.■" ^^'^ /.^^*^ ^ \> V^ ^ ^ * 0/- ^ ^ \> H i, n Hp. -^ y. Q. \4^ - ,<^ 9. I o ^ fCr s ^ ' ^ ^ ^ '''' nT^ L^^ <> « :)^ s ^ ' "" / %. " ^_ .«, ^t>. <<^> ^'^'^ . <• , '^v. ■ • rO^' s '' "^ ' ' /. ^. C <^ vi*. " ^ii^ ■* « the delta of the Ganges, are the coal-deposits, which at t): * present time furnish large supplies to Calcutta. Nearly the whole of Central India is governed by nati\« princes, amongst whom are the Guicowar and Rajpoot chiefs. A considerable portion of the state of Malwa is under the lule of Maharajah Scindia; while other tracts are governed by numerous petty rajahs, amongst whom may be named the Mahratta princes of Holkar and Nagpore. On the western side of this portion of India the British possess a considerable tract of the plain of Gujerat, whicli ia a 14 BRITISH INDIA. annexed to the Bombay Presidency. On the eastern side w« find, adjoining, tlie territories of the Rajpoot princes ; and lying between the rivers Sone and Ganges, a region which has been annexed to the residency of Allahabad. The next natural division is that of the Delta of the Ganges, which ranges from the mouths of that river to the base of the Himalayas, a distance in a straight line of about 300 miles, and varying in breadth from 150 to 180 miles. On the eastern side it is flanked by the Chittagong district and the valleys of Assam and Silhet, with the Tiperah hills ; on its western side it stretches from Balasore in the Bay of Bengal, through Mid- napore and Nagore, to Rajmahal, and thence by the river Coosie to the Himalayas. A very considerable portion of this division is incapable of cultivation ; on the southern side, between the mouths of the Ganges and the Berrampootra, is a low tract called the Sunder- abunds, extending about seventy miles inland and fifty miles in width, covered with swamps and thick jungle, the resort of every vanety of reptile and wild beast. The efl"ect of the rising of the tides from the sea is such as to preclude any but the most scanty use of the soil, though recent attempts have been made with partial success to recover some portion of this Fterile country. To the north of this tract, as far as 25*^ N. lat., and chiefly between the branches of the Ganges and the Berrampootra, the land is subject to an annual inundation during the early part of the south-west monsoon, when the country is covered by water to a great depth, some of the rivers rising as much as thirty feet above their ordinary level. This, although causing much inconvenience and loss to the inhabit- ants, proves a great fertilizer of the soil ; and except in the immediate vicinity of the flooded rivers, the entire surface of these river valleys yields most abundant crops of grain on the retirement of the waters, which takes place during October. Beyond the influence of these periodical floods, we find still a large range of rich fertile land, partly watered by many streams, and partly irrigated by artificial means : to the north of this, again, as far as the swamps at the bas« of the Himalayan range, BaXTISR INDIA. Ift are found numerous tracts of waste land covered with low jungle, reeds, and rank grass. Stretching along the lower chain of the Himalayas, is the Tarai, or the swamp, a rather extensive portion of peaty soil, throngli which innumerable springs burst, fed by the mountain land above. The vast masses of vegetable matter swept down from the higher lands, and decaying on these swamps through- out the year, render them unfit for human habitation ; and the Blattered population suffer severely from fever in their attempts to earn a scanty living by felling timber for the supply of the low country. The Plain of the Ganges comprehends within it the districts of Bengal, Behar, Tirhoot, Oude, Rohilcund, and Allahabad, It is the most populous and fertile portion of British India, containing about sixty millions of inhabitants, and is entirely under the dominion of the East India Company. Calcutta is by far the largest and most wealthy city of this or any other part of India, containing at the present date about 600,000 inhabitants. The other principal commercial and political cities are Dacca, Benares, Allahabad, Mirzapore, Goruckpore, Cawnpore, Furruckabad, Agra, Delhi, Meerut, and many others, possessing populations varying from thirty to a hundred and twenty thousand souls. Between the northern extremities of the Gangetic Plain and the Plain of the Indus is a flat, sterile country termed the Doab, ruled over by a few Seikh chieftains in alliance with the British. The Plain of the Indus is situated on the eastern flank of that river, and commences from the neighborhood of Attock, extending southward and westward as far as the debouchure of the Indus into the sea. It comprehends the Punjab, Scinde, and other smaller states : a large portion of it south of the Punjab consists of desert, arid plains ; and even in the more favorable positions, where the land is watered by the over- flowing of the Indus and its branches, the soil can scarcely be termed fertile, yielding but indifi'erent crops of grass and grain The Punjab, or the country of the fiv« rivers, forming the 16 BRITISH INDIA. northern portion of the Plain of the Indus, extends from thlAS TAPIR on the grassy slopes of the Cashmere hills, but are also reared with success in Lahore and still further to the south. The boa, the rattlesnake, the cobra capella, the tic-prolonga, and many other varieties of snakes, are in great abundance. Porcupines, armadilloes, ichneumons, guanas, and lizards exist in vast numbers. The birds of India are scarcely less beautiful than numerous. Perhaps the choicest of them all are those of the Himalayan pheasant tribe, birds distinguished for their very graceful and rich plumage. The Himalayan bustard is another bird re- markable for its form and varied color. Peacocks, eagles, falcons, vultures, kites, cranes, wild geese, wild fowl, snipes, bustards, parrots and parroquets, the latter in every conceiya))le variety, abound in all parts at various seasons. Crows, and a bird called the Adjutant, are to be seen in all large towns in thousands, and prove very serviceable in re- moving offal of every description from the streets ; they are the best, and indeed the only scavengers known in India, and no one ever attempts to kill these birds. BRITISH INDIA. 41 ^..3^ BOA. The laughing crow is met with in great numbers in the vicinity of the forests of Hurdwar and Sireenagur, feeding on the wild fruits of the jungle. These birds are usually seen in flocks of fifty or a hundred, making a noise resembling loud laughter. The plumage of the back, wings and side is olive-brown ; on the tail the brown is that of amber. The head is ornamented with a crest of ronnded feathers. A black line passes from the beak across the eyes to the ear-covers, and excepting this the whole cl the head is white, as are also the throat and breast* 4* * " Gould's Birds of Hindostan," plate xviiL 12 BRITISH INDIA. Amongst the insects, the locust is of coraraon occurrence, frequently visiting particular districts in such clouds as to darken the air. The natives fry these creatures in oil, and eat them with considerable relish The leaf-insect, which in shape snd color bears so close a resemblance to a number of leaves as to render it impossible to detect them on plants ; the stick- insect, which in like manner wears all the appearance of a heap of dried sticks ; and the bamboo-insect, shaped precisely as a small piece of bamboo, are all perfectly harmless ; whilst the myriads of centipedes, scorpions, ants, musqnitoes, and other creatures, prove extremely obnoxious to . Europeans, more especially to new-comers. The rivers and bays of India abound with various descrip- tions of fish, some of which have been long known to and much esteemed by Europeans. A far greater number, however, although said to be excellent eating by the natives, have never been met w^ith on any other table. The objection to many of these latter consists in the great number of small bones con- tained in them ; in spite, however, of this, the natives use them in a variety of ways, either as curries or stews. Amongst those known to Europeans are the mango-fish, a great favorite in Calcutta during the mango season, the Indian mullet, the sable-fish, the whiting, a species of perch of great Bize, the kowall, the rowball, the inkle-fish, the nattoo, the mountain mullet, a species of sole, several kinds of herring, the white and black pomfret, and a very excellent salmon. Most of these are salt-water fish. The rivers are in many parts of the country infested with alligators. The animals of the Tenasserim and Peguan provinces differ in few particulars from those of Hindostan proper. Elephants, tigers, bears, and panthers abound ; whilst several species of the rhinoceros, the hare, the rabbit, the porcupine, are also to be met with in considerable numbers. The most interesting and valuable of all the animals of this region is a hardy and swift-footed pony, highly esteemed throughout all parts of India, especially for mountain journeys, where, from their being 80 sure-footed, they are invaluable. The sheep and goat artJ BRITISH INDIA. 43 rarely met with here ; but buffaloes, oxen, and several varieties of the deer are plentiful. In ornithological specimens these provinces are peculiarly rich ; amongst them may be instanced a peacock of surpassing beauty, besides, partridges, pheasants, wild fowl, quail, pigeons, and an abundance of water-fowl of great delicacy and flavor. The edible-nest swallows are also common, and furnish a supply of nests for the China market, which realizes a considerable revenue to the local government. There is nothing to remark in the fishes of Pegu, similar as they are in every respect to those of the Bay of Bengal. The only exceptions which claim our notice are the climbing-perch, which makes its way inland to some distance, and a barbel of extraordinary beauty, whose scales, when fresh from the water, glisten in the sunshine like diamonds of the first quality. ZBBiT OK lymxs ox. THE CUTTCB MINAK. THE HINDOO PERIOD. -A -m * » > ■• CHAPTER I. THE IhlA OF FABLE AND THE EARLY HINDOO DYNASTIES. The early history of India, like that of many other countriea, presents little else than a confused series of mythological tales, fall of absurd recitals and chronological inconsistencies. To place any credit in the writings of the first Hindoo chroniclers, would be to carry the history of their country to a date long anterior to the creation of the world. The exploits of Rama, one of their favorite heroes, are stated by them to have taken place a million of years since ; whilst one of their records claims an antiquity of double that extent. The labors of such ori- (45) 46 BRITISH INDIA. ental scholars as Colebrooke, Jones, Wilson, Prinsep, &c., have (lone little more for Hindoo history than point out the utter worthlessness of its earliest records. The most that can be made of that period is a tolerably accurate guess as to tho probai)le dates of such events as need not be put down as al together fabulous. From the time of Alexander's invasion of India, we are enabled to arrive at something more like cer- tainty with regard to Indian events and Hindoo sovereigns ; but nntil Hindostan became known to and finally conquered by the Mohammedan race, there was at best a most uncer- tain and irregular chain of records, from which the modern compiler of history can glean but vague and unreliable de- tails. Of late years, the labors of Mr. Prinsep have brought to light the means of deciphering many ancient inscriptions upon columns and on the walls of rock-cut temples, which had hith- erto defied the investigations of the learned. These prove to have been in the Pali dialect ; and, when read by the aid of Mr. Prinsep's key, were found to throw considerable light upon some portion of Hindoo history, and eventually to enable the discoverer to fix something like a date of certainty to the ceigns of monarehs which had previously been but ill defined. Of the great antiquity of the Hindoos there can be no doubt. Whilst Joseph was ruling under Pharaoh in Egypt, there were Hindoo princes who possessed considerable territories, and could bring large armies into the field. The " Ramayana," an Indian epic, although undoubtedly replete with fables and exaggerations, cannot but be regarded as shadowing forth, however falsely colored, certain events ajid exploits which possessed reality in themselves. . The first mention made of this nation gives as their residence a tract of country between the rivers Sersooty and Caggar, distant from Delhi about one hundred miles north-west. It then bore the name of Bramhaverta, as being the haunt of gods; and although it was but about sixty-five miles long by forty broad, it was the scene of the adventures of the firsi THE HINDOO PERIOD. 