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MEMOIRS 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN; 
 
 WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 
 
 MOST INTERESTING ESSAYS, LETTERS, AND MISCELLA- 
 NEOUS WRITINGS ; FAMILIAR, MORAL, POLITICAL, 
 ECONOMICAL, AND PHILOSOPHICAL. 
 
 SELECTED WITH CARE 
 
 PROM ALL HIS PUBLISHED PRODUCTIONS, AND COMPRISING 
 
 WHATEVER IS MOST ENTERTAINING AND VALUABLE 
 
 TO THE GENERAL READER. 
 
 IN T WO VOLUMES. 
 VOL. I. 
 
 NEW-YORK: 
 
 HARPER St BROTHERS, 82 CLIFF. STREET. 
 183 9. 
 

 Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1839, by 
 
 Harper & Brothers, 
 
 In the Clerk's Office of the Southern District of New-York. 
 
 Gift from 
 Mfss Alice H. Bttshaa 
 ^an. 6,1932 
 
 MAR 2 1944 
 
 I 
 
publishers' advertisement. 
 
 It would be difficult, and perhaps impossible, to 
 gather from the history and labours of any individ- 
 ual mind, a summary of practical wisdom as rich 
 in varied instruction as the memoirs and writings 
 presented in these volumes will be found to af- 
 ford. If, .on account of the most distinguished 
 public services, the name of Franklin has become 
 inseparably associated with his country's glory, 
 the works which he has left behind him no less 
 justly entitle him to be considered as the benefactor 
 not only of his own country, but of mankind for 
 all coming time. So admirable, indeed, are these 
 productions, that they can only cease being read 
 when the love of beauty and of simplicity, of moral 
 power and of truth, has no longer a place in the 
 hearts of men. 
 
 « This self-taught American," to quote from the 
 Edinburgh Review of 1806, " is the most rational, 
 perhJips, of all philosophers. He never loses sight 
 
Vlll PUBLISHERS ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 of common sense in any of his speculations. No 
 individual, perhaps, ever possessed a juster under- 
 standing, or was so seldom obstructed in the use 
 of it by indolence, enthusiasm, or authority. * * * * 
 There are not many among the thoroughbred 
 scholars and philosophers of Europe who can lay 
 claim to distinction in more than one or two depart- 
 ments of science and literature. The uneducated 
 tradesman of America has left writings which call 
 for our attention in natural philosophy, in politics, 
 in political economy, and in general literature and 
 morality." And again: "Nothing can be more 
 perfectly and beautifully adapted to its object than 
 most of the moral compositions of Dr. FrankHn. 
 The tone of familiarity, of good-will, and harmless 
 jocularity ; the plain and pointed illustrations ; the 
 short sentences, made up of short words ; and the 
 strong sense, clear information, and obvious convic- 
 tion of the author himself, make most of his moral 
 exhortations perfect models of popular eloquence, 
 and often the finest specimens of a style which 
 has been too little cultivated in his native country. 
 " The most remarkable thing, however, in these, 
 and indeed in the whole of his physical specula- 
 tions, is the unparalleled simplicity and facility with 
 which the reader is conducted from one stage of 
 the inquiry to another. The author never appears 
 for a moment to labour or be at a loss. The 
 
PUBLISHERS' ADVERTISEMENT. ix 
 
 most ingenious and profound explanations are 
 suggested, as if they were the most natural and 
 obvious way of accounting for the phenomena; 
 and the author seems to value himself so little on 
 his most important discoveries, that it is necessary 
 to compare him with others before we can form a 
 just notion of his merits." 
 
 While to every age these volumes cannot fail 
 of being deeply interesting, to the young more 
 especially they may be made of invaluable use. 
 What an animating example do they present of 
 the power of industry, and of frugality and tem- 
 perance, of moral rectitude, and unremitting per- 
 severance, to overcome every difficulty ! And 
 what youth, fired with the generous love of 
 knowledge, and an ardent desire of honourable 
 distinction, need ever despair of success after 
 reading the memoirs of Benjamin Franklin ; who, 
 from the humble station of a printer's apprentice, 
 without fortune or other extraneous aid, through a 
 manly confidence in his own powers, elevated him- 
 self to the highest stations of honour and useful- 
 ness. 
 
 It is from these and other considerations scarcely 
 less interesting, that the publishers feel great con- 
 fidence and pleasure in presenting this work to the 
 public favour. Great care has been taken in se- 
 lecting the matter of which these volumes are com. 
 
X publishers' advertisement. 
 
 posed ; and, it is believed, that they will be foiind to 
 comprise nearly all that is most entertaining and 
 useful to the general reader, in the writings of 
 Franklin. 
 
 H. & B. 
 
 New-York, Sept., 1839. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 OF 
 
 THE FIRST VOLUME. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 Page 
 Life of Dr. Franklin, written by himself . . • .13 
 
 PART II. 
 
 Letter from Mr. Abel James 91 
 
 Letter from Mr. Benjamin Vaughan 92 
 
 Continuation of Life, begun at Passy, near Paris, 1784 . 98 
 Memorandum 115 
 
 PART in. 
 
 Life of Franklin, continued by Dr. Stuber . . . .191 
 Extracts from Franklin's Will 227 
 
 WRITINGS OP JRANKLIN. 
 
 The Examination of Dr. Franklin before the British House 
 of Commons, relative to the Repeal of the American 
 Stamp-act 237 
 
 Narrative of the Massacre of Friendly Indians in Lancaster 
 County, Pennsylvania, 1764 264 
 
 Introduction to Historical Review of the Constitution and 
 Government of Pennsylvania 282 
 
 Dr. Franklm's Motion for Prayers in the Convention at 
 Philadelphia, 1787, to revise the then existing Articles of 
 Confederation . • 286 
 
MEMOIRS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 To William Franklin, Esq., Governor of New Jersey. 
 
 Twyford, at the Bishop of St. Asaph's,* 1771. 
 Dear Son, — I have ever had a pleasure in obtain- 
 ing any little anecdotes of my ancestors. You 
 may remember the inquiries I made among the re- 
 mains of my relations when you were with me in 
 England, and the journey I undertook for that pur- 
 pose. Imagining it may be equally agreeable to 
 you to learn the circumstances of mi/ life, many of 
 which you are unacquainted with, and expecting the 
 enjoyment of a few weeks' uninterrupted leisure, I 
 sit down to write them. Besides, there are some 
 other inducements that excite me to this underta- 
 king. From the poverty and obscurity in which I 
 was born, and in which I passed my earliest years, 
 I have raised myself to a state of affluence and 
 some degree of celebrity in the world. As constant 
 good fortune has accompanied me even to an ad- 
 vanced period of life, my posterity will perhaps be 
 desirous of learning the means which I employed, 
 and which, thanks to Providence, so well succeeded 
 with me. They may also deem them fit to be imi- 
 tated, should any of them find themselves in similar 
 circumstances. This good fortune, when I reflect 
 on it, which is frequently the case, has induced me 
 sometimes to say, that if it were left to my choice, 
 1 should have no objection to go over the same life 
 
 * Dr. Shipley. 
 Vol. I.— 2 
 
14 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 from its beginning to the end : requesting only the 
 advantage authors have, of correcting in a second 
 edition the faults of the first. So would I also wish 
 to change some incidents of it for others more fa- 
 vourable. Notwithstanding, if this condition was 
 denied, I should still accept the offer of recom- 
 mencing the same life. But as this repetition is 
 not to be expected, that which resembles most liv- 
 ing one's life over again, seems to be to recall all 
 the circumstances of it ; and, to render this remem- 
 brance more durable, to record them in writing. In 
 thus employing myself I shall yield to the inclina- 
 tion so natural to old men, of talking of themselves 
 and their own auctions; and I shall indulge it with- 
 out being tiresome to those who, from respect to 
 my age, might conceive themselves obliged to lis- 
 ten to me, since they will be always free to read me 
 or not. And lastly (I may as well confess it, as 
 the denial of it would be believed by nobody), I 
 shall perhaps not a little gratify my own vanity. 
 Indeed, I never heard or saw the introductory 
 words " Without vanity I may say," &c., but some 
 vain thing immediately followed. Most people dis- 
 like vanity in others, whatever share they have of 
 it themselves ; but I give it fair quarter, wherever I 
 meet with it, being persuaded that it is often pro- 
 ductive of good to the possessor, and to others who 
 are within his sphere of action : and therefore, in 
 many cases, it would not be altogether absurd if a 
 man were to thank God for his vanity among the 
 other comforts of life. 
 
 And now 1 speak of thanking God, I desire with 
 all humility to acknowledge that I attribute the 
 mentioned happiness of my past life to his divine 
 providence, which led me to the means I used and 
 gave the success. My belief of this induces me to 
 hope, though I must not presume, that the same 
 goodness will still be exercised towards me, in con- 
 tinuing that happiness or enabling me to bear a fa- 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 15 
 
 tal reverse, which I may experience as others have 
 done ; the complexion of my future fortune being 
 known to him only, in whose power it is to bless 
 us, even in our afflictions. 
 
 Some notes, one of my uncles (who had the same 
 curiosity in collecting family anecdotes) once put 
 into my hands, furnished me with several particu- 
 lars relative to our ancestors. From these notes I 
 learned that they lived in the same village, Ecton, 
 in Northamptonshire, on a freehold of about thirty 
 acres, for at least three hundred years, and how 
 much longer could not be ascertained.* 
 
 This small estate would not have sufficed for their 
 
 * Perhaps from the time when the name of Franklin, 
 which before was the name of an order of people, was assumed 
 by them for a surname, when others look surnames all over the 
 kingdom. 
 
 As a proof that Franklin was anciently the common name of 
 an order or rank in England, see Judge Fortescue, De laudibus 
 Legum Angli(B, written about the year 1412, in which is the fol- 
 lowing passage, to show that good juries might easily be formed 
 in any part of England : 
 
 " Regio etiam ilia, ita respersa re^exiz.q\\eesi possessoribus ter- 
 rarum et agrorum, quod in ea, villula tam parva reperiri non po- 
 terit, mqua non est miles, armigcr, vel pater-familias, qualis ibi- 
 dem Frankleri vulganter nuncupatur, magnisditatus possessioni- 
 bus, nee non libere tenentes et alii valecti plurimi, suis patrimo- 
 niis sufficientes, ad faciendum juratam, in forma praenotata. 
 
 "Moreover, the same country is so filled and replenished 
 with landed menne, that therein so small a thorpe cannot be 
 found wherem dweleth not a knight, an esquire, or such a 
 householder as is there commonly called a Franklin, enriched 
 with great possessions ; and also other freeholders and many 
 yeomen, able for their livelihoodes to make a jury in form afore- 
 mentioned." — Old Translation. 
 
 Chaurer, too, calls his country-gentleman a Franklin ; and 
 after describing his good housekeeping, thus characterizes him: 
 " This worthy Franklin bore a purse of silk 
 Fix'd to his girdle, white as morning milk ; 
 Knight of the shire, first justice at th' assize, 
 To help the poor, the doubtful to advise. 
 In all employments, generous, just he proved, 
 Eenown'd for courtesy, by all beloved," 
 
16 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 maintenance without the business of a smith, which 
 had continued in the family down to my uncle's 
 time, the eldest son being always brought up to that 
 employment; a custom which he and my father 
 followed with regard to their eldest sons. When I 
 searched the registers at Ecton, I found an account 
 of their marriages and burials from the year 1555 
 only, as the registers kept did not commence pre- 
 vious thereto. 1 however learned from it that I 
 was the youngest son of the youngest son for five 
 generations back. My grandfather Thomas, who 
 was born 1598, lived at Ecton till he was too old to 
 continue his business, when he retired to Banbury 
 in Oxfordshire, to the house of his son John, with 
 whom my father served an apprenticeship. There 
 my uncle died and lies buried. We saw his grave- 
 stone in 1758. His eldest son Thomas lived in the 
 house at p]cton, and left it with the land to his only 
 daughter, who, with her husband, one Fisher, of 
 W^ellingborough, sold it to Mr. Isted, now lord of 
 the manor there. My grandfather had four sons, 
 who grew up: viz., Thomas, John, Benjamin, and 
 Josiah. Being at a distance from my papers, I will 
 give you what account I can of them from memory : 
 and if my papers are not lost in my absence, you 
 will find among them many more particulars.* 
 
 * Copy of an original letter, found among Dr. Franklin's papers, 
 from Josiah to B. Franklin. 
 
 Boston, May 26, 1739. 
 Loving Son,— As to the original of our name there is various 
 opinions; some say that it came from a sort of title of which 
 a book, that you bought when here, gives a lively account. 
 Some think we are of a French extract, which was formerly 
 called Franks; some of a free line ; a line free from that vas- 
 salage which was common to subjects in days of old ; some 
 from a bird of long red legs. Your uncle Benjamin made m- 
 quiry of one skilled in heraldry, who told him there is two coats 
 of armour, one belonging to the Franklins of the north, and one 
 to the Franklins of the west. However, our circumstances 
 have been such as that it hath hardly been worth while to con- 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 17 
 
 Thomas, my eldest uncle, was bred a smith under 
 his father ; but, being ingenious, and encouraged in 
 learning (as ail my brothers were) by an Esquire 
 
 cern ourselves much about these things, any farther than to 
 ticlile the fancy a hule. 
 
 The firsi that I can give account of is my great grandfather, 
 as it was a custom m those days among young men too many 
 times to goe to seek, their fortune, and m his travels he went 
 upon iikmg to a taylor ; but he kept such a stingy house, that he 
 left him and travelled farther, and came to a smith's house, and 
 coming on a fasting day, being in popish times, he did not like 
 there the first day ; the next morning the servant was called up 
 at five in the morning, but alter a little time came a good toast 
 and good beer, and he found good housekeeping there ; he 
 served and learned the trade of a smith. 
 
 In Queen Mary's days, either his wife, or my grandmother by 
 father's side, informed my father triat they kept their Bible fast- 
 ened under the top of a jomt-stool that they might turn up the 
 book and read in the Bible ; that, when anybody came to the dore, 
 they turned up the stool for fear ot the apparitor ; for if it was 
 discovered they would be in hazard of tlieir lives. My grand- 
 father was a smith also, and settled at Ecton, in Northampton- 
 shire, and he was imprisoned a year and a day on suspicion of 
 fais being the author of some poetry that touched the character 
 of some great man. He had only one son and one daughter; 
 my grandlaiher's name was Henry, my father's name was Thom- 
 as, my mother's name was Jane. My father was born at Ec- 
 ton or Eton, iNorthamplonshire, on the 18th of Uctober, 1598; 
 married to Miss Jane White, niece to Coll White, of Banbury, 
 and died in the 84th year of his age. There was nine children 
 of us who were happy in our parents, who took great care by 
 their instructions and pious example to breed us up in a reli- 
 gious way. My eldest brother had but one child, which was 
 married to one Mr. Fisher, at Wallingborough, in Northampton- 
 shire. The town was lately burned down, and whether she 
 was a sufferer or not 1 cannot tell, or whether she be living or 
 not. Her father died worth fifteen hundred pounds, but what 
 her circumstances are now 1 know not. She hath no child. 
 If you by the freedom of your office, makes it more likely to 
 convey a letter to her, it would be acceptable to me. There is 
 also children of brother John and sister Morris, but I hear no- 
 thing from them, and they write not to me, so that I know not 
 
 where to find them. 1 have been agam to about seeing 
 
 but have missed of being informed. We received yours, and are 
 glad to hear poor Jammy is recovered so well. Son John re- 
 ceived the letter, but is so busy just now that he cannot write 
 2* 
 
18 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 Palmer, then the principal inhabitant of that parish, 
 he qualified himself for the bar, and became a con- 
 siderable man in the county ; was chief mover of 
 all public-spiriied enterprises for the county or 
 town of Northampton, as well as of his own village, 
 of which many instances were related of him : and 
 he was much taken notice of, and patronised by- 
 Lord Halifax. He died in 1702, the 6ih of January ; 
 four years to a day before 1 was born. The recital 
 ■which some elderly persons made to us of his char- 
 acter, I remember, struck you as something extra- 
 ordinary, from its similarity with what you knew 
 of me. •' Had he died," said you, " four years later, 
 on the same day, one might have supposed a trans- 
 migration." John, my next uncle, was bred a dyer, 
 I believe of wool. Benjamin was bred a silk dyer, 
 serving an apprenticeship in London. He was an 
 ingenious man. I remember, when 1 was a boy, he 
 came to my father's in Boston, and resided in the 
 house with us for several years. There was al- 
 ways a particular affection between my father and 
 him, and I was his godson. He lived to a great 
 age. He left behind him two quarto volumes of 
 manuscript, of his own poetry, consisting of fugitive 
 pieces addressed to his friends. He had invented 
 a shorthand of his own, which he taught me, but, 
 not having practised it, I have now forgotten it. 
 He was very pious, and an assiduous attendant at 
 the sermons of the best preachers, which he re- 
 duced to writing according to his method, and had 
 thus collected several volumes of them. He was 
 also a good deal of a politician; too much so, per- 
 haps, for his station. There fell lately into my 
 hands in London, a collection he made of all the 
 principal political pamphlets relating to public af- 
 fairs, from the year 1641 to 1717; many of the vol- 
 
 you an answer, but will do the best he can. Now with hearty 
 love to, and prayer for you all, I rest your affectionate father, 
 
 JOSIAH f KAN KLIN. 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 1$ 
 
 unies are wanting, as appears by their numbering, 
 but there still remain eight volumes in folio, and 
 twenty in quarto and in octavo. A dealer in old 
 books had met with them, and knowing me by 
 name, having bought books of him, he brought them 
 to me. It would appear that my uncle must have 
 left them here when he went to America, which 
 was about fifty years ago. I found several of his 
 notes in the margins. His grandson, Samuel Frank- 
 lin, is still living in Boston. 
 
 Our humble family early embraced the reformed 
 religion. Our forefathers continued Protestants 
 through the reign of Mary, when they were some- 
 times in danger of persecution on account of their 
 zeal against popery. They had an English Bible, 
 and to conceal it, and place it in safety, it was fast- 
 ened open with tapes under and within the cover of 
 a joint-stool. When my great-grandfather wished 
 to read it to his family, he placed the joint-stool on 
 his knees, and then turned over the leaves under the 
 tapes. One of the children stood at the door to 
 give notice if he saw the apparitor coming, who was 
 an officer of the spiritual court. In that case the 
 stool was turned down again upon its feet, when the 
 Bible remained concealed under it as before. This 
 anecdote I had from uncle Benjamin, The family 
 continued all of the Church of England till about the 
 end of Charles the Second's reign, when some of 
 the ministers that had been outed for their noncon- 
 formity holding conventicles in Northamptonshire, 
 my uncle Benjamin and father Josiah adhered to 
 them, and so continued all their lives : the rest of 
 the family remained with the Episcopal church. 
 
 Mv father married young, and carried his wife 
 with three children to New-England, about 1682. 
 The conventicles being at that time forbidden by law, 
 and frequently disturbed in theii meetings, some 
 considerable men of his acquaintance determined 
 to go to that country, and he was prevailed with to 
 
20 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 accompany them thither, where they expected to 
 enjoy the exercise of their religion with freedom. 
 By the same wife my father had four children more 
 born there, and by a second wife ten others, in all 
 seventeen; of which I remember to have seen thir- 
 teen sitting together at his table, who all grew up 
 to years of maturity, and were married ; I was the 
 youngest son, and the youngest of all except two 
 daughters. I was born in Boston, in New-England. 
 My mother, the second wife of my father, was 
 Abiah Folger, daughter of Peter Folger, one of the 
 first settlers of New-England, of whom honourable 
 mention is made by Cotton Mather, in his ecclesias- 
 tical history of the country, entitled Magnolia Christi 
 Americana, as " a goodly and learned Englishman," 
 if I remember the words rightly. I was informed 
 he wrote several small occasional works, but only 
 one of them was printed, which I remember to have 
 seen several years since. It was written in 1675. 
 It was in famihar verse, according to the taste of 
 the times and people, and addressed to the govern- 
 ment there. It asserts the liberty of conscience, in 
 behalf of the Anabaptists, the Quakers, and other 
 sectarians that had been persecuted. He attributes 
 to this persecution the Indian wars, and other ca- 
 lamities that had befallen the country; regarding 
 them as so many judgments of God, to punish so 
 heinous an offence, so contrary to charity. This 
 piece appeared to me as written with manly free- 
 dom and a pleasing simplicity. The last six hues 
 I remember, but have forgotten the preceding ones 
 of the stanza ; the purpose of them was, that his 
 censures proceeded from good-will, and, therefore, 
 he would be known to be the author. 
 
 " Because to be a libeller (said he) 
 I hate it with my heart ; 
 
 From Sherburne* town, where now I dwell, 
 My name 1 do put here ; 
 
 * Sherburne, in the island of Nantucket. 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. S} 
 
 Without offence your real friend, 
 It is Peter Folgier." 
 
 My elder brothers were all put apprentices to dif- 
 ferent trades. I was put to the grammar-school at 
 eight years of age; my father intended to devote 
 me, as the tithe of his sons, to the service of the 
 church. My early readiness in learning to read 
 (which must have been very early, and 1 do not re- 
 member when 1 could not read), and the opinion of 
 all my friends, that I should certainly make a good 
 scholar, encouraged him in this purpose of his. My 
 uncle Benjamin, too, approved of it, and proposed 
 to give me his shorthand volumes of sermons to set 
 up with, if I would learn shortiiand. 
 
 I continued, however, at the grammar-school 
 rather less than a year, though in that imie 1 had 
 risen gradually from the middle of the class of that 
 year to be at the head of the same class, and was 
 removed into the next class, whence I was to be 
 placed in the third at the end of the year. But my 
 father, burdened with a numerous family, was un- 
 able, without inconvenience, to support the expense 
 of a college education ; considering, moreover, as 
 he said to one of his friends in my presence, the 
 little encouragement that line of life afforded to 
 those educated for it, he gave up his first intentions, 
 took me from the grammar-school, and sent me to 
 a school for writing and arithmetic, kept by a then 
 famous man, Mr. George Brownwell. He was a 
 skilful master, and successful in his profession, em- 
 ploying the mildest and most encouraging methods. 
 Under him I learned to write a good hand pretty 
 soon, but failed entirely in arithmetic. At ten years 
 old 1 was taken to help my father in his business of 
 a tallow-chandler and soap-boiler, a business to 
 which he was not bred, but had assumed on his ar- 
 rival in New-England, because he found that his 
 dying trade, being in little request, would not main- 
 tain his family. Accordingly, 1 was employed in 
 
22 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 cutting the wick for the candles, filling the moulds 
 for cast candles, attending the shop, going of er- 
 rands, &c. 
 
 I disliked the trade, and had a strong inclination 
 to go to sea, but my father declared against it ; but, 
 residing near the water, I was much in it and on it. 
 I learned to swim well, and to manage boats ; and 
 when embarked with other boys, 1 was commonly 
 allowed to govern, especially in any case of diffi- 
 culty ; and upon other occasions I was generally the 
 leader among the boys, and sometimes led them 
 into scrapes, of which I will mention an instance, 
 as it shows an early projecting public spirit, though 
 not then justly conducted. 
 
 There was a salt-marsh which bounded part of 
 the millpond, on tne edge of which, at high water, 
 we used to stand to fish for minnows; by much 
 trampling, we had made it a mere quagmire. My 
 proposal was to build a wharf there for us to stand 
 upon, and 1 showed my comrades a large heap of 
 stones, which were intended for a new house near 
 the marsh, and which would very well suit our pur- 
 pose. Accordingly, in the evening, when the work- 
 men were gone home, I assembled a number of my 
 playfellows, and we worked diligently like so many 
 emmets, sometimes two or three to a stone, till we 
 had brought them all to make our little wharf. The 
 next morning the workmen were surprised on miss- 
 ing the stones which formed our wharf ; inquiry was 
 made after the authors of this transfer ; we were 
 discovered, complained of, and corrected by our 
 fathers ; and though I demonstrated the utility of 
 our work, mine convinced me that that which was 
 not truly honest could not be truly useful. 
 
 I suppose you may like to know what kind of a 
 man my father was. He had an excellent constitu- 
 tion, was of a middle stature, well set, and very 
 strong: he could draw prettily, was a little skilled 
 in music ; his voice was sonorous and agreeable, so 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. S3 
 
 that when he played on his violin and sung withal, 
 as he was accustomed to do after the business of 
 the day was over, it was extremely agreeable to 
 hear. He had some knowledge of mechanics, and, 
 on occasion, was very handy with other tradesmen's 
 tools ; but his great excellence was his sound un- 
 derstanding and sohd judgment in prudential mat- 
 ters, both in private and pubHc affairs. It is true, he 
 was never employed in the latter, the numerous 
 family he had to educate and the strictness of his 
 circumstances keeping him close to his trade : but 
 I remember well his being frequently visited by lead- 
 ing men, who consulted him for his opinion in pub- 
 lic affairs, and those of the church he belonged to, 
 and who showed great respect for his judgment and 
 advice: he was also much consulted by private per- 
 sons about their affairs when any difficulty occur- 
 red, and frequently chosen an arbitrator between 
 contending parties. At his table he liked to have, 
 as often as he could, some sensible friend or neigh^ 
 hour to converse with, and always took care to start 
 some ingenious or useful topic for discourse, which 
 might tend to improve the minds of his children. 
 By this means he turned our attention to what was 
 good, just, and prudent in the conduct of Hfe ; and 
 little or no notice was ever taken of what related to 
 the victuals on the table, whether it was well or ill 
 dressed, in or out of season, of good or bad flavour, 
 preferable or inferior to this or that other thing of 
 the kind, so that 1 w^as brought up in such a perfect 
 inattention to those matters as to be quite indiffer- 
 ent as to what kind of food was set before me. In- 
 deed, I am so unobservant of it, that to this day I 
 can scarce teU a few hours after dinner of what 
 dishes it consisted. This has been a great conve- 
 nience to me in travelling, where my companions 
 have been sometimes very unhappy for want of a 
 suitable gratification of their more delicate, because 
 better instructed, tastes and appetites. 
 
34 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 My mother had hkewise an excellent constitu- 
 tion : she suckled all her ten children. I never knew 
 either my father or mother to have any sickness but 
 that of which they died, he at 89, and she at 85 years 
 of age. They lie buried together at Boston, where 
 I some years since placed a marble over their grave, 
 with this inscription : 
 
 JosiAH Franklin, 
 and 
 Abiah, his wife, 
 lie here interred. 
 They lived lovingly together in wedlock 
 fifty -five years. 
 And without an estate, or any gainful employment. 
 By constant labour and honest industry, 
 maintained a large family comfortably, 
 and brought up thirteen children and seven grand- 
 children respectably. 
 From this instance, reader, 
 Be encouraged to diligence in ihy calling, 
 And distrust not Providence. 
 He was a pious and prudent man ; 
 She a discreet and virtuous woman. 
 Their youngest son, 
 In filial regard to their memory, 
 Places this stone. 
 J. F. born 1655, died 1744, ^tas 89. 
 A. F. 1667, 1752, 85. 
 
 By my rambling digressions, I perceive myself to 
 be grown old 1 used to write more methodically. 
 But one does not dress for private company as for 
 a public ball. Perhaps it is only negligence. 
 
 To return : I continued thus employed in my fa- 
 ther's business for two years, that is, till I was twelve 
 years old ; and my brother John, who was bred to 
 that business, having left my father, married and set 
 up for himself at Rhode Island, there was every ap- 
 pearance that 1 was destined to supply his place, 
 and become a tallow-chandler. But my dislike to 
 the trade continuing, my father had apprehensions 
 that if he did not put me to one more agreeable, I 
 should break loose and go to sea, as my brother 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 25 
 
 Josiah had done to his great vexation. In conse- 
 quence, he took me to walk with him, and see join- 
 ers, bricklayers, turners, braziers, «&c., at their 
 work, that he might observe my inclination, and 
 endeavour to fix it on some trade or profession that 
 would keep me on land. It has ever since been a 
 pleasure to me to see good workmen handle their 
 tools ; and it has been often useful to me to have 
 learned so much by it as to be able to do some trifling 
 jobs in the house when a workman was not at hand, 
 and to construct httle machines for my experiments, 
 at the moment when the intention of making thern 
 was warm in my mind. My father determined at 
 last for the cutlers' trade, and placed me for some 
 days on trial with Samuel, son to my uncle Ben- 
 jamin, who was bred to that trade in London, and 
 had just established himself in Boston. But the 
 sum he exacted as a fee for my apprenticeship dis- 
 pleased my father, and I was taken home again. 
 From my infancy I was passionately fond of read- 
 ing, and all the money that came into my hands 
 was laid out in the purchasing of books. I was 
 very fond of voyages. My first acquisition was 
 Bunyan's works in separate little volumes. I after- 
 ward sold them to enable me to buy R. BurtorCs 
 Historical Collections; they w^ere small chapmen's 
 books, and cheap, 40 volumes in all. My father's 
 little library consisted chiefly of books in polemic 
 divinity, most of which I read. I have often regret- 
 ted that, at a time when I had such a thirst for 
 knowledge, more proper books had not fallen into 
 my way, since it was resolved I should not be bred 
 to divinity ; there was among them Plutarch's Lives, 
 which I read abundantly, and I still think that time 
 spent to great advantage. There was also a book of 
 De Foe's, called an Essay on Projects^ and another 
 of Dr. Mather's, called an Essay to do good, which 
 perhaps gave me a turn of thinking that had an in* 
 Vol. I — 3 
 
86 LITE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 fluence on some of the principal future events of 
 my life. 
 
 This bookish inclination at length determined my 
 father to make me a printer, though he had already 
 one son (James) of that profession. In 1717 my 
 brother James returned from England with a press 
 and letters to set up his business in Boston. I liked 
 it much better than that of my father, but still had a 
 hankering for the sea. To prevent the apprehended 
 effect of such an inclination, my father was impa- 
 tient to have me bound to my brother. I stood out 
 some time, but at last was persuaded, and signed 
 the indentures when I was yet but twelve years old. 
 I was to serve as an apprentice till I was twenty- 
 one years of age, only 1 was to be allowed journey- 
 man's wages during the last year. In a little time 
 I made a great progress in the business, and became 
 a useful hand to my brother. 1 had now access to 
 better books. An acquaintance with the appren- 
 tices of booksellers enabled me sometimes to bor- 
 row a small one, which I was careful to return soon 
 and clean. Often I sat up in my chamber the great- 
 est part of the night, when the book was borrowed 
 in the evening to be returned in the morning, lest it 
 should be found missing. After some time a mer- 
 chant, an ingenious, sensible man, Mr. Matthew 
 Adams, who had a pretty collection of books, fre- 
 quented our printing-office, took notice of me, and 
 invited me to see his library, and very kindly pro- 
 posed to lend me such books as I chose to read. I 
 now took a strong inclination for poetry, and wrote 
 some little pieces ; my brother, supposing it might 
 turn to account, encouraged me, and induced me to 
 compose two occasional ballads. One was called 
 the Lighthouse Tragedy, and contained an account 
 of the shipwreck of Captain Worthilake, with his 
 two daughters : the other was a sailor's song, on the 
 taking of the famous Teach (or Blackbeard) the pi- 
 rate. They were wretched stuff, in street-ballad 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 27 
 
 Style ; and when they were printed, my brother 
 sent me about the town to sell them. The first sold 
 prodigiously, the event being recent, and having 
 made a great noise. This success flattered my 
 vanity ; but my father discouraged me, by criticising 
 my performances, and telling me verse-makers were 
 generally beggars. Thus I escaped being a poet, 
 and probably a very bad one : but as prose writing 
 has been of great use to me in the course of my 
 life, and was a principal means of my advancement, 
 1 shall tell you how, in such a situation, 1 acquired 
 what little ability 1 may be supposed to have in that 
 way. 
 
 There was another bookish lad in the town, John 
 Collins by name, with whom I was intimately ac- 
 quainted. We sometimes disputed, and very fond 
 we were of argument, and very desirous of con- 
 futing one another, which disputatious turn, by-the- 
 way, IS apt to become a very bad habit, making peo- 
 ple often extremely disagreeable in company, by the 
 contradiction that is necessary to bring it into prac- 
 tice; and thence, besides souring and spoiling the 
 conversation, it is productive of disgusts and, per- 
 haps, enmities with those who may have occasion 
 for friendship. I had caught this by reading my fa- 
 ther's books of disputes on religion. Persons of 
 good sense, I have since observed, seldom fall into 
 it, except lawyers, university men, and, generally, 
 men of all sorts who have been bred at Edinburgh. 
 A question was once some how or other started, 
 between CoUins and me, on the propriety of educa- 
 ting the female sex in learning, and their abilities for 
 study. He was of opinion that it was improper, 
 and that they were naturally unequal to it. I took 
 the contrary side, perhaps for dispute' sake. He 
 was naturally more eloquent, having a greater plenty 
 of words; and sometimes, as I thought, I was van- 
 quished more by his fluency than by the strength 
 of his reasons. As we parted without setthng the 
 
28 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 point, and were not to see one another again for 
 some time, I sat down to put my arguments in 
 writing, which I copied fair and sent to him. He 
 answered, and I replied. Three or four letters on 
 a side had passed, when my father happened to find 
 my papers and read them. Without entering into 
 the subject in dispute, he took occasion to talk to 
 me about my manner of writing; observed that, 
 though 1 had the advantage of my antagonist in 
 correct spelling and pointing (which he attributed 
 to the printing-house), 1 fell far short in elegance 
 of expression, in meihod, and perspicuity, of which 
 he convinced me by several instances. I saw the 
 justice of his remarks, and thence grew more at- 
 tentive to my manner of writing, and determined to 
 endeavour to improve my style. 
 
 About this time I met with an odd volume of the 
 Spectator. I had never before seen any of them. 
 I bought it, read it over and over, and was much de- 
 lighted with it. I thought the writing excellent, 
 and wished, if possible, to imitate it. With that view 
 I took some of the papers, and, making short hints 
 of the sentiments in each sentence, laid them by a 
 few days, and then, without looking at the book, 
 tried to complete the papers again, by expressing 
 each hinted sentiment at length and as fully as it 
 had been expressed before in any suitable words 
 that should occur to me. Then I compared my 
 Spectator with an original, discovered some of my 
 faults, and corrected them. But I found I wanted a 
 stock of words, or a readiness in recollecting and 
 using them, which I thought I should have acquired 
 before that time if I had gone on making verses; 
 since the continual search for words of the same 
 import, but of different lengths, to suit the measure, 
 or of different sounds for the rhyme, would have 
 laid me under a constant necessity of searching for 
 variety, and also have tended to fix that variety in 
 my mind, and make me master of it. Therefore I 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. S9 
 
 took some of the tales in the Spectator, and turned 
 them into verse : and after a time, when I had 
 pretty \#e11 forgotten the prose, turned them back 
 again. I also sometimes jumbled my collection of 
 hints into confusion, and after some weeks endeav- 
 oured to reduce them into the best order, before I 
 began to form the full sentences and complete the 
 subject. This was to teach me method in the ar- 
 rangement of the thoughts. By comparing my 
 work with the original, 1 discovered many faults 
 and corrected them ; but I sometimes had the pleas- 
 ure to fancy that, in particulars of small conse- 
 quence, I had been fortunate enough to improve the 
 method or the language, and this encouraged me to 
 think that I might in time come to be a tolerable 
 English writer, of which 1 was extremely ambitious. 
 The time I allotted for writing exercises and for 
 reading was at night, or before work began in the 
 morning, or on Sunday, when I contrived to be in 
 the printing-house, avoiding as much as I could the 
 constant attendance at public worship which my 
 father used to exact from me when I was under his 
 care, and which I still continued to consider as a 
 duty, though I could not afford time to practise it. 
 
 When about sixteen years of age 1 happened to 
 meet with another book, written by one Tryon, 
 recommending a vegetable diet, I determined to 
 go into it. My brother, being yet unmarried, did not 
 keep house, but boarded himself and his appren- 
 tices in another family. My refusing to eat flesh 
 occasioned an inconvenience, and I was frequently 
 chid for my singularity. I made myself acquainted 
 with Tryon's manner of preparing some of his 
 dishes, such as boiling potatoes or rice, making hasty 
 pudding, and a few others, and then proposed to my 
 brother if he would give me, weekly, half the 
 money he paid for my board, I would board myself. 
 He instantly agreed to it, and I presently found that 
 I could save half what he paid me. 
 
30 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 This was an additional fund for buying of books. 
 But I had another advantage in it. My brother and 
 the rest going from the printing-office to their meals, 
 I remained there alone ; and despatching presently 
 my light repast, which was often no more than jbi 
 biscuit, or a slice of bread and a handful of raisins, 
 a tart from the pastry-cook's, and a glass of water, 
 I had the rest of the lime till their return for study, 
 in which I made the greater progress, from that 
 clearness of head and quick apprehension which 
 generally attends temperance in eating and drink- 
 ing. 
 
 Now it was that, being on some occasion made 
 ashamed of my ignorance in figures, which I had 
 twice failed learning when at school, I took Cocker's 
 book on arithmetic, and went through the whole 
 by myself with the greatest ease. 1 also read Sel- 
 lers and Sturny's book on navigation, which made 
 me acquainted with the little geometry it contained ; 
 but I never proceeded far in that science. 1 read 
 about this time Locke on the Human Understanding ^ 
 and the Art of Thinking, by Messrs. du Port Royal. 
 
 While I was intent on improving my language, I 
 met with an English grammar (I think it was Green- 
 wood's) having at the end of it two little sketches 
 on the arts of rhetoric and logic, the latter finishing 
 with a dispute in the Socratic method ; and soon 
 after I procured Xenophon's Memorable Things of 
 Socrates, wherein there are many examples of the 
 same method. I was charmed by it, adopted it, 
 dropped my abrupt contradiction and positive ar- 
 gumentation, and put on the humble inquirer; and 
 being then, from reading Shaftesbury and Collins^ 
 made a doubter, as I already was in many points 
 of our religious doctrines, I found this method the 
 safest for myself and very embarrassing to those 
 against whom I used it ; therefore I took delight in 
 it. practised it continually, and grew very artful and 
 expert in drawing people, even of superior knowl- 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 31 
 
 edge, into concessions, the consequences of which 
 they did not foresee ; entanghng them in difficulties, 
 out of which they could not extricate themselves, 
 and so obtaining victories that neither myself nor 
 my cause always deserved. I continued this meth- 
 od some few years, but gradually left it, retaining 
 only the habit of expressing myself in terms of mod- 
 est diffidence ; never using, when 1 advanced any- 
 thing that might possibly be disputed, the word cer- 
 tainly^ undoubtedly^ or any other that gave the air of 
 positiveness to an opinion ; but rather said, I conceive 
 or apprehend a thing to be so and so ; it appears to 
 me, or I should not think it is so, for such and such 
 reasons ; or I imagine it to be so ; or it is so, if I am 
 not mistaken. This habit, I believe, has been of 
 great advantage to me when I have had occasion 
 to inculcate my opinions, and persuade men into 
 measures that I have been from time to time en- 
 gaged in promoting ; and, as the chief ends of con- 
 versation are to inform or to be informed, to please 
 or to persuade, I wish well-meaning and Sensible 
 men would not lessen their power of doing good by 
 a positive, assuming manner, that seldom fails to 
 disgust, tends to create opposition, and to defeat 
 most of those purposes for which speech was given 
 to us. 
 
 In fact, if you wish to instruct others, a positive 
 and dogmatical manner in advancing your senti- 
 ments may occasion opposition and prevent a can- 
 did attention. If you desire improvement from 
 others, you should not, at the same time, express 
 yourself fixed in your present opinions ; modest and 
 sensible men, who do not love disputations, will leave 
 you undisturbed in the possession of your errors. 
 In adopting such a manner, you can seldom expect 
 to please your hearers, or obtain the concurrence 
 you desire. Pope judiciously observes, 
 
 " Men must be taught as if you taught them not, 
 And things unknown proposed as things forge*.'* 
 
32 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 He also recommends it to us, 
 
 " To speak, though sure, with seeming diffidence." 
 
 And he might have joined with this line that which 
 he has coupled with another, I think, less properly. 
 
 " For want of modesty is want of sense." 
 
 If you ask why less properly, I must repeat the 
 lines, 
 
 *' Immodest words admit of no defence, 
 For want of modesty is want of sense." 
 
 Now is not the want of sense (where a man is so 
 unfortunate as to want it) some apology for his want 
 of modesty ? and would not the lines stand more 
 justly thus 1 
 
 *' Immodest words admit but this defence, 
 That want of modesty is want of sense." 
 
 This, however, I should submit to better judgments. 
 
 My brother had, in 1720 or 21, began to print a 
 newspaper. It was the second that appeared in 
 America, and was called the New-England Courant. 
 The only one before it was the Boston News-Letter. 
 I remember his being dissuaded by some of his 
 friends from the undertaking, as not likely to suc- 
 ceed, one newspaper being, in their judgment, enough 
 for America. At this time (1771) there are not 
 less than five-and-lwenty * He went on, however, 
 with the undertaking ; I was employed to carry the 
 papers to the customers, after having worked in 
 composing the types and printing off the sheets. 
 He had some ingenious men among his friends, who 
 amused themselves by writing little pieces for his 
 paper, which gained it credit and made it more in 
 demand, and these gentlemen often visited us. 
 
 Hearing their conversations and their accounts 
 of the approbation their papers were received with, 
 
 ♦ The number in 1817 exceeds 400. 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 33 
 
 I was excited to try my hand among them ; but be- 
 ing still a boy, and suspecting that my brother would 
 object to printing anything of mine in his paper if 
 he knew it to be mine, I contrived to disguise my 
 hand, and, writing an anonymous paper, 1 put it at 
 night under the door of the' printing-house. It was 
 found in the morning, and committed to his writing 
 friends when they called in as usual. They read 
 it, commented on it in my hearing, and 1 had the 
 exquisite pleasure of finding it had met with their 
 approbation, and that, in their different guesses at 
 the author, none were named but men of some char- 
 acter among us for learning and ingenuity. I sup- 
 pose that 1 was rather lucky in my judges, and they 
 were not really so very good as I then believed 
 them to be. 
 
 Encouraged, however, by this attempt, I wrote 
 and sent in the same way to the press several oth- 
 er pieces that were equally approved ; and 1 kept 
 my secret till all my fund of sense for such per- 
 formances was exhausted, and then discovered it, 
 when I began to be considered with a little more 
 attention by my brother's acquaintance. How- 
 ever, that did not quite please him, as he thought it 
 tended to make me too vain. This might be one 
 occasion of the differences we began to have about 
 this time. Though a brother, he considered him- 
 self as my master, and me as his apprentice, and, 
 accordingly, expected the same services from me as 
 he would from another, while 1 thought he degraded 
 me too much in some he required of me, who 
 from a brother required more indulgence. Our dis- 
 putes were often brought before our father, and I 
 fancy I was either generally in the right, or else a 
 better pleader, because the judgment was generally 
 in my favour. But my brother was passionate, and 
 had often beaten me, which I took extremely amiss ; 
 and thinking my apprenticeship very tedious, I was 
 continually wishing, for some opportunity of short- 
 
34 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 ening it, which at length offered in a manner unex- 
 pected. 
 
 Perhaps the harsh and tyrannical treatment of me 
 might be a means of impressing me with the aver- 
 sion to arbitrary power that has stuck to me through 
 my whole life. 
 
 One of the pieces in our newspaper on some po- 
 litical point, which I have now forgotten, gave of- 
 fence to the Assembly. He was taken up, censured, 
 and imprisoned for a month, by the speaker's war- 
 rant, 1 suppose, because he would not discover the 
 author. J, too, was taken up and examined before 
 the council : but though I did not give them any 
 satisfaction, they contented themselves with ad- 
 monishing me, and dismissed me, considering me, 
 perhaps, as an apprentice, who was bound to keep 
 his master's secrets. 
 
 During my brother's confinement, which I resent- 
 ed a good deal notwithstanding our differences, I 
 had the management of the paper; and I made 
 bold to give our rulers some rubs in it, which my 
 brother took very kindly, while others began to cbn- 
 sider me in an unfavourable light, as a youth that 
 had a turn for libelling and satire. My brother's 
 discharge was accompanied with an order (and a 
 very odd one), that "James Frankhn should no 
 longer print the newspaper called the New-Eng- 
 land Courant." 
 
 On a consultation held in our printing-office among 
 his friends, what he should do in this conjuncture, it 
 was proposed to elude the order by changing the 
 name of the paper ; but my brother, seeing incon- 
 veniences in this, came to a conclusion, as a better 
 way, to let the paper in future be printed in the name 
 of Benjamin Franklin : and in order to avoid the 
 censure of the Assembly, that might fall on him as 
 still printing it by his apprentice, he contrived and 
 consented that my old indenture should be returned 
 to me, with a discharge on the. back of it, to show 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 35 
 
 in case of necessity ; and, in order to secure to him 
 the benefit of my service, I should sign new inden- 
 tures for the remainder of my time, which was to 
 be kept private. A very flimsy scheme it was ; how- 
 ever, it was immediately executed, and the paper 
 was printed, accordingly, under my name for sever- 
 al months. At length, a fresh difference arising be- 
 tween my brother and me, I took upon me to assert 
 my freedom, presuming that he would not venture 
 to produce the new indentures. It was not fair in 
 me to take this advantage, and this I therefore reck- 
 on as one of the first errata of my life ; but the un- 
 fairness of it weighed httle with me, when under 
 the impression of resentment for the blows his pas- 
 sion too often urged him to bestow upon me ; though 
 he was otherwise not an ill-natured man : perhaps I 
 was too saucy and provoking. 
 
 When he found I would leave him, he took care 
 to prevent my getting employment in any other 
 printing-house in town, hy going round and speak- 
 ing to every master, who accordingly refused to 
 give me work. I then thought of going to New- 
 York, as the nearest place where there was a print- 
 er ; and I was rather inclined to leave Boston, when 
 I reflected that I had already made myself a httle 
 obnoxious to the governing party, and. from the ar- 
 bitrary proceednigs of the Assembly in my brother's 
 case, it was likely I might, if I stayed, soon bring 
 myself into scrapes ; and farther, that my indiscreet 
 disputations about rehgion began to make me point- 
 ed at with horror by good people, as an infidel or 
 atheist. I concluded, therefore, to remove to New- 
 York ; but my father now siding with my brother, 
 I was sensible, that if 1 attempted to go openly, 
 means would be used to prevent me. My friend 
 Collins, therefore, undertook to manage my flight. 
 He agreed with the captain of a New-York sloop 
 to take me. I sold my books to raise a little money, 
 was taken on board the sloop privately, had a fair 
 
36 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 wind, and in three days found myself at New-York, 
 near three hundred miles from my home, at the age 
 of seventeen, without the least recommendation 
 or knowledge of any person in the place, and very 
 little money in my pocket. 
 
 The inclination I had felt for the sea was by this 
 time done away, or I might now have gratified it. 
 But having another profession, and conceiving my- 
 self a pretty good workman, I offered my services 
 to a printer of the place, old Mr. W. Bradford, who 
 had been the first printer in Pennsylvania, but had 
 removed thence, in consequence of a quarrel with 
 the governor, General Keith. He could give me no 
 employment, having little to do, and hands enough 
 already. But he said, " My son, at Philadelphia, has 
 lately lost his principal hand, Aquilla Rose, by death ; 
 if you go thither, I believe he may employ you." 
 Philadelphia was one hundred miles farther; I set 
 out, however, in a boat for Amboy, leaving my chest 
 and things to follow me round by sea. In crossing 
 the bay we met with a squall that tore our rotten 
 sails to pieces, prevented our getting into the kill, 
 and drove us upon Long Island. In our way, a 
 drunken Dutchman, who was a passenger too, fell 
 overboard; when he was sinking, I reached through 
 the water to his shock pate, and drew him up, so 
 that we got him in again. His ducking sobered him 
 a little, and he went to sleep, taking first out of his 
 pocket a book which he desired I would dry for him. 
 It proved to be my old favourite author, Bunyan's 
 Pilgrirn's Progress, in Dutch, finely printed on good 
 paper, copper cuts, a dress better than I had ever 
 seen it wear in its own language. I have since 
 found that it has been translated into most of the 
 languages of Europe, and suppose it has been more 
 generally read than any other book, except perhaps 
 the Bible. Honest John was the first that I know 
 of who mixed narration and dialogue ; a method 
 of writing very engaging to the reader, who, in the 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 37 
 
 most interesting parts, finds himself, as it were, ad- 
 mitted into the company and present at the conver- 
 sation. De Foe has imitated him successfully in his 
 Robinson Crusoe, in his Moll Flanders, and other 
 pieces ; and Richardson has done the same in his 
 Pamela, &c. 
 
 On approaching the island, we found it was in a 
 place where there could be no landing, there being 
 a great surf on the stony beach. So we dropped an- 
 chor, and swung out our cable towards the shore. 
 Some people came down to the shore and hallooed 
 to us, as we did to them, but the wind was so high 
 and the surf so loud that we could not understand 
 each other. There were some small boats near the 
 shore, and we made signs, and called to them to 
 fetch us ; but they either did not comprehend us, or 
 it was impracticable, so they went otf. Night ap- 
 proaching, we had no remedy but to have patience 
 till the wind abated, and, in the mean time, the boat- 
 men and myself concluded to sleep if we could; 
 and so we crowded into the hatches, where we join- 
 ed the Dutchi^an, who was still wet, and the spray 
 breaking over the head of our boat, leaked through 
 to us, so that we were soon almost as wet as he. 
 In this manner we lay all night with very little rest ; 
 but the wind abating the next day, we made a shift 
 to reach Amboy before night, having been thirty 
 hours on the water, without victuals, or any drink 
 but a bottle of tilthy rum, the water we sailed on 
 being salt. 
 
 In the evening I found myself very feverish, and 
 went to bed; but having read somewhere that cold 
 water drank plentifully was good for a fever, I fol- 
 lowed the prescription, and sweat plentifully most 
 of the night : my fever left me, and in the morning 
 crossing the ferry, I proceeded on my journey on 
 foot, having fifty miles to Burlington, where I was 
 told I should find boats that would carry me the 
 rest of the way to Philadelphia. 
 
 VoL; 1.-4 
 
38 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 It rained very hard all the day ; I was thoroughly 
 soaked, and by noon a good deal tired, so I stopped at 
 a poor inn, where I stayed all night, beginning now 
 to wish I had never left home. I made so misera- 
 ble a figure too, that I found, by the questions asked 
 me, I was suspected to be some runaway indentur- 
 ed servant, and in danger of being taken up on that 
 suspicion. However, I proceeded next day, and 
 got in the evening to an inn within eight or ten 
 miles of Burlington, kept by one Dr. Brown. He 
 entered into conversation with me while I took 
 some refreshment, and, finding I had read a little, 
 became very obliging and friendly. Our acquaint- 
 ance continued all the rest of his life. He had been, 
 I imagine, an ambulatory quack doctor, for there 
 was no town in England, or any country in Europe, 
 of which he could not give a very particular ac- 
 count. He had some letters, and was ingenious ; 
 but he was an infidel, and wickedly undertook, some 
 years after, to turn the Bible into doggerel verse, as 
 Cotton had formerly done with Virgil. By this 
 means he set many facts in a ridiculous light, and 
 might have done mischief with weak minds if his 
 work had been published ; but it never was. At his 
 house I lay that night, and arrived the next morn- 
 mg at Burhngton, but had the mortification to find 
 that the regular boats had gone a little before, and 
 no other expected to go before Tuesday, this being 
 Saturday. Wherefore I returned to an old woman 
 in the town, of whom I had bought some ginger- 
 bread to eat on the water, and asked her advice ; 
 she proposed to lodge me till a passage by some 
 other boat occurred. I accepted her offer, being 
 much fatigued by travelling on foot. Understand- 
 ing I was a printer, she would have had me remain 
 in that town and follow my business, being igno- 
 rant what stock was necessary to begin with. She 
 was very hospitable, gave me a dinner of ox-cheek 
 with a great good-will, accepting only of a pot of 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 39 
 
 ale in return ; and I thought myself fixed till Tues- 
 day should come. However, walking in the even- 
 ing by the side of the river, a boat came by which 
 I found was going towards Philadelphia, with sever- 
 al people in her. They took me in, and as there 
 was no wind, we rowed all the way; and about 
 midnight, not having yet seen the city, some of the 
 company were confident we must have passed it, 
 and would row no farther : the others knew not 
 where we were, so we put towards the shore, got 
 into a creek, landed near an old fence, with the rails 
 of which we made a fire, the night being cold, in 
 October, and there we remained till daylight. Then 
 one of the company knew the place to be Cooper's 
 Creek, a little above Philadelphia, which we saw as 
 soon as we got out of the creek, and arrived there 
 about eight or nine o'clock, on the Sunday morning, 
 and landed at Market-street wharf. 
 
 I have been the more particular in this description 
 of my journey, and shall be so of my first entry 
 into that city, that you may in your mind compare 
 such unlikely beginnings with the figure I have 
 since made there. I was in my working dress, my 
 best clothes coming round by sea. I was dirty, 
 from my being so long in the boat; my pockets 
 were stuffed out with shirts and stockings, and I 
 knew no one, nor where to look for lodging. Fa- 
 tigued with walking, rowing, and the want of sleep, I 
 was very hungry ; and my whole stock of cash con- 
 sisted in a single dollar, and about a shilling in cop- 
 per coin, which I gave to the boatmen for my pas- 
 sage. At first they refused it on account of my 
 having rowed, but I insisted on their taking it. Man 
 is sometimes more generous when he has little mon- 
 ey than when he has plenty ; perhaps to prevent 
 his being thought to have but little. I walked to- 
 wards the top of the street, gazing about, still in 
 Market-street, where I met a boy with bread. I 
 had often made a meal of dry bread, and inquiring 
 
40 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 where he had bought it, I went immediately to the 
 baker's he directed me to. 1 asked for biscuits, 
 rneaning such as we had at Boston : that sort, it 
 seems, was not made in Philadelphia. I then asked 
 for a threepenny loaf, and was told they had none. 
 Not knowing the different prices, nor the names of 
 the difterent sorts of bread, I told him to give me 
 threepenny worth of any sort. He gave me, ac- 
 cordingly, three great puffy rolls. 1 was surprised 
 at the quantity, but took it, and having no room in 
 my pockets, walked off with a roll under each arm, 
 and eating the other. Thus I went up Market-street 
 as far as Fourth-street, passing by the door of Mr. 
 Read, my future wife's father ; when she, standing 
 at the door, saw me, and thought I made, as I cer- 
 tainly did, a most awkward, ridiculous appearance. 
 Then I turned and went down Chestnut-street and 
 part of Walnut-street, eating my roll all the way, and, 
 coming round, found myself again at Market- street 
 wharf, near the boat I came in, to which I went for 
 a draught of the river water ; and, being filled with 
 one of my rolls, gave the other two to a woman 
 and her child that came down the river in the boat 
 with us, and were waiting to go farther. Thus re- 
 freshed, I walked again up the street, which by this 
 time had many clean-dressed people in it, who were 
 all walking the same way : I joined them, and there- 
 by was led into the great meeting-house of the Qua- 
 kers near the market. I sat down among them, 
 and after looking round awhile, and hearing nothing 
 said, being very drowsy, through labour and want 
 of rest the preceding night, 1 fell fast asleep, and 
 continued so till the meeting broke up, when some 
 one was kind enough to rouse me. This, therefere, 
 was the first house I was in, or slept in, in Phila- 
 delphia. 
 
 I then walked down towards the river, and look- 
 ing in the faces of every one, 1 met a young Qua- 
 ker man whose countenance pleased me, and, accost- 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN, 41 
 
 ing him, requested he would tell me where a stran- 
 ger could get a lodging. We were then near the 
 sign of the Three Mariners. " Here," said he, " is 
 a house where they receive strangers, but it is not 
 a reputable one ; if thou wilt walk with me, I'll show 
 thee a better one ;" and he conducted me to the 
 Crooked Billet in Water-street. There I got a din- 
 ner ; and, while I was eating, several questions were 
 asked me, as from my youth and appearance I was 
 suspected of being a runaway. After dinner, my 
 host having shown me to a bed, I lay myself on it, 
 without undressing, and slept till six in the evening, 
 when I was called to supper. I went to bed again 
 very early, and slept very soundly till next morn- 
 ing. Then I dressed myself as neat as I could, and 
 went to Andrew Bradford, the printer's. 1 found in 
 the shop the old man, his father, whom I had seen 
 at New-York, and who, travelling on horseback, 
 had got to Philadelphia before me. He introduced 
 me to his son, who received me civilly, gave me a 
 breakfast, and told me he did not at present want a 
 hand, being lately supplied with one : but there was 
 another printer in town lately set up, one Keimer, 
 who perhaps might employ me ; if not, I should be 
 welcome to lodge at his house, and he would give 
 me a little work to do now and then, till fuller busi- 
 ness should offer. 
 
 The old gentleman said he would go with me to 
 the new printer ; and when we found him, " Neigh- 
 bour," said Bradford, " I have brought to see you a 
 young man of your business ; perhaps you may want 
 such a one." He asked me a few questions, put a 
 composing stick in my hand to see how I worked, 
 and then said he would employ me soon, though he 
 had just then nothing for me to do ; and taking old 
 Bradford, whom he had never seen before, to be one 
 of the town's people that had a good will for him, 
 entered into conversation on his present underta- 
 king and prospects ; while Bradford (not discovering 
 4* 
 
42 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 that he was the other printer's father), on Keimer's 
 saying he expected soon to get the greatest part of 
 the business into his own hands, drew him on by 
 artful questions, and starting httle doubts, to ex- 
 plain all his views, what influence he relied on, and 
 in what manner he intended to proceed. I, who 
 stood by and heard all, saw immediately that one 
 was a crafty old sophister, and the other a true nov- 
 ice. Bradford left me with Keimer, who was greatly 
 surprised when I told him who the old man was. 
 
 The printing-house, I found, consisted of an old 
 damaged press, and a small worn-out fount of Eng- 
 lish types which he was using himself, composing 
 an elegy on Aquilla Rose, before mentioned ; an in- 
 genious young man, of excellent character, much 
 respected in the town, secretary to the Assembly, 
 and a pretty poet. Keimer made verses too, but very 
 indifferently. Re could not be said to write them, 
 for his method was to compose them in the types di- 
 rectly out of his head ; there being no copy, but 
 one pair of cases, and the elegy probably requiring 
 all the letter, no one could help him. I endeavour- 
 ed to put his press (which he had not yet used, and 
 of which he understood nothing) into order to be 
 worked with ; and, promising to come and print off 
 his elegy as soon as he should have got it ready, I 
 returned to Bradford's, who gave me a little job to 
 do for the present, and there I lodged and dieted. A 
 few days after Keimer sent for me to print off the 
 elegy. And now he had got another pair of cases, 
 and a pamphlet to reprint, on which he set me to 
 work. 
 
 These two printers I found poorly qualified for 
 their business. Bradford had been bred to it, and 
 was very illiterate ; and Keimer, though something 
 of a scholar, was a mere compositor, knowing no- 
 thing of presswork. He had been one of the French 
 prophets, and could act their enthusiastic agitations. 
 At this time he did not profess any particular reli- 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 43 
 
 gion, but something of all on occasion; was very 
 ignorant of the world, and had, as I afterward found, 
 a good deal of the knave in his composition. He 
 did not like my lodging at Bradford's while I worked 
 with him. He had a house, indeed, but without fur- 
 niture, so he could not lodge me ; but he got me a 
 lodging at Mr. Read's, before mentioned, who was 
 the owner of his house ; and my chest of clothes be- 
 ing come by this time, I made rather a more respect- 
 able appearance in the eyes of Miss Read than I 
 had done when she first happened to see me eating 
 my roll in the street. 
 
