery question. 
 
 III. The limitation of Slavery extension. 
 
 IV. Disregard of the Fugitive Slave Law. 
 
 I. Is the election of Mr. Lincoln sufficient cause for rebellion against 
 the authority of this Government ? It is admitted that his election 
 was constitutional; that it- was by a fairly expressed vote, in a con- 
 test into which North and South, East and West entered ; by what 
 the Constitution regards as a majority, in a word ; that in mode and 
 form of nomination and election there was nothing contrary to our 
 laws. The objection is not to the mode. 
 
 Is it to the man ? He was by all the forms of the Constitution in 
 every way eligible to the office. He was not one who had rendered 
 himself especially obnoxious to the Southern States. A Kentuckian 
 by birth, and a Western man by settlement, he had never identified 
 himself with those sections of which the South has mostly complamed. 
 No inflammatory speeches or sarcastic denunciations had ever escaped 
 from his lips. During the canvass he did not express himself in any 
 way hostile to Southern interests. Yet he was not a man whose 
 views were unknown. They had been most severely tested by Mr. 
 Douglas bujt two years before, without reference to this election, and 
 had undergone no change whatever. These two questions- had then 
 been distinctly asked him, and in writing he had answered them : 
 
 Q. I desire to know whether Lincoln to-day stands, as he did iu 1854, in favor of 
 the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law ? 
 
 ^. I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of the unconditional repeal of the 
 Fugitive Slave Law. 
 
 Q. I want to know whether he stands to-day pledged to the abolition of Slavery 
 in the District of Columbia? 
 
 ^. I do not stand to-day pledged to the abolition of Slavery in the District oi 
 Columbia. 
 
 He had added to these the following remarks : 
 
 As to the first one, in regard to the Fugitive Slave Law, I have never hesitated 
 to say, and I do not now hesitate to say. that I think, under the Constitution of the 
 
12 WORDS ABOUT THE WAK. 
 
 United States, the people of the Southern States are entitled to a Congressional 
 Fugitive Slave Law. Having said that. I have had nothing to say in regard to the 
 (<xi~ting Fugitive Slave Law, further than that I think it should have been framed 
 s to be free from some of the objections that pertain to it, without lessening its 
 ■ ucii And inasmuch as we are not now in an agitation in regard to an altera- 
 u .11 .1 modification of that law, I would not be the man to introduce it as a new 
 subject ot agitation upon the general question of Slavery. 
 
 The second one is in regard to the abolition of Slavery in tire District of Colum- 
 bia. In relation to that, I have my mind very distinctly made up. I should be 
 exceedingly glad to see Slavery abolished in the District of Columbia. I believe 
 that Congress possesses the constitutional power to abolish it. Yet, as a memljer 
 of Congress, I should not, with my present views, be in favor of endeavoring to abol- 
 ish Slavery in the District of Columbia, unless it would be upon these conditions : 
 First, that the abolition should be gradual ; second, that it should be on a vote of 
 the majority of qualified voters in the District ; and third, that compensation should 
 be made to unwilling owners. 
 
 He was nominated as a conservative man, whose character and 
 conduct had been that of thoughtful honesty rather than that of 
 impetuous ambition. He had expressed the opinion that slavery- 
 ought not to be allowed in the Territories of the United States, but 
 had in no way argued anything but an entire sUence on the part of 
 the Government in respect to it as in the States. 
 
 Was it the party who elected him ? They had a right to express 
 their opinions by their votes, or eyen their choice, where they had 
 but few opinions. Thousands who voted for him differed on some 
 points from the Republican party. It of itself was but a recent 
 party, and our history had often before shown that the result of one 
 election was no criterion for the next. The same papers which an- 
 nounced their success also declared " an anti-Republican majority in 
 both Houses of Congress." The platform of the party had this reso- 
 lution thus plainly expressed : 
 
 That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the 
 right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to 
 its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of powers on which the 
 perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends ; and we denounce the 
 lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter 
 under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. 
 
 There was an actual gain of anti-Republicans in Congress, showing 
 that other causes had operated besides this one question in his elec- 
 tion. Besides, as we shall see more fully hereafter, the result had 
 actually been brought about by the conduct of the Southern States 
 themselves. The language of Mr. Stephens on these points is not 
 only of force, because from him, but because it is the language of 
 common sense and fact. In his Georgia address, November 14th, 
 1860, he says: 
 
WOKDS ADOUT THE WAR. 13 
 
 Are we entirely lilameless in this matter, my count ry men .' I irive it tn yon ,is 
 my opinion that but for tlie policy the fjoutlicni people pursued, this feartul rei^ult 
 would not have occurred. 
 
 Had the South stood firmly in the C^onveutiun at Charleston, on her old platform 
 of principles of non interventiiiu, there is in my mind but little doubi that who- 
 ever might have been the candidate of the National Democratic party would have 
 been elected by as large a majority as that which elected Mr. Buchanan or .Mr. 
 Pierce. Therefore, let us not be hasty and rash in our action, especially it the 
 result be attributable at all to ourselves. 
 
 In my judgment the election of no man, constitutionally chosen to that ni^^h 
 office, is sufficient cause for any State to separate from the Union. It v>imlit to 
 stand by and aid still in maintaining the Constitution of the country. To niiiKe a 
 p'>int of resist.ance to the Government, to withdraw from it because a man has l>et;n 
 constitutionally elected, puts us in the wrong. We are jJedged to maintain the 
 Constitution. Many of us have sworn to support it. Can we, therefore, for the 
 mere election of a man to the Piesidency, and that, too, in accordanc<! with the 
 prescribed forms of the Cimstitution, make a point of resistance to the Government 
 without becoming the breakers of that sacred instrument ourselves ? Withdraw 
 ourselves from it ? Would we not be in the wrong ? Whatever fate is to befall 
 this countrj', let it never be laid to the charge of the people of the South, and 
 especially to the people of Georgia, that tee were untrue to our national engagements. 
 Let the fiiult and the wrong rest upon others. If all our hopes are to be blasted, 
 if the Republic is to go down, let us be found to the last mcmient standing on the 
 deck, with the flag of the Constitution of the United States waving over our heads. 
 Let the fanatics of the North l)reak the Constitution, if such is their fell purpose. 
 Let the responsibility be upon them. I shall speak more presently of their acts. 
 But let not the South, let us not be the ones to commit the aggression. We went 
 into the election with this pet)ple. The result was dififerent from what we wished ; 
 but the election has been constitutionally held. Were we to make a point of 
 resistance to the Government, and go out of the Union on that account, the record 
 would be made up hereafter against us. 
 
 I do not anticipate that Mr. Lincoln will do anything to jeopard our safety or 
 security, whatever may be his spirit to do it ; for he is bound by the constitutional 
 checks which are thrown around him, which at this time render him powerless to 
 do any great mischief. This shows the wisdom of our .system. The President of 
 the United States is no emperor, no dictator he is clothed with no absolute power. 
 He can do nothing unless he is backed by power in Congress. The House of Rep- 
 resentatives is largely in the majority against him. In the very face and teeth of 
 the heavy majority which he has obtained in the Northern States, there have been 
 large gains in the House of Representatives to the Conservative Constitutional 
 party of the country, which here I will call the National Democratic party, because 
 that is the cognomen it lias at the North. There are twelve of this party elected 
 from New York to the next Congress, I believe. In the present House there are 
 but four, I think. In Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Ohio, and Indiana there have 
 been gains. In the present Congress there were 113 Republicans, when it takes 
 117 to make a majority. The gaius of the Democratic party in Pennsylvania, Ohio, 
 New Jei-sey, New York, Indiana, and other States, notwithstanding its distractions, 
 have been enough to make a majority of nearly thirty in the ne.xt House against 
 Mr. Lincoln. Even in Boston, Mr. Burlingame, one of the noted leaders of the 
 fanatics of that section, has been defeated, and a conservative man returned in his 
 
1*4 WORDS ABOUT THE WAR. 
 
 stead. Is this the time, then, to apprehend that Mr. Lincoln, with this large 
 majority in the House of Representatives against him, can carry out any of his^ 
 constitutional principles in that body ? In the Senate he will also be powerless. 
 There will be a majority of four against him. This after the loss of Bigler. Fitch, 
 and others, by the unfortunate dissensions of the National Demon-atic party ir» 
 their States. Mr. Lincoln can not appoint an officer without the consent of tlu' 
 Senate — he can not form a cabinet without the same consent. He will be in the 
 condition of George the Third (the embodiment of Tor3'ism), who had to ask the 
 Whigs to appoint his ministers, and was compelled to receive a cabinet utterly 
 opposed to his views. And so Mr. Lincoln will be compelled to ask of the Senate 
 to choose for him a cabinet, if the democracy of that body choose to put him on 
 such terms. He will be compelled to do this or let the Government stop, if the 
 National Democratic men (for that is their name at the North), the conservative 
 men in the Senate, should so determine. Then how can Mr. Lincoln obtain a 
 cabinet which would aid him, or allow him to violate the Constitution ? Why, 
 then, I say, should we disrupt the ties of this Union, when his hands are tied, 
 when he can do nothing against us ? 
 