47 princes, and the residence of the most famous sages.* At no very distant date from tlie first records, the Hindoos appear to have extended their territory, which then seems to have in- cluded the present districts of Oude, Agra, Allahabad, La- hore, and Delhi. The city of Oud, or, as it was then termed, Ayodha, appears to have been the capital of the kingdom. There were born, as emanations from Brahma, two princes, whose descendants were known as the solar and lunar races. Of these, upward of sixty appear to have lived ; but the ac- counts of their exploits are so fabulous, that no use can be made of them ; and we must therefore pass on to Rama, whose deeds, as already mentioned, were chronicled in the "Ramayana." In this oriental epic, we find the most extravagant recitals and supernatural occurrences detailed with the minuteness of facts. The hero is Rama, a king of Oude, who, having re- solved on a life of penance for a certain period, retired to a secluded forest with his wife Sita, a woman of surpassing beauty and extraordinary accomplishments. During their residence in this solitary spot, Ravana, the king of Ceylon, and ruler over a race of demons, chanced to see the beautiful queen, and became so enamored of her, that he carried her away to h\^ capital, Lanka. Rama, roused to activity by this loss, called to his aid Hann- man, the pretended monarch of a race of supernatural monkeys ; and these warriors, with their united followers, are made to march through the Deccan, cross the Pamben Passage by a miraculous bridge, and encounterin-g the wicked but mighty Ravana near his city, totally defeated him and his warrior- demons. Sita was of course released ; but the tale ends gloomily, for Rama, having accidentally killed his brother Lachmen, threw himself in his grief into a river, and was re- united to the divinity. Whatever fable and romance there may be in this great Hin- doo poem, it is more than probable that Rama did carry hif? arms to the south, and with some degree of success ; the Cey- * Wilson's preface to " Vishnu Purana,*' p. 67. 48 BRITISH INDIA. Ion invasion, however, would appear to belong to a more re- cent period than that named in the " Rama^^ana." Nothing can be stated of the long line of solar princes who succeeded Rama ; and there is good ground for believing that during that after period, the seat of government was transferred from Oud to Canouj. The contents of the "Maha-Barat," which is the second great Indian epic, read far more like history than those of the "Ramayana." It relates to the great war which arose out of the claims of two rival branches of the then reigning family for the district of Hastinapoora, supposed to be a country to the north-east of Delhi, on the Ganges. Into this quarrel most of the neighboring princes of India seem to have been drawn ; and the war appears to have raged with great fury for a long period, carrying with it the partial ruin of some of the most flourishing districts of Hindostan. The victors of the Fandu branch suffered so severely in this violent contest, that for one or two generations they did not recover their former po- sition. The probable period in which this famous war occurred may be some time in the fourteenth century before the Christian era. Of the race of Pandu kings who filled the throne from this period, we find nothing on record beyond a mere list of their names ; and even here the loosely compiled annals of those remote times differ as to whether there were twenty-nine or sixty-four of them. Dismissing from our minds all that portion of the "Maha- Barat" which deals in marvelous occurrences and extraordinary exploits, we may still glean from its pages much matter of a more solid and reliable tone. There are scattered through it a great number of useful facts, bearing upon the position of the several kingdoms and independent states, their social condi- tion, power, and influence, which greatly redeem the general character of this Iliad of the East. From it we may learn that there were at least six distinct kingdoms in this part of India. Greek writers speak of as many as one hundred and eighteen ; THE HINDOO PERIOD. 49 ont they probably intended to have written tribes, and not in- dependent states. • Besides the Ivingdora of Hastinapoora, we find one very powerful monarchy mentioned — the sovereigMity of ISIagada. The king of this country, at the period of the great war, was Siliadeva; and from that time until A. D. 436, we find a long li.ie of kings chronicled in one unbroken succession. It was in this state that Sakya, or Gotama Buddha, the founder of the Buddhist religion, was born, somewhere about b, c. 550, during the reign of Ajata Satru, the thirty-fifth sovereign from Saha- deva. It is the ancient language of this countr}'', Magadi or Pali, which has ever since been employed in the sacred writings of this widely-spread religion. Following this race of monarchs, we find that the fourteenth of the line was murdered by Chandragupta, who was of the Sudras, a low caste. It has been successfully shown by Sir W. Jones and Mr. Prinsep, that this king is the Sandracottus, or Sandracoptus, of the Greek historians, whom they represent as having concluded a treaty with Seleucus, one of Alexander's successors, about the year 310 b. c. The third king after Chandragupta, named Asoca, appears to have been the first who really had any claim to the title pre- viously bestowed on many others, that of lord paramount, or emperor of India. The mastery obtained by the indefatigable Prinsep over the old Pali inscriptions scattered throughout so many remote parts of India, has, amongst (j>ther points, satis- factorily established this one regarding the rule of Asoca, that his dominion extended from far northward of Delhi, even southward to Taprobane or Ceylon, and embraced a wide ex- tent of country east and west. It appears from the same in- BC^iption that his government partook of a highly civilized nature, more advanced than might have been iexpected : for many of those ancient writings appear to be edicts for the establishment of hospitals and dispensaries in distant parts of his empire, and also for the sinking wells and planting shady trees along the public highways for the benefit of travelers.* • Elphinstone's India, vol. i. p. 393. 6 50 BRITISH INDIA. The Magadft kingdom appears to have gradually lost its tur* .cendencv, until, in tlie fiftli century of our era, we find it brought under subjection to the kings of Canouj, and its territories no L"5nger recognized as a separate state. The kingdom of Bengal, although at various periods attain ing to a considerable degree of power, if we may judge from inscriptions on copper and stone, cannot be awarded the su- premacy in India which has been claimed for it by several Hin- doo writers. We can lay our hands upon very little reliable data as to the actual position of this state, though the lists of four distinct dynasties are preserved to this day, and may be tolerably correct. The last of the Hindoo dynasties, whose names ended in Sena, was subverted by the Mohammedan in- vaders about A. D. 1203. Gujerat appears to have had an independent existence at an early date, though we are without any reliable particulars. In the middle of the second century of our era, it seems beyond a doubt that a government existed at Balibi, under a Rajpoot race of rulers. In a.d. 524 these princes were expelled by an incursion of Indo-Bactrians from the north, but again held the reins of power in a. d. 531. In the eighth century the Balibi rulers appear to have been Bucceeded by the Chauras, another tribe of Rajpoots, who eventually removed their capital to Anhalwara, now Patan, and in after years attained to considerable power amongst the native states. This race became extinct in A. D. 931, when the Rajpoot tribe of Salonka succeeded it, and remained on the throne until early in the thirteenth century, when they in their turn were followed by a dynasty who ruled until early in the conquest of the country by the Mohammedans in a. d. 1297.* Of the kingdom^ of Canouj, our information is far from perfect, though such as has reached us, aided by the decipher- ing of various inscriptions, leads to the belief that this was not only one of the most ancient, but equalled any other state in its extent and importance. The splendid ruins of the capital • Briggs* Ferishta. THE HINDOO PERIOD. 51 of Canonj, to be seen at the present day on the banks of the Ganges, attest the wealth and magnificence of this people in their palmy days. This state bore in remote times the name of Panchala. It extended from the Banar and Chambol in Ajmir eastward as far as Nepal, which it included. The princes of Canonj appear at various times to have carried their arms into the states of Bengal and Orissa on the east, and as far northward as the Indus. Little is known of them except what we gather from the Rajpoot writings and traditions, that the original race was subverted by a Hindoo dynasty, who subsequently succumbed before a Rnjpoot tribe, who continued to govern Canouj, until its final conquest in a. d. 1193 by the Moliammedana. Cashmere may undoubtedly claim equal antiquity with any of the preceding, though it may well be questioned if the dates assumed by the local histories be correct. According to the Cashmerian annals, that country was an independent state 2600 years B. o. There is a very imperfect list of the monarchs of Cashmere, with a most meagre summary of events. After the succession of five distinct dynasties, the government was seized upon by Mahraoud, of Ghazni, in a. d. 1015. Sclnde appears, beyond a doubt, to have been a distinct kingdom at the period of the " Maha-Barat," though when Alexander invaded India it was evidently divided into some petty states ; all, however, independent. Early in the seventh century it was again united under one government. During the early part of the next century it was invaded by the Arab tribes, but subsequently retaken by the Rajpoot tribe of Samera, A. D. 150, and eventually fell before the rulers of the Ghorian dynasty in a. D. 1015. The earliest mention made of the kingdom of Malwar appears to be about fifty years previous to the death of Buddha. This state must at one period have been in a highly flourishing con- dition, and to one of its rulers, Vicramaditya, is attributed almost" universal sway over India. Certainly he extended his possessions far beyond the ordinary limits of the country, through the centre and West of India. We have little more 63 BRITISH INDIA. than a long list of princely names in the " Ayeni Akberi" In connection with this state, though one of its early rnlers, Rajah Bhoja, would appear, by traditional records, to have acquired a more than common reputation. It lost its inde- pendence about the year 1231 of our era, when the Moham inedan arms swept over the whole of India. Of the remaining states or principalities we can say little more than that they comprised Gour, Mithili, Benares, Mewar, Jessclmere, and Jeipoor ; the three last of which still continue to exist as independent States. Leaving Hindostan, and its fragmentary histories, we turn southward, and find that the Deccan, if it be less involved in obscurity, is at the same time of far more modern date, and even less interesting in its details. There seems to be little doubt but that at one period this part of India was peopled by others than Hindoos. The aborigines are said to have been foresters and mountaineers, lep-ding a wild and lawless life. But this must have been at a very remote period, for there is abundance of proof that an advanced state of civilization prevailed previous to the time of the Greek notices of India. Through this tract there are not less than five dialects spoken : the Tamil, the Telngu, the Mahratta, the Canarese, and the Urya. The Tamil tongue prevails over the whole district to the south of Madras, on both sides of the peninsula. Of all these southern states, that of Pandya is the most ancient, together with the neighboring kingdom of Chola. They were both founded by men of low origin ; and although for some generations they made frequent and destructive wars upon each other, there seems to have been at a later period a long and cordial understanding between them. Pandya ex- tended not further than the pre&ent districts of Tinnevelly and Madura, its capital being the town of the latter name. The kingdom of Chola extended over a wider range of country than the preceding — from Madura to Nandidroog, and at one time over a portion of Carnata. The twelfth century, however, saw this state much humbled, and losing some part of THE HINDOO PERIOD. A3 its independence, until a Mahratta chief being called int< aid the reigning rajah in some troubles, deposed him and assumed the sovereign power, thus founding the family of Tanjore. The capital of this state was generally Conjeveram, west of Madras. The state of Chera, which we find mentioned by Ptolemy, comprehended Travancore, Coimbatore, part of Malabar, with Borae portion of Carnata. It does not appear to have risen to any consequence, and in the tenth century was overrun by the troops of the neighboring kings and partitioned amongst them. Kerala included within its original boundaries Canara an^ Malabar; but about the commencement of our era these twf; districts appear to have become separated ; the former remained independent until far into the twelfth century, when it became a tributary of one of the neighboring states. The Malabar country seems to have been broken up into a number of petty states, one of which was that of the Zamorins, whose capital was Calicut, and where they were found by Yasco di Gama in the fifteenth century.