 I began now to have some acquaintance among 
 the young people of the town that were lovers of 
 reading, with whom I spent my evenings very pleas- 
 antly, and gained money by my industry and fru- 
 gality. I lived very contented, and forgot Boston 
 as much as I could, and did not wish it should be 
 known where I resided, except to my friend Col- 
 lins, who was in the secret, and kept it faithfully. 
 At length, however, an incident happened that occa- 
 sioned my return home much sooner than I had in- 
 tended. I had a brother-in-law, Robert Holmes, 
 master of a sloop that traded between Boston and 
 Delaware. He being at Newcastle, forty miles be- 
 low Philadelphia, and hearing of me, wrote me a 
 letter, mentioning the grief of my relations and 
 friends in Boston at my abrupt departure, assuring 
 me of their good-will towards me, and that every- 
 thing would be accommodated to my mind if I 
 would return, to which he entreated me earnestly. 
 I wrote an answer to his letter, thanking him for his 
 advice, but stated my reasons for quitting Boston so 
 fully, and in such a light, as to convince him that I 
 was not so much in the wrong as he had appre- 
 hended. 
 
 Sir William Keith, governor of the province, was 
 then at Newcastle, and Captain Holmes happening 
 to be in company with him when my letter came to 
 
44 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 hand, spoke to him of me, and showed him the let- 
 ter. The governor read it, and seemed surprised 
 when he was told my age. He said I appeared a 
 young man of promising parts, and, therefore, should 
 be encouraged : the printers at Philadelphia were 
 wretched ones, and if I would set up there, he made 
 no doubt I should succeed ; for his part, he would 
 procure me the public business, and do me every 
 other service in his power. This my brother-in- 
 law Holmes afterward told me in Boston, but I 
 knew as yet nothing of it ; when one day, Keimer 
 and 1 being at work together near the window, we 
 saw the governor and another gentleman (who 
 proved to be Colonel French, of Newcastle, in the 
 province of Delaware), finely dressed, come directly 
 across the street to our house, and heard them at the 
 door. Keimer ran down immediatel)^ thinking it a 
 visit to him ; but the governor inquired for me, came 
 up, and, with a condescension and pohteness I had 
 been quite unused to, made me many compliments, 
 desired to be acquainted with me, blamed me kindly 
 for not having made myself known to him when I 
 first came to the place, and would have me away 
 with him to the tavern, where he was going with 
 Colonel French to taste, as he said, some excellent 
 Madeira. I was not a little surprised, and Keimer 
 stared with astonishment. I went, however, with 
 the governor and Colonel French to a tavern at the 
 corner of Third-street, and over the Madeira he 
 proposed my setting up my business. He stated 
 the probabilities of my success, and both he and 
 Colonel French assured me I should have their in- 
 terest and influence to obtain for me the public busi- 
 ness of both governments. And as I expressed 
 doubts that my father would assist me in it. Sir 
 William said he would give me a letter to him, in 
 wliich he would set forth the advantages, and he did 
 not doubt lie should determine him to comply. Sq 
 it was concluded I should return to Boston by the 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 45 
 
 first vessel, with the governor's letter to my father. 
 In the mean time it was to be kept a secret, and I 
 went on working with Keimer as usual. The gov- 
 ernor sent for me now and then to dine with him, 
 which I considered a great honour, more particu- 
 larly as he conversed with me in the most affable, 
 famihar, and friendly manner. 
 
 About the end of April, 1724, a little vessel offered 
 for Boston. I took leave of Keimer as going to see 
 my friends. The governor gave me an ample let- 
 ter, saying many flattering things of me to my father, 
 and strongly recommending the project of my set- 
 ting up at Philadelphia, as a thing that would make 
 my fortune. We struck on a shoal in going down 
 the bay, and sprung aleak ; we had a bkistering 
 time at sea, and were obliged to pump almost con- 
 tinually, at which I took my turn. We arrived safe, 
 however, at Boston, in about a fortnight. I had 
 been absent seven months, and my friends had heard 
 nothing of me ; for my brother Holmes was not yet 
 returned, and had not written about me. My unex- 
 pected appearance surprised the family; all were, 
 however, very glad to see me, and made me wel- 
 come, except my brother : I went to see him at his 
 printing-house. I was better dressed than ever 
 while in his service, having a genteel new suit from 
 head to foot, a watch, and my pockets hned with 
 near five pounds sterling in silver. He received me 
 not very frankly, looked me all over, and turned to 
 his work again. The journeymen were inquisitive 
 where I had been, what sort of a country it was, and 
 how I liked it. I praised it much, and the happy 
 life I led in it, expressing strongly my intention 
 of returning to it; and one of them asking what 
 kind of money we had there, I produced a handful 
 of silver and spread it before them, which was 
 a kind of raree-show they had not been used to, 
 paper being the money of Boston. Then I took 
 an opportunity of letting them see my watch ; and, 
 
46 LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 lastly (my brother still grum and sullen), gave them 
 a dollar to drink and took my leave. This visit of 
 mine offended him extremely. For when my mother 
 some time after spoke to him of a reconciliation, and 
 of her wish to see us on good terms together, and 
 that we might live for the future as brothers, he 
 said I had insulted him in such a manner before his 
 people, that he could never forget or forgive it. In 
 this, however, he was mistaken. 
 
 My father received the governor's letter with 
 some surprise, but said little of it to me for some 
 time. Captain Holmes returning, he showed it to 
 him, and asked him if he knew Sir William Keith, 
 and what kind of a man he was ; adding, that he 
 must be of small discretion to think of setting a 
 youth up in business who wanted three years to 
 arrive at man's estate. Holmes said what he could 
 in favour of the project, but my father was decidedly 
 against it, and at last gave a flat denial. He wrote 
 a civil letter to Sir WiUiam, thanking him for the 
 patronage he had so kindly offered me, and decli- 
 ning to assist me as yet in setting up, I being, in his 
 opinion, too young to be trusted with the manage- 
 ment of an undertaking so important, and for which 
 the preparation required a considerable expenditure. 
 
 My old companion, Collins, who was a clerk in 
 the postoffice, pleased with the account I gave him 
 of my new country, determined to go thither also ; 
 and while I waited for my father's determination, 
 he set out before me by land to Rhode Island, leav- 
 ing his books, which were a pretty collection of 
 mathematics and natural philosophy, to come with 
 mine and me to New-York, where he proposed to 
 wait for me. 
 
 My father, though he did not approve Sir Wil- 
 liam's proposition, was yet pleased that I had been 
 able to obtain so advantageous a character from a 
 person of such note where I had resided, and that 
 I had been so industrious and careful as to equip 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 47 
 
 myself so handsomely in so short a time ; therefore, 
 seeing no prospect of an accommodation between 
 my brother and me, he gave his consent to my re- 
 turning again to Philadelphia, advised me to behave 
 respectfully to the people there, endeavour to obtain 
 the general esteem, and avoid lampooning and libel- 
 ling, to which he thought I had too much inclina- 
 tion : telling me, that by steady industry and pru- 
 dent parsimony, I might save enough by the time I 
 was one-and-tvventy to set me up ; and that, if I came 
 near the matter, he would help me out with the rest. 
 This was all I could obtain, except some small gifts, 
 as tokens of his and my mother's love, when I em- 
 barked again for New- York, now with their appro- 
 bation and their blessing. The sloop putting in at 
 Newport, Rhode Island, I visited my brother John, 
 who had been married and settled there some years. 
 He received me very affectionately, for he always 
 loved me. A friend of his, one Vernon, having 
 some money due him in Pennsylvania (about thirty- 
 five pounds currency), desired I would recover it 
 for him, and keep it till I had his directions what to 
 employ it in. Accordingly, he gave me an order to 
 receive it. This business afterward occasioned me 
 a good deal of uneasiness. 
 
 At Newport we took in a number of passengers, 
 among which were two young women travelHng 
 together, and a sensible, matron-like Quaker lady, 
 with her servants. I had shown an obliging dispo- 
 sition to render her some little services, which 
 probably impressed her with sentiments of good- 
 will towards me ; for, when she witnessed the daily 
 growing familiarity between the young women and 
 myself, which they appeared to encourage, she took 
 me aside and said, " Young man, I am concerned 
 for thee, as thou hast no friend with thee, and 
 seemest not to know much of the world, or of the 
 snares youth is exposed to : depend upon it, these 
 are very bad women. I can see it by all their ac- 
 
48 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 tions; and if thou art not upon thy guard, they will 
 draw thee into some danger : they are strangers to 
 thee, and I advise thee, in a friendly concern for 
 thy welfare, to have no acquaintance with them.' 
 As 1 seemed at first not to think so ill of them as 
 she did, she mentioned somethings she had observ- 
 ed and heard that had escaped my notice, but now 
 convinced me she was right. 1 thanked her for her 
 kind advice, and promised to follow it. When we 
 arrived at New-York, they told me where they liv- 
 ed, and invited me to come and see them, but I 
 avoided it, and it was well I did ; for the next day 
 the captain missed a silver spoon, and some other 
 things that had been taken out of his cabin ; and ; 
 knowing that these were women of bad character, 
 he got a warrant to search their lodgings, found the ] 
 stolen goods, and had the thieves punished. So, 
 though we had escaped a sunken rock, which we 
 scraped upon in the passage, I thought this escape 
 of rather more importance to me. 
 
 At New-York I found my friend Collins, who had 
 arrived there some time before me. We had been 
 intimate from children, and had read the same books 
 together : but he had the advantage of more time 
 for reading and studying, and a wonderful genius 
 for mathematical learning, in which he far outstrip- 
 ped me. While I lived in Boston, most of my hours 
 of leisure for conversation were spent with him, 
 and he continued a sober as well as industrious lad ; 
 was much respected for his learning by several of 
 the clergy and other gentlemen, and seemed to 
 promise making a good figure in life. But during 
 my absence he had acquired a habit of drinking 
 brandy, and I found by his own account, as well as 
 that of others, that he had been drunk every day 
 since his arrival at New- York, and behaved himself 
 in a very extravagant manner. He had gamed too, 
 and lost his money, so that I was obliged to dis- 
 charge his lodgings, and defray his expenses on the 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 49 
 
 road and at Philadelphia, which proved a great 
 burden to me. The then governor of New- York, 
 Burnet (son of Bishop Burnet), hearing from the 
 captain that one of the passengers had a great many 
 books on board, desired him to bring me to see him. 
 I waited on him, and should have taken Collins with 
 me had he been sober. The governor received me 
 with great civiUty, showed me his hbrary, which 
 was a considerable one, and we had a good deal of 
 conversation relative to books and authors. This 
 was the second governor who had done me the 
 honour to take notice of me ; and, for a poor boy 
 like me, was very pleasing. We proceeded to Phil- 
 adelphia. I received on the way Vernon's money, 
 without which we could hardly have finished our 
 journey. Collins wished to be employed in some 
 counting-house ; but whether they discovered his 
 dram-drinking by his breath or by his behaviour, 
 though he had some recommendations, he met with 
 no success in any application, and continued lodg- 
 ing and boarding at the same house with me and at 
 my expense. Knowing that I had that money of 
 Vernon's, he was continually borrowing of me, still 
 promising repayment as soon as he should be in 
 business. At length he had got so much of it that 
 I was distressed to think what I should do in case 
 of being called on to remit it. His drinking con- 
 tinued, about which we sometimes quarrelled ; for, 
 when a little intoxicated, he was very irritable. 
 Once, in a boat on the Delaware, with some other 
 young men, he refused to row in his turn : " I will 
 be rowed home," said he. " We will not row you," 
 said I. " You must," said he, " or stay all night on 
 the water, just as you please." The others said, 
 " Let us row, what signifies it '?" But my mind being 
 soured with his other conduct, I continued to refuse. 
 So he swore he would make me row, or throw 
 me overboard; and coming along, stepping on the 
 thwarts towards me, when he came up and struck 
 Vol. I.— 5 
 
50 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 at me, I clapped my hand under his thighs, and ri- 
 sing, pitched him head foremost into the river. I 
 knew he was a good swimmer, and so was under lit- 
 tle concern about him ; but, before he could get round 
 to lay hold of the boat, we had, with a few strokes, 
 pulled her out of his reach ; and whenever he drew 
 near the boat, we asked him if he would row, stri- 
 king a few strokes to slide her away from him. He 
 was ready to stifle with vexation, and obstinately 
 would not promise to row. Finding him at last be- 
 ginning to tire, we drew him into the boat, and 
 brought him home dripping wet. We hardly ex- 
 changed a civil word after this adventure. At length 
 a West India captain, who had a commission to 
 procure a preceptor for the sons of a gentleman at 
 Barbadoes, met with him, and proposed to carry 
 him thither to fill that situation. He accepted, and 
 promised to remit me what he owed me out of the 
 first money he should receive ; but I never heard of 
 him after. The violation of my trust respecting 
 Vernon's money was one of the first great errata 
 of my life ; and this showed that my father was not 
 much out in his judgment when he considered me 
 as too young to manage business. But Sir William, 
 on reading his letter, said he was too prudent ; that 
 there was a great difference in persons ; and discre- 
 tion did not always accompany years, nor was youth 
 always without it. " But, since he will not set you 
 up, I will do it myself. Give me an inventory of 
 the things necessary to be had from England, and I 
 will send for them. You shall repay me when you 
 are able ; I am resolved to have a good printer here, 
 and I am sure you must succeed." This was spo- 
 ken with such an appearance of cordiality, that I 
 had not the least doubt of his meaning what he said. 
 I had hitherto kept the proposition of my setting up 
 a secret in Philadelphia, and I still kept it. Had it 
 been known that 1 depended on the governor, prob- 
 ably some friend that knew him better would have 
 
 I 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 51 
 
 advised me not to rely on him ; as I afterward heard 
 it as his known character, to be hberal of promises 
 which he never meant to keep ; yet, unsohcited as 
 he was by me, how could I think his generous offers 
 insincere 1 I believed him one of the best men in 
 the world. 
 
 I presented him an inventory of a little printing- 
 house, amounting by my computation to about one 
 hundred pounds sterling. He liked it, but asked me 
 if my being on the spot in England to choose the 
 types, and see that everything was good of the kind, 
 might not be of some advantage ; " then," said he, 
 " when there, you may make acquaintance, and es- 
 tablish correspondences in the bookselling and sta- 
 tionary way." I agreed that this might be advan- 
 tageous. " Then," said he, " get yourself ready to 
 go with the Annis ;" which was the annual ship, and 
 the only one at that time usually passing between 
 London and Philadelphia. But as it would be some 
 months before the Annis sailed, I continued working 
 with Keinier, fretting extremely about the money 
 Collins had got from me, and in great apprehensions 
 of being called upon for it by Vernon ; this, how- 
 ever, did not happen for some years after. 
 
 I believe I have omitted mentioning that, in my 
 first voyage from Boston to Philadelphia, being be- 
 calmed off Block Island, our crew employed them- 
 selves in catching cod, and hauled up a great num- 
 ber. Till then I had stuck to my resolution to eat 
 nothing that had had life ; and on this occasion I 
 considered, according to my master Tryon, the ta- 
 king every fish as a kind of unprovoked murder, 
 since none of them had nor could do us any injury 
 that might justify this massacre. All this seemed 
 very reasonable. But I had been formerly a great 
 lover of fish, and when it came out of the frying- 
 pan it smelled admirably well. I balanced some 
 time between principle and inclination, till, recol- 
 lecting that when fish were opened I saw smaller 
 
52 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 fish taken out of their stomachs ; then, thought I, 
 '' if you eat one another, I don't see why we may 
 not eat you." So I dined upon cod very heartily, 
 and have since continued to eat as other people ; 
 returning only now and then occasionally to a vege- 
 table diet. So convenient a thing it is to be a reas- 
 onable creature, since it enables one to find or make a 
 reason for everything one has a mind to do. 
 
 Keinier and I lived on a pretty good, famihar foot- 
 ing, and agreed tolerably well ; for he suspected 
 nothing of my setting up. He retained a great deal 
 of his old enthusiasm, and loved argumentation. 
 We therefore had many disputations. I used to 
 work him so with my Socratic method, and had 
 trepanned him so often by questions apparently so 
 distant from any point we had in hand, yet by de- 
 grees leading to the point, and bringing him into 
 difficulties and contradictions, that at last he grew 
 ridiculously cautious, and would hardly answer me 
 the most common questions, without asking first, 
 " What do you intend to infer from that V However, 
 it gave him so high an opinion of my abilities in the 
 confuting way, that he seriously proposed my being 
 his colleague in a project he had of setting up a new 
 sect. He was to preach the doctrines, and I was 
 to confound all opponents. When he came to ex- 
 plain with me upon the doctrines, I found several 
 conundrums which I objected to, unless I might 
 have my way a little too, and introduce some of 
 mine. Keimer wore his beard at full length, be- 
 cause somewhere in the Mosaic law it is said, 
 *' Thou shalt not mar the corners of thy beard.'''' He 
 likewise kept the seventh-day Sabbath ; and these 
 two points were essential with him. I disliked 
 both ; but agreed to them on condition of his adopt- 
 ing the doctrine of not using animal food, I doubt, 
 said he, my constitution will not bear it. I assured 
 him it would, and that he would be the better for it. 
 He was usually a great eater, and I wished to give 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 53 
 
 myself some diversion in half starving him. He 
 consented to try the practice if I would keep him 
 company : I did so. and we held it for three months. 
 Our provisions were purchased, cooked, and brought 
 to us regularly by a woman in the neighbourhood, 
 who had from me a list of forty dishes, which she 
 prepared for us at different times, in which there 
 entered neither fish, flesh, nor fowl. This whim 
 suited me the better at this time, from the cheap- 
 ness of it, not costing us above eighteen pence 
 sterling each per week. I have since kept several 
 Lents most strictly, leaving the common diet for that, 
 and that for the common, abruptly, without the least 
 inconvenience. So that I think there is httle in the 
 advice of making those changes by easy gradations. 
 I went on pleasantly, but poor Keimer suffered 
 grievously, grew tired of the project, longed for the 
 fleshpots of Egypt, and ordered a roast pig. He 
 invited me and two women friends to dine with him : 
 but it being brought too soon upon table, he could 
 not resist the temptation, and ate the whole before 
 -we came. 
 
 I had made some courtship during this time to Miss 
 Read ; I had a great respect and affection for her, 
 and had some reasons to believe she had the same 
 for me ; but as I was about to take a long voyage, 
 and we were both very young (only a little above 
 eighteen), it was thought most prudent by her 
 mother to prevent our going too far at present ; as 
 a marriage, if it was to take place, would be more 
 convenient after my return, when I should be, as. I 
 hoped, set up in my business. Perhaps, too, she 
 thought my expectations not so well founded as I 
 imagined them to be. 
 
 My chief acquaintances at this time were Charles 
 Osborne, Joseph Watson, and James Ralph; all 
 lovers of reading. The first two were clerks to an 
 eminent scrivener or conveyancer in the town 
 (Charles Brockden), the other was a clerk to a mer- 
 6* 
 
54 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 chant. Watson was a pious, sensible young man, 
 of great integrity: the others rather more lax in 
 their principles of religion, particularly Ralph, who, 
 as well as Collins, had been unsettled by me, for 
 which they both made me suffer. Osborne was 
 sensible, candid, frank, sincere, and affectionate to 
 his friends ; but in literary matters too fond of crit- 
 icism. Ralph was ingenuous, genteel in his man- 
 ners, and extremely eloquent ; 1 think I never knew 
 a prettier talker. Both were great admirers of 
 poetry, and began to try their hands in little pieces. 
 Many pleasant walks we have had together on Sun- 
 days in the woods on the banks of the Schuylkill, 
 where we read to one another, and conferred on 
 what we had read. Ralph was inclined to give him- 
 self up entirely to poetry, not doubting but he 
 might make great proficiency in it, and even make 
 his fortune by it. He pretended that the greatest 
 poets must, when they first began to write, have 
 committed as many faults as he did. Osborne en- 
 deavoured to dissuade him, assured him he had no 
 genius for poetry, and advised him to think of no- 
 thing beyond the business he was bred to ; *' that in 
 the mercantile way, though he had no stock, he 
 might, by his diligence and punctuality, recommend 
 himself to employment as a factor, and in time ac- 
 quire wherewith to trade on his own account." I 
 approved, for my part, the amusing one's self with 
 poetry now and then, so far as to improve one's 
 language, but no farther. On this it was proposed 
 that we should each of us, at our next meeting, pro- 
 duce a piece of our own composing, in order to im- 
 prove by our mutual observations, criticisms, and 
 corrections. As language and expression was 
 •what we had in view, we excluded all considera- 
 tions of invention, by agreeing that the task should 
 be a version of the eighteenth Psalm, which de- 
 scribes the descent of a deity. When the time of 
 our meeting drew nigh, Ralph called on me first, 
 
 1 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 55 
 
 and let me know his piece was ready : I told him I 
 had been busy, and, having httle inclination, had 
 done nothing. He then showed me his piece for 
 my opinion, and I much approved it, as it appeared 
 to me to have great merit. " Now," said he, " Os- 
 borne never will allow the least merit in anything 
 of mine, but makes a thousand criticisms out of mere 
 envy : he is not so jealous of you ; I wish, there- 
 fore, you would take this piece and produce it as 
 yours : 1 will pretend not to have had time, and so 
 produce nothing; we shall then hear what he will 
 say to it." It was agreed, and I immediately trans- 
 cribed it, that it might appear in my own hand. 
 We met : Watson's performance was read ; there 
 were some beauties in it, but many defects. Os- 
 borne's was read ; it was much better. Ralph did 
 it justice, remarked some faults, but applauded the 
 beauties. He himself had nothing to produce. I 
 was backward, seemed desirous of being excused, 
 had not had sufficient time to correct, &c., but no 
 excuse could be admitted ; produce I must. It was 
 read and repeated : Watson and Osborne gave up 
 the contest, and joined in applauding it. Ralph 
 only made some criticisms and proposed some 
 amendments ; but I defended my text. Osborne 
 was severe against Ralph, and told me he was no 
 better able to criticise than to compose verses. As 
 these two were returning home, Osborne expressed 
 himself still more strongly in favour of what he 
 thought my production ; having before refrained, as 
 he said, lest I should think he meant to flatter me. 
 " But who would have imagined," said he, " that 
 Franklin was capable of such a performance ; such 
 painting, such force, such fire ! He has even im- 
 proved on the original. In common conversation 
 he seems to have no choice of words ; he hesitates 
 and blunders ; and yet, good God, how he writes !" 
 When we next met, Ralph discovered the trick we 
 had played, and Osborne was laughed at. This 
 
56 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 transaction fixed Ralph in his resolution of becom- 
 ing a poet. I did all I could to dissuade him from 
 it, but he continued scribbling verses till Pope cured 
 him.* He became, however, a pretty good prose 
 writer. More of him hereafter. But as I may not 
 have occasion to mention the other two, I shall just 
 remark here that Watson died in my arms a few- 
 years after, much lamented, being the best of our 
 set. Osborne went to the West Indies, where he 
 became an eminent lawyer, and made money. He 
 and I had made a serious agreement, that the one 
 who happened first to die should, if possible, make 
 a friendly visit to the other, and acquaint him how 
 he found things in that separate state. But he 
 never fulfilled his promise. 
 
 The governor, seeming to like my company, had 
 me frequently at his house, and his setting me up 
 was always mentioned as a fixed thing. I was to 
 take with me letters recommendatory to a number 
 of his friends, besides the letter of credit to furnish 
 me with the necessary money for purchasing the 
 press, types, paper, &c. For these letters 1 was 
 appointed to call at different times, when they were 
 to be ready, but a future time was still named. 
 Thus we went on till the ship (whose departure, 
 too, had been several times postponed) was on the 
 point of sailing. Then, when 1 called to take my 
 leave and receive the letters, his secretary. Dr. 
 Baird, came out to me and said the governor was 
 extremely busy in writing, but would be down at 
 Newcastle before the ship, and then the letters 
 would be delivered to me. 
 
 Ralph, though married, and having one child, had 
 determined to accompany me in this voyage. It 
 was thought he intended to establish a correspond- 
 ence and obtain goods to sell on commission ; but I 
 
 * "Silence, ye wolves, while Ralph to Cynthia howls, 
 And makes night hideous : answer him, ye owls !" 
 
 Pope's Dunciad, b. iii., v. 165^ 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 67 
 
 found after, that, having some cause of discontent 
 with his wife's relations, he proposed to leave her 
 on their hands and never return to America. Hav- 
 ing taken leave of my friends and exchanged prom- 
 ises with Miss Read, I quitted Philadelphia in the 
 ship, which anchored at Newcastle. The governor 
 was there, but when I went to his lodging, his sec- 
 retary came to me from him with expressions of 
 the greatest regret that he could not then see me, 
 being engaged in business of importance ; but that 
 he would send the letters to me on board, wishing 
 me heartily a good voyage and a speedy return, 
 &c. I returned on board a little puzzled, but still 
 not doubting. 
 
 Mr. Andrew Hamilton, a celebrated lawyer of 
 Philadelphia, had taken his passage in the same 
 ship for himself and son, with Mr. Denham, a Qua- 
 ker merchant, and Messrs. Oniam and Russel (mas- 
 ters of an iron work in Maryland), who had engaged 
 the great cabin ; so that Ralph and I were forced to 
 take up with a birth in the steerage, and, none on 
 board knowing us, were considered as ordinary per- 
 sons. But Mr. Hamilton and his son (it was James, 
 since governor) returned from Newcastle to Phila- 
 delphia, the father being recalled by a great fee to 
 plead for a seized ship. And just before we sailed, 
 Colonel French coming on board, and showing me 
 great respect, I was more taken notice of ; and, with 
 my friend Ralph, invited by the other gentlemen to 
 come into the cabin, there being now room ; ac- 
 cordingly, we removed thither. 
 
 Understanding that Colonel French had brought 
 on board the governor's despatches, I asked the 
 captain for those letters that were to be under my 
 care ; he said all were put into the bag together, 
 and he could not then come at them, but before we 
 landed in England I should have an opportunity of 
 picking them out ; so I was satisfied for the present, 
 and we proceeded on our voyage. We had a so- 
 
58 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 ciable company in the cabin, and lived uncommonly 
 well, having the addition of all Mr. Hamilton's 
 stores, who had laid in plentifully. In this passage 
 Mr. Denham contracted a friendship for me, that 
 continued during his life. The voyage was other- 
 wise not a pleasant one, as we had a great deal of 
 bad weather. 
 
 When we came into the Channel, the captain 
 kept his word with me, and gave me an opportunity 
 of examining the bag for the governor's letters ; I 
 found some upon which my name was put, as un- 
 der my care : I picked out six or seven, that by 
 the handwriting I thought might be the promised 
 letters, especially as one of them was addressed to 
 Basket, the king's printer, and another to some sta- 
 tioner. We arrived in London the 24lh December, 
 1724. I waited upon the stationer, who came first 
 in my way, delivering the letter as from Governor 
 Keith. *' I don't know such a person," said he : but 
 opening the letter, " Oh ! this is from Riddlesden. I 
 have lately found him to be a complete rascal, and 
 1 will have nothing to do with him, nor receive any 
 letters from him." So, putting the letter into my 
 hand, he turned on his heel and left me to serve 
 some customer. I was surprised to find these were 
 not the governor's letters ; and, after recollecting 
 and comparing circumstances, I began to doubt his 
 sincerity. I found my friend Denham, and opened 
 the whole affair to him. He let me into Keith's 
 character ; told me there was not the least probabil- 
 ity that he had written any letters for me ; that no 
 one who knew him had the smallest dependance 
 on him ; and he laughed at the idea of the govern- 
 or's giving me a letter of credit, having, as he said, 
 no credit to give. On my expressing some concern 
 about what I should do, he advised me to endeavour 
 to get some employment in the way of my busi- 
 ness. Among the printers here, said he, you will 
 improve yourself, and when you return to America 
 you will set up to greater advantage. 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 69 
 
 We both of us happened to know, as well as the 
 stationer, that Riddlesden, the attorney, was a very- 
 knave ; he had half ruined Miss Read's father, by 
 persuading him to be bound for him. By his letter 
 it appeared there was a secret scheme on foot to 
 the prejudice of Mr. Hamilton (supposed to be then 
 coming over with us) ; that Keith was concerned in 
 it, with Riddlesden. Denham, who was a friend of 
 Hamilton's, thought he ought to be acquainted with 
 it ; so, when he arrived in England, which was soon 
 after, partly from resentment and ill will to Keith 
 and Riddlesden, and partly from good will to him, I 
 waited on him and gave him the letter. He thanked 
 me cordially, the information being of importance to 
 him ; and from that time he became my friend, great- 
 ly to my advantage afterward on many occasions. 
 
 But what shall we think of a governor playing 
 such pitiful tricks, and imposing so grossly upon a 
 poor ignorant boy ! It was a habit he had acquired ; 
 he wished to please everybody, and having little to 
 give, he gave expectations. He was otherwise an 
 ingenious, sensible man, a pretty good writer, and 
 a good governor for the people, though not for his 
 constituents the proprietaries, whose instructions 
 he sometimes disregarded : several of our best laws 
 were of his planning, and passed during his admin- 
 istration. 
 
 Ralph and I were inseparable companions. We 
 took lodgings together in Little Britain, at 3^. Qd. 
 per week ; as much as we could then afford. He 
 found some relations, but they were poor, and un- 
 able to assist him. He now let me know his inten- 
 tions of remaining in London, and that he never 
 meant to return to Philadelphia. He had brought 
 no money with him, the whole he could muster hav- 
 ing been expended in paying his passage. I had 
 fifteen pistoles ; so he borrowed occasionally of me 
 to subsist, while he was looking out for business 
 He first endeavoured to get into the playhouse, be- 
 
60 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 lieving himself qualified for an actor ; but Wilkes, 
 to whom he applied, advised him candidly not to 
 think of that employment, as it was impossible he 
 should succeed in it. Then he proposed to Roberts, 
 a publisher in Paternoster Row, to write for him a 
 weekly paper like the Spectator, on certain condi- 
 tions ; which Roberts did not approve. Then he 
 endeavoured to get employment as a hackney-wri- 
 ter, to copy for the stationers and lawyers about the 
 Temple ; but could not find a vacancy. 
 
 For myself, I immediately got into work at Pal- 
 mer's, a famous printing-house in Bartholomew 
 Close, where I continued near a year. 1 was pretty 
 diligent, but I spent with Ralph a good deal of -my 
 earnings, at plays and public amusements ; we had 
 nearly consumed all my pistoles, and now just 
 rubbed on from hand to mouth. He seemed quite 
 to have forgotten his wife and child; and I, by de- 
 grees, my engagements with Miss Read, to whom I 
 never wrote more than one letter, and that was to 
 let her know I was not likely soon to return. This 
 was another of the great errata of my life which I 
 could wish to correct if 1 were to live it over again. 
 In fact, by our expenses I was constantly kept un- 
 able to pay my passage. 
 
 At Palmer's 1 was employed in composing for the 
 second edition of Woollaston's Religion of Nature. 
 Some of his reasonings not appearing to me well- 
 founded, I wrote a little metaphysical piece, in 
 which I made remarks on them. It was entitled, 
 " A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and 
 Pain^ I inscribed it to my friend Ralph ; I printed a 
 small number. It occasioned my being more consid- 
 ered by Mr. Palmer as a young man of some ingenu- 
 ity, though he seriously expostulated with me upon 
 the principles of my pamphlet, which to him appear- 
 ed abominable. My printing this pamphlet was an- 
 other erratum. While I lodged in Little Britaiyi, I 
 made acquaintance with one Wilcox, a bookseller, 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN". Bl 
 
 whose shop was next door. He had an immense 
 collection of second-hand books. Circulating li- 
 braries were not then in use, but we agreed that on 
 certain reasonable terms (which 1 have now forgot- 
 ten), I might take, read, and return any of his 
 books; this I esteemed a great advantage, and I 
 made as much use of it as I could. 
 
 My pamphlet by some means faUing into the 
 hands of one Lyons, a surgeon, author of a book 
 entitled " The Infallibility of Human Judgment,'''^ it oc- 
 casioned an acquaintance between us ; he took great 
 notice of me, called on me often to converse on 
 those subjects, carried me to the Horns, a pale ale- 
 house in lane, Cheapside, and introduced me 
 
 to Dr. Mandeville, author of the Fable of the Bees, 
 who had a club there, of which he was the soul, be- 
 ing a most facetious, entertaining companion. Ly- 
 ons, too, introduced me to Dr. Pemberton,* at Bas- 
 ton's Coflee-house, who promised to give me an op- 
 portunity, some time or other, of seeing Sir Isaac 
 Newton, of which 1 was extremely desirous ; but 
 this never happened. 
 
 I had brought over a few curiosities, among which 
 the principal was a purse made of the asbestos, which 
 purifies by fire. Sir Hans Sloane heard of it, came 
 to see me, invited me to his house in Bloomsbury 
 Square, showed me all his curiosities, and persuaded 
 me to add that to the number ; for which he paid me 
 handsomely. 
 
 At my first admission into the printing-house I 
 took to working at press, imagining I felt a want of 
 the bodily exercise I had been used to in America, 
 where presswork is mixed with the composing. I 
 drank only water ; the other workmen, near fifty in 
 number, were great drinkers of beer. On occasion, 
 I carried up and down stairs a large form of types 
 in each hand, when others carried but one in both 
 
 * F. R. S., author of " A View of Sir Isaac Newton's Phi- 
 losophy," and " A Treatise on Chymistry ;" died in 177J. 
 Vofc. L-6 
 
62 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 hands ; they wondered to see, from this and several 
 instances, that the Water American, as they called 
 me, was stronger than themselves who drank strong 
 beer ! We had an alehouse-boy, who attended al- 
 ways in the house to supply the workmen. My 
 companion at the press drank every day a pint be- 
 fore breakfast, a pint at breakfast with his bread and 
 cheese, a pint between breakfast and dinner, a pint 
 at dinner ; a pint in the afternoon about six o'clock, 
 and another when he had done his day's work. I 
 thought it a detestable custom ; but it was neces- 
 sary, he supposed, to drink strong beer, that he might 
 be strong to labour. I endeavoured to convince him 
 that the bodily strength afforded by beer could only 
 be in proportion to the grain or flour of the barley 
 dissolved in the water of which it was made ; that 
 there was more flour in a pennyworth of bread, and, 
 therefore, if he could eat that with a pint of water, it 
 would give him more strength than a quart of beer. 
 He drank on, however, and had four or five shiUings 
 to pay out of his wages every Saturday night for that 
 vile liquor : an expense I was free from ; and thus 
 these poor devils keep themselves always under. 
 
 Watts, after some weeks, desiring to have me in 
 the composing-room, 1 left the pressmen ; a new 
 iien venu for drink (being five shillings) was demand- 
 ed of me by the compositors. I thought it an im- 
 position, as I had paid one to the pressmen ; the 
 master thought so too, and forbade my paying it. 
 I stood out two or three weeks, was accordingly con- 
 sidered as an excommunicate, and had so many little 
 pieces of private malice practised on me, by mixing 
 my sorts, transposing and breaking my matter, &c., 
 &c., if ever I stepped out of the room, and all ascri- 
 bed to the chapel ghost, which they said ever haunt- 
 ed those not regularly admitted, that, notwithstand- 
 ing the master's protection, 1 found myself obliged 
 to comply and pay the money, convinced of the fol- 
 ly of being on ill terms with those one is to live 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 69 
 
 with continually. I was now on a fair footing with 
 them, and soon acquired considerable influence. I 
 proposed some reasonable alterations in their chapel* 
 laws, and carried them against all opposition. From 
 my example a great many of them left their mud- 
 dling breakfast of beer, bread and cheese, finding 
 they could with me be supplied from a neighbour- 
 ing house with a large porringer of hot water-gruel, 
 sprinkled with pepper, crumbled with bread, and a 
 bit of butter in it, for the price of a pint of beer, 
 viz., three halfpence. This was a more comfortable 
 as well as a cheaper breakfast, and kept their heads 
 clearer. Those who continued sotting with their 
 beer all day, were often, by not paying, out of credit 
 at the alehouse, and used to make interest with me 
 to get beer, their light, as they phrased it, being out. 
 I watched the pay-table on Saturday night, and col- 
 lected what I stood engaged for them, having to pay 
 sometimes near thirty shillings a week on their ac- 
 counts. This, and my being esteemed a pretty 
 good rig-ite, that is, a jocular verbal satirist, sup- 
 ported my consequence in the society. My con- 
 stant attendance (I never making a St. Monday) rec- 
 ommended me to the master ; and my uncommon 
 quickness at composing occasioned my being put 
 upon work of despatch, which was generally better 
 paid ; so I went on now very agreeably. 
 
 My lodgings in Little Britain being too remote, I 
 found another in Duke-street, opposite to the Ro- 
 mish Chapel. It was up three flights of stairs back- 
 ward, at an Italian warehouse. A widow lady 
 
 ♦ A printing-house is always called a chapel by the workmen, 
 because printing was first carried on in England in an ancient 
 chapel, and the title has been preserved by tradition. The bien 
 venu among the printers, answers to the terms entrance and 
 footing among mechanics ; thus a journeyman, on entering a 
 printing-house, was accustomed to pay one or more gallons of 
 beer /or the good of the chapel ; this custom was falling into dis- 
 use thirty years ago ; it is very properly rejected entirely in the 
 United States. 
 
64 LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 kept the house ; she had a daughter, and a maid- 
 servant, and a journeyman who attended the ware- 
 house, but lodged abroad. After sending to inquire 
 my character at the house where I last lodged, she 
 agreed to take me in at the same rate, 35. 6d. per 
 week ; cheaper, as she said, from the protection she 
 expected in having a man to lodge in the house. 
 She was a widow, an elderly woman ; had been bred 
 a Protestant, being a clergyman's daughter, but was 
 converted to the Cathohc religion by her husband, 
 whose memory she much revered ; had lived much 
 among people of distinction, and knew a thousand 
 anecdotes of them, as far back as Charles the Sec- 
 ond. She was lame in her knees with the gout, 
 and therefore seldom stirred out of her room, so she 
 sometimes wanted company; and hers was so high- 
 ly amusing to me, that I was sure to spend an even- 
 ing with her whenever she desired it. Our supper 
 was only half an anchovy each, on a very little slice 
 of bread and butter, and half a pint of ale between 
 us ; but the entertainment was in her conversation. 
 My always keeping good hours, and giving httle 
 trouble in the family, made her unwilling to part 
 with me ; so that, when 1 talked of a lodging I had 
 heard of nearer my business, for 2s. a week, which, 
 intent as I was on saving money, made some differ- 
 ence, she bid me not think of it, for she would abate 
 me 2s. a week for the future ; so I remained with 
 her at I5. 6d. as long as I stayed in London. 
 
 In a garret of her house there lived a maiden lady 
 of seventy, in the most retired manner, of whom 
 my landlady gave me this account : that she was a 
 Roman Catholic, had been sent abroad when young, 
 and lodged in a nunnery with an intent of becom- 
 ing a nun ; but, the country not agreeing with h^r, 
 she returned to England, where, there being no nun- 
 nery, she had vowed to lead the life of a nun as 
 near as might be done in those circumstances. Ac- 
 cordingly, she had given all her estate to charitable 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 65^ 
 
 purposes, reserving only twelve pounds a year to 
 live on, and out of this sum she still gave a part in 
 charity, living herself on water-gruel only, and 
 using no fire but to boil it. She had lived many 
 years in that garret, being permitted to remain there 
 gratis by successive Catholic tenants of the house 
 below, as they deemed it a blessing to have her 
 there. A priest visited her to confess her every 
 day : " from this I asked her," said my landlady, 
 " how she, as she lived, could possibly find so much 
 employment for a confessor." " Oh," said she, 
 "it is impossible to avoid vain thoughts.''^ I was 
 permitted once to visit her; she was cheerful and 
 polite, and conversed pleasantly. The room was 
 clean, but had no other furniture than a mattress, a 
 table with a crucifix, and a book, a stool which she 
 gave me to sit on, and a picture over the chimney 
 of St. Veronica displaying her handkerchief, with 
 the miraculous figure of Christ's bleeding face on 
 it, which she explained to me with great serious- 
 ness. She looked pale, but was never sick, and I 
 give it as another instance on how small an income 
 life and health may be supported. 
 
 At Watts's printing-house I contracted an ac- 
 quaintance with an ingenious man, one Wygate, 
 who, having wealthy relations, had been better edu- 
 cated than most printers ; was a tolerable Latinist, 
 spoke French, and loved reading. I taught him and 
 a friend of his to swim at twice going into the 
 river, and they soon became good swimmers. They 
 introduced me to some gentlemen from the country, 
 who went to Chelsea by water, to see the college 
 and Don Saltero's curiosities. In our return, at the 
 request of the company, whose curiosity Wygate 
 had excited, I stripped and leaped into the river, 
 and swam from near Chelsea to Blackfriars ; per- 
 forming in the way many feats of activity both upon 
 and under the water, that surprised and pleased 
 those to whom they were novelties. I had from a 
 0* 
 
66 LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 child been delighted with this exercise, had studied 
 and practised Thevenot's motions and positions, ad- 
 ded some of mine own, aiming at the graceful and 
 easy as well as the useful. All these I took this 
 occasion of exhibiting to the company, and was 
 much flattered by their admiration; and Wygate, 
 who was desirous of becoming a master, grew more 
 and more attached to me on that account, as well 
 as from the similarity of our studies. He at length 
 proposed to me travelling all over Europe together, 
 supporting ourselves everywhere by worlving at 
 our business. I was once inchned to it ; but men- 
 tioning it to my good friend Mr. Denham, with 
 whom 1 often spent an hour when I had leisure, he 
 dissuaded me from it, advising me to think only of 
 returning to Pennsylvania, which he was now about 
 to do. 
 
 I must record one trait of this good man's charac- 
 ter : he had formerly been in business at Bristol, 
 but failed in debt to a number of people, compound- 
 ed and went to America ; there, by a close appli- 
 cation to business as a merchant, he acquired a 
 plentiful fortune in a few years. Returning to Eng- 
 land in the ship with me, he invited his old credi- 
 tors to an entertainment, at which he thanked them 
 for the easy composition they had favoured him 
 with, and when they expected nothing but the treat, 
 every man at the first remove found under his plate 
 an order on a banker for the full amount of the un- 
 paid remainder, with interest. 
 
 He now told me he was about to return to Phila- 
 delphia, and should carry over a great quantity of 
 goods in order to open a store there. He proposed 
 to take me over as his clerk, to keep his books (in 
 which he would instruct me), copy his letters, and 
 attend the store ; he added, that, as soon as I should 
 be acquainted with mercantile business, he would 
 promote me, by sending me with a cargo of flour 
 and bread, i&c, to the West Indies, and procure me 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 67 
 
 commissions from others which would be profitable ; 
 and, if I managed well, would establish rae hand- 
 somely. The thing pleased me, for I was grown 
 tired of London ; remembered with pleasure the 
 happy months I had sp^nt in Pennsylvania, and 
 wished again to see it ; therefore I immediately 
 agreed on the terms of fifty pounds a year, Penn- 
 sylvania money ; less, indeed, than my present get- 
 tings as a compositor, but affording better prospects. 
 
 1 now took leave of printing, as I thought, for 
 ever, and was daily employed in my new business : 
 going about with Mr. Denham among the trades- 
 men, to purchase various articles and see them 
 packed up, delivering messages, caUing upon work- 
 men to despatch, &c. ; and, when all was on board, 
 1 had a few days' leisure. On one of these days I 
 was, to my surprise, sent for by a great man, I knew 
 only by name (Sir William Wyndham), and I wait- 
 ed upon him ; he had heard, by some means or other, 
 of my swimming from Chelsea to Blackfriars, and 
 of my teaching Wygate and another young man to 
 swim in a few hours : he had two sons, about to 
 set out on their travels ; he wished to have them 
 first taught swimming, and proposed to gratify me 
 handsomely if I would teach them. They were 
 not yet come to town, and my stay was uncertain, 
 so r could not undertake it ; but from the incident 
 I thought it likely, that if I were to remain in Eng- 
 land and open a swimming school, I might get a 
 good deal of money ; and it struck me so strongly, 
 that, had the overture been made me sooner, proba- 
 bly I should not so soon have returned to America. 
 Many years after, you and I had something of more 
 importance to do with one of those sons of Sir Wil- 
 liam Wyndham, become Earl of Egremont, which I 
 shall mention in its place. 
 
 Thus I passed about eighteen months in London ; 
 most part of the time I worked hard at my busi- 
 ness, and spent but little upon myself, except in 
 
68 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 seeing plays and in books. My friend Ralph had 
 kept me poor ; he owed me about twenty-seven 
 pounds, which I was now never hkely to receive; 
 a great sum out of my small earnings ! I loved 
 him, notwithstanding, for he had many amiable 
 qualities. I had improved my knowledge, howev- 
 er, though I had by no means improved my fortune ; 
 but I had made some very ingenious acquaintance, 
 whose conversation was of great advantage to me, 
 and I had read considerably. 
 
 We sailed from Gravesend on the 23d of July, 
 1726. For the incidents of the voyage I refer you 
 to my journal, where you will find them all mi- 
 nutely related. Perhaps the most important part 
 of that journal is the plan to be found in it, which I 
 formed at sea, for regulating the future conduct of 
 my life. It is the more remarkable as being form- 
 ed when I was so young, and yet being pretty faith- 
 fully adhered to quite through to old age. 
 
 We landed at Philadelphia the 11th of October, 
 where I found sundry alterations. Keith was no 
 longer governor, being superseded by Major Gor- 
 don ; I met him walking the streets as a commoa 
 citizen ; he seemed a little ashamed at seeing me, 
 and passed without saying anything. I should have 
 been as much ashamed at seeing Miss Read, had 
 not her friends, despairing with reason of my re- 
 turn after the receipt of my letter, persuaded her 
 to marry another, one Rogers, a potter, which was 
 done in my absence. With him, however, she was 
 never happy, and soon parted from him, refusing to 
 cohabit with him or bear his name, it being naw 
 said he had another wife. He was a worthless fel- 
 low, though an excellent workman, which was the 
 temptation to her friends ; he got into debt, ran 
 away in 1727 or 1728, went to the West Indies, and 
 died there. Keimer had got a better house, a shop 
 well supplied with stationary, plenty of new types, 
 and a number of hands, though none good, and 
 seemed to have a great deal of business. 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 69 
 
 Mr. Denham took a store in Water-street, where 
 we opened our goods ; I attended the business dili- 
 gently, studied accounts, and grew in a little time 
 expert at selling. We lodged and boarded togeth- 
 er; he counselled me as a frither, having a sincere 
 regard for me : I respected and loved him, and we 
 might have gone on together very happily, but in 
 the beginning of February, 1727, when 1 had just 
 passed my twenty-first year, we both were taken 
 ill. My distemper was a pleurisy, which very 
 nearly carried me off; I suffered a good deal, gave 
 up the point in my own mind, and was at the time 
 rather disappointed when 1 found myself recover- 
 ing; regretting in some degree that I must now, 
 some time or other, have all that disagreeable work 
 to go over again. I forget what Mr. Denham's dis- 
 temper was ; it held him a long time, and at length 
 carried him off. He left me a small legacy in a 
 nuncupative will, as a token of his kindness to me, 
 and he left me once more to the wide world, for the 
 store was taken into the care of his executors, and 
 my employment under him ended. My brother-in- 
 law, Holmes, being now at Philadelphia, advised my 
 return to my business ; and Keimer tempted me 
 with an offer of large wages by the year, to come 
 %nd take the management of his printing-house, 
 that he might better attend to his stationer's shop. 
 I had heard a bad character of him in London from 
 his wife and her friends, and was not for having 
 any more to do with him. I wished for employ- 
 ment as a merchant's clerk, but not meeting with 
 any, I closed again with Keimer. I found in his 
 house these hands : Hugh Meredith, a Welsh Penn- 
 sylvanian, thirty years of age, bred to country 
 work; he was honest, sensible, a man of experi- 
 ence, and fond of reading, but addicted to drinking. 
 Stephen Potts, a young countryman of full age, bred 
 to the same, of uncommon natural parts, and great 
 wit and humour, but a little idle. These he had 
 
70 LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 agreed with at extreme low wages per week, to be 
 raised a shilling every three months as they should 
 deserve by improving in their business; and the ex- 
 pectation of these high wages to come on hereafter 
 was what he had drawn them in with. Meredith 
 was to work at press, Potts at bookbinding, which 
 he, by agreement, was to teach them, though he 
 knew neither one nor the other. John Savage, an 
 Irishman, brought up to no business, whose service 
 for four years Keimer had purchased from the cap- 
 tain of a ship ; he too was to be made a pressman. 
 George Webb, an Oxford scholar, whose time for 
 four years he had likewise bought, intending him 
 for a compositor (of whom more presently), and 
 David Harry, a country boy, whom he had taken 
 apprentice. 
 
 I soon perceived that the intention of engaging 
 me, at wages so much higher than he had been used 
 to give, was to have these raw, cheap hands formed 
 through me ; and, as soon as I had instructed them 
 (they being all articled to him), he should be able to 
 do without me. I went, however, very cheerfully, 
 put his printing-house in order, which had been in 
 great confusion, and brought his hands by degrees 
 to mind their business, and to do it better. 
 
 It w^as an odd thing to find an Oxford scholar ia 
 the situation of a bought servant ; he was not more 
 than eighteen years of age; he gave me this ac- 
 count of himself : that he was born in Gloucester, 
 educated at a grammar-school, and had been dis- 
 tinguished among the scholars for some apparent 
 superiority in performing his part when they ex- 
 hibited plays ; belonged to the Wit's club there, and 
 had written some pieces in prose and verse, which 
 were printed in the Gloucester newspapers ; thence 
 was sent to Oxford ; there he continued about a 
 year, but not well satisfied, wishing of all things to 
 see London and become a player. At length, re- 
 ceiving his quarterly allowance of fifteen guineas, 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 71 
 
 instead of discharging his debts he went out of 
 town, hid his gown in a furz bush, and walked to 
 London, where, having no friend to advise him, he 
 fell into bad company, soon spent his guineas, found 
 no means of being introduced among the players, 
 grew necessitous, pawned his clothes, and wanted 
 bread. Walking the street, very hungry, and not 
 knowing what to do with himself, a crimp's bill was 
 put into his hand, offering immediate entertainment 
 and encouragement to such as would bind them- 
 selves to serve in America ; he went directly, sign- 
 ed the indentures, was put into the ship, and came 
 over, never writing a line to his friends to acquaint 
 them what was become of him. He was lively, 
 witty, good-natured, and a pleasant companion ; but 
 idle, thoughtless, and imprudent to the last degree. 
 
 John, the Irishman, soon ran away ; with the rest 
 I began to live very agreeably, for they all respect- 
 ed me the more, as they found Keimer incapable of 
 instructing them, and that from me they learned 
 something daily. My acquaintance with ingenious 
 people in the town increased. We never worked 
 on Saturday, that being Keimer's Sabbath, so that I 
 had two days for reading. Keimer himself treated 
 me with great civility and apparent regard, and no- 
 thing now made me uneasy but my debt to Vernon, 
 which 1 was yet unable to pay, being hitherto but a 
 poor economist ; he, however, kindly made no de- 
 mand of it. 
 
 Our printing-house often wanted sorts, and there 
 was no letter foundry in America. I had seen 
 types cast at James's in London, but without much 
 attention to the manner ; however, I now contrived 
 a mould, and made use of the letters we had as 
 puncheons, struck the matrices in lead, and thus 
 supplied, in a pretty tolerable way, all deficiencies. 
 I also engraved several things on occasion ; made 
 the ink ; I was warehouse-man, and, in short, quite 
 a. factotum. 
 
72 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 But, however serviceable I might be, I found that 
 my services became every day of less importance, 
 as the other hands improved in their business ; and 
 when Keimer paid me a second quarter's wages, he 
 let me know that he felt them too heavy, and 
 thought 1 should make an abatement. He grew by 
 degrees less civil, put on more the airs of master, 
 frequently found fault, was captious, and seemed 
 ready for an outbreaking. I went on, nevertheless, 
 with a good deal of patience, thinking that his en- 
 cumbered circumstances were partly the cause. At 
 length a trifle snapped our connexion ; for a great 
 noise happening near the courthouse, I put my 
 head out of the window to see what was the mat- 
 ter. Keimer, being in the street, looked up and saw 
 me ; called out to me in a loud voice and an angry 
 tone, to mind my business ; adding some reproach- 
 ful words, that nettled me the more for their pub- 
 licity ; all the neighbours, who were looking out on 
 the same occasion, being witnesses how I was treat- 
 ed. He came up immediately into the printing- 
 house ; continued the quarrel ; high words passed 
 on both sides ; he gave me the quarter's warning we 
 had stipulated, expressing a wish that he had not 
 been obhged to so long a warning. I told him his 
 wish was unnecessary, for I would leave him that 
 instant ; and so, taking my hat, walked out of doors, 
 desiring Meredith, whom I saw below, to take care 
 of some things I left and bring them to my lodgings. 
 
 Meredith came accordingly in the evening, when 
 we talked my affair over. He had conceived a great 
 regard for me, and was very unwilhng that I should 
 leave the house while he remained "in it. He dis- 
 suaded me from returning to my native country, 
 which I began to think of; he reminded me that 
 Keimer was in debt for all he possessed ; that his 
 creditors began to be uneasy ; that he kept his shop 
 miserably, sold often without a profit for ready 
 money, and often trusted without keeping accounts ; 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 73 
 
 that he must therefore fail, which would make a 
 vacancy I might profit of. I objected my want of 
 money. He then let me know that his father had 
 a high opinion of me, and, from some discourse that 
 had passed between them, he was sure he would 
 advance money to set me up, if I would enter into 
 partnership with him. My time, said he, will be out 
 with Keimer in the spring ; by that time we may 
 hav^ our press and types in from London. I am 
 sensible I am no workman : if you like it, your skill 
 in the business shall be set against the stock I fur- 
 nish, and we will share the profits equally. The 
 proposal was agreeable to me, and I consented ; his 
 father was in town and approved of it ; the more, he 
 said, as I had great influence with his son ; had pre- 
 vailed on him to abstain long from dram-drinking, 
 and he hoped might break him of that wretched habit 
 entirely when we came to be so closely connected. 
 I gave an inventory to the father, who carried it to a 
 merchant : the things were sent for, the secret was 
 to be kept till they should arrive, and in the mean 
 time I was to get work, if I could, at the other 
 printing-house. But I found no vacancy there, and 
 so remained idle a few days, when Keimer, on a 
 prospect of being employed to print some paper 
 money in New-Jersey, which would require cuts and 
 various types that I only could supply, and appre- 
 hending Bradford might engage me and get the job 
 from him, sent me a very civil message, that old 
 friends should not part for a few words, the effect of 
 sudden passion, and wishing me to return. Mere- 
 dith persuaded me to comply, as it would give more 
 opportunity for his improvement under my daily in- 
 structions ; so I returned, and we went on more 
 smoothly than for some time before. The New- 
 Jersey job was obtained ; I contrived a copperplate 
 press for it, the first that had been seen in the coun- 
 try ; I cut several ornaments and checks for the 
 bills. We went together to Burlington, where I ex- 
 YoL. 1.-7 
 
74 I'IFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 edited the whole to satisfaction ; and he received 
 so large a sum for the work as to be enabled there- 
 by to keep himself longer from ruin. 
 
 At Burlington I made an acquaintance with many 
 principal people of the province. Several of them 
 had been appointed by the Assembly a committee 
 to attend the press, and take care that no more bills 
 were printed than the law directed. They were, 
 therefore, by turns, constantly with us, and gener- 
 ally he who attended brought with him a friend or 
 two for company. My mind having been much 
 more improved by reading than Keimer's, I suppose 
 it was for that reason my conversation seemed to 
 be more valued. They had me to their houses, in- 
 troduced me to their friends, and showed me much 
 civility ; while he, though the master, was a little 
 neglected. In truth, he was an odd creature ; ig- 
 norant of common life, fond of rudely opposing re- 
 ceived opinions ; slovenly to extreme dirtiness ; en- 
 thusiastic in some points of religion, and a Httle 
 knavish withal. We continued there near three 
 months, and by that time I could reckon among my 
 acquired friends Judge Allen, Samuel Bustill, the 
 secretary of the province, Isaac Pearson, Joseph 
 Cooper, and several of the Smiths, members of As- 
 sembly, and Isaac Decow, the surveyor-general. 
 The latter was a shrewd, sagacious old man, who 
 told me that he began for himself, when young, by 
 wheehng clay for the brickmakers, learned to write 
 after he was of age, carried the chain for survey- 
 ors, who taught him surveying, and he had now, by 
 his industry, acquired a good estate ; and, said he, I 
 foresee you will soon work this man out of his busi- 
 ness, and make a fortune in it at Philadelphia. He 
 had then not the least intimation of my intention to 
 set up there or anywhere. These friends u^ere af- 
 terward of great use to me, as I occasionally was 
 to some of them. They all continued their regard 
 for me as long as they Irved. 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 75 
 
 Before I enter upon my public appearance in bu- 
 siness, it may be well to let you know the then 
 state of my mind with regard to my principles and 
 morals, that you may see how far those influenced 
 the future events of my life. My parents had early 
 given me religious impressions, and brought me 
 through my childhood piously in the dissenting way. 
 But I was scarce fifteen, when, after doubting by 
 turns several points, as I found them disputed in the 
 different books I read, I began to doubt of the rev- 
 elation itself. Some books against Deism fell into 
 my hands ; they were said to be the substance of 
 the sermons which had been preached at Boyle's 
 Lectures. It happened that they wrought an effect 
 on me quite contrary to what was intended by 
 them ; for the arguments of the Deists, which were 
 quoted to be refuted, appeared to me much stronger 
 than the refutation ; in short, I soon became a thor- 
 ough Deist. My arguments perverted some others, 
 particularly Collins and Ralph : but each of these 
 having wronged me greatly without the least com- 
 punction ; and recollecting Keith's conduct towards 
 me (who was another freethinker), and my own to- 
 wards Vernon and Miss Read, which at times gave 
 me great trouble, I began to suspect that this doc- 
 trine, though it might be true, was not very useful. 
 My London pamphlet (printed in 1725) — which had 
 for its motto these lines of Dryden : 
 
 " Whatever is, is right. Though purblind man 
 Sees but a part o' the chain, the nearest link, 
 His eye not carrying to that equal beam 
 That poises all above—" 
 
 and which, from the attributes of God, his infinite 
 wisdom, goodness, and power, concluded that no- 
 thing could possibly be wrong in the world ; and 
 that vice and virtue were empty distinctions, no 
 such things existing — appeared now not so clever a 
 performance as I once thought it ; and I doubted 
 
76 LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 whether some error had not insinuated itself unper- 
 ceived into my argument, so as to infect all that 
 followed, as is common in metaphysical reasonings. 
 I grew convinced that truth, sincerity, and integrity y 
 in dealings between man and man, were of the ut- 
 most importance to the felicity of life ; and I formed 
 "Written resolutions (which still remain in my jour- 
 nal-book) to practise them ever while I lived. Rev- 
 elation had indeed no weight with me as such ; but 
 I entertained an opinion that, though certain ac- 
 tions might not be bad because they were forbidden 
 by it, or good because it commanded them, yet 
 probably those actions might be forbidden because 
 they were bad for us, or commanded because they 
 were beneficial to us, in their own natures, all the 
 circumstances of things considered. And this per- 
 suasion, with the kind hand of Providence, or some 
 guardian angel, or accidental favourable circum- 
 stances and situations, or all together, preserved 
 me through the dangerous time of youth and the 
 hazardous situations I was sometimes in among 
 strangers, remote from the eye and advice of my fa- 
 ther, free from any wilful gross immorality or in- 
 justice that might have been expected from my 
 want of rehgion ; 1 say wilful, because the instances 
 I have mentioned had something of necessity in 
 them, from my youth, inexperience, and the knavery 
 of others : I had, therefore, a tolerable character to 
 begin the world with ; I valued it properly, and de- 
 termined to preserve it. 
 