 It is said he was elected by a section or by a sectional party. This 
 is not strictly true. The South has no right to call itself one section, 
 and all the other States another. We have the Eastern, Middle, and 
 Western States, as recognized sections, often with interests quite 
 diverse. Buchanan did not obtain a single electoral vote in New 
 England, yet the cry of sectionalism was not raised. The States 
 North had each large parties opposed to Lincoln, and divided 
 between Douglas, Breckenridge, and Bell. New Jersey at least did 
 not deserve to be called sectional. The States South did not all vote 
 in the same way, but differed among themselves. In fact, the ques- 
 tion of sections has nothing to do with such an election. Our 
 fathers wisely left this matter to regulate itself. It always has in the 
 past, and will in the future. New England has ceased complaining 
 of the sectionalism of the West, and the West ceased so shrilly to 
 cry for internal improvement. It seems to me that all of us, with 
 Stephens and Douglas, Breckenridge and Everett, Holt, Dickerson, 
 and Dix, and with the Republicans themselves, must agree that the 
 mere election of Lincoln did not justify rebellion — is not the shadow 
 of an excuse for defiance to such a government as ours. 
 
 n. The agitation of the Slavery question is assigned as another 
 cause for rebeUion. 1. To be of any force as a reason for breaking up 
 the Government, the South must needs prove that the entire respon- 
 sibiUty of this rests with the other sections. But what are the facts ? 
 Our Government started with slavery excluded by common consent 
 north of the Une of the Ohio River, and it was not until it was at- 
 tempted to introduce slavery into Missouri, that the agitation com- 
 menced. In position, in character, in cultivation, it resembled the 
 
"WORDS AUOIJT THE WAK. 15 
 
 States formed from the NortliAvest Territory. The plea of extreme 
 heat, or of the necessities of the cotton crop, did not here apply. 
 From all the territory we had acquired by purchase, one Southern 
 State, Louisiana, had already been admitted as slave, and freedom 
 was at least entitled to a share. If you will review the discussions 
 on this subject for the last forty years, it is plain to perceive that the 
 Hotspurs of the South were not excelled by the most ultra of the 
 North. Interference Avith freedom commenced on the one part before 
 interference with slavery on the other. They who make unreasonable 
 demands, not those that resist them, first deserve the name of agi- 
 tators. 
 
 2. It must be shown that this agitation has injured the South. But 
 what are the asserted facts ? Senator Hammond, or Gov. Hammond, 
 of South Carolina, October 26, 1858, in discussing the advantage this 
 agitation had been to the South, speaks of the " happy results of the 
 abolition discussion. So far," says he, " our gains have been im; 
 mense from this contest, savage and malignant as it has been." Then 
 as to the value of negroes, we know this has nearly doubled within a 
 few years. Here again is his testimony : " In this very quarter of a 
 century our slaves have doubled in numbers, and each slave has more 
 than doubled in value." " My deliberate judgment," says Stephens, 
 in January, 1857, is, that "by these agitations, slavery has been greatly 
 strengthened and fortified — strengthened and fortified not only in the 
 opinions, convictions, and consciences of men, hut by the action of the 
 Government." One who has visited the South can not but receive 
 the same impression. So far as the agitation has been in reference 
 to the extension of slavery, the fact is that the South has not and can 
 not have slaves to extend it with, imless the African slave-trade is 
 resumed. The increase, rapid as it is, is not rapid enough to supply 
 the home demand. Again ; this slave agitation has been chiefly fos- 
 tered by acqiiisition of new territory, and this has been eminently 
 Southern policy. Our Government has paid millions for States now 
 slave, where it has but thousands for those free. 
 
 3. This agitation was not even on the increase. The fact is, thai 
 90 far as the main question is concerned, that of slavery in the States, 
 the country has for years been tending to a more settled and satis- 
 factory policy. In 1836, petitions were signed by thousands and tens 
 of thousands for the prohibition of slavery in the District of Colum- 
 bia, and in all the forts, dock-yards, etc., of Government, while multi- 
 tudes advocated general emancipation ; but now such views are not 
 pressed in our Government. The Abolitionists themselves have felt 
 inereasiner weakness as to numbers — have denounced as traitors states- 
 
16 WORDS ABOUT THE WAB. 
 
 men whom they once thought sympathized with them, and admit 
 themselves to be a very small party. The testimony of Democratic 
 and even of Southern governors of Kansas, and that of the investi 
 gating committee, have proved, beyond the shadow of a doubt, that 
 here the great error was on the side of slavery, and that such wrongs 
 as were then attempted ought to be agitated. 
 
 4. But the chief point is this. Mere agitation is a miserable ex- 
 cuse for breaking up so glorious a government as ours. If wrong, it 
 is not wrong enough for that. It has brought forth no destruction 
 to any paz*t of our land, and with the records of our own history the 
 South should be the last to complain. She asked for slavery in Louis- 
 iana, and she got it ; in Florida, and it is granted ; for the annexa- 
 tion of Texas, with the privilege of four more States to be carved 
 therefrom, and she obtained it; for New Mexico, and she had it ; for 
 Missouri, and she had it ; for a Fugitive Slave Law, the most strin- 
 gent of any property law on our record, and she obtained it; for 
 the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and she got it; for the 
 doctrine that the Constitution carries slavery into the Territo- 
 ries, and the courts attempted so to decide it. But once in the 
 history of our Government has it without compromise decided oppo- 
 site to Southern view, and that was the admission of Kansas. Surely 
 such facts might excuse the North for complaint, but never the South 
 for rebellion. 
 
 III. Another reason assigned for rebellion is the limitation of 
 slavery extension. This, in fact, is the only significance of tht 
 election of Lincoln. But his choice does not even settle this. Wher 
 we remember that he was chosen over three opposing candidates, tht 
 opposition thus being scattered and disorganized, that thousands 
 voted for him who do not fully subscribe even the platform of the 
 party ; that it was with multitudes rather the expression of their dis- 
 pleasure at the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, than a desire foi 
 universal restriction ; and that the election of congressmen, which it 
 full as much an expression of sentiment, was just in the other di 
 rection, we see the folly of such an excuse. It did not even settle 
 this matter against Southern sentiment. It was but a four years' 
 choice, and not sustained by congressional aid. No case was at 
 hand, or likely to be, upon which to act. If Southern rights were 
 jeoparded at all, it was in mere theory, not in fact. In a popular 
 government all can not be expected to think alike, and for a minority 
 to rebel, is treason in the start. A part of Pennsylvania once felt just 
 as sorely under Washington, all New England under Madison in 
 1814, and South Carolina vmder Jackson in 1832, and yet on these 
 
WOKDS M'.OVV THi VVAU. 17 
 
 points each has been reheved. These almost propnetic words of 
 Henry Clay, in 1850, are still the true language of common sense. 
 
 Mr. President : I am ready to say, that if Congress were to attach within the 
 States the institution of Shivery for the purpose of its ovcrtlirow or extinction, my 
 voice would be for war. But if the two portions of this Confederacy should unhap- 
 pily be involved in civil war, in which the effort on the one side would be to restrain 
 the introduction of slavery into new Territories, and on the other side to force its 
 introduction there, what a spectacle would we present to the contemplation of as- 
 tonished mankind ! An effort not to propagate right, but I must say an effort to 
 propagate wrong. It would be a war in which we would have no sympathy, no 
 good wishes, and in which all mankind would be against us, and in which our own 
 history itself would be against us. The Government has no right to touch the in- 
 stitution within the States ; but whether she has, and to what extent she has the 
 right or not to touch it outside the States, is a question which is di;batable, but 
 which, decided however it may be decided, furnishes, in my judgment, no just occa- 
 sion for breaking up this happy and glorious Union of ours. 
 
 IV. A fourth, and the only remaining reason assigned, is a disre- 
 gard of the Fugitive Slave Law.' 
 
 The Constitution does provide that a "person at service or labor in 
 one State fleeing into another, shall be delivered up on claim of the 
 owner." Now to the facts of the case. There is no law on any 
 statute-book of the land for the fulfilment of which such provisions 
 have been made. Most stringent, and in some cases severe measures 
 have been adopted by the General Government to secure its execu- 
 tion. States took the matter into their own hands, until a decision 
 of the Supreme Court which has never been suspected of conniving 
 at any neglect of Southern rights, decided that it was the business of 
 the Federal Government, by its officers in the several States, to set- 
 to its execution. Facts and history testify how diligently they have 
 attended to their work. The law has been faithfi;lly executed. In 
 vain have such men as Douglas and others called upon the South to cite 
 an exception. It is true that in some cases there has been difficulty, 
 hut it has not been between the South and the Federal Government, 
 but between the Government and individuals of the North, and in be- 
 half of the South, and the Government has always triumphed. In the 
 case of the slave Jerry, at Syracuse, in the midst of excitement, and 
 in a region most hostile to the institution of slavery, still the right of 
 the Government to rescue, triumphed. Authorities do not furnish a 
 single exception. Our treasury has borne the cost of the enforce- 
 ment of the law. The rights of trial by jury have been waived, 
 slaves returned on what in common law Avould have been doubtful 
 evidence, and " free men been sent to the South as slaves who have 
 been returned on our hands," There are good laws against murder, 
 yet too often the murderer escapes ; there are laws against burglary 
 
i8 
 
 WOKDS ABOUT *£HB WAB. 
 
 and theft, and yet these occur ; but so long as law makes an effort for 
 justice, we do not complain of its occasional failure, much less rebel 
 against all law. It is a fact, as plain as recorded facts can make it, 
 that no class of people in the land have — where they have made 
 effort and proved ownership — succeeded so well in reclaiming stolen 
 or strayed property, as have the South. 
 