* The kingdom of Orissa, although during a long period in a highly flourishing condition, has left little to tell its history beyond the most absurd recitals' of native writers, up to a. r. 4*13, when a more intelligible narrative takes up the thread oi wVents. We hear of it in the " Maha Barat," and afterward in connection with the names of Salivahana and Yicramaditya, who appear to have occupied the country. From a. d. 473 to A. D. 1131, the government was administered by rajahs of the Kesari race, under whom many petty wars were entered upon, until a prince of the house of Ganga Yansa, seized upon the throne, whose successors were afterward supplanted by a Kajpoot family of the race of the sun. This dynasty was, about the middle of the sixteenth century, expelled by a Telinga chief, and thirty years later Akber annexed the country to the empire, f Pow^' d as the Mahrattas became in more modern tiaaes^ ' '[ilphinstone's India, vol. i. p. 415. f Asiatic Researches, vol. xr. 5* 54 BRITISH INDIA. and extensively though their language be spoken, we find far less of them in historical records than of any other race or country. Indeed, until the Mohammedan. writers mentioned them, there was nothing to mark their existence beyond some inscriptions which allude to their capital, Tagara, as a place of considerable commercial importance, though its site has been long since lost. This place is also mentioned by Arrian as a great emporium of the Deccan countiy, though with a very Tague allusion to its position. A race of kings of Kajpoot descent ruled over Maharashtra, as this country was called until the twelfth century, when a family of Yadus supplanted them.* Toward the end of the following century a Mohammedan invasion took place ; and after the reigning rajah had for some length of time been tributary to the Emperor of Delhi, the government was finally subverted by that power about A. d. 1311. How this people, at a later period, rose to great military power, and proved one of the most formidable opponents to and chief destroyers of the Tartar empire, will be seen in succeeding chapters. It may be sufficient to notice the Chalukya rajahs of Rajpoot descent as having ruled over a tract of country bordering on Carnata and Maharashtra. Another line of these chiefs governed Calinga, extending from Orissa to Dravira. Their rule appears to have lasted from the tenth to the twelfth centuries, at which latter period it yielded to the supremacy of the kings of Aridra, and subsequently to the rajahs of .Cattac.f The Andra kings reigned over a tract of country to the north-east of Hydrabad early in the Christian era. We possess little information concerning them, though it is certain that toward the end of the thirteenth century they had risen to some importance and power, and had extended their limits on the eouth. In A. d. 1332 the country was overrun by an imperial array, afterward by the kings of Orissa, and finally became annexed to the kingdom of Golconda. * Wilson's Preface to the Mackenzie PapeM. f Elphinstono's India, vol. i. p. 417. TUE HINDOO PERIOD. 55 ALEXANDER CONQUERING PORUS. Before closing this sketch of the early history of Hindostan and the Deccan, it may be well to glance at the view taken of India by the Greek writers, shortly after that country became opened to the western nations. Alexander himself evidently did no more than touch upon the very outskirts of India. Having checked the advance of his army on the banks of the Hyphasis, when the eastern world had but just been glanced at, he bent his steps toward the south-west, and passed onward between the desert and the Indus, leaving some few garrisons behind him, and one or two kings and chiefs allied to his government. Among these was the celebrated Porus, whom he first vanquished and wounded in battle and then received as an ally. A perusal of the writings of Ptolemy, Arrian, Aristobulus, and others of the early historians, cannot fail to impress us tvith a favorable opinion of their general accuracy, if we consider how limited the extent of their knowledge must have been, and 5S BRITISH INDIA. cnder what disadvantages they must have written, "We shall find that thej represent the position and habits of the people, the state and form of internal governiD<^nt, the religion and literature of the Hindoos, precisely as wh. nave in later days found them to be'; and so far from expressing surprise at any erroneous statements tliey may have advanced, we should rather wonder that their mistakes have been so few. Of the division of society into distinct castes, the Greeks were perfectly aware, though they have added to the number of classes through some misconception. They appear to have been much struck with the absence of slavery in India ; for the servile state of the Sudra caste would hardly have attracted the notice of men accustomed to the domestic slavery of Greece and Rome. The subdivision of Hindostan into a great number of king- doms and petty states and principalities did not escape the at- tention of the Greeks ; who, however, greatly overstated their number, calqulating them at upward of one hundred. The forces which the Indian kings were capable of bringing into the field in those days were doubtless overcharged, but their composition and arrangement are truly enough described. Their account of the revenues of the country, and the sources whence derived, quite agree with our own knowledge of those natters. In the minute descriptions given of the assessment of lands and crops, of the irrigation and culture of the soil, of the duties of the various functionaries of the revenue depart- ment, of the natural products of the earth, of the articles form- ing the commerce of the country — on all these points they re- *ate that which might equally be written at the present time. We find the public festivals and royal shows* of the Hindoos ^escribed as they are known to have taken place in much more recent times. And not less precise and accurate are the early writers in their account of the dress, the domestic manners, and social habits of the various classesf composing an Indian com- munity. In speaking of the personal appearance of the IJia« • Strabo, lib. xv. p. 493. f Arrian'3 Indxca, cay. xvi. THE HINDOO PERIOD 57 doos, both Arrian and Strabo notice the difference betweeu the inhabitants of the north and south country. The southera Inilians they describe as swarthy, tall, and handsome, not un- like Ethiopians it some respects ; whilst the denizens of the northern latitudes are said to be much fairer, and not unlike the Egyptians. The weapons employed by the Indian soldiers were, except- ing fire-arms, precisely such as are in use at the present day. The valor of the Hindoos is always highly spoken of; and they are described as being far more formidable enemies than any the Greeks had previously encountered in the East. That the country was, in the days of Alexander, in a highly flourishing condition there can be but little doubt, even if we make some allowance for exaggeration. There were said to have been 1500 cities, thickly peopled, between two of the rivers of the Punjab ; and one city is described as being eight miles long, and Ij miles broad, surrounded by ditches and ram- parts with 64 gates and 570 towers MALAY WOMAN. ii.fcir'al^. K ^^. 5 5 -^V ^fc,^,v AHAli ENCAMPMENT. CHAPTER II. THE ARAB AND TARTAR INVASIONS, AND THE FINAL SETTLE- MENT OP THE MOHAMMEDANS IN INDIA. — A. D. 664-1022. The earliest appearance of the Arab armies of the west on the confines of the Indian territories was in the year 664, during an expedition of this people into the Afghan country, when, having penetrated as far as Cabul,* and made its ruler a tribu- tary prince, a portion of their army under Mohalib, a celebrated Moslem commander, pushed on as far as Mooltan, sacked the city, and carried away numerous prisoners. Although the Aiabs made several fresh inroads into the Afghan territories at subsequent dates, it does not appear that the country eastward « f that land possessed any attraction for them, since no further mention is made of any inroads by this people across the north- ern waters of the Indus. We hear, however, of numerous incursions by Arabs into (58) Briggs' FerisLta, vol. i. p. 4, 99 H O H O .-? P^ reo THE HINDOO PERIOD. 61 the Scinde country as early as the reign of the Calif Omar ; but these would appear to have been chiefly of a piratical char- acter, 'with no other aim than plunder. The seizure of one of these marauders' vessels, at a subsequent date, in one of the sea-ports of Scinde, led to ihe invasion of the country by a numerous army under Mohammed Casim, the younger son of ITejuj, the governor of Basra. This juvenile warrior met with the most complete success, capturing the fortified city of De- wal,* overthrowing the son of the Rajah of Scinde, and spread- ing terror and carnage as far as the capital itself. Here the Kajah Daher interposed with a powerful army of fifty thousand men, and a numerous troop of elephants. Small as was the force of the Arab general, he had no alternative but to fight ; and availing himself of a strong position, he waited within it for the attack of the Hindoos. The great advantage possessed by the troops of Scinde proved of little avail ; for at an early period of the engagement, the rajah's elephant, having been wounded by a fire-ball, rushed from the field of battle, smart- ing with pain, and plunged into the water of the neighboring river. This untoward circumstance struck dismay into the Hindoo soldiers, who, dispirited at the absence of their royal master, began to give way ; and although the rajah soon re- appeared, mounted on his war-charger, the fortune of the day had been already decided. Finding all his efforts unavailing, Daher determined not to survive the disgrace of a defeat, and rushing with a chosen few amongst the thickest of the Arab horse, fell covered with wounds. It was in vain that his widow, with more than woman's cour- age, and all a woman's hope, endeavored to rally his broken forces. She, however, placed the chief city, Brahmanabad, in a posture of defense, holding it against the victors for some time ; and when at last all hope had fled, the women and chil- dren of her adherents perished in a huge funeral pile ; and the small Rajpoot garrison, flinging wide the gates, rushed out, and met their deaths upon the Arab weapons. Such as re* * Believed to have been on the site of the modern Kurrachoa 6 62 BRITISHINDIA. mained within the walls were slaughtered without mercy, and the younger members of their families carried away into cap- tivity.