 We had not been long returned to Philadelphia 
 before the new types arrived from London. We 
 settled with Keimer, and left him by his consent 
 before he heard of it. We found a house to hire 
 near the market, and took it. To lessen the rent 
 (which was then but twenty-four pounds a year, 
 though I have since known it to let for seventy), we 
 took in Thomas Godfrey, a glazier, and his family, 
 who were to pay a considerable part of it to us, 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 77 
 
 and we to board with them. We had scarce open- 
 ed our letters and put our press in order, before 
 George House, an acquaintance of mine, brought a 
 countryman to us, whom he had met in the street 
 inquiring for a printer. All our cash was now ex- 
 pended in the variety of particulars we had been 
 obhged to procure, and this countryman's five shil- 
 lings, being our first fruits, and coming so season- 
 ably, gave me more pleasure than any crown I 
 have since earned ; and, from the gratitude I felt to- 
 wards House, has made me often more ready than 
 perhaps I otherwise should have been, to assist 
 young beginners. 
 
 There are croakers in every country always bo- 
 ding its ruin. Such a one there lived in Philadel- 
 phia, a person of note, an elderly man, with a wise 
 look and a very grave manner of speaking; his 
 name was Samuel Mickle. This gentleman, a 
 stranger to me, stopped me one day at my door, 
 and asked me if I was the young man who had lately 
 opened a new printing-house. Being answered in 
 the affirmative, he said he was sorry for me, be- 
 cause it was an expensive undertaking, and the ex- 
 pense would be lost, for Philadelphia was a sinking 
 place ; the people already half bankrupts, or near be- 
 ing so ; all the appearances of the country, such as 
 new buildings and the rise of rents, being to his cer- 
 tain knowledge fallacious ; for they were, in fact, 
 among the things that would ruin us. Then he 
 gave me such a detail of misfortunes now existing, 
 or that were soon to exist, that he left me half 
 melancholy. Had I known him before I engaged 
 in this business, probably I never should have done 
 it. This person continued to live in this decaying 
 place, and to declaim in the same strain, refusing 
 for many years to buy a house there, because all 
 was going to destruction ; and at last I had the 
 pleasure of seeing him give five times as much for 
 7* 
 
78 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 one as he might have bought it for when he first be- 
 gan croaking. 
 
 I should have mentioned before, that in the au- 
 tumn of the preceding year I had formed most of 
 my ingenious acquaintance into a club for mutual 
 improvement, which we called the Junto ; we met 
 on Friday evenings. The rules that I drew up re- 
 quired that every member in his turn should pro- 
 duce one or more queries on any point of morals, 
 politics, or natural philosophy, to be discussed by 
 the company ; and once in three months produce 
 and read an essay of his own writing, on any sub- 
 ject he pleased. Our debates were to be under the 
 direction of a president, and to be conducted in the 
 sincere spirit of inquiry after truth, without fond- 
 ness for dispute* or desire of victory; and to pre- 
 vent warmth, all expressions of positiveness in 
 opinions or direct contradiction were after some 
 time made contraband, and prohibited under small 
 pecuniary penalties. 
 
 The first members were Joseph Brientnal, a copi- 
 er of deeds for the scriveners ; a good-natured, 
 friendly, middle-aged man, a great lover of poetry, 
 reading all he could meet with, and writing some 
 that was tolerable ; very ingenious in making little 
 knickknackeries, and of sensible conversation- 
 Thomas Godfrey^ a self-taught mathematician, 
 great in his way, and afterward inventor of what is 
 now called Hadley's Quadrant. But he knew little 
 out of his way, and was not a pleasing companion ; 
 as, like most great mathematicians I have met with, 
 he expected universal precision in everything said, 
 or was for ever denying or distinguishing upon tri- 
 fles, to the disturbance of all conversation ; he soon 
 left Hs. 
 
 Nicholas ScuTl, a surveyor, afterward surveyor- 
 general, who loved books, and sometimes made a 
 few verses. 
 William Parsons, bred a shoema;k«r, but loving 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 79 
 
 reading, had acquired a considerable share of math- 
 ematics, which he first studied with a view to as- 
 trology, and afterward laughed at it; he also be- 
 came surveyor-general. 
 
 Wilham Maugridge, joiner, but a most exquisite 
 mechanic, and a solid, sensible man. 
 
 Hugh Meredith, Stephen Potts, and George Webb, 
 I have characterized before. 
 
 Robert Grace, a young gentleman of some fortune, 
 generous, lively, and witty ; a lover of punning and 
 of his friends. 
 
 Lastly, Wilham Coleman, then a merchant's clerk, 
 about my age, who had the coolest, clearest head, 
 the best heart, and the exactest morals of almost 
 any man I ever met with. He became afterward a 
 merchant of great note, and one of our provincial 
 judges. Our friendship continued without interrup- 
 tion to his death, upward of forty years ; and the 
 club continued almost as long, and was the best 
 school of philosophy, morality, and politics that 
 then existed in the province ; for our queries (which 
 were read the week preceding their discussion) 
 put us upon reading with attention on the several 
 subjects, that we might speak more to the purpose : 
 and here, too, we acquired better habits of conver- 
 sation, everything being studied in our rules which 
 might prevent our disgusting each other ; hence the 
 long continuance of the club, which I shall have 
 frequent occasion to speak farther of hereafter. 
 But my giving this account of it here is to show 
 something of the interest I had, every one of these 
 exerting themselves in recommending business to 
 us. Brientnal particularly procured us from the 
 Quakers the printing of forty sheets of their his- 
 tory, the rest being to be done by Keimer; and 
 upon these we worked exceeding hard, for the price 
 was low. It was a folio, pro pairia size, in pica, 
 with long-primer notes. 1 composed a sheet a day, 
 and Meredith worked it off at press ; it was often 
 
80 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 eleven at night, and sometimes later, before 1 had 
 finished my distribution for the next day's work; 
 for the little jobs sent in by our other friends now 
 and then put us back. But so determined I was 
 to continue doing a sheet a day of the folio, that 
 one night, when, having imposed my forms, I thought 
 my day's work over, one of them by accident was 
 broken, and two pages reduced to pi, I immediate- 
 ly distributed and composed it over again before I 
 went to bed ; and this industry, visible to our neigh- 
 bours, began to give us character and credit ; par- 
 ticularly, I was told, that mention being made of the 
 new printing-office at the merchants' every-night 
 club, the general opinion was that it must fail, there 
 being already two printers in the place, Keimerand 
 Bradford; but Dr. Baird (whom you and I saw 
 many years after at his native place, St. Andrew's 
 in Scotland), gave a contrary opinion : " For the 
 industry of that Franklin," said he, " is superior to 
 anything I ever saw of the kind ; I see him still at 
 work when I go home from the club, and he is at 
 work again before his neighbours are out of bed." 
 This struck the rest, and we soon after had offers 
 from one of them to supply us with stationary ; but, 
 as yet, we did not choose to engage in shop busi- 
 ness. 
 
 I mention this industry the more particularly and 
 the more freely, though it seems to be talking in my 
 own praise, tha^ those of my posterity who shall 
 read it may know the use of that virtue, when they 
 see its effects in my favour throughout this relation. 
 
 George Webb, who had found a female friend that 
 lent him wherewith to purchase his time of Keimer, 
 now came to offer himself as a journeyman to us. 
 We could not then employ him ; but 1 foolishly let 
 him know, as a secret, that I soon intended to be- 
 gin a newspaper, and might then have work for 
 him. My hopes of success, as I told him, were 
 founded on this, that the then only newspaper, 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 81 
 
 printed by Bradford, was a paltry thing, wretchedly 
 managed, no way entertaining, and yet was profit- 
 able to him ; I therefore freely thought a good pa- 
 per would scarcely fail of good encouragement. I 
 requested Webb not to mention it, but he told it to 
 Keimer, who immediately, to be beforehand with 
 me, published proposals for one himself, on which 
 Webb was to be employed. I was vexed at this, 
 and to counteract them, not being able to commence 
 our paper, I wrote several amusing pieces for Brad- 
 ford's paper, under the title of the Busybody, which 
 Brientnal continued some months. By this means 
 the attention of the public was fixed on that paper^ 
 and Keimer's proposals, which we burlesqued and 
 ridiculed, were disregarded. He began his paper, 
 however, and before carrying it on three quarters 
 of a year, with at most only ninety subscribers, he 
 offered it me for a trifle ; and I having been ready 
 some time to go on with it, took it in hand direct- 
 ly, and it proved in a few years extremely profita- 
 ble to me. 
 
 I perceive that I am apt to speak in the singular 
 number, though our partnership still continued ; it 
 may be that, in fact, the whole management of the 
 business lay upon me. Meredith was no composi- 
 tor, a poor pressman, and seldom sober. My friends 
 lamented my connexion with him, but 1 was to 
 make the best of it. 
 
 Our first papers made quite a different appearance 
 from any before printed in the province ; a better 
 type, and better printed ; but some remarks of my 
 writing on the dispute then going on between Gov- 
 ernor Burnet and the Massachusetts Assembly, 
 struck the principal people, occasioned the paper 
 and the manager of it to be much talked of, and in 
 a few weeks brought them all to be our subscribers. 
 
 Their example was followed by many, and our 
 number went on growing continually. This was 
 one of the first good effects of my having learned 
 
82 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 a little to scribble; another was, that the leading 
 men, seeing a newspaper now in the hands of those 
 who could also handle a pen, thought it convenient 
 to oblige and encourage me. Bradford still printed 
 the votes, and laws, and other public business. He 
 had printed an address of the house to the govern- 
 or in a coarse, blundering manner; we reprinted 
 it elegantly and correctly, and sent one to every 
 member. They were sensible of the difference ; it 
 strengthened the hands of our friends in the house ; 
 and they voted us their printers for the year en- 
 suing. 
 
 Among my friends in the house I must not for- 
 get Mr. Hamilton, before mentioned, who was then 
 returned from England, and had a seat in it. He 
 interested himself for me strongly in that instance, 
 as he did in many others afterward, continuing his 
 patronage till his death.* 
 
 Mr. Vernon, about this time, put me in mind of 
 the debt I owed him, but did not press me. I wrote 
 him an ingenuous letter of acknowledgment, craving 
 his forbearance a little longer, which he allowed 
 me ; as soon as I was able, 1 paid the principal with 
 the interest, and many thanks : so that erratum was 
 in some degree corrected. 
 
 But now another difficulty came upon me which 
 I had never the least reason to expect. Mr. Mere- 
 dith's father, who was to have paid for our printing- 
 house, according to the expectations given me, was 
 able to advance only one hundred pounds currency, 
 which had been paid ; and a hundred more was due 
 to the merchant, who grew impatient, and sued us 
 all. We gave bail, but saw that, if the money could 
 not be raised in time, the suit must soon come to 
 a judgment and execution, and our hopeful pros- 
 pects must with us be ruined, as the press and let- 
 ters must be sold for payment, perhaps at half price. 
 
 * 1 afterward obtained for his son five hundred pounds. 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 83 
 
 In this distress two true friends, whose kindness I 
 have never forgotten, nor ever shall forget while 1 
 can remember anything, came to me separately, un- 
 known to each other, and without any application 
 from me, offered each of them to advance me all 
 the money that should be necessary to enable me 
 to take the whole business upon myself, if that 
 should be practicable ; but they did not like my con- 
 tinuing the partnership with Meredith, who, as they 
 said, was often seen drunk in the street, playing at 
 low games in alehouses much to our discredit ; these 
 two friends were William Coleman and Robert Grace. 
 I told them I could not propose a separation while 
 any prospect remained of the Merediths fulfilling 
 their part of our agreement, because 1 thought my- 
 self under great obligations to them for what they 
 had done and would do if they could : but if they 
 finally failed in their performance, and our partner- 
 ship must be dissolved, I should then think myself 
 at liberty to accept the assistance of my friends : 
 thus the matter rested for some time ; when I said 
 to my partner, perhaps your father is dissatisfied at 
 the part you have undertaken in this affair of ours, 
 and is unwilling to advance for you and me what 
 he would for you 1 If that is the case, tell me, and 
 I will resign the whole to you, and go about my 
 business. No, said he, my father has really been 
 disappointed, and is really unable ; and I am un- 
 willing to distress him farther. I see this is a busi- 
 ness I am not fit for. I was bred a farmer, and it 
 was a folly in me to come to town and put myself, 
 at thirty years of age, an apprentice to learn a new 
 trade. Many of our Welsh people are going to 
 settle in North Carolina, where land is cheap. I 
 am inclined to go with them, and follow my old em- 
 ployment : you may find friends to assist you : if 
 you will take the debts of the company upon you, 
 return to my father the hundred pounds he has ad- 
 vanced, pay my little personal debts, and give me 
 
84 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 thirty pounds and a new saddle, I will relinqnish 
 the partnership, and leave the whole in your hands. 
 I agreed to this proposal; it was drawn up in wri- 
 ting, signed and sealed immediately. I gave him 
 what he demanded, and he went soon after to Caro- 
 lina; whence he sent me, next year, two long let- 
 ters, containing the best account that had been giv- 
 en of that country, the climate, the soil, husbandry, 
 &c., for in those matters he was very judicious : I 
 printed them in the papers, and they gave great sat- 
 isfaction to the public. 
 
 As soon as he was gone I recurred to my two 
 friends ; and because I would not give an unkind 
 preference to either, I took half what each had of- 
 fered, and I wanted, of one, and half of the other; 
 paid off the company's debts, and went on with the 
 business in my own name, advertising that the 
 partnership was dissolved. I think this was in or 
 about the year 1729. 
 
 About this time there was a cry among the peo- 
 ple for more paper money ; only fifteeen thousand 
 pounds being extant in the province, and that soon 
 to be sunk. The wealth)'^ inhabitants opposed any 
 addition, being against all currency, from the ap- 
 prehension that it would depreciate, as it had done 
 in New-England, to the injury of all creditors. We 
 had discussed this point in our junto, where I 
 was on the side of an addition; being persuaded 
 that the first small sum, struck in 1723, had done 
 much good by increasing the trade, employment, 
 and number of inhabitants in the province ; since I 
 now saw all the old houses inhabited, and many 
 new ones building: whereas I remembered well, 
 when I first walked about the streets of Philadel- 
 phia (eating my roll), I saw many of the houses in 
 Walnut-street, between Second and Front streets, 
 with bills on their doors " to he let ;" and many, 
 likewise, in Chestnut-street and other streets, 
 which made me think the inhabitants of the city 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 85 
 
 were one after another deserting it. Our debates 
 possessed me so fully of the subject, that I wrote 
 and printed an anonymous pamphlet on it, entitled, 
 *' The Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency.^'' 
 It was well received by the common people in gen- 
 eral, but the rich men disliked it, for it increased 
 and strengthened the clamour for more money ; and 
 they happening to have no writers among them that 
 were able to answer it, their opposition slackened, 
 and the point was carried by a majority in the house. 
 My friends there, who considered 1 had been of 
 some service, thought fit to reward me by employ- 
 ing me in printing the money ; a very profitable 
 job, and a great help to me ; this was another ad- 
 vantage gained by my being able to write. 
 
 The utility of this currency became by time and 
 experience so evident, that the principles upon 
 which it was founded were never afterward much 
 disputed ; so that it grew soon to fifty-five thousand 
 pounds ; and in 1739, to eighty thousand pounds, 
 trade, building, and inhabitants all the while in- 
 creasing : though I now think there are limits be- 
 yond which the quantity may be hurtful. 
 
 I soon after obtained, through my friend Hamilton, 
 the printing of the Newcastle paper money, another 
 profitable job, as I then thought it, small things ap- 
 pearing great to those in small circumstances : and 
 these to me were really great advantages, as they 
 were great encouragements. Mr. Hamilton pro- 
 cured me also the printing of the laws and votes of 
 that government, which continued in my hands as 
 long as I followed the business. 
 
 I now opened a small stationer's shop : I had in 
 it blanks of all kinds, the correctest that ever ap- 
 peared among us. I was assisted in that by my 
 friend Breintnal : I had also paper, parchment, chap- 
 men's books, &c. One Whitemash, a compositor I 
 had known in London, an excellent workman, now 
 came to me, and worked with me constantly and 
 
 Vol. L— 8 
 
86 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 diligently; and I took an apprentice, the son of 
 Aquilla Rose. 
 
 I began now gradually to pay off the debt I was 
 under for the printing-house. In order to secure 
 my credit and character as a tradesman, I took care 
 not only to be in reality industrious and frugal, but 
 to avoid the appearances to the contrary. I dressed 
 plain, and was seen at no places of idle diversion: 
 I never went out a fishing or shooting : a book, in- 
 deed, sometimes debauched me from my work, but 
 that was seldom, was private, and gave no scandal : 
 and to show that I was not above my business, I 
 sometimes brought home the paper I purchased at 
 the stores through the streets on a wheelbarrow. 
 Thus, being esteemed an industrious, thriving young 
 man, and paying duly for what 1 bought, the mer- 
 chants who imported stationary solicited my cus- 
 tom ; others proposed supplying me with books, and 
 I went on prosperously. In the mean time Kei- 
 mer's credit and business declining daily, he was at 
 last forced to sell his printing-house to satisfy his 
 creditors. He went to Barbadoes, and there lived 
 some years in very poor circumstances. 
 
 His apprentice, David Harry, whom I had in- 
 structed while I worked with him, set up in his place 
 at Philadelphia, having bought his materials. I was 
 at first apprehensive of a powerful rival in Harry, 
 as his friends were very able, and had a good deal 
 of interest : I therefore proposed a partnership to 
 him, which he, fortunately for me, rejected with 
 scorn. He was very proud, dressed like a gentle- 
 man, lived expensively, took much diversion and 
 pleasure abroad, ran in debt, and neglected his busi- 
 ness ; upon which, all business left him ; and, finding 
 nothing to do, he followed Keimer to Barbadoes, 
 taking the priming-house with him. There this ap- 
 prentice employed his former master as a journey- 
 man; they quarrelled often, and Harry went contin- 
 ually behindhand, and at length was obliged to sell 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 87 
 
 his types and return to country-work in Pennsyl- 
 vania. The person who bought them employed 
 Keimer to use them, but a few years after he died. 
 
 There remained now no other printer in Philadel- 
 phia but the old Bradford; but he was rich and 
 easy, did a little in the business by straggling hands, 
 but was not anxious about it : however, as he held 
 the postoffice, it was imagined he had better oppor- 
 tunities of obtaining news, his paper was thought a 
 better distributor of advertisements than mine, and 
 therefore had many more ; which was a profitable 
 thing to him, and a disadvantage to me. For though 
 I did indeed receive and send papers by the post, yet 
 the public opinion was otherwise ; for what I did send 
 was by bribing the riders, who took them privately ; 
 Bradford being unkind enough to forbid it, which 
 occasioned some resentment on my part, and I 
 thought so meanly of the practice, that, when I af- 
 terward came into his situation, 1 took care never 
 to imitate it. 
 
 I had hitherto continued to board with Godfrey, 
 who lived in part of my house with his wife and 
 children, and had one side of the shop for his gla- 
 zier's business, though he worked little, being al- 
 ways absorbed in his mathematics. Mrs. Godfrey 
 projected a match for me with a relation's daughter, 
 took opportunities of bringing us often together, till 
 a serious courtship on my part ensued, the girl being 
 in herself very deserving. The old folks encouraged 
 me by continual invitations to supper, and by leav- 
 ing us together, till at length it was time to explain. 
 Mrs. Godfrey managed our little treaty. I let her 
 know that I expected as much money with their 
 daughter as would pay oft' my remaining debt for the 
 printing-house ; which I believe was not then above 
 a hundred pounds. She brought me word they had 
 no such sum to spare : I said they might mortgage 
 their house in the loan office. The answer to this 
 after some days was, that they did not approve the 
 
88 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 match ; that, on inquiry of Bradford, they had been 
 informed the printing business was not a profitable 
 one ; the types would soon be worn out, and more 
 wanted ; that Keimer and David Harry had failed 
 one after the other, and 1 should probably soon fol- 
 low them ; and, therefore, I was forbidden the house, 
 and the daughter shut up. Whether this was a real 
 change of sentiment, or only artifice on a supposi- 
 tion of our being too far engaged in affection to re- 
 tract, and therefore that we should steal a marriage, 
 which would leave them at liberty to give or with- 
 hold what they pleased, I know not. But I sus- 
 pected the motive, resented it, and went no more. 
 Mrs. Godfrey brought me afterward some more fa- 
 vourable accounts of their disposition, and would 
 have drawn me on again ; but I declared absolutely 
 my resolution to have nothing more to do with that 
 family. This was resented by the Godfreys ; we 
 differed, and they removed, leaving me the whole 
 house, and I resolved to take no more inmates. But 
 this affair having turned my thoughts to marriage, I 
 looked round me and made overtures of acquaint- 
 ance in other places ; but soon found that the busi- 
 ness of a printer being generally thought a poor 
 one, I was not to expect money with a wife, unless 
 with such a one as I should not otherwise think 
 agreeable. 
 
 A friendly correspondence, as neighbours, had 
 continued between me and Miss Read's family, who 
 all had a regard for me from the time of my first 
 lodging in their house. I was often invited there, and 
 consulted in their affairs, wherein I sometimes was 
 of service. I pitied poor Miss Read's unfortunate 
 situation, who was generally dejected, seldom cheer- 
 ful, and avoided company : I considered my giddi- 
 ness and inconstancy when in London, as in a great 
 degree the cause of her unhappiness, though the 
 mother was good enough to think the fault more 
 her own than mine, as she had prevented our mar- 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 89 
 
 rying before I went thither, and persuaded the other 
 match in my absence. Our mutual affection was 
 revived, but there was now great objections to our 
 union; that match was indeed looked upon as in- 
 vahd, a preceding wife being said to be living in 
 England ; but this could not easily be proved, be- 
 cause of the distance, &c., and though there was a 
 report of his death, it was not certain. Then, 
 though it should be true, he had left many debts 
 which his successor might be called upon to pay : 
 we ventured, however, over all these difficulties, 
 and I took her to wife, Sept. 1, 1730. None of the 
 inconveniences happened that we had apprehended; 
 she proved a good and faithful helpmate, assisted 
 me much by attending to the shop ; we throve to- 
 gether, and ever mutually endeavoured to make 
 each other happy. Thus I corrected that great er- 
 ratum as well as I could. 
 
 About this time our club, meeting, not at a tavern, 
 but in a little room of Mr. Grace's set apart for that 
 purpose, a proposition was made by me, that, since 
 our books were often referred to in our disquisitions 
 upon the queries, it might be convenient to us to 
 have them all together when we met, that, upon oc- 
 casion, they might be consulted ; and by thus club- 
 bing our books to a common library, we should, 
 while we liked to keep them together, have each 
 of us the advantage of using the books of all the 
 other members, which would be nearly as beneficial 
 as if each owned the whole. It was liked and 
 agreed to, and we filled one end of the room with 
 such books as we could best spare. The number 
 was not so great as we expected; and though they 
 had been of great use, yet some inconveniences oc- 
 curring for want of due care of them, the collection, 
 after about a year, was separated, and each took 
 his books home again. 
 
 And now I set on foot my first project of a pub- 
 lic nature, that for a subscription library ; I drew up 
 S* 
 
90 LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 the proposals, got them put into form by our great 
 scrivener, Brockden, and, by the help of my friends 
 in the junto, procured fifty subscribers of forty shil- 
 lings each to begin with, and ten shillings a year for 
 fifty years, the term our company was to continue. 
 We afterward obtained a charter, the company be- 
 ing increased to one hundred ; this was the mother 
 of all the North American subscription libraries, 
 now so numerous. It is become a great thing it- 
 self, and continually goes on increasmg: these li- 
 braries have improved the general conversation of 
 the Americans, made the common tradesmen and 
 farmers as intelligent as most gentlemen from other 
 countries, and perhaps have contributed in some 
 degree to the stand so generally made throughout 
 the colonies in defence of their privileges. 
 
 [Thus far was written with the intention express- 
 ed in the beginning ; and, getting abroad, it excited 
 great interest on account of its simplicity and can- 
 dour; and induced many applications for a continu- 
 ance. What follows was written many years after, 
 in compliance with the advice contained in the let- 
 ters that follow, and has, therefore, less of a family 
 picture and more of a public character. The Amer- 
 ican revolution occasioned the interruption.] 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 91 
 
 PART II. 
 
 From Mr. Abel James {received in Paris). 
 
 " My dear and honoured Friend, 
 
 " I have often been desirous of writing to thee, 
 but could not be reconciled to the thought that the 
 letter might fall into the hands of the British, lest 
 some printer or busybody should publish some part 
 of the contents, and give our friend pain and myself 
 censure. 
 
 " Some time since there fell into my hands, to 
 my great joy, about twenty-three sheets in thy own 
 handwriting, containing an account of the parent- 
 age and hfe of thyself, directed to thy son, ending 
 in the year 1730, with which there were notes, like- 
 wise in thy writing ; a copy of which I enclose, in 
 hopes it may be a means, if thou continued it up to 
 a later period, that the first and latter part may be 
 put together ; and if it is not yet continued, I hope 
 thee will not delay it. Life is uncertain, as the 
 preacher tells us ; and what will the world say, if 
 kind, humane, and benevolent Ben Franklin should 
 leave his friends and the world deprived of so pleas- 
 ing and profitable a work ; a work which would be 
 useful and entertaining not only to a few, but to mill- 
 ions ? The influence writings under that class have 
 on the minds of youth is very great, and has no- 
 where appeared to me so plain as in our public 
 friend's journals. It almost insensibly leads the 
 youth into the resolution of endeavouring to become 
 as good and eminent as the journalist. Should thine, 
 for instance, when published (and I think they could 
 not fail of it), lead the youth to equal the industry 
 and temperance of thy early youth, what a blessing 
 
92 LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 with that class would such a work be ! I know of 
 no character living, nor many of them put together, 
 who has so much in his power as thyself to promote 
 a greater spirit of industry and early attention to 
 business, frugality, and temperance, with the Ameri- 
 can youth. Not that I think the work would have 
 no other merit and use in the world ; far from it : 
 but the first is of such vast importance, that I know 
 nothing that can equal it." 
 
 The foregoing letter, and the minutes accompany- 
 ing it, being shown to a friend, I received from him 
 the following : 
 
 From Mr. Benjamin Vaughan. 
 
 "Paris, January 31, 1783. 
 "My dearest Sir, 
 
 " When I had read over your sheets of minutes 
 of the principal incidents of your life, recovered for 
 you by your Quaker acquaintance, I told you I would 
 send you a letter expressing my reasons why I 
 thought it would be useful to complete and publish 
 it as he desired. Various concerns have, for some 
 time past, prevented this letter being written, and I 
 do not know whether it was worth any expectation ; 
 happening to be at leisure, however, at present, 1 
 shall, by writing, at least interest and instruct my- 
 self; but as the terms I am inclined to use may 
 tend to offend a person of your manners, I shall 
 only tell you how I would address any other person 
 who was as good and as great as yourself, but less 
 diffident I would say to him, sir, I solicit the his- 
 tory of your life, from the following motives : 
 
 " Your history is so remarkable, that, if you do 
 not give it. somebody else will most certainly give 
 it ; and perhaps so as nearly to do as much harm as 
 your own management of the thing might do good. 
 
 " It will, morever, present a table of the internal cir- 
 cumstances of your country, which will very much 
 tend to invite to it settlers of virtuous and manly 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 93" 
 
 minds. And, considering the eagerness with which 
 such information is sought by them, and the extent 
 of your reputation, I do not know of a more effica- 
 cious advertisement than your biography would 
 give. 
 
 " All that has happened to you is also connected 
 with the detail of the manners and situation of a 
 rising people ; and in this respect I do not think that 
 the writings of Caesar and Tacitus can be more in- 
 teresting to a true judge of human nature and so- 
 ciety. 
 
 " But these, sir, are small reasons, in my opinion, 
 compared with the chance which your life will give 
 for the forming of future great men ; and, in con- 
 junction with your Art of Virtue (which you design 
 to publish), of improving the features of private char- 
 acter, and, consequently, of aiding all happiness, 
 both public and domestic. 
 
 " The two works I allude to, sir, will, in particu- 
 lar, give a noble rule and example of self-education. 
 School and other education constantly proceed upon 
 false principles, and show a clumsy apparatus point- 
 ed at a false mark ; but your apparatus is simple, 
 and the mark a true one ; and while parents and 
 young persons are left destitute of other just means 
 of estimating and becoming prepared for a reason- 
 able course in life, your discovery, that the thing is 
 in many a man's private power, will be invaluable ! 
 
 " Influence upon the private character, late in life, 
 is not only an influence late in life, but a weak influ- 
 ence. It is in youth that we plant our chief habits 
 and prejudices ; it is in youth that we take our party 
 as to profession, pursuits, and matrimony. In youth, 
 therefore, the turn is given ; in youth the education 
 even of the next generation is given ; in youth the 
 private and public character is determined ; and the 
 term of life extending but from youth to age, Hfe 
 ought to begin well from youth ; and more especial- 
 ly before we take our party as to our principal ob- 
 jects. 
 
94 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 '* But your biography will not merely teach self- 
 education, but the education of a wise man ; and the 
 wisest man will receive lights and improve his prog- 
 ress by seeing detailed the conduct of another wise 
 man. And why are weaker men to be deprived of 
 such helps, when we see our race has been blunder- 
 ing on in the dark, almost without a guide in this 
 particular, from the farthest trace of time 1 Show 
 then, sir, how much is to be done, both to sons and 
 fathers ; and invite all wise men to become like 
 yourself, and other men to become wise. 
 
 " When we see how cruel statesmen and war- 
 riors can be to the human race, and how absurd dis- 
 tinguished men can be to their acquaintance, it will 
 be instructive to observe the instances multiply of 
 pacific, acquiescing manners ; and to find how com- 
 patible it is to be great and domestic ; enviable and 
 yet good-humoured. 
 
 " The httle private incidents which you will also 
 have to relate, will have considerable use, as we 
 want, above all things, rules of prudence in ordinary 
 affairs ; and it will be curious to see how you have 
 acted in these. It will be so far a sort of key to 
 life, and explain many things that all men ought to 
 have once explained to them, to give them a chance 
 of becoming wise by foresight. 
 
 " The nearest thing to having experience of one's 
 own, is to have other people's affairs brought before 
 us in a shape that is interesting; this is sure to hap- 
 pen from your pen. Your affairs and management 
 will have an air of simpUcity or importance that 
 will not fail to strike ; and I am convinced you 
 have conducted them with as much originahty as if 
 you had been conducting discussions in politics or 
 philosophy ; and what more worthy of experiments 
 and system (its importance and its errors consider- 
 ed) than human life ! 
 
 " Some men have been virtuous blindly, others 
 have speculated fantastically, and others have been 
 
IIFB OF FRANKLIN. 99 
 
 shrewd to bad purposes ; but you, sir, I am sure, 
 will give, under your hand, nothing but what is at 
 the same moment wise, practical, and good. 
 
 "Your account of yourself (for I suppose the 
 parallel I am drawing for Dr. Franklin wili hold not 
 only in point of character, but of private history) 
 will show that you are ashamed of no origin; a 
 thing the more important as you prove how little 
 necessary all origin is to happiness, virtue, or great- 
 ness. 
 
 " As no end, likewise, happens without a means, 
 so we shall find, sir, that even you yourself framed 
 a plan by which you became considerable ; but, at 
 the same time, we may see that, though the event 
 is flattering, the means are as simple as wisdom 
 could make them ; that is, depending upon nature, 
 virtue, thought, and habit. 
 
 "Another thing demonstrated will be the pro- 
 priety of every man's waiting for his time for ap- 
 pearing upon the stage of the world. Our sensa- 
 tions being very much fixed to the moment, we are 
 apt to forget that more moments are to follow the 
 first, and, consequently, that man should arrange his 
 conduct so as to suit the whole of a life. Your attri- 
 bution appears to have been applied to your life, and 
 the passing moments of it have been enhvened with 
 content and enjoyment, instead of being tormented 
 with foolish impatience or regrets. Such a conduct 
 is easy for those who make virtue and themselves 
 their standard, and who try to keep themselves in 
 countenance by examples of other truly great men, 
 of whom patience is so often the characteristic. 
 
 " Your Quaker correspondent, sir (for here again 
 I will suppose the subject of my letter to resemble 
 Dr. Franklin), praised your frugality, diligence, and 
 temperance, which he considered as a pattern for 
 all youth : but it is singular that he should have for- 
 gotten your modesty and your disinterestedness, 
 without which you never could have waited for your 
 
96 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 advancement, or found your situation in the mean 
 time comfortable , which jr a strong lesson to show 
 the poverty of glory, and the importance of regu- 
 lating our minds. 
 
 " If this correspondent had known the nature of 
 your reputation as well as I do, he would have said, 
 your former writings and measures would secure 
 attention to your Biography and Art of Virtue ; and 
 your Biography and Art of Virtue, in return, would 
 secure attention to them. This is an advantage at- 
 tendant upon a various character, and which brings 
 all that belongs to it into greater play ; and it is the 
 more useful, as, perhaps, more persons are at a loss 
 for the means of improving their minds and char- 
 acters than they are for the time or the inclination 
 to do it. 
 
 " But there is one concluding reflection, sir, that 
 will show the use of your life as a mere piece of 
 biography. This style of writing seems a little 
 gone out of vogue, and yet it is a very useful one ; 
 and your specimen of it may be particularly ser- 
 viceable, as it will make a subject of comparison 
 with the lives of various public cutthroats and in- 
 triguers, and with absurd monastic self-tormentors 
 or vain literary triflers. If it encourages more wri- 
 tings of the same kind with your own, and induces 
 more men to spend lives fit to be written, it will be 
 worth all Plutarch's Lives put together. 
 
 " But being tired of figuring to myself a char- 
 acter of which every figure suits only one man in 
 the world, without giving him the praise of it, I shall 
 end my letter, my dear Dr. Franklin, with a per- 
 sonal application to your proper self. 
 
 " I am earnestly desirous, then, my dear sir, that 
 you should let the world into the traits of your genu- 
 ine character, as civil broils may otherwise tend to 
 disguise or traduce it. Considering your great age, 
 the caution of your character, and your peculiar 
 style of thinking, it is not likely that any one be- 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 97 
 
 sides yourself can be sufficiently master of the facts 
 of your life or the intentions of your mind. 
 
 " Besides all this, the immense revolution of the 
 present period will necessarily turn our attention to- 
 wards the author of it ; and when virtuous principles 
 have been pretended in it, it will be highly impor- 
 tant to show that such have really influenced ; and, 
 as your own character will be the principal one to 
 receive a scrutiny, it is proper (even for its effects 
 upon your vast and rising country, as well as upon 
 England and upon Europe) that it should stand re- 
 spectable and eternal. For the furtherance of hu- 
 man happiness, I have always maintained that it is 
 necessary to prove that man is not even at present 
 a vicious and detestable animal ; and siill more to 
 prove that good management may greatly amend 
 him ; and it is for much the same reason that 1 am 
 anxious to see the opinion established, that there 
 are fair characters among the individuals of the 
 race ; for the moment that all men, without excep- 
 tion, shall be conceived abandoned, good people 
 will cease efforts deemed to be hopeless, and, per- 
 haps, think of taking their share in the scramble of 
 life, or, at least, of making it comfortable principally 
 for themselves. 
 
 " Take then, my dear sir, this work most speedily 
 into hand : show yourself good as you are good ; 
 temperate as you are temperate ; and, above all 
 things, prove yourself as one who, from your in- 
 fancy, have loved justice, liberty, and concord, in a 
 way that has made it natural and consistent for 
 you to act as we have seen you act in the last 
 seventeen years of your life. Let Englishmen be 
 made not only to respect, but even to love you. 
 When they think well of individuals in your native 
 country, they will go nearer to thinking well of 
 your country; and when your countrymen see 
 themselves thought well of by Englishmen, they 
 will go nearer to thinking well of England. Extend 
 
 Vol. I.— 9 
 
98 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 your views even farther ; do not stop at those who 
 speak the English tongue, but, after having settled 
 BO many points in nature and politics, think of bet- 
 tering the whole race of men. 
 
 " As I have not read any part of the life in ques- 
 tion, but know only the character that lived it, I 
 write somewhat at hazard. I am sure, however, 
 that the life, and the treatise I allude to (on the Art 
 of Virtue), will necessarily fulfil the chief of my ex- 
 pectations ; and still more so if you take up the 
 measure of suiting these performances to the sev- 
 eral views above stated. Should they even prove 
 unsuccessful in all that a sanguine admirer of yours 
 hopes from them, you will at least have framed 
 pieces to interest the human mind ; and whoever 
 gives a feeling of pleasure that is innocent to man, 
 has added so much to the fair side of a Hfe other- 
 wise too much darkened by anxiety and too much 
 injured by pain. 
 
 " In the hope, therefore, that you will listen to 
 the prayer addressed to you in this letter, 1 beg to 
 subscribe myself, my dear sir, &c., &c., 
 
 " Benj. Vaughan." 
 
 CONTINUATION, 
 
 Begun at Passy, near Paris ^ 1784. 
 
 It is some time since I received the above letters, 
 but I have been too busy till now to think of com- 
 plying with the request they contain. It might, too, 
 be much better done if I were at home among my 
 papers, which would aid my memory, and help to 
 ascertain dates ; but my return being uncertain, and 
 having just now a little leisure, I will endeavour to 
 recollect and write what I can : if I live to get home, 
 it may there be corrected and improved. 
 
 Not having any copy here of what is already writ- 
 ten, I know not whether an account is given of the 
 
LIFE OP PRANKLIN. 99 
 
 means I used to establish the Philadelphia public 
 library, which, from a small beginning, is now be- 
 come so considerable, though 1 remember to have 
 come down near the time of that transaction (1730). 
 I will, therefore, begin here with an account of it, 
 which may be struck out if found to have been al- 
 ready given. 
 
 At the time I established myself in Pennsylvania, 
 there was not a good bookseller's shop in any of the 
 colonies to the southward of Boston. In New- York 
 and Philadelphia the printers were, indeed, station- 
 ers, but they sold only paper, &c., almanacs, ballads, 
 and a few common schoolbooks. Those who loved 
 reading were obliged to send for their books from 
 England : the members of the Junto had each a few. 
 We had left the alehouse where we first met, and 
 hired a room to hold our club in. I proposed that 
 we should all of us bring our books to that room, 
 where they would not only be ready to consult in 
 our conferences, but become a common benefit, each 
 of us being at liberty to borrow such as he wished 
 to read at home. This was accordingly done, and 
 for some time contented us : finding the advantage 
 of this little collection, I proposed to render the 
 benefit from the books more common, by commen- 
 cing a public subscription library. I drew a sketch 
 of the plan and rules that would be necessary, and 
 got a skilful conveyancer, Mr. Charles Brockden,to 
 put the whole in form of articles of agreement to 
 be subscribed ; by which each subscriber engaged 
 to pay a certain sum down for the first purchase of 
 the books, and an annual contribution for increas- 
 ing them. So few were the readers at that time in 
 Philadelphia, and the majority of us so poor, that I 
 was not able, with great industry, to find more than 
 fifty persons (mostly young tradesmen) willing to 
 pay down for this purpose forty shillings each, and 
 ten shillings per annum ; with this little fund we 
 began. The books were imported ; the library was 
 
100 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 open one day in the week for lending them to sub- 
 scribers, on their promissory notes to pay double the 
 value if not duly returned. The institution soon 
 manifested its utility ; was imitated by other towns 
 and in other provinces. The libraries were aug- 
 mented by donations ; reading became fashionable ; 
 and our people, having no public amusements to di- 
 vert their attention from study, became better ac- 
 quainted with books, and in a few years were ob- 
 served by strangers to be better instructed and more 
 intelligent than people of the same rank generally 
 are in other countries. 
 
 When we were about to sign the above-mentioned 
 articles, which" were to be binding on us, our heirs, 
 &c., for fifty years, Mr. Brockden, the scrivener, said 
 to us : " You are young men, but it is scarce prob- 
 able that any of you will live to see the expiration 
 of the term fixed in the instrument." A number of 
 us, however, are yet living ; but the instrument was, 
 after a few years, rendered null by a charter that 
 incorporated and gave perpetuity to the company. 
 
 The objections and reluctances I met with in so- 
 liciting the subscriptions, made me soon feel the 
 impropriety of presenting one's self as the proposer 
 of any useful project that might be supposed to raise 
 one's reputation in the smallest degree above that of 
 one's neighbours, when one has need of their as- 
 sistance to accomplish that project. I therefore put 
 myself as much as I could out of sight, and stated 
 it as a scheme of a nvmber of friends, who had re- 
 quested me to go about and propose it to such as they 
 thought lovers of reading. In this way my affairs 
 went on more smoothly, and I ever after practised 
 it on such occasions, and from my frequent suc- 
 cesses can heartily recommend it. The present lit- 
 tle sacrifice of your vanity will afterward be amply 
 repaid. If it remains a while uncertain to whom 
 the merit belongs, some one more vain than your- 
 self will be encouraged to claim it, and then evea 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 101 
 
 envy will be disposed to do you justice, by plucking 
 those assumed feathers and restoring them to their 
 right owner. 
 
 This library afforded me the means of improve- 
 ment by constant study, for which I set apart an 
 hour or two each day ; and thus I repaired, in some 
 degree, the loss of the learned education my father 
 once intended for me. Reading was the only amuse- 
 ment I allowed myself. I spent no time in taverns, 
 games, or frolics of any kind, and my industry in 
 my business continued as indefatigable as it was ne- 
 cessary. I was indebted for my printing-house, I 
 had a young family coming on to be educated, and 
 I had two competitors to contend with for business 
 who were established in the place before me. My 
 circumstances, however, grew daily easier. My 
 original habits of frugality continuing, and my father 
 having, among his instructions to me when a boy, 
 frequently repeated a Proverb of Solomon, " seest 
 thou a man diligent in his callings he shall stand before 
 kings, he shall not stand before mean men,'''' I thence 
 considered industry as a means of obtaining wealth 
 and distinction, which encouraged me ; though I 
 did not think that I should ever hterally stand be- 
 fore kings, which, however, has since happened; 
 for I have stood before five, and even had the hon- 
 our of sitting down with one (the king of Denmark) 
 to dinner. 
 
 We have an English proverb that says, 
 
 " He that would thrive 
 Must ask his wife." 
 
 It was lucky for me that 1 had one as much disposed 
 to industry and frugality as myself. She assisted 
 me cheerfully in my business, folding and stitching 
 pamphlets, tending shop, purchasing old linen rags 
 for the paper-makers, &c. We kept no idle ser- 
 vants ; our table was plain and simple, our furniture 
 of the cheapest. For instance, my breakfast was, 
 9* 
 
102 Lirfi OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 for a long time, bread and milk (no tea), and I ate it 
 out of a twopenny earthen porringer, with a pewter 
 spoon: but mark how luxury will enter families, 
 and make a progress in spite of principle ; being 
 called one morning to breakfast, I found it in a china 
 bowl, with a spoon of silver. They had been bought 
 for me without my knowledge by my wife, and had 
 cost her the enormous sum of three-and-twenty 
 shillings; for which she had no other excuse or 
 apology to make, but that she thought her husband 
 deserved a silver spoon and china bowl as well as 
 any of his neighbours. This was the first appear- 
 ance of plate and china in our house, which after- 
 ward, in a course of years, as our wealth increased, 
 augmented gradually to several hundred pounds in 
 value. 
 
 I had been religiously educated as a Presbyterian ; 
 but though some of the dogmas of that persuasion 
 appeared unintelligible, and I early absented myself 
 from their public assembhes (Sunday being my 
 studying day), 1 never was without some religious 
 principles : 1 never doubted, for instance, the exist- 
 ence of a Deity ; that he made the world, and gov- 
 erned it by his providence ; that the most acceptable 
 service of God was the doing good to man ; that our 
 souls are immortal ; and that all crimes will be pun- 
 ished, and virtue rewarded, either here or hereafter. 
 These I esteemed the essentials of every religion ; 
 and being to be found in all the religions we had in 
 our country, I respected them all, though with dif- 
 ferent degrees of respect, as I found them more or 
 less mixed with other articles, which, without any 
 tendency to inspire, promote, or confirm morality, 
 served principally to divide us, and make us un- 
 friendly to one another. This respect to all, with 
 an opinion that the worst had some effects, induced 
 me to avoid all discourse that might tend to lessen 
 the good opinion another might have of his own 
 religion; and as our province increased in people, 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. lOS 
 
 and new places of worship were continually wanted, 
 and generally erected by voluntary contribution, my 
 mite for such purpose, whatever might be the sect, 
 was never refused. 
 
 Though I seldom attended any public worship, I 
 had still an opinion of its propriety and of its utility 
 when rightly conducted, and 1 regularly paid my 
 annual subscription for the support of the only 
 Presbyterian minister or meeting we had in Phila- 
 delphia. He used to visit me sometimes as a friend, 
 and admonish me to attend his administrations; 
 and I was now and then prevailed on to do so ; 
 once for five Sundays successively. Had he been 
 in my opinion a good preacher, perhaps I might have 
 continued, notwithstanding the occasion 1 had for 
 the Sunday's leisure in my course of study : but 
 his discourses were chiefly either polemic argu- 
 ments, or explications of the peculiar doctrines of 
 our sect, and were all to me very dry, uninteresting, 
 and unedifying, since not a single moral principle 
 was inculcated or enforced. I had some years be- 
 fore composed a little liturgy or form of prayer for 
 my own private use (viz., in 1728), entitled Articles 
 of Belief and Acts of Religion. I returned to the 
 use of this, and went no more to the pubHc assem- 
 blies. My conduct might be blameable, but I leave 
 it without attempting farther to excuse it; my pres- 
 ent purpose being to relate facts, and not to make 
 apologies for them. 
 
 It was about this time I conceived the bold and 
 arduous project of arriving at moral perfection; I 
 wished to live without committing any fault at any 
 time, and to conquer all that either natural inclina- 
 tion, custom, or company might lead me into. As 
 I knew, or thought I knew, what was right and 
 wrong, I did not see why I might not always do the 
 one and avoid the other. But I soon found I had 
 undertaken a task of more difficulty than I had 
 imagined: while my attention was taken up, and 
 
104 LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 care employed in guarding against one fault, I was 
 often surprised by another; habit took the advan- 
 tage of inattention ; inchnation was sometimes too 
 strong for reason. I concluded, at length, that the 
 mere speculative conviction, that it was our interest 
 to be completely virtuous, was not sufficient to pre- 
 vent our slipping ; and that the contrary habits must 
 be broken, and good ones acquired and established, 
 before we can have any dependance on a steady, 
 uniform rectitude of conduct. For this purpose I 
 therefore tried the following method. 
 
 In the various enumerations of the moral virtues 
 I had met with in my reading, I found the catalogue 
 more or less numerous, as different writers included 
 more or fewer ideas under the same name. Tem- 
 perance, for example, was by some confined to eat- 
 ing and drinking ; while by others it was extended 
 to mean the moderating every other pleasure, appe- 
 tite, inclination, or passion, bodily or mental, even 
 to our avarice and ambition. I proposed to myself, 
 for the sake of clearness, to use rather more names, 
 with fewer ideas annexed to each, than a few names 
 with more ideas; and 1 included, under thirteen 
 names of virtues, all that at that time occurred to 
 me as necessary or desirable, and annexed to each 
 a short precept, which fully expressed the extent I 
 gave to its meaning. 
 
 These names of virtues, with their precepts, 
 were, 
 
 1. Temperance. — Eat not to dulness : drink not 
 to elevation. 
 
 2. Silence. — Speak not but what may benefit 
 others or yourself; avoid trifling conversation. 
 
 3. Order. — Let all your things have their places : 
 let each part of your business have its time. 
 
 4. Resolution. — Resolve to perform what you 
 ought : perform without fail what you resolve. 
 
 3. Frugality. — Make no expense but to do good 
 to others or yourself: i. e., waste nothing. 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 105 
 
 6. Industry. — Lose no time : be always employ- 
 ed in something useful : cut off all unnecessary ac- 
 tions. 
 
 7. Sincerity. — Use no hurtful deceit : think inno- 
 cently and justly : and, if you speak, speak accord- 
 ingly. 
 
 8. Justice. — Wrong none by doing injuries, or 
 omitting the benefits that are your duty. 
 
 6. Moderation.— Avoid extremes: forbear re- 
 senting injuries so much as you think they de- 
 serve. 
 
 10. Cleanliness. — Tolerate no uncleanliness in 
 body, clothes, or habitation. 
 
 11. Tranquillity. — Be not disturbed at trifles, 
 nor at accidents common or unavoidable. 
 
 12. Chastity. 
 
 13. Humility. 
 
 My intention being to acquire the habitude of all 
 these virtues, I judged it would be well not to dis- 
 tract my attention by attempting the whole at once, 
 but to fix it on one of them at a time ; and when I 
 should be master of that, then to proceed to an- 
 other ; and so on till I should have gone through 
 the thirteen : and as the previous acquisition of 
 some might facilitate the acquisition of certain oth- 
 ers, I arranged them with that view as they stand 
 above. Temperance first, as it tends to promote that 
 coolness and clearness of head which is so neces- 
 sary where constant vigilance was to be kept up, 
 and a guard maintained against the unremitting at- 
 traction of ancient habits and the force of perpetual 
 temptations. This being acquired and established, 
 Silence would be more easy ; and my desire being 
 to gain knowledge at the same time that I improved 
 in virtue; and considering that in conversation it 
 was obtained rather by the use of the ear than of 
 the tongue, and, therefore, wishing to break a habit 
 I was getting into of prattling, punning, and jesting 
 (which only made me acceptable to trifling com- 
 
100 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 pany), I gave Silence the second place. This and 
 the next, Order, I expected would allow me more 
 time for attending to my project and my studies. 
 Resolution, once become habitual, would keep me 
 firm in my endeavours to obtain all the subsequent 
 virtues. Frugality and Industry, relieving me from 
 my restraining debt, and producing affluence and in- 
 dependence, would make more easy the practice of 
 Sincerity and Justice, &c., &c. Conceiving then, 
 that, agreeably to the advice of Pythagoras in his 
 Golden Verses, daily examination would be neces- 
 sary, I contrived the following method for conduct- 
 ing that examination. 
 
 I made a little book, in which I allotted a page 
 for each of the virtues. I ruled each page with red 
 ink, so as to have seven columns, one for each day 
 of the week, marking each column with a letter for 
 the day. I crossed these columns with thirteen red 
 lines, marking the beginning of each line with the 
 first letter of one of the virtues ; on which line, and 
 in its proper column, I might mark, by a little black 
 spot, every fault I found upon examination to have 
 been committed respecting that virtue upon that 
 day.* 
 
 * This little book is dated Sunday, lat July, 1773, and is in 
 the possession of Mr. W. T. Franklin : a copy was also ra the 
 possession of the late B. T. 6 ache. 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 107 
 
 Form of the pages. 
 
 TEMPERANCE. 
 Eat not to dulness : drink not to elevation. 
 
 
 Sun. 
 
 M. 
 
 T. 
 
 w. 
 
 Th. 
 
 F. 1 S. 
 
 Tern. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Sil. 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 Ord. 
 
 * 
 
 •«■ 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 Res. 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 Fru. 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 Ind. 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 Sine. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Jus. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mod. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Clea. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Tran. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Chas. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Hum. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I determined to give a week's strict attention to 
 each of the virtues successively. Thus, in the first 
 week, my great guard was to every the least offence 
 against Temperance; leaving the other virtues to 
 their ordinary chance, only marking every evening 
 the faults of the day. Thus, if in the first week I 
 could keep my first line marked T. clear of spots, I 
 supposed the habit of that virtue so much strength- 
 ened, and its opposite weakened, that I might ven- 
 ture extending my attention to include the next, 
 and for the following week keep both lines clear of 
 spots. Proceeding thus to the last, I could get 
 through a course complete in thirteen weeks, and 
 four courses in a year. And like him who, having 
 a garden to weed, does not attempt to eradicate all 
 the bad herbs at once (which would exceed his 
 reach and his strength), but works on one of the 
 beds at a time, and having accomplished the first, 
 proceeds to a second, so I should have (I hoped) 
 
108 LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 the encouraging pleasure of seeing on my pages the 
 progress made in virtue, by clearing successively 
 my lines of their spots, till, in the end, by a num- 
 ber of courses, I should be happy in viewing a clean 
 book, after a thirteen week's daily examination. 
 
 This my little book had for its motto these lines 
 from Addison's Cato : 
 
 " Here will I hold ; if there's a power above us 
 (And that there is, all nature cries aloud 
 Through all her works), he must delight in virtue ; 
 And that which he delights in must be happy." 
 
 Another from Cicero : 
 
 vitas philosophia dux! O virtutum indagatrix 
 et expultrixque vitiorum ! Unus dies bene, et ex 
 praeceptis tuis actus, peccanti immortalitati est ante- 
 ponendus." 
 
 " Oh Philosophy, guide of life ! Diligent inquirer 
 after virtue, and banisher of vice! A single day 
 well spent, and as thy precepts direct, is to be pre- 
 ferred to an eternity of sin." 
 
 Another from the Proverbs of Solomon, speak- 
 ing of wisdom or virtue : 
 
 " Length of days is in her right hand, and in her 
 left hand riches and honour. Her ways are ways 
 of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace." 
 
 And conceiving God to be the fountain of wisdom, 
 I thought it right and necessary to solicit his as- 
 sistance for obtaining it ; to this end I formed the 
 following little prayer, which was prefixed to my 
 tables of examination, for daily use. 
 
 " O powerful Goodness ! bountiful Father ! mer- 
 ciful Guide ! Increase me in that wisdom which 
 discovers my truest interest : Strengthen m.y reso- 
 lution to perform what that wisdom dictates ! Ac- 
 cept my kind offices to thy other children as the 
 only return in my power for thy continual favours 
 to me." 
 
 1 used also, sometimes, a little prayer which I 
 took from Thomson's Poems, viz., 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 109 
 
 " Father of light and life, thou God supreme ! 
 Oh teach me what is good ; teach me thyself! 
 Save me from folly, vanity, and vice, 
 From every low pursuit ; and fill my soul 
 With knowledge, conscious peace, and virtue pure; 
 Sacred, substantial, never-fading bliss!" 
 
 The precept of Order, requiring that every part of 
 my business should have its allotted time, one page in 
 my little book contained the following scheme of 
 employment for the twenty-four hours of a natural 
 day. 
 
 SCHEME. 
 
 Houri. 
 
 Morning. ( \ Rise, wash, and address Powerful 
 
 The Question, J 5 [^Goodness! Contrive day's business, and 
 
 What good shall ] 6 ( take the resolution of the day ; prose- 
 
 I do this day ? ^ 7 ) cute the present study, and breakfast. 
 
 8^ 
 9' 
 10 
 
 , I Work. 
 
 ,> 5 12 > Read, or look over my accounts, and 
 
 ■^'«»»- \ l}dine. 
 
 f 2^ 
 
 Afternoon. ^ ^ ^Work. 
 
 I 5J 
 
 Th^^o'^ ] 7^t P"' *^^"^^ ^" ^^^^^ V^^^^^s. Supper, 
 ixru ju "a o > music, or diversion, or conversa'tion. 
 
 rdonefolyr" 1 9'/^— t.on of the day. 
 
 cm 
 1 11 1 
 
 Night. I 1 > Sleep. 
 I 21 
 I 3| 
 
 I entered upon the execution of this plan for 
 self-examination, and continued it, with occasional 
 intermissions, for some time. I was surprised to 
 find myself so much fuller of faults than I had 
 
 Vol. L— 10 
 
110 LIFE OF FRAJSNLIN. 
 
 imagined ; but I had the satisfaction of seeing them 
 diminish. To avoid the trouble of renewing now 
 and then my hltle book, which, by scraping out the 
 marks on the paper of old faults to make room for 
 new ones in a new course, became full of holes, I 
 transferred my tables and precepts to the ivory 
 leaves of a memorandum book, on which the lines 
 were drawn with red ink, that made a durable stain ; 
 and on those lines I marked my faults with a black 
 lead pencil ; which marks I could easily wipe out 
 with a wet sponge. After a while I went through 
 one course only in a year ; and afterward only one 
 in several years ; till at length I omitted them en- 
 tirely, being employed in voyages and business 
 abroad, with a multiplicity of affairs that interfered ; 
 but I always carried my little book with me. My 
 scheme of Order gave me the most trouble ; and I 
 found that though it might be practicable where a 
 man's business was such as to leave him the dispo- 
 sition of his time, that of a journeyman-printer, 
 for instance, it was not possible to be exactly ob- 
 served by a master, who must mix with the world, 
 and often receive people of business at their own 
 hours. Order, too, with regard to places for things, 
 papers, &c., I found it extremely difficult to acquire. 
 I had not been early accustomed to method, and hav- 
 ing an exceeding good memory, I was not so sensi- 
 ble of the inconvenience attending want of method. 
 This article, therefore, cost me much painful atten- 
 tion, and my faults in it vexed me so much, and I 
 made so httle progress in amendment, and had such 
 frequent relapses, that I was almost ready to give 
 up the attempt, and content myself with a faulty 
 character in that respect. Like the man who, in 
 buying an axe of a smith my neighbour, desired to 
 have the whole of its surface as bright as the edge, 
 the smith consented to grind it bright for him if he 
 would turn the wheel : he turned while the smith 
 pressed the broad face of the axe hard and heavily 
 
LIFE OF FRAKKLIN. Ill 
 
 on the stone, which made the turning of it very fa- 
 tiguing. The man came every now and then from 
 tlie wheel to see how the work went on ; and at 
 length would take his axe as it was, without farther 
 grinding. "No," said the smith, " turn on, we shall 
 have it bright by-and-by ; as yet 'tis only speckled." 
 *' Yes," said the man, " but I think I like a speckled 
 axe best,'''' And I believe this may have been the case 
 with many, who having, for the want of some such 
 means as I employed, found the difficulty of ob- 
 taining good and breaking bad habits in other points 
 of vice and virtue, have given up the struggle, and 
 concluded that " a speckled axe was hest.'^ For 
 something that pretended to be reason was every 
 now and then suggesting to me, that such extreme 
 nicety as I exacted of myself, might be a kind of 
 foppery in morals, which, if it were known, would 
 make me ridiculous ; that a perfect character might 
 be attended with the inconvenience of being envied 
 and hated ; and that a benevolent man should allow 
 a few faults in himself, to keep his friends in coun- 
 tenance. In truth, I found myself incorrigible with 
 respect to Order; and, now I am grown old and 
 my memory bad, I feel very sensibly the want of it. 
 But, on the whole, though I never arrived at the 
 perfection I had been so ambitious of obtaining, 
 but fell far short of it, yet I was, by the endeavour, 
 a better and a happiei man than I otherwise should 
 have been if I had not attempted it ; as those who 
 aim at perfect writing by imitating the engraved 
 copies, though they may never reach the wished-for 
 excellence of those copies, their hand is mended by 
 the endeavour, and is tolerable while it continues 
 fair and legible. 
 