 Another point : The evil to require rebellion should be on the 
 increase. Here are the statistics of the census of 1860 and of 1850, 
 showing a decided decrease in this suppose cause of offense. 
 
 FUGITIVE SLAVES AS EETUENED BY THE SEVENTH CENSUS (1850) AND THE 
 EIGHTH CENSUS (1860) EESPEOTIVELT. 
 
 States. 
 
 -Census op 1850.- 
 
 Slaves. Fugitives. One in 
 
 Alabama 342,814 . . , 
 
 Arkansas 47,100 . . 
 
 Delaware 2,200 .. 
 
 Florida 39,310 .. 
 
 Greorgia 381,682 .. 
 
 Kentucky 210,981 .. 
 
 Louisiana 244,809 . . 
 
 Maryland 90,368 . . 
 
 Mississippi 309,878 . . 
 
 Missouri 87,422 . . 
 
 North Carolina. . . . 288,548 . . 
 
 South Carolina 384,984 . . 
 
 Tennessee 239,459 . . 
 
 Texas 58,161 .. 
 
 Virginia 472.528 .. 
 
 29 
 21 
 26 
 18 
 89 
 96 
 90 
 279 
 41 
 61 
 61 
 16 
 70 
 29 
 83 
 
 11,822 
 2,224 
 88 
 2,184 
 4,288 
 2,698 
 2,726 
 314 
 7,5.'-)8 
 1,457 
 4,508 
 
 24,061 
 3,421 
 2,005 
 5,693 
 
 Census op 1860. 
 
 Slaves. Fugitives. 
 
 36 
 
 .. 485,132 
 .. 111,104 
 .. 1,798 
 .. 61,753 
 . . 463,230 
 . . 225 490 
 . . 332,520 
 . 87,182 
 . . 436,696 
 .. 114,965 
 .. 311,108 
 . . 402,541 
 , . . 276,784 
 , . . 180,388 
 . . 490,887 
 
 . 28 
 . 12 
 . 11 
 . 23 
 .119 
 . 46 
 .115 
 . 68 
 . 99 
 . 61 
 . 23 
 . 29 
 . 16 
 .142 
 
 One in 
 
 12,087 
 
 3,868 
 
 160 
 
 5,614 
 
 20,096 
 1,895 
 7,228 
 758 
 6,422 
 1,161 
 5,268 
 
 17,501 
 9,543 
 
 11,274 
 4,195 
 
 Totals . . . .3,200,364 . . .1,011 .... 3,165 . . .3,919,557 . . . .803 .... 4,911 
 Even of these, numbers escape to the Everglades of Florida, or to 
 the wild wildernesses of some dismal swamp. 
 
 Another point : The complaint is chiefly from States that seldom 
 or ever have a fugitive escape to the North. South Carolina is 
 loudest in the cry, and gives this, in her secession ordinance, as the 
 reason for her rebellion ; yet it is not probable that five Carolina 
 negroes can be found in all the Northern States, and Canada besides. 
 .Vs was said by Douglas in one of his last speeches in the Senate, 
 '' Kentucky and Illinois can see no cause for separation on this 
 account." It is South Carolina and Vermont that have the greatest 
 gratuitous excitement about the whole affair. Never was a govern- 
 ment more faithful to its obligations than has been ours in this 
 respect. It has seemed to be the hobby of our Supreme Court to give 
 the most strict construction to the law, and the highest ambition of 
 our federal officers to enforce it. The Virginia slave escaping to 
 Maryland was returned by the same process as the one escaping to 
 Pennsylvania. In neither case were State officers called upon to 
 carry out the provisions of the law. Any refusal on the part of 
 
WORDS AKOirr I'HE WAR. 19 
 
 States to co-operate, if untVieiully, was not uiicoiistitiitional, :\i\A in 
 no case successful. 
 
 But it is affirmed, and that truly, that some States have enacted 
 laws at variance with the requisitions of the Fugitive Slave Law. 
 But have these, in any single case, prevented the carrying out of the 
 provisions of the United States law. ISTot one. If these laws are at 
 variance, is not the proper course to draw the attention of the General 
 Government to their correction ? Yet this has never been done in 
 the form either of resolution in Congress or of appeal to the Suj^reme 
 Court. But even the facts as to the existence of such laws have been 
 misrepresented. Not a single border State (and these are the ones 
 to which fugitive slaves mostly escape) has a law at variance with 
 the United States law on this point. Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Min- 
 nesota, California, and Oregon have, we believe, no laws in ft)rce on 
 the subject. New .Jersey has had no trouble about the matter, so 
 far as we know, within the memory of the oldest inhabitant. Penn- 
 sylvania has not legislated directly upon the law of 1850, has not 
 closed her jails against fugitives, and has no provision in conflict with 
 the United States law. The very last case under it was a triumphant 
 vindication of the law. " The State of New York has passed no 
 laws having relation to the United States Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, 
 Though pressed frequently upon the Legislature, they have always 
 failed of adoption." Rhode Island had a law not constitutional, but 
 at the suggestion of her noble governor it was repealed when first 
 complaint was made thereof In fact, the ablest article prepared 
 upon these laws shows that only Vermont, Michigan, and Wisconsin 
 have laws on this point unconstitutional, and they are, as such, nuU 
 and void. Wherever, in tested cases, slaveholders have failed in 
 recovering their property, it has been in cases where they have not 
 established an ownership, or have in some way been defeated in due 
 process of a friendly law. Their success has been more uniform than 
 that which has attached to lawsuits generally. 
 
 Besides, are there no laws or acts on the part of the South that are 
 equally as unconstitutional. The same article and section of the 
 Constitution which requires the retui-n of fugitives says : " The citizens 
 of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of 
 citizens in the several States." Has the Supreme Court labored to 
 enforce this as it has the Fugitive Slave Law ? Are there any com- 
 missioners in the several States to fulfil its provisions ? Has Judge 
 Lynch, who for so many years has dispensed law liberally at the 
 South, ever been tried for unconstitutionality ? From the case of 
 .Judge Hoar to the present time, have there not been numberless 
 
2(X WOKDS ABOt'J' I'ttK WAE, 
 
 instances of restriction on civil privileges V Senator Johnson tells as? 
 that the terms of citizenship are such, in South CaroUna, as to property^ 
 that there he never could have had a vote, much less been a Senator. 
 
 " No two months," says R F. Butler, " have passexl, in the last ten years at least, 
 in which outrages have not been committed upon Northern men in the South, 
 which, had they been perpetrated by a foreign nation, would have demanded a 
 redress of grievances under pain of a suspension of diplomatic relations. But we 
 have borne these outrages because there was no tribunal to the arbitrament of 
 which we could submit them, and it was against the genius of our people to appeal 
 to arms." 
 
 We complain, not that the abolitionist should be hardly dealt Avitlr 
 at the South, but cases are known to myself, and numberless ones 
 have been well authenticated, where, even in previous yearsy unof- 
 fending and prudent men have been assailed and maltreated, and 
 great encroachments made upon human liberty. Had an American' 
 citizen abroad been treated as many a one has at the South on mali- 
 cious suspicion, the whole force of our Government would have been 
 threatened for his protection. 
 
 Perfect justice can not always be attained in small communities,, 
 and less in a wide-spread nation, but a government which has so in- 
 dustriously tried and so eiticiently succeeded in sustaining a law 
 which must be expected not to excite the admiration of aD, deserves 
 anything but rebellion and attempted destruction at the hands of 
 those whom it has so diligently protected. 
 
 From the summary of the pretended, we now turn to the reaf 
 causes of this rebellion. They are three : 
 
 I. An over-indulgence of the South hj the North. 
 
 II. A change of view on the part of leading Southern men on the 
 subject of slavery. 
 
 III. The wrong feeling and wrong action which the continuous 
 existence of slavery in a republic is sure to beget. 
 
 Let us follow up the history of the Government from the formation 
 of the Constitution until the present time, and see how plainly pure 
 facts prove these positions. 
 
 I, As to over-indulgence. 1. The mode of representation adopted' 
 in the very start, although not so intended, has had this effect. If 
 the prominent doctrine now advocated by the South is true, that 
 the slave is to be dealt with as property, then why should the man- 
 worth five thousand dollars by virtue of holding five slaves have, in 
 representation in Congress, three votes therefore besides his OAvn,. 
 while I, worth just as much in other stock, have nothing but my owe 
 single count ? Look at the great advantage and indulgence thus 
 secured. 
 
W0KD8 ABOUT THE WAR. 21 
 
 It takes 91,935 white men and women ]^orth to secure one repre- 
 sentative in Congress, but only 68,726 South. Nearly half of the 
 delegation from South Carolina occupy their seats by virtue of their 
 negro population. This representation of what they call property, 
 and of what are not certainly citizens, has furnished the South n 
 majority sufficient to carry its measures. We have not had the 
 chance to impose if we would. The representation by States, instead 
 of by population, gives 13,238,670 people North, only as many 
 Senators as 6,186,477 had from the South. Thus, in both halls of 
 Congress, 6,186,477 white people South have 120 representatives, 
 while 13,238,670 North have but 176. The ratio by numbers would 
 be 246, i. e., about 20 more than we have. These are according to 
 the last census, and our recent one shows a still greater increase. I 
 need not follow out the vast advantage the South has possessed by 
 this arrangement. 
 