* Casira, it appears, met with but little opposition from this time, and found sufficient leisure to settle the administrative affairs of the newly corvqaered territory; which he arranged on a just and politic foundation, appointing many of the old Hindoo governors who had held office under the late rajah to similar posts, on the plea that they were best qualified to maintain the established institutions of the country. Having arranged much of the internal affairs of the country, Casim directed his attention further eastward ; and, bent upon the acquisition of fresh territory, commenced a march toward the celebrated city of Canouj, on the Ganges. He had marched as far as Oudipur, when an unlooked-for catastrophe cut short at once his plan of conquest and his career. Amongst the captives carried away from Scinde were the two daughters of Rajah Darhe ; these, on account of their high lineage and great beauty, were destined for the harem of the Commander of the Faithful. Arrived at the court of the Calif, they were presented in due form to the sovereign, who had been curious to witness the charms of the elder of them, who was indeed surpastiingly beautiful. On being conducted to his presence, she burs'i; Into a flood of tears, and exclaimed that, having been dishonored by Casim in her own country, she felt that she was not worthy to appear before the commander of the faithful. Th*? calif, incensed at this outrage, which thus became an insult to him self, and smitten moreover by her beauty, ordered that the offending general should be sewed up in a raw hiae and dispatched in that state to Damascus. This order was of course carried into effect; and the body of the late conqueror of Scinde having arrived at the palace, it was laid berore the princess, who, unable to contain her delight at the signt of it, declared to the astonished calif that Casim was indeed mnoceu«i • Briggs' Ferishta, voL iv. p. 409. ... ''* THE HINDOO PERIOD. 63 of the charge imputed to him, but that he had brought ruin and death upon her family, and she was nov7 avenged.* From this time the Arab arms appear to have made no progress. All ideas of further conquest seem to have died with Casim, whose authority was handed over to less ambitious commanders. The rule of the Mussulmans in Scinde continued until about A. D. 750, when the Rajpoots uniting their forces with the Hindoos, made a desperate effort to expel the foreign- ers from their country, in which, after some severe struggles, they eventually succeeded. The declension of the Arab sway may be said to have com. menced at this time ; certainly the empire of the califs at no later period extended over so large an extent of country. The death of the famed Haroun-al-Raschid was not long afterward followed by the secession of Khorassan and Transoxana. By degrees other provinces fell away from the califate ; and at no distant date the commanders of the faithful were reduced to puppets in the hands of their Turkish guards, and the disso- lution of their empire was sealed, j* Amongst the many petty dynasties of mixed Turkish and Mogul descent, which now swept over the northern provinces of the Arab possessions, were the Samanis, a family of Bokhara descent, who having firmly established themselves in Khorassan, ruled over that country for upward of a century. It was during their sway that the first member of the house of Ghazni, afterward the founders of the Mohammedan empire in India, assumed an importance which his descendants turned to good account. Alptegin, the founder of this new dynasty, was a Turkish slave in the service of Abdulmelek, fifth prince of the house of Saraani, and in that capacity performed the most menial offices. Finding that this slave possessed not only great personal courage, but many natural good qualities, liis royal master^ as was th^n a frequent practice, promoted him to some important posts, and eventually made him governor of Khorassan. * "Ayeen Akberry," vol. ii. ; BrLggs' Ferishta, vol. iv. f Price, vol. iv., quoted by Elphitstone, vol. i. p. 621. 64 BRITISH INDIA. Alptegin held this command until the death of his patron, when, having given offense to his successor, he was forced to seek safety in flight ; accompanied by a faithful band of adhe- rents, he took refuge amongst the hill tribes around Ghaziii, in the very heart of the mountains of Solimari, where he bid defiance to his enemies, and secured himself in the sovereignty of that part of the country. The hill tribes of the vicinity were nothing loth to receive amongst them one who was both able and willing tc enlist their swords in his service, and provide them with pay ; and such as did not directly submit to his sway remained in friendly relation with him. During a period of fourteen years he appears to have maintained his position in the Ghaznivide country, supported by a numerous and well- appointed army, chiefly made up of Mameluke horsemen and Afghan freebooters. His death, which occurred in the year 9T6, placed on his mountain-throne one who, like himself, had been a slave. Sibektegin had served Alptegin with fidelity from the day that he had purchased him from a merchant traveling eastward from Turkistan, his native country; and having proved his faithful- ness and ability, he promoted him to the highest office next to himself. Whether he was named by the dying ruler as his successor, wanting heirs, does not appear certain, but the accession of Sibektegin to his master's power, under the cir- cumstances, was the most natural occurrence. He is said, likewise, to have married a daughter of his late chief, and thus to have strengthened his hold on the popular feeling of the hill tribes of Ghazni.* * "A story is told of Sibektegin, while yet a private soldier, which proves the humanity of the historian, if not of the hero. One day, in hunting, he suc- ceeded in riding down a fawn ; but when he was carrying off his prize in triumph, he observed the dam following his horse, and showing such evident marks of distress, that he was touched with compassion, and at last released his captive, pleasing himself with the gratitude of the mother, which often turned back to gaze at him as she went off to the forest with her fawn. That night the Prophet appeared to him in a dream, told him that God had given him a kingdom as a reward for his humanity, and enjoined him not to forget his feelings of mercy when he came to the exercise of power." — Elphinatoutf Tol. i. p. 526. TARTAR GENERAL 'AND HIS STAFF. (66) THE HINDOO PERIOD. 6T Events were now about to occur which speedily called forth the activity and courage of the new ruler. The Hindoo rajaha of the country east of the Indus viev»'ed with considerable ap- prehension the establishment of this Mohammedan power so contiguous to their own country ; and aware of the passion for aggrandizement manifested on every fitting occasion by this race, prepared to adopt aggressive measures, with a vkw of ridding their neighborhood of such a dangerous rival. Acting on these feelings, Jeipal, Rnjah of Lahore, prepared a large army, marched across the Indus, and approached the hilly regions of Ghazni, when he was encountered by Sibektegin. A fierce storm of wind, rain, and thunder so damped the energy of the Hindoo troops, unaccustomed to the severe cold of these climates, that Jeipal found himself under the necessity of coming to terms with his adversary, and agreed, as the price of peace and safety, to pay fifty elephants and a large sum of money. The elephants were surrendered on the spot, and the two armies separated, the Hindoos retracing their steps to their own country. Once safely within his own territories, Jeipal forgot hi3 former danger and fears, and refused to complete his engage- ment by withholding the money-payments agreed upon. The Tartar chief was not likely to submit to this insult, and placing himself at the head of a numerous force of Turki and Afghan horse, marched rapidly toward the Indus. Jeipal was prepared for the coming storm ; he strengthened himself with the powerful assistance of the rajahs of Delhi, Ajmir, Calingar, and Canouj, and soon found himself at the head of a hundred thousand cavalry and a vast number of foot-soldiers. Sibektegin did not muster a fourth part of this number; but nothing daunted by the numerical strength of his adversaries, he relied on the superior strength and discipline of his chosen horsemen. Events proved the soundness of his judgment. The enormous masses of Hindoo troops were unequal to the shock of his Mameluk and Afghan charges, and once having succeeded in breaking their lines, he found little difficulty in completing their disorder and final overthrow. Jeipal's huge army fled 88 BRITI&H INDIA. in the utmost disorder, and were closely pursued by Sibektegin as far as the Indus, up to which point he at once established his authority, and left a governor with a numerous body of horse in command of the country about Peshawur. How far Sibektegin might have pushed his conquests cannot be known, since he was required in another quarter to aid his neighbors and former masters, the Samanis, in repelling attacks from some turbulent chiefs of Bokhara. These refractory tribes were with difficulty reduced to submission ; and the ruler of Bokhara, to reward the services of Sibektegin and his son Mahmoud, conferred on the latter the government of Khorassan, and recognized the father in all his present possessions as far^s the Indus. Matters having been thus settled in the west, Sibek- tegin prepared to return to his government, but on his way thither was seized with illness and died. No sooner did Mahmoud find himself firmly established on the throne, and invested with the new title of sultan, than his restless and ambitious spirit, long nurtured by the military exploits and bold daring of his father, sought for some field on which to establish a new and dazzling reputation. It is scarcely matter for surprise, that the world-wide repu- tation of India for wealth should have led the young sultan of a semi-barbarous nation to turn his eyes in that direction. Added to this, it may fairly be presumed that Mahmoud was not altogether unmindful of the glory he would acquire by extending the Moslem faith on the wreck of Hindoo idolatry. In the year of the Christian era 1001, Mahmoud crossed the Indus with an army whose chief strength lay in its horse, for even at that period the Afghan cavalry were nearly always irresistible in open warfare. Defeating the rajah of Lahore at Peshawur, and carrying off a vast quantity of treasure, the sultan returned to Ghazni for a season. Three other expeditions into the Indian territories followed at various intervals, in the last of which the conqueror secured treasure and precious stones, to an amount previously unheard of, from the sacred shrine in the fortress of Nargacot at the foot of the Himalayas. To celebrate this achievement, Mah« THE HINDOO PERIOD. 69 moud gave a triumphal feast, which lasted many days, during which the rich spoils of the war were exposed to public gaze upon tables of pure gold, amidst the sounds of martial music. Victories but served to stimulate this warrior-king to fresh achievements ; and the glory and treasures which would have proved to many inducements to after-repose, only whetted the royal blade of the Ghaznivide sultan for new and mightier strokes of conquest. The Nargacot exploit was followed after a year or two by the reduction of the Ghor country, the capture of Mooltan, an expedition to Tareesa near the Jumna, and two attacks upon the Cashmerian provinces. In the year 1017 Mahmoud took the boldest step eastward that had been made by any foreigner within the Indus. The victories he had already acquired, seemingly with so much ease, over the Hindoo rajahs on the north-west frontiers, em- boldened him to attempt something on a more enlarged scale. Accordingly, we find him assembling an array of 100,000 horse and 20,000 foot at Peshawur, with which he crossed the river, and taking his course due east as far as the Jumna, he turned southward, and arrived at the gates of Canouj before the rajah had received notice of his approach. After destroying many temples and razing a number of fortresses, Mahmoud returned once more to Ghazni laden with the wealth of India. It was in the year 1022 that the first permanent settlement of the Moslems east of the Indus took place, by the annexation of the Punjab to the kingdom of Ghazni ; and from this event may be dated the rise of the Mohammedan power in India. Hitherto all the conquests of Mahmoud had been but of a transitory nature. Kenown and plunder appeared to be thf leading objects of his expeditions ; but in this year, during a march to relieve his ally, the rajah of Canouj, Mahmoud was refused a passage for his troops through the territories of tl»c I^ahore rajah. This ill-judged step called down upon the offending Hindoo the vengeance of the Moslem conqueror, who did not quit the country until he had annexed it to his own dominions, and by that act laid the foundation of the Ghaznivide dynasty in India. KOHAMMEO. THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. CHAPTER I. SULTAN MAHMOUD AND HIS SUCCESSORS OF THE GHAZNIVIDB AND GHORIAN DYNASTIES. A. D. 1022-1206. The reduction of the Lahore territories tlins brought the Mohammedan conqueror within the limits of India; and having by this stroke made himself permanently master of the whole country as far as the Sutlege, reinforced his array of occupation and strengthened the various garrisons in these districts, he felt himself at liberty to undertake further conquests. Two years later we find him entering upon his twelfth and last expedition in India ; but this time not so much on political as on religious grounds. The temple of Somnat, situated at THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 71 the extreme southern boundary of Gujerat, was famed for its sanctity in the eyes of all good Hindoos. Mahmoud determined to evince the ardor of his zeal for the Prophet, by destroying this high place of heathen worship ; and it may not be incorrect, if we surmise that the reputed wealth of the Indian shrine had Bome influence in drawing upon it the warlike notice of the Sultan of Ghazni. Crossing the desert which separates Scinde from Mooltan, a distance of 350 miles, in perfect safety, the invading army found itself in Ajmir. Meeting with no resistance, the sultan pushed on toward the object of his journey, and soon arrived before Somnat, Tlie Hindoo defenders of their faith in vain offered a gallant resistance ; Mahmoud carried all before him, and became master of the gorgeous temple and its vast treasures. Returning to his capital, the victor appeared for a time dis- posed to remain in quiet; but fresh opportunities offered themselves, and once more tempted him to take the field. His last exploit was the crowning one of his reign : the con- quest of Persia seemed to leave him the most potent prince in the East ; and certainly there was no power near to disturb his security. But amidst all this glory the conqueror was cut off; and almost before his victorious army had had time to gather repose from their last exploits, ere their Persian laurels had lost their first bloom, their leader and sultan was taken from amongst them — the founder of the Afghan dynasty in India was no more. Mahmoud, if not the greatest sovereign the world ever saw .