 It may be well my posterity should be informed, 
 that to this little artifice, with the blessing of God, 
 their ancestor owed the constant felicity of his hfe 
 down to the 79th year, in which this is written. 
 What reverses may attend the remainder is in the 
 
112 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 hand of Providence : but if they arrive, the reflec- 
 tion on past happiness enjoyed ought to help his 
 bearing them with more resignation. To temper- 
 ance he ascribes his long-continued health, and what 
 is still left to him of a good constitution. To indus- 
 try and frugality, the early easiness of his circum- 
 stances and acquisition of his fortune, with all that 
 knowledge that enabled him to be a useful citizen 
 and obtained for him some degree of reputation 
 among the learned. To sincerity and justice, the con- 
 fidence of his country, and the honourable employs- 
 it conferred upon him : and to the joint influence of 
 the whole mass of the virtues, even in the imper- 
 fect state he was able to acquire them, all that 
 evenness of temper and that cheerfulness in con- 
 versation which makes his company still sought for, 
 and agreeable even to his young acquaintance : I 
 hope, therefore, that some of my descendants may 
 follow the example and reap the benefit. 
 
 It will be remarked that, though my scheme was 
 not wholly without religion, there was in it no mark 
 of any of the distinguishing tenets of any particular 
 sect ; I had purposely avoided them ; for being fully 
 persuaded of the utility and excellence of my 
 method, and that it might be serviceable to people 
 in all religions, and intending some time or other to 
 publish it, I would not have anything in it that 
 would prejudice any one of any sect against it. I 
 proposed writing a little comment on each virtue, 
 m which I would have shown the advantages of 
 possessing it, and the mischiefs attending its oppo- 
 site vice ; I should have called my book The Art oj 
 Virtue, because it would have shown the means and 
 manner of obtaining virtue, which would have dis- 
 tinguished it from the mere exhortation to be good, 
 that does not instruct and indicate the means ; but 
 is like the apostle's man of verbal charity, who, 
 without showing to the naked and hungry how or 
 where they might get clothes or victuals, only ex- 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 113 
 
 horted them to be fed and clothed. James ii., 
 15, 16. 
 
 But it so happened that my intention of writing 
 and publishing this comment was never fulfilled. I 
 had, indeed, from time to time, put down short hints 
 of the sentiments, reasonings, &c., to be made use 
 of in it, some of which 1 have still by me : but the 
 necessary close attention to private business in 
 the earlier part of hfe, and public business since, 
 have occasioned my postponing it. For it being 
 connected in my mind with a great and extensive 
 project, that required the whole man to execute, 
 and which an unforeseen succession of employs 
 prevented my attending to, it has hitherto remained 
 unfinished. 
 
 In this piece it was my design to explain and en- 
 force this doctrine, that vicious actions are not hurt- 
 Jul because they are forbidden, but forbidden because 
 they are hurtful; the nature of man alone consider- 
 ed ; that it was, therefore, every one's interest to 
 be virtuous, who wished to be happy even in this 
 world : and I should, from this circumstance (there 
 being always in the world a number of rich mer- 
 chants, nobility, states, and princes who have need 
 of honest instruments for the management of their 
 affairs, and such being so rare), have endeavoured to 
 convince young persons, that no qualities are so 
 likely to make a poor man's fortune as those of 
 probity and integrity. 
 
 My list of virtues contained at first but twelve : 
 but a Quaker friend having kindly informed me that 
 I was generally thought proud ; that my pride show- 
 ed itself frequently in conversation ; that I was not 
 content with being in the right when discussing any 
 point, but was overbearing, and rather insolent (of 
 which he convinced me by mentioning several in- 
 stances), I determined to endeavour to cure my- 
 self, if I could, of this vice or folly among the rest ; 
 and I added humility to my list, giving an extensive 
 10* 
 
114 LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 meaning to the word. I cannot boast of much suc- 
 cess in acquiring the reality of this virtue, but I had 
 a good deal with regard to the appearance of it. I 
 made it a rule to forbear all direct contradiction to 
 the sentiments of others, and all positive assertion 
 of mine own. I even forbid myself, agreeably to 
 the old laws of our junto, the use of every word or 
 expression in the language that imported a fixed 
 opinion; such as certainly, undoubtedly, &c., and I 
 adopted, instead of them, I conceive, I apprehend, or 
 1 imagine a thing to be so or so ; or it so appears to 
 me at present. When another asserted something 
 that I thought an error, I denied myself the pleas- 
 ure of contradicting him abruptly, and of showing 
 immediately some absurdity in his proposition ; and 
 in answering 1 began by observing that in certain 
 cases or circumstances his opinion would be right, 
 but in the present case there appeared, or seemed to 
 me, some difference, &c. I soon found the advan- 
 tage of this change in my manners ; the conversa- 
 tions I engaged in went on more pleasantly. The 
 modest way in which I proposed my opinions pro- 
 cured them a readier reception and less contradic- 
 tion ; I had less mortification when I was found to 
 be in the wrong, and I more easily prevailed with 
 others to give up their mistakes and join with me 
 v^^hen I happened to be in the right. And this 
 mode, which I at first put on with some violence to 
 natural inclination, became at length easy, and so 
 habitual to me, that perhaps for the fifty years past 
 no one has ever heard a dogmatical expression es- 
 cape me. And to this habit (after my character of 
 integrity) I think it principally owing that I had 
 early so much weight with my fellow-citizens 
 when I proposed new institutions or alterations in 
 the old, and so much influence in public councils 
 when I became a member : for I was but a bad 
 speaker, never eloquent, subject to much hesitation 
 in my choice of words, hardly correct in language, 
 and yet I generally carried my point. 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 115 
 
 In reality, there is, perhaps, no one of our natural 
 passions so hard to subdue as pride; disguise it, 
 struggle wiUx it, stifle it, mortify it as much as you 
 please, it is still alive, and will every now and then 
 peep out and show itself; you will see it perhaps 
 often in this history. For even if I could conceive 
 that I had completely overcome it, I should proba- 
 bly be proud of my humility, 
 
 [Here concludes what was written at Passy, near 
 Paris.] 
 
 MEMORANDUM. 
 
 / am now about to write at home {Philadelphia) ^ 
 August, 1788, but cannot have the help expected from 
 my papers, many of them being lost in the war. I 
 have, however, found the following : 
 
 Having mentioned a great and extensive project 
 which I had conceived, it seems proper that some 
 account should be here given of that project and its 
 object. Its first rise in my mind appears in the 
 above-mentioned little paper, accidentally preserv- 
 ed, viz. : 
 
 Observations on my reading history, in library, 
 May 9, 1731. 
 
 " That the great affairs of the world, the wars, 
 revolutions, &c., are carried on and effected by 
 parties. 
 
 " That the view of these parties is their present 
 general interest ; or what they take to be such. 
 
 " That the different views of these different par- 
 ties occasion all confusion. 
 
 " That while a party is carrying on a general de- 
 sign, each man has his particular private interest in 
 view. 
 
 " That, as soon as a party has gained its general 
 point, each member becomes intent upon his par- 
 
116 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 ticular interest, which, thwarting others, breaks that 
 party into divisions and occasions more confusion. 
 
 " That few in public affairs act from a mere view 
 of the good of their country, whatever they may 
 pretend ; and though their actings bring real good 
 to their country, yet men primarily considered that 
 their own and their country's interest were united, 
 and so did not act from a principle of benevolence. 
 
 " Thai fewer still, in pubUc affairs, act with a view 
 to the good of mankind. 
 
 " There seems to me at present to be great occa- 
 sion for raising a United Party for Virtue, by form- 
 ing the virtuous and good men of all nations into a 
 regular body, to be governed by suitable good and 
 wise rules, which good and wise men may probably 
 be more unanimous in their obedience to than com- 
 mon people are to common laws. 
 
 " 1 at present think, that whoever attempts this 
 aright, and is well qualified, cannot fail of pleasing 
 God and of meeting with success. B. F." 
 
 Revolving this project in my mind as to be un- 
 dertaken hereafter, when my circumstances should 
 afford me the necessary leisure, I put down from 
 time to time, on pieces of paper, such thoughts as 
 occurred to me respecting it. Most of these are 
 lost, but I find one purporting to be the substance of 
 an intended creed, containing, as I thought, the es- 
 sentials of every known religion, and being free of 
 everything that might shock the professors of any 
 religion. It is expressed in these words: viz., 
 
 " That there is one God, who made all things. 
 
 " That he governs the world by his providence, 
 
 " That he ought to be worshipped by adoration, 
 prayer, and thanksgiving. 
 
 *' But that the most acceptable service to God is 
 doing good to man. 
 
 " That the soul is immortal, 
 
 *' And that God will certainly reward virtue and 
 punish vice, either here or hereafter." 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 117 
 
 My ideas at that time were, that the sect should 
 be begun and spread at first among young and sin- 
 gle men only; that each person to be initiated 
 should not only declare his assent to such creed, 
 but should have exercised himself with the thirteen 
 weeks' examination and practice of the virtues, as 
 in the before-mentioned model ; that the existence 
 of such a society should be kept a secret till it was 
 become considerable, to prevent solicitations for 
 the admission of improper persons ; but that the 
 members should, each of them, search among his 
 acquaintance for ingenious, well-disposed youths, 
 to whom, with prudent caution, the scheme should 
 be gradually communicated. That the members 
 should engage to afford their advice, assistance, 
 and support to each other in promoting one anoth- 
 er's interest, business, and advancement in life : that, 
 for distinction, we should be called The Society of 
 THE Free and Easy. Free, as being, by the general 
 practice and habits of the virtues, free from the do- 
 minion of vice ; and particularly by the practice of 
 industry and frugality, free from debt, which ex- 
 poses a man to constraint, and a species of slavery 
 to his creditors. 
 
 This is as much as I can now recollect of the 
 project, except that 1 communicated it in part to 
 two young men, who adopted it with enthusiasm : 
 but my then narrow circumstances, and the neces- 
 sity I was under of sticking close to my business, 
 occasioned my postponing the farther prosecution 
 of it at that time, and my multifarious occupations, 
 public and private, induced me to continue postpo- 
 ning, so that it has been omitted, till I have no longer 
 strength or activity left sufficient for such an enter- 
 prise. Though I am still of opinion it was a prac- 
 ticable scheme, and might have been very useful, 
 by forming a great number of good citizens : and 
 I was not discouraged by the seeming magnitude of 
 the undertaking, as I have always thought that one 
 
118 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 man of tolerable abilities may work great changes 
 and accomplish great aflairs among mankind, if he 
 first forms a good plan ; and, cutting off all amuse- 
 ments or other employments that would divert his 
 attention, makes the connexion of that same plan 
 his sole study and business. 
 
 In 1732 1 first pubhshed my Almanac under the 
 name of Richard Saunders ; it was continued by me 
 about twenty-five years, and commonly called Poor 
 Richard's Almanac. 1 endeavoured to make it both j 
 entertaining and useful, and it accordingly came to ' 
 be in such demand that I reaped considerable profit 
 from it, vending annually near ten thousand. And | 
 observing that it was generally read (scarce any i 
 neighbourhood in the province being without it), I 
 considered it as a proper vehicle for conveying in- 
 struction among the common people, who bought 
 scarcely any other books, i therefore filled all the i 
 little spaces that occurred between the remarkable 
 days in the calendar with proverbial sentences, 
 chiefly such as inculcated industry and frugality as 
 the means of procuring wealth, and thereby secu- 
 ring virtue ; it being more difficult for a man in \ 
 want to act always honestly, as (to use here one of I 
 those proverbs) "i^ is hard for an empty sack to stand ! 
 upright." These proverbs, which contained the wis- 
 dom of many ages and nations, I assembled and 
 formed into a connected discourse, prefixed to the I 
 Almanac of 1757 as the harangue of a wise old ] 
 man to the people attending an auction : the bring- 
 ing all these scattered counsels thus into a focus, 
 enabled them to make greater impression. The 
 piece, being universally approved, was copied in all 
 the newspapers of the American Continent ; reprint- 
 ed in Britain on a large sheet of paper, to be stuck 
 up in houses ; two translations were made of it in 
 French, and great numbers bought by the clergy 
 and gentry to distribute gratis among their poor 
 parishioners and tenants. In Pennsylvania, as it 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 119 
 
 discouraged useless expense in foreign superfluities, 
 some Thought it had its share of influence in pro- 
 ducing that growing plenty of money which was 
 observable for several years after its pubhcation. 
 
 I considered my newspaper also another means 
 of communicating instruction, and in that view fre- 
 quently reprinted in it extracts from the Spectator 
 and other moral writers ; and sometimes published 
 little pieces of mine own, which had been first com- 
 posed for reading in our Junto. Of these are a 
 Socratic dialogue, tending to prove that, whatever 
 might be his parts and abilities, a vicious man could 
 not properly be called a man of sense ; and a dis- 
 course on self-denial, showing that virtue was not 
 secure till its practice became a habitude, and was 
 free from the opposition of contrary inclinations : 
 these may be found in the papers about the begin- 
 ning of 1735. In the conduct of my newspaper I 
 carefully excluded all libelling and personal abuse, 
 which is of late years become so disgraceful to our 
 country. Whenever I was solicited to insert any- 
 thing of that kind, and the writers pleaded (as they 
 generally did) the liberty of the press, and that a 
 newspaper was like a stagecoach, in which any one 
 who would pay had a right to a place, my answer 
 was. that I would print the piece separately if de- 
 sired, and the author might have as many copies as 
 he pleased to distribute himself, but that I would 
 not take upon me to spread his detraction ; and that, 
 having contracted with my subscribers to furnish 
 them with what might be either useful or entertain- 
 ing, I could not fill their papers with private alter- 
 cation, in which they had no concern, without doing 
 them manifest injustice. Now, many of our print- 
 ers make no scruple of gratifying the malice of in- 
 dividuals by false accusations of the fairest char- 
 acters among ourselves, augmenting animosity even 
 to the producing of duels ; and are, moreover, so in- 
 discreet as to print scurrilous reflections on the 
 
120 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 government of neighbouring states, and even on the 
 conduct of our best national allies, which may be 
 attended with the most pernicious consequences. 
 These things I mention as a caution to young print- 
 ers, and that they may be encouraged not to pollute 
 the presses and disgrace their profession by such 
 infamous practices, but refuse steadily, as they may 
 see by my example that such a course of con- 
 duct will not, on the whole, be injurious to their in- 
 terests. 
 
 In 1733 I sent one of my journeymen to Charles- 
 ton, South Carolina, where a printer was wanting. 
 I furnished him with a press and letters, on an agree- 
 ment of partnership, by which I was to receive one 
 third of the profits of the business, paying one third 
 of the expense. He was a man of learning, but ig- 
 norant in matters of account; and, though he some- 
 times made me remittances, I could get no account 
 from him, nor any satisfactory state of our partner- 
 ship while he lived. On his decease the business 
 was continued by his widow, who, being born and 
 bred in Holland, where (^as 1 have been informed) 
 the knowledge of accounts makes a part of female 
 education, she not only sent me as clear a state- 
 ment as she could find of the transactions past, but 
 continued to account with the greatest regularity 
 and exactness every quarter afterward ; and man- 
 aged the business with such success, that she not 
 only reputably brought up a family of children, but, 
 at the expiration of the term, was able to purchase 
 of me the printing-house and establish her son in 
 it. I mention this affair chiefly for the sake of rec- 
 ommending that branch of education for our young 
 women, as likely to be of more use to them and 
 their children in case of widowhood than either 
 music or dancing; by preserving them from losses 
 by imposition of crafty men, and enabling them to 
 continue, perhaps, a profitable mercantile house, 
 with established correspondence, till a son is grown 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 121 
 
 up fit to undertake and go on with it, to the lasting 
 advantage and enriching of the family. 
 
 I had begun in 1733 to study languages ; 1 soon 
 made myself so much master of the French as to 
 be able to read the books in that language with 
 ease. I then undertook the Italian: an acquaint- 
 ance, who was also learning it, used often to tempt 
 me to play chess with him : finding this took up too 
 much of the time I had to spare for study, I at 
 length refused to play any more, unless on this 
 condition, that the victor in every game should 
 have a right to impose a task, either of parts of the 
 grammar to be got by heart, or in translations, &c., 
 which tasks the vanquished was to perform upon 
 honour before our next meeting: as we played 
 pretty equally, we thus beat one another into that 
 language. I afterward, with a little painstaking, 
 acquired as much of the Spanish as to read their 
 books also. I have already mentioned that I had 
 only one year's instruction in a Latin school, and 
 that when very young, after which 1 neglected that 
 language entirely. But when I had attained an ac- 
 quaintance with the French, Italian, and Spanish, I 
 was surprised to find, on looking over a Latin Testa- 
 ment, that I understood more of that language than 
 I had imagined, which encouraged me to apply my- 
 self again to the study of it; and I met with the 
 more success, as those preceding languages had 
 greatly smoothed my way. From these circumstan- 
 ces. I have thought there was some inconsistency in 
 our common mode of teaching languages. We are 
 told that it is proper to begin first with the Latin, 
 and, having acquired that, it will be more easy to 
 attain those modern languages which are derived 
 from it ; and yet we do not begin with the Greek in 
 order more easily to acquire the Latin. It is true, 
 that if we can clamber and get to the top of a staircase 
 without using the steps, we shall more easily gain 
 them in descending ; but certainly, if we begin with 
 
 Vol. I.—ll 
 
122 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 the lowest, we shall with more ease ascend to the 
 top ; and I would therefore offer it to the considera- 
 tion of those who superintend the education of our 
 youth, whether — since many of those who begin 
 with the Latin, quit the same after spending some 
 years without having made any great proficiency, 
 and what they have learned becomes almost use- 
 less, so that their time has been lost — it would not 
 have been better to have begun with the French, 
 proceeding to the Italian and Latin. For though, 
 after spending the same time, they should quit the 
 study of languages and never arrive at the Latin, 
 they would, however, have acquired another tongue 
 or two, that, being in modern use, might be service- 
 able to them in common life. 
 
 After ten years' absence from Boston, and having 
 become easy in my circumstances, I made a jour- 
 ney thither to visit my relations, which 1 could not 
 sooner afford. In returning, I called at Newport to 
 see my brother James, then settled there with his 
 printing-house : our former differences were forgot- 
 ten, and our meeting was very cordial and affec- 
 tionate : he was fast declining in health, and re- 
 quested of me that, in case of his death, which he 
 apprehended not far distant, I would take home his 
 son, then but ten years of age, and bring him up to 
 the printing business. This I accordingly perform- 
 ed, sending him a few years to school before I took 
 him into the office. His mother carried on the busi- 
 ness till he was grown up, when I assisted him with 
 an assortment of new types, those of his father be- 
 ing in a manner worn out. Thus it was that I 
 made my brother ample amends for the service I 
 had deprived him of by leaving him so early. 
 
 In 1736 I lost one of my sons, a fine boy of four 
 years old, by the smallpox, taken in the common 
 way. I long regretted him bitterly, and still regret 
 that I had not given it to him by inoculation. This 
 I mention for the sake of parents who omit that 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 123 
 
 operation, on the supposition that they should never 
 forgive themselves if a child died under it ; my ex- 
 ample showing that the regret may be the same ei- 
 ther way, and, therefore, that the safer should be 
 chosen. 
 
 Our club, the Junto, was found so useful, and af- 
 forded such satisfaction to the members, that some 
 were desirous of introducing their friends, which 
 could not well be done without exceeding what we 
 had settled as a convenient number, viz., twelve. 
 We had, from the beginning, made it a rule to keep 
 our institution a secret, which was pretty well ob- 
 served ; the intention was to avoid applications of 
 improper persons for admittance, some of whom, 
 perhaps, we might find it difficult to refuse. I was 
 one of those who were against any addition to our 
 number; but, instead of it, made in writing a pro- 
 posal, that every member, separately, should en- 
 deavour to form a subordinate club, with the same 
 rules respecting queries, &c., and without inform- 
 ing them of the connexion with the Junto. The 
 advantages proposed were the improvement of so 
 many more young citizens by the use of our insti- 
 tutions; our better acquaintance with the general 
 sentiments of the inhabitants on any occasion, as 
 the junto member might propose what queries we 
 should desire, and was to report to the Junto what 
 passed in his separate club : the promotion of our 
 particular interests in business by more extensive 
 recommendation, and the increase of our influence 
 in public affairs, and our power of doing good by 
 spreading through the several clubs the sentiments 
 of the Junto. The project was approved, and every 
 member undertook to form his club: but they did 
 not all succeed. Five or six only were completed, 
 which were called by different names, as the Vine^ 
 the Union, the Band, &c. ; they were useful to them- 
 selves, and afforded us a good deal of amusement, 
 information, and instruction, besides answering, in 
 
124 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 some degree, our views of influencing the public on 
 particular occasions; of which I shall give some 
 instances in course of time as they happened. 
 
 My first promotion was my being chosen, in 1736, 
 clerk of the General Assembly. The choice was 
 made that year without opposition ; but the year 
 following, when I was again proposed (the choice, 
 like that of the members, being annual), a new mem- 
 ber made a long speech against me, in order to fa- 
 vour some other candidate. I was, however, cho- 
 sen, which was the more agreeable to me, as, be- 
 sides the pay for the immediate service of clerk, 
 the place gave me a better opportunity of keeping 
 up an interest among the members, which secured 
 to me the business of printing the votes, laws, paper 
 money, and other occasional jobs for the public, that, 
 on the whole, were very profitable. I therefore did 
 not like the opposition of this new member, who 
 vv^as a gentleman of fortune and education, with tal- 
 ents that were likely to give him, in time, great in- 
 fluence in the house, which, indeed, afterward hap- 
 pened. I did not, however, aim at gaining his favour 
 by paying any servile respect to him, but after some 
 time took this other method. Having heard that he 
 had in his library a certain very scarce and curious 
 book, I wrote a note to him, expressing my desire 
 of perusing that book, and requesting that he would 
 do me the favour of lending it to me for a few days. 
 He sent it immediately; and I returned it in about 
 a week with another note, expressing strongly my 
 sense of the favour. When we next met in the 
 house, he spoke to me (which he had never done 
 before), and with great civility; and he ever after 
 manifested a readiness to serve me on all occasions, 
 so that we became great friends, and our friendship 
 continued to his death. This is another instance of 
 the truth of an old maxim I had learned, which 
 says, " He that has once done you a kindness will be 
 more ready to do you another than he whom you your- 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 125 
 
 self have obliged." And it shows how much more 
 profitable it is prudently to remove, than to resent, 
 return, and continue inimical proceedings. 
 
 In 1737, Colonel Spotsvvood, late governor of Vir- 
 ginia, and then postmaster-general, being dissatis- 
 fied with his deputy at Philadelphia respecting some 
 negligence in rendering, and want of exactness in 
 framing, his accounts, took from him his commis- 
 sion and offered it to me. I accepted it readily, 
 and found it of great advantage ; for, though the 
 salary was small, it facilitated the correspondence 
 that improved my newspaper, increased the num- 
 ber demanded, as well as the advertisements to be 
 inserted, so that it came to aflTord me a consider- 
 able income. My old competitor's newspaper de- 
 clined proportionally, and 1 was satisfied, without 
 retailiating his refusal, while postmaster, to permit 
 my papers being carried by the riders. Thus he 
 suffered greatly from his neglect in due accounting ; 
 and I mention it as a lesson to those young men 
 who maybe employed in managing affairs for others, 
 that they should always render accounts and make 
 remittances with great clearness and punctuality. 
 The character of observing such a conduct is the 
 most powerful of recommendations to new employ- 
 ments and increase of business. 
 
 I began now to turn my thoughts to public affairs, 
 beginning, however, with small matters. The city 
 watch was one of the first things that I conceived 
 to want regulation. It was managed by the con- 
 stables of the respective wards in turn; the con- 
 stable summoned a number of housekeepers to at- 
 tend him for the night. Those who chose never to 
 attend, paid him six shilHngs a year to be excused, 
 which was supposed to go to hiring substitutes, but 
 was, in reality, more than was necessary for that 
 purpose, and made the constableship a place of prof- 
 it; and the constable, for a little drink, often got 
 such ragamuiRns about him as a watch that respect- 
 11* 
 
126 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 able hous-ekeepers did not choose to mix with. 
 Walking the rounds, too, was often neglected, and 
 most of the nights spent in tippling : I thereupon 
 wrote a paper, to be read in Junto, representing these 
 irregularities, but insisting more particularly on the 
 inequality of this six-shilling tax of the constables, 
 respecting the circumstances of those who paid it, 
 since a poor widow housekeeper, all whose proper- 
 ty to be guarded by the watch did not perhaps ex- 
 ceed the value of fifty pounds, paid as much as the 
 wealthiest merchant who had thousands of pounds 
 w^orth of goods in his stores. On the whole, I pro- 
 posed, as a more effectual watch, the hiring of proper 
 men to serve constantly in the business ; and, as a 
 more equitable way of supporting the charge, the 
 levying of a tax that should be proportioned to the 
 property. This idea, being approved by the Junto, 
 was communicated to the other clubs, but as origi- 
 nating in each of them ; and though the plan was not 
 immediately carried into execution, yet, by prepa- 
 ring the minds of the people for the change, it paved 
 the way for the law, obtained a few years after, 
 when the members of our clubs were grown into 
 more influence. 
 
 About this time I wrote a paper (first to be read 
 in the Junto, but it was afterward pubhshed) on the 
 different accidents and carelessnesses by which 
 houses were set on fire, with cautions against them, 
 and means proposed of avoiding them. This was 
 spoken of as a useful piece, and gave rise to a proj- 
 ect, which soon followed it, of forming a company 
 for the more ready extinguishing of fires, and mu- 
 tual assistance in removing and securing of goods 
 when in danger. Associates in this scheme were 
 presently found amounting to thirty. Our articles 
 of agreement obliged every member to keep always 
 in good order and fit for use a certain number of 
 leathern buckets, with strong bags and baskets (for 
 packing and transporting goods), whidi were to be 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 127 
 
 brought to every fire ; and we agreed about once a 
 month to spend a social evening together in dis- 
 coursing and communicating such ideas as occurred 
 to us upon the subject of fires as might be useful 
 in our conduct on such occasions. The utility of 
 this institution soon appeared ; and many more de- 
 siring to be admitted than we thought convenient 
 for one company, they were advised to form an- 
 other, which was accordingly done; and thus went 
 on one new company after another, till they became 
 so numerous as to include most of the inhabitants 
 who were men of property ; and now, at the time 
 of my writing this (though upward of fifty years 
 since its establishment), that which I first formed, 
 called the Union Fire Company, still subsists ; though 
 the first members are all deceased but one, who is 
 older by a year than 1 am. The fines that have 
 been paid by members for absence at the monthly 
 meetings have been applied to the purchase of fire- 
 engines, ladders, fire-hooks, and other useful imple- 
 ments for each company ; so that I question whether 
 there is a city in the world better provided with the 
 means of putting a stop to beginning conflagrations ; 
 and, in fact, since these institutions, the city has 
 never lost by fire more than one or two houses at 
 a time, and the flames have often been extinguished 
 before the house in which they began has been half 
 consumed. 
 
 In 1739 arrived among us from Ireland the Rev- 
 erend Mr. Whitefield, who had made himself re- 
 markable there as an itinerant preacher. He was 
 at first permitted to preach in some of our churches ; 
 but the clergy, taking a dislike to him, soon refused 
 him their pulpits, and he was obliged to preach in 
 the fields. The multitude of all sects and denomi- 
 nations that attended his sermons were enormous, 
 and it vi'as a matter of speculation to me (who was 
 one of the number) to observe the extraordinary in- 
 fluence of his oratory on his hearers, and how much 
 
128 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 they admired and respected him. It was wonder- 
 ful to see the change soon made in the manners of 
 our inhabitants. From being thoughtless or indif- 
 ferent about rehgion, it seemed as if all the world 
 were growing religious, so that one could not walk 
 through the town in an evening without hearing 
 psalms sung in different families of every street. 
 And it being found inconvenient to assemble in the 
 open air, subject to its inclemencies, the building of 
 a house to meet in was no sooner proposed, and 
 persons appointed to receive contributions, than suf- 
 ficient sums were soon received to procure the 
 ground and erect the building, which was one hun- 
 dred feet long and seventy broad ; and the work 
 was carried with such spirit as to be finished in a 
 much shorter time than could have been expected. 
 Both house and ground were vested in trustees, ex- 
 pressly for the use of any preacher of any religious 
 persuasion who might desire to say something to the 
 people at Philadelphia. The design in building not 
 being to accommodate any particular sect, but the 
 inhabitants in general. 
 
 Mr. Whitefield, on leaving us, went preaching all 
 the way through the colonies to Gf orgia. The set- 
 tlement of that province had lately been begun; but, 
 instead of being made with hardy, industrious hus- 
 bandmen, accustomed to labour, the only people fit 
 for such an enterprise, it was with families of bro- 
 ken shopkeepers and other insolvent debtors ; many 
 of indolent and idle habits, taken out of the jails, 
 who, being set down in the woods, unqualified for 
 clearing land, and unable to endure the hardships of 
 a new settlement, perished in numbers, leaving 
 many helpless children unprovided for. The sight 
 of their miserable situation inspired the benevolent 
 heart of Mr. Whitefield with the idea of building an 
 orphan-house there, in which they might be support- 
 ed and educated. Returning northward, he preach- 
 ed up this charity and made large collections, for 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 129 
 
 his eloquence had a wonderful power over the hearts 
 and purses of ^is hearers, of which 1 myself was an 
 instance. I did not disapprove of the design, but 
 as Georgia was then destitute of materials and work- 
 men, and it was proposed to send them from Phila- 
 delphia at a great expense, I thought it would have 
 been better to build the house at Philadelphia, 
 and bring the children to it. This 1 advised ; but 
 he was resolute in his first project, rejected my 
 counsel, and I therefore refused to contribute. I 
 happened soon after to attend one of his sermons, 
 in the course of which I perceived he intended to 
 finish with a collection, and I silently resolved he 
 should get nothing from me : I had in my pocket a 
 handful of copper-money, three or four silver dol- 
 lars, and five pistoles in gold ; as he proceeded I 
 began to soften, and concluded to give the copper. 
 Another stroke of his oratory made me ashamed of 
 that, and determined me to give the silver; and he 
 finished so admirably, that I emptied my pocket 
 wholly into the collector's dish, gold and all ! At 
 this sermon there was also one of our club, who, 
 being of my sentiments respecting the building in 
 Georgia, and suspecting a collection might be in- 
 tended, had, by precaution, eniptied his pockets 
 before he came from home ; towards the conclusion 
 of the discourse, however, he felt a strong inclina- 
 tion to give, and appHed to a neighbour who stood 
 oear him to lend him some money for the purpose. 
 The request was fortunately made to perhaps the 
 only man in the company who had the firmness not 
 to be affected by the preacher. His answer was, 
 " At any other time, friend Hopkinson, I would lend to 
 thee freely ; but not now, for thee seems to me to be out 
 of thy right senses.''^ 
 
 Some of Mr. Whitefield's enemies affected to 
 suppose that he would apply these collections to 
 his own private emolument ; but 1, who was inti- 
 mately acquainted with him (being employed in 
 
130 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 printing his sermons, journals, &c.), never had the 
 least suspicion of his integrity, but dPhi to this day 
 decidedly of opinion that he was in all his conduct 
 a perfectly honest man ; and meihinks my testimony 
 in his favour ought to have the more weight, as we 
 had no religious connexion. He used, indeed, some- 
 times to pray for my conversion, but never had the 
 satisfaction of believing that his prayers were heard. 
 Ours was a mere civil friendship, sincere on both 
 sides, and lasted to his death. 
 
 The last time I saw Mr. Whitefield was in Lon- 
 don, when he consulted me about his orphan-house 
 concern, and his purpose of appropriating it to the 
 establishment of a college. 
 
 He had a loud and clear voice, and articulated his 
 words so perfectly that he migl^t be heard and un- 
 derstood at a great distance, especially as his audi- 
 tors observed the most perfect silence. He preach- 
 ed one evening from the top of the courthouse 
 steps, which are in the middle of Market-street, and 
 on the west side of Second-street, which crosses it 
 at right angles. Both streets were filled with his 
 hearers to a considerable distance : being among 
 the hindmost in Market-street, I had the curiosity 
 to learn how far he could be heard, by retiring 
 backward down the street towards the river, and I 
 found his voice distinct till I came near Front- 
 street, when some noise in that street obscured it. 
 Imagining then a semicircle, of which my distance 
 should be the radius, and that it was filled with au- 
 ditors, to each of whom I allowed two square feet, 
 I computed that he might well be heard by more 
 than thirty thousand. This reconciled me to the 
 newspaper accounts of his having preached to 
 25,000 people in the fields, and to the history of 
 generals haranguing whole armies, of which I had 
 sometimes doubted. 
 
 By hearing him often I came to distinguish easily 
 between sermons newly composed and those which 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 131 
 
 he had often preached in the course of his travels. 
 His delivery of the latter was so improved by fre- 
 quent repetition, that every accent, every emphasis, 
 every modulation of voice, was so perfectly well- 
 turned and well-placed, that, without being inter- 
 ested in the subject, one could not help being pleas- 
 ed with the discourse ; a pleasure of much the same 
 kind with that received from an excellent piece of 
 music. This is an advantage itinerant preachers 
 have over those who are stationary, as the latter 
 cannot well improve their delivery of a sermon by 
 so many rehearsals. His writing and printing from 
 time to time gave great advantage to his enemies; 
 imguarded expressions, and even erroneous opinions 
 delivered in preaching, might have been afterward 
 explained or qualified, by supposing others that 
 might have accompanied them, or they might have 
 been denied ; but litera scripta manet — what is writ- 
 ten remains : critics attacked his writings violently, 
 and with so much appearance of reason as to di- 
 minish the number of his votaries and prevent their 
 increase. So that I am satisfied that if he had 
 never written anything, he would have left behind 
 him a much more numerous and important sect; 
 and his reputation might in that case have been still 
 growing, even after his death ; as there being no- 
 thing of his writing on which to found a censure 
 and give him a lower character, his proselytes 
 would be left at liberty to attribute to him as great 
 a variety of excellences as their enthusiastic admi- 
 ration might wish him to have possessed. 
 
 My business was now constantly augmenting, and 
 my circumstances growing daily easier, my news- 
 paper having become very profitable, as being for a 
 time almost the only one in this and the neighbour- 
 ing provinces. I experienced, too, the truth of the 
 observation, " that after getting the first hundred 
 pounds it is more easy to get the second ;" money it- 
 self being of a prolific nature. 
 
132 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. , 
 
 The partnership at Carolina having succeeded, I ' 
 was encouraged to engage in others, and to pro- 
 mote several of my workmen who had behaved 
 well, by establishing them with printing-houses in 
 different colonies, on the same terms with that in 
 Carolina. Most of them did w^ell, being enabled at 
 the end of our term (six years) to purchase the 
 types of me and go on working for themselves, by 
 which means several famihes were raised. Part- 
 nerships often finish in quarrels ; but I was happy in 
 this, that mine were all carried on and ended ami- 
 cably ; owing, I think, a good deal to the precaution 
 of having very explicitly settled in our articles every- 
 thing to be done by, or expected from, each partner, 
 so that there was nothing to dispute, which pre- 
 caution I would therefore recommend to all who 
 enter into partnership ; for whatever esteem part- 
 ners may have for, and confidence in, each other at 
 the time of the contract, little jealousies and dis- 
 gusts may arise, with ideas of inequaUty in the care 
 and burden, business, &c., which are attended often 
 with breach of friendship and of the connexion ; 
 perhaps with lawsuits and other disagreeable con- 
 sequences. 
 
 I had, on the whole, abundant reason to be satis- 
 fied with my being established in Pennsylvania; 
 there were, however, some things that I regretted, 
 there being no provision for defence nor for a com- 
 plete education of youth ; no militia, nor any col- 
 lege : I therefore, in 1743, drew up a proposal for 
 establishing an academy ; and at that time, thinking 
 the Rev. Richard Peters, who was out of employ, a 
 fit person to superintend such an institution, I com- 
 municated the project to him ; but he, having more 
 profitable views in the service of the proprietors, 
 Avhich succeeded, declined the undertaking: and 
 not knowing another at that time suitable for such 
 a trust, I let the scheme lie a while dormant. 1 
 succeeded better the next year, 1744, in proposing 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 133 
 
 and establishing a Philosophical Society. The paper 
 1 wrote for that purpose will be found among my 
 writings, if not lost with many others. 
 
 With respect to defence, Spain having been sever- 
 al 3'^ears at war against Great Britain, and being at 
 length joined by France, which brought us into great 
 danger ; and the laboured and long-continued en- 
 deavour of our governor, Thomas, to prevail with 
 our Quaker assembly to pass a militia law, and 
 make other provisions for the security of the prov- 
 ince, having proved abortive, 1 proposed to try what 
 might be done by a voluntary subscription of the 
 people : to promote this, I first wrote and published 
 a pamphlet, entitled Plain Truth, in which I stated 
 our helpless situation in strong lights, with the ne- 
 cessity of a union and discipline for our defence, 
 and promised to propose in a iew days an associa- 
 tion, to be generally signed for that purpose. The 
 pamphlet had a sudden and surprising effect. I was 
 called upon for the instrument of association ; hav- 
 ing settled the draught of it with a few friends, I 
 appointed a meeting of the citizens in the large 
 building before-mentioned. The house was pretty 
 full ; I had prepared a number of printed copies, 
 and provided pens and ink dispersed all over the 
 room. I harangued them a little on the subject, 
 read the paper, explained it, and then distributed the 
 copies, which were eagerly signed, not the least ob- 
 jection being made. When the company separa- 
 ted and the papers were collected, we found above 
 twelve hundred signatures ; and other copies being 
 dispersed in the country, the subscribers amounted 
 at length to upward of ten thousand These all 
 furnished themselves, as soon as they could, with 
 arms, formed themselves into companies and regi- 
 ments, chose their own officers, and met every 
 week to be instructed in the manual exercise and 
 other parts of military disciphne. The women, by 
 subscriptions among themselves, provided silk col- 
 
 VoL. I.— 12 
 
134 LIFE OF FRANKLIN* 
 
 lours, which they presented to the companies, paint- 
 ed with different devices and mottoes, which I sup* 
 plied. The officers of the companies composing 
 the Philadelphia regiment, being met, chose me for 
 their colonel ; but. conceiving myself unfit, I declined 
 that station, and recommended Mr. Lawrence, a 
 fine person and a man of influence, who was ac- 
 cordingly appointed. I then proposed a lottery to 
 defray the expense of building a battery below the 
 town, and furnished with cannon : it filled expedi- 
 tiously, and the battery was soon erected, the mer- 
 lons being framed of logs and filled with earth. We 
 bought some old cannon from Boston ; but these not 
 being sufficient, we wrote to London for more, so- 
 liciting, at the same time, our proprietaries for some 
 assistance, though without much expectation of ob- 
 taining it< Meanwhile, Colonel Lawrence, Al- 
 ien, Abraham Taylor, Esquires, and myself, were 
 sent to New- York by the associators, commission- 
 ed to borrow some cannon of Governor Clinton. 
 He at first refused us peremptorily ; but at a din- 
 ner with his council, where there was great drink- 
 ing of Madeira wine, as the custom of that place 
 then was, he softened by degrees, and said he would 
 lend us six. After a few more bumpers he advan- 
 ced to ten; and at length he very good-naturedly 
 conceded eighteen. They were fine cannon, 18 
 pounders, with their carriages, which were soon 
 transported and mounted on our batteries, where 
 the associators kept a nightly guard while the war 
 lasted; and, among the rest, I regularly took my 
 turn of duty there as a common soldier. 
 
 My activity in these operations was agreeable to 
 the governor and council ; they took me into confi- 
 dence, and I was consulted by them in every meas- 
 ure where their concurrence was thought useful to 
 the assoc^tion. Calling in the aid of religion, I 
 proposed to them the proclaiming a fast, to promote 
 reformation and implore the blessing of Heaven on 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 135 
 
 our undertaking. They embraced the motion ; but 
 as it was the first fast ever thought of in the province, 
 the secretary had no precedent from which to draw 
 the proclamation. My education in New-England, 
 where a fast is proclaimed every year, was here of 
 some advantage : I drew it in the accustomed style j 
 it was translated into German, printed in both lan- 
 guages, and circulated through the province. This 
 gave the clergy of the different sects an opportunity 
 of influencing their congregations to join in the as- 
 sociation, and it would probably have been general 
 among all but the Quakers if the peace had not 
 soon intervened. 
 
 In order of time, I should have mentioned before, 
 that having, in 1742, invented an open stove for the 
 better warming of rooms, and, at the same time, sa- 
 ving fuel, as the fresh air admitted was warmed in 
 entering, 1 made a present of the model to Mr. 
 Robert Grace, one of my early friends, who, having 
 an iron furnace, found the casting of the plates for 
 these stoves a profitable thing, as they were grow- 
 ing in demand. To promote that demand, I wrote 
 and published a pamphlet, entitled, " An Account of 
 the new-invented Pennsylvania Fireplaces; wherein 
 their construction and manner of operation is particu- 
 larly explained, their advantages above every method of 
 warming rooms demonstrated, and all objections that 
 have been raised against the use of them answered and 
 obviated,'^ &c. This pamphlet had a good effect. 
 Governor Thomas was so pleased with the con- 
 struction of this stove, as described in it, that he of- 
 fered to give me a patent for the sole vending of 
 them for a term of years ; but I declined it, from a 
 principle which has ever weighed with me on such 
 occasions, viz.. That as we enjoy great advantages 
 from the inventions of others, we should be glad of an 
 opportunity to se)-ve others by any invention of ours ; 
 and this we should do freely and generously. 
 
 An ironmonger in London, however, assuming a 
 
136 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 good deal of my pamphlet, and working it up into his 
 own, and making some small change in the ma- 
 chine, which rather hurt its operation, got a patent 
 for it there, and made, as I was told, a little fortune 
 by it. And this is not the only instance of patents 
 taken out of my inventions by others, though not 
 always with the same success ; which I never con- 
 tested, as having no desire of profiting by patents 
 myself, and hating disputes. The use of these fire- 
 places in very many houses, both here in Pennsyl- 
 vania and the neighbouring states, has been, and 
 is, a great saving of wood to the inhabitants. 
 
 Peace being concluded, and the association busi- 
 ness therefore at an end, I turned my thoughts again 
 to the affair of establishing an academy. The first 
 step I took was to associate in the design a number 
 of active friends, of whom the Junto furnished a good 
 part: the next was to write and publish a pamphlet, 
 entitled, " Proposals relating to the Education of 
 Youth in Pennsylvania^ This I distributed among 
 the principal inhabitants gratis : and as soon as 
 I could suppose their minds a little prepared by the 
 perusal of it, I set on foot a subscription for open- 
 ing and supporting an academy ; it was to be paid in 
 quotas yearly for five years ; by so dividing it, I 
 judged the subscription might be larger; and I be- 
 lieve it was so, amounting to no less, if I remember 
 right, than five thousand pounds. 
 
 In the introduction to these proposals, I stated 
 their publication not as an act of mine, but of some 
 public- spirited gentleman; avoiding as much as 1 
 could, according to my usual rule, the presenting 
 myself to the public as the author of any scheme 
 for their benefit. 
 
 The subscribers, to carry the project into imme- 
 diate execution, chose out of their number twenty- 
 four trustees, and appointed Mr. Francis, then at- 
 torney-general, and myself, to draw up constitutions 
 for the government of the academy ; which being 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 137 
 
 done and signed, a house was hired, masters en- 
 gaged, and the schools opened ; I think in the same 
 year, 1749. 
 
 The scholars increasing fast, the house was soon 
 found too small, and we were looking out for a 
 piece of ground, properly situated, with intent to 
 build, when accident threw into our way a large 
 house ready built, which, with a few alterations, 
 might well serve our purpose : this was the build- 
 ing before mentioned, erected by the hearers of Mr. 
 Whitefield, and was obtained for us in the following 
 manner. 
 
 It is to be noted, that the contributions to this 
 building being made by people of different sects, 
 care was taken in the nomination of trustees, in 
 whom the building and ground were to be vested, 
 that a predominance should not be given to any 
 sect, lest in time that predominance might be a 
 means of appropriating the whole to the use of such 
 sect, contrary to the original intention ; it was for 
 this reason that one of each sect was appointed ; 
 viz., one Church of England man, one Presbyterian, 
 one Baptist, one Moravian, &c., who, in case of va- 
 cancy by death, were to fill it by election among 
 the contributors. The Moravian happened not to 
 please his colleagues, and on his death they re- 
 solved to have no other of that sect ; the difficulty 
 vhen was, how to avoid having two of some other 
 sect, by means of the new choice. Several persons 
 were named, and for that reason not agreed to : at 
 length one mentioned me, with the observation that 
 I was merely an honest man, and of no sect at all, 
 which prevailed with them to choose me. The en- 
 thusiasm which existed when the house was built 
 had long since abated, and its trustees had not been 
 abl€ to procure fresh contributions for paying the 
 ground rent and discharging some other debts the 
 building had occasioned, which embarrassed them 
 greatly. Bieing now a member of both boards of 
 12* 
 
138 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 trustees, that for the building and that for the acad- 
 emy, I had a good opportunity of negotiating with 
 both, and brought them finally to an agreement, by 
 which the trustees for the building were to cede it 
 to those of the academy ; the latter undertaking to 
 discharge the debt, to keep for ever open in the 
 building a large hall for occasional preachers, ac- 
 cording to the original intention, and maintain a 
 free school for the instruction of poor children. 
 Writings were accordmgly drawn; and on paying 
 the debts, the trustees of the academy were put in 
 possession of the premises ; and by dividing the 
 great and lofty hall into stories, and different rooms 
 above and below for the several schools, and pur- 
 chasing some additional ground, the whole was soon 
 made fit for our purpose, and the scholars removed 
 into the building. The whole care and trouble of 
 agreeing with the workmen, purchasing materials, 
 and superintending the work, fell upon me, and I 
 went through it the more cheerfully, as it did not 
 then interfere with my private business, having the 
 year before taken a very able, industrious, and hon- 
 est partner, Mr. David I^all, with whose character 
 I was well acquainted, as he had worked for me 
 four years ; he took off my hands all care of the 
 printing-office, paying me punctually my share of 
 the profits. This partnership continued eighteen 
 years, successfully for us both. 
 
 The trustees of the academy, after a while, were 
 incorporated by a charter from the governor; their 
 funds were increased by contributions in Britain, 
 and grants of land from the proprietors, to which 
 the Assembly has since made considerable addi- 
 tion ; and thus was established the present Univer- 
 sity of Philadelphia. 1 have been continued one of 
 its trustees from the beginning (now near forty 
 years), and have had the very great pleasure of see- 
 ing a number of the youth who have received their 
 education in it distinguished by their improved abil- 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 139 
 
 ities, serviceable in public stations, and ornaments 
 to their country. 
 
 When I was disengaged myself, as above men- 
 tioned, from private business, I flattered myself that, 
 by the sufficient though moderate fortune I had ac- 
 quired, I had found leisure during the rest of my life 
 for philosophical studies and amusements. 1 pur- 
 chased all Dr. Spence's apparatus, who had come 
 from England to lecture in Philadelphia, and I pro- 
 ceeded in my electrical experiments with great 
 alacrity ; but the public, now considering me as a 
 man of leisure, laid hold of me for their purposes; 
 every part of our civil government, and almost at 
 the same time, imposing some duty upon me. The 
 governor put me into the commission of the peace ; 
 the corporation of the city chose me one of the 
 common council, and soon after alderman ; and the 
 citizens at large elected me a burgess to represent 
 them in Assembly; this latter station was the more 
 agreeable to me, as I grew at length tired with sit- 
 ting there to hear the debates, in which, as clerk, I 
 could take no part, and which were often so unin- 
 teresting that I was induced to amuse mysolf with 
 making magic squares or circles, or anj? thing to 
 avoid weariness ; and I conceived my becoming a 
 member would enlarge my power of doing good. 
 I would not, however, insinuate that my ambition 
 M'as not flattered by all these promotions : it cer- 
 tainly was ; for, considering my low beginning, they 
 were great thinos to me : and they were still more 
 pleasing, as being so many spontaneous testimonies 
 of the public good opinion, and by me entirely un- 
 sohcited. 
 
 The office of justice of the peace I tried a little, 
 by attending a few courts and sitting on the bench 
 to hear causes ; but finding that more knowledge of 
 the common law than I possessed was necessary to 
 act in that station with credit, I gradually withdrew 
 from it, excusing myself by my being obliged to 
 
140 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 attend the higher duties of a legislator in the As- 
 sembly. My election to this trust was repeated 
 every year for ten years, without my ever asking 
 any elector for his vote, or signifying either directly 
 or indirectly any desire of being chosen. On ta- 
 king my seat in the house, my son was appointed 
 their clerk. 
 
 The year following, a treaty being to be held with 
 the Indians at Carlisle, the governor sent a message 
 to the house, proposing that they should nominate 
 some of their members, to be joined with some 
 members of council, as commissioners for that pur- 
 pose. The house named the speaker (Mr. Norris) 
 and myself; and, being commissioned, we went to 
 Carhsle and met the Indians accordingly. As those 
 people are extremely apt to get drunk, and, when so, 
 are very quarrelsome and disorderly, we strictly for- 
 bade the seUing any hquor to them ; and when they 
 complained of this restriction, we told them that, 
 if they would continue sober during the treaty, we 
 would give them plenty of rum when the business 
 was over. They promised this, and they kept their 
 promise, because they could get no rum ; and the 
 treaty was conducted very orderly, and concluded 
 to mutual satisfaction. They then claimed and re- 
 ceived the rum ; this was in the afternoon ; they 
 were near one hundred men, women, and children, 
 and were lodged in temporary cabins, built in the 
 form of a square, just without the town. In the 
 evening, hearing a great noise among them, the 
 commissioners walked to see what was the matter ; 
 we found they had made a great bonfire in the mid- 
 dle of the square : they were all drunk, men and 
 women, quarrelling and fighting. Their dark-col- 
 oured bodies, half naked, seen only by the gloomy 
 light of the bonfire, running after and beating one 
 another with firebrands, accompanied by their hoi*- 
 rid yellings, formed a scene the most diabolical that 
 could well bo imagined; there was no appeasing 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 141 
 
 the tumult, and we retired to our lodging. At mid- 
 night a number of them came thundering at our 
 door, demanding more rum, of which we took no 
 notice. The next day, sensible they had misbe- 
 haved in giving us that disturbance, they sent three 
 of their old counsellors to make their apology. 
 The orator acknowledged the fault, but laid it upon 
 the rum ; and then endeavoured to excuse the rum 
 by saying, " The Great Spirit, who made all things, 
 made everything for some use, and whatever use he 
 designed anything for, that use it should alivays be 
 put to: now, when he made rum, he said, 'let Tms 
 
 BE FOR THE INDIANS TO GET DRUNK WITH ;' and it UlUSt 
 
 be so." And, indeed, if it be the design of Provi- 
 dence to extirpate these savages, in order to make 
 room for the cultivators of the earth, it seems not 
 impossible that rum may be the appointed means. 
 It has already annihilated all the tribes who formerly 
 inhabited the seacoast. 
 
 In 1751, Dn' Thomas Bond, a particular friend of 
 mine, conceived the idea of establishing a hospital 
 in Philadelphia (a very beneficent design, which has 
 been ascribed to me, but was originally and truly 
 his) for the reception and cure of poor sick per- 
 sons, whether inhabitants of the province or stran- 
 gers. He was zealous and active in endeavouring 
 to procure subscriptions for it ; but the proposal be- 
 ing a novelty in America, and, at first, not well un- 
 derstood, he met with but little success. At length 
 he came to me with the compliment, that he found 
 there was no such a thing as carrying a public-spir- 
 ited project through without my being concerned in 
 it. " For," said he, " I am often asked by those to 
 whom I propose subscribing, Have you consulted 
 Franklin on this business ? And what does he think of 
 it ? And when I tell them that I have not (suppo- 
 sing it rather out of your line), they do not sub- 
 scribe, but say, they will consider it.^^ I inquired into 
 the nature and probable utility of the scheme, and, 
 receiving from him a very satisfactory explanation, 
 
142 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 I not only subscribed to it myself, but engaged 
 heartily in the design of procuring subscriptions 
 from others: previous, however, to the solicitation, 
 1 endeavoured to prepare the minds of the people, 
 by writing on the subject in the newspapers, which 
 was my usual custom in such cases, but which Dr. 
 Bond had omitted. The subscriptions afterward 
 were more free and generous ; but, beginning to flag, 
 I saw they would be uisufficient without assistance 
 from the Assembly, and therefore proposed to peti- 
 tion for it, which was done. The country members 
 did nut at first relish the project : they objected that 
 it could only be serviceable to the city, and, there- 
 fore, the citizens alone should be at the expense of 
 it ; and they doubted whether the citizens them- 
 selves generally approved of it. My allegation, on 
 the contrary, that it met with such approbation as to 
 leave no doubt of our being able to raise two thou- 
 sand pounds by voluntary donations, they considered 
 as a most extravagant supposition, and utterly im- 
 possible. On this I formed my plan; and asking 
 leave to bring in a bill for incorporating the con- 
 tributors according to the prayer of their petition, 
 and granting them a blank sum of money, which 
 leave was obtained chiefly on the consideration that 
 the house could throw the bill out if they did not 
 like it, I drew it so as to make the important clause 
 a conditional one, viz. : " And be it enacted by the 
 authority aforesaid, that when the said contributors 
 shall have met and chosen their managers and treas- 
 urer, and shall have raised by their contributions a 
 capital stock of two thousand pounds value (the 
 yearly interest of which is to be applied to the ac- 
 commodation of the sick poor in the said hospital, 
 and of charge for diet, attendance, advice, and medi- 
 cines), and shall make the same appear to the satisfac- 
 tion of the Speaker of the Assembly for the time beino^y 
 that then it shall and may be lawful for the said 
 speaker, and he is hereby required to sign an order 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 143 
 
 on the provincial treasurer, for the payment of two 
 thousand pounds, in two yearly payments, to the 
 treasurer of the said hospital, to be applied to the 
 founding, building, and finishing of the same," 
 This condition carried the bill through; for the 
 members who had opposed the grant, and now con- 
 ceived they might have the credit of being chari- 
 table without the expense, agreed to its passage; 
 and then, in soliciting subscriptions among the peo- 
 ple, we urged the conditional promise of the law as 
 an additional motive to give, since every man's do- 
 nation would be doubled : thus the clause worked 
 both ways. The subscriptions accordingly soon 
 exceeded the requisite sum, and we claimed and re- 
 ceived the pubhc gift, which enabled us to carry the 
 design into execution. A convenient and handsome 
 building was soon erected ; the institution has, by 
 constant experience, been found useful, and flour- 
 ishes to this day ; and I do not remember any of 
 my pohtical manoeuvres, the success of which, at the 
 time, gave me more pleasure, or wherein, after 
 thinking of it, I more easily excused myself for 
 having made some use of cunning. 
 
 It was about this time that another projector, the 
 Rev. Gilbert Tennent, came to me with a request 
 that I would assist him in procuring a subscription 
 for erecting a new meeting-house. It was to be for 
 the use of a congregation he had gathered among 
 the Presbyterians, who were originally disciples of 
 Mr. Whitefield. Unwilling to make myself disa- 
 greeable to my fellow-citizens by too frequently 
 sohciting their contributions, 1 absolutely refused. 
 He then desired 1 would furnish him with a list of 
 the names of persons I knew by experience to be 
 generous and public spirited. 1 thought it would be 
 unbecoming in me, after their kind compliance with 
 my solicitation, to mark them out to be worried by 
 other beggars, and therefore refused to give such a 
 list. He then desired I would at least give him ray 
 
144 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 advice. That I will do, said I; and, in the first 
 place, I advise you to apply to all those who you 
 know will give something ; next, to those who you 
 are uncertain whether they will give anything or 
 not, and show them the hst of those who have 
 given; and, lastly, do not neglect those who you 
 are sure will give nothing, for in some of them you 
 may be mistaken. He laughed and thanked me, 
 and said he would take my advice. He did so, for 
 he asked everybody^ and he obtained a much larger 
 sum than he expected, with which he erected the 
 capacious and elegant meeting-house that stands in 
 Arch-street. 
 
 Our city, though laid out with a beautiful regu- 
 larity, the streets large, straight, and crossing each 
 other at right angles, had the disgrace of suffering 
 those streets to remain long unpaved, and in wet 
 weather the wheels of heavy carriages ploughed 
 them into a quagmire, so that it was difficult to cross 
 them ; and in dry weather the dust was offensive. 
 I had lived near what was called the Jersey market, 
 and saw, with pain, the inhabitants wading in mud 
 while purchasing their provisions. A strip of 
 ground down the middle of that market was at 
 length paved with brick, so that, being once in the 
 market, they had firm footing, but were often over 
 their shoes in dirt to get there. By talking and 
 writing on the subject, I was at length instrumental 
 in getting the streets paved with stone between the 
 market and the brick foot-pavement that was on 
 the side next the houses. This for some time gave 
 an easy access to the market dry shod ; but the rest 
 of the street not being paved, whenever a carriage 
 came out of the mud upon this pavement, it shook 
 off and left its dirt upon it, and it was soon covered 
 with mire, which was not removed, the city as yet 
 having no scavengers. After some inquiry I found 
 a poor industrious man who was willing to under- 
 take keeping the pavement clean, by sweeping it 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN 145 
 
 twice a week, carrying off the dirt from before all 
 the neighbours' doors, for the sum of sixpence per 
 month, to be paid by each house. I then wrote and 
 printed a paper, setting forth the advantages to the 
 neighbourhood that might be obtained from this 
 small expense ; the greater ease in keeping our 
 houses clean, so much dirt not being brought in by 
 people's feet ; the benefit to the shops by more cus- 
 tom, as buyers could more easily get at them ; and 
 by not having, in windy weather, the dust blown in 
 upon their goods, &c. I sent one of these papers 
 to each house, and in a day or two went round to 
 see who would subscribe to an agreement to pay 
 these sixpences; it was unanimously signed, and, 
 for a time, well executed. All the inhabitants of 
 the city were delighted with the cleanliness of the 
 pavement that surrounded the market, it being a 
 convenience to all, and this raised a general desire 
 to have all the streets paved, and made the people 
 more willing to submit to a tax for that purpose. 
 After some time I drew a bill for paving the city and 
 brought it into the Assembly. It was just before 
 I went to England, in 1757, and did not pass till I 
 was gone, and then with an alteration in the mode 
 of assessment, which I thought not for the better ; 
 but with an additional provision for lighting as well 
 as paving the streets, which was a great improve- 
 ment. It was by a private person, the late Mr. 
 John CHfton, giving a sample of the utihty of lamps, 
 by placing one at his door, that the people were 
 first impressed with the idea of lighting all the city. 
 The honour of this public benefit has also been as- 
 cribed to me, but it belongs truly to that gentleman. 
 I did but follow his example, and have only some 
 merit to claim respecting the form of our lamps, as 
 differing from the globe lamps we were at first sup- 
 plied with from London. They were found incon- 
 venient in these respects: they admitted no air 
 below ; the smoke, therefore, did not readily go out 
 Vol. I.— 13 
 
146 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 above, but circulated in the globe, lodged on its in- 
 side, and soon obstructed the light they were in- 
 tended to afford ; giving, besides, the daily trouble 
 of wiping them clean : and an accidental stroke on 
 one of them would demolish it, and render it totally 
 useless. I therefore suggested the composing them 
 of four flat panes, with a long funnel above to draw 
 up the smoke, and crevices admitting air below to 
 facilitate the ascent of the smoke ; by this means 
 they were kept clean, and did not grow dark in a 
 few hours, as the London lamps do, but continued 
 bright till morning ; and an accidental stroke would 
 generally break but a single pane, easily repaired. I 
 have sometimes wondered that the Londoners did 
 not, from the effect holes in the bottom of the globe- 
 lamps used at Vauxhall have in keeping them clean, 
 learn to have such holes in their street-lamps. But 
 these holes being made for another purpose, viz., to 
 communicate flame more suddenly to the wick by 
 a little flax hanging down through them, the other 
 use of letting in air seems not to have been thought 
 of : and, therefore, after the lamps have been lit a 
 few hours, the streets of London are very poorly 
 illuminated. 
 