 2. This indulgence is manifest in the whole history of our 
 legislation and politics. The Government began with slavery, by 
 direct law, excluded from all the territory it owned. Under the 
 next head we shall easily show that no such idea as the further 
 extension of slavery ever entered the minds of those who formed our 
 Constitution and procured our liberties. Yet the chief policy of our 
 Government has ever been controlled by the South and by slave- 
 interests. When a Tariff, and a United States Bank, and the poUcy 
 of Internal Improvements were advocated there, they succeeded, and 
 when not, they failed. When Louisiana Territory was wanted at 
 #15,000,000, though the country was still poor in means, it was pur- 
 chased. Florida was obtained at five milUons of dollars, and eighty 
 millions more spent in wars to rid it from its aboriginal inhabitants. 
 Southern immigrants secured the independence of Texas, and as a 
 Southern policy it was annexed to us, and the result was an expend- 
 iture of 8210,000,000. All this out of the mutual treasury, and paid 
 for Southern policy, with not a dollar to balance it for the North. 
 The after-expenses of protecting the frontier more than balanced any 
 local benefit of ours. Our wars with the English, the Indians, and 
 the Mexicans were all at the bidding of Southern statesmen. New 
 England uttered her protest, but sent her sailors to secure the victory ; 
 and away off in unfriendly Mexico, notwithstanding distance and 
 climate, we furnished one third of the soldiers, and more than half of 
 the two most trying things for war, the money and the deaths. 
 
 '' Five hundred million dollars of the public funds,'' says Everett, *' of 
 which, at least, five sixths have been levied by indirect taxation from 
 the North and Northwest, have been expended for the Gulf States in 
 
32 WORDS ABOUT THE WAR. 
 
 this century." The policy of the South has been, almost invai'iably, 
 the policy of the country. How could it be otherwise ? By her 
 slave-property representation, she ever had such a majority as was 
 sufficient to turn the scale in her favor. Where questions of slavery 
 extension were involved, she has, in every case where the States 
 themselves had not already decided the matter, been able to triumph 
 as to the Territories. New Mexico, throughout whose plains and 
 mountains the government of Mexico had issued a proclamation of 
 liberty and a law against slavery, again has it permitted under a more 
 enlightened government. When, m 1836, the question of the abol- 
 ition of slavery and the slave-trade in the District of Columbia was 
 in agitation, the House of Representatives adopted, at Southern desire, 
 the following resolution by a large majority : 
 
 Resolved, ' ' That all petitions, memorials, and resolutions, propositions or papers 
 relating in any way or to any extent whatever to the subject of slavery or the 
 abolition of slavery shall, without being either printed or referred, be laid upon the 
 table, and that no further action whatever shall be had thereon." 
 
 It is the only instance in our history where the right of jDCtition 
 was ever denied, and remained thus on the statute book till 1845, 
 when, out of respect to the general right, it was rescinded. Upon 
 complaint that anti-slavery papers had been sent South, permission 
 was also given to search the mails and burn the matter. 
 
 In almost every party and political move, the question of availabil- 
 ity has been discussed, and this has usually meant what will be accept- 
 able to the South. In fact, so used had we become to this sense of 
 governmental inferiority, that we have been in the habit of intro- 
 ducing Southern gentlemen as something more than ordinary Ameri- 
 cans, and they themselves, in Europe, have learned to quote themselves 
 as from the South rather than from the United States in general. 
 
 This over-indulgence or permitted balance of power has been 
 equally manifest in official appointments. Look over the record from 
 the beginning of our Government until that of the present rebellion, 
 a period of nearly seventy-two years. Twelve out of eighteen Presi- 
 dents have been Southerners, and have held office forty-eight years, 
 or over two thirds of the time. Besides, Pierce or Buchanan would 
 not be accused of any sectional proclivities toward the North. The 
 Secretaries of State have been fourteen from the South to nine from 
 the North, or forty years out of sixty-nine. 
 
 The Speakers of the House have been forty-five years Southern 
 men, twenty-five Northern. 
 
 The Presidents pro tern, of the Senate have, since 1809, all been 
 from the South, except Southard and Bright, and these for but a 
 
WORDS ABOUT THE WAR. 23 
 
 short time. Jesse D. Bright was as true then to his Southern bias as 
 he is now. 
 
 Seventeen out of twenty-eight Judges of the Supreme Court have 
 been Southerners, and a majority always. 
 
 Eighty out of 134 Foreign Ministers have been from the South. 
 
 "Of 307 princii)al ajipointments under the Constitution, 204 have 
 been heid by slaveholders." When we take into view the more than 
 twofold population of the North, and her greater advance in science 
 and education, the disproportion shows an enormous favoritism. 
 
 A single fact from our Post-office statistics shows how we have 
 indulged the South in a pecuniaiy point of view. According to 
 the tables for 1859, the postage collected in the Free States was 
 $5,532,999, and the expense of carrying the mails $6,748,189, leaving 
 a deficit of $1,215,189. 
 
 In the Slave States the amount collected was only $1,988,050, and 
 the expenses of carrying the mails $6,016,612, leaving the enormous 
 deficit of $4,028,568. The Slave States did not pay one third of the 
 expense of carrying their mails, and Massachusetts, besides paying for 
 hers, had a sui'plus larger than the whole amount collected in Soutli 
 Carolina. 
 
 II. The second cause of this difficulty is the change of view which 
 has occurred in the South in reference to slavery. For the sake of 
 brevity, I shall subjoin, without extended comment, specimen extracts 
 from present and former statesmen. They will of themselves prove 
 this wondrous backshding of view, and show that it is the South, not 
 the North, that is so changed as to slavery — 
 
 George Washington : *•' Thei'e is not a man living who wishes 
 more sincerely than I do to see a plan adojited for the abolition of it. 
 But theie is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can be 
 accomplished, and this is by legislative authority." 
 
 Patrick Henry : " Slavery is detested — we feel its fatal effects — 
 we deplore it with all the earnestness of humanity." 
 
 Thomas Jefferson : " When the measure of their tears shall be 
 full, doubtless a God of justice will awaken to theii- distress, and by 
 diffusing a light and liberality among their oppressors, or at length 
 by his exterminating thunder, manifest his attention to things of this 
 world." 
 
 James Madison : " We thought it Avrong to admit in the Consti- 
 tution the idea that there could be property in men." 
 
 John Randolph, 1820: "Sir, I envy neither the heart nor the 
 head of that man from the North who rises here to defend slavery on 
 princi{)le." 
 
24 WOEDS ABOUT THE WAB. 
 
 Hon. Mr. Reid, of Georgia, 1820: "Slavery is an unnatural state, 
 a dark cloud which obscures half the lustre of our free institu- 
 tions." 
 
 1832, in the Legislature of Virginia, Mr. Bolling, of Buckingham 
 County : " That slavery is an evil, a great and appaUing evil, I dare 
 believe no sane man could or would deny. That it is a blighting, 
 withering curse upon this land is clearly demonstrated by this very 
 discussion itself." 
 
 Mr. Chandler, of Norfolk: "I took occasion to observe that I 
 believed the people of Norfolk County would rejoice, could they, 
 even in the vista of time, see some scheme for the gradual removal 
 of this curse from our land." 
 
 Mr. Faulknek, of Berkeley : " The idea of a gradual emancipation 
 and removal of the slaves fi'om this Commonwealth is coeval with 
 the declaration of your independence of the British yoke. Slavery, 
 it is admitted, is an evil." 
 
 Gov. McDowJELL : " It has been frankly and unequivocally de- 
 clared from the very commencement of this debate, by the most 
 decided enemies of abolition themselves, as well as by others, that 
 this property is an evil — that it is a dangerous property." 
 
 Judge E. Iredell, of North Carohna : "When the entire abolition 
 of slavery takes place, it will be an event which must be pleasing to 
 every geiieious mind." 
 
 Such are the correct reflections of the general sentiment of the 
 South during the earlier years of our history. They recognized 
 slavery as an existing evil, were sorry for its presence, and while 
 they did not feel that the General Government should interfere with 
 it in the States, they had not yet come to behold it as a blessed insti- 
 tution. But how changed now the modes of expression and the 
 language of debate ! Evil habits indulged in either by good men 
 or bad, too soon come to lose their hideous hue, and from being tol- 
 erated, grow at length to be enjoyed. We now find the first men 
 of the South speaking of it through these many years, not as an evil 
 to be deplored, but a glorious institution to be encouraged. 
 
 Let us commence with the grand high priest of this changed 
 Southern view. 
 
 John C. Calhoun : " Slavery is the most safe and stable basis 
 for free institutions in the world." 
 
 Jefferson Davis : " It is but a form of civil government for 
 those who are not fit to govern themselves." He evidently now 
 proposes to extend the application of his original idea over the North. 
 
 Hunter, of Virginia : " It is the normal condition of human society, 
 
WORDS ABOUT THE WAR. fi", 
 
 beneficial to the non-slaveowner as it is to the slaveowner — l/e.s. 
 for the happiness of both races." " The very keystone of tlic mighty 
 arch which, by its concentrated strength, is able to sustain our 
 social suj)erstructure, consists in the black marble block of African 
 slavery." 
 
 Senator Masot, of Virginia : " Slavery is ennobling to the master, 
 elevating to the slave." 
 
 Dr. Palmer, of New Orleans : " The mission of the South is to 
 conserve and perpetuate the institution of domestic slavery as it now 
 exists." 
 