—as maintained by most Mohammedan writers — was assuredly the most famous of his age. Uniting in his person many brilliant and estimable qualities, he possessed but few of the failings so peculiar to the time in which he lived. To the character of a great general he added that of a liberal en- courager of literature and the arts ; and although he was not wanting in religious zeal, and lost no opportunity of humliing the power of Hindoo idolatry, he cannot be charged with any KJts of cruelty against his heathen . adversaries j and it is said T2 BRITISH INDIA. tbat he never took the life of a Hindoo save in battle or dnring the storming of a fortress. This, it must be remembered, 1$ the character of a prince who lived in an age when imprisoQ- ment aad murder were ordinary steps in a royal career. Perhaps his greatest failing, and one which grew with his years, was that of avarice. His Indian conquests helped to fill his treasury to an extent unknown in any previous or future reign. It is reported, that upon his hearing of the great wealth of some cotemporary monarch, who had managed to amass as much as seven measures of jewels, he exclaimed with great fervor, " Praise be to God, who has given me a hundred measures."* His love of riches was, however, blended with a spirit of liberality in certain directions. Besides founding a university in his capital, with a museum and library attached, Mahmoud Bet apart a large yearly sum, amounting to fully 50,000 dollars a year,f for the maintenance of a body of professors and students, as well as pensions to learned men. Amongst the literary characters who were attracted to his court by this patronage, was the poet Ferdousi, who composed an epic poem of 60,000 couplets, celebrating the exploits of the Persians previous to the Mohammedan conquests, a work whi^-ih occupied his energies during a period of thirty years, and which has been deservedly admired by Europeans not less than by Orientals for its many surpassing beauties. Mahmoud, however, for some cause not quite clear, disappointed the poet in his promised recompense for this noble production ; and it is said that Ferdousi died of a broken heart. Mahmoud was not often wanting in his public duties ; and it is related of him, that on one occasion a woman went to him to complain of the death of her son, who had lost his life from robbers in a remote part of some newly-acquired territories. The sultan observed that it was impossible that he could enforce the laws in such a distant corner of his kingdom ; the woman replied — " Why, then, do you take countries which you cannot • Blphinstone, vol. i. p. 572. f Briggs' Ferishta, vol. i. p. 60. IHE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. IS masaud's army on the march. govern, and for the protection of which you must answer in the day of judgment ?" Mahraoud felt the justice of the repi )of, and at once gave instructions to afford better protection to hia distant subjects.* Mohammed, who had been nominated by his deceased fathei as his successor to the throne of Ghazni, in preference to his brother Masaud, did not reign many weeks. The more war- lil^e and popular character of the latter gained for him the suffrages of the people and the army, who proclaimed him sultan so soon as he made his appearance at the capital from the province of Ispahan. The military qualities of the new sovereign were very shortly in requisition ; for whilst a rebellion broke out in Lahore, the Seljuks, a warlike and powerful tribe of Tartars on the north * Elphinstone, vol. i. p. 571. H BRITISH INDIA. of the Oxus, threatened his dominions with an invasion on the west. The troubles in his eastern possessions being quelled, Masaud marched against his new enemies, who had in the mean time (a. d. 1034) defeated and killed one of his ablest generals. A campaign of two years on the western frontiers of his dominions ended in a decisive battle near Mero, in which the Seljuks (a. d. 1039) were left complete masters of the field. The sultan retreated with the shattered remains of his army to Ghazni, where finding disunion and discontent amongst his people and army taking a formidable shape, he determined to retreat beyond the Indus, and seek to recruit his shattered fortunes in his Indian territories. On his way to Lahore dis- content took the form of mutiny, which ended in his deposition, and the restoration to power of his brother Mohammed. The immediate resnlt of this was the death of Masaud, by command of Ahmed, son of Mohammed, after a turbulent reign of ten years. The rule of Mohammed was not, however, destined to a long continuance. The deceased sultan's son, Modud, took imme- diate steps to avenge his father's death. Marching from the western frontiers with a small body of troops, he made his way through Ghazni to Lahore ; and meeting Mohammed and hia son at Fattehabad, he attacked and completely routed their, army, making themselves and families prisoners, and eventually put them to death to secure to himself the undisturbed pos- session of the throne. The whole attention of the new sultan was for a time directed to the west, where the movements of the Seljuk invaders were becoming daily more alarming- Either from the circumstance of Modud having espoused a daughter of one of the Seljuk chiefs, or from more important matters engrossing their attention elsewhere, they appear not to have offered any real opposition to his regaining possession of Ghazni, which he did in the year following his accession to power; Pisturbances now occurred in the east (a. d. 1042), caused no doubt by the absence of the new sultan from his Indian territories. The Rajah of Delhi made this the occasion of re- THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 15 covering all the cities captured by Masaud on the east of the Sutlege ; and elated with his first successes, the Hindoo prince pushed his forces to the very gates of I^argacot, to recover which holy shrine vast crowds of Indian volunteers flocked to his standard. The religious zeal of the Hindoos bore down all opposition ; and despite the strong military position of this temple-fortress, the shrine fell once more into the hands of its votaries. Stimulated still further by this new success, and assured by the absence of the sultan, the rajah called around him the whole Hindoo population of the Punjab, and proceeded at once to deliver the country from the Ghaznivide yoke. Lahore was shortly after (a. d. 1044) invested by the Indian army ; and the garrison, receiving no succor or supplies during a siege of seven months, began to be reduced to great ex- tremities. They must soon have yielded before fatigue and famine ; but determined to make a last des[)erate effort, they sallied so vigorously upon the besiegers as completely to dis- perse them and raise the siege. The remainder of Modud's reign was occupied in keeping within bounds the turbulence of his subjects, the disaffection of his Indian possessions, and the restlessness of his Seljuk neigh- bors. In the midst of these conflicting occupations Modiid expired after a reign of nine years, (a. d. 1049.) The throne was now occupied by the late sultan's brother, Abul Hassan, who, however, after a short rule of two years, gave way to his uncle, Abul Rashid. This prince was not more fortunate than his predecessor; for before the second year of his reign he was beseiged in Ghazni by a revolted chief, captured, and put to death with all his family. The successful rebel enjoyed the fruits of his treason but a month, at the 2nd of which time he was assassi- nated ; and the army sought for some member of the rightful family to occupy the vacant throne. The choice at length fell upon a young prince, Farokhsad, who had passed many years in prison through the jealousy of previous outlaws. His reign, although it lasted but six ye^ps, 76 BRITISH INDIA. may be called a prosperous one compared tD those preceding it. He managed to curb the restless, aggressive spirit of the Seljuk tribes, and at the same time to preserve order and quiet within his own dominions, but at last fell by the hand of aa assassin. His successor was his brother Ibrahim, a prince of widely different tastes and temperament from all who had gone before him. His desire was peace ; and having conciliated his troublesome neighbors, the Seljuks, he devoted himself steadily to the internal affairs of his kingdom. Religion, the adminis- tration of justice, and the encouragement of learned men, ap- pear to have engrossed the chief of his time ; and the only mention we find of him, in any of the historical records, aa engaged in a military undertaking, was upon some expedition to the Sutlege, on which occasion he captured several cities from the Hindoos. Little as there is to record of this monarch of a political nature, his reign nevertheless lasted for the un- usual period of forty-one years, and terminated as peacefully as it had commenced. The next in succession was Masaud II. (a. d. 1089), who enjoyed a peaceful reign of twenty- five years, during which period the greater portion of his attention was devoted to legislating and improving the condition of his country. Some expeditions into Hindostan were undertaken by his generals, but with no great or lasting results. Arslan, the elder son of the deceased sultan, commenced his reign with violence, and ended it in his own blood. Having imprisoned his brothers, their uncle, the Seljuk sultan, marched against him with a formidable army, defeated him, and placed one of his brothers, Behrara, on the throne. Arslan was pur- sued from the battle-field and slain. The new sultan (a. D. 1118) appears to have inherited the love for literature which had distinguished so many of his pre- decessors. Learned men, poets and philosophers, were wel- comed at his court, and treated with the greatest consideration. The peaceful and prosperous state in which he found the king- dom greatly favored this, and for a period of nearly thirty THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 77 years allowed him ample opportunity to gratify his tastes. The peaceful tenor of his long reign was unfortunately broken, through an act which could scarcely have been expected from a monarch of such elevated tastes. Having had a difference with his son-in-law, Kutb-u-din Sur, prince of Ghor, he contrived first to get him into his power, and then to kill him. The brother of the murdered prince lost no time in avenging him, and marching upon Ghazni with a numerous army, drove out the treacherous Behram. The defeated monarch, however, fonnd means and opportunity to fall upon the invader and completely routed his troops, making himself prisoner, and eventually putting him to a cruel death. lietribution for this double crime was at hand. Ala-u-din, another brother of Kutb-u-din, entered the Ghaznivide terri- tories at the head of a small but determined body of troops; and