 The mention of these improvements puts me in 
 mind of one I proposed, when in London, to Dr. 
 Fothergill,* who was among the best men I have 
 known, and a great promoter of useful projects. I 
 had observed that the streets, when dry, were never 
 swept, and the light dust carried away ; but it was 
 suffered to accumulate till wet weather reduced it 
 to mud ; and then, after lying some days so deep 
 on the pavement that there was no crossing but in 
 paths kept clean by poor people with brooms, it was 
 with great labour raked together and thrown up into 
 carts open above, the sides of which suffered some 
 
 ♦ Fothergill (John), F.R.S., an eminent physician, born in 
 1712, at Carr End, in Yorkshire, of Quaker parents, died in 
 1780. 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 147 
 
 of the slush at every jolt on the pavement to shake 
 out and fall ; sometimes to the annoyance of foot- 
 passengers. The reason given for not sweeping the 
 dusty streets was, that the dust would fly into the 
 windows of shops and houses. An accidental oc- 
 currence had instructed me how much sweeping 
 might be done in a httle time ; I found at my door 
 in Craven-street one morning a poor woman sweep- 
 ing my pavement with a birch broom ; she appeared 
 very pale and feeble, as just come out of a fit of 
 sickness. I asked who employed her to sweep 
 there ; she said, " Nobody ; but I am poor and in 
 distress, and I sweep before gentlefolkses doors, 
 and hopes they will give me something." I bid her 
 sweep the whole street clean, and I would give her 
 a shilhng ; this was at nine o'clock ; at noon she 
 came for the shilling. From the slowness I saw at 
 first in her working, I could scarcely believe that the 
 work was done so soon, and sent my servant to ex- 
 amine it, who reported that the whole street was 
 swept perfectly clean, and all the dust placed in the 
 gutter which was in the middle; and the next rain 
 washed it quite away, so that the pavement and 
 even the kennel were perfectly clean. I then judg- 
 ed that if that feeble woman could sweep such a 
 street in three hours, a strong, active man might 
 have done it in half the time. And here let me 
 remark the convenience of having but one gutter in 
 such a narrow street, running down its middle, in- 
 stead of two, one on each side, near the footway. 
 For where all the rain that falls on a street runs 
 from the sides and meets in the middle, it forms 
 there a current strong enough to wash away all the 
 mud it meets with : but when divided into two 
 channels, it is often too weak to cleanse either, and 
 only makes the mud it finds more fluid, so that the 
 wheels of carriages and feet of horses throw and 
 dash it upon the foot pavement (which is thereby 
 
148 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 rendered foul and slippery), and sometimes splash 
 it upon those who are walking. 
 
 Some may think these trifling matters, not worth 
 minding or relating ; but when they consider that 
 though dust blown into the eyes of a single person 
 or into a single shop in a windy day is but of small 
 importance, yet the great number of the instances 
 in a populous city, and its frequent repetition, gives 
 it weight and consequence, perhaps they will not 
 censure very severely those who bestow some at- 
 tention to affairs of this seemingly low nature. 
 Human felicity is produced, not so much by great 
 pieces of good fortune that seldom happen, as by 
 little advantages that occur every day. Thus, if 
 you teach a poor young man to shave himself and 
 keep his razor in order, you may contribute more 
 to the happiness of his life than in giving him a 
 thousand guineas. This sum may be soon spent, 
 the regret only remaining of having foolishly con- 
 sumed it : but, in the other case, he escapes the fre- 
 quent vexation of waiting for barbers, and of their 
 sometimes dirty fingers, offensive breaths, and dull 
 razors : he shaves when most convenient to him, 
 and enjoys daily the pleasure of its being done with 
 a good instrument. With these sentiments I have 
 hazarded the few preceding pages, hoping they may 
 afford hints which some time or other may be use- 
 ful to a city I love (having lived many years in it 
 very happily), and perhaps to some of our towns in 
 America. 
 
 Having been some time employed by the post- 
 master-general of America as his comptroller in 
 regulating the several offices and bringing the offi- 
 cers to account, I was, upon his death in 1753, ap- 
 pointed jointly with Mr. William Hu to suc- 
 ceed him, by a commission from the postmaster- 
 general in England. The American office had hith- 
 erto never paid anything to that of Britain ; we 
 were to have jC600 a year between us, if we could 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 149 
 
 make that sum out of the profits of the office. To 
 do this, a variety of improvements were necessary ; 
 some of these were inevitably at first expensive ; 
 so that, in the first four years, the office became 
 above £900 in debt to us. But it soon after began 
 to repay us ; and, before I was displaced by a freak 
 of the ministers (of which I shall speak hereafter), 
 we had brought it to yield three times as much clear 
 revenue to the crown as the postoffice of Ireland. 
 Since that imprudent transaction, they have receiv- 
 ed from it — not one farthing ! 
 
 The business of the postoffice occasioned my 
 taking a journey this year to New-England, where 
 the college of Cambridge, of their own motion, pre- 
 sented me with the degree of Master of Arts. Yale 
 College, in Connecticut, had before made me a sim- 
 ilar compliment. Thus, without studying in any 
 college, I am to partake of their honours. They 
 were conferred in consideration of my improve- 
 ments and discoveries in the electric branch of Nat- 
 ural Philosophy. 
 
 In 1754, war with France being again apprehend- 
 ed, a congress of commissioners from the different 
 colonies was, by an order of the lords of trade, to 
 be assembled at Albany, there to confer with the 
 chiefs of the Six Nations concerning the means of 
 defending both their country and ours. Governor 
 Hamilton having received this order, acquainted the 
 house with it, requesting they would furnish proper 
 presents for the Indians, to be given on this occasion ; 
 and naming the speaker (Mr. Norris) and myself, to 
 join Mr. John Penn and Mr. Secretary Peters, as 
 commissioners to act for Pennsylvania. The house 
 approved the nomination, and provided the goods 
 for the presents, though they did not much like 
 treating out of the province ; and we met the other 
 commissioners at Albany about the middle of June. 
 In our way thither I projected and drew up a plan 
 for the union of all the colonies under one goyern- 
 13* 
 
150 LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 ment, so far as might be necessary for defence and 
 other important general purposes. As we passed 
 through New- York, I had there shown my project 
 to Mr. James Alexander and Mr. Kennedy, two 
 gentlemen of great knowledge in public affairs, and 
 being fortified by their approbation, I ventured to 
 lay it before the Congress. It then appeared that 
 several of the commissioners had formed plans of 
 the same kind. A previous question was first ta- 
 ken, whether a union should be established, which 
 passed in the affirmative unanimously. A commit- 
 tee was then appointed, one member from each 
 colony, to consider the several plans and report. 
 Mine happened to be preferred, and, with a few 
 amendments, was accordingly reported. By this 
 plan the general government was to be administer- 
 ed by a president-general, appointed and supported 
 by the crown ; and a grand council, to be chosen by 
 the representatives of the people of the several col- 
 onies, met in their respective assemblies. The de- 
 bates upon it in Congress went on daily, hand in 
 hand with the Indian business. Many objections 
 and difficulties were started, but at length they were 
 all overcome, and the plan was unanimously agreed 
 to, and copies ordered to be transmitted to the board 
 of trade and to the assemblies of the several prov- 
 inces. Its fate was singular: the assemblies did 
 not adopt it, as they all thought there was too much 
 prerogative in it, and in England it was judged to 
 nave too much of the democratic ; the board of trade 
 did not approve of it, nor recommend it for the ap- 
 probation of his majesty : but another scheme was 
 formed, supposed to answer the same purpose bet- 
 ter, whereby the governors of the provinces, with 
 some members of their respective councils, were to 
 meet and order the raising of troops, building of 
 forts, &c., and to draw on the treasury of Great 
 Britain for the expense, which was afterward to be 
 refunded by an act of Parliament laying a tax on 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 151 
 
 America. My plan, with my reasons in support of 
 it, is to be found among my political papers that 
 were printed. Being the winter following in Bos- 
 ton, I had much conversation with Governor Shir- 
 ley upon both the plans. Part of what passed be- 
 tween us on this occasion may also be seen among 
 those papers. The different and contrary reasons 
 of dislike to my plan makes me suspect that it was 
 really the true medium, and I am still of opinion 
 it would have been happy for both sides if it had 
 been adopted. The colonies, so united, would have 
 been sufficiently strong to defend themselves : there 
 would then have been no need of troops from Eng- 
 land, of course the subsequent pretext for taxing 
 America; and the bloody contest it occasioned 
 would have been avoided : but such mistakes are 
 not new : history is full of the errors of states and 
 princes. 
 
 " Look round the habitable world, how few 
 Know their own good, or, knowing it, pursue !" 
 
 Those who govern, having much business on their 
 hands, do not generally like to take the trouble of 
 considering and carrying into execution new proj- 
 ects. The best public measures are, therefore, sel- 
 dom adopted from previous wisdom, but forced by the 
 occasion. 
 
 The governor of Pennsylvania, in sending it down 
 to the Assembly, expressed his approbation of the 
 plan "as appearing to him to be drawn up with 
 great clearness and strength of judgment, and there- 
 fore recommended it as well worthy their closest 
 and most serious attention." The house, however, 
 by the management of a certain member, took it 
 up when I happened to be absent (which I thought 
 not very fair), and reprobated it without paying any 
 attention to it at all, to my no small mortification. 
 
 In my journey to Boston this year, I met at New- 
 York with our new p^overnor^ M** . Morris, just ar- 
 
152 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 rived there from England, with whom I had been 
 before intimately acquainted. He brought a com- 
 mission to supersede Mr. Hamilton, who, tired with 
 the disputes his proprietary instructions subjected 
 him to, had resigned. Mr. Morris asked me if I 
 thought he must expect as uncomfortable an admin- 
 istration. I said " No ; you may, on the contrary, 
 have a very comfortable one, if you will only take 
 care not to enter into any dispute with the Assem- 
 bly." " My dear friend," said he, pleasantly, " how 
 can you advise my avoiding disputes 1 You know 
 I love disputing; it is one of my greatest pleasures; 
 however, to show the regard 1 have for your coun- 
 sel, 1 promise you I will, if possible, avoid them." 
 He had some reason for loving to dispute, being 
 eloquent, an acute sophister, and, therefore, gener- 
 ally successful in argumentative conversation. He 
 had been brought up to it from a boy, his father, as 
 1 have heard, accustoming his children to dispute 
 with one another for his diversion, while sitting at 
 table after dinner ; but I think the practice was not 
 wise ; for, in the course of my observation, those 
 disputing, contradicting, and confuting people are 
 generally unfortunate in their aifairs. They get 
 victory sometimes, but they never get good-will, 
 which would be of more use to them. We parted, 
 he going to Philadelphia and I to Boston. In re- 
 turning, I met at New- York with the votes of the 
 Assembly of Pennsylvania, by which it appeared 
 that, notwithstanding his promise to me, he and 
 the house were already in high contention; and 
 it was a continual battle between them as long as 
 he retained the government. I had my share of 
 it ; for, as soon as I got back to my seat in the As- 
 sembly, I was put on every committee for answer- 
 ing his speeches and messages, and by the commit- 
 tees always desired to make the draughts. Our 
 answers, as well as his messages, were often tart, 
 and sometimes indecently abusive ; and as he knew 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 153 
 
 I wrote for the Assembly, one might have imagined 
 that, when we met, we could hardly avoid cutting 
 throats. But he was so good-natured a man, that 
 no personal difference between him and me was 
 occasioned by the contest, and we often dined to- 
 gether. One afternoon, in the height of this public 
 quarrel, we met in the street ; " Franklin," said he, 
 " you must go home with me and spend the even- 
 ing; I am to have some company that you will 
 like ;" and, taking me by the arm, led me to his 
 house. In gay conversation after supper, he told 
 us jokingly that he much admired the idea of San- 
 cho Panza, who, when it was proposed to give him 
 a government, requested it might be a government 
 of blacks ; as then, if he could not agree with his 
 people, he might sell them. One of his friends, 
 who sat next to me, said, " Franklin, why do you 
 continue to side with those Quakers 1 had you not 
 better sell them 1 the proprietor would give you a 
 good price." " The governor," said I, " has not yet 
 blacked them enough." He, indeed, had laboured 
 hard to blacken the Assembly in all his messages, 
 but they wiped off his colouring as fast as he laid 
 it on, and placed it in return thick upon his own 
 face ; so that, finding he was likely to be negrofied 
 himself, he, as well as Mr. Hamilton, grew tired of 
 the contest and quitted the government. 
 
 These public quarrels were all at bottom owing 
 to the proprietaries our hereditary governors ; who, 
 when any expense was to be incurred for the de- 
 fence of their province, with incredible meanness, 
 instructed their deputies to pass no act for levying 
 the necessary taxes, unless their vast estates were 
 in the same act expressly exonerated ; and they had 
 even taken the bonds of these deputies to observe 
 such instructions. The assemblies for three years 
 held out against this injustice, though constrained to 
 bend at last At length Captain Denny, who was 
 governor Morris's successor, ventured to disobey 
 
154 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 those instructions ; how that was brought about I 
 shall show hereafter. 
 
 But I am got forward too fast with my story: 
 there are still some transactions to be mentioned 
 that happened during the administration of Governor 
 Morris. 
 
 War being in a manner commenced with France, 
 the government of Massachusetts Bay projected an 
 attack upon Crown Point, and sent Mr. Quincy to 
 Pennsylvania, and Mr. Pownal (afterward Govern- 
 or Pownal) to New- York, to solicit assistance. 
 As I was in the Assembly, knew its temper, and was 
 Mr. Quincy's countryman, he applied to me for my 
 influence and assistance : I dictated his address to 
 them, which was well received. They voted an aid 
 of ten thousand pounds, to be laid out in provisions. 
 But the governor refusing his assent to their bill 
 (which included this with other sums granted for 
 the use of the crown) unless a clause were insert- 
 ed exempting the proprietary estate from bearing 
 any part of the tax that would be necessary, the 
 Assembly, though very desirous of making their 
 grant to New-England, were at a loss how to ac- 
 complish it. Mr. Quincy laboured hard with the 
 governor to obtain his assent, but he was obstinate. 
 I then suggested a method of doing the business 
 without the governor, by orders on the trustees of 
 the loan-office, which, by law, the Assembly had the 
 right of drawing. There was, indeed. Utile or no 
 money at the time in the office, and therefore I pro- 
 posed that the orders should be payable in a year, 
 and to bear an interest of five per cent. : with these 
 orders I supposed the provisions might easily be 
 purchased. The Assembly, with very little hesita- 
 tion, adopted the proposal ; the orders were imme- 
 diately printed, and I was one of the committee di- 
 rected to sign and dispose of them. The fund for 
 paying them was the interest of all the paper 
 currency then extant in the province upon loaiii 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 155 
 
 together with the revenue arising from the excise, 
 which, being known to be more than sufficient, they 
 obtained credit, and were not only taken in payment 
 for the provisions, but many moneyed people who 
 had cash lying by them vested it in those orders, 
 which they found advantageous, as they bore inter- 
 est while upon hand, and might on any occasion 
 be used as money ; so that they were eagerly all 
 bought up, and in a few weeks none of them were** 
 to be seen. Thus this important affair was by my 
 means completed. Mr. Quincy returned thanks to 
 the Assembly in a handsome memorial, went home 
 highly pleased with the success of his embassy, 
 and ever after bore for me the most cordial and af- 
 fectionate friendship. 
 
 The British government, not choosing to permit 
 the union of the colonies as proposed at Albany, 
 and to trust that union with their defence, lest they 
 should thereby grow too military and feel their own 
 strength (suspicion and jealousies at this time being 
 entertained of them), sent over General Braddock 
 with two regiments of regular English troops for 
 that purpose. He landed at Alexandria, in Virginia, 
 and thence marched to Fredericktown, in Mary- 
 land, where he halted for carriages. Our Assembly, 
 apprehending from some information that he had 
 received violent prejudices against them as averse 
 to the service, wished me to wait upon him, not as 
 from them, but as postmaster-general, under the 
 guise of proposing to settle with him the mode of 
 conducting, with the greatest celerity and certainty, 
 the despatches between him and the governors of the 
 several provinces, with whom he must necessarily 
 have continual correspondence, and of which they 
 proposed to pay the expense. My son accompa- 
 nied me on this journey. We found the general 
 at Fredericktown, waiting impatiently for the re- 
 turn of those whom we had sent through the back 
 parts of Maryland and Virginia to collect wagons. 
 
156 LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 i 
 I stayed with him several days, dined with him daily, ; 
 and had full opportunities of removing his prejudi- 
 ces, by the information of what the Assembly had, 
 before his arrival, actually done, and were still will- 
 ing to do, to facilitate his operations. When I was 
 about to depart, the returns of wagons to be obtain- 
 ed were brought in, by which it appeared that they 
 amounted only to twenty-five, and not all of those 
 were in serviceable condition. The general and 
 the officers were surprised ; declared the expedi- 
 tion was then at an end, being impossible ; and ex- 
 claimed against the ministers for ignorantly sending 
 them into a country destitute of the means of con- 
 veying their stores, baggage, &c., not less than one 
 hundred and fifty wagons being necessary. I hap- 
 pened to say, I thought it was a pity they had not 
 been landed in Pennsylvania, as in that country al- 
 most every farmer had his wagon. The general ea- 
 gerly laid hold of my words, and said, " Then you, 
 sir, who are a man of interest there, can probably 
 procure them for us, and I beg you will undertake 
 it." I asked what terms were to be offered the ' 
 owners of the wagons ; and I was desired to put on ^ 
 paper the terms that appeared to me necessary. 
 This I did, and they were agreed to ; and a commis- 
 sion and instructions accordingly prepared immedi- 
 ately. What those terms were will appear in the 
 advertisement I published soon as I arrived at Lan- 
 caster ; which being, from the great and sudden ef- 
 fect it produced, a piece of some curiosity, I shall | 
 insert it at length, as follows : 
 
 "ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 " Lancaster, April 26th, 1753. 
 " Whereas, one hundred and fifty wagons, with 
 four horses to each wagon, and fifteen hundred sad- 
 dle or packhorses, are wanted for the service of his 
 majesty's forces, now about to rendezvous at Will's 
 Creek ; and his excellency, General Braddock, hav- 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 157 
 
 ing been pleased to empower me to contract for the 
 hire of the same, I hereby give notice, that I shall 
 attend for that purpose at Lancaster from this day 
 to next Wednesday evening, and at York from 
 next Thursday morning till Friday evening, where 
 I shall be ready to agree for wagons and teams, or 
 single horses, on the following terms, viz. : 1. That 
 there shall be paid for each wagon, with four good 
 horses and a driver, fifteen shillings per diem. And 
 for each able horse, with a packsaddle or other sad- 
 dle and furniture, two shillings per diem. And for 
 each able horse without a saddle, eighteen pence 
 per diem. 2. That the pay commence from the 
 time of their joining the forces at Will's Creek 
 (which must be on or before the 20th of May ensu- 
 ing), and that a reasonable allowance be paid over 
 and above for the time necessary for their travelling 
 to Will's Creek and home again after their dis- 
 charge. 3. Each wagon and team, and every sad- 
 dle or packhorse, is to be valued by indifferent per- 
 sons, chosen between me and the owner ; and in 
 case of the loss of any wagon, team, or other horse 
 in the service, the price, according to such valua- 
 tion, is to be allowed and paid. 4. Seven days' pay 
 is to be advanced and paid in hand by me to the 
 owner of each wagon and team, or horse, at the 
 time of contracting, if required ; and the remainder 
 to be paid by General Braddock, or by the paymas- 
 ter of the army, at the time of their discharge ; or 
 from time to time, as it shall be demanded. 5. No 
 drivers of wagons or persons taking care of the 
 hired horses are, on any account, to be called upon 
 to do the duty of soldiers, or be otherwise employ- 
 ed than in conducting or taking care of their car- 
 riages or horses. 6. All oats, Indian corn, or other 
 forage that wagons or horses bring to the camp, 
 more than is necessary for the subsistence of the 
 horses, is to be taken for the use of the army, and 
 a reasonable price paid for the same. 
 Vol. I.— U 
 
158 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 " Note. — My son, William Franklin, is empower- 
 ed to enter into like contracts with any person in 
 Cumberland county. 
 
 " B. Franklin." 
 
 I received of the general about eight hundred 
 pounds, to be disbursed in advance-money to the 
 wagon owners, &c. ; but that sum being insufficient, 
 I advanced upward of two hundred pounds more ; 
 and in two weeks, the one hundred and fifty wag- 
 ons, with two hundred and fifty-nine carrying hor- 
 ses, were on their march for the camp. The ad- 
 vertisement promised payment according to the 
 valuation, in case any wagons or horses should be 
 lost. The owners, however, alleging they did not 
 know General Braddock, or what dependance might 
 be had on his promise, insisted on my bond for the 
 performance, which I accordingly gave them. 
 
 While I was at the camp, supping one evening 
 with the officers of Colonel Dunbar's regiment, he 
 represented to me his concern for the subalterns, 
 who, he said, were generally not in affluence, and 
 could ill afford, in this dear country, to lay in the 
 stores that might be necessary in so long a march 
 through a wilderness where nothing was to be pur- 
 chased. I commiserated their case, and resolved 
 to endeavour procuring them some relief. I said 
 nothing, however, to him of my intention, but wrote 
 the next morning to the committee of Assembly, 
 who had the disposition of some public money, 
 warmly recommending the case of these officers to 
 their consideration, and proposing that a present 
 should be sent them of necessaries and refresh- 
 ments. My son, who had some experience of a 
 camp life and of its wants, drew up a list for me, 
 which I enclosed in my letter. The committee ap- 
 proved, and used such diligence that, conducted by 
 my son, the stores arrived at the camp as soon as 
 
LIFE or FRANKLIN. 159 
 
 the wagons. They consisted of twenty parcels, 
 each containing 
 
 6 lbs. Loaf Sugar, 
 
 6 do. Muscovado do., 
 
 1 do. Green Tea, 
 
 1 do. Bohea do., 
 
 6 do. Ground Coffee, 
 
 6 do. Chocolate, 
 
 1-2 chest best white Biscuit, 
 
 1-2 lb. Pepper, 
 
 1 quart white Vinegar, 
 
 1 Gloucester Cheese, 
 
 1 keg containing 20 lbs. good Butter, 
 
 2 doz. old Madeira Wine, 
 2 gallons Jamaica Spirits, 
 
 1 bottle Flour of Mustard, 
 
 2 well-cured Hams, 
 
 1-2 dozen dried Tongues, 
 
 6 lbs. Rice, 
 
 6 do. Raisins. 
 These parcels, well packed, were placed on as 
 many horses, each parcel, with the horse, being in- 
 tended as a present for one officer. They were very 
 thankfully received, and the kindness acknowledged 
 by letters to me from the colonels of both regi- 
 ments, in the most grateful terms. The general, 
 too, was highly satisfied with my conduct in procu- 
 ring him the wagons, &c., &c., and readily paid my 
 account of disbursements ; thanking me repeatedly, 
 and requesting my farther assistance in sending pro- 
 visions after him. I undertook this also, and was 
 busily employed in it till we heard of his defeat ; 
 advancing for the service, of my own money, up- 
 ward of one thousand pounds sterling, of which I 
 sent him an account. It came to his hands, luckily 
 for me, a few days before the battle, and he return- 
 ed me immediately an order on the paymaster for 
 the round sum of one thousand pounds, leaving the 
 remainder to the next account. I consider this 
 
160 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 payment as good luck, having never been able to 
 obtain that remainder, of which more hereafter. 
 
 This general was, 1 think, a brave man, and might 
 probably have made a figure as a good officer in 
 some European war; but he had too much self-con- 
 fidence, too high an opinion of the vahdity of reg- 
 ular troops, and too mean a one of both Americans 
 and Indians. George Croghan, our Indian interpret 
 er, joined him on his march with one hundred of 
 those people, who might have been of great use to 
 his army as guides, scouts, &c., if he had treated 
 them kindly ; but he slighted and neglected them, 
 and they gradually left him. In conversation with 
 him one day, he was giving me some account of his 
 intended progress. " After taking Fort Duquesne," 
 said he, " I am to proceed to Niagara ; and having 
 taken that, to Frontenac, if the season will allow 
 time, and 1 suppose it will ; for Duquesne can hard- 
 ly detain me above three or four days ; and then I 
 see nothing that can obstruct my march to Niaga- 
 ra." Having before revolved in my mind the long 
 line his army must make in their march by a very 
 narrow road, to be cut for them through the woods 
 and bushes ; and also what I had read of a former 
 defeat of fifteen hundred French who invaded the 
 Ilhnois country, I had conceived some doubts and 
 some fears for the event of the campaign. But I 
 ventured only to say, " To be sure, sir, if you arrive 
 well before Duquesne, with the fine troops so well 
 provided with artillery, the fort, though completely 
 fortified, and assisted with a very strong garrison, 
 can probably make but a short resistance. The 
 only danger I apprehend of obstruction to your 
 march is from the ambuscades of the Indians, who, 
 by constant practice, are dexterous in laying and 
 executing them : and the slender line, near four 
 miles long, which your army must make, may ex- 
 pose it to be attacked by surprise in its flanks, and 
 to be cut like a thread into several pieces, which, 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 161 
 
 from their distance, cannot come up in time to sup- 
 port each other." He smiled at my ignorance, and 
 replied, " These savages may indeed be a formida- 
 ble enemy to your raw American militia ; but upon 
 the king's regular and disciplined troops, sir, it is 
 impossible they should make any impression." I 
 was conscious of an impropriety in my disputing 
 with a military man in matters of his profession, 
 and said no more. The enemy, however, did not 
 take the advantage of his army which I apprehend 
 its long line of march exposed it to, but let it ad- 
 vance without interruption till within nine miles of 
 the place ; and then, when more in a body (for it 
 had just passed a river, where the front had halted 
 till all were come over), and in a more open part of 
 the woods than any it had passed, attacked its ad- 
 vanced guard by a heavy fire from behind trees and 
 bushes ; which was the first intelligence the general 
 had of an enemy's being near him. This guard 
 being disordered, the general hurried the troops up 
 to their assistance, which was done in great confu- 
 sion, through wagons, baggage, and cattle ; and 
 presently the fire came upon their flank : the offi- 
 cers, being on horseback, were more easily distin- 
 guished, picked out as marks, and fell very fast; and 
 the soldiers were crowded together in a huddle, 
 having or hearing no orders, and standing to be shot 
 at till two thirds of them were killed; and then, 
 being seized with a panic, the remainder fled with 
 precipitation. The wagoners took each a horse out 
 of his team and scampered ; their example was im- 
 mediately followed by others ; so that all the wag- 
 ons, provisions, artillery, and stores were left to the 
 enemy. The general, being wounded, was brought 
 off with difficulty ; his secretary, Mr. Shirley, was 
 killed by his side ; and out of eighty-six officers, 
 sixty-three were killed or wounded, and seven 
 hundred and fourteen men killed out of eleven hun- 
 dred. These eleven hundred had been picked men 
 14* 
 
162 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 from the whole army ; the rest had been left be- 
 hind with Colonel Dunbar, who was to follow with 
 the heavier part of the stores, provisions, and bag- 
 gage. The fliers, not being pursued, arrived at Dun- 
 bar's camp, and the panic they brought with them 
 instantly seized him and all his people. And though 
 he had now above one thousand men, and the ene- 
 my who had beaten Braddock did not at most ex- 
 ceed four hundred Indians and French together, in- 
 stead of proceeding and endeavouring to recover 
 some of the lost honour, he ordered all the stores, 
 ammunition, &c., to be destroyed, that he might 
 have more horses to assist his flight towards the 
 settlements, and less lumber to remove. He was 
 there met with requests from the Governor of Vir- 
 nia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, that he would 
 post his troops on the frontiers, so as to afford some 
 protection to the inhabitants ; but he continued his 
 hasty march through all the country, not thinking 
 himself safe till he arrived at Philadelphia, where 
 the inhabitants could protect him. This whole 
 transaction gave us Americans the first suspicion 
 that our exalted ideas of the prowess of British 
 regular troops had not been well founded. 
 
 In their first march, too, from their landing till 
 they got beyond the settlements, they had plunder- 
 ed and stripped the inhabitants, totally ruining some 
 poor famihes, besides insulting, abusing, and con- 
 fining the people if they remonstrated. This was 
 enough to put us out of conceit of such defenders, 
 if we had really wanted any. How different was 
 the conduct of our French friends in 1781, who, 
 during a march through the most inhabited part of 
 our country, from Rhode Island to Virginia, near 
 seven hundred miles, occasioned not the smallest 
 complaint for the loss of a pig, a chicken, or even 
 an apple ! 
 
 Captain Orme, who was one of the general's 
 aidsdecamp, and being grievously wounded, was 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 163 
 
 brought off with him, and continued with him to his 
 death, which happened in a few days, told me he 
 was totally silent all the first day, and at night only 
 said, " Who would have thought it V That he was 
 silent again the following day, saying only at last, 
 " We shall better know how to deal with them another 
 time;'''' and died in a few minutes after. 
 
 The secretary's papers, with all the general's or- 
 ders, instructions, and correspondence, falling into 
 the enemy's hands, they selected and translated 
 into French a number of the articles, which they 
 printed, to prove the hostile intentions of the British 
 court before the declaration of war. Among these 
 I saw some letters of the general to the mmistry, 
 speaking highly of the great service I had rendered 
 the army, and recommending me to their notice. 
 David Hume, who was some years after secretary 
 to Lord Hertford when minister in France, and af- 
 terward to General Conway when secretary of 
 state, told me he had seen among the papers in that 
 office letters from Braddock highly recommending 
 me. But the expedition having been unfortunate, 
 my service, it seems, was not thought of much val- 
 ue, for those recommendations were never of any 
 use to me. As to rewards from himself, I asked 
 only one, which was, that he would give orders to 
 his officers not to enlist any more of our bought 
 servants, and that he would discharge such as had 
 been already enlisted. This he readily granted, and 
 several were accordingly returned to their masters 
 on my application. Dunbar, when the command 
 devolved on him, was not so generous. He being 
 at Philadelphia on his retreat, or, rather, flight, I ap- 
 plied to him for the discharge of the servants of 
 three poor farmers of Lancaster county that he had 
 enlisted, reminding him of the late general's orders 
 on that head. He promised me that, if the masters 
 would come to him at Trenton, where he should be 
 in a few days on his march to New- York, he would 
 
164 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 there deliver their men to them. They accordingly 
 were at the expense and trouble of going to Tren- 
 ton, and there he refused to perform his promise, 
 to their great loss and disappointment. 
 
 As soon as the loss of the wagons and horses was 
 generally known, all the owners came upon me for 
 the valuation which 1 had given bond to pay. Their 
 demands gave me a great deal of trouble : I ac- 
 quainted them that the money was ready in the 
 paymaster's hands, but the order for paying it must 
 first be obtained from General Shirley, and that I 
 had applied for it ; but he being at a distance, an 
 answer could not soon be received, and they must 
 have patience. All this, however, was not sufficient 
 to satisfy, and some began to sue me : General 
 Shirley at length relieved me from this terrible sit- 
 uation, by appointing commissioners to examine the 
 claims, and ordering payment. They amounted to 
 near twenty thousand pounds, which to pay would 
 have ruined me. 
 
 Before we had the news of this defeat, the two 
 Doctors Bond came to me with a subscription-paper 
 for raising money to defray the expense of a grand 
 fireworks, which it was intended to exhibit at a re- 
 joicing on receiving the news of our taking Fort 
 Duquesne. I looked grave, and said, " It would, I 
 thought, be time enough to prepare the rejoicing 
 when we knew we should have occasion to rejoice." 
 They seemed surprised that I did not immediately 
 comply with their proposal. " Why the d — 1," said 
 one of them, '■ you surely don't suppose that the 
 fort will not be taken ?" " I don't know that it will 
 not be taken ; but I know that the events of war are 
 subject to great uncertainty." I gave them the 
 reasons of my doubting : the subscription was drop- 
 ped, and the projectors thereby missed the mortifi- 
 cation they would have undergone if the fireworks 
 had been prepared. Dr. Bond, on some other oc- 
 casion afterward, said that he did not like Frank- 
 lin's forebodings. 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 165 
 
 Governor Morris, who had continually worried 
 the Assembly with message after message, before 
 the defeat of Braddock, to beat them into the 
 making of acts to raise money for the defence of 
 the province, without taxing, among others, the 
 proprietary estates, and had rejected all their bills 
 for not having such an exempting clause, now 
 redoubled his attacks with more hope of success, 
 the danger and necessity being greater. The 
 Assembly, however, continued firm, believing they 
 had justice on their side, and that it would be giv- 
 ing up an essential right if they suffered the gov- 
 ernor to amend their money-bills. In one of the last, 
 indeed, which was for granting fifty thousand pounds, 
 his proposed amendment was only of a single word : 
 the bill expressed " that all estates, real and per- 
 sonal, were to be taxed ; those of the proprietaries 
 not excepted." His amendment was, for not read 
 only. A small but very material alteration ! How- 
 ever, when the news of the disaster reached Eng- 
 land, our friends there, whom we had taken care to 
 furnish will all the Assembly's answers to the gov- 
 ernor's messages, raised a clamour against the pro- 
 prietaries for their meanness and injustice in giving 
 their governor such instructions ; some going so far 
 as to say that, by obstructing the defence of their 
 province, they forfeited their right to it. They 
 were intimidated by this, sent orders to their re- 
 ceiver-general to add five thousand pounds of their 
 money to whatever sum might be given by the As- 
 sembly for such purpose. This being testified to 
 the house, was accepted in lieu of their share of a 
 general tax, and a new bill was formed, with an ex- 
 empting clause, which passed accordingly. By this 
 act I was appointed one of the commissioners for 
 disposing of the money, sixty thousand pounds. I 
 had been active in modelling the bill and procuring its 
 passage, and had, at the same time, drawn one for es- 
 tablishing and disciplining a voluntary militia, which 
 
166 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. ^ 
 
 I carried through the house without much difficul- 
 ty, us care was taken in it to leave the Quakers at 
 liberty. To promote the association necessary to 
 form the militia, I wrote a dialogue stating and an- 
 swering all the objections I could think of to such 
 a militia, which was printed, and had, as I thought, 
 great effect. While the several companies in the 
 city and country were forming and learning their 
 exercise, the governor prevailed with me to take 
 charge of our northwestern frontier, which was in- 
 fested by the enemy, and provide for' the defence 
 of the inhabitants by raising troops and building a 
 line of forts. I undertook this military business, 
 though 1 did not conceive myself well qualified for 
 it. He gave me a commission, with full powers, 
 and a parcel of blank commissions for officers, to be 
 given to whom I thought tit. I had but little diffi- 
 culty in raising men, having soon five hundred and 
 sixty under my command. My son, who had in the 
 preceding war been an officer in the army raised 
 against Canada, was my aiddecamp, and of great 
 use to me. The Indians had burned Gnadenhutten, 
 a village settled by the Moravians, and massacred 
 the inhabitants ; but the place was thought a good 
 situation for one of the forts. In order to march 
 thither, I assembled the companies at Bethlehem, 
 the chief estabhshment of those people ; I was sur- 
 prised to find it in so good a posture of defence ; the 
 destruction of Gnadenhutten had made them appre- 
 hend danger. The principal buildings were defend- 
 ed by a stockade ; they had purchased a quantity 
 of arms and ammunition from New- York, and had 
 even placed quantities of small paving stones be- 
 tween the windows of their high stone houses, for 
 their women to throw them down upon the heads 
 of any Indians that should attempt to force into 
 them. The armed brethren, too, kept watch, and re- 
 lieved each other on guard as methodically as in 
 any garrison town. In conversation with the bish- 
 
^ LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 167 
 
 op, Spangenberg, I mentioned my surprise; for, 
 knowing that they had obtained an act of parlia- 
 ment exempting them from military duties in the 
 colonies, I had supposed they were conscientiously 
 scrupulous of bearing arms. He answered me, 
 "That it was not one of their established princi- 
 ples ; but that, at the time of their obtaining that act, 
 it was thought to be a principle with many of their 
 people. On this occasion, however, they, to their 
 surprise, found it adopted by but a few." It seems 
 they were either deceived in themselves or deceived 
 the parliament; but common sense, aided by pres- 
 ent danger, will sometimes be too strong for whim- 
 sical opinions. 
 
 It was the beginning of January when w^e set out 
 upon this business of building forts ; I sent one de- 
 tachment towards the Minisink, with instructions 
 to erect one for the security of that upper part of 
 the country, and another to the lower part with 
 similar instructions ; and I concluded to go myself 
 with the rest of my force to Gnadenhutten, where 
 a fort was thought more immediately necessary. 
 The Moravians procured me five wagons for our 
 tools, stores, baggage. &c. Just before we left 
 Bethlehem, eleven farmers, who had been driven 
 from their plantations by the Indians, came to me 
 requesting a supply of firearms, that they might 
 go back and bring off their cattle. I gave them 
 each a gun with suitable ammunition. We had not 
 marched many miles before it began to rain, and it 
 continued raining all day ; there were no habitations 
 on the road to shelter us till we arrived near night 
 at the house of a German, where, and in his barn, 
 we were all huddled together as wet as water could 
 make us. It was well we were not attacked in our 
 march, for our arms were of the most ordinary sort, 
 and our men could not keep the locks of their guns 
 dry. The Indians are dexterous in contrivances 
 for that purpose, whicii we had not. They met 
 
168 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 that day the eleven poor farmers above mentioned, 
 and killed ten of them ; the one that escaped in- 
 formed us that his and his companions' guns would 
 not go off, the priming being wet with the rain. The 
 next day, being fair, we continued our march, and 
 arrived at the desolate Gnadenhutten ; there was a 
 mill near, round which were left several pine boards, 
 with which we soon hutted ourselves; an operation 
 the more necessary at that inclement season, as 
 we had no tents. Our first work was to bury more 
 effectually the dead we found there, who had been 
 half interred by the country people ; the next morn- 
 ing our fort was planned and marked out, the cir- 
 cumference measuring four hundred and fifty-five 
 feet, which would require as many palisades to be 
 made, one with another, of a foot diameter each. 
 Our axes, of which we had seventy, were immedi- 
 ately set to work to cut down trees ; and our 
 men being dexterous in the use of them, great de- 
 spatch was made. Seeing the trees fall so fast, I 
 had the curiosity to look at my watch when two 
 men began to cut a pine ; in six minutes they had it 
 upon the ground, and I found it of fourteen inches di- 
 ameter : each pine made three palisades of eighteen 
 feet long, pointed at one end. While these were pre- 
 paring our other men dug a trench all round of three 
 feet deep, in which the palisades were to be plant- 
 ed ; and the bodies being taken off our wagons, and 
 the fore and hind wheels separated by taking out 
 the pin which united the two parts of the perch, we 
 had ten carriages, with two horses each, to bring 
 the palisades from the woods to the spot. When 
 they were set up, our carpenters built a platform of 
 boards all round within, about six feet high, for the 
 men to stand on when to fire through the loop- 
 holes. We had one swivel gun, which we mount- 
 ed on one of the angles, and fired it as soon as 
 fixed, to let the Indians know, if any were within 
 hearing, that we had such pieces ; and thus our fort 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 169 
 
 (if that name may be given to so miserable a stock- 
 ade) was finished in a week, though it rained so 
 hard every other day that the men could not well 
 work. 
 
 This gave me occasion to observe, that when men 
 are employed they are best contented, for on the 
 days they worked they were good-natured and 
 cheerful, and with the consciousness of having done 
 a good day's work they spent the evening jollily ; 
 but on our idle days they were mutinous and quar- 
 relsome, finding fault with the pork, the bread, &c., 
 and we were continually in bad humour, which put 
 me in mind of a sea-captain, whose rule it was to 
 keep his men constantly at work ; and when his mate 
 once told him that they had done everything, and 
 there was nothing farther to employ them about, 
 " OA," said he, " make them scour the anchor.'''' 
 
 This kind of fort, however contemptible, is a suf- 
 ficient defence against Indians who had no cannon. 
 Finding ourselves now posted securely, and having 
 a place to retreat to on occasion, we ventured out in 
 parties to scour the adjacent country. We met 
 with no Indians, but we found the places on the 
 neighbouring hills where they had lain to watch our 
 proceedings. There was an art in their contrivance 
 of those places that seems worth mentioning. It 
 being winter, a fire was necessary for them ; but a 
 common fire on the surface of the ground would, 
 by its light, have discovered their position at a dis- 
 tance ; they had therefore dug holes in the ground, 
 about three feet in diameter and somewhat deep- 
 er ; we found where they had, with their hatchets, 
 cut off the charcoal from the sides of burnt logs 
 lying in the woods. With these coals they had 
 made small fires in the bottom of the holes, and 
 we observed among the weeds and grass the prints 
 of their bodies, made by their lying all round with 
 their legs hanging down in the holes to keep their 
 feet warm, which with them is an essential point. 
 
 Vol. I.— 15 
 
170 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 This kind of fire, so managed, could not discover 
 them either by its light, flame, sparks, or even 
 smoke ; it appeared that the number was not great, 
 and it seems they saw we were too many to be at- 
 tacked by them with prospect of advantage. 
 
 I had hardly got my fort well stored with pro- 
 visions when 1 received a letter from the governor, 
 acquainting me that he had called the Assembly, 
 and wished my attendance there, if the posture of 
 affairs on the frontiers was such that my remain- 
 ing tliere was no longer necessary. My friends, too, 
 of the Assembly, pressing me by their letters to be, 
 if possible, at the meeting ; and my three intended 
 forts being now completed, and the inhabitants con- 
 tented to remain on their farms under that protec- 
 tion, I resolved to return, the more willingly, as a 
 New-England officer, Colonel Clapham, experienced 
 in Indian war, being on a visit to our establishment, 
 consented to accept the command. I gave him a 
 commission, and, parading the garrison, had it read 
 before them, and introduced him to them as an of- 
 ficer who, from his skill in military affairs, was 
 much more fit to command them than myself, and, 
 giving them a little exhortation, took my leave. I 
 was escorted as far as Bethlehem, where I rested 
 a few days to recover from the fatigue I had under- 
 gone. The first night, lying in a good bed, I could 
 hardly sleep, it was so different from my hard lodg- 
 ing on the floor of a hut at Gnadenhutten, with only 
 a blanket or two. While at Bethlehem I inquired 
 a little into the practices of the Moravians ; some 
 of them had accompanied me, and all were very 
 kind to me, I found they worked for a common 
 stock, ate at common tables, and slept in common 
 dormitories, great numbers together. In the dor- 
 mitories I observed loopholes at certain distances 
 all along just under the ceiling, which I thought ju- 
 diciously placed for change of air. I went to their 
 charch, where I was entertained with good music, 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 171 
 
 the organ being accompanied with violins, haut- 
 boys, flutes, clarinets, &c. I understood their ser- 
 mons were not usually preached to mixed congre- 
 gations of men, women, and children, as is our com- 
 mon practice, but that they assembled sometimes 
 the married men, at other times their wives, then 
 the young men, the young women, and the little 
 children, each division by itself. The sermon I 
 heard was to the latter, who came in and were 
 placed in rows on benches, the boys under the con- 
 duct of a young man, their tutor, and the girls con- 
 ducted by a young woman. The discourse seemed 
 well adapted to their capacities, and was delivered 
 in a pleasing, familiar manner, coaxing them, as it 
 were, to be good. They behaved very orderly, but 
 looked pale and unhealthy, which made me sus- 
 pect they were kept too much within doors, or not 
 allowed sufficient exercise. I inquired concerning 
 the Moravian marriages, whether the report was 
 true that they were by lot ; I was told that lots 
 were used only in particular cases : that generally, 
 when a young man found himself disposed to mar- 
 ry, he informed the elders of his class, who con- 
 sulted the elder ladies that governed the young 
 women. As these elders of the different sexes 
 were well acquainted with the tempers and dispo- 
 sitions of their respective pupils, they could best 
 judge what matches were suitable, and their judg- 
 ments were generally acquiesced in. But if, for 
 example, it should happen that two or three young 
 women were found to be equally proper for the 
 young man, the lot was then recurred to. I ob- 
 jected, if the matches are not made by the mutual 
 choice of the parties, some of them may chance to 
 be very unhappy. " And so they may," answered 
 my informer, " if you let the parties choose for 
 themselves :" which, indeed, I could not deny. 
 
 Being returned to Philadelphia, I found the asso- 
 ciation went on with great success, the inhabitants 
 
172 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 that were not Quakers having pretty generally come 
 into it, formed themselves into companies, and 
 chose their captains, lieutenants, and ensigns, ac- 
 cording to the new law. Dr. Bond visited me, and 
 gave me an account of the pains he had taken to 
 spread a general good-liking to the law, and ascri- 
 bed much to those endeavours. I had the vanity to 
 ascribe all to my dialogue ; however, not knowing 
 but that he might be in the right, I let him enjoy his 
 opinion, which 1 take to be generally the best way 
 in such cases. The officers meeting, chose me to 
 be colonel of the regiment, which I this time ac- 
 cepted. I forget how many companies we had, but 
 we paraded about twelve hundred well-looking men, 
 with a company of artillery, who had been furnish- 
 ed with six brass field-pieces, which they had be- 
 come so expert in the use of as to fire twelve times 
 in a minute. The first time I reviewed my regi- 
 ment, they accompanied me to my house, and would 
 salute me with some rounds fired before my door, 
 which shook down and broke several glasses of my 
 electrical apparatus. And my new honour proved 
 not much less brittle ; for all our commissions were 
 soon after broken by a repeal of the law in Eng- 
 land. 
 
 During this short time of my colonelship, being 
 about to set out on a journey to Virginia, the offi- 
 cers of my regiment took it into their heads that 
 it would be proper for them to escort me out of 
 town as far as the lower ferry; just as I was get- 
 ting on horseback they came to my door, between 
 thirty and forty, mounted, and all in their uniforms. 
 I had not been previously acquainted with their proj- 
 ect, or I should have prevented it, being naturally 
 averse to the assuming of state on any occasion; 
 and I was a good deal chagrined at their appear- 
 ance, as I could not avoid their accompanying me. 
 What made it worse was, that, as soon as we began 
 to move, they drew their swords and rode with 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 173 
 
 them naked all the way. Somebody wrote an ac- 
 count of this to the proprietor, and it gave him 
 great offence. No such honour had been paid him 
 when in the province, nor to any of his governors ; 
 and he said it was only proper to princes of the 
 blood royal, which may be true for aught I know, 
 who was and still am ignorant of the etiquette in 
 such cases. This silly affair, however, greatly in- 
 creased his rancour against me, which was before 
 considerable, on account of my conduct in the As- 
 sembly respecting the exemption of his estate from 
 taxation, which 1 had always opposed very warm- 
 ly, and not without severe reflections on the mean- 
 ness and injustice in contending for it. He accused 
 me to the ministry as being the great obstacle to 
 the king's service, preventing, by my influence in 
 the house, the proper form of the bills for raising 
 money ; and he instanced the parade with my offi- 
 cers as a proof of my having an intention to take 
 the government of the province out of his hands by 
 force. He also applied to Sir Everard Faukener, the 
 postmaster-general, to deprive me of my office; 
 but it had no other effect than to procure from Sir 
 Everard a gentle admonition. 
 
 Notwithstanding the continual wrangle between 
 the governor and the house, in which I, as a mem- 
 ber, had so large a share, there still subsisted a civil 
 intercourse between that gentleman and myself, 
 and we never had any personal difference. I have 
 sometimes since thought, that his little or no re- 
 sentment against me, for the answers it was known 
 I drew up to his messages, might be the effect of 
 professional habit, and that, being bred a lawyer, he 
 might consider us both as merely advocates for con- 
 tending clients in a suit; he for the proprietaries, 
 and I for the Assembly : he would, therefore, some- 
 times call in a friendly way to advise with me on 
 difficult points ; and sometimes, though not often, 
 take my advice. We acted in concert to supply 
 16* 
 
174 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 Braddock's army with provisions ; and when the 
 Bhocking news arrived of his defeat, the governor 
 sent in haste for me, to consult with him on measures 
 for preventing the desertion of the back counties. 
 I forget now the advice I gave, but I think it was 
 that Dunbar should be written to, and prevailed with, 
 if possible, to post his troops on the frontiers for 
 their protection, until, by re-enforcements from the 
 colonies, he might be able to proceed in the expe- 
 dition : and, after my return from the frontier, he 
 would have had me undertake the conduct of such 
 an expedition with provincial troops, for the reduc- 
 tion of Fort Duquesne (Dunbar and his men being 
 otherwise employed) ; and he proposed to commis- 
 sion me as a general. I had not so good an opinion 
 of my military abilities as he professed to have, and 
 I believe his professions must have exceeded his 
 real sentiments : but probably he might think that 
 my popularity would facilitate the business with the 
 men, and influence in the Assembly the grant of 
 money to pay for it ; and that, perhaps, without tax- 
 ing the proprietary. Finding me not so forward to 
 engage as he expected, the project was dropped ; 
 and he soon after left the government, being super- 
 seded by Captain Denny. 
 
 Before I proceed in relating the part I had in 
 public affairs under this new governor's administra- 
 tion, it may not be amiss to give here some account 
 of the rise and progress of my philosophical repu- 
 tation. 
 
 In 1746, being at Boston, I met there with a Dr. 
 Spence, who was lately arrived from Scotland, and 
 showed me some electric experiments. They were 
 imperfectly performed, as he was not very expert ; 
 but, being on a subject quite new to me, they equal- 
 ly surprised and pleased me. Soon after my return 
 to Philadelphia, our library company received from 
 Mr, Peter ColUnson, F.R.S., of London, a present 
 of a glass tube, with some account of the use of it 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 175 
 
 in making such experiments. I eagerly seized the 
 opportunity of repeating what I had seen at Boston ; 
 and, by much practice, acquired great readiness in 
 performing those also which we had an account of 
 from England, adding a number of new ones. 1 say 
 much practice, for my house was constantly full for 
 some time with persons who came to see these 
 new wonders. To divide a little this encumbrance 
 among my friends, I caused a number of similar 
 tubes to be blown in our glasshouse, with which 
 they furnished themselves, so that we had at length 
 several performers. Among these the principal was 
 Mr. Kinnersly, an ingenious neighbour, who, being 
 out of business, I encouraged to undertake showing 
 the experiments for money, and drew up for him 
 two lectures, in which the experiments were ranged 
 in such order, and accompanied with explanations 
 in such method, as that the foregoing should assist 
 in comprehending the following. He procured an 
 elegant apparatus for the purpose, in which all the 
 little machines that I had roughly made for myself 
 were neatly formed by instrument-makers. His 
 lectures were well-attended and gave great satis- 
 faction ; and, after some time, he went through the 
 colonies, exhibiting them in every capital town, and 
 picked up some money. In the West India islands, 
 indeed, it was with difficulty the experiments could 
 be made, from the general moisture of the air. 
 
 Obliged as we were to Mr. CoUinson for the 
 present of the tube, &c., I thought it right he should 
 be informed of our success in using it, and wrote 
 him several letters containing accounts of our ex- 
 periments. He got them read in the Royal Society, 
 where they were not at first thought worth so much 
 notice as to be printed in their transactions. One 
 paper which I wrote for Mr. Kinnersly, on the 
 sameness of lightning with electricity, I sent to Mr. 
 Mitchel, an acquaintance of mine, and one of the 
 members also of that society ; who wrote me word 
 
176 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 that it had been read, but was laughed at by the 
 connoisseurs. The papers, however, being shown 
 to Dr. Fothergill, he thought them of too much 
 value to be stifled, and advised the printing of them. 
 Mr. Collinson then gave them to Cave for publica- 
 tion in his Gentleman's Magazine ; but he chose to 
 print them separately in a pamphlet, and Dr. Fother- 
 gill wrote the preface. Cave, it seems, judged right- 
 ly for his profession ; for, by the additions that ar- 
 rived afterward, they swelled to a quarto volume ; 
 which has had five editions, and cost him nothing 
 for copy-money. 
 
 It was, however, some time before those papers 
 were much taken notice of in England. A copy of 
 them happening to fall into the hands of the Count 
 de Buffon (a philosopher deservedly of great repu- 
 tation in France, and, indeed, all over Europe), he 
 prevailed with Monsieur Dubourg to translate them 
 into French ; and they were printed at Paris. The 
 publication offended the Abbe Nollet, preceptor in 
 Natural Philosophy to the royal family, and an able 
 experimenter, who had formed and published a 
 theory of electricity, which then had the general 
 vogue. He could not at first believe that such a 
 Avork came from America, and said it must have 
 been fabricated by his enemies at Paris, to oppose 
 his system. Afterward, having been assured that 
 there really existed such a person as Franklin at 
 Philadelphia (which he had doubted), he wrote and 
 published a volume of letters, chiefly addressed to 
 me, defending his theory, and denying the verity of 
 my experiments, and of the positions deduced from 
 them. I once purposed answering the abbe, and 
 actually began the answer ; but, on consideration 
 that my writings contained a description of experi- 
 ments which any one might repeat and verify, and, 
 if not to be verified, could not be defended; or of 
 observations offered as conjectures, and not deliver- 
 ed dogmatically, therefore not laying me under any 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 177 
 
 obligation to defend them; and reflecting that a 
 dispute between two persons, written in different 
 languages, might be lengthened greatly by mistrans- 
 lations, and thence misconceptions of another's 
 meaning, much of one of the abbe's letters being 
 founded on an error in the translation, I concluded 
 to let my papers shift for themselves, believing it 
 was better to spend what time I could spare from 
 public business in making new experiments than 
 in disputing about those already made. I therefore 
 never answered Monsieur Nollet, and the event 
 gave me no cause to repent my silence ; for my 
 friend, Monsieur Le Roy, of the Royal Academy of 
 Sciences, took up my cause and refuted him : my 
 book was translated into the Italian, German, and 
 Latin languages ; and the doctrine it contained was, 
 by degrees, generally adopted by the philosophers 
 of Europe, in preference to that of the abbe ; so 
 that he lived to see himself the last of his sect, ex- 
 cept Monsieur B , of Paris, his eUve and im- 
 mediate disciple. 
 
 What gave my book the more sudden and gen- 
 eral celebrity, was the success of one of its pro- 
 posed experiments, made by Messieurs Dalibard 
 and Delor, at Marly, for drawing hghtning from the 
 clouds. This engaged the public attention every- 
 where. Monsieur Delor, who had an apparatus for 
 experimental philosophy, and lectured in that branch 
 of science, undertook to repeat what he called the 
 Philadelphia experiments; and after they were per- 
 formed before the king and court, all the curious of 
 Paris flocked to see them. I will not swell this 
 narrative with an account of that capital experi- 
 ment, nor of the infinite pleasure I received in the 
 success of a similar one I made soon after with 
 a kite at Philadelphia, as both are to be found in 
 the histories of electricity. Dr. Wright, an English 
 physician, when at Paris, wrote to a friend, who was 
 of the Royal Society, an account of the high esteem 
 
178 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 my experiments were in among the learned abroad, 
 and of their wonder that my writings had been so 
 little noticed in England. The society, on this, re- 
 sumed the consideration of the letters that had been 
 read to them, and the celebrated Dr. Watson drew 
 up a summary account of them, and of all I had af- 
 terward sent to England on the subject, which he 
 accompanied with some praise of the writer. This 
 summary was then printed in their transactions : 
 and some members of the society in London, par- 
 ticularly the very ingenious Mr. Canton, having 
 verified the experiment of procuring lightning from 
 the clouds by a pointed rod, and acquainted them 
 with the success, they soon made me more than 
 amends for the slight with which they had before 
 treated me. Without my having made any appli- 
 cation for that honour, they chose me a member; 
 and voted that I should be excused the customary 
 payments, which would have amounted to twenty- 
 five guineas; and ever since have given me their 
 transactions gratis.* They also presented me with 
 
 ^ Dr. Franklin gives a farther account of his election in the 
 following extract of a letter to his son, Governor Franklin. 
 
 " London, Dec. 19, 1767. 
 
 " We have had an ugly affair at the Royal Society lately. 
 One Dacosti, a Jew, who, as our clerk, was intrusted with col- 
 lecting our moneys, has been so unfaithful as to embezzle near 
 thirteen hundred pounds in four years. Being one of the coun- 
 cil this year as well as the last, I have been employed all the 
 last week in attending the inquiry into, and unravelling his ac- 
 counts, in order to come at a full knowledge of his frauds. His 
 securities are bound m one thousand pounds to the society, 
 which they will pay, but we are like to lose the rest. He had 
 this year received twenty-six admission payments of twenty-five 
 guineas each, which he did not bring to account. 
 
 " While attending this affair, I had an opportunity of looking 
 over the old council books and journals of the society ; and hav- 
 ing a curiosity to see how I came in (of which 1 had never been 
 informed), I looked back for the minutes relating to it. You 
 must know it is not usual to admit persons that have not re- 
 quested to be admitted ; and a recommendatory certificate in 
 avour of the candidate, signed by at least three of the members. 
 
LIFB OF FRANKLIN. 179 
 
 the gold medal of Sir Godfrey Copley, for the year 
 1753, the delivery of which was accompanied by a 
 very handsome speech of the president, Lord Mac- 
 clesfield, wherein I was highly honoured. 
 
 Our new governor. Captain Denny, brought over 
 for me the before-mentioned medal from the Royal 
 Society, which he presented to me at an entertain- 
 ment given him by the city. He accompanied it 
 with very polite expressions of his esteem for me, 
 having, as he said, been long acquainted with my 
 character. After dinner, when the company, as 
 was customary at that time, were engaged in drink- 
 ing, he took me aside into another room, and ac- 
 quainted me that he had been advised by his friends 
 in England to cultivate a friendship with me, as one 
 who was capable of giving him the best advice, and 
 of contributing most effectually to render his ad- 
 ministration easy, Tliat he therefore desired of all 
 things to have a good understanding with me, and 
 he begged me to be assured of his readiness on all 
 occasions to render me any service that might be in 
 his power. He said much to me also of the pro- 
 prietors' good disposition towards the province, and 
 of the advantage it would be to us all, and to me 
 in particular, if the opposition that had been so long 
 
 is by our rule to be presented to the society, expressing that he 
 is desirous of that honour, and is so and so qualified. As I had 
 never asked or expected the honour, I was, as I said before, cu- 
 rious to see how the business was managed. I found that the 
 certificate, worded very advantageously for me, was signed by 
 Lord Macclesfield, then president. Lord Parker, and Lord Wil- 
 loughby ; that the election was by a unanimous vote ; and the 
 honour being voluntarily conferred by the society unsolicited by 
 me, it was thought wrong to demand or receive the usual fees 
 or composition ; so that my name was entered on the list with a 
 vote of council that 1 was not to pay anything. And, according- 
 ly, nothing has ever been demanded of me. Those who are 
 admitted in the common way pay five guineas as admission 
 fees, and two guineas and a half yearly contribution, or twenty- 
 five guineas down in lieu of it. In my case a substantial favour 
 accompanied the honour." 
 