 Senator Iverson, of Georgia : " Slavery must be maintained — in 
 the Union, if possible ; out of, if necessary ; peaceably if we may, 
 forcibly if we must." 
 
 Senator Brown, of Mississippi : " I want Cuba. I want Tamauli- 
 pas, Potosi, and one or two other Mexican states ; and I want them 
 all for the same reason — for the planting and spreading of slavery. I 
 would spread the blessings of slavery, like the religion of our Divine 
 Master, to the uttermost ends of the earth ; and rebellious and 
 wicked as the Yankees have been, I would even extend it to them." 
 
 Mr. Gaulden, of Georgia, an able member of the Charleston Con- 
 vention : " I believe slavery right, morally, religiously, socially, and 
 politically. Let us ask our Northern friends to give us all our rights, 
 and take off the ruthless restrictions which cut off the supply of slaves 
 from foreign lands. The African slave-trader is the true Union man. 
 I believe he is a true missionary. I tell you the slave-trading of Vir- 
 ginia is more immoral, more unchristian, iii every possible point of 
 view, than the African slave-trade, which goes to Africa and brings a 
 heathen and worthless man here, makes him a useful man, and sends 
 him and his posterity down the stream of time to join in the blessings 
 of civilization." 
 
 Quotations "arZ nauseam'''' might, as you well know, be added 
 from the Wises, Pryors, Wigfiills, Thorn wells, and Rhetts of the 
 South, from governors and legislators, judges and courts — in fact, 
 from every department in which leading Southern men are found — to 
 show that too extensively there has been a sad change in Southern 
 sentiment. The testimony of two prominent men to this pohit is suf- 
 ficient, if any more evidence is needed- 
 Governor and Senator Hammond, of South Carolina, says (October 
 24, 1858) : 
 
 And what then [1833] was the state of opinion at the South ? Washington had 
 emancipated his slaves. Jefferson had bitterly denounced the system, and had 
 done all he could to destroy it. Our Clays, Marshalls, Crawfords, and many other 
 
26 WORDS ABOUT THK WAR. 
 
 prominent Southern men led off in the colonization scheme. The inevitable effect 
 on the South was, that she believed slavery to be an evil — weakness, disgraceful, 
 nay, a sin. She shrunk from the discussion of it. She cowered under every threat. 
 She attempted to apologize, to excuse herself on the plea — which was true— that 
 England had forced it upon her. But now it would be difficult to find a Southern 
 man who feels the system to be the slightest burden on his conscience, who doet; 
 not, in fact, regard it as an equal advantage to the master and slave, elevating both 
 as to wealth, strength, and power, and as one of the main pillars and controlling 
 influences of modern civilization, and who is not now prepared to maintain it at 
 every hazard. 
 
 Alex. H. Stephens, of Georgia — speech at Savannah, March 21, 
 1861: 
 
 The prevailing ideas entertained by Jefl'erson and most of the leading statesmen, 
 at the time of the formation of the old Constitution, were that the enslavement 
 of the African was in violation of the laws of nature — that it was wrong in prin- 
 ciple, socially, morally, and politically. It was an evil they knew not well how to 
 deal with ; but the general opinion of the men of that day was that, somehow or 
 other, in the order of Providence, the institution would be evanescent, and pass 
 away. This idea, though not incorporated in the Constitution, was the prevailing 
 idea at the time. 
 
 Our new government is founded upon exactly the opposite ideas. Its foundations 
 are laid ; its corner-stone rests upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to 
 the white man. Our new government is the first in the history of the world based 
 upon the great physical, philosophical, and moral truth. Many who hear mc per- 
 haps can recollect well that this truth was not generally admitted, even within 
 their day. The errors of the past generation still clung to many, as late as twenty 
 years ago. This stone, which was rejected by the first builders, is become the chief 
 stone of the corner in our new edifice. 
 
 Here is proof better than pages of argument as to who have 
 changed on this great question. The policy of our forefathers was 
 by a Hmitation of the African slave-trade, by preventing introduction 
 of new slaves, and by preventing its spread to new territories, thus 
 to cause the system to circumscribe itself and become extinct. The 
 policy of the South — that which has brought upon us our present 
 evils — ^has been to extend the so-called beneficent institution as far as 
 their power and influence could carry it. The whole tendency of 
 this admitted change of sentiment has been to promote agitation, to 
 encourage demands at variance with the design of the Constitution, 
 as it is admitted to be at variance with the will of its founders, and 
 then to call those agitators who oppose these new doctrines. It is a 
 party which thus, by their own admissions and assertions, have been 
 for the last thirty years breaking in upon the principles of our fore- 
 fathers, and then, in order to shelter themselves, accuse those who 
 have resisted their encroachments of creating an excitement and 
 endangering the liberties of the country. 
 
WOKDS ABOUT THE WAK. 27 
 
 m. The third cause of the present war is the wrong feeling and 
 wrong action which are inseparable from the continuous existence of 
 slavery in a republic. 
 
 This was most fully recognized by the founders of our Government. 
 Slavery then existed in all but one of the States, and those who 
 formed the Constitution, and who were members of our earlier legis- 
 lative bodies, knew its workings. 
 
 Jefferson, in the full vigor of his intellect, had well depicted its 
 true results in a national point of view. Speaking of the conduct of 
 masters toward their slaves, he says : 
 
 The parent storms ; the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on 
 the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to his worst passions, and 
 thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, can not but be stampe.. by 
 it with odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy who can retain his man- 
 ners and morals undepraved by such circumstances. And with what execration 
 should the statesman be loaded who, permitting one half of the citizens thus to 
 trample on the rights of the other, transforms those into despots, these into ene- 
 mies, destroys the morals of the one part and the amor patrice or love of country of 
 the other. 
 
 With the morals of the people their industry is also destroyed — for in a warm 
 climate no man will labor for himself who can make another labor for him. This 
 is so true, that of the proprietors of slaves a very small proportion indeed are 
 ever seen to labor. And oan the liberties of a nation be thought secure when we 
 have removed their only firm basis — a conviction in the minds of the people that 
 these liberties are the gift of God ? that they are not to be violated but with his 
 wrath ? 
 
 It is not that the people of the South are in any way by nature 
 debased, but no class or nation can withstand such bad influences. 
 Where they are recognized and deplored as evils they are, like sin to 
 the Christian, unfruitful, but yet not so debasing ; but where these 
 very things ai'e rejoiced in, the eyes are shut to watchfulness, and the 
 evil ranges In its unrestrained degradation. The man who, as a sys- 
 tem, can make others work for him without any pay, who can live on 
 the hard toil of others alone, who can buy and sell for money men, 
 women, and children, often by necessity without any regard to the 
 family relation, who, as the unlimited monarch of 20, 50, 100, or 500 
 negroes, can use or abuse them as he chooses, and yet feel no desire 
 for times when such things shall be at an end, has in the very process 
 a training which imfits him or his posterity for aiding in a free 
 government permanently. 
 
 There is no true democracy in such training. It is all aristocracy. 
 There is no republicanism here. It is slavery. There is no appreci- 
 ation of the rights of the working classes. It is the one prominent 
 idea of self-superiority. The lord of the plantation, with the addi- 
 
28, WORDS ABOUT THE WAR. 
 
 tioiial power and swell of rank added to him, thus gets so in the 
 habit of feeling big, that it does not subside even at Washington. 
 
 Knowledge, virtue, and a sense of the dignity of labor are the three 
 great starting-points in the success of a republican government, and 
 none of these are fostered by slavery. The very system places each 
 of them at a discount. 
 
 Education would kill slavery, for every man South and North 
 knows that if you educate a man lie will not work for notliing, as a 
 system. The necessary habits, mode of life, training, and surround- 
 ings of slavery do not foster religion in either master or slave ; and 
 Jefferson has exhausted the other point when he says that "in a 
 warm climate no man will labor for himself who can make another 
 labor for him." It is not that every slaveholder is a bad man, for 
 circumstances, natural ability, some peculiar powers of parental train- 
 ing, and the grace of God make exceptions ; but one not, by personal 
 residence and the laws of habit, contaminated or habituated to the 
 influence can not fail to perceive that the practices of slavery are not 
 the school for the purest knowledge, the best morals, or the most 
 energetic industry ; not the place to learn how to dispense laws to a 
 free people, or how to be governed by the voice of a constitutional 
 majority. Submission to the ballot-box, to the juiy, to the law, is a 
 lesson the master never learns at home. His biggest, longest, fullest 
 lesson, from early childhood to decrepit age, is, Submission to me, 
 and that is a poor lesson to be so forcibly taught in a republican 
 government. Did space permit, many arguments and a thousand 
 facts in our actual history might be addiiced as to these points ; but 
 my object is rather to show the key which opens lap the causes of our 
 trouble, and to lead others to follow on to their own legitimate con- 
 clusions. Actual occurrences in our Government, in our halls of 
 Congress, and in public acts have so cleai'ly demonstrated these 
 points as scarce to need rehearsal ; and the present war is but the 
 ripe fruit dropping from this upas-tree, which from a little shrub 
 has been growing up under the shadow of our tree of liberty. The 
 hope, dawning bright through the future, is that this is the last crop ; 
 that now, at least, in some Avay, a final settlement will be made. 
 