although in the first instance fortune did not appear to favor him, he finally succeeded in compelling Behram to fly for safety to his Indian territories, where he shortly afterward died from exhaustion and grief. His son, Khosru, who had shared his prosperity, had now (a. D. 1152) to participate in his reverses. The discomfited army of Ghazni, finding itself deprived of its leader, followed the son mih more than ordinary devotion, and succeeded in fighting a way to Lahore, where the new monarch found his [ndian subjects ready to receive him with open arms. It does lot appear that the reign of Khosru was marked by any Dolitical events of consequence. His tastes led him to consult :he prudent policy of peace, and to rest contented with the [ndian limits of his ancestral possessions ; nor do we find that he suffered any molestation from the new dynasty ruling at Ghazni. At his death (a. D. 1160) he was succeeded by Khosru Malik, who, after a most tranquil reign of twenty-seven years, was attacked by the Ghor kings, and eventually defeated and slain. The kingdom of Lahore from this date became a 78 BRITISHINDIA. portion of the Ghaznivide territory in the hands of the new line of princes. Gheias-u-din, the Ghorian sultan of Ghazni and Lahore, aided by the military talents of his brother, Shahib, had not long been settled in his new conquest before he began to turn 'his attention eastward ; and, like many of his predecessors, to attempt new conquests on the Indian side of the Sutlege. The Ilajali of Delhi was the first Hindoo potentate attacked ; but so well was he supported by his followers, that the fierce and war- like forces led against them from the north failed in their efforts ; and despite the terrible charge'^ of Afghan horse, the troops of Delhi were left masters of the battle-field; Shahib, who commanded the invading forces, escaping with great difficulty and badly wounded. Two years later (a. d. 1193) Shahib, burning with a desire to wipe out the stain upon his military reputation left by his former defeat, again marched an army of Turks and Afghans across the frontiers, and encountered Pritwi, the Delhi rajah, whom he found assembled with a powerful army from many Indian states to oppose his further progress. Upon this occa- sion the Afghan cavalry decided the result of the day, for having drawn the Hindoo troops from their line of battle, Shahib suddenly wheeled round a body of chosen horse, 12,000 strong, and charging the vast mass of troops whilst in broken columns, succeeded in utterly routing them.* The rajah was made prisoner, and ultimately put to death whilst in confine- ment. This victory was followed by other conquests. The Rajah of Canouj was defeated in a pitched battle, and his territories were at once annexed to the dominions of the victor. Gwalior, in Bundekund, as well as several strong positions in Rohil- cund, were next taken possession of; and in the following year the Ghaznivide warrior extended his arms still further, subduing the fine provinces of Oude, Behar, and Bengal. The death of Gheias-u-din, which took place after a reign of ■ ♦ "Ferishta,*' vol. i. pp. 173-177. THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 19 forty-five years, placed liis brotlier, Siialii!)-u-dm, on the throne. India, however, saw no further exploits of this successfnl warrior. He was engaged in a war with the sultan of Kharism, which terminated to Ins disadvantage, and led to the defection of some portion of his western -possessions. A second expe- dition against that country was on the point of being under* .taken, when Sliahib fell by the hands of assassins after a short reign of four years. Few soldiers had been more successful or enterprising than the conqueror of the central provinces of Hindostan ; even the brilliant achievements of Mahmoud were unimportant in extent compared to those of the Ghorian sultan, who had extended the Afghan rule as far as the extreme limits of the Ganges. Upon the death of Shahib (a. d. 1206), his nephew, Mah- moud Ghori, was proclaimed sovereign ; but he continued to rule over no more than Ghor ; and so far abandoned claim to any further territory as to send the insignia of royalty to the viceroy of India, Kutb-u-din, then resident at Delhi. Thus India became an independent power ; and in the person of the uew monarch commenced the line of kings of Delhi. JENOHIS KHAN. CHAPTER II. FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE KINGDOM OP DELHI TO ITS CONQUEST BY THE TARTARS. A. D. 1206-1526. KuTB-u-DiN was the first of a line known as the slave-'kinga of Delhi, from the fact of their having been originally Turki slaves. The present monarch had been -raised to his high rank through the favor of Shahib, who greatly admired bis many good and shining qualities. He seems to have been a prudent and just monarch, and to have attached his subjects to his person by the wisdom and gentleness of his rule, which, however, lasted for but four years as a king, though he had governed the state of Delhi as viceroy for fully twenty years. flis son Aram was a weak prince, and was set aside shortly after his accession for Altamsh, son-in-law of Kutb-u-din, who, like his predecessor, had been raised from slavery to high fav^or. Altamsh was not deficient in military talent and personal (80) THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 81 courage, and found ample occupation during his reign for both qualities. The Mohammedan power was never so thoroughly established ia any portion of Indian proper, but some rajah or dependent sovereign found occasion for attempting an assertion of their territorial rights. In this way Behar, Malwa, and Gwalior called down upon them the chastisement of Altamsh. It was during this reign that the celebrated Jenghis Khan poured his Mogul myriads from the north over a great part of Asia, aod at one time threatened the Indian monarchy with an invasion. The death of Altamsh at Delhi, brought his son, Rukn-u- din, to the throne, whence his indolence, indifference, and dis- sipation shortly drove him in favor of his sister Rezia. The sultana (a. d. 1236) was a woman of more than ordinary attainments, and seems to have administered the affairs of the kingdom with wisdom and industry. Her talents, however, failed to secure her in the possession of the throne. Jealousies crept iii, a party rebelled against her authority, and finally, after a severe engagement, her troops were defeated, and Rezia made captive and slain in cold blood. During the two short reigns of Behram and Masaud which followed, the most prominent event was the invasion of India at different points by armies of Moguls, one of which pene- trated as far as Bengal. They were, however, driven back with considerable loss. Nasir-u-din Mahmoud (a. d. 1246) was the grandson of Altamsh. Of studious disposition, he committed the charge of government and of all military operations to his vizier, formerly a Turki slave of his grandfather, and a man of great ability. Through his energy several revolts in the remote Hindoo states were suppressed, and the inroads of the Moguls on the \^ estern frontier effectually checked. Upon the death of Nasir (a. d. 1266), his vizier, Gheias u- din Bulbun, stepped quietly to the throne, where he r:iaintained himself by a line of rigorous cruelty to all suspected of being inimical to his interest. His reign, which lasted for a period of twenty years, was marked by insurrections and invasions, all 8d BRITISH INDIA. of which he overcame with the same success which had marked his career whilst vizier. With his successor, Kai-Kobad, ended the race of the slave- kings. This monarch ruled but for a brief period ; and at his death the choice of the people fell upon Jelal-u-din, in whose person commenced the house of Khilji. His reign, as also that of his nephew and successor, Allah-u-din, was a constant succession of plots, intrigues, and murders. At this period a third Mongolian invasion of India took place, more formidable than either of the previous. Thanks, however, to the bravery and experience of his general, Zaffer Khan, the sultan was victorious, though his success cost him the life of his heroic commander, who fell covered with wounds. This victory induced Allah-u-din to turn his arms to the peninsula of India, where he defeated several of the hitherto independent rajahs, and compelled them to pay him tribute. Jealous of the influence and number of the Moguls in his army, the sultan ordered them to be dismissed his service without pay, -and afterward to be exterminated to the number of fifteen thousand. The death of Allah (a. D. 1316) was said to have been hastened by poison administered by his favorite general, Mallek Kaffir, who thereupon caused the late king's youngest son, an infant, to be proclaimed. This meeting with the disapproval of the nobles and army of Delhi, they placed Mubarik, the eldest son of Allah, on the throne, slew Mallek, and so far re- stored tranquillity. The new sovereign, although he bogaii his reign with no less an exploit than the conquest of the Malabar country, quickly abandoned himself to dissipation, and left all authority in the hands of a low Hindoo, one Mallek Khosru, who shortly afterward found an opportunity to murder his master, together with every member of his family. This treason drew upon him the speedy vengeance of the nobles, who, with the Rajah of the Deccan, dispersed his adhe- rents, and terminated his power with his life. The race of Khilji ended with Mubarik, and with his successor commenced the rule of the house of Toghlak. THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 83 There being no member of the royal family left (a. d. 1321), the choice of the nobles and of the army was naturally directed toward those chiefs who ranked highest amongst them. Their selection was Gheias-u-din Toghlak, governor of the Punjab, a man of high reputation in military and civil affairs, and who proved himself not unworthy of the popular choice. He sliowed both activity and wisdom during his short reign. The threatened invasion of the Moguls on the north-western frontiers was effectually checked by a Ihie of defenses thrown up along the Afghan boundary, whilst on the south he busied himself by subduing a further portion of the Deccan, and arranging matters in Bengal and Tirhoot, as well as annexing the territories of the Rajah of Dacca to his dominions. Returning from this last expedition, he was killed by the fall of a bungalow, erected expressly to receive him by his eldest son, not without strong suspicion of premeditation against the latter, who, as a consequence of this occurrence, mounted the throne. Mohammed Toghlak was proclaimed sultan (a. d. 1325) amidst a great show of ostentatious liberality to all about him. He was a prince of great ability, and possessed more than ordinary acquirements ; and few monarchs evinced a greater desire to patronize men of learning and distinction than did the new sovereign. His accomplishments, however, did not counterbalance his terrible crimes ; and, if possible, his talenta served but to add to the violence of hi-s outrageous actions. An army of Moguls, which found means to enter the Punjab, was bought off by a large sum of money. The subjugation of the remainder of the Deccan was completed, and general good order was restored throughout the most remote provinces of hh vast dominions. From this time Mohammed seems to have abandoned him self to a most extraordinary and violent line of conduct, quit( at variance with the previous reputation he had earned. Ar- invasion of Persia with a gigantic army — the conquest oi China — were both productive of disastrous consequences t-o himself and his people. And added to these freaks were his ex- 84 BRITISH INDIA. cessive fiscal imposts, and his tampering with the currency, and terrible cruelty to the inhabitants of many districts. These excesses produced open rebellion ^a. d. 1338) in many quarters ; and during the- next thirteen years we read of a Buccession of revolts, which seem to have kept the sovereign constantly employed. Many of these outbreaks were quelled for a time ; but in several instances the disaiFected provinces defied the power of the tyrant, and maintained their inde- pendence. Amongst these were Bengal, the Carnatic, and the Malabar territories. Mohammed is reported to have died of a surfeit of fish at Tatta, whilst on his way to quell one of the numerous revolts of that unsettled period, leaving no family behind him. Firuz Toghlak, the late king's nephew (a. d. 1351), was raised to the throne in the absence of any direct heirs. His reign, though not distinguished by any great military exploits, was yet one