180 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 continued to his measures was dropped^ and har- 
 mony restored between him and the people, in 
 effecting which it was thought no one could be 
 more serviceable than myself; and I might depend 
 on adequate acknowledgments and recompenses, 
 &c. The drinkers, finding we did not return imme- 
 diately to the table, sent us a decanter of Madeira, 
 which the governor made liberal use of, and, in pro- 
 portion, became more profuse of his solicitations and 
 promises. My answers were to this purpose ; that 
 my circumstances, thanks to God, were such as to 
 make proprietary favours unnecessary to me ; and 
 that, being a member of the Assembly, I could not 
 possibly accept of any; that, however, I had no 
 personal enmity to the proprietary, and that, when- 
 ever the pubhc measures he proposed should ap- 
 pear to be for the good of the people, no one would 
 espouse and forward them more zealously than my- 
 self; my past opposition had been founded on this, 
 that the measures which had been urged were evi- 
 dently intended to serve the proprietary interest 
 with great prejudice to that of the people. That I 
 was much obliged to him (the governor) for his pro- 
 fession of regard to me, and that he might rely on 
 everything in my power to render his administra- 
 tion as easy as possible, hoping, at the same time, 
 that he had not brought the same unfortunate in- 
 structions his predecessors had been hampered with. 
 On this he did not then explain himself; but when he 
 afterward came to do business with the Assembly, 
 they appeared again ; the disputes were renewed, 
 and I was as active as ever in the opposition, being 
 the penman, first of the request to have a commu- 
 nication of the instructions, and then of the remarks 
 upon them, which may be found in the Votes of the 
 Times, and in the Historical Review I afterward 
 published: but between us personally no enmity 
 arose ; we were often together ; he was a man of 
 letters, and had seen much of the world, and was 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 181 
 
 entertaining and pleasing in conversation. He gave 
 me information that my old friend Ralph was still 
 alive, that he was esteemed one of the best politi- 
 cal writers in England; had been employed in the 
 dispute between Prince Frederic and the king, and 
 had obtained a pension of three hundred pounds a 
 year ; that his reputation was indeed small as a poet, 
 but his prose was thought as good as any man's. 
 
 The Assembly finally finding the proprietary ob- 
 stinately persisted in shackling the deputies with 
 instructions, inconsistent not only with the privi- 
 leges of the people, but with the service of the 
 crown, resolved to petition the king against them, 
 and appointed me their agent to go over to England 
 to present and support the petition. The house had 
 sent up a bill to the governor, granting a sum of 
 sixty thousand pounds for the king's use (ten thou- 
 sand pounds of which was subjected to the orders 
 of the then general, Lord Loudon), which the gov- 
 ernor, in compliance with his instructions, absolutely 
 refused to pass. I had agreed with Captain Morris, 
 of the packet at New- York, for my passage, and my 
 stores were put on board; when Lord Loudon ar- 
 rived at Philadelphia, expressly, as he told me, to 
 endeavour an accommodation between the governor 
 and Assembly, that his majesty's service might not 
 be obstructed by their dissensions. Accordingly, he 
 desired the governor and myself to meet him, that 
 he might hear what was to be said on both sides. 
 We met and discussed the business : in behalf of 
 the Assembly, I urged the various arguments that 
 may be found in the public papers of that time, 
 which were of my writing, and are printed with the 
 minutes of the Assembly ; and the governor pleaded 
 his instructions, the bond he had given to observe 
 them, and his ruin if he disobeyed ; yet seemed not 
 unwilUng to hazard himself if Lord Loudon would 
 advise it. This his lordship did not choose to do, 
 though I once thought I had nearly prevailed with 
 Vol. I.— 16 
 
182 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 him to do it ; but finally he rather chose to urge the 
 compliance of the Assembly ; and he entreated me 
 to use my endeavours with them for that purpose, 
 declaring that he would spare none of the king's 
 troops for the defence of our frontiers, and that, if 
 we did not continue to provide for that defence our- 
 selves, they must remain exposed to the enemy. I 
 acquainted the house with what had passed, and 
 presenting them with a set of resolutions I had 
 drawn up, declaring our rights, that we did not re- 
 linquish our claim to those rights, but only suspend- 
 ed the exercise of them on this occasion, through 
 fvrce, against which we protested, they at length 
 agreed to drop the bill, and frame another conform- 
 ably to the proprietary instructions ; this, of course, 
 the governor passed, and I was then at liberty to 
 proceed on my voyage. But, in the mean time, the 
 packet had sailed with my sea stores, which was 
 some loss to me, and my only recompense was his 
 lordship's thanks for my service, all the credit of 
 obtaining the accommodation falling to his share. 
 
 He set out for New- York before me ; and as the 
 time for despatching the packet-boats was in his 
 disposition, and there were two then remaining 
 there, one of which, he said, was to sail very soon, 
 I requested to know the precise time, that I might 
 not miss her by any delay of mine. The answer 
 was, " I have given out that she is to sail on Satur- 
 day next ; but I may let you know, entre nous, that 
 if you are there by Monday morning, you will be in 
 time, but do not delay longer !" By some accident- 
 al hinderance at a ferry, it was Monday noon before 
 I arrived, and I was much afraid she might have 
 sailed, as the wind was fair; but I was soon made 
 easy by the information that she was still in the 
 harbour, and would not move till next day. One 
 would imagine that I was now on the very point of 
 departing for Europe ; 1 thought so, but L was not 
 then so well acq^uainted with his lordship's charao 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 183 
 
 ter, of which indecision was one of the strongest 
 features : I shall give some instances. It was about 
 the beginning of April that I came to New-York, 
 and I think it was near the end of June before we 
 sailed. There were then two of the packet-boats 
 which had been long in readiness, but were detained 
 for the general's letters, which were always to be 
 ready io-morroiv. Another packet arrived ; she too 
 was detained, and before we sailed a fourth was ex- 
 pected. Ours was the first to be despatched, as 
 having been there longest. Passengers were en- 
 gaged for all, and some extremely impatient to be 
 gone, and the merchants uneasy about their letters, 
 and for the orders they had given for ensurance (it 
 being war-time) and for autumnal goods ; but their 
 anxiety availed nothing ; his lordship's letters were 
 not ready : and yet, whoever waited on him found 
 him always at his desk, pen in hand, and concluded 
 he must needs write abundantly. Going myself 
 one morning to pay ray respects, I found in his 
 antechamber one Innis, a messenger of Philadel- 
 phia, who had come thence express, with a packet 
 from Governor Denny for the general. He deliv- 
 ered to me some letters from my friends there, 
 which occasioned my inquiring when he was to re- 
 turn, and where he lodged, that I might send some 
 letters by him. He told me he was ordered to call 
 to-morrow at nine for the general's answer to the 
 governor, and should set off immediately ; I put my 
 letters into his hands the same day. A fortnight 
 after I met him again in the same place. " So you 
 are soon returned, Innis !" " Returned ; no, 1 am 
 not gone yet." " How so V " I have called here 
 this and every morning these two weeks past for 
 his lordship's letters, and they are not yet ready." 
 " Is it possible, when he is so great a writer ; for I 
 see him constantly at his escritoir." " Yes," said 
 Innis, " but he is like St. George on the signs ; al- 
 ways on horseback but never rides on.'''' This observa- 
 
184 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 tion of the messenger was, it seems, well founded ; 
 for, when in England, I understood that Mr. Pitt 
 (afterward Lord Chatham) gave it as one reason 
 for removing this general and sending Generals Am- 
 herst and Wolf, that the minister never heard from 
 him, and could not know ivhat he ivas doing. 
 
 This daily expectation of saihng, and all the three 
 packets going down to Sandy Hook, to join the fleet 
 there, the passengers thought it best to be on board, 
 lest, by a sudden order, the ships should sail and 
 they be left behind. There, if I remember, we 
 were about six weeks, consuming our sea stores 
 and obliged to procure more. At length the fleet 
 sailed, the general and all his army on board bound 
 to Louisburg, with intent to besiege and take that 
 fortress ; all the packet-boats in company ordered 
 to attend the general's ship, ready to receive his 
 despatches when they should be ready. We were 
 out five days before we got a letter with leave to 
 part, and then our ship quitted the fleet and steered 
 for England. The other two packets he siill de- 
 tained, carried them with him to Halifax, where he 
 stayed some time to exercise his men in sham attacks 
 upon sham forts ; then altered his mind as to be- 
 Bieging Louisburg, and returned to New-York with 
 all his troops, together with the two packets above 
 mentioned, and all their passengers ! During his 
 absence the French and savages had taken Fort 
 George, on the frontier of that province, and the 
 Indians had massacred many of the garrison after 
 capitulation. I saw afterward in London Captain 
 Bound, who commanded one of those packets ; he 
 told me that when he had been detained a month, 
 he acquainted his lordship that his ship was grown 
 foul to a degree that must necessarily hinder her 
 fast sailing (a point of consequence for a packet- 
 boat), and requested an allowance of time to heave 
 her down and clean her bottom. His lordship asked 
 how long a time that would require. He answered, 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 185 
 
 Three days. The general replied, " If you can do it in 
 one day, I give leave, otherwise not ; for you must 
 certainly sail the day after to-morrow." So he nev- 
 er obtained leave, though detained afterward from 
 day to day during full three months. I saw also in 
 London one of Bonell's passengers, who was so en- 
 raged against his lordship for deceiving and detaining 
 him so long at New-York, and then carrying him to 
 Halifax and back again, that he swore he would sue 
 him for damages. Whether he did or not I never 
 heard; but, as he represented it, the injury to his 
 affairs was very considerable. On the whole, I 
 wondered much how such a man came to be in- 
 trusted with so important a business as the conduct 
 of a great army : but having since seen more of the 
 great world, and the means of obtaining, and mo- 
 tives for giving places and employments, my won- 
 der is diminished. General Shirley, on whom the 
 command of the army devolved upjon the death of 
 Braddock, would, in my opinion, if continued in 
 place, have made a much better campaign than that 
 of Loudon in 1756, which was frivolous, expensive, 
 and disgraceful to our nation beyond conception. 
 For though Shirley was not bred a soldier, he was 
 sensible and sagacious in himself, and attentive to 
 good advice from others, capable of forming judi- 
 cious plans, and quick and active in carrying them 
 into execution. Loudon, instead of defending the 
 colonies with his great army, left them totally ex- 
 posed, while he paraded idly at Halifax, by which 
 means Fort George was lost; besides, he deranged 
 all our mercantile operations, and distressed our 
 trade by a long embargo on the exportation of pjoh 
 visions, on pretence of keeping supplies froqj')b,ej0g 
 obtained by the enemy, but in reality for ^^^tjing 
 down their price in favour of the contrai?|^?j \\{ 
 whose profits, it was said (perhaps from sy§gic^|> 
 only), he had a share ; and when at lengtl^^ijl^gfigif 
 bargo was taken off, neglected to send nojt^^cpjjc^ 
 16* 
 
186 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 to Charleston, where the Carolina fleet was detain- 
 ed near three months, and whereby their bottoms 
 were so much damaged by the worm that a great 
 part of them foundered in their passage home. 
 Shirley was, I believe, sincerely glad of being re- 
 lieved from so burdensome a charge as the con- 
 duct of an army must be to a man unacquainted 
 with military business. I was at the entertainment 
 given by the city of New- York to Lord Loudon, on 
 his taking upon him the command. Shirley, though 
 thereby superseded, was present also. There was 
 a great company of officers, citizens, and strangers ; 
 and some chairs having been borrowed in the neigh- 
 bourhood, there was one among them very low, 
 which fell to the lot of Mr. Shirley. I sat by him, 
 and perceiving it, 1 said, they have given you a very 
 low seat. " No matter, Mr. Franklin," said he, " I 
 find a low seat the easiest." 
 
 While I was, as before mentioned, detained at 
 New- York, I received all the accounts of the pro- 
 visions, &c., that I had furnished to Braddock, some 
 of which accounts could not sooner be obtained 
 from the different persons I had employed to assist 
 in the business ; I presented them to Lord Loudon, 
 desiring to be paid the balance. He caused them 
 to be examined by the proper officer, who, after 
 comparing every article with its voucher, certified 
 them to be right ; and his lordship promised to give 
 me an order on the paymaster for the balance due 
 to me. This was, however, put off from time to 
 time ; and though I called often for it by appoint- 
 ment, I did not get it. At length, just before my 
 departure, he told me he had, on better considera- 
 tioni concluded not to mix his accounts with those 
 df his 'predecessors. "And you," said he, "when 
 in Bnglsind, have only to exhibit your accounts to 
 Ihe ti?ertsury, and you will be paid immediately." 
 I'^en^i'oned, but without effect, a great and unex- 
 pected '^kpense I had been put to by being detained 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 187 
 
 SO long at New- York, as a reason for my desiring 
 to be presently paid ; and on my observing that it 
 was not right 1 should be put to any farther trouble 
 or delay in obtaining the money I had advanced, as 
 I charged no commission for my service, " Oh," 
 said he, " you must not think of persuading us that 
 you are no gainer : we understand better those mat- 
 ters, and know that every one concerned in supply- 
 ing the army, finds means, in the doing it, to fill his 
 own pockets." I assured him that was not my 
 case, and that I had not pocketed a farthing ; but he 
 appeared clearly not to believe me ; and, indeed, I 
 afterward learned, that immense fortunes are often 
 made in such employments : as to my balance, I 
 am not paid it to this day, of which more hereafter. 
 Our captain of the packet boasted much before 
 we sailed of the swiftness of his ship ; unfortunate- 
 ly, when we came to sea, she proved the dullest of 
 ninety- six sail, to his no small mortification. After 
 many conjectures respecting the cause, when we 
 were near another ship, almost as dull as ours, 
 which, however, gained upon us, the captain ordered 
 all hands to come aft, and stand as near the ensign 
 staff as possible. We were, passengers included, 
 about forty persons ; while we stood there, the 
 ship mended her pace, and soon left her neighbour 
 far behind, which proved clearly what our captain 
 suspected, that she was loaded too much by the 
 head. The casks of water, it seems, had been 
 placed forward ; these he therefore ordered to be 
 moved farther aft, on which the ship recovered her 
 character, and proved the best sailer in the fleet. 
 The captain said she had once gone at the rate of 
 thirteen knots, which is accounted thirteen miles 
 per hour. We had on board, as a passenger, Cap- 
 tain Archibald Kennedy, of the royal navy, after- 
 ward Earl of Cassilis, who contended that it was 
 impossible, and that no ship ever sailed so fast, and 
 that there must have been some error in the djvis* 
 
188 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 ion of the logline, or some mistake in heaving the 
 log. A wager ensued between the two captains, to 
 be decided when there should be sufficient wind : 
 Kennedy therefore examined the logline, and, be- 
 ing satisfied with it, he determined to throw the 
 log himself. Some days after, when the wind was 
 very fair and fresh, and the captain of the packet 
 (Lutwidge) said he believed she then went at the 
 rate of thirteen knots, Kennedy made the experi- 
 ment, and owned his wager lost. The foregoing 
 fact I give for the sake of the following observa- 
 tion : it has been remarked, as an imperfection in 
 the art of shipbuilding, that it can never be known 
 till she is tried whether a new ship will or will not 
 be a good sailer; for that the model of a good sail- 
 ing ship has been exactly followed in a new one, 
 which has been proved, on the contrary, remarkably 
 dull. I apprehend that this may partly be occa- 
 sioned by the different opinions of seamen respect- 
 ing the modes of loadmg, rigging, and sailing of a 
 ship; each has his method; and the same vessel, 
 laden by the method and orders of one captain, 
 shall sail worse than when by the orders of anoth- 
 er. Besides, it scarce ever happens that a ship is 
 formed, fitted for the sea, and sailed by the same 
 person ; one man builds the hull, another rigs her, 
 a third loads and sails her. No one of these has 
 the advantage of knowing all the ideas and experi- 
 ence of the others, and, therefore, cannot draw just 
 conclusions from a combination of the whole. 
 Even in the simple operation of sailing when at sea, 
 I have often observed different judgments in the 
 officers who commanded the successive watches, 
 the wind being the same. One would have the 
 sails trimmed sharper than another, so that they 
 seemed to have no certain rule to govern by. Yet 
 I think a set of experiments might be instituted, 
 first, to determine the most proper form of the hull 
 for swift sailing; next, the best dimensions and 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 189 
 
 most proper place for the masts ; then the form and 
 quantity of sails, and their position as the winds 
 may be ; and, lastly, the disposition of the lading. 
 This is an age of experiments, and I think a set 
 accurately made and combined would be of great 
 use. 
 
 We were several times chased in our passage, but 
 outsailed everything; and in thirty days had sound- 
 ings. We had a good observation, and the captain 
 judged himself so near our port (Falmouth), that if 
 we made a good run in the night, we might be off 
 the mouth of that harbour in the morning ; and, by 
 running in the night, might escape the notice of the 
 enemy's privateers, who often cruised near the en- 
 trance of the channel. Accordingly all sail was set 
 that we could possibly carry, and the wind being 
 very fresh and fair, we stood right before it, and 
 made great way. The captain, after his observa- 
 tion, shaped his course, as bethought, so as to pass 
 wide of the Scilly rocks ; but it seems there is some- 
 times a strong current setting up St. George's Chan- 
 nel, which formerly caused the loss of Sir Cloudes- 
 ley Shovel's Squadron (in 1707) : this was proba- 
 bly also the cause of what happened to us. We had 
 a watchman placed in the bow, to whom they often 
 called, " Look well out before there ;" and he as often 
 answered, " Ay, ay ,•" but perhaps had his eyes shut, 
 and was half asleep at the time; they sometimes 
 answering, as is said, mechanically : for he did not 
 see a light just before us, which had been hid by the 
 studding sails from the man at the helm and from 
 the rest of the watch, but by an accidental yaw of 
 the ship was discovered, and occasioned a great 
 alarm, we being very near it ; the light appearing to 
 me as large as a cart wheel. It was midnight, and 
 our captai-n fast asleep; but Captain Kennedy, jump- 
 ing upon deck and seeing the danger, ordered the 
 ship to wear round, all sails standing ; an operation 
 dangerous to the masts, but it carried us clear, and 
 
190 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 we avoided shipwreck, for we were running fast on 
 the rocks on which the light was erected. This de- 
 liverance impressed me strong with the utility of 
 light-houses, and made me resolve to encourage the 
 building some of them in America, if I should live 
 to return thither. 
 
 In the morning it was found by our soundings, 
 &c., that we were near our port, but a thick fog hid 
 the land from our sight. About nine o'clock the fog 
 began to rise, and seemed to be lifted up from the 
 water like the curtain of a theatre, discovering un- 
 derneath the town of Falmouth, the vessels in the 
 harbour, and the fields that surround it. This was a 
 pleasing spectacle to those who had been long with- 
 out any other prospect than the uniform view of a 
 vacant ocean ! and it gave us the more pleasure, as 
 we were now free from the anxieties which had 
 arisen.* 
 
 I set out immediately, with my son,t for London, 
 and we only stopped a little by the way to view 
 Stonehenge, on Salisbury Plain; and Lord Pem- 
 broke's house and gardens, with the very curious 
 antiquities at Wilton. 
 
 We arrived in London, July 27th, 1757. 
 
 [Conclusion of Memoirs written Ijy himself.] 
 
 * In a letter from Dr. Franklin to his wife, dated at Falmouth, 
 the 17th July, 1757, after giving her a similar account of his 
 voyage, escape, and landmg, he adds, " 'i'he bell ringing for 
 church, we went thither immediately, and, with hearts full of 
 gratitude, returned sincere thanks to God for the mercies we 
 Bad received." 
 
 t William Franklin, afterward governor of New-Jersey. 
 
PART III. 
 
 [^Continuation hy Dr. Stuber.*] 
 
 Dr. Franklin having mentioned his electrical dis- 
 coveries only in a very transient manner in the pre- 
 ceding memoirs, some farther account of them can- 
 not fail to be interesting. 
 
 He engaged in a course of electrical experiments 
 with all the ardour and thirst for discovery which 
 characterized the philosophers of that day. Of all 
 the branches of experimental philosophy, electricity 
 had been least explored. The attractive power of 
 amber is mentioned by Theophrastus and Pliny, and 
 from them by later naturalists. In the year 1600, 
 Gilbert, an English physician, enlarged considerably 
 the catalogue of substances which have the property 
 
 * Dr. Stuber was bom in Philadelphia, of German parents. 
 He was sent at an early age to the university, where his genius, 
 diligence, and amiable temper soon acquired him the particular 
 notice and favour of those under whose immediate direction he 
 was placed. After passing through the common course of study 
 in a much shorter time than usual, he left the university at 
 the age of sixteen, with great reputation. Not long after, he 
 entered on the study of physic; and the zeal with which he 
 pursued it, and the advances he made, gave his friends reason 
 to form the most flattering prospects of his future eminence and 
 usefulness in the profession. As Dr. Stuber's circumstances 
 were very moderate, he did not think this pursuit well calcula- 
 ted to answer them. He therefore relinquished it after he had 
 obtained a degree in the profession, and qualified himself to 
 practice with credit and success, and immediately entered on 
 the study of the law. While in the pursuit of the last-mention- 
 ed object, he was prevented, by a premature death, from reaping 
 the fruit of those talents with which he was endowed, and of a 
 youth spent in the ardent and successful pursuit of useful and 
 elegant literature. 
 
192 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 of attracting light bodies. Boyle, Otto GuerickCj a 
 burgomaster of Magdeburg, celebrated as the in- 
 ventor of the airpump. Dr. Wall, and Sir Isaac New- 
 ton, added some facts. Guericke first observed the 
 repulsive power of electricity, and the light and 
 noise produced by it. In 1709, Hawkesbec commu- 
 nicated some important observations and experi- 
 ments to the world. For several years electricity 
 ■was entirely neglected, until Mr. Grey applied him- 
 self to it, in 1728, with great assiduity. He and his 
 friend Mr. Wheeler made a great variety of exper- 
 iments; in which they demonstrated that electri- 
 city may be communicated from one body to an- 
 other, even without being in contact, and in this 
 way may be conducted to a great distance. Mr. 
 Grey afterward found that, by suspending rods of 
 iron by silk or hair lines, and bringing an excited 
 tube under them, sparks might be drawn, and a light 
 perceived at the extremities in the dark. M. du 
 Faye, intendant of the French king's gardens, made 
 a number of experiments, which added not a little 
 to the science. He made the discovery of two 
 kinds of electricity, which he called vilreous and res- 
 inous ; the former produced by rubbing glass, the 
 latter from excited sulphur, sealing-wax, &c. But 
 this idea he afterward gave up as erroneous. Be- 
 tween the year 1739 and 1742, Desauguliers made 
 a number of experiments, but added little of im- 
 portance. He first used the terms conductors and 
 electrics per se. In 1742, several ingenious Germans 
 engaged in this subject ; of these the principal were, 
 Professor Boze, of Wittemberg, Professor Winkler, 
 of Leipsic, Gordon, a Scotch Benedictine monk, 
 professor of philosophy at Erfurt, and Dr. Ludolf, 
 of Berlin. The result of their researches astonish- 
 ed the philosophers of Europe. Their apparatus 
 was large, and by means of it they were enabled to 
 collect large quantities of the electric fluid, and thus 
 to produce phenomena which had been hitherto un-, 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 193 
 
 observed. They killed small birds, and set spirits 
 on fire. Their experiments excited the curiosity of 
 other philosophers. Collinson, about the year 1745, 
 sent to the Library Company of Philadelphia an ac- 
 count of these experiments, together with a tube, 
 and directions how to use it. Franklin, with some of 
 his friends, immediately engaged in a course of ex- 
 periments, the result of which is well known. He 
 was enabled to make a number of important dis- 
 coveries, and to propose theories to account for 
 various phenomena; which have been universally 
 adopted, and which bid fair to endure for ages. His 
 observations he communicated in a series of letters, 
 to his friend Collinson, the first of which is dated 
 March 28, 1747. In these he shows the power of 
 points in draining and throwing off the electrical 
 matter, which had hitherto escaped the notice of 
 electricians. He also made the grand discovery of 
 a plus and minus., or of a positive and negative state 
 of electricity. We give him the honour of this 
 without hesitation, although the English have 
 claimed it for their countryman. Dr. Watson. Wat- 
 son's paper is dated January 21, 1748; Franklin's 
 July 11, 1747; several months prior. Shortly after, 
 Franklin, from his principles of the plus and minus 
 state, explained, in a satisfactory manner, the phe- 
 nomena of the Leyden vial, first observed by Mr. 
 Cuneus, or by Professor Muschenbroeck, of Ley- 
 den, which had much perplexed philosophers. He 
 showed clearly that the bottle, when charged, con- 
 tained no more electricity than before, but that as 
 much was taken from one side as was thrown on 
 the other ; and that, to discharge it, nothing was 
 necessary but to produce a communication between 
 the two sides by which the equilibrium might be 
 restored, and that then no signs of electricity would 
 remain. He afterward demonstrated, by experi- 
 ments, that the electricity did not reside in the 
 coating, as had been supposed, but in the pores of 
 Vol. L— 17 
 
194 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 the glass itself. After a vial was charged, he re- 
 moved the coating, and found that, upon applying a 
 new coating, the shock might still be received. In 
 the year 1749, he first suggested his idea of explain- 
 ing the phenomena of thunder-gusts, and of the au- 
 rora borealis, upon electrical principles. He points 
 out many particulars in which lightning and electri- 
 city agree : and he adduces many facts, and reason- 
 ings from facts, in support of his positions. In the 
 same year he conceived the astonishingly bold and 
 grand idea of ascertaining the truth of his doctrine, 
 by actually drawing down the lightnmg, by means 
 of sharp-pointed iron rods raised into the region of 
 the clouds. Even in this uncertain state, his pas- 
 sion to be useful to mankind displays itself in a 
 powerful manner. Admitting the identity of elec- 
 tricity and lightning, and knowing the power of 
 points in repelling bodies charged with electricity, 
 and in conducting their fire silently and impercepti- 
 bly, he suggested the idea of securing houses, ships, 
 &c., from being damaged by lightning, by erecting 
 pointed rods, that should rise some feet above the 
 most elevated part, and descend some feet into the 
 ground or the water. The eff"ect of these, he con- 
 cluded, would be either to prevent a stroke by re- 
 pelling the cloud beyond the striking distance, or by 
 drawing off the electrical fire which it contained; 
 or, if they could not eflfect this, they would at least 
 conduct the electric matter to the earth, without 
 injury to the building. 
 
 It was not until the summer of 1752 that he was 
 enabled to complete his grand and unparalleled dis- 
 covery by experiment. The plan which he had ori- 
 ginally proposed was to erect on some high tower 
 or other elevated place a sentry-box, from which 
 should rise a pointed iron rod, insulated by being 
 fixed in a cake of resin. Electrified clouds passing 
 over this would, he conceived, impart to it a por- 
 tion of their electricity, which would be rendered 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 195 
 
 evident to the senses by sparks being emitted when 
 a key, the knuckle, or other conductor was pre- 
 sented to it. Philadelphia at this time afforded no 
 opportunity of trying an experiment of this kind. 
 While Franklin was waiting for the erection of a 
 spire, it occurred to him that he might have more 
 ready access to the region of clouds by means of a 
 common kite. He prepared one by fastening two 
 cross sticks to a silk handkerchief, which would not 
 suffer so much from the rain as paper. To the up- 
 right stick was affixed an iron point. The string 
 was, as usual, of hemp, except the lower end, which 
 was silk. Where the hempen string terminated a 
 key was fastened. With this apparatus, on the ap- 
 pearance of a thunder-gust approaching, he went out 
 into the commons, accompanied by his son, to whom 
 alone he communicated his intentions, well know- 
 ing the ridicule which, too generally for the interest 
 of science, awaits unsuccessful experiments in phi- 
 losophy. He placed himself under a shade to 
 avoid the rain ; his kite was raised ; a thunder-cloud 
 passed over it ; no sign of electricity appeared. He 
 almost despaired of success, when, suddenly, he 
 observed the loose fibres of his string to move to- 
 wards an erect position. He now presented his 
 knuckle to the key, and received a strong spark. 
 How exquisite must his sensations have been at this 
 moment ! On this experiment depended the fate 
 of his theory. If he succeeded, his name would 
 rank high among those who had improved science ; 
 if he failed, he must inevitably be subjected to the 
 derision of mankind, or, what is worse, their pity, 
 as a well-meaning man, but a weak, silly projector. 
 The anxiety with which he looked for the result of 
 his experiment may be easily conceived. Doubts 
 and despair had begun to prevail, when the fact was 
 ascertained in so clear a manner, that even the 
 most incredulous could no longer withhold their as* 
 sent Repeated sparks were drawn from the key, 
 
196 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 a vial was charged, a shock given, and all the ex- 
 periments made which are usually performed with 
 electricity. 
 
 About a month before this period, some ingenious 
 Frenchman had completed the discovery in the 
 manner originally proposed by Dr. Franklin. The 
 letters which he sent to Mr. CoUinson, it is said, 
 were refused a place in the Transactions of the 
 Royal Society of London. However this may be, 
 CoUinson published them in a separate volume, 
 under the title of " New Experiments and Observa- 
 tions on Electricity, made at Philadelphia, in Amer- 
 ica." They were read with avidity, and soon trans- 
 lated into different languages. A very incorrect 
 French translation fell into the hands of the cele- 
 brated Buffon, who, notwithstanding the disadvan- 
 tages under which the work laboured, was much 
 pleased with it, and repeated the experiments with 
 success. He prevailed on his friend, M. D'Alibard, 
 to give his countrymen a more correct translation 
 of the works of the American electrician. This 
 contributed much towards spreading a knowledge 
 of Franklin's principles in France. The king, Louis 
 XV., hearing of these experiments, expressed a 
 wish to be a spectator of them. A course of ex- 
 periments was given at the seat of the Due D'Ayen, 
 at St. Germain, by M. de Lor. The applauses which 
 the king bestowed upon Franklm excited in Buf- 
 fon, D'Alibard, and De Lor, an earnest desire of 
 ascertaining the truth of his theory of thunder-gust. 
 Buffon erected his apparatus on the tower of Mon- 
 thar, M. D'Alibard at Mary-la-ville, and De Lor at 
 his house in the Estrapade at Paris, some of the 
 highest ground in that capital. D'Alibard's machine 
 first showed signs of electricity. On the 10th of 
 May, 1752, a thunder-cloud passed it, in the absence 
 of M'AUbard, and a number of sparks were drawn 
 from it by Coiffier, a Joiner, with whom D'Alibard 
 had left directions how to proceed, and by M. Rau- 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 197 
 
 let the prior of Mary-la-ville. An account of This 
 experiment was given to the Royal Academy of 
 Sciences, by M. D'AUbard, in a memoir, dated May 
 13, 1752. On the 18th of May, M. de Lor prove'd 
 equally successful with the apparatus erected at his 
 own house. These philosophers soon excited those 
 of other parts of Europe to repeat the experiment, 
 among whom none signalized themselves more than 
 Father Beccaria, of Turin, to whose observations 
 science is much indebted. Even the cold regions 
 of Russia were penetrated by the ardour for dis- 
 covery. Professor Rich man bade fair to add much 
 to the stock of knowledge on this subject, when an 
 unfortunate flash from his conductor put a period, 
 to his existence. The friends of science will long 
 remember with regret the amiable martyr to elec- 
 tricity. 
 
 By these experiments Frankhn's theory was es- 
 tablished in the most convincing manner. When 
 the truth of it could no longer be doubted, envy 
 and vanity endeavoured to detract from its merit. 
 That an American, an inhabitant of the obscure city 
 of Philadelphia, the name of which was hardly 
 known, should be able to make discoveries and to 
 frame theories which had escaped the notice of the 
 enlightened philosophers of Europe, was too morti- 
 fying to be admitted. He must certainly have taken 
 the idea from some one else. An American, a being 
 of an inferior order, make discoveries ! Impossible. 
 It was said that the Abbe Nollet, 1748, had sug- 
 gested the idea of the similarity of lightning and 
 electricity in his Leqons de Physique. It is true that 
 the abbe mentions the idea, but he throws it out as 
 a bare conjecture, and proposes no mode of ascer- 
 taining the truth of it. He himself acknowledges 
 that Franklin first entertained the bold thought of 
 bringing lightning from the heavens, by means of 
 pointed rods fixed in the air. The similarity of 
 lightning and electricity is so strong, that we need 
 17* 
 
198 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 not be surprised at notice being taken of it as soon 
 as electrical phenomena became familiar. We find 
 it mentioned by Dr. Wall and Mr. Grey, while the 
 science was in its infancy. But the honor of form- 
 ing a regular theory of thunder-gusts, of suggesting 
 a mode of determining the truth of it by experi- 
 ments, and of putting these experiments in prac- 
 tice, and thus establishing the theory upon a firm 
 and solid basis, is incontestibly due to Franklin. 
 D'Alibard, who made the first experiments in 
 France, says that he only followed the tract which 
 Franklin had pointed out. 
 
 It has been of late asserted, that the honour of 
 completing the experiment with the electrical kite 
 does not belong to Franklin. Some late English 
 paragraphs have attributed it to some Frenchman, 
 whose name they do not mention : and the Abbe 
 Bertholon gives it to M. de Romas, assessor to the 
 presideal of Nerac : the English paragraphs proba- 
 bly refer to the same person. But a very slight at- 
 tention will convince us of the injustice of this pro- 
 cedure : Dr. Franklin's experiment was made in 
 June, 1752, and his letter, giving an account of it, 
 is dated October 19, 1752. M. de Romas made his 
 first attempt on the 14th of May, 1753, but was not 
 successful until the 7th of June, a year after Frank- 
 lin had completed the discovery, and when it was 
 known to all the philosophers in Europe. 
 
 Besides these great principles, Franklin's letters 
 on electricity contain a number of facts and hints 
 which have contributed greatly towards reducing 
 this branch of knowledge to a science. His friend, 
 Mr. Kinnersley, communicated to him a discovery 
 of the different kinds of electricity, excited by rub- 
 bing glass and sulphur. This, we have said, was 
 first observed by M. du Faye, but it was for many 
 years neglected. The philosophers were disposed 
 to account for the phenomena rather from a differ- 
 ence in the quantity of electricity collected, and 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 199 
 
 even Du Faye himself seems at last to have adopt- 
 ed this doctrine. Frankhn at first entertained the 
 same idea ; but, upon repeating the experiment, he 
 perceived that Mr. Kinnersley was right ; and that 
 the vitreous and resinous electricity of Du Faye were 
 nothing more than the positive and negative states 
 which he had before observed ; and that the glass 
 globe charged positively, or increased the quantity 
 of electricity on the prime conductor, while the 
 globe of sulphur diminishes its natural quantity, or 
 charged negatively. These experiments and obser- 
 vations opened a new field for investigation, upon 
 which electricians entered with avidity, and their 
 labours have added much to the stock of our knowl- 
 edge. 
 
 In September, 1752, Franklin entered upon a 
 course of experiments to determine the state of 
 electricity in the clouds. From a number of ex- 
 periments he formed this conclusion : " That the 
 clouds of a thunder-gust are most commonly in a 
 negative state of electricity, but sometimes in a 
 positive state ;" and from this it follows, as a ne- 
 cessary consequence, " that, for the most part, in 
 thunder-strokes, it is the earth that strikes into the 
 clouds, and not the clouds that strike into the 
 earth." The letter containing these observations 
 is dated in September, 1753 ; and yet the discovery 
 of ascending thunder has been said to be of a mod- 
 ern date, and has been attributed to the Abbe Ber- 
 tholon, who published his memoir on the subject in 
 1776. 
 
 Franklin's letters have been translated into most 
 of the European languages and into Latin. In pro- 
 portion as they have become known, his principles 
 have been adopted. Some opposition was made to 
 his theories, particularly by the Abbe Nollet, v/ho 
 was, however, feebly supported, while the first phi- 
 losophers in Europe stepped forth in defence of 
 Franklin's principles, among whom D'Alibard and 
 
200 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 Beccaria were the most distinguished. The oppo- 
 sition has gradually ceased, and the Franklinian 
 system is now universally adopted where science 
 flourishes. 
 
 The important practical use which Franklin made 
 of his discoveries, the securing of houses from in- 
 jury by lightning, has been already mentioned. 
 Pointed conductors are now very common in Amer- 
 ica; but prejudice has hitherto prevented their gen- 
 eral introduction into Europe, notwithstanding the 
 most undoubted proofs of their utility have been 
 given. But mankind can with difficulty be brought 
 to lay aside established practices, or to adopt new 
 ones. And perhaps we have more reason to be 
 surprised that a practice, however rational, which 
 was proposed about forty years ago, should in that 
 time have been adopted in so many places, than 
 that it has not universally prevailed. It is only by 
 degrees that the great body of mankind can be led 
 into new practices, however salutary their tenden- 
 cy. It is now nearly eighty years since inocu- 
 lation was introduced into Europe and America; 
 and it is so far from being general at present, that 
 it will require one or two centuries to render it so. 
 
 The disputes between the proprietaries and the 
 people of the province continued in full force, al- 
 though a war vvas raging on the frontiers. Not even 
 the sense of danger was sufficient to reconcile, for 
 ever so short a time, their jarring interests. The As- 
 sembly still insisted upon the justice of taxing the 
 proprietary estates ; but the governors constantly re- 
 fused their assent to this measure, without which no 
 bill could pass into a law. Enraged at the obstinacy, 
 and what they conceived to be the unjust proceedings 
 of their opponents, the Assembly at length determin- 
 ed to apply to the mother country for rehef. A peti- 
 tion was addressed to ihe king in council, stating the 
 inconveniences under which the inhabitants labour- 
 ed, from the attention of the proprietaries to their 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 201 
 
 private interest, to the neglect of the general welfare 
 of the community, and praying for redress. Franklin 
 was appointed to present this address, as agent for 
 the province of Pennsylvania, and departed from 
 America in June, 1757. In conformity to the in- 
 structions which he had received from the legisla- 
 ture, he held a conference with the proprietaries 
 who then resided in England, and endeavoured to pre- 
 vail upon them to give up the long-contested point. 
 Finding that they would hearken to no terms of ac- 
 commodation, he laid his petition before the coun- 
 cil. During this time Governor Denny assented to 
 a law imposing a tax, in which no discrimination 
 was made in favour of the estates of the Penn fami- 
 ly. They, alarmed at this intelligence and Frank- 
 lin's exertions, used their utmost endeavours to pre- 
 vent the royal sanction being given to this law, 
 which they represented as highly iniquitous, design- 
 ed to throw the burden of supporting government 
 upon them, and calculated to produce the most ruin- 
 ous consequences to them and their posterity. The 
 cause was amply discussed before the privy council. 
 The Penns found here some strenuous advocates ; 
 nor were there wanting some who warmly espous- 
 ed the side'of the people. After some time spent 
 in debate, a proposal was made that Franklin should 
 solemnly engage that the assessment of the tax 
 should be so made as that the proprietary estates 
 should pay no more than a due proportion. This 
 he agreed to perform, the Penn family withdrew 
 their opposition, and tranquillity was thus once 
 more restored to the province. 
 
 The mode in which this dispute was terminated 
 is a striking proof of the high opinion entertained 
 of Franklin's integrity and honour, even by those 
 who considered him as inimical to their views. Nor 
 was their confidence ill-founded. The assessment 
 was made upon the strictest principle of equity; 
 
202 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 and the proprietary estates bore only a proportiona- 
 ble share of the expenses of supporting government. 
 
 After the completion of this important business, 
 Franklin remained at the court of Great Britain as 
 agent for the province of Pennsylvania. The ex- 
 tensive knowledge which he possessed of the situa- 
 tion of the colonies, and the regard which he al- 
 ways manifested for their interests, occasioned his 
 appointment to the same office by the colonies of 
 Massachusetts, Maryland, and Georgia. His con- 
 duct, in this situation, was such as rendered him 
 still more dear to his countrymen. 
 
 He had now an opportunity of indulging in the 
 society of those friends whom his merits had pro- 
 cured him while at a distance. The regard which 
 they had entertained for him was rather increased 
 by a personal acquaintance. The opposition which 
 had been made to his discoveries in philosophy grad- 
 ually ceased, and the rewards of literary merit were 
 abundantly conferred upon him. The Royal Socie- 
 ty of London, which had at first refused his perform- 
 ances admission into its transactions, now thought 
 it an honour to rank him among its fellows. Other 
 societies of Europe were equally ambitious of call- 
 ing him a member. The University of St. Andrew, 
 in Scotland, conferred upon him the degree of Doc- 
 tor of Laws. Its example was followed by the 
 Universities of Edinburgh and Oxford. His corre- 
 spondence was sought for by the most eminent phi- 
 losophers of Europe. His letters to these abound 
 with true science, dehvered in the most simple, un- 
 adorned manner. 
 
 The province of Canada was at this time in the 
 possession of the French, who had originally set- 
 tled it. The trade with the Indians, for which its 
 situation was very convenient, was exceedingly lu- 
 crative. The French traders here found a market 
 for their commodities, and received in return large 
 quantities of rich furs, which they disposed of at a 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 203 
 
 high price in Europe. Wliile the possession of this 
 country was highly advantageous to France, it was 
 a grievous inconvenience to the inhabitants of the 
 British colonies. The Indians were almost gen- 
 erally desirous to cultivate the friendship of the 
 French, by whom they were abundantly supplied 
 with arms and ammunition. Whenever a war hap- 
 pened, the Indians vi'ere ready to fall upon the fron- 
 tiers; and this they frequently did, even when Great 
 Britain and France were at peace. From these con- 
 siderations, it appeared to be the interest of Great 
 Britain to gain the possession of Canada. But the 
 importance of such an acquisition was not well un- 
 derstood in England. Franklin about this time pub- 
 lished his Canada pamphlet, in which he, in a very 
 forcible manner, pointed out the advantages which 
 would result from the conquest of this province. 
 
 An expedition against it w^as planned, and the 
 command given to General Wolfe. His success is 
 well known. At the treaty in 1762, France ceded 
 Canada to Great Britain ; and by her cession of Lou- 
 isiana, at the same time, relinquished all her pos- 
 sessions on the continent of America. 
 
 Although Dr. Franklin was now principally occu- 
 pied with political pursuits, he found time for philo- 
 sophical studies. He extended his electrical re- 
 searches, and made a variety of experiments, par- 
 ticularly on the tourmalin. The singular properties 
 which this stone possesses, of being electrified on 
 one side positively, and on the other negatively, by 
 heat alone, without friction, had been but lately ob- 
 served. 
 
 Some experiments on the cold produced by evap- 
 oration, made by Dr. Cullen, had been communi- 
 cated to Dr. Franklin by Professor Simpson, of 
 Glasgow. These he repeated, and found that, by 
 the evaporation of ether in the exhausted receiver 
 of an airpump, so great a degree of cold was pro- 
 duced in a summer's day, that water was converted 
 
204 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 into ice. This discovery he applied to the solution 
 of a number of phenomena, particularly a single fact, 
 which philosophers had endeavoured in vain to ac- 
 count for, viz., that the temperature of the human 
 body, when in health, never exceeds 96 degrees of 
 Fahrenheit's thermometer, although the atmosphere 
 which surrounds it may be heated to a much greater 
 degree. This he attributed to the increased perspi- 
 ration and consequent evaporation produced by the 
 heat. 
 
 In a letter to Mr. Small, of London, dated in May, 
 1760, Dr. Franklin makes a number of observations, 
 tending to show that, in North America, northeast 
 storms begin in the southwest parts. It appears, 
 from actual observations, that a northeast storm, 
 which extended a considerable distance, commen- 
 ced at Philadelphia nearly four hours before it was 
 felt at Boston. He endeavoured to account for this 
 by supposing that, from heat, some rarefication takes 
 place about the Gulf of Mexico ; that the air far- 
 ther north, being cooler, rushes in, and is succeeded 
 by the cooler and denser air still farther north, and 
 that thus a continued current is at length produced. 
 
 The tone produced by rubbing the brim of a drink- 
 ing-glass with a wet finger had been generally 
 known. A Mr. Puckeridge, an Irishman, by placing 
 on a table a number of glasses of different sizes, 
 and tuning them, by partly filling them with water, 
 endeavoured to form an instrument capable of play- 
 ing tunes. He was prevented, by an untimely end, 
 from bringing his invention to any degree of per- 
 fection. After his death some improvements were 
 made upon his plan. The sweetness of the tones 
 induced Dr. Franklin to make a variety of experi- 
 ments ; and he at length formed that elegant instru- 
 ment which he has called the Armonica. 
 
 In ^he summer of 1762 he returned to America. 
 On his passage he observed the singular effect pro- 
 duced by the agitation of a vessel containing oil 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 205 
 
 floating on water. The surface of the oil remainss 
 smooth and undisturbed, while the water is agitate 
 with the utmost commotion. No satisfactory ex- 
 planation of this appearance has, we believe, ever 
 been given. 
 
 Dr. Franklin received the thanks of the Assem- 
 bly of Pennsylvania, "as well for the faithful dis- 
 charge of his duty to that province in particular, 
 as for the many and important services done to 
 America in general during his residence in Great 
 Britain." A compensation of 5000Z., Pennsylvania 
 currency, was also decreed him for his service du- 
 ring six years. 
 
 During his absence he had been annually elected 
 member of the Assembly. On his return to Penn- 
 sylvania he again took his seat in this body, and 
 continued a steady defender of the liberties of the 
 people. 
 
 In December, 1762, a circumstance which caused 
 great alarm in the province took place. A number 
 of Indians had resided in the county of Lancaster, 
 and conducted themselves uniformly as friends to 
 the white inhabitants. Repeated depredations on 
 the frontiers had exasperated the inhabitants to 
 such a degree, that they determined on revenge 
 upon every Indian. A number of persons, to the 
 amount of about 120, principally inhabitants of 
 Donegal and Peckstang, or Paxton, townships, in 
 the county of York, assembled, and, mounted on 
 horseback, proceeded to the settlement of these 
 harmless and defenceless Indians, whose number 
 had now been reduced to about twenty. The In- 
 dians received intelligence of the attack which was 
 intended against them, but disbelieved it. Consid- 
 ering the white people as their friends, they appre- 
 hended no danger from them. When the party ar- 
 rived at the Indian settlement, they found only some 
 women and children, and a few old men, the rest 
 being absent at work. They murdered all whom 
 
 Vol. I.— 18 
 
206 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 they found, and among others the chief Shaheas, 
 who had been always distinguished for his friendship 
 to the whites. This bloody deed excited much in- 
 dignation in the well-disposed part of the com- 
 munity. 
 
 The remainderof these unfortunate Indians, who, 
 by absence, had escaped the massacre, were con- 
 ducted to Lancaster, and lodged in the jail as a 
 place of security. The governor issued a procla- 
 mation, expressing the strongest disapprobation of 
 the action, offering a reward for the discovery of 
 the perpetrators of the deed, and prohibiting all inju- 
 ries to the peaceable Indians in future. But, notwith- 
 standing this, a party of the same men shortly after 
 marched to Lancaster, broke open the jail, and in- 
 humanly butchered the innocent Indians who had 
 been placed there for security. Another proclama- 
 tion was issued, but it had no effect. A detach- 
 ment marched down to Philadelphia for the express 
 purpose of murdering some friendly Indians, who 
 had been removed to the city for safety. A num- 
 ber of the citizens armed in their defence. The 
 Quakers, whose principles are opposed to fighting, 
 even in their own defence, were most active upon 
 this occasion. The rioters came to Germantown. 
 The governor fled for safety to the house of Dr. 
 Franklin, who, with some others, advanced to meet 
 the Paxton boys, as they were called, and had in- 
 fluence enough to prevail upon them to relinquish 
 their undertaking and return to their homes. 
 
 The disputes between the proprietaries and the 
 Assembly, which for a time had subsided, were 
 again revived. The proprietaries were dissatisfied 
 with the concessions made in favour of the people, 
 and made great struggles to recover the privilege 
 of exempting their estates from taxation, which 
 they had been induced to give up. 
 
 In 1763 the Assembly passed a militia bill, to 
 •which the governor refused to give his assent, un- 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 207 
 
 less tlie Assembly would agree to certain amend- 
 ments which he proposed. These consisted in in- 
 creasing the fines, and, in some cases, substituting 
 death for fines. He wished, too, that the officers 
 should be appointed altogether by himself, and not 
 be nominated by the people, as the bill had pro- 
 posed. These amendments the Assembly consid- 
 ered as inconsistent with the spirit of liberty. They 
 would not adopt them ; the governor was obstinate, 
 and the bill was lost. 
 
 These, and various other circumstances, increas- 
 ed the uneasiness which subsisted between the pro- 
 prietaries and the Assembly, to such a degree that, 
 in 1764, a petition to the king was agreed to by the 
 house, praying an alteration from a proprietary to a 
 regal government. Great opposition was made to 
 this measure, not only in the house, but in the pub- 
 lic prints. A speech of Mr. Dickenson on the sub- 
 ject was published, with a preface by Dr. Smith, 
 in which great pains were taken to show the impro- 
 priety and impolicy of this proceeding. A speech of 
 Mr. GoUoway, in reply to Mr. Dickenson, was pub- 
 lished, accompanied with a preface by Dr. Frank- 
 lin, in which he ably opposed the principles laid 
 down in the preface to Mr. Dickenson's speech. 
 This application to the throne produced no eff'ect. 
 The proprietary government was still continued. 
 
 At the election for a new Assembly, in the fall 
 of 1764, the friends of the proprietaries made great 
 exertions to exclude those of the adverse party; 
 and they obtained a small majority in the city of 
 Philadelphia. Franklin now lost his seat in the 
 house, which he had held for fourteen years. On 
 the meeting of the Assembly it appeared that there 
 was still a decided majority of Franklin's friends. 
 He was immediately appointed provincial agent, 
 to the great chagrin of his enemies, who made a 
 solemn protest against this appointment : which was 
 refused admission upon the minutes, as being un- 
 
208 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 precedented. It was, however, published in the pa- 
 pers, and produced a spirited reply from him, just 
 before his departure for England. 
 
 The disturbances produced in America by Mr. 
 Grenville's stamp-act, and the opposition made to 
 it, are well known. Under the Marquis of Rock- 
 ingham's administration, it appeared expedient to 
 endeavour to calm the minds of the colonists, and 
 the repeal of the odious tax was contemplated. 
 Among other means of collecting information on 
 the disposition of the people to submit to it. Dr. 
 Franklin was called to the bar of the House of 
 Commons. The examination which he here un- 
 derwent was published, and contains a striking 
 proof of the extent and accuracy of his information, 
 and the facility with which he communicated his 
 sentiments. He represented facts in so strong a 
 point of view, that the expediency of the act must 
 have appeared clear to every unprejudiced mind. 
 The act, after some opposition, was repealed, about 
 a year after it was enacted, and before it had ever 
 been carried into execution. 
 
 In the year 1766, he made a visit to Holland and 
 Germany, and received the greatest marks of atten- 
 tion from men of science. In his passage through 
 Holland, he learned from the watermen the effect 
 which a diminution of the quantity of water in ca- 
 nals has in impeding the progress of boats. Upon 
 his return to England, he was led to make a number 
 of experiments, all of which tended to confirm the 
 observation. These, with an explanation of the 
 phenomenon, he communicated in a letter to his 
 friend. Sir John Pringle, which is among his philo- 
 sophical pieces. 
 
 In the followmg year he travelled into France, 
 where he met with a no less favourable reception 
 than he had experienced in Germany. He was in- 
 troduced to a number of literary characters, and to 
 Uhe king, Louis XV. 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 209 
 
 Several letters, written by Hutchinson, Oliver, and 
 others, to persons in eminent stations in Great 
 Britain, came into the hands of Dr. Franklin. These 
 contained the most violent invectives against the 
 leading characters of the State of Massachusetts, 
 and strenuously advised the prosecution of vigorous 
 measures to compel the people to obedience to the 
 measures of the ministry. These he transmitted 
 to the legislature, by whom they were published. 
 Attested copies of them were sent to Great Britain, 
 with an address, praying the king to discharge from 
 office persons who had rendered themselves obnox- 
 ious to the people, and who had shown themselves 
 so unfriendly to their interests. The publication of 
 these letters produced a duel between Mr. Whately 
 and Mr. Temple ; each of whom was suspected of 
 having been instrumental in procuring them. To 
 prevent any farther disputes on this subject. Dr. 
 Franklin, in one of the public papers, declared that 
 he had sent them to America, but would give no in- 
 formation concerning the manner in which he had 
 obtained them ; nor was this ever discovered. 
 
 Shortly after, the petition of the Massachusetts 
 Assembly was taken up for examination before the 
 privy council. Dr. Franklin attended as agent for 
 the Assembly ; and here a torrent of the most vio- 
 lent and unwarranted abuse was poured upon him 
 by the solicitor-general, Wedderburne, who was en- 
 gaged as counsel for Oliver and Hutchinson. The 
 petition was declared to be scandalous and vexa- 
 tious, and the prayer of it refused. 
 
 Although the parliament of Great Britain had re- 
 pealed the stamp-act, it was only upon the principle 
 of expediency. They still insisted upon their right 
 to tax the colonies ; and, at the same time that the 
 stamp-act was repealed, an act was passed declaring 
 the right of parhament to bind the colonies in all 
 cases whatever. This language was used even by 
 most strenuous opposers of the stamp-act, and, 
 
210 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 among others, by Mr. Pitt. This right was never 
 recognised by the colonists ; but, as ihey flattered 
 themselves that it would not be exercised, they 
 were not very active in remonstrating against it. 
 Had this pretended right been suffered to remain 
 dormant, the colonists would cheerfully have fur- 
 nished their quota of supplies, in the mode to which 
 they had been accustomed ; that is, by acts of 
 their own assemblies, in consequence of requisi- 
 tions from the secretary of state. If this prac- 
 tice had been pursued, such was the disposition of 
 the colonies towards their mother country, that, 
 notwithstanding the disadvantages under which they 
 laboured, from restraints upon their trade, calcula- 
 ted solely for the benefit of the commercial and 
 manufacturing interests of Great Britain, a separa- 
 tion of the two countries might have been a far dis- 
 tant event. The Americans, from their earhest in- 
 fancy, were taught to venerate a people from whom 
 they were descended ; whose language, laws, and 
 manners were the same as their own. They look- 
 ed up to them as models of perfection ; and, in their 
 prejudiced minds, the most enlightened nations of 
 Europe were considered as almost barbarians in 
 comparison with Englishmen. The name of an 
 Englishman conveyed to an American the idea of 
 everything good and great. Such sentiments in- 
 stilled into them in early life, what but a repetition 
 of unjust treatment could have induced them to en- 
 tertain the most distant thought of separation ! 
 The duties on glass, paper, leather, painters' colours, 
 tea, &c., the disfranchisement of some of the colo- 
 nies, the obstruction to the measures of the legis- 
 lature in others by the king's governors, the con- 
 temptuous treatment of their humble remonstran- 
 ces, stating their grievances, and praying a redress 
 of them, and other violent and oppressive measures, 
 at length excited an ardent spirit of opposition. In- 
 stead of endeavouring to allay this by a more len- 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 211 
 
 lent conduct, the ministry seemed resolutely bent 
 upon reducing the colonies to the most slavish obe- 
 dience to their decrees. But this only tended to 
 aggravate. Vain were all the efforts made use of 
 to prevail upon them to lay aside their designs, to 
 convince them of the impossibility of carrying them 
 into effect, and of the mischievous consequences 
 which must ensue from the continuance of the at- 
 tempt. They persevered with a degree of inflexi- 
 bility scarcely paralleled. 
 
 The advantages which Great Britain derived from 
 her colonies was so great, that nothing but a degree 
 of infatuation little short of madness could have 
 produced a continuance of measures calculated to 
 keep up a spirit of uneasiness, which might occasion 
 the slightest wish for a separation. When we con- 
 sider the great improvements in the science of gov- 
 ernment, the general diffusion of the principles of 
 liberty among the people of Europe, the effects 
 which these have already produced in France, and 
 the probable consequences which will result from 
 them elsewhere, all of which are the offspring of 
 the American revolution, it cannot but appear 
 strange that events of so great moment to the hap- 
 piness of mankind should have been ultimately 
 occasioned by the wickedness or ignorance of a 
 British ministry. 
 
 Dr. FrankUn left nothing untried to prevail upon 
 the ministry to consent to a change of measures. 
 In private conversations, and in letters to persons 
 in government, he continually expatiated upon the 
 impolicy and injustice of their conduct towards 
 America ; and stated that, notwithstanding the at- 
 tachment of the colonists to the mother country, a 
 repetition of ill-treatment must ultimately ahenate 
 their affections. They listened not to his advice. 
 They blindly persevered in their own schemes, and 
 left to the colonists no alternative but opposition 
 or unconditional submission. The latter accorded 
 
213 LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 not with the principles of freedom which they had 
 been taught to revere. To the former they were 
 compelled, though rekictantly, to have recourse. 
 
 Dr. Franklin finding all efforts to restore harmony 
 -between Gi*eat Britain and her colonies useless, re- 
 turned to America in the year 1775, just after the 
 commencement of hostilities. The day after his 
 return, he was elected by the legislature of Penn- 
 sylvania a delegate to Congress. Not long after 
 his election, a committee was appointed, consisting 
 of Mr. Lynch, Mr. Harrison, and himself, to visit 
 the camp at Cambridge, and, in conjunction with 
 the commander-in-chief, to endeavour to convince 
 the troops, whose term of enlistment was about to 
 expire, of the necessity of their continuing in the 
 field, and persevering in the cause of their country. 
 
 In the fall of the same year he visited Canada, to 
 endeavour to unite them in the common cause of 
 liberty ; but they could not be prevailed upon to 
 oppose the measures of the British government. 
 M. le Roy, in a letter annexed to Abbe Fauchett's 
 eulogium of Dr. Franklin, states that the ill success 
 of this negotiation was occasioned in a great de- 
 gree by rehgious animosities, which subsisted be- 
 tween the Canadians and their neighbours, some of 
 whom had, at different times, burned their chapels. 
 
 When Lord Howe came to America in 1776, 
 vested with power to treat with the colonists, a 
 correspondence took place between him and Dr. 
 FrankUn on the subject of a reconciliation. Dr. 
 Franklin was afterward appointed, together with 
 John Adams and Edward Rutledge, to wait upon 
 the commissioners, in order to learn the extent of 
 their powers. These were found to be only to 
 grant pardons upon submission. These were terms 
 which could not be accepted, and the object of the 
 commissioners could not be obtained. 
 
 The momentous question of independence was 
 ehortly after brought Into view, at a time when th« 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 213 
 
 fleets and armies which were sent to enforce obe- 
 dience were truly formidable. With an army, nu- 
 merous indeed, but ignorant of discipline, and en- 
 tirely unskilled in the art of war, without money, 
 without a fleet, without allies, and with nothing but 
 the love of hberty to support them, the colonists 
 determined to separate from a country from which 
 ihey had experienced a repetition of injury and in- 
 sult. In this question Dr. Franklin was decidedly 
 in favour of the measure proposed, and had great in- 
 fluence in bringing others over to his sentiments. 
 
 The public mind had been already prepared for 
 this event by Mr. Paine's celebrated pamphlet, 
 Common Sense. There is good reason to believe 
 that Dr. Franklin had no inconsiderable share at 
 least in furnishing materials for this work. 
 
 In the convention which assembled at Philadel- 
 phia in 1776, for the purpose of establishing a new 
 form of government for the State of Pennsylvania, 
 Dr. Franklin was chosen president. The late con- 
 stitution of this state, which was the result of their 
 deliberations, may be considered as a digest of his 
 principles of government. The single legislature 
 and the plural executive seem to have been his fa- 
 vourite tenets. 
 
 In the latter end of 1776, Dr. Franklin was ap- 
 pointed to assist at the negotiation which had been 
 set on foot by Silas Deane, at the court of France. 
 A conviction of the advantages of a commercial in- 
 tercourse with America, and a desire of weakening 
 the British empire by dismembering it, first induced 
 the French court to listen to proposals of an alli- 
 ance. But they showed rather a reluctance to the 
 measure, which, by Dr. Franklin's address, and par- 
 ticularly by the success of the American arms against 
 General Burgoyne, was at length overcome ; and in 
 February, 1778, a treaty of alliance, offensive and 
 defensive, was concluded ; in consequence of which, 
 
214 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 France became involved in the war with Great 
 Britain. 
 