 We have thus briefly noticed what Secession or Rebellion is, and 
 what are its assumed and its real causes. To one who will honestly 
 follow the history of our Government, from the times when our 
 fathers fought, and bled, and died in its defense, to those in which 
 we live, and Avill but read and see the facts of our political history, 
 the bare-faced iniquity of this Avhole rebellion can not but be appa- 
 rent. It has Tiever, in its enormity, had a parallel since the revolt of 
 
WOEDS ABOUT THE WAE. 29 
 
 Satan from the autliority of Heaven. The stream of ancient and of 
 modern history has no such muddy pool in its midst. As the mind 
 rests after its vain search for causes justifying the enormity of such 
 an outbreak, it can but sadly sigh over the new insight into hmnan 
 wickedness thus uncovered. But the practical question right at 
 hand is, What is to be done V There can be but one reasonable 
 answer. The rebellion must be put down. It is no time for hesitat- 
 ing on minor points. The actual existence of our Government is in- 
 volved ; our personal liberties are assailed ; the interest of human 
 civilization, and liberty, and law, and morals are all on trial in the 
 conflict. They take a narrow view of the whole matter avIio regard 
 it as a small diiference, to be all settled up in a few days. We live 
 in an epoch and era of history. There have been heretofore s(jme 
 years in the world's history that in their weighty results have counted 
 large as centuries, and so shall it be with our day. For weal or woe 
 we are deciding the rights of constitutional law to maintain itself, 
 the power of free institutions as a form of government, and the con- 
 dition of the generations Avho maj^ foUow us in the line of posterity. 
 If we hesitate now, the grand armada of popular rights and boasted 
 independence goes down amid the howling storm, and the black night 
 of the most exciting anarchy that ever registered its name in the 
 chronology of history. If in the nineteenth century of the world's 
 life the United States of America are to be dissolved by an armed 
 rebellion, seeking to break over all its noble constitutional laws, and to 
 found an empire avowedly resting upon a principle of slavery, then 
 well may we forever bid a last adieu to all anticipations of earthly 
 peace, and consider the " rights of the people" forever hereafter the 
 name for a baseless shadow. But no, it is not so — so it shall not be. 
 The Government must be sustained. When my house is attacked 
 and my home interests are in peril, I care not in whose charge it may 
 have been placed, I will go and defend it. Now is not the time for 
 us to talk of party or power. The Supreme authority — that is oui- 
 Government, and it must be supported so long as it is evidently 
 making honest eftbrt to subdue the rebellion. They who are con- 
 stantly finding fault with little matters should be willing to feel thai: 
 these are of but little consequence compared with the great issue at 
 stake. Madison said, in 1789, " No man but an enemy of liberty will 
 stand on technicahties and forms when the essence is in question.'" 
 Mistakes will undoubtedly be made ; but we do not sustain our be.«t 
 friends in the time of their peril by ex])anding their little faults, even 
 though they be real, but rather by standing up firmly as their un- 
 swerving friend^. The United States Government, the best earthly 
 
30 WORDS ABOUT THK WAR. 
 
 friend of every American citizen, has now the right to just such sup- 
 port from you. The Repubhcan should sustain the war, not merely 
 because of his opinion or vote, but because a rebellion has occurred — 
 because the Constitution and laws are assailed — because an armed 
 force is attempting to go contrary to the government of that " per 
 petual Union" which was formed for " ourselves and posterity." 
 
 The Union man should sustain the w^ar, not only because the very 
 name of his party declares him opposed at all hazards to a separation, 
 but because the very Constitution which he has so loved as to be sat- 
 isfied with it just as it is, is broken and made as a thing of naught ; 
 and most of all, the Democrat should support the war because he, of 
 all others, is the most outraged by this attempt. His very name de- 
 notes his behef in the right of majorities to govern. His very name 
 is the oath of submission to the expressed will of the people. His 
 very name denotes his opisosition to an aristocracy of wealth or even 
 to any system of labor which does not secure to all the right of re- 
 ward therefor. 
 
 Besides these, there are certain facts in connection with this war 
 which should make the Democrat incensed beyond all other men at 
 the action of the South. It has been the party which has ever been 
 faithful to the so-called rights of the South ; which has given them 
 its chief appointments ; which has for them suffered in many^ things, 
 and which, when united, still had at the North a powerful organ- 
 ization. The principle of the Democratic party has ever been sub- 
 mission to the will of the majority, and yet in disregard to this very 
 principle, a part of the party has forsaken the other. Besides, the 
 whole conduct of the Charleston Convention, so far as the South was 
 concerned, was in utter disregard of all Democratic principles. The 
 question w^as not, what is the will of the majority ? but will the whole 
 party submit to the wiU of the few ? Still more flagrant is the fact, 
 that the South departed from the old platform, and asked more than 
 ever before. Noble men contended that the principles of Democracy 
 were unchangeable, and that they should make their stand upon the 
 Cincinnati platform, which left the Territories equally oj^en to settle- 
 ment from every section. But this was not enough. The South had 
 in our eai'ly history acquiesced in the exclusion of slavery from every 
 particle of our territory; had then consented to its exclusion only 
 south of the line 36° 30', but had now not only succeeded in repealing 
 the Missouri Compromise, but was actually contending that the Consti- 
 tution carries slavery into the Territories, and some absolutely denied 
 the right of a State to apply for admission with slavery excluded. 
 In a speech made at Augusta, Georgia, Sept. 1st, 1860, A. H. Ste 
 
WOKDS AIMIT THK WAR. 
 
 31 
 
 phens clearly exposes the faithk's.-ness of \\\v Southern Democracj 
 Speaking of the secession or withdrawal of delegates from the con- 
 ventions at Charleston and Baltimore, he says : 
 
 This secession movement is founded on a departure from principle, not only a de" 
 parturc from the Georgia platform, and from the long estal)lished principles of the 
 National Democratic party, but upon an entire change of position of the entire 
 South of all parties, not of all individuals, in relation to the power and jurisdiction 
 of the Federal Government over the subject of African slavery. What I affirm is, 
 that the position of the South for twenty years and more— since the celebrated 
 Atherton resolutions — has been a denial of the jurisdiction of Congress over the 
 subject of slavery in the Stales and Territories. It was upon this denial of jurisdic- 
 tion that the South resisted the reception of abolition petitions. This position is 
 directly reversed at Charleston and Baltimore. If we go to Congress with a re- 
 quest, a petition, or demand to pass a law to protect slavery in the Territories, why 
 may not — on the same principle, so far as jurisdiction of the question is concerned — 
 the anti-slavery men of the North go before the same body with their request, pe- 
 tition, or demand, and ask that such a law shall not be passed, or that one of a con- 
 trary character shall be passed ? 
 
 November 14, 1860, he says, in remarks on the election of Lincoln : 
 
 I give it to you as my opinion, that but for the policy the Southern people pur- 
 sued, this fearful result would not have occurred. Had the South stood firmly in 
 the Convention at Charleston on her old platform of principles of non-intervention, 
 there is in my mind but little doubt that whoever might have been the candidate 
 of the National Democratic party, would have been elected by as large a majority as 
 that which elected Mr. Buchanan or Mr. Pierce. 
 
 When I review the records of that Charleston and Baltimore 
 Convention, and behold the utter unreasonableness of Southern men, 
 I wonder not that General Butler, who there plead for union on the 
 good old platform, should have seen enough to nerve him to draw 
 the sword against such fanatics, as that thousands and tens of thou- 
 sands who know the history of their betrayal, slK)uld with indignant 
 eai'nestness resolve to maintain our rights to the last. Against such 
 an exacting oligarchy it was in vain that then their best friends plead 
 for a return to reason, and where <uch men as Butlei-, Buchanan, 
 Cass, Douglas, Dix, Dickinson, Holt, and a host of other names dis- 
 tinguished on the Democratic roll, bid you at all hazards to throw the 
 whole weight of your power and influence in the scale of our Gov- 
 ernment, you need not hesitate. Events even then as well as now 
 showed that there was no spirit of conciliation or compromise on 
 their part. Yancey, the leader of the crew, had said long before 
 this: "By one organized, concerted action, we can i)reci])itate the 
 Cotton States into a revolution." 
 
 A Democratic administration used every means in their power to 
 .avert the storm, or even to postpone it, but while our pi-inces plead, 
 
32 WOKDb AbOUT THE WAK. 
 
 the Confederates robbed our Governiricnt and fired upon our vessels, 
 and assumed the attitude of bold revolt. "A committee," says 
 Genera] Dix, "of which I was chairman, in an address to our rfor.ili- 
 ern brethren, adopted at a meeting in Pine Street, in December la- 1. 
 recommended that the States should meet together for conHuh^iJio:!, 
 and if they could not settle their difficulties amicably, and pre-cr..- 
 the Union, that they should arrange the terms of separation, and 
 save the country from the horrors of civil war. We implored them 
 to pause in order to give us time for an effort to restore harmony 
 and fraternal feeling. We appealed to them in language of entreaty, 
 which would have been humiliating if it had not been addressed to 
 brethren of the same political family. To this appeal, enforced by 
 the concurrence of eminent citizens of this State, who had always 
 been the most strenuous advocates of Southern rights, the States to 
 which it was addressed responded by setting the authority of the 
 Union at defiance, by seizing the public forts and arsenals, by seducing 
 Federal officers from their allegiance, and in one instance by confis- 
 cating the treasures of the Government. For months these outrages 
 were submitted to, with no efibrt on the })art of the Government to 
 resent or punish them, in the hope that, imder the guidance of bettor 
 counsels, those who committed them would return to their allegiance.'" 
 They sent us commissioners, not to arrange terms of conciliation, but 
 of separation — not to unite, but to dissever our country. The sug- 
 gestions of Buchanan and of l^incoln as to a convention of all fhi 
 States were alike totally disregarded on their part, although acqui- 
 esced in by the North. The attempted peace conventions were crip 
 pled by the absence of representatives from the States most con 
 earned, and yet even these showed a disposition to restore the 
 Missouri Compromise, to make fully elfective the Fugitive Slavt 
 Law, and to provide in the Constitution for complete non-intervention 
 with slavery in the States. But the Cotton States did not wait for 
 terms of peace. That was not what they desired. In their imagina 
 tions they had already builded a tower of Southern independence, an 
 ideal republic, with the negro as its foundation, cotton its su]>]>ori., 
 and aristocracy its king, and the blind infatuation w\as not tf) be 
 restrained by any appeals to argument or fact. Our only resort is 
 an " appeal to arms and to that God who presides over the destinies 
 of nations," and who is upon the side of the right. In one sense, it 
 mattei's little as to the causes of the war, foi" when the house is on 
 fire, the point is to put it out, rather than to stand parleying as to 
 the method of its start ; but when, as in this case, we come to exam- 
 ine the high-handed treason of this rebellion, it can not but ner^ c o-v 
 