of prosperity, and attended with the happiest re- sults to his people. He reversed all the fiscal and monetary decrees of his uncle, and busied himself more in the execution of works of public utility and improving the resources of his dominions, than in seeking to add to their extent. In the eighty-seventh year of his age, Firuz, from bodily in- firmity, resigned nearly all his power into the hands of his vizier, who soon began to use his authority against the claims of the heir-apparent. He failed, however, in his plots ; for the son persuaded Firuz to banish his minister and invest him with supreme authority. His dissolute conduct soon disgusted the nobles ; and eventually he was compelled to fly to the mountains for safety, and the old king once more resumed the reins of government. Upon his death a scene of disorder, struggles, and blood- ghed followed. Two grandsons reigned after him in succession, each for but a few months ; Nasir Toghlak, the banished son of Firuz, returned and resumed the government during three years ; after which his son, Humayun, assumed the sceptre, but lived only forty-five days. Mahmoud Toghlak, the younger brother of the preceding, TAMERLANE, OR TIMUR BEC. rse) THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. , 8T was a minor when he ascended the throne, (a. d. 1394.) This circumstance, added to the previous distracted state of the kingdom, induced the governors of Gujerat, Malwa, and Juan- poor, to assert and maintain their independence ; and it was soon evident that the new sovereign, so far from being able to turn his attention to them, would find occupation nearer home, where civil troubles awaited him. In the midst of these commotions (A. d. 1398) a fresh calamity descended upon the country, which at once threatened the speedy dissolution of the empire. Tamerlane, having overrun Persia, Georgia, and Mesopotamia, with portions of Russia and Siberia, at the head of vast hordes of Tartars, turned his attention to India, and sent forward his grandson, Pir Mohammed, to prepare the way for the main body of the invaders. The Tartar general swept the Punjab with his fierce troops, and after carrying fire and slaughter through the entire province, took possession of the fortified city of Mooltan. Tamerlane, meanwhile, had effected a passage across the dangerous defiles of the mountain-ranges to the north of Afghanistan, marched for the Indus, which he crossed at Attok, and thence made for Sarnana, massacring the inhabit- ants of every town through which he passed. Reinforced by a junction with the army of his grandson, Tamerlane marched toward Delhi, where he found the Sultan Mahmoud prepared to receive him with a large force, aided by many auxiliaries and a numerous body of elephants. The in- vaders proved superior to the Indians both in numbers and valor ; and although the sultan did his best to defend his king- dom, the Hindoo army was defeated with immense slaughter. Mahmoud sought refuge in Gujerat, whilst his broken forces took shelter within the walls of Delhi, where they made terms with the Tartar chief, and submitted to his authority as Emperor of India, which he was then proclaimed. The capitulation of the city did not save it from the plunder and violence of the Tartar troops ; who, meeting with some resistance in their excesses, fell upon the inhabitants, and a 88 BRITISH INDIA. general massacre ensued: "some streets were rendered im- passable by heaps of dead ; and the gates being forced, the whole Mogul army gained admittance, and a scene of the utmost horror ensued."* Tamerlane quitted Delhi when there seemed nothing further to be gained by remaining ; and carrying with him an immense booty and a vast retinue of slaves of dl ranks, he marched through Meerut and up the banks of the Ganges as far as Hurdwar, thence across Lahore to the Ghazni country by the route he had followed on entering India. The Tartar monarch may be said to have found Hindostan a garden — he left it a desert, a. i>. 1399. Famine and pesti- lence were the gifts he showered on the inhabitants, whom he deemed not worthy of slavery in a distant land. Acquisi- tion of territory seemed to be no part of his plan. A fame Buch as in those days of bloodshed was deemed worthy of a despot, he certainly achieved, but with no advantage to him- self beyond the amount of treasure he managed to carry with him on his way to meet other foes. * After various struggles and some bloodshed in Delhi for the mastery, Mahmoud at length came forward and reasserted hia claim to the throne. He lived a few years after this ; and waa succeeded by Doulat Khan Lodi, who, after a rule of one year, gave way to the governor of the Punjab, Khizir Khan ; and thus ended the Toghlak dynasty of the Afghan race of kings Khizir Khan affected to rule in the name and under the authority of Tamerlane, and by this artifice gave a stability to his government which it could not otherwise have possessed. His reign of seven years was followed by that of his son Syed Mobarik, a just and prudent ruler, who was, however, during thirteen years, continually embroiled in disturbances. Seyd Mohammed, his grandson, was placed on the throne npon the assassination of Seyd Mobarik. He ruled for a brief period, and was succeeded by his son, Seyd AUah-u-din, who^ • "rerishta,"vol.L THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 89 after reigning for seven years in great weakness, abdicated, and made way for the fifth or Lodi dynasty. Behlol Lodi, governor of the Punjab, was descended from an Afghan family of high character, whose power and influence fead caused the jealousy and persecution of the late dynasty. The outbreak which drove Seyd Allah from his throne called Behlol to Delhi; and although meeting at first with some re- sistance, he soon established himself on a firm footing, and reigned peacefully and successfully for a period of twenty- eight years. His son and successor, Secander Lodi, maintained himself in his father's possessions with vigor and firmness, managing the internal affairs of the kingdom with great leniency and pru- dence. He was, however, a bigot, and persecuted the Brah- mins with great cruelty. The territories of Behar were re- annexed to Delhi by Secander, who was not deficient in military talent. He died at Agra in A. D. 1516. Ibrahim Lodi, his son, possessed all his father's intolerance, without any of his good qualities. By a course of cruelty and oppression he alienated the afi*ections of his people from hia family, and at length drove his nobles to open rebellion. These called to their aid one who was only too glad to avail himself of the opportunity of reconquering the old acquisitions of Tamerlane. Baber, a descendant of the last-named emperor, and who then reigned supreme in Ghazni, accepted the invita- tion of the governor of Lahore, and passed the Indus at the head of a small but well-appointed army. After some en- counters in the upper provinces, Baber advanced toward Delhi, where Ibrahim met him with a large body of troops far superior in number to his own. The superior tactics of the Tartar chief, and the valor of his well-disciplined troops, gave them the advantage over the huge but unwieldy mass of Hindoo soldiers. The last of the Afghan race of monarchs fell on the battle-field, leaving Baber in possession of the country, with no obstacle between himself and the empire. 8* ' CHAPTER III. FROM THE REIGN OF BABER TO THE DEPOSING OP SHAH JEHAN. A. D. 1526-1658. Descended in a direct line by his father's side from Tiraur, the first Tartar scourge of India, Zehir-ed-din, or, as he is more generally styled, Babe* the Tiger, claimed equal con- sanguinity by the maternal line with another great warrior, Jenghis Khan, the Mogul conqueror. It is from this latter circumstance, doubtless, that nearly all writers have erroneously applied the term " Mogul empire" to the rule of this Tartar dynasty. Contrary to the general expectations of his followers, Baber determined upon exercising the title by which he was now known, and as Emperor of India to remain at Delhi, strengthen his position, and even add to his already extensive territories. This resolve, although disapproved of in the first instance by the chiefs of his army, soon found favor in their eyes when they began to taste the pleasures of an Indian life, and be- came accustomed to the soft enervation of a southern climate. (90) BABER. (9l> THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 93, The various governors and subordinate rajahs, who had assumed something of independence during the recent disturb- ances, were not disposed quietly to submit themselves to the rule of the newly-made emperor, and several of them set him openly at defiance. To chastise these became his first duty ; a task, however, more arduous and dangerous than he had at first contemplated. The Afghan chiefs and the Hindoo and Seikh soldiery fought with determined obstinacy, and disputed every battle with desperate valor. On more than one occasion Baber, who did not spare himself, was in imminent danger of falling into the hands of the enemy ; and it was not until the end of the fourth year of these hard-fought struggles that he brought the various provinces once more under the dominion of Delhi. The emperor was not destined to outlive these successes long. A life of strange vicissitude and great bodily hardship had made inroads upon his constitution, not to be shaken off. He was sensible that his end was drawing near ; and accord- ingly prepared for it by many judicious arrangements relative to the future government of the country, which he bequeathed to his son Humayun, and finally expired at the end of the year 1530, having reigned over India five years. Humayun ascended the throne with the most brilliant pros- pects. The empire appeared to be firmly established ; the revenues were in a flourishing condition ; and he himself a prince well calculated to secure the good-will of all those about him. Of an amiable disposition, with a great taste for literature, and a considerable share of military reputation, he gave promise of swaying the destinies of the Indian people to their happiness and his own glory. But his character proved far from suited to the spirit of the age in which he lived, and which could adapt itself to none but an iron rule. An excursion against Gujerat was followed by one into the Afghan territories, where, although victorious, he nearly fell a victim to treachery, and only succeeded in escaping with hia life. Hearing of his reverses, his brothers and some chiefs re- belled against him ; and after one or two attempts to recover 94 BRITISHINDIA. his authority, he was eventually compelled to seek safety in the kingdom of Persia, where he was received with great kind- ness, and even promised assistance, by the monarch of that country. By the aid of this new ally, Humayun was at length enabled to punish his rebellious relations, and retake a portion, though a small one, of his former dominions ; and after an absence of nearly sixteen years re-entered Delhi in triumph. His restora- tion, however, was not long enjoyed by him ; for missing his footway whilst walking on a terrace of his palace, he fell to the ground below, and suffered such severe injuries as caused his death a few days afterward. Before proceeding to narrate the events which distinguished the career of Akbar, the successor of the preceding monarch, it may be well to place before the reader a brief account of the other Indian states, partly independent and partly owning the supremacy of the emperors of Delhi, inasmuch as most of these will figure in the pages which chronicle the deeds of the new monarch. The empire of Delhi had reached its utmost limits in the reign of Moh-ammed Toghlak ; but upon the death of that monarch many provinces of the kingdom threw off their alle- giance, and with but few exceptions maintained their inde- pendence until the reign of Akbar. Of these the most im- portant were, perhaps, the kingdoms of the Deccan, viz., Deccan proper, from the ruins of which sprang the kingdoms of Bijapoor, Ahraednegar, Golconda, and Berar. Tiie king- dom of Gujerat, founded in a. d. 1396, cojitinued independent until A. D. 1561, when it was conquered by Akbar. It com* prehended pretty nearly the tract of country at present known as the Gujerat country. The Malwa kingdom lasted from A. D. 1401 until 1512; whilst that of Candeish continued intact from A. I). 