 Perhaps no person could have been found more 
 capable of rendering essential services to the United 
 States at the court of France than Dr. Franklin. 
 He was well known as a philosopher, and his char- 
 acter was held in the highest estimation. He was 
 received with the greatest, marks of respect by all 
 the literary characters, and this respect was extend- 
 ed among all classes of men. His personal influ- 
 ence was hence very considerable. To the effects 
 of this were added those of various performances 
 which he published, tending to establish the credit 
 and character of the United" States. To his exer- 
 tions in this way may, in no small degree, be ascri- 
 bed the success of the loans negotiated in Holland 
 and France, which greatly contributed to bringing 
 the war to a happy conclusion. 
 
 The repeated ill success of their arms, and more 
 particularly the capture of Cornwallis and his army, 
 at length convinced the British nation of the impos- 
 sibility of reducing the Americans to subjection. 
 The trading interest particularly became clamorous 
 for peace. The ministry were unable longer to op- 
 pose their wishes. Provisional articles of peace 
 were agreed to, and signed at Paris, on the 30th of 
 November, 1782, by Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, Mr. 
 Jay, and Mr. Laurens, on the part of the United 
 States, and by Mr. Oswald on the part of Great Brit- 
 ain. These formed the basis of the definitive treaty, 
 which was concluded the 3d of September, 1783, 
 and signed by Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, and Mr. 
 Jay on the one part, and by Mr. David Hartly on 
 the other. 
 
 On the 3d of April, 1783, a treaty of Amity and 
 Commerce between the United States and Sweden, 
 was concluded at Paris by Dr. Franklin and the 
 Count Von Krutz. 
 
 A similar treaty with Prussia was concluded in 
 
LIPB OP FRANKLIN. 215 
 
 1785, not long before Dr. Franklin's departure from 
 Europe. 
 
 Dr. Franklin did not suffer his political pursuits to 
 engross his whole attention. Some of his perform- 
 ances made their appearance in Paris. The objects 
 of these were generally the promotion of industry 
 and economy. 
 
 In the year 1784, when animal magnetism made 
 great noise in the world, particularly at Paris, it 
 was thought a matter of such importance that the 
 king appointed commissioners to examine into the 
 foundation of this pretended science. Dr. Franklin 
 was one of the number. After a fair and diligent 
 examination, in the course of which Mesmer repeat- 
 ed a number of experiments, in the presence of the 
 commissioners, some of which were tried upon 
 themselves, they determined that it was a mere 
 trick, intended to impose upon the ignorant and 
 credulous. Mesmer was thus interrupted in his ca- 
 reer to wealth and fame, and a most insolent attempt 
 to impose upon the human understanding baffled. 
 
 The important ends of Dr. Franklin's mission be- 
 ing completed by the establishment of American in- 
 dependence, and the infirmities of age and disease 
 coming upon him, he became desirous of returning 
 to his native country. Upon application to Con- 
 gress to be recalled, Mr. Jefferson was appointed to 
 succeed him in 1785. Some time in September of 
 the same year Dr. Franklin arrived in Philadelphia. 
 He was shortly after chosen a member of the su- 
 preme executive council for the city, and soon after 
 was elected president of the same. 
 
 When a convention was called to meet in Phila- 
 delphia, in 1787, for the purpose of giving more 
 energy to the government of the union, by revising 
 and amending the articles of confederation. Dr. 
 Franklin was appointed a delegate from the State 
 of Pennsylvania. He signed the constitution which 
 
216 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 they proposed for the union, and gave it the most 
 unequivocal marks of his approbation. 
 
 A society for political inquiries, of which Dr. 
 Frankhn was president, was estabhshed about this 
 period. The meetings were held at his house. Two 
 or three essays read in this society were published. 
 It did not long continue. 
 
 In the year 1787, two societies were established in 
 Philadelphia, founded on the principles of the most 
 liberal and refined humanity : The Philadelphia So- 
 ciety for alleviating the miseries of public prisons : and 
 the Pennsylvania Society for prornoting the abolition 
 of slavery, the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in 
 bondage, and the improvement of the condition of the 
 African race. Of each of these Dr. Franklin waa 
 president. The labours of these bodies have been 
 crowned with great success ; and they continue to 
 prosecute, with unwearied diligence, the laudable 
 designs for which they were established. 
 
 Dr. Franklin's increasing infirmities prevented hia 
 regular attendance at the council chamber, and in 
 1788 he retiTed wholly from public life. 
 
 His constitution had been a remarkably good one. 
 He had been little subject to disease, except an at- 
 tack of the gout occasionally, until about the year 
 1781, when he was first attacked with symptoms oi 
 the calculous complaint, which continued during his 
 life. During the intervals of pain from this grievous 
 disease, he spent many cheerful hours, conversing 
 in the most agreeable and instructive manner. His 
 faculties were entirely unimpaired, even to the hour 
 of his death. 
 
 His name, as president of the abolition society, 
 •was signed to the memorial presented to the House 
 of Representatives of the United States, on the 12th 
 of February, 1789, praying them to exert the full 
 extent of power vested in them by the constitution 
 in discouraging the traffic in the human species. 
 This was his last public act. In the debates to which 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 217 
 
 this memorial gave rise, several attempts were made 
 to justify the trade. In the Federal Gazette of 
 March 25, there appeared an essay, signed Histori- 
 cus, written by Dr. Franklin, in which he communi- 
 cated a speech, said to have been delivered in the 
 Divan of Algiers, in 1687, in opposition to the prayer 
 of the petition of a sect called Erika, or purists, for 
 the abolition of piracy and slavery. This pretended 
 African speech was an excellent parody of one de- 
 livered by Mr. Jackson, of Georgia. All the argu- 
 ments urged in favour of negro slavery are applied 
 with equal force to justify the plundering and en- 
 slaving of Europeans. It affords, at the same time, 
 a demonstration of the futility of the arguments in 
 defence of the slave-trade, and of the strength of 
 mind and ingenuity of the author, at his advanced 
 period of life. It furnished, too, a no less con- 
 vincing proof of his power of imitating the style of 
 other times and nations than his celebrated parable 
 against persecution. And as the latter led many 
 persons to search the scriptures with a view to find 
 it, so the former caused many persons to search the 
 bookstores and libraries for the work from which it 
 was said to be extracted. 
 
 During the greatest part of his life Dr. Franklin 
 had enjoyed an almost uninterrupted state of good 
 health, and this he entirely attributed to his exem- 
 plary temperance. 
 
 In the year 1735, indeed, he had been seized with 
 a pleurisy, which ended in a suppuration of the left 
 lobe of the lungs, so that he was almost suffocated 
 by the quantity of matter thrown up. But from 
 this, as well as from another attack of the same 
 kind, he recovered so completely, that his breathing 
 was not in the least affected. 
 
 As he advanced in years, however, he became sub- 
 ject to fits of the gout, to which, in 1782, a nephritic 
 cholic was superadded. From this time he was also 
 affected with the stone as well as the gout ; and for 
 
 Vol. I.— 19 
 
218 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 the last twelve months of his life these complaints 
 almost entirely confined him to his bed. 
 
 Notwithstanding his distressed situation, neither 
 his mental faculties nor his natural cheerfulness ever 
 forsook him. His memory was tenacious to the very 
 last ; and he seemed to be an exception to the gen- 
 eral rule, that, at a certain period of life, the organs 
 which are subservient to this faculty become cal- 
 lous ; a remarkable instance of which is, that he 
 learned to speak French after he had attained the 
 age of seventy ! 
 
 In the beginning of April following, he was at- 
 tacked with a fever and complaint of his breast, 
 which terminated his existence. The following ac- 
 count of his last illness was written by his friend 
 and physician, Dr. Jones. 
 
 "The stone, with which he had been afflicted for 
 several years, had for the last twelve months con- 
 fined him chiefly to his bed ; and during the ex- 
 treme painful paroxysms, he was obliged to take 
 large doses of laudanum to mitigate his tortures ; 
 still, in the intervals of pain, he not only amused 
 himself with reading and conversing cheerfully with 
 his family, and a few friends who visited him, but 
 was often employed in doing business of a public 
 as well as private nature, with various persons 
 who waited on him for that purpose ; and in every 
 mstance displayed not only that readiness and dis- 
 position of doing good which was the distinguish- 
 ing characteristic of his life, but the fullest and 
 clearest possession of his uncommon mental abil- 
 ities, and not unfrequently indulged himself in those 
 jeux (Tesprit and entertaining anecdotes which were 
 the delight of all who heard him. 
 
 " About sixteen days before his death, he was 
 seized with a feverish indisposition, without any 
 particular symptoms attending it, till the third or 
 fourth day, when he complained of a pain in his left 
 breast, which increased till it became extremely 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN, 219 
 
 acute, attended with a cough and labourious breath- 
 ing. During this state, when the severity of his 
 pain sometimes drew forth a groan of complaint, he 
 would observe, that he was afraid he did not bear 
 them as he ought, acknowledged his grateful sense 
 of the many blessings he had received from that 
 Supreme Being who had raised him from small and 
 low beginnings to such high rank and consideration 
 among men, and made no doubt but his present af- 
 flictions were kindly intended to wean him from a 
 world in which he was no longer fit to act the part 
 assigned him. In this frame of body and mind he 
 continued till five days before his death, when his 
 pain and difficulty of breathing entirely left him, and 
 his family were flattering themselves with the hopes 
 of his recovery, w^hen an imposthumation, which 
 had formed itself in his lungs, suddenly burst, and 
 discharged a great quantity of matter, which he con- 
 tinued to throw up while he had sufficient strength 
 to do it ; but as that failed, the organs of respiration 
 became gradually oppressed, a calm lethargic state 
 succeeded, and, on the 17th of April, 1790, about 
 eleven o'clock at night, he quietly expired, closing 
 a long and useful life of eighty-four years and three 
 months."* 
 
 The following account of his funeral, and the hon- 
 ours paid to his memory, is derived from an anon- 
 ymous source, but is correct. 
 
 " All that was mortal of this great man was inter- 
 red on the 21st of April, in the cemetery of Christ 
 Church, Philadelphia, m that part adjoining to Arch- 
 street, N. W. corner, in order that, if a monument 
 
 ♦ Three days pre^^ous to his decease, he desired his daugh- 
 ter, Mrs. Sarah Bache, to have his bed made, "tra order that he 
 might die in a decent manner,''^ as was his expression; an idea 
 probably suggested by an acquaintance with the custom of the 
 ancients. Mrs. Bache having replied that she hoped he would 
 recover, and Uve many years longer, he instantly rejoined, " / 
 hope noty 
 
220 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 should be erected over his grave, it might be seen 
 to more advantage. 
 
 " Never v^^as any funeral so numerously and so re- 
 spectably attended in any part of the States of Amer- 
 ica. The concourse of people assembled upon this 
 occasion was immense. All the bells in the city 
 were muffled, and the very newspapers were pub- 
 lished with black borders. The body was interred 
 amid peals of artillery ; and nothing was omitted 
 that could display the veneration of the citizens for 
 such an illustrious character. 
 
 " The Congress ordered a general mourning for 
 one month throughout America ; the National As- 
 sembly of France paid the same compliment for 
 three days ; and the commons of Paris, as an extra- 
 ordinary tribute of honour to his memory, assisted 
 in a body at the funeral oration, dehvered by the 
 Abbe Fauchet, in the rotunda of the corn-market, 
 which was hung with black, illuminated with chan- 
 deliers, and decorated with devices analogous to the 
 occasion. 
 
 " Dr. Smith, provost of the college of Philadel- 
 phia, and David Rittenhouse, one of its members, 
 were selected by the Philosophical Society to pre- 
 pare a eulogium to the memory of its founder; and 
 the subscribers to the City Library, who had just 
 erected a handsome building for containing their 
 books, left a vacant niche for a statue of their ben- 
 efactor. 
 
 " This has since been placed there by the munifi- 
 cence of an estimable citizen of Philadelphia. It 
 was imported from Italy; the name of the artist is 
 Francis Lazzarini ; it is composed of Carara marble, 
 and cost 500 guineas. 
 
 "It was the first piece of sculpture of that size 
 which had been seen in America. Franklin is rep- 
 resented in a standing posture ; one arm is support- 
 ed by means of some books, in his right hand he 
 holds an inverted sceptre, an emblem of anti-mo- 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 221 
 
 narchical principles, and in his left a scroll of paper. 
 He is dressed in a Roman toga. The resemblance 
 is correct ; the head is a copy from the excellent 
 bust produced by the chisel of Houdon. The fol- 
 lowing inscription is engraven on the pedestal : 
 
 THIS STATUE 
 OF 
 
 DR, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 WAS PRESENTED BY 
 
 WILLIAM BINGHAM, Esq., 
 1793. 
 
 " Franklin's life," says tlie anonymous writer of 
 the foregoing, " affords one of the finest moral les- 
 sons that can be offered up to the admiration, the 
 applause, or the imitation of mankind. 
 
 "As a man, we have beheld him practising and 
 inculcating the virtues of frugality, temperance, 
 and industry. 
 
 " As a citizen, we have seen him repelling the 
 efforts of tyranny, and ascertaining the liberty of 
 his countrymen. 
 
 " As a legislator, he affords a bright example of a 
 genius soaring above corruption, and continually 
 aiming at the happiness of his constituents. 
 
 " As a politician, we survey him, on one hand, 
 acquiring the aid of a powerful nation, by means of 
 his skilful negotiations ; and on the other, calling 
 forth the common strength of a congress of repub- 
 lics, by fixing a central point to which they could 
 all look up, and concentrating their common force 
 for the purposes of union, harmony, legislation, and 
 defence. 
 
 " As a philosopher, his labours and his discover- 
 ies are calculated to advance the interests of hu- 
 19* 
 
222 LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 manity : he might, indeed, have been justly termed 
 tlie friend of man, the benefactor of the universe! 
 
 " The pursuits and occupations of his early youth 
 afford a most excellent and instructive example to 
 the young ; his middle life, to the adult ; his advan- 
 ced years, to the aged. From him the poor may 
 learn to acquire wealth, and the rich to adapt it to 
 the purposes of beneficence. 
 
 " In regard to his character, he was rather sen- 
 tentious than fluent ; more disposed to listen than 
 to talk; a judicious rather than an imposing com- 
 panion. He was what, perhaps, every able man is, 
 impatient of interruption ; for he used to mention 
 the custom of the Indians with great applause, who, 
 after listening with a profound attention to the ob- 
 servations of each other, preserve a respectful si- 
 lence for some minutes before they begin their own 
 reply. 
 
 " He was polite in his manners, and never gave a 
 pointed contradiction to the assertions of his friends 
 or his antagonists, but treated every argument with 
 great calmness, and conquered his adversaries rath- 
 er by the force of reason than assertion." 
 
 The advice of his death reached France at a pe- 
 riod well adapted to excite great emotions : and in 
 the National Assembly, Uth June, 1790, Mr. Mira- 
 beau the elder addressed the assembly as follows : 
 
 "Franklin is dead!" 
 
 [A profound silence reigned throughout the hall.] 
 
 " The genius which gave freedom to America and 
 scattered torrents of light upon Europe, is returned 
 to the bosom of the Divinity I 
 
 " The sage whom two worlds claim ; the man, 
 disputed by the history of the sciences and the his- 
 tory of empires, holds, most undoubtedly, an eleva- 
 ted rank among the human species. 
 
 " Political cabinets have but too long notified the 
 death of those who were never great but in their fu- 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 223 
 
 neral orations ; the etiquette of courts has but too 
 long sanctioned hypocritical grief. Nations ought 
 only to mourn for their benefactors ; the represent- 
 atives of free men ought never to recommend any 
 other than the heroes of humanity to their hom- 
 age. 
 
 " The Congress hath ordered a general mourning 
 for one month throughout the fourteen confederated 
 states, on account of the death of Franklin; and 
 America hath thus acquitted her tribute of admira- 
 tion in behalf of one of the fathers of her consti- 
 tution. 
 
 "Would it not be worthy of you, fellow-legisla- 
 tors, to unite yourselves in this religious act, to par- 
 ticipate in this homage rendered in the face of the 
 universe to the rights of man, and to the philoso- 
 pher who has so eminently propagated the conquest 
 of them throughout the world 1 
 
 "Antiquity would have elevated altars to that 
 mortal who, for the advantage of the human race, 
 embracing both heaven and earth in his vast and 
 extensive mind, knew how to subdue thunder and 
 tyranny ! 
 
 " Enlightened and free, Europe at least owes its 
 remembrance and its regret to one of the greatest 
 men who has ever served the cause of philosophy 
 and of liberty. 
 
 " I propose that a decree do now pass, enacting 
 that the National Assembly shall wear mourning 
 during three days for Benjamin Franklin." 
 
 MM. de la Rochefoucault and Lafayette imme- 
 diately rose in order to second this motion. 
 
 The assembly adopted it, at first by acclamation ; 
 and afterward decreed, by a large majority, amid 
 the plaudits of all the spectators, that on Monday, 
 14th of June, it should go into mourning for three 
 days ; that the discourse of M. Mirabeau should be 
 printed ; and that the president should write a let- 
 
224 LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 ter of condolence upon the occasion to the Con- 
 gress of America.* 
 
 The following character of Dr. Frankhn, hy ono 
 of his intimate friendss, is so ably and accurately 
 drawn, that we cannot refrain adding it to the fore- 
 going. 
 
 " There is in the character of every distinguished 
 person something to admire and something to imi- 
 tate. The incidents that have marked the life of 
 a great man always excite curiosity and often afford 
 improvement. If there be talents which we can 
 never expect to equal, if there be a series of good 
 fortune which we can never expect to enjoy, we 
 still need not lose the labour of our biographical 
 inquiries. We may probably become acquainted 
 with habits which it may be prudent to adopt, and 
 discover virtues which we cannot fail to applaud. 
 It will be easy for the reader to make a full appli- 
 cation of these remarks in his contemplations upon 
 the late celebrated Dr. Franklin. By his death one 
 of the best lights of the world may be said to be 
 extinguished. I shall not attempt any historical de- 
 tails of the life of this illustrious patriot and philos- 
 
 * The Congress of the United States thus expressed their 
 sentiments in return. 
 
 Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
 United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the Presi- 
 dent of the United States be requested to cause to be commu- 
 nicated to the National Assembly of France, the peculiar sen- 
 sibility of Congress to the tribute paid to the memory of Ben- 
 jamin Franklin by the enlightened and free representatives of 
 a great nation, in their decree of the eleventh June, one thou- 
 sand seven hundred and ninety. 
 
 Signed, Fred. Aug. Muhlenberg, 
 
 Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
 John Adams, 
 
 Vice-President of the United States and 
 President of the Senate. 
 Approved, March the 2d, 1791. 
 Signed, GEORGE WASHINGTON, 
 
 President of the United State*. 
 
LIFE OP FRANKLIN. 225 
 
 opher, as I have nothing farther in view than to 
 make a few comments upon the most striking traits 
 of his character. 
 
 " Original genius was pecuharly his attribute. 
 The native faculties of his mind qualified him to 
 penetrate into every science ; and his unremitted 
 diligence left no field of knowledge unexplored. 
 There were no limits to his curiosity. His inqui- 
 ries were spread over the whole fac^ of nature. 
 But the study of man seemed to be his highest de- 
 light : and if his genius had any special bias, it lay 
 in discovering those things that made men wiser 
 and happier. As truth was the sole object of his re- 
 searches, he was, of course, no sectary : and as rea- 
 son was his guide, he embraced no system which 
 that did not authorize. In short, he laid the whole 
 volume of nature open before him, and diligently 
 and faithfully perused it. 
 
 " Nor were his political attainments less conspic- 
 uous than his philosophical. The ancients usually 
 ranked good fortune among those circumstances of 
 life which indicate merit. In this view Dr. Frank- 
 lin is almost unrivalled, having seldom undertaken 
 more than he accomplished. The world are too 
 well acquainted with the events of his political ca- 
 reer to require, at this time, a particular enumera- 
 tion of them. It may be presumed the historians of 
 the American revolution will exhibit them in prop- 
 er colours. 
 
 " If Dr. Frankhn did not aspire after the splendour 
 of eloquence, it was only because the demonstrative 
 plainness of his manner was superior to it. Though 
 he neither loved political debate nor excelled in it, 
 he still preserved much influence in public assem- 
 blies, and discovered an aptitude in his remarks on 
 all occasions. He was not fond of taking a leading 
 part in such investigations as could never terminate 
 in any degree of certainty. To come forward in 
 questions which, in their nature, are indefinite, and 
 
226 LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 in their issue problematical, does not comport with 
 the caution of a man who has taught himself to 
 look for demonstration. He reserved his observa- 
 tions for those cases which science could enlighten 
 and common sense approve. The simplicity of his 
 style was well adapted to the clearness of his un- 
 derstanding. His conceptions were so bright and 
 perfect, that he did not choose to involve them in a 
 cloud of expressions. If he used metaphors, it was 
 to illustrate, and not to embellish the truth. A man 
 possessing such a lively imagery of ideas should 
 never affect the arts of a vain rhetorician, whose 
 excellence consists only in a beautiful arrangement 
 of words. 
 
 " But whatever claims to eminence Dr. Franklin 
 may have as a politician or a scholar, there is no 
 point of light in which his character shines with 
 with more lustre than when we view him as a man 
 or a citizen. He was eminently great in common 
 things. Perhaps no man ever existed whose life 
 can, with more justice, be denominated useful. No- 
 thing ever passed through his hands without receiv- 
 ing improvement, and no person ever went into his 
 company without gaining wisdom. His sagacity 
 was so sharp and his science so various, that, what- 
 ever might be the profession or occupation of those 
 with whom he conversed, he could meet every one 
 upon his own ground. He could enliven every con- 
 versation with an anecdote, and conclude it with a 
 moral. 
 
 " The whole tenour of his life was a perpetual 
 lecture against the idle, the extravagant, and the 
 proud. It was his principal aim to inspire mankind 
 with a love of industry, temperance, and frugality, 
 and to inculcate such duties as promote the impor- 
 tant interests of humanity. He never wasted a mo- 
 ment of time, or lavished a farthing of money in 
 folly or dissipation. Such expenses as the dignity 
 of his station required he readily sustained, limiting 
 
EXTRACTS FROM FRANKLIn's WILL. 227 
 
 them by the strictest rules of propriety. Many pub- 
 lic institutions experienced his well-timed liberality, 
 and he manifested a sensibility of heart by numer- 
 ous acts of private charity. 
 
 " By a judicious division of time, Dr. Franklin 
 acquired the art of doing everything to advantage, 
 and his amusements were of such a nature as could 
 never militate with the main objects of his pursuit. 
 In whatever situation he was placed by chance or 
 design, he extracted something useful for himself 
 or others. His life was remarkably full of incident. 
 Every circumstance of it turned to some valuable 
 account. The maxims which his discerning mind 
 has formed apply to innumerable cases and charac- 
 ters. Those who move in the lowest, equally with 
 those who move in the most elevated rank in soci- 
 ety, may be guided by his instructions. In the pri- 
 vate deportment of his life, he in many respects 
 has furnished a most excellent model. His man- 
 ners were easy and accommodating, and his address 
 winning and respectful. All who knew him speak 
 of him as a most agreeable man, and all who have 
 heard of him applaud him as a very useful one. A 
 man so wise and so amiable could not but have 
 many admirers and many friends." 
 
 The following are extracts from the will and cod- 
 icil of Dr. Franklin : 
 
 ******** 
 
 " With regard to my books, those I had in France 
 and those I left in Philadelphia being now assem- 
 bled together here, and a catalogue made of them, it 
 is my intention to dispose of the same as follows : 
 My 'History of the Academy of Sciences,' in six- 
 ty or seventy volumes quarto, I give to the Phil- 
 osophical Society of Philadelphia, of which 1 have 
 the honour to be president. My collection in folio, 
 of 'Les Arts et les Metiers' [Arts and Trade], I 
 give to the American Philosophical Society, estab- 
 
228 EXTRACTS FROM FRANKLIN's WILL. 
 
 lished in New-England, of which I am a member. 
 My quarto edition of the same, ' Arts et Metiers,' 
 I give to the Library Company of Philadelphia. 
 Such and so many of my books as 1 shall mark on 
 the said catalogue with the name of my grandson 
 Benjamin Franklin Bache, I do hereby give to him : 
 and such and so many of my books as 1 shall mark 
 on the said catalogue with the name of my grandson 
 William Bache, 1 do hereby give to him : and such 
 as shall be marked with the name of Jonathan 
 WiUiams, I hereby give to my cousin of that name. 
 The residue and remainder of all my books, manu- 
 scripts, and papers, I do give to my grandson Wil- 
 liam Temple Franklin. My share in the Library 
 Company of Philadelphia I give to my grandson 
 Benjamin Franklin Bache, confiding that he will 
 permit his brothers and sisters to share in the use 
 of it. 
 
 " I was born in Boston, New-England, and owe my 
 first instructions in literature to the free grammar- 
 schools established there. I therefore give one 
 hundred pounds sterling to my executors, to be by 
 them, the survivers or surviver of them, paid over 
 to the managers or directors of the freeschools in 
 my native town of Boston, to be by them, or those 
 persons or person who shall have the superintend- 
 ance and management of the said schools, put out 
 to interest, and so continued at interest for ever; 
 which interest annually shall be laid out in silver 
 medals, and given as honorary rewards annually by 
 the directors of the said freeschools, for the en- 
 couragement of scholarship in the said schools, be- 
 longing to the said town, in such manner as to the 
 discretion of the selectmen of the said town shall 
 seem meet. Out of the salary that may remain 
 due to me as president of the state, I do give the 
 sum of two thousand pounds to my executors, to be 
 by them, the survivers or surviver of them, paid over 
 to such person or persons as the legislature of this 
 state, by an act of Assembly, shall appoint to re- 
 
EXTRACTS FROM FRANKLIN's WILL. 229 
 
 ceive the same, in trust, to be employed for making 
 the Schuylkill navigable. 
 
 " During the number of years I was in business as 
 a stationer, printer, and postmaster, a great many 
 small sums became due to me, for books, advertise- 
 ments, postage of letters, and other matters, which 
 were not collected, when, in 1757, I was sent by 
 the Assembly to England as their agent, and by 
 subsequent appointments continued there till 1775 ; 
 when, on my return, I was immediately engaged in 
 the affairs of Congress, and sent to France in 1776, 
 where I remained nine years, not returning till 
 1785; and the said debts not being demanded in 
 such a length of time, have become in a manner ob- 
 solete, yet are nevertheless justly due. These, as 
 they are stated in my great folio leger E, I be- 
 queath to the contributors of the Pennsylvania Hos- 
 pital, hoping that those debtors, and the descendants 
 of such as are deceased, who now, as I find, make 
 some difficulty of satisfying such antiquated de- 
 mands as just debts, may, however, be induced to 
 pay or give them as charity to that excellent insti- 
 tution. I am sensible that much must inevitably be 
 lost, but I hope something considerable may be re- 
 ceived. It is possible, too, that some of the par- 
 ties charged may have existing old unsettled ac- 
 counts against me : in which case the managers of 
 the said hospital will allow and deduct the amount, 
 or pay the balances, if they find it against me. 
 ♦ ♦ * * * * # * 
 
 " I request my friends, Henry Hill, Esq., John Jay, 
 Esq., Francis Hopkinson, Esq., and Mr. Edward Duf- 
 field, of Benfield, in Philadelphia county, to be the 
 executors of this my last will and testament, and I 
 hereby nominate and appoint them for that purpose. 
 
 " I would have my body buried with as little ex- 
 pense or ceremony as may be. 
 *^***#* #*# 
 
 " Philadelphia, July 17, 1788." 
 
 Vol. I.— 20 
 
230 EXTRACTS FROM FRANKLIN's WILL. 
 
 CODICIL. 
 
 *' I, Benjamin Franklin, in the foregoing or annex- 
 ed last will and testament named, having farther con- 
 sidered the same, do think proper to make and pub- 
 lish the following codicil or addition thereto : 
 
 " It having long been a fixed political opinion of 
 mine, that in a democratical state there ought to 
 be no offices of profit, for the reasons I had given 
 in an article of my drawing in our constitution, it 
 was my intention, when 1 accepted the office of 
 president, to devote the appointed salary to some 
 public uses : accordingl5% 1 had, before 1 made my 
 will in July last, given large sums of it to colle- 
 ges, schools, building of churches, &c. ; and in 
 that will I bequeathed two thousand pounds more 
 to the state, for the purpose of making the Schuyl- 
 kill navigable ; but understanding since that such 
 a sum will do but little towards accomplishing 
 such a work, and that the project is not likely to 
 be undertaken for many years to come ; and hav- 
 ing entertained another idea, that I hope may be 
 more extensively useful, I do hereby revoke and 
 annul that bequest, and direct that the certificates I 
 have for what remains due to me of that salary be 
 sold towards raising the sum of two thousand pounds 
 sterling, to be disposed of as I am now about to 
 order. 
 
 " It has been an opinion, that he who receives an 
 estate from his ancestors is under some kind of ob- 
 ligation to transmit the same to his posterity. This 
 obligation does not lie on me, who never inherited 
 a shilling from any ancestor or relation. I shall, 
 however, if it is not diminished by some accident 
 before my death, leave a considerable estate among 
 my descendants and relations. The above obser- 
 vation is made merely as some apology to my fara- 
 
ily for my making bequests that do not appear to 
 have any immediate relation to their advantage. 
 
 " I was born in Boston, New-England, and owe my 
 first instructions in literature to the free grammar- 
 schools established there. I have, therefore, al- 
 ready considered those schools in my will. But I 
 am also under obligations to the state of Massachu- 
 setts for having, unasked, appointed me formerly 
 their agent in England, with a handsome salary, 
 which continued some years ; and although I acci- 
 dentally lost in their service, by transmitting Gov- 
 ernor Hutchinson's letters, much more than the 
 amount of what they gave me, I do not think that 
 ought in the least to diminish my gratitude. I 
 have considered that among artisans, good appren- 
 tices are most likely to make good citizens ; and 
 having myself been bred to a manual art, print- 
 ing, in my native town, and afterward assisted 
 to set up my business in Philadelphia by kind 
 loans of money from two friends there, which was 
 the foundation of my fortune, and of all the util- 
 ity in life that may be ascribed to me, I wish to 
 be useful, even after my death, if possible, in form- 
 ing and advancing other young men, that may be 
 serviceable to their country in both these towns. 
 To this end I devote two thousand pounds ster- 
 ling, which I give, one thousand thereof to the in- 
 habitants of the town of Boston, in Massachusetts, 
 and the other thousand to the inhabitants of the city 
 of Philadelphia, in trust, to and for the uses, intents, 
 and purposes herein after mentioned and declared. 
 The said sum of one thousand pounds sterling, if 
 accepted by the inhabitants of the town of Boston, 
 shall be managed under the direction of the select- 
 men, united with the ministers of the oldest Episco- 
 palian, Congregational, and Presbyterian churches 
 in that town, who are to let out the same upon in- 
 terest at five per cent, per annum, to such young 
 married artificers, under the age of twenty-five 
 
232 EXTRACTS FROM FRANKLIn's WILL. 
 
 years, as have served an apprenticeship in the said 
 town, and faithfully fulfilled the duties required in 
 their indentures, so as to obtain a good moral char- 
 acter from at least two respectable citizens, who are 
 willing to become their sureties in a bond, with the 
 applicants, for the repayment of the money so lent, 
 with interest, according to the terms hereinafter 
 prescribed; all which bonds are to be taken for 
 Spanish milled dollars, or the value thereof in cur- 
 rent gold coin : and the managers shall keep a bound 
 book or books, wherein shall be entered the names 
 of those who shall apply for and receive the bene- 
 fit of this institution, and of their sureties, together 
 with the sums lent, the dates, and other necessary 
 and proper records respecting the business and 
 concerns of this institution : and as these loans are 
 intended to assist young married artificers in setting 
 up their business, they are to be proportioned by the 
 discretion of the managers, so as not to exceed six- 
 ty pounds sterling to one person, nor to be less than 
 fifteen pounds. And if the number of appliers so 
 entitled should be so large as that the sum will not 
 suffice to afford to each as much as might other- 
 wise not be improper, the proportion to each shall 
 be diminished, so as to aflford every one some as- 
 sistance. These aids may, therefore, be small at 
 first ; but as the capital increases by the accumu- 
 lated interest, they will be more ample. And in 
 order to serve as many as possible in their turn, 
 as well as to make the repayment of the principal 
 borrowed more easy, each borrower shall be obli- 
 ged to pay, with the yearly interest, one tenth part of 
 the principal ; which sums of principal and interest 
 so paid in shall be again let out to fresh borrow- 
 ers. And as it is presumed that there will al- 
 ways be found in Boston virtuous and benevolent 
 citizens willing to bestow a part of their time in 
 doing good to the rising generation, by superintend- 
 ing and managing this institution gratis, it is hoped 
 
that no part of the money will at any time be dead 
 or diverted to other purposes, but be continually 
 augmenting by the interest, in which case there 
 may, in time, be more than the occasion in Boston 
 shall require : and then some may be spared to the 
 neighbouring or other towns in the said state of 
 Massachusetts, which may desire to have it, such 
 towns engaging to pay punctually the interest, and 
 the proportions of the principal annually to the in- 
 habitants of the town of Boston. If this plan is ex- 
 ecuted, and succeeds, as is projected, without inter- 
 ruption for one hundred years, the sum will then be 
 one hundred and thirty-one thousand pounds, of 
 which I would have the managers of the donation 
 to the town of Boston then lay out, at their discre- 
 tion, one hundred thousand pounds in public works, 
 which may be judged of most general utility to the 
 inhabitants, such as fortifications, bridges, aque- 
 ducts, public buildings, baths, pavements, or what- 
 ever may make living in the town more convenient 
 to its people, and render it more agreeable to stran- 
 gers resorting thither for health or a temporary resi- 
 dence. The remaining thirty-one thousand pounds I 
 would have continued to be let out on interest, in the 
 manner above directed, for another hundred years ; 
 as I hope it will have been found that the institution 
 has had a good effect on the conduct of youth, and 
 been of service to many worthy characters and use- 
 ful citizens. At the end of this second term, if no 
 unfortunate accident has prevented the operation, 
 the sum will be four millions and sixty-one thou- 
 sand pounds sterhng, of which I leave one milhon 
 and sixty-one thousand pounds to the disposition 
 and management of the inhabitants of the town of 
 Boston, and three millions to the disposition of the 
 government of the state, not presuming to carry 
 my views farther. 
 
 " All the directions herein given respecting the dis- 
 position and management of the donation to the in- 
 20* 
 
habitants of Boston, I would have observed respect- 
 ing that to the inhabitants of Philadelphia ; only, as 
 Philadelphia is incorporated, I request the corpora- 
 tion of that city to undertake the management 
 agreeably to the said directions, and I do hereby 
 vest them with full and ample powers for that pur- 
 pose. And having considered that the covering its 
 ground-plat with buildings and pavements, which 
 carry off most of the rain, and prevent its soaking 
 into the earth, and renewing and purifying the 
 springs, whence the water of the wells must gradu- 
 ally grow worse, and, in time, be unfit for use, as I find 
 has happened in all old cities, I recommend that, 
 at the end of the first hundred years, if not done be- 
 fore, the corporation of the city employ a part of 
 the hundred thousand pounds in bringing by pipes 
 the water of Wissahiccon Creek into the town, so as 
 to supply the inhabitants, which I apprehend may 
 be done without great difficulty, the level of that 
 creek being much above that of the city, and may 
 be made higher by a dam. I also recommend 
 making the Schuylkill completely navigable. At 
 the end of the second hundred years, I would have 
 the disposition of the four millions and sixty-one 
 thousand pounds divided between the inhabitants of 
 the city of Philadelphia and the government of 
 Pennsylvania, in the same manner as herein direct- 
 ed with respect to that of the inhabitants of Bos- 
 ton and the government of Massachusetts. It is 
 my desire that this institution should take place 
 and begin to operate within one year after my de- 
 cease ; for which purpose due notice should be pub- 
 licly given previous to the expiration of that year, 
 that those for whose benefit this establishment is 
 intended may make their respective appHcations ; 
 and I hereby direct my executor, the survivers or 
 surviver of them, within six months after my de- 
 cease, to pay over the said sum of two thousand 
 pounds sterling to such persons as shall be duly ap- 
 
EXTRACTS FROM FRANKLIN's WILL. 235 
 
 pointed by the selectmen of Boston and the corpo- 
 ration of Philadelphia to receive and take charge of 
 their respective sums of one thousand pounds each 
 for the purposes aforesaid. Considering the acci- 
 dents to which all human affairs and projects are 
 subject in such a length of time, I have, perhaps, 
 too much flattered myself with a vain fancy that 
 these dispositions, if carried into execution, will be 
 continued without interruption, and have the effects 
 proposed ; 1 hope, however, that if the inhabitants of 
 the two cities should not think fit to undertake the 
 execution, they will at least accept the offer of these 
 donations as a mark of my good-wil], a token of my 
 gratitude, and a testimony of my earnest desire to 
 be useful to them even after my departure. I wish, 
 indeed, that they may both undertake to endeavour 
 the execution of the project, because I think that, 
 though unforeseen difficulties may arise, expedients 
 will be found to remove them, and the scheme be 
 found practicable. If one of them accepts the mon- 
 ey with the conditions and the other refuses, my 
 "will then is that both sums be given to the inhabi- 
 tants of tlie city accepting, the whole to be applied 
 to the same purpose and under the same regula- 
 tions directed for the separate parts ; and if both re- 
 fuse, the money remains, of course, in the mass of 
 my estate, audit is to be disposed of therewith, ac- 
 cording to my will made the seventeenth day of 
 July, 1788. 1 wish to be buried by the side of my 
 wife, if it may be, and that a marble stone, to be 
 made by Chambers, six feet long, four feet wide, 
 plain, with only a small moulding round the upper 
 edge, and this inscription, 
 
 Benjamin ) 
 
 and > Franklin, 
 
 Deborah S 
 
 178-, be placed over us both. 
 " My fine crabtree walking-stick, with a gold head, 
 curiously wrought in the form of the Cap of Liber- 
 
236 EXTRACTS FROM FRANKLIN's WILL. 
 
 ty, I give to my friend and the friend of mankind, 
 General Washington. If it were a sceptre, he has 
 merited it, and would become it. It was a present 
 to me from that excellent woman Madame de For- 
 bach, the Dowager Duchess of Deux Fonts, con- 
 nected with some verses which should go with it. 
 
 ♦' Philadelphia, 23d June, 1789." 
 
 The following epitaph was written by Dr. Frank- 
 lin for himself when he was only twenty-three years 
 of age, as appears by the original (with various cor- 
 rections), found among his papers, and from which 
 this is a faithful copy : 
 
 [Epitaph, written 1728.] 
 "THE BODY 
 
 OF 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 PRINTER, 
 
 (like the cover of an old book, 
 
 its contents torn out, 
 
 and stripped of its lettering and gilding), 
 
 lies here food for worms ; 
 
 yet the work itself shall not be lost, 
 
 for it will (as he believed) appear once more 
 
 in a new and more elegant edition, 
 
 revised and corrected 
 
 THE AUTHOR." 
 
WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 The Examination of Dr. Franklin before the British 
 House of Commons^ relative to the Repeal of the 
 American Stamp-act* 
 
 1766, Feb. 3. Benjamin Franklin, Esq., and a 
 number of other persons, were " ordered to attend 
 the committee of the whole House of Commons, to 
 whom it was referred to consider farther the sev- 
 eral papers relative to America, which were pre- 
 sented to the House by Mr. Secretary Conway, &c." 
 
 * Tbe following appears to be the history of this celebrated 
 Act: 
 
 Until 1763, whenever Great Britain wanted supplies directly 
 from the colonies, the secretary of state, in the king's name, 
 sent them a letter of requisition, in which the occasion for the 
 supplies was expressed ; and the colonies returned a free gift, 
 the mode of levying which they wholly prescribed. At this pe- 
 riod the chancellor of the exchequer (Mr. George Grenville)' 
 says to the House of Commons, " We must call for money from 
 the colonies in the way of a tax ;" and to the colony-agents, ^'Write 
 to your several colonies, and tell them, if they dislike a duty upon 
 stamps, and prefer any other method of raising the money themselves, 
 1 shall be content, provided the amount be but raised." " That is," 
 observed the colonies, when commenting upon his terms, " if 
 we will not tax ourselves as we may be directed, the Parliament 
 will tax us." Dr. Franklin's instructions, spoken of above, re- 
 lated to this gracious option. As the colonies could not choose 
 " another tax" while they disclaimed every tax, the Parliament 
 passed the stamp-act. 
 
 This act declared that the Americans should have no com- 
 merce, make no exchange of property with each other, neither 
 purchase, nor grant, nor recover debts ; they shall neither marry 
 nor make their wills, unless they pay such and such sums in 
 tpecie for the stamps which must give validity to the proceed- 
 
238 WRITINGS OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 Q. What is your name and place of abode? 
 
 A. Franklin, of Philadelphia. 
 
 Q. Do the Americans pay any considerable taxes 
 among themselves f 
 
 A. Certainly, many, and very heavy taxes. 
 
 Q. What are the present taxes in Pennsylvania, 
 laid by the laws of the colony ? 
 
 A. There are taxes on all estates, real and per- 
 sonal ; a poll tax ; a tax on all offices, professions, 
 trades, and businesses, according to their profits ; an 
 excise on all wine, rum, and other spirits ; and a 
 duty of ten pounds per head on all negroes import- 
 ed, with some other duties. 
 
 Q. For what purposes are those taxes laid 1 
 
 A. For the support of the civil and military es- 
 tablishments of the country, and to discharge the 
 heavy debt contracted in the last war. 
 
 Q. How long are those taxes to continue ? 
 
 A. Those for discharging the debt are to continue 
 till 1772, and longer if the debt should not be then 
 all discharged. The others must always continue. 
 
 Q, Was it not expected that the debt would have 
 been sooner discharged? 
 
 A. It was, when the peace was made with France 
 and Spain. But a fresh war breaking out with the 
 Indians, a fresh load of debt was incurred ; and the 
 taxes, of course, continued longer by a new law. 
 
 Q. Are not all the people very able to pay those 
 taxes ? 
 
 A. No. The frontier counties all along the conti- 
 nent having been frequently ravaged by the enemy, 
 and greatly impoverished, are able to pay very lit- 
 
 ings. The operation of such a tax, its annual productiveness, 
 on its introduction, was estimated by its proposer in the House 
 of Commons at 100,000/. sterling. The colonies being already 
 reduced to the necessity of having paper money, by sending to 
 Britain the specie they collected in foreign trade, in order to 
 make up for the deficiency of their other returns for Britain's 
 manufactures ; there were doubts whether there could remain 
 Bpecie sufficient to answer the tax. 
 
WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 239 
 
 tie tax. And therefore, in consideration of their 
 distresses, our late tax laws do expressly favour 
 those counties, excusing the sufferers ; and I sup- 
 pose the same is done in other governments. 
 
 Q. Are not you concerned in the management of 
 the postoffice in America? 
 
 A. Yes. I am deputy postmaster-general of 
 North America. 
 
 Q. Don't you think the distribution of stamps hy 
 post to all the inhabitants very practicable, if there 
 was no opposition ? 
 
 A. The posts only go along the seacoasts ; they 
 do not, except in a few instances, go back into the 
 country ; and if they did, sending for stamps by post 
 would occasion an expense of postage, amounting, 
 in many cases, to much more than that of the 
 stamps themselves. * * * * 
 
 Q. From the thinness of the back settlements, 
 would not the stamp-act be extremely inconvenient 
 to the inhabitants, if executed ? 
 
 A. To be sure it would ; as many of the inhabi- 
 tants could not get stamps when they had occasion 
 for them, without taking long journeys, and spend- 
 ing perhaps three or four pounds, that the crown 
 might get sixpence. 
 
 Q. Are not the colonies, from their circumstan- 
 ces, very able to pay the stamp duty 1 
 
 A. In my opinion there is not gold and silver 
 enough in the colonies to pay the stamp duty for 
 one year. 
 
 Q. Don't you know that the money arising from 
 the stamps was all to be laid out in America? 
 
 A. I know it is appropriated by the act to the 
 American service ; but it will be spent in the con- 
 quered colonies, where the soldiers are ; not in the 
 colonies that pay it. 
 
 Q. Is there not a balance of trade due from the 
 colonies where the troops are posted, that will bring 
 back the money to the old colonies 1 
 
240 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 A. I think not. I believe very little would come 
 back. 1 know of no trade likely to bring it back. 
 I think it would come from the colonies where it 
 was spent directly to England ; for I have always 
 observed, that in every colony, the more plenty the 
 means of remittance to rlngland, the more goods 
 are sent for and the more trade with England car- 
 ried on. 
 
 Q. What number of white inhabitants do yoa 
 think there are in Pennsylvania '? 
 
 A. I suppose there may be about one hundred 
 and sixty tiiousand 1 
 
 Q. What number of them are Quakers'? 
 
 A. Perhaps a third. 
 
 Q. What number of Germans ? 
 
 A. Perhaps another third; but I cannot speak 
 with certainty. 
 
 Q. Have any number of the Germans seen service 
 as soldiers in Europe 1 
 
 A. Yes, many of them, both in Europe and 
 America. 
 
 Q. Are they as much dissatisfied with the stamp 
 duty as the English ? 
 
 A. Yes, and more ; and with reason, as their 
 stamps are, in many cases, to be double. 
 
 Q. How many white men do you suppose there 
 are in North America? 
 
 A. About three hundred thousand, from sixteen 
 to sixty years of age \ 
 
 Q. What may be the amount of one year's im- 
 ports into Pennsylvania from Britain ? 
 
 A. I have been informed that our merchants com- 
 pute the imports from Britain to be above jC500,000. 
 
 Q. What may be the amount of the produce of 
 your province exported to Britain"? 
 
 A. It must be small, as we produce little that is 
 wanted in Britain. I suppose it cannot exceed 
 je40,000. 
 
 Q. How, then, do you pay the balance 1 
 
WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 241 
 
 A. The balance is paid by our produce carried to 
 the West Indies (and sold in our own islands, or to 
 the French, Spaniards, Danes, and Dutch) ; by the 
 same produce carried to other colonies in North 
 America (as to New-England, Nova Scotia, New- 
 foundland, Carolina, and Georgia) ; by the same, 
 carried to different parts of Europe (as Spain, Por- 
 tugal, and Italy). In all which places we receive 
 either money, bills of exchange, or commodities 
 that suit for remittance to Britain ; which, together 
 with all the profits on the industry of our merchants 
 and mariners, arising in those circuitous voyages, 
 and the freights made by their ships, centre finally 
 to Britain to discharge the balance, and pay for Brit- 
 ish manufactures continually used in the provinces, 
 or sold to foreigners by our traders. 
 
 Q. Have you heard of any difficulties lately laid 
 on the Spanish trade 1 
 
 A. Yes, I have heard that it has been greatly ob- 
 structed by some new regulations, and by the Eng- 
 lish men-of-war and cutters stationed all along the 
 coast in America. 
 
 Q. Do you think it right that America should be 
 protected by this country, and pay no part of the 
 expense 1 
 
 A. That is not the case. The colonies raised, 
 clothed, and paid, during the last war, near twenty- 
 five thousand men, and spent many millions. 
 
 Q. Were you not reimbursed by Parhament 1 
 
 A. We were only reimbursed what, in your opin- 
 ion, we had advanced beyond our proportion, or be- 
 yond what might reasonably be expected from us ; 
 and it was a very small part of what we spent. 
 Pennsylvania, in particular, disbursed about jC500,- 
 000 ; and the reimbursements, in the whole, did not 
 exceed £60,000. 
 
 Q. You have said that you pay heavy taxes in 
 Pennsylvania ; what do they amount to in the pound ? 
 
 A. The tax on all estates, real and personal, is 
 
 Vol. I.— 21 
 
242 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 eighteen pence in the pound, fully rated; and the 
 tax on the profits of trades and professions, with 
 other taxes, do, I suppose, make full half a crown 
 in the pound. 
 
 Q. Do you know anything of the rate of exchange 
 in Pennsylvania, and whether it has fallen lately 1 
 
 A. It is commonly from one hundred and seventy 
 to one hundred and seventy-five. 1 have heard that 
 it has fallen lately from one hundred and seventy- 
 five to one hundred and sixty-two and a half, ow- 
 ing, I suppose, to their lessening their orders for 
 goods; and when their debts to this country are 
 paid, I think the exchange will probably be at par. 
 
 Q. Do not you think the people of America would 
 submit to pay the stamp duty if it was moderated! 
 
 A. No, never, unless compelled by force of arms. 
 * * « # 
 
 Q, What was the temper of America towards 
 Great Britain before the year 1763 T 
 
 A. The best in the world. They submitted wil- 
 lingly to the government of the crown, and paid in 
 their courts obedience to acts of Parliament. Nu- 
 merous as the people are in the several old provin- 
 ces, they cost you nothing in forts, citadels, garri- 
 sons, or armies, to keep them in subjection. They 
 were governed by this country at the expense only 
 of a little pen, ink, and paper: they were led by a 
 thread. They had not only a respect, but an affec- 
 tion for Great Britain ; for its laws, its customs, and 
 manners ; and even a fondness for its fashions, that 
 greatly increased the commerce. Natives of Brit- 
 ain were always treated with particular regard ; to 
 be an Old England-man was, of itself, a character 
 of some respect, and gave a kind of rank among us. 
 
 Q. And what is their temper now] 
 
 A. Oh, very much altered. 
 
 Q. Did you ever hear the authority of Parliament 
 to make laws for America questioned till lately 1 
 
 A, The authority of Parliament was allowed to 
 
WRITINGS OP FRANKLIN. 243 
 
 be valid in all laws, except such as should lay inter- 
 nal taxes. It was never disputed in laying duties 
 to regulate commerce. 
 
 Q. In what proportion had population increased 
 in America 1 
 
 A. I think the inhabitants of all the provinces to- 
 gether, taken at a medium, double in about twenty- 
 five years. But their demand for British manufac- 
 tures increases much faster ; as the consumption is 
 not merely in proportion to their numbers, but grows 
 with the growing abihties of the same numbers to 
 pay for them. In 1723, the whole importation from 
 Britain to Pennsylvania was but about X*l 5,000 ster- 
 ling; it is now near half a million. 
 
 Q. In what light did the people of America use 
 to consider the Parliament of Great Britain T 
 
 A. They considered the Parliament as the great 
 bulwark and security of their liberties and privile- 
 ges, and always spoke of it with the utmost respect 
 and veneration. Arbitrary ministers, they thought, 
 might possibly, at times, attempt to oppress them ; 
 but they relied on it that the Parliament, on appli- 
 cation, would always give redress. They remem- 
 bered, with gratitude, a strong instance of this, when 
 a bill was brought into ParUament, with a clause to 
 make royal instructions laws in the colonies, which 
 the House of Commons would not pass, and it was 
 thrown out. 
 
 Q. And have they not still the same respect for 
 Parliament T 
 
 A. No, it is greatly lessened. 
 
 Q. To what cause is that owing ? 
 
 A. To a concurrence of causes; the restraints 
 lately laid on their trade, by which the bringing of 
 foreign gold and silver into the colonies was pre- 
 vented; the prohibition of making paper money 
 among themselves,* and then demanding a new and 
 
 * Some of the colonies had been reduced to the necessity of 
 bartering, from the want of a medium of traffic. 
 
244 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 heavy tax by stamps, taking away, at the same time, 
 trials by juries, and refusing to receive and hear 
 their humble petitions. 
 
 Q. Don't you think they would submit to the 
 stamp-act if it was modified, the obnoxious parts 
 taken out, and the duty reduced to some particulars 
 of small moment! 
 
 A. No, they will never submit to it. 
 
 Q. What do you think is the reason that the peo- 
 ple in America increase faster than in England] 
 
 A. Because they marry younger and more gen- 
 erally. 
 
 Q. Why so! 
 
 A. Because any young couple that are industrious 
 may easily obtain land of their own, on which they 
 can raise a family. 
 
 Q. Are not the lower rank of people more at 
 their ease in America than in England ! 
 
 A. They may be so if they are sober and dili- 
 gent, as they are better paid for their labour. 
 
 Q. What is your opinion of a future tax, imposed 
 on the same principle with that of the stamp-act? 
 How would the Americans receive it 1 
 
 A Just as they do this. They would not pay it. 
 
 Q. Have you not heard of the resolutions of this 
 house and of the House of Lords, asserting the 
 right of Parliament relating to America, including 
 a power to tax the people there ? 
 
 A. Yes, I have heard of such resolutions. 
 
 Q. What will be the opinion of the Americans on 
 those resolutions 1 
 
 A. They will think them unconstitutional and un- 
 just. 
 
 Q. Was it an opinion in America before 17G3, 
 that the Parliament had no right to lay taxes and 
 duties there 1 
 
 A. 1 never heard any objection to the right of lay- 
 ing duties to regulate commerce, but a right to lay 
 
WRITINGS OP FRANKLIN. 245 
 
 internal taxes was never supposed to be in Parlia- 
 ment, as we are not represented there. 
 
 Q. On what do you found your opinion, that the 
 people in America made any such distinction? 
 
 A. I know that whenever the subject has occur- 
 red in conversation where I have been present, it 
 has appeared to be the opinion of every one, that 
 we could not be taxed by a Parliament wherein we 
 were not represented. But the payment of duties 
 laid by an act of Parliament as regulations of com- 
 merce was never disputed. 
 
 Q. But can you name any act of Assembly, or 
 public act of any of your governrjients, that made 
 such distinction ? 
 
 A. I do not know that there was any ; I think 
 there was never an occasion to make any such act, 
 till now that you have attempted to tax us : that has 
 occasioned resolutions of Assembly declaring the 
 distinction, in which I think every Assembly on the 
 continent, and every member in every Assembly, 
 have been unanimous. * * * * 
 
 Q. You say the colonies have always submitted to 
 external taxes, and object to the right of Parliament 
 only, in laying internal taxes ; now, can you show 
 that there is any kind of difference betiveen the two 
 taxes to the colony on which they may be laid 1 
 
 A. I think the difference is very great. An ex- 
 ternal tax is a duty laid on commodities imported ; 
 that duty is added to the first cost and other charges 
 on the commodity, and, when it is offered for sale, 
 makes a part of the price. If the people do not 
 like it at that price, they refuse it ; they are not 
 obliged to pay it. But an internal tax is forced from 
 the people without their consent, if not laid by their 
 own representatives. The stamp-act says we shall 
 have no commerce, make no exchange of property 
 with each other, neither purchase nor grant, nor 
 recover debts ; we shall neither marry nor make 
 our wills, unless we pay such and such sums ; and 
 21* 
 
246 WRITINGS OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 thus it is intended to extort our money from us, or 
 ruin us by the consequences of refusing to pay it. 
 
 Q. But supposing the external tax or duty to be 
 laid on the necessaries of life imported into your 
 colony, will not that be the same thing in its effects 
 as an internal tax ? 
 
 A. I do not know a single article imported into 
 the northern colonies but what they can either do 
 without or make themselves. 
 
 Q. Don't you think cloth from England absolute- 
 ly necessary to them ? 
 
 A. No, by no means absolutely necessary ; with 
 industry and good management, they may well sup- 
 ply themselves with all they want. 
 
 Q. Will it not take a long time to establish that 
 manufacture among them ; and must they not, in 
 the mean while, suffer greatly \ 
 
 A. I think not. They have made a surprising 
 progress already; and I am of opinion that, before 
 their old clothes are worn out, they will have new 
 ones of their own making. 
 
 Q. Can they possibly find wool enough in North 
 America ? 
 
 A. They have taken steps to increase the wool. 
 They entered into general combinations to eat no 
 more lamb ; and very few lambs were killed last 
 year. This course, persisted in, will soon make a 
 prodigious difference in the quantity of wool. And 
 the establishing of great manufactories, like those 
 in the clothing towns here, is not necessary, as it is 
 where the business is to be carried on for the pur- 
 poses of trade. The people will all spin and work 
 for themselves, in their own houses. 
 
 Q. Can there be wool and manufacture enough 
 in one or two years \ 
 
 A. In three years I think there may. 
 
 Q. Does not the severity of the winter in the 
 northern colonies occasion the wool to be of bad 
 quality ] 
 
WRITINGS GF FRANKLIN. 247 
 
 A. No, the wool is very fine and good. * * * * 
 
 Q. Considering the resolution of Parliament* as 
 to the right, do you think, if the stamp-act is repeal- 
 ed, that the North Americans will be satisfied? 
 
 A. 1 believe they will. 
 
 Q. Why do you think so ? 
 
 A. I think the resolutions of right will give them 
 very little concern if they are never attempted to 
 be carried into practice. Tiie colonies will proba- 
 bly consider themselves in the same situation in 
 that respect with Ireland : they know you claim the 
 same right with regard to Ireland, but you never ex- 
 ercise it. And they, may believe you never will 
 exercise it in the colonies any more than in Ire- 
 land, unless on some very extraordinary occasion. 
 
 Q. But who are to be the judges of that extraor- 
 dinary occasion 1 Is not the Parliament ? 
 
 A. Though the Parliament may judge of the oc- 
 casion, the people will think it can never exercise 
 such right till representatives from the colonies are 
 admitted into Parliament; and that, whenever the 
 occasion arises, representatives will be ordered. * * 
 
 Q. Can anything less than a military force carry 
 the stamp-act into execution I 
 
 A. I do not see how a military force can be ap- 
 plied to that purpose. 
 
 Q. Why may it not? 
 
 A. Suppose a military force sent into America, 
 they will find nobody in arms ; what are they then 
 to do ? They cannot force a man to take stamps 
 who chooses to do without them. They will not 
 find a rebelhon : they may indeed make one. 
 
 Q. If the act is not repealed, what do you think 
 will be the consequence ? 
 
 A. A total loss of the respect and affection the 
 people of America bear to this country, and of all 
 the commerce that depends on that respect and af- 
 fection. 
 
 * Afterward expressed in the Declaratory Act. 
 
248 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIIC. 
 
 Q. How can the commerce be affected ? 
 
 A. You will find that, if the act is not repealed, 
 they will take very little of your manufactures in a 
 short time. 
 
 Q. Is it in their power to do without them? 
 
 A. I think they may very well do without them. 
 
 Q. Is it their interest not to take them 1 
 
 A. The goods they take from Britain are either 
 necessaries, mere conveniences, or superfluities. 
 The first, as cloth, &c., with a little industry they 
 can make at home ; the second they can do with- 
 out till they are able to provide them among them- 
 selves ; and the last, which are much the greatest 
 part, they will strike off immediately. They are 
 mere articles of fashion, purchased and consumed 
 because the fashion in a respected country ; but 
 will now be detested and rejected. The people 
 have already struck off, by general agreement, the 
 use of all goods fashionable in mournings, and 
 many thousand pounds worth are sent back as un- 
 saleable. 
 
 Q. Is it their interest to make cloth at home ? 
 
 A. I think they may at present get it cheaper 
 from Britain, I mean of the same fineness and neat- 
 ness of workmanship; but when one considers oth- 
 er circumstances, the restraints on their trade, and 
 the difficulty of making remittances, it is their in- 
 terest to make everything. 
 
 Q. Suppose an act of internal regulations con- 
 nected with a tax, how would they receive it ? 
 
 A. I think it would be objected to. 
 
 Q. Then no regulation with a tax would be sub- 
 mitted to ? 
 
 A. Their opinion is, that when aids to the crown 
 are wanted, they are to be asked of the several as- 
 semblies, according to the old established usage ; 
 who will, as they always have done, grant them 
 freely. And that their money ought not to be giv- 
 en away without their consent, by persons at a dis- 
 
WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 249 
 
 tancc, unacquainted with their circumstances and 
 abilities. The granting aids to the crown is the only- 
 means they have of recommending themselves to 
 their sovereign ; and they think it extremely hard 
 and unjust that a body of men, in which they have 
 no representatives, should make a merit to itself of 
 giving and granting what is not their own, but theirs ; 
 and deprive them of a right they esteem of the ut- 
 most importance, as it is the security of all their 
 other rights. 
 