WORDS ABOUT THE WAR. 33 
 
 energies and incite our zeal. When under the guidance of the mas- 
 ter spirit of this rebellion, South CaroUna raised her arm of resistance, 
 swearing " by the Eternal," the noble Jackson said, " Our Federal 
 Union — it must be preserved." Nullification was secession in the 
 bud, and he bUghted it. It was resistance of one national law. 
 Secession is resistance to them aU, and the occasion for decision thus 
 multiplied by the greater enormity and extent of the offense requires 
 us to grapple with the monster, though it be a Uon grown. It is 
 either a life or death struggle for free governments everywhere. 
 Interests immense enough to thrill every frame with concentrated, 
 working, praying, giving energy, are at stake in the issue. Let not 
 a hand falter, not a heart hesitate, not a man be lukewarm in such a 
 struggle. By all the justice of sublime right, by all the value of our 
 blood-purchased liberties, by aU the enormity of this uncalled-for 
 rebellion, you are summoned to use to the uttermost all the means 
 and influences necessary to victory. Your country, your family, your 
 posterity, and freedom all over the great world has a claim upon 
 your persistent, xmflinching, untiring devotion to this cause. The 
 man who in such a crisis will stand balancing himself hither and 
 thither amid mere party issues, shows that he has not nobility enough 
 to rise to the higher level of patriotic devotion. What we now want 
 is not Politics, but Patriotism. Let the old lines be blotted out, and 
 let us now know but one party, and that our country's ; or if we must 
 have two, let it be plainly those who contend for a vigorous prose- 
 cution of the war, without any idea of a dissolution of the Union, and 
 on the other hand, those who are willing to purchase peace at any 
 price. 
 
 We proceed last to inquire as to the results of this war. No one 
 a single year since would have predicated the state of affairs now 
 existing, and no one can fully define the results of events at present 
 transpiring. A few thoughts, however, in reference to them' are well 
 to be kept before the mind. 
 
 To many the cost of the present war and the hard times connected 
 therewith are the first prominent matters of thought. Yet as to 
 both of these there are hopeful views. New England sighed over 
 the war of 1814 as ruining all her interests, and at the time it did 
 indeed cause suffering and want, but it proved one of the grandest 
 elements in her subsequent success, and her commerce and manufac- 
 tures, her material interests, owe more to that war than to any one 
 cause of progress. War employs labor and capital ; it sets in circu- 
 lation the gold and silver which has not been accessible to the poor. 
 Its tendency is to equalize wealth. The rich, by our system of taxa- 
 
34: WORDS ABOUT THE WAK. 
 
 tion, contribute far more in proportion than the poor, and I am 
 greatly disappointed if the effect of this war will not be greatly to 
 benefit the laboring classes. As to its cost, when not so rich we ex- 
 pended over 500,000,000 of dollars, chiefly for Southern lands and 
 defenses, and we are as able to spend at least such an amount in 
 defense of our liberties. How a country can endure the expense of 
 war we can only learn from the records of the past, and he who will 
 study EngHsh or French history, and then compare the ability of our 
 country at present with these in former days, will not be distressed 
 as to our resources. The little property of thirteen colonies, that 
 could endure the expense of a seven years' war with England in "76, 
 will not, in its present developed state, be troubled by a calculation 
 of expense. In a single week the call for investment on behalf of 
 the Government has been met by a response of millions of dollars. 
 Such a country need have no fear as to the materials for prosecuting 
 the war. 
 
 II. A result to be sought in this war is a re-modeling of our 
 poUtical habits. We have before us the demonstration that " knowl- 
 edge and virtue are necessary to perpetuate our independence." "We 
 must re-write the motto, not only on the portals and domes of our 
 liberty temples, but in the hearts and consciences of our people. In 
 the South, one out of twelve of the white population can neither read 
 nor write, besides the tens of thousands for whom little attempt is 
 made, and who yet are represented in the councils of the nation. At 
 the North, knowledge and religion do not prevail as they might, and 
 the whole land needs more of education, industry, and morahty. 
 Bible principle and general intelligence must be made to take their 
 place as the foundations of our Government. Good men must not 
 allow themselves to be thrust aside by pot-house poHticians, but must 
 take their places in the primary meeting, or in whatever is the starting- 
 point of legislation. So long as the man who can neither read nor 
 write, or who comes reeling to the ballot-box, is allowed his vote, so 
 long as it is no crime for men to purchase votes and oflice, so long as 
 intelligence and morality are at a discount in high places, so long 
 republican forms of government must be a foUure. Certain facts and 
 phases of American society and morals trouble me more than burn- 
 ished guns and glistening bayonets across the Potomac ; and in the 
 grand re-construction which must eventually take place if our country 
 is restored, we must now begin to lay again the foundation of liberty 
 in morals, education, and justice. This is not the work of resolve, 
 but of time, and now is the time for the capable and the good to 
 take their places in the primary work of redeeming the land from the 
 
WORDS ABOrT THE WAK. 35 
 
 traitorship of politics. Althougli this war may take time and money 
 and human lives, yet all will be ^vell expended if they serve to cleanse 
 away the filth of party organization and bring us back again to the 
 purity and principle of earlier days. Some other system than packed 
 conventions and political bribes must furnish our legislative counsels 
 with proper representation. Delegates to nominating conventions 
 must be voted for at the same time our representatives are chosen, or 
 some other plan must be adopted completely to overturn the wire- 
 pulling clique-work of the land. If slavery was the nest-ego; of this 
 rebellion, politics has hatched it — and it is proving itself the befitting 
 progeny of such a pedigree. 
 
 III. Another result to be sought is the final settlement of this 
 vexed slavery question. Different views, in this respect, Avill un- 
 doubtedly prevail. One class will be willing, in order to have peace, 
 that slavery be allowed to run, have free course, and be glorified, and 
 thus will consent to purchase peace by the sacrifice of principle, and 
 present ease at the immense cost of prospective punishment and 
 misrule. Another class will be satisfied that the States shall be 
 brought back as before, with the prevention of the African slave- 
 trade, and the non-extension of slavery forever determined ; willing 
 to let it remain as it is in the States, hoiking that, notwithstanding the 
 fact that vice has never been known to die out by being left alone, 
 and, notwithstanding slavery, even in the States, has been actually on 
 the increase, that yet in some way or other it will cease to exist. 
 They will thus be satisfied to leave this matter to time, believing that 
 the reorganization of society, and the new colonization which will in- 
 evitably ensue from the present wai-, as well as the new sources of 
 supply for the products of slave-labor which w^ill be found, will of 
 themselves destroy the system. A third class, few and small, will 
 cry for immediate emancipation as the only cure of all our troubles. 
 
 A fourth will take the ground, that so long as we perpetuate the 
 cause of our troubles, and a system which, in itself, has a tendency 
 to unfit men for participating in a republican government, we can 
 have no permanent peace ; that now is the time to provide for the 
 complete extinction of this system, not by any imjust act., but by con, 
 fiscating this as well as other property of rebels, and by purchasing 
 of those not rebels, their slaves, or by so setting bounds to the system 
 as that for the public good it shall cease, after a specified period, 
 uiKler an equitable system of compensation. .V fifth will feel that it 
 is enough to know that the existence of our nation is at stake, and 
 that one and all should unite to subdue the rebellion, leaving all 
 questions formerly at issue between us to be settled either by the 
 
3^ WORDS ABOUT THE WAK. 
 
 Constitution or by a Convention, called in accordance with its pro- 
 visions. Such seems to be the plain doctrine of the present Admin- 
 istration. We are not yet able fuUy to discern what may be the' 
 indications of Providence, of reason, and of statesmanship, but sucli 
 points as these should be undergoing the careful scrutiny of huin.in 
 mind, in order that we may act right at the right time, and secure 
 a perpetual liberty to us and to our children. It is a time for the 
 American people — the masses — to be thinking as well as acting. A 
 chip can float, but a nation, as well as a man, is tested by being 
 equal to emergencies. We must open our minds to a more ade- 
 quate conception of the immense, unparalleled interests which cluster 
 around the age — around us. To live in such a crisis and be equal 
 to it is a grand glory — to stand trembling, hesitating, or drawing- 
 back is a misfortune sadder than oblivion. Let us set up no false 
 banners. 
 