1399 to 1599. Besides the preceding were the Rajpoot states of Scinde, Bundelcund, Gwalior, Oodipoor, Marwar, Jesalmeer, Jeipoor, and some petty hill tribes in the western deserts. The kingdom of Bengal remained independent from A. D HUMAYUN. ^95) THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 97 1838 to 1573, governed by Hindoos, wbilsl Mooltan and a pait of the Punjab were goverjied partly by Afghan families and partly by descendants of Tamerlane. At the time of his accession to the throne, Akbar was littlft more than thirteen years of age. His youth and inexperience were fortunately fully compensated by the wisdom and vigor of his vizier Behrara Khan, his father's general and primo adviser. This able commander lost no time in putting down the insurrections which broke out in various parts of the empire at this time, as was usual upon the death of an Indian monarch ; and by carrying the young emperor, nothing loath, with him, he helped to complete the military education which had been commenced in his father's reign. The first who brought upon him the chastisement of Akbar was Hemu, a Hindoo prince who had assumed the title of Emperor of Delhi. This usurper had collected a powerful body of troops favorable to his claims and inimical to the Mohammedan rule, and by their religious zeal was enabled to make a good stand against the Tartar army. A great battle was fought at Paniput, in which the Hindoo prince bore a conspicuous part; but despite the number and valor of his devoted followers, victory, which for some time appeared doubtful, at length declared in favor of the Mohammedan forces, and Hemu was taken prisoner after being badly wounded in his howdah. It is related that the captive was brought to Akbar in his tent, where his minister, Behrara, desired him to give the first blow to the Hindoo, as a signal for his death. The brave young emperor refused to strike his wounded prisoner ; upon which the vizier, enraged at his unlooked-for generosity, struck off the head of the captive with his own hand. This victory was followed by the complete submissjcn of the provinces of Delhi and Agra, and shortly afterward by the pacification of the Punjab. The young emperor had, however, to deal with another and more dangerous opponent in the person of his prime minister and general, Behram Khan. This able but violent man, raised by his undoubted ability and past 9 98 BRITISH INDIA. services to the highest offices and greatest authority, began to give evidence of a cruel and jealous spirit, in the many deaths which he caused amongst those about the court, who might in any degree oppose his authority or wishes. He soon became not only hated and feared by the nobles of Akbar's court, bm an object of distrust and aversion to the monarch himself, who at length formally deposed him and sent him on a pilgrimage to Mecca ; on the road thither he was assassinated by a relative of one of his former victims. At this period (a. d. 1560) the dominions of the emperor included only the Punjab, Delhi, Agra, Lucknow, Ajraeer, and Gwalior. A general spirit of insubordination ruled through most of these provinces, which was no doubt ministered to by the belief that Akbar's extreme youth rendered opposition to his authority an easy matter. The emperor soon showed a determination not only to restrain and punish these refractory spirits, but also to recover all those portions of the empire which had fallen from it during the past century, and so make India but one country under one common head. Malwas was the first province annexed by Akbar, though not without some hard fighting and a good deal of subsequent insubordination on the part of the generals and governors put in command, against whom the young emperor was compelled to proceed in person. Other revolts in various parts of the kingdom followed, which occupied the attention of the monarch for seven years, at the end of which period he had either slaiu or conciliated all his unruly chiefs and opponents. The Rajpoot princes were the next who drew against them the arms of Delhi. The strong fort of Chitur, in Oodipoor, was besieged, and after a gallant resistance captured with all its treasures ; the rajah was never taken, and the country managed to hold out against Akbar through his entire reign. Gujerat was next (a. d. 1572) subdued by Akbar in person, and annexed to the empire ; after which Bengal was attacked by one of the imperial generals and finally subdued, though not without some hard fought battles. Here, too, Akbar had to contend with rebellious chiefs, who appear to have given THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 99 him more trouble than the original possessors of the country. By means of great firmness, and judiciously blending with it a degree of moderation and clemency, Akbar finally succeeded in quieting all this portion of his dominions,* and firmly establishing ais power throughout the whole of central India. Ilis attention was next turned to Cashmere, a country situated cri the Himalayas^ above the reach of the temperature of llindostan, and gifted with fertility and a salubrious climate. The dissensions of the reigning dynasty, a race of Mohammedan adventurers, opened a tempting door to the ambitious spirit of Akbar, who forthwith sent an army, which, forcing the mountain passes leading to that country, soon compelled the king and his chiefs to accept the terras offered them, namely, complete subjection to Akbar's sovereignty. From this period Cashmere seems to have been the summer residence of the emperors of Delhi so long as that monarchy lasted. A war with the Afghans of the north-eastern provinces of Cabul did not interfere with the quiet government of Hindo- stan, the whole of which was now under the rule of Delhi as far as the Nerbudda, excepting only a few of the Rajpoot territories. ' The Deccan became the scene of Akbar's further conquests in the year 1596 ; and after tw< years spent by his generals in' that countr3^ he himself marched to the scene of operations before Ahmednegar. The war in the peninsula was terminated by the defeat of the reigning princes and the annexation of a considerable part of that state to the emperor's dominions. Leaving the prosecution of further objects (a. d. 1601) in the liands of his minister, Abul Fazl, Akbar quitted the Deccau and proceeded to Agra. This w^as rehdered necessary by the rebellious conduct of his eldest son, Selim, who, instigated by bad advisers, and under the influence of opium and wine, had seized upon Allahabad and declared himself king of Oude and Behar. This rupture was, however, healed shortly afterward : Selim was declared heir to the throne, admitted at court, and permitted to wear royal ornaments. * Stttwart's H' story of BengaL 100 BRITISH INDIA. The many years spent by Akbar in warlike operations, the daring and reckless manner in which he had ever exposed him- self to the dangers and privations of the field and camp, had not failed to work their effect upon his constitution ; despite his abstemious habits, he appears to have labored under severe and frequent ailments during the latter years of his reign, and in the month of September, 1605, his illness assumed so alarm- ing a form as to leave little doubt what would be the result. "* A combination was attempted on the part of some of the nobles to set up Selim's son, Khusru, as successor, but it broke down ; and Selim, who at first had absented himself from his father, remained by his side during the last days of his mortal illness, and received from his hands the royal scymeter. Akbar died after a reign of forty-nine years, passed amidst ilmost continued warfare, leaving his kingdom on a firmer basis than it had been at any previous period. Possessed of all the military genius so necessary in those times, Akbar was endowed with many excellent qualities not often combined with royalty in the East. A lover of science and literature, a ttiost rigorous dispenser of justice, a practiced financier, a thorough master of all business details, the late emperor found time, amidst all his wars, to pursue the peaceful studies of a philosopher. Tolerant in the extreme to all religious sects, Akbar frequently held discourses with Brahmins and Christians upon their creed, and would permit no persecution for differ- ence of opinion. His intimacy with the learned Abul Fazl and his brother Feizi contributed doubtless to his moderation ; and to the same cause may be ascribed his own free-thinking ideas, which, whilst they rendered him a very good sovereign, made him a very indifferent Mohammedan. The revenue of the empire was placed upon a sound footing; many splendid works of military and ornamental character were undertaken ; and the whole of his own royal establishment, althoug^a on a vast and magnificent scale, was reduced to the most systematic order.f In short, no part of his government ♦ Price's Memoirs of Jehan-Ghir, p. 70. f "Ayeen Akberry." JEHAF-GHIR. 02) THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 103 appeared too insignificant in his eyes to deserve its own share of regular attention. No opposition was offered to the succession of Selim, who was saluted by the title of Jehan-Ghir, or " Conqueror of the World." But before the end of the first year of his reign, it became apparent that the peace of the empire was to be dis- turbed by Jehan-Ghir's own son Khosru, who, raising levies, marched northward and seized on the city of Lahore. His father followed him at the head of a chosen body of troops ; and, in an engagement which followed, totally defeated the rebel army, making many prisoners, amongst whom was the author of the treason, Khosru, who was loaded with chains and kept a close prisoner for a year. About this time (a. d. 1611) the emperor married the widow of a late governor of Bengal, who became so famed for her un- rivaled beauty and brilliant accomplishments as to receive the title of Noor-mahal, or ** Light of the Harem." This favorite obtained complete ascendancy over the emperor's mind, but exercised it with great wisdom, influenced, it is believed, by the sage councils of her father, a man of high repute. The emperor resigned to Noor-mahal the direction of his imperial household ; and by her aid it was managed not only with magnificent pomp, but with a great regard to economy and order. The monarch alludes most feelingly to the good influ- ence of his sultana and her family in his autobiography, and ascribes much of his prosperity to their wise councils and devoted services. Some disturbances in Bengal were soon quelled, as was also a difference with the Kana of Oodipoor, who was forced to sub- mit to the authority of the emperor. Jehan-Ghir's attempts upon the Deccan were less fortunate, and after an obstinate resistance his army v/as forced to quit that country with heavy losses. At the conclusion of these operations (a. d. 1615), an em- bassador from the British court, Sir T. Roe, reached Ajineer, to form a treaty of amity with the emperor, or, as he was then termed by European writers, "the Great Mogul." Sir Thomas remained in the country three years ; and in the account of hia 104 BRITISH INDIA. embassy, written by himself, he has left a very ample descrip* tion of the Delhi court, and the state of the country at that time. From this it appears that, however rigorous in his outward bearing, the emperor indulged in free living when in private, and even in the company of the English embassador. Jehan- GMr gave every encouragement to Europeans, and permitted the free exercise of their religion. It is said also that he wore figures of Christ and the Yirgin at the head of his rosary, and that two of his nephews embraced Christianity with his full consent.* The prodigious wealth of the emperor may be judged from the circumstance related in his memoirs of his presenting the bride of one of his sons on the evening of her marriage with a pearl necklace valued at $300,000, and a ruby worth $125,000, with a yearly maintenance of $150,000. f The great and unbounded influence of Noor-mahal over the emperor raised up many enemies to her authority, and amongst others Korrun, or, as he was afterward styled, Shah Jehan, the monarch's third son. Fearing her power as adverse to his claims, and possibly having advices of some intrigues against him at court, the prince threw aside all disguise, and boldly raised the stand^^rd of rebellion by laying siege to Agra. Here he was defeated with considerable loss, and compelled to seek his safety in flight ; but nothing daunted by his first failure, he continued to maintain his struggle for several years with varied fortune. An incident at this time had well-nigh changed the whok course of events, but for the device and boldness of the famed Noor-mahal. Mohabet Khan, governor of the Punjab, having incurred the displeasure or jealousy of that favorite, was ordered to repair to the presence of the emperor, then enc