 Q. But is not the postoffice, which they have 
 long received, a tax as well as a regulation T 
 
 A. No ; the money paid for the postage of a let- 
 ter is not of the nature of a tax ; it is merely a 
 quantum meruit for a service done : no person is 
 compellable to pay the money if he does not choose 
 to receive the service. A man may still, as before 
 the act, send his letter by a servant, a special mes- 
 senger, or a friend, if he thinks it cheaper and safer. 
 
 Q. But do they not consider the regulations of 
 the postoffice, by the act of last year, as a tax? 
 
 A. By the regulations of last year, the rate of 
 postage was generally abated near thirty per cent, 
 through all America ; they certainly cannot con- 
 sider such abatement as a tax. 
 
 Q. If an excise was laid by Parliament, which 
 they might likewise avoid paying by not consuming 
 the articles excised, would they then not object to 
 it? 
 
 A. They would certainly object to it, as an excise 
 is unconnected with any service done, and is mere- 
 ly an aid, which they think ought to be asked of 
 them and granted by them, if they are to pay it, 
 and can be granted for them by no others whatso- 
 ever, whom they have not empowered for that pur- 
 pose. 
 
 Q. You say they do not object to the right of 
 Parliament in laying duties on goods to be paid on 
 their importation : now, is there any kind of differ- 
 
250 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 ence between a duty on the importation of goods 
 and an excise on their consumption! 
 
 A. Yes, a very material one : an excise, for the 
 reasons I have just mentioned, they think you can 
 have no right to lay within their country. But the 
 sea is yours : you maintain, by your fleets, the safe- 
 ty of navigation in it, and keep it clear of pirates : 
 you may have, therefore, a natural and equitable 
 right to some loll or duty on merchandises carried 
 through that part of your dominions, towards de- 
 fraying the expense you are at in ships to maintain 
 the safety of that carriage. 
 
 Q. Does this reasoning hold in the case of a duty 
 laid on the produce of their lands exported ? And 
 would they not then obejct to such a duty! 
 
 A. If it tended to make the produce so much 
 dearer abroad as to lessen the demand for it, to 
 be sure they would object to such a duty : not to 
 your right of laying it, but they would complain of 
 it as a burden, and petition you to lighten it. * * * 
 
 Q. Supposing the stamp-act continued and en- 
 forced, do you imagine that ill-humour will induce 
 the Americans to give as much for worse manufac- 
 tures of their own, and use them preferable to bet- 
 ter of ours 1 
 
 A. Yes, I think so. People will pay as freely 
 to gratify one passion as another, their resentment 
 as their pride. 
 
 Q. Would the people at Boston discontinue their 
 trade T 
 
 A. The merchants are a very small number com- 
 pared with the body of the people, and must dis- 
 continue their trade if nobody will buy their goods. 
 
 Q. What are the body of the people in the colo- 
 nies^ 
 
 A. They are farmers, husbandmen, or planters. 
 
 Q. Would they suffer the produce of their lands 
 to rot ? 
 
 A. No ; but they would not raise so much. They 
 would manufacture more and plough less. 
 
WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 251 
 
 Q. Would they live without the administration of 
 justice in civil matters, and suffer all the incon- 
 veniences of such a situation for any considerable 
 time, rather than take the stamps, supposing the 
 stamps were protected by a sufficient force, where 
 every one might have them 1 
 
 A. I think the supposition impracticable, that the 
 stamps should be so protected as that every one 
 might have them. The act requires sub-distributors 
 to be appointed in every county town, district, and 
 village, and they would be necessary. But the 
 principal distributors, who were to have had a con- 
 siderable profit on the whole, have not thought it 
 worth while to continue in the office ; and I think 
 it impossible to find sub-distributors fit to be trusted, 
 who, for the trifling profit that must come to their 
 share, would incur the odium and run the hazard 
 that would attend it ; and if they could be found, I 
 think it impracticable to protect the stamps in so 
 many distant and remote places. 
 
 Q. But in places where they could be protected, 
 would not the people use them rather than remain 
 in such a situation, unable to obtain any right, or 
 recover by law any debt 1 
 
 A. It is hard to say what they would do. I can 
 only judge what other people will think and how 
 they will act by what I feel within myself. I have 
 a great many debts due to me in America, and I 
 had rather they should remain unrecoverable by 
 any law, than submit to the stamp-act. They will 
 be debts of honour. It is my opinion, the people 
 will either continue in that situation, or find some 
 way to extricate themselves, perhaps by generally 
 agreeing to proceed in the courts without stamps. 
 
 Q. What do you think a sufficient military force 
 to protect the distribution of the stamps in every 
 part of America? 
 
 A. A very great force, I can't say what, if the 
 disposition of America is for a general resistance. 
 
252 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 Q. What is the number of men in America able 
 to bear arms, or of disciphned militia ? 
 
 A. There are I suppose, at least 
 
 [Question objected to. He withdrew. Called in 
 again.] 
 
 Q. Is the American stamp- act an equal tax on the 
 country ? 
 
 A. I think not. 
 
 Q. Why so ? 
 
 A. The greatest part of the money must arise 
 from lawsuits for the recovery of debts, and be 
 paid by the lower sort of people, who were too 
 poor easily to pay their debts. It is, therefore, a 
 heavy tax on the poor, and a tax upon them for be- 
 ing poor. 
 
 Q. But will not this increase of expense be a 
 means of lessening the number of lawsuits'? 
 
 A. I think not ; for as the costs all fall upon the 
 debtor, and are to be paid by him, they would be 
 no discouragement to the creditor to bring his ac- 
 tion. 
 
 Q. Would it not have the effect of excessive 
 usury 1 
 
 A. Yes ; as an oppression of the debtor. * * * * 
 
 Q. Are there any slilting-mills in America % 
 
 A. I think there are three, but 1 believe only one 
 at present employed. I suppose they will all be set 
 to work if the interruption of the trade continues. 
 
 Q, Are there ^xiy fulling-mills there ? 
 
 A. A great many. 
 
 Q. Did you never hear that a great quantity of 
 stockings were contracted for, for the army, during 
 the war, and manufactured in Philadelphia? 
 
 A. I have heard so. 
 
 Q. If the stamp-act should be repealed, would 
 not the Americans think they could oblige the Par- 
 liament to repeal every external tax-law now in 
 force ? 
 
 A. It is hard to answer questions of what people 
 at such a distance will think. 
 
WRITIGNS OF FRANKLIN. 253 
 
 Q. But what do you imagine they will think were 
 the motives of repealing the act ] 
 
 A. I suppose they will think that it was repealed 
 from a conviction of its inexpediency; and they 
 will rely upon it, that, while the same inexpediency 
 subsists, you will never attempt to make such an- 
 other. 
 
 Q. What do you mean by its inexpediency ? 
 
 A. I mean its inexpediency on several accounts : 
 the poverty and inabihty of those who were to pay 
 the tax, the general discontent it has occasioned, 
 and the impracticability of enforcing it. 
 
 Q. If the act should be repealed, and the Legis- 
 lature should show its resentment to the opposers 
 of the stamp-act, would the colonies acquiesce in 
 the authority of the Legislature] What is your 
 opinion they would do \ 
 
 A. I don't doubt at all that, if the Legislature re- 
 peal the stamp- act, the colonies will acquiesce in 
 the authority. 
 
 Q. But if the Legislature should think fit to as- 
 certain its right to lay taxes, by any act laying a 
 small tax contrary to their opinion, would they sub- 
 mit to pay the tax \ 
 
 A, The proceedings of the people in America 
 have been considered too much together. The 
 proceedings of the assembhes have been very dif- 
 ferent from those of the mobs, and should be dis- 
 tinguished, as having no connexion with each oth- 
 er. The assemblies have only peaceably resolved 
 what they take to be their rights : they have taken 
 no measures for opposition by force ; they have not 
 built a fort, raised a man, or provided a grain of am- 
 munition, in order to such opposition. The ring- 
 leaders of riots, they think, ought to be punished : 
 they would punish them themselves if they could. 
 Every sober, sensible man would wish to see riot- 
 ers punished, as otherwise peaceable people have 
 no security of person or estate ; but as to an inter- 
 
 VoL. L— 22 
 
254 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 nal tax, how small soever, laid by the Legislature 
 here on the people there, while they have no repre- 
 sentatives in this Legislature, 1 thnik it will never 
 be submitted to : they will oppose it to the last : 
 they do not consider it as at all necessary for you 
 to raise money on them by your taxes ; because 
 they are, and always have been, ready to raise 
 money by taxes among themselves, and to grant 
 large sums, equal to their abilities, upon requisition 
 from the crown. They have not only granted equal 
 to their abilities, but, during all the last war, they 
 granted far beyond their abilities, and beyond their 
 proportion with this country (you yourselves being 
 judges) to the amount of many hundred thousand 
 pounds ; and this they did freely and readily, only 
 on a sort of promise from the secretary of state 
 that it should be recommended to Parliament to 
 make them compensation. It was accordingly rec- 
 ommended to Parhament in the most honourable 
 manner for them. America has been greatly mis- 
 represented and abused here, in papers, and pam- 
 phlets, and speeches, as ungrateful, and unreasona- 
 ble, and unjust, in having put this nation to immense 
 expense for their defence, and refusing to bear any 
 part of that expense. The colonies raised, paid, 
 and clothed near twenty-five thousand men during 
 the last war; a number equal to those sent from 
 Britain, and far beyond their proportion : they went 
 deeply into debt in doing this, and all their taxes 
 and estates are mortgaged, for many years to come, 
 for discharging that debt. Government here was 
 at that time very sensible of this. The colonies 
 were recommended to Parliament. Every year the 
 king sent down to the house a written message to 
 this purpose, " That his majesty, being highly sen- 
 sible of the zeal and vigour with which his faithful 
 subjects in North America had exerted themselves 
 in defence of his majesty's just rights and posses- 
 Bions, recommended it to the house to take the 
 
WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 255 
 
 same into consideration, and enable him to give 
 them a proper compensation." You will find those 
 messages on your own journals every year of the 
 war to the very last; and you did accordingly give 
 jC200,000 annually to the crown, to be distributed 
 in such compensation to the colonies. This is the 
 strongest of all proofs that the colonies, far from 
 being unwilling to bear a share of the burden, did 
 exceed their proportion ; for if they had done less, 
 or had only equalled their proportion, there would 
 have been no room or reason for compensation. 
 Indeed, the sums reimbursed them were by no 
 means adequate to the expense they incurred be- 
 yond their proportion : but they never murmured at 
 that ; they esteemed their sovereign's approbation 
 of their zeal and fidelity, and the approbation of this 
 house, far beyond any other kind of compensation ; 
 therefore there was no occasion for this act to 
 force money from a willing people : they had not 
 refused giving money for the purposes of the act, no 
 requisition had been made, they were always will- 
 ing and ready to do what could reasonably be ex- 
 pected from them, and in this light they wish to be 
 considered- 
 
 Q. But suppose Great Britain should be engaged 
 in a war in Europe, would North A merica contribute 
 to the support of it \ 
 
 A. I do think they would, as far as their circum- 
 stances would permit. They consider themselves 
 as a part of the British empire, and as having one 
 common interest with it : they may be looked on 
 here as foreigners, but they do not consider them- 
 selves as such. They are zealous for the honour 
 and prosperity of this nation ; and, while they are 
 well used, will always be ready to support it, as far 
 as their httle power goes. In 1739 they were call- 
 ed upon to assist in tlie expedition against Cartha- 
 gena, and they sent three thousand men to join 
 your army. It is true Carthagena is in America, 
 
256 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 but as remote from the northern colonies as if it 
 had been in Europe. They make no distinction of 
 wars as to their duty of assisting in them. I know 
 the last war is commonly spoken of here as entered 
 into for the defence, or for the sake of the people in 
 America. I think it is quite misunderstood. It be- 
 gan about the Umits between Canada and Nova 
 Scotia ; about territories to which the crown indeed 
 laid claim, but which were not claimed by any Brit- 
 ish colony ; none of the lands had been granted to 
 any colonist ; we had, therefore, no particular con- 
 cern or interest in that dispute. As to the Ohio, 
 the contest there began about your right of trading 
 in the Indian country ; a right you had by the treaty 
 of Utrecht, which the French infringed ; they seized 
 the traders and their goods, which were your man- 
 ufactures ; they took a fort which a company of 
 3'our merchants, and their factors and correspond- 
 ents, had erected there, to secure that trade. Brad- 
 dock was sent with an army to retake that fort 
 (which was looked on here as another encroach- 
 ment on the king's territory) and to protect your 
 trade. It was not till after his defeat that the colo- 
 nies were attacked.* They were before in perfect 
 peace with both French and Indians; the troops 
 were not, therefore, sent for their defence. The 
 trade with the Indians, though carried on in Amer- 
 ica, is not an American interest. The people of 
 America are chiefly farmers and planters ; scarce 
 anything that they raise or produce is an article of 
 commerce with the Indians. The Indian trade is a 
 British interest ; it is carried on with British manu- 
 factures, for the profit of British merchants and 
 
 * When this army was in the utmost distress from the want 
 of wagons, <&c., our author and his son voluntarily traversed 
 the country, in order to collect a sufficient quantity ; and ef- 
 fected their purpose, by pledging himself to the amount of many 
 thousand pounds, for payment. It was but just before Dr. 
 Franklin's last return from England to America that the ac- 
 counts in this transaction were passed at the British treasury. 
 
WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 257 
 
 manufacturers ; therefore the war, as it commenced 
 for the defence of territories of the crown (the 
 property of no American) and for the defence of a 
 trade purely British, was really a British war, and 
 yet the people of America made no scruple of con- 
 tributing their utmost towards carrying it on and 
 bringing it to a happy conclusion. 
 
 Q. Do you think, then, that the taking possession 
 of the king's territorial rights, and strengthening the 
 frontiers, is not an American interest ? 
 
 A. Not particularly, but conjointly a British and 
 an American interest. 
 
 Q. You will not deny that the preceding war, the 
 war with Spain, was entered into for the sake of 
 America; was it not occasioned by captures made in 
 the American seas ? 
 
 A. Yes ; captures of ships carrying on the British 
 trade there with British manufactures. 
 
 Q. Was not the late ivar with the Indians, since 
 the peace with France, a war for America only ? 
 
 A. Yes ; it was more particularly for America 
 than the former; but it was rather a consequence 
 or remains of the former war, the Indians not hav- 
 ing been thoroughly pacified ; and the Americans 
 bore by much the greatest share of the expense. 
 It was put an end to by the army under General 
 Bouquet ; there were not above three hundred regu- 
 lars in that army, and above one thousand Pennsyl- 
 vanians. 
 
 Q. Is it not necessary to send troops to America, 
 to defend the Americans against the Indians ? 
 
 A. No, by no means ; it never was necessary. 
 They defended themselves when they were but a 
 handful, and the Indians much more numerous. 
 They continually gained ground, and have driven 
 the Indians over the mountains, without any troops 
 sent to their assistance from this country. And 
 can it be thought necessary now to send troops for 
 their defence from those diminished Indian tribes, 
 23* 
 
258 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 when the colonies are become so populous and so 
 strong ! There is not the least occasion for it ; they 
 are very able to defend themselves. * * * 
 
 Q. Do you think the assemblies have a right to 
 levy money on the subject there, to grant to the 
 crown ? 
 
 A . I certainly think so ; they have alv^ays done it. 
 
 Q. Are they acquainted with the declaration of 
 rights 1 And do they know that, by that statute, 
 money is not to be raised on the subject but by con- 
 sent of Parhament ] 
 
 A. They are very vv^ell acquainted with it. 
 
 Q. How, then, can they think they have a right to 
 levy money for the crown, or for any other than 
 local purposes 1 
 
 A. They understand that clause to relate to sub- 
 jects only within the realm ; that no money can be 
 levied on them for the crown but by consent of 
 Parliament. The colonies are not supposed to be 
 within the realm; they have assemblies of their 
 own, which are their parliaments, and they are, in 
 that respect, in the same situation with Ireland. 
 When money is to be raised for the crown upon 
 the subject in Ireland or in the colonies, the con- 
 sent is given in the Parliament of Ireland or in the 
 assembhes of the colonies. They think the Par- 
 liament of Great Britain cannot properly give that 
 consent till it has representatives from America; 
 for the petition of right expressly says, it is to be by 
 common consent in Parliament ; and the people of 
 America have no representatives in Parliament to 
 make a part of that common consent. 
 
 Q. If the stamp-act should be repealed, and an 
 act should pass ordering the assemblies of the 
 <;olonies to indemnify the sufferers by the riots, 
 would they do it 1 
 A. That is a question I cannot answer. 
 Q. Suppose the king should require the colonies 
 to grant a revenue, and the Parliament should be 
 
WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 259 
 
 against their doing it, do they think they can grant 
 a revenue to the king without the consent of the 
 Parliament of Great Britain? 
 
 A. That is a deep question. As to my own opin- 
 ion, I should think myself at liberty to do it, and 
 should do it if I hked the occasion. 
 
 Q. When money has been raised in the colonies 
 upon requisition, has it not been granted to the 
 king? 
 
 A. Yes, always ; but the requisitions have gen- 
 erally been for some service expressed, as to raise, 
 'clothe, and pay troops, and not for money only. 
 
 Q. If the act should pass requiring the Ameri- 
 can assemblies to make compensation to the suifer- 
 ers, and they should disobey it, and then the Parha- 
 ment should, by another act, lay an internal tax, 
 would they then obey it \ 
 
 A. The people will pay no internal tax ; and I 
 think an act to oblige the assemblies to make com- 
 pensation is unnecessary ; for I am of opinion that, 
 as soon as the present heats are abated, they will 
 take the matter into consideration, and, if it is right 
 to be done, they will do it themselves. 
 
 Q. Do not letters often come into the postoffices 
 in America directed to some inland town where no 
 post goes ? 
 
 A. Yes. 
 
 Q. Can any private person take up those letters, 
 and carry them as directed ? 
 
 A. Yes ; any friend of the person may do it, pay- 
 ing the postage that has accrued. 
 
 Q. But must not he pay an additional postage for 
 the distance to such inland town ! 
 
 A. No. 
 
 Q. Can the postmaster answer delivering the let- 
 ter, without bemg paid such additional postage ] 
 
 A. Certainly he can demand nothing where he 
 does no service. 
 
 Q. Suppose a person, being far from home, finds 
 
260 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. ^ 
 
 a letter in a postoffice directed to him, and he lives 
 in a place to which the post generally goes, and 
 the letter is directed to that place, will the post- 
 master deliver him the letter without his paying the 
 postage receivable at the place to which the letter 
 is directed? 
 
 A. Yes ; the office cannot demand postage for a 
 letter that it does not carry, or farther than it does 
 carry it. 
 
 Q. Are not ferrymen in America obliged, by 
 act of Parliament, to carry over the posts without 
 pay? 
 
 A. Yes. 
 
 Q. Is not this a tax on the ferrymen 1 
 
 A. They do not consider it as such, as they have 
 an advantage from persons travelling with the post. 
 
 Q. If the stamp-act should be repealed, and the 
 crown should make a requisition to the colonies for 
 a sum of money, would they grant it ! 
 
 A. I believe they would. 
 
 Q. Why do you think so ? 
 
 A. I carl speak for the colony I live in : I have it 
 in instruction from the Assembly to assure the min- 
 istry, that as they always had done, so they should 
 always think it their duty to grant such aids to the 
 crown as were suitable to their circumstances and 
 abiUties, whenever called upon for that purpose, in 
 the usual constitutional manner ; and I had the 
 honour of communicating this instruction to that 
 honourable gentleman then minister. 
 
 Q. Would they do this for a British concern, as 
 suppose a war in some part of Europe that did not 
 affect them? 
 
 A. Yes, for anything that concerned tlie general 
 interest. They consider themselves as part of the 
 whole. 
 
 Q. What is the usual constitutional manner of 
 calling on the colonies for aids 1 
 
 A. A letter from the secretary of state. 
 
WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 261 
 
 Q. Is this all you mean ; a letter from the sec- 
 retary of state ] 
 
 A. I mean the usual way of requisition, in a cir- 
 cular letter from the secretary of state, by his ma- 
 jesty's command, reciting the occasion, and rec- 
 ommending it to the colonies to grant such aid as 
 became their loyalty, and were suitable to their 
 abilities. 
 
 Q. Did the secretary of state ever write for mon- 
 ey for the crown \ 
 
 A. The requisitions have been to raise, clothe, 
 and pay men, which cannot be done without money. 
 
 Q. Would they grant money alone, if called on ? 
 
 A. In my opinion they would, money as well as 
 men, when they have money, or can make it. 
 
 Q. If the Parliament should repeal the stamp-act, 
 will the Assembly of Pennsylvania rescind their 
 resolutions \ 
 
 A. I think not, 
 
 Q. Before there was any thought of the stamp- 
 act, did they wish for a representation in Parlia- 
 ment T 
 
 A. No. 
 
 Q. Don't you know that there is, in the Pennsyl- 
 vania charter, an express reservation of the right 
 of Parliament to lay taxes there ? 
 
 A. I know there is a clause in the charter by 
 which the king grants that he will levy no taxes on 
 the inhabitants, unless it be with the consent of the 
 Assembly or by act of Parliament. 
 
 Q. How, then, could the Assembly of Pennsylva- 
 nia assert, that laying a tax on them by the stamp- 
 act was an infringement of their rights'? 
 
 A- They understand it thus : by the same char- 
 ter, and otherwise, they are entitled to all the privi- 
 leges and liberties of Englishmen ; they find in the 
 great charters, and the petition and declaration of 
 rights, that one of the privileges of Enghsh subjects 
 is, that they are not to be taxed but by their com' 
 
262 WRITINGS OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 mon consent; they have therefore relied upon it, 
 from the first settlement of the province, that the 
 Parliament never would nor could, by colour of 
 that clause in the charter, assume a right of taxing 
 them, till it had qualified itself to exercise such 
 right, by admitting representatives from the peo- 
 ple to be taxed, who ought to make a part of that 
 common consent. 
 
 Q. Are there any words in the charter that jus- 
 tify that construction ? 
 
 A. The common rights of Englishmen, as de- 
 clared by Magna Charta and the Petition of Right, 
 all justify it. * * * * 
 
 Q. Are all parts of the colonies equally able to 
 pay taxes ? 
 
 A. No, certainly ; the frontier parts, which have 
 been ravaged by the enemy, are greatly disabled 
 by that means ; and, therefore, in such cases, are 
 usually favoured in our tax-laws. 
 
 Q. Can we, at this distance, be competent judges 
 of what favours are necessary! 
 
 A. The Parliament have supposed it, by claiming 
 a right to make tax-laws for America; I think it 
 impossible. 
 
 Q. Would the repeal of the stamp-act be any 
 discouragement of your manufactures'? Will the 
 people that have begun to manufacture decline it ? 
 
 A. Yes, I think they will; especially if, at the 
 same time, the trade is open again, so that remit- 
 tances can be easily made. I have known several 
 instances that make it probable. In the war before 
 last, tobacco bemg low, and making little remit- 
 tance, the people of Virginia went generally into 
 family manufactures. Afterward, when tobacco 
 bore a better price, they returned to the use of 
 British manufactures. So fuUing-mills were very 
 much disused in the last war in Pennsylvania, be- 
 cause bills were then plenty, and remittances could 
 easily be made to Britain for English cloth and other 
 goods. 
 
WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 263 
 
 Q. If the stamp-act should be repealed, would it 
 induce the assemblies of America to acknowleige 
 the rights of Parliament to tax them, and would 
 they erase their resolutions 1 
 
 A. No, never. 
 
 Q. Are there no means of obliging them to erase 
 those resolutions 1 
 
 A. None that I know of; they will never do it, 
 unless compelled by force of arms. 
 
 Q, Is there a power on earth that can force them 
 to erase them ! 
 
 A. No power, how great soever, can force men 
 to change their opinions. 
 
 Q. Do they consider the postoffice as a tax or as 
 a regulation ] 
 
 A. Not as a tax, but as a regulation and conve- 
 nience ; every assembly encouraged it, and support- 
 ed it in its infancy by grants of money, which they 
 would not otherwise have done ; and the people 
 have always paid the postage. 
 
 Q. When did you receive the instructions you 
 mentioned 1 
 
 A. 1 brought them with me when I came to Eng- 
 land, about fifteen months since. 
 
 Q. When did you communicate that instruction 
 to the minister 1 
 
 A. Soon after my arrival ; while the stamping of 
 America was under consideration, and before the 
 bill was brought in. 
 
 Q. Would It be most for the interest of Great 
 Britain to employ the hands of Virginia in tobacco 
 or in manufactures ? 
 
 A. In tobacco, to be sure. 
 
 Q. What used to be the pride of the AmeVicans ? 
 
 A. To indulge in the fashions and manufactures 
 of Great Britain. 
 
 Q. What is now their pride 1 
 
 A. To wear their old clothes over again, till they 
 can make new ones. 
 
264 WRITINGS OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 Feb. 13. Benjamin Franklin, Esq., having passed 
 through his examination, was exempted from farther 
 attendance. He withdrew. 
 
 Feb. 24. The resolutions of the committee were 
 reported by the chairman, Mr. Fuller, their seventh 
 and last resolution setting forth, " that it was their 
 opinion that the House be moved, that leave be 
 given to bring in a bill to repeal the stamp-act." 
 A proposal for recommitting this resolution was 
 negatived by 240 votes to 133. — Journals of the 
 House of Commons. 
 
 Narrative of the Massacre of Friendly Indians in Lan- 
 caster County, Pennsylvania, 1764. 
 
 These Indians were the remains of a tribe of the 
 Six Nations, settled at Conestogo, and thence called 
 Conestogo Indians. On the first arrival of the Eng- 
 lish in Pennsylvania, messengers from this tribe 
 came to welcome them, with presents of venison, 
 corn, and skins ; and the whole tribe entered into a 
 treaty of friendship with the first proprietor, Wil- 
 liam Penn, which was to last " as long as the sun, 
 should shine, or the waters run in the rivers." 
 
 This treaty has been since frequently renewed, 
 and the chain brightened, as they express it, from 
 time to time. It has never been violated, on their 
 part or ours, till now. As their lands by degrees 
 were mostly purchased, and the settlements of the 
 white people began to surround them, the proprie- 
 tor assigned them lands on the manor of Conestogo, 
 which they might not part with ; there they have 
 lived many years in friendship with their, white 
 
WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 265 
 
 neighbours, who loved them for their peaceable, in- 
 offensive behaviour. 
 
 It has always been observed, that Indians settled 
 in the neighbourhood of white people do not in- 
 crease, but diminish continually. This tribe accord- 
 ingly went on diminishing, till there remained in 
 their town on the manor but twenty persons, viz., 
 seven men, five women, and eight children, boys 
 and girls. 
 
 Of these, Shehaes vi^as a very old man, having as- 
 sisted at the second treaty held with them, by Mr. 
 Penn, in 1701, and ever since continued a faithful 
 and affectionate friend to the English. He is said 
 to have been an exceeding good man, considering 
 his education, being naturally of a most kind, be- 
 nevolent temper. 
 
 Peggy was Shehaes's daughter ; she worked for 
 her aged father, continuing to live with him, though 
 married, and attended him with fiUal duty and ten- 
 derness. 
 
 John was another good old man ; his son Harry 
 helped to support him. 
 
 George and Will Soc were two brothers, both 
 young men. 
 
 John Smith, a valuable young man of the Cayuga 
 nation, who became acquainted with Peggy, She- 
 haes's daughter, some few years since, married and 
 settled in that family. They had one child, about 
 three years old. 
 
 Betty, a harmless old woman ; and her son Peter, 
 a likely young lad. 
 
 Sally, whose Indian name was Wyanjoy, a wom- 
 an much esteemed by all that knew her, for her pru- 
 dent and good behaviour in some very trying situa- 
 tions of hfe. She was a truly good and an amiable 
 woman, had no children of her own ; but, a distant 
 relation dying, she had taken a child of that rela- 
 tion's to bring up as her own, and performed to- 
 wards it all the duties of an affectionate parent. 
 
 Vol. I.— 23 
 
266 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 The reader will observe that many of their names 
 are English. It is common with the Indians, that 
 have an affection for the English, to give themselves 
 and their children the names of such English per- 
 sons as they particularly esteem. 
 
 This little society continued the custom they had 
 begmi, when more numerous, of addressing every 
 new governor and every descendant of the first pro- 
 prietor, welcoming him to the province, assuring 
 him of their fidelity, and praying a continuance of 
 that favour and protection they had hitherto ex- 
 perienced. They had accordingly sent up an ad- 
 dress of this kind to our present governor on his 
 arrival ; but the same was scarce delivered when 
 the unfortunate catastrophe happened which we are 
 about to relate. 
 
 On Wednesday, the 14th of December, 1763, fifty- 
 seven men from some of our frontier townships, 
 who had projected the destruction of this little com- 
 monwealth, came, all well mounted, and armed with 
 firelocks, hangers, and hatchets, having travelled 
 through the country in the night, to Conestogo 
 manor. There they surrounded the small village 
 of Indian huts, and just at break of day broke 
 into them all at once. Only three men, two wom- 
 en, and a young boy were found at home, the rest 
 being out among the neighbouring white people, 
 some to sell the baskets, brooms, and bowls they 
 manufactured, and others on other occasions. 
 These poor defenceless creatures were immediate- 
 ly fired upon, stabbed, and hatcheted to death ! The 
 good Shehaes, among the rest, cut to pieces in his 
 bed. All of them were scalped and otherwise hor- 
 ribly mangled. Then their huts were set on fire, 
 and most of them burned down. When the troop, 
 pleased with their own conduct and bravery, but 
 enraged that any of the poor Indians had escaped 
 the massacre, rode off", and in small parties, by dif- 
 ferent roads, went home. 
 
WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 267 
 
 The universal concern of the neighbouring white 
 people on hearing of this event, and the lamenta- 
 tions of the younger Indians when they returned 
 and saw the desolation, and the butchered, half- 
 burned bodies of their murdered parents and other 
 relations, cannot well be expressed. 
 
 The magistrates of Lancaster sent out to collect 
 the remaining Indians, brought them into the town 
 for their better security against any farther attempt, 
 and, it is said, condole'd with them on the misfor- 
 tune that had happened, took them by the hand, 
 comforted, and promised them protection. They 
 ■were all put into the workhouse, a strong building, 
 as the place of greatest safety. 
 
 When the shocking news arrived in town, a proc- 
 lamation was issued by the governor, detailing the 
 particulars of this horrible outrage, and calhng ear- 
 nestly upon the people of the province to use all 
 possible means to apprehend and bring to condign 
 punishment its satage perpetrators. 
 
 Notwithstanding this proclamation, those cruel 
 men again assembled themselves, and, hearing that 
 the remaining fourteen Indians were in the work- 
 house at Lancaster, they suddenly appeared in that 
 town on the 27th of December. Fifty of them, 
 armed as before, dismounting, went directly to the 
 workhouse, and by violence broke open the door, 
 and entered with the utmost fury in their counte- 
 nances. When the poor wretches saw they had no 
 protection nigh, nor could possibly escape, and be- 
 ing without the least weapon for defence, they di- 
 vided into their httle families, the children clinging 
 to the parents ; they fell on their knees, protested 
 their innocence, declared their love to the Enghsh, 
 and that, in their whole Uves, they had never done 
 them injury; and in this posture they all received 
 the hatchet ! Men, women, and little children were 
 every one inhumanly murdered in cold blood ! 
 The barbarous men who committed the atrocious 
 
268 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 fact, in defiance of government, of all laws human 
 and divine, and to the eternal disgrace of their coun- 
 try and colour, then mounted their horses, huzzaed 
 in triumph, as if they had gained a victory, and rode 
 off unmolested ! 
 
 The bodies of the murdered were then brought 
 out and exposed in the street, till a hole could be 
 made in the earth to receive and cover them. 
 
 But the wickedness cannot be covered ; the guilt 
 will lie on the whole land, till justice is done on the 
 murderers. The blood of the innocent will cry to 
 Heaven for vengeance. 
 
 It is said that Shehaes, being before told that it 
 was to be feared some English might come from the 
 frontier into the country and murder him and his 
 people, he rephed, " It is impossible ; there are In- 
 dians, indeed, in the woods, who would kill me and 
 mine, if they could get at us, for my friendship to 
 the English ; but the English will wrap me in their 
 matchcoat and secure me from all danger." How 
 unfortunately was he mistaken ! 
 
 Another proclamation has been issued, offering a 
 great reward for apprehending the murderers. 
 
 But these proclamations have as yet produced no 
 discovery; the murderers having given out such 
 threatenings against those that disapprove their pro- 
 ceedings, that the whole country seems to be in 
 terror, and no one dares speak what he knows ; 
 even the letters from thence are unsigned, in which 
 any dislike is expressed of the rioters. 
 
 There are some (I am ashamed to hear it) who 
 would extenuate the enormous wickedness of these 
 actions, by saying, " The inhabitants of the fron- 
 tiers are exasperated with the murder of their rela- 
 tions by the enemy Indians in the present war." It 
 is possible; but, though this might justify their 
 going out into the woods to seek for those enemies, 
 and avenge upon them those murders, it can never 
 
WRITINGS OP FRANKLIN. 269 
 
 justify their turning into the heart of the country to 
 murder their friends. 
 
 If an Indian injures me, does it follow that I may 
 revenge that injury on all Indians I It is well known 
 that Indians are of different tribes, nations, and lan- 
 guages, as well as the white people. In Europe, if 
 the French, who are white people, should injure the 
 Dutch, are they to revenge it on the English, be- 
 cause they too are white people 1 The only crime 
 of these poor wretches seems to have been, that 
 they had a reddish-brown skin and black hair; 
 and some people of that sort, it seems, had murder- 
 ed some of our relations. If it be right to kill men 
 for such a reason, then, should any man with a 
 freckled face and red hair kill a wife or child of 
 mine, it would be right for me to revenge it by kill- 
 ing all the freckled, red-haired men, women, and 
 children I could afterward anywhere meet with. 
 
 But it seems these people think they have a bet- 
 ter justification; nothing less than the Word of God. 
 With the Scriptures in their hands and mouths, they 
 can set. at naught that express command, Thou shall 
 do no murder; and justify their wickedness by the 
 command given Joshua to destroy the heathen. Hor- 
 rid perversion of Scripture and of religion ! To 
 father the worst of crimes on the God of peace and 
 love! Even the Jews, to whom that particular 
 commission was directed, spared the Gibeonites on 
 account of their faith once given. The faith of this 
 government has been frequently given to those In- 
 dians, but that did not avail them with people who 
 despise government. 
 
 We pretend to be Christians, and, from the su- 
 perior light we enjoy, ought to exceed heathens, 
 Turks, Saracens, Moors, negroes, and Indians in 
 the knowledge and practice of what is right. I will 
 endeavour to show, by a few examples from books 
 and history, the sense those people have had of 
 such actions. 
 
 S3* 
 
270 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 Homer wrote his poem, called the Odyssey, some 
 hundred years before the birth of Christ. He fre- 
 quently speaks of what he calls not only the duties, 
 but the sacred rites of hospitality, exercised towards 
 strangers while in our house or territory, as in- 
 cluding, besides all the common circumstances of 
 entertainment, full safety and protection of person 
 from all danger of life, from all injuries, and even 
 insults. The rites of hospitality were called sacred, 
 because the stranger, the poor, and the weak, when 
 they applied for protection and relief, were, from 
 the religion of those times, supposed to be sent by 
 the Deity to try the goodness of men, and that he 
 would avenge the injuries they might receive, where 
 they ought to have been protected. These senti- 
 ments, therefore, influenced the manners of all 
 ranks of people, even the meanest; for we find, 
 that when Ulysses came as a poor stranger to the 
 hut of Eumaeus the swineherd, and his great dogs 
 ran out to tear the ragged man, Eumaeus drove them 
 away with stones ; and 
 
 ♦"Unhappy stranger!' (thus the faithful swain 
 Began, with accent gracious and humane), 
 * What sorrow had been mine, if at my gate, 
 Thy reverend age had met a shameless fate ! 
 But enter this my homely roof, and see 
 Our woods not void of hospitality.' 
 He said, and secondmg the kind request, 
 With friendly step precedes the unknown guest ; 
 A shaggy goat's soft hide beneath him spread, 
 And with fresh rushes heaped an ample bed. 
 Joy touched the hero's tender soul, to find 
 So just reception from a heart so kind; 
 And ' Oh, ye gods, with all your blessmgs grace' 
 (He thus broke forth) ' this friend of human race !' 
 
 The swain rephed : * It never was our guise 
 To slight the poor, or aught humane despise. 
 For Jove unfolds the hospitable door, 
 'Tis Jove that sends the strangers and the poor.* " 
 
 These heathen people thought that, after a breach 
 of the rites of hospitality, a curse from Heaven 
 
WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 271 
 
 would attend them in everything they did, and 
 even their honest industry in their calhngs would 
 fail of success. Thus when Ulysses tells Eumaeus, 
 who doubted the truth of what he related, " If I de- 
 ceive you in this, I should deserve death, and I con- 
 sent that you should put me to death ;" Eumaeus 
 rejects the proposal, as what would be attended 
 with both infamy and misfortune, saying ironically, 
 
 *' Doubtless, oh guest, great laud and praise were mine, 
 If, after social rites and gifts bestowed, 
 I stained my hospitable hearth with blood. 
 How would the gods my righteous toils succeed, 
 And bless the hand that made a stranger bleed ? 
 No more." 
 
 Even an open enemy, in the heat of battle, throw- 
 ing down his arms, submitting to the foe, and ask- 
 ing hfe and protection, was supposed to acquire an 
 immediate right to that protection. Thus one de- 
 scribes his being saved when his party was defeat- 
 ed: 
 
 "We turned to flight ; the gathering vengeance spread 
 On all parts round, and heaps on heaps lie dead. 
 The radiant helmet from my brows unlaced, 
 And lo, on earth my shield and javelin cast, 
 I meet the monarch with a suppliant's face, 
 Approach his chariot, and his knees embrace. 
 He heard, he saved, he placed me at his side ; 
 My state he pitied, and my tears he dried ; 
 Restrained the rage the vengeful foe expressed, 
 And turned the deadly weapons from my breast. 
 Pious to guard the hospitable rite, 
 And fearing Jove, whom mercy's works delight." 
 
 The suiters of Penelope are, by the same ancient 
 poet, described as a set of lawless men, who were 
 regardless of the sacred rites of hospitahty. And, 
 therefore, when the queen was informed they were 
 slain, and that by Ulysses, she, not believing that 
 Ulysses was returned, says, 
 
 " Ah no ! some god the suiters' deaths decreed, 
 Some god descends, and by his hand they bleed j 
 
272 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 Blind, to contemn the stranger's righteous cause, 
 And violate all hospitable laws ! 
 
 The powers they defied; 
 
 But Heaven is just, and by a god they died," 
 
 Thus much for the sentiments of the ancient hea- 
 thens. As for the Turks, it is recorded in the Life of 
 Mohammed, the founder of their rehgion, that Kha- 
 led, one of his captains, having divided a number of 
 prisoners between himself and those that were with 
 him, he commanded the hands of his own prisoners 
 to be tied behind them, and then, in a most cruel 
 and brutal manner, put them to the sword ; but he 
 could not prevail on his men to massacre their cap- 
 tives, because, in fight, they had laid down their 
 arms, submitted, and demanded protection, Mo- 
 hammed, when the account was brought to him, ap- 
 plauded the men for their humanity; but said to 
 Khaled, with great indignation, " Oh Khaled, thou 
 butcher, cease to molest me with thy wickedness. 
 If thou possessedst a heap of gold as large as Mount 
 Obod, and shouldst expend it all in God's cause, thy 
 merit would not efface the guilt incurred by the 
 murder of the meanest of these poor captives." 
 
 Among the Arabs or Saracens, though it was law- 
 ful to put to death a prisoner taken in battle, if he 
 had made himself obnoxious by his former wicked- 
 ness, yet this could not be done after he had once 
 eaten bread or drunk water while in their hands. 
 Hence we read in the history of the wars of the 
 Holy Land, that when the Franks had suffered a 
 great defeat from Saladin, and among the prisoners 
 were the King of Jerusalem, and Arnold, a famous 
 Christian captain, who had been very cruel to the 
 Saracens ; these two being brought before the sul- 
 tan, he placed the king on his right hand and Arnold 
 on his left, and then presented the king with a cup 
 of water, who immediately drank to Arnold; but 
 when Arnold was about to receive the cup, the sul- 
 tan interrupted, saying, " I will not suffer this wick- 
 
WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 273 
 
 ed man to drink, as that, according to the laudable 
 and generous custom of the Arabs, would secure 
 him his life." 
 
 That the same laudable and generous custom still 
 prevails among the Mohammedans, appears from the 
 account, but last year published, of his travels by 
 Mr. Bell, of Antermony, who accompanied the Czar, 
 Peter the Great, in his journey to Derbent, through 
 Daggestan. "The religion of the Daggestans," 
 says he, "is generally Mohammedan, some follow- 
 ing the sect of Osman, others that of Haly. Their 
 language, for the most part, is Turkish, or, rather, a 
 dialect of the Arabic, though many of them speak 
 also the Persian language. One article I cannot 
 omit concerning their laws of hospitality, which is, 
 if their greatest enemy comes under their roof for 
 protection, the landlord, of what condition soever, is 
 obliged to keep him safe from all manner of harm 
 or violence during his abode with him, and even to 
 conduct him safely through his territories to a place 
 of security." 
 
 From the Saracens this same custom obtained 
 among the Moors of Africa ; was by them brought 
 into Spain, and there long sacredly observed. The 
 Spanish historians record with applause one fa- 
 mous instance of it. While the Moors governed 
 there, and the Spanish mixed with them, a Spanish 
 cavalier, in a sudden quarrel, slew a young Moorish 
 gentleman, and fled. His pursuers soon lost sight 
 of him, for he had, unperceived, thrown himself 
 over a garden wall. The owner, a Moor, happen-' 
 ing to be in his garden, was addressed by the Span- 
 iard on his knees, who acquainted him with his 
 case, and implored concealment. " Eat this," said 
 the Moor, giving him half a peach ; " you now 
 know that you may confide in my protection." He 
 then locked him up in his garden apartment, telling 
 him that, as soon as it was night, he would provide 
 for his escape to a place of more safety. The Moor 
 
274 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 then went into his house, where he had scarce seat- 
 ed himself when a great crowd, with loud lamenta- 
 tions, came to the gate bringing the corpse of his 
 son, that had just been killed by a Spaniard. When 
 the first shock of surprise was a little over, he 
 learned, from the description given, that the fatal 
 deed was done by the person then in his power. 
 He mentioned this to no one ; but, as soon as it was 
 dark, retired to his garden apartment, as if to grieve 
 alone, giving orders that none should follow him. 
 There accosting the Spaniard, he said, " Christian, 
 the person you have killed is my son ; his body is 
 in my house. You ought to suffer; but you have 
 eaten with me, and I have given you my faith, which 
 must not be broken. Follow me." He then led 
 the astonished Spaniard to his stables, mounted him 
 on one of his fleetest horses, and said, " Fly far 
 while the night can cover you. You will be safe 
 in the morning. You are, indeed, guilty of my son's 
 blood; but God is just and good, and I thank him 
 that I am innocent of yours, and that my faith given 
 is preserved." 
 
 The Spaniards caught from the Moors this punto 
 of honour, the effects of which remain, in a degree, 
 to this day. So that, when there is fear of a war 
 about to break out between England and Spain, an 
 English merchant there, who apprehends the con- 
 fiscation of his goods as the goods of an enemy, 
 thinks them safe if he can get a Spaniard to take 
 charge of them ; for the Spaniard secures them as 
 his own, and faithfully redelivers them, or pays 
 the value whenever the Enghshman can safely de- 
 mand it. 
 
 Justice to that nation, though lately cur enemies, 
 and hardly yet our cordial friends, obliges me, on 
 this occasion, not to omit mentioning an instance 
 of Spanish honour, which cannot but be still fresh 
 in the memory of many yet living. In 1746, when 
 we were in hot war with Spain, the Ehzabeth, of 
 
WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 275 
 
 London, Captain William Edwards, coming through 
 the Gulf from Jamaica, richly laden, met with a 
 most violent storm, in which the ship sprung aleak, 
 that obliged them, for the saving of their lives, to 
 run her into the Havana. The captain went on 
 shore, directly waited on the governor, told the oc- 
 casion of his putting in, and that he surrendered his 
 ship as a prize, and himself and his men as prison- 
 ers of war, only requesting good quarter. " No, 
 sir," replied the Spanish governor ; " if we had 
 taken you in fair war at sea, or approaching our 
 coast with hostile intentions, your ship would then 
 have been a prize, and your people prisoners. But 
 when, distressed by a tempest, you come into our 
 ports for the safety of your lives, we, though ene- 
 mies, being men, are bound as such, by the laws 
 of humanity, to afford relief to distressed men who 
 ask it of us. We cannot, even against our enemies, 
 take advantage of an act of God. You have leave, 
 therefore, to unload the ship, if that be necessary 
 to stop the leak ; you may refit here, and traffic so 
 far as shall be necessary to pay the charges ; you 
 may then depart, and I will give you a pass, to be 
 m force till you are beyond Bermuda. If after that 
 you are taken, you will then be a prize ; but now 
 you are only a stranger, and have a stranger's right 
 to safety and protection." The ship accordingly 
 departed and arrived safe in London. 
 
 Will it be permitted me to adduce, on this occa- 
 sion, an instance of the like honour in a poor, unen- 
 lightened African negro. I find it in Captain Sea- 
 grave's account of his Voyage to Guinea. He re- 
 lates, that a New-England sloop, trading there in 
 1752, left their second mate, WlUiam Murray, sick 
 on shore, and sailed without him. Murray was at 
 the house of a black, named Cudjoe, with whom 
 he had contracted an acquaintance during their 
 trade. He recovered, and the sloop being gone, he 
 continued with his black friend till some other op- 
 
276 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 * 
 
 portunity should offer of his getting home. In the 
 mean while, a Dutch ship came into the road, and 
 some of the blacks, going on board her, were treach- 
 erously seized and carried off as slaves. Their re- 
 lations and friends, transported with sudden rage, 
 ran to the house of Cudjoe to take revenge by kill- 
 ing Murray. Cudjoe stopped them at the door, and 
 demanded what they wanted. " The white men," 
 said they, " have carried away our brothers and 
 sons, and we will kill all white men ; give us the 
 white man you keep in your house, for we will kill 
 him." " Nay," said Cudjoe, " the white men that 
 carried away your brothers are bad men ; kill them 
 when you can catch them ; but this white man is a 
 good man, and you must not kill him." " But he is 
 a white man," they cried ; " the white men are all 
 bad, and we will kill them all." " Nay," said he, 
 " you must not kill a man that has done no harm, 
 only for being white. This man is my friend, my 
 house is his fort, and I am his soldier. I must fight 
 for him. You must kill me before you can kill 
 him. What good man will ever come again under 
 my roof if I let my floor be stained with a good 
 man's blood !" The negroes, seeing his resolution, 
 and being convinced, by his discourse, that they 
 were wrong, went away ashamed. In a few days> 
 Murray ventured abroad again with Cudjoe, when 
 several of them took him by the hand, and told him' 
 they were .glad they had not killed him ; for, as he 
 was a good (meaning an innocent) man, their God 
 would have been angry, and would have spoiled 
 their fishing. " I relate this," says Captain Sea- 
 grave, " to show that some among these dark peo- 
 ple have a strong sense of justice and honour, and 
 that even the most brutal among them are capable 
 of feeling the force of reason, and of being influen- 
 ced by a fear of God (if the knowledge of the true 
 God could be introduced among them), since even 
 
WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 277 
 
 the fear of a false God, when their rage subsided, 
 was not without its good effect." 
 
 Now 1 am about to mention something of Indians, 
 I beg that I may not be understood as framing apolo- 
 gies for all Indians. I am far from desiring to lessen 
 the laudable spirit of resentment in my countrymen 
 against those now at war with us, so far as it is jus- 
 tified by their perfidy and inhumanity, I would only 
 observe, that the Six Nations, as a body, have kept 
 faith with the English ever since we knew them, now 
 near a hundred years ; and that the governing part 
 of those people have had notions of honour, what- 
 ever may be the case of the rum-debauched, trader- 
 corrupted vagabonds and thieves on the Susquehan- 
 na and Ohio at present in arms against us. As a 
 proof of that honour, I shall only mention one well- 
 known recent fact. When six Catawba deputies, 
 under the care of Colonel Bull, of Charlestown, 
 went, by permission, into the Mohawk's country to 
 sue for, and treat of peace for their nation, they 
 soon found the Six Nations highly exasperated, and 
 the peace at that time impracticable. They were 
 therefore in fear of their own persons, and appre- 
 hended that they should be killed in their way back 
 to New-York ; which, being made known to the 
 Mohawk chiefs by Colonel Bull, one of them, by 
 order of the council, made this speech to the Ca- 
 tawbas : 
 
 " Strangers and Enemies, 
 
 " While you are in this country, blow away all 
 fear out of your breasts ; change the black streak 
 of paint on your cheeks for a red one, and let your 
 faces shine with bear's grease. You are safer here 
 than if you were at home. The Six Nations will 
 not defile their own land with the blood of men tha,t 
 come unarmed to ask for peace. We shall send a 
 guard with you, to see you safe out of our territo- 
 ries. So far you shall have peace, but no farther. 
 Get home to your own country, and there take care 
 
 Vol. I.— 24 
 
278 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 of yourselves, for there we intend to come and kill 
 you." 
 
 The Catawbas came away unhurt accordingly. 
 
 It is also well known, that just before the late 
 war broke out, when our traders first went among 
 the Piankeshaw Indians, a tribe of the Twigtwees, 
 they found the principle of giving protection to 
 strangers in full force ; for, the French coming with 
 their Indians to the Piankeshaw town, and demand- 
 ing that those traders and their goods should be de- 
 livered up, the Piankeshaws replied, the English 
 were come there upon their invitation, and they 
 could not do so base a thing. But the French in- 
 sisting on it, the Piankeshaws took arms in defence 
 of their guests, and a number of them, with their 
 old chief, lost their lives in the cause ; the French 
 at last prevailing by superior force only. 
 
 I will not dissemble that numberless stories have 
 been raised and spread abroad, against not only the 
 poor wretches that are murdered, but also against 
 the hundred and forty Christianized Indians still 
 threatened to be murdered ; all which stories are 
 well known, by those who know the Indians best, 
 to be pure inventions, contrived by bad people, 
 either to excite each other to join in the murder, 
 or, since it was committed, to justify it, and believed 
 only by the weak and credulous. I call thus pub- 
 licly on the makers and venders of these accusa- 
 tions to produce their evidence. Let them satisfy 
 the public that even Will Soc, the most obnoxious 
 of all that tribe, was really guilty of those offences 
 against us which they lay to his charge. But, if he 
 was, ought he not to have been fairly tried? He 
 lived under our laws, and was subject to them ; he 
 was in our hands, and might easily have been pros- 
 ecuted ; was it English justice to condemn and exe- 
 cute him unheard T Conscious of his own inno- 
 cence, he did not endeavour to hide himself when 
 the door of the workhouse, his sanctuary, was 
 
WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 279 
 
 breaking open. " I will meet them," says he, " for 
 they are my brothers." These brothers of his shot 
 him down at the door, while the word " brothers" 
 was between his teeth. 
 
 But if Will Soc was a bad man, what had poor 
 old Shehaes done? What could he or the other 
 poor old men and women do ] What had little 
 boys and girls done 1 What could children of a 
 year old, babes at the breast, what could they do, 
 that they too must be shot and hatcheted ? Horrid 
 to relate I And in their parents' arms ! This is done 
 by no civilized nation in Europe. Do we come to 
 America to learn and practise the manners of bar- 
 barians 1 But this, barbarians as they are, they 
 practice against their enemies only, not against 
 their friends. These poor people have been always 
 our friends. Their fathers received ours, when 
 strangers here, with kindness and hospitality. Be- 
 hold the return we have made them ! When we 
 grew more numerous and powerful, they put them- 
 selves under our protection. See, in the mangled 
 corpses of the last remains of the tribe, how effec- 
 tually we have afforded it to them. 
 
 Unhappy people ! to have lived in such times and 
 by such neighbours. We have seen that they would 
 have been safer among the ancient heathens, with 
 whom the rites of hospitality were sacred. They 
 would have been considered as guests of the pub- 
 lic, and the religion of the country would have 
 operated in their favour. But our frontier people 
 call themselves Christians ! They would have been 
 safer if they had submitted to the Turks ; for ever 
 since Mohammed's reproof to Khaled, even the cruel 
 Turks never kill prisoners in cold blood. These 
 were not even prisoners. But what is the example 
 of Turks to Scripture Christians'? They would 
 have been safer, though they had been taken in 
 actual war against the Saracens, if they had once 
 drank water with them. These were not taken in 
 
280 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 war against us, and have drunk with us, and we 
 with them, for fourscore years. But shall we com- 
 pare Saracens to Christians "? 
 
 They would have been safer among the Moors in 
 Spain, though they had been murderers of sons, if 
 faith had once been pledged to them, and a promise 
 of protection given. But these have had the faitti 
 of the English given to them many times by the 
 government, and, in reliance on that faith, they 
 lived among us, and gave us the opportunity of 
 murdering them. However, what was honourable 
 in Moors may not be a rule to us; for we are 
 Christians ! They would have been safer, it seems, 
 among popish Spaniards, even if enemies, and de- 
 livered into their hands by a tempest. These were 
 not enemies ; they were born among us, and yet we 
 have liilled them all. But shall we imitate idola- 
 trous papists, we that are enlightened Protestants ? 
 They would even have been safer among the ne- 
 groes of Africa, where at least one manly soul 
 would have been found, with sense, spirit, and hu- 
 manity enough to stand in their defence. But shall 
 white men and Christians act like a pagan negro 1 
 In short, it appears that they would have been safe 
 in any part of the known world, except in the neigh- 
 bourhood of the Christian white savages of Peck- 
 stang and Donegall ! 
 
 Oh ye unhappy perpretrators of this horrid wick- 
 edness ! reflect a moment on the mischief ye have 
 done, the disgrace ye have brought on your coun- 
 try, on your religion and your Bible, on your fami- 
 lies and children. Think on the destruction of your 
 captivated countryfolks (now among the wild In- 
 dians), which probably may follow, in resentment 
 of your barbarity ! Think on the wrath of the Uni- 
 ted Five Nations, hitherto our friends, but now pro- 
 voked by your murdering one of their tribes, in 
 danger of becoming our bitter enemies. Think of 
 the mild and good government you have so auda- 
 
WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 281 
 
 ciously insulted ; the laws of your king, your coun- 
 tj-y, and your God, that you have broken ; the infa- 
 mous death that hangs over your heads ; for justice, 
 though slow, will come at last. All good people 
 everywhere detest your actions. You have imbrued 
 your hands in innocent blood; how will you make 
 them clean? The dying shrieks and groans of the 
 murdered will often sound in your ears. Their 
 spectres will sometimes attend you, and affright 
 even your innocent children. Fly where you will, 
 your consciences will go with you. Talking in your 
 sleep shall betray you ; in the delirium of a fever 
 you yourselves shall make your own wickedness 
 known. 
 
 One hundred and forty peaceable Indians yet re- 
 main in this government. They have, by Chris- 
 tian missionaries, been brought over to a liking, at 
 least, of our religion ; some of them lately left their 
 nation, which is now at war with us, because they 
 did not choose to join in their depredations ; and to 
 show their confidence in us, and to give us an equal 
 confidence in them, they have brought and put into 
 our hands their wives and children. Others have 
 lived long among us in Northampton county, and 
 most of their children have been born there. These 
 are all now trembhng for their lives. They have been 
 hurried from place to place for safety, now conceal- 
 ed in corners, then sent out of the province, refused 
 a passage through a neighbouring colony, and re- 
 turned, not unkindly, perhaps, but disgracefully, on 
 our hands. Oh Pennsylvania! Once renowned for 
 kindness to strangers, shall the clamours of a few 
 mean niggards about the expense of this public hos- 
 pitality, an expense that will not cost the noisy 
 wretches sixpence a piece (and what is the expense 
 of the poor maintenance we afix)rd them, compared 
 to the expense they might occasion if in arms against 
 MS ]), shall so senseless a clamour, I say, force you 
 to turn out of your own doors these unhappy guests, 
 24* 
 
282 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 who have offended their own countryfolks by their 
 affection for you ; who, confiding in your goodness, 
 have put themselves under your prolection \ Those 
 whom you have disarmed to satisfy groundless sus- 
 picions, will you leave them exposed to the armed 
 madmen of your country] Unmanly men! who 
 are not ashamed to come with weapons against the 
 unarmed, to use the sword against women, and the 
 bayonet against your children, and who have al- 
 ready given such bloody proofs of their inhuman- 
 ity and cruelty. 
 
 Let us rouse ourselves for shame, and redeem the 
 honour of our province from the contempt of its 
 neighbours ; let all good men join heartily and unani- 
 mously in support of the laws, and in strengthening 
 the hands of government, that justice may be done, 
 the wicked punished, and tiie innocent protected ; 
 otherwise we can, as a people, expect no blessing 
 from Heaven; there will be no security for our 
 persons or properties ; anarchy and confusion will 
 prevail over all ; and violence, without judgment, 
 dispose of everything. 
 
 Introduction to Historical Review of the Constitution 
 and Government of Pennsylvania* 
 
 To obtain an infinite variety of purposes by a 
 few plain principles, is the characteristic of nature. 
 As the eye is affected, so is the understanding ; 
 objects at a distance strike us according to their 
 dimensions, or the quantity of light thrown upon 
 them ; near, according to their novelty or familiar- 
 
 * The publication of this work by Doctor Franklin was made 
 in London during the war that begun in 1773. The introduc- 
 tion is a model of vivid style and sound wisdom. It is written 
 as in London. 
 
WRITINGS OP FRANKLIN. 283 
 
 ity, as they are in motion or at rest. It is the same 
 with actions. A battle is all motion, a hero all 
 glare: while such images are before us, we can 
 attend to nothing else. Solon and Lycurgus would 
 make no figure in the same scene with the king of 
 Prussia; and we are at present so lost in the nnli- 
 tary scramble on the continent next us, in which, 
 it must be confessed, we are deeply interested, that 
 we have scarce time to throw a glance tov\ards 
 America, where we have also much at stake, and 
 where, if anywhere, our account must be made up 
 at last. 
 
 We love to stare more than to reflect ; and to be 
 indolently amused at our leisure rather than com- 
 mit the smallest trespass on our patience by wind- 
 ing a painful, tedious maze, which would pay us in 
 nothing but knowledge. 
 
 But then, as there are some eyes which can find 
 nothing marvellous but what is marvellously great, 
 so there are others which are equally disposed to 
 marvel at what is marvellously little, and who can 
 derive as much entertainment from their micro- 
 scope in examining a mite, as Dr. in ascertain- 
 ing the geography of the moon or measuring the 
 tail of a comet. 
 
 Let this serve as an excuse for the author of these 
 sheets, if he needs any, for bestowing them on the 
 transactions of a colony till of late hardly mention- 
 ed in our annals ; in point of estabhshment one 
 of the last upon the British list, and in point of 
 rank one of the most subordinate ; as being not 
 only subject, in common with the rest, to the crown, 
 but also to the claims of a proprietary, who thinks 
 he does them honour enough in governing them by 
 deputy; consequently so much farther removed 
 from the royal eye, and so much the more exposed 
 to the pressure of self-interested instructions. 
 
 