 K we are fighting for the existence of our Government, for the 
 supremacy of law, for our Republic, that is grand enough. So let it 
 nerve the heart and strengthen the arm. 
 
 If, besides the great problem of the possibility of stability in 
 repubUcan forms of government any and everywhere is under trial, 
 still more immense and intense is the struggle. If so, let a watching 
 world inspire us. 
 
 If, whether we will or no, the condition and destiny of another 
 race is involved, let philanthropy utter its voices, and let us seek 
 what is duty here. There are interests, it may be, pending, worthy 
 of the manly courage and heroic endurance of many a year. Our 
 country, posterity, humanity, and God, it may be, have claims upon 
 us which can not be discharged in a single campaign. 
 
 We have nothing to fear so much as a patched-up peace. From 
 the time of Jeremiah to that of John Breckenridge, it has ever been 
 the resort of traitors, no less than the faint-hearted, to cry for peace 
 when there is no peace. The recent letter of General Butler has the 
 true sentiment on that point : 
 
 I see with pain upon the part of some of those with whom I have acted in polit- 
 ical organizations a disposition to advocate peaceful settlements, wherein there can 
 be no peace. However desirable, it is not to be purchased on any terms save the 
 recognition of the authority of the Federal Government over every inch of territory 
 which ever belonged to it. A peace involving the separation of the Union, or 
 until the supremacy of the Government is forever established, would be simply a 
 declaration of perpetual war of sections. 
 
 Let us nobly face the music of constitutional Uberty, and defend 
 the rights of our Government, untU they who have attempted to 
 
WORDS ABOUT THE WAR. 37 
 
 trample upon its institutions shall be ready to seek an honorable 
 peace at our hands. As a nation, we have sinned in egotism, in 
 extravagance, in political corruption, and in derelictions from prin- 
 ciple, but our sin is not imposition upon the South. We had endured 
 until submission had almost ceased to be a virtue, but now that, still 
 worse, the hand of war is raised against us, it is time to arise to the 
 full demand of- our civil, political, and moral rights. The war will 
 be short enough, when it ends with these secured. 
 
 Not permitted myself to engage in armed defense of that country 
 whose present welfare is so near my heart, I have thus endeavored 
 to present a few considerations worthy of our attention in the j^resent 
 crisis. I can not believe that the numbers who are not fully aroused 
 with a sense of justice and of duty in the present struggle are aware 
 of the facts of the case, for all history can not make out a clearer 
 defense than can the American citizen for a hearty co-operation in the 
 support of this war. I have purposely avoided elaborate argument 
 or pathetic appeal, that I might present in brief, facts which can not 
 but carry conviction to the honest heart. Up to the time of the 
 Charleston Convention a Democrat in politics, descended, like the 
 Southerner, from the Cavaliers whom some one meanly describes as 
 "• gentlemen adventurers, aspiring to live by their own wits," born 
 and bred in the moderate, conservative State of New Jersey, and by 
 a Southern sojourn and acquaintanceship having seen Southern soci- 
 ety and institutions, with Uberal allowance, my mind was not cheer- 
 fully brought to the sad realities of our present peril. But history, 
 and acts and facts which I can not resist any more than I can a 
 belief in the simplest axioms of truth, force me, as I believe they will 
 you, to an unreserved dedication and determination, founded upon 
 the full persuasion that it is our duty, one and all, with one heart 
 and one mind, throAving aside all other political issues, to fight and 
 work and labor on manfuUy, energetically, patriotically, unflinchingly, 
 until the arm of rebellion is paralyzed, and the power of this best of 
 all governments fully re-established. 
 
 I shall, in conclusion, add to this, as expressing the true sentiment 
 which should fill every American heart, the following eloquent lan- 
 guage from the mouth of D. S. Dickinson : 
 
 I hold it to be the first duty of every citizen, of every party, to aid in restoring — 
 if restored it can be — this great and good Government. If it is right for a portio)> 
 of this country to take up arms against this Government, it is right to sustain such 
 action ; and if they are wrong, they should be put dovni by the power of tlic pen 
 pie. There is no half-way house in this matter — no tarrying-place between .-justain- 
 ing the Government and attempting its overthrow. There is no peace proposition 
 tliat will suit the case until thi* rebelli'>n is first put down. - "' I believe thit- 
 
38 WORDS ABOUT THE WAR. 
 
 rebellion did not arise out of sectional agitation, but from a blind, wicked, reckless 
 ambition. And I believe it is the duty of every man, woman, and child to raise an 
 arm against it to crush it. * * Those causes of irritation, although they may 
 have suggested to Southern States to request becoming guaranties, they never justi- 
 fied armed rebellion in any shape or manner. And what were those causes of irri- 
 tation ? The only real, practical cause of irritation was the non-execution of the 
 Fugitive Slave Law. But that did not affect the Cotton States, so called ; but Mis- 
 souri, Kentucky, Virginia, Maryland, and Delaware, and perhaps one or two other 
 States, were the only ones ever injured by it. The Cotton Sifcates, so called, never 
 lost a fugitive slave from the time of their existence to this day. To be sure, they 
 had a question about territories, but it was so entirely ideal, a mere abstraction, 
 and so practically not a real grievance. But if it had been, they had the Supreme 
 Court and both branches of Congress, and practically had control of the question. 
 The fugitive slave question was the only practical question which annoyed them, 
 and that question was not the cause of the rebellion. What State first seceded ? 
 South Carolina began to scrape lint before the votes were counted. She had no 
 practical grievance whatsover. ^ '' I was for negotiating a peace, until a forti- 
 fication was fired upon by rebel artillery, and then I bade adieu to all expectations 
 of peace until conquered over rebellion. I say there is no peace until you can put 
 down rebellion by force of arms ; and when every other man, woman, and child in 
 the United States has acknowledged the independence of the revolted States, to 
 those with arms in their hands I will still oppose it, and I will talk for my own 
 gratification when no others will hear me. We must stand by the Union. Fellow- 
 citizens, the language of Andrew Jackson was, " The Union must and shall be pre- 
 served. ' ' What would Gen. Jackson have done had he been at the helm to-day .' 
 He would have hung the traitors higher than Haman. You may make peace mth 
 the loyal men of the South, and there is the place to make it. But how will you 
 do it with rebellion ? Go with an agreement in one hand and a revolver in the 
 other, and ask the Confederacy to take its choice ? If there is any you can deal 
 with, it is the loyal citizens of the South — those that are persecuted for the sake 
 of their Government — those that love their Constitution, and are willing to die in 
 its defense, when they are restored to position by conquering rebellion. Are you 
 in favor of war ? No ; but I am in favor of putting down war by force of arms. 
 I am opposed to war, and in favor of obtaining peace by putting down the authors 
 of the war. I am in favor of peace, but I am in favor of the only course that will 
 insure it — driving out armed rebellion, negotiating with loyalty. We must fight 
 battles, and bloody battles. We must call vast numbers of men into the field. 
 We must not go as boys to a general training, with ladies, and idlers, and members 
 of Congress to see the show, but we must go in earnest— go prepared for action — 
 to fight it as a battle, and not to fight it as a play-spell. We must unite as a 
 whole people, going shoulder to shoulder. And when we do so, we shall conquer. 
 And why ? We have the right, we have the prestige of government, have the 
 sympathy of the disinterested world, we have the moral and material elements to 
 do it all, and to insure victory. Rebellion has not the financial ability to stand a 
 long war, with all their gains from iJrivateering and piracy, and issuing Confederate 
 bonds — made a lien upon the property of people who were never consulted as to 
 their issue, and who repudiate them — worth as much as a June frost, a cold wolf 
 track, which no financier fit to be outside of the lunatic asylum would give a shil- 
 ling a peck for. They may vex, they may harass, they may destroy, they ma} 
 commit piracy, but the reckoning is to come for all this. They will be brought t. 
 
WORDS ABOUT THE WAK. 3Jf 
 
 the judgmeut uf tlie Americau iiuople— of their own people. They will be a; 
 laigned. and wlio is there will be ready to stand up as their defenders in the name 
 of the Constitution ? ^ * It will be time enough to straggle over who shall 
 administer the Government when we are sure we have one to administer. He who 
 is not for it, is against it. I have determined to fight this battle out, but on no 
 political grounds. I stand upon the constitutional ground of my fathers. There 
 I will stand, and animate my countrymen to stand with me ; and when once we 
 shall have peace restored — when we shall have put dovni rebellion, when we shall 
 have encouraged fidelity, when peace and prosperity .shall again greet us, then let 
 us see if any part of any State is oppressed, if any individual is wronged, if any 
 are deprived of their rights — see that equal and exact justice is extended to all. 
 
 '\,AIJ^'E*'■''^^ 
 
«^*_<5' '>ifc.><y "•^^ •m.^s' ^m^£^ ^m.^^ ^m^j^ >*^^ >*..^ 't*..,^ ^.^S' '^..^ '<4^,^"# 
 
 WORDS ABOUT THE WAR: 
 
 
 t IPIain Jfatts for |piarn feo^U, ) 
 
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 EZRA M. HUNT. 
 
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 ^ COPYRIGHTED. T 
 
 NEW YORK: ^ 
 
 PRINTED BY F. SOMERS, 
 
 No. 13 SPKUCE STREET. 
 1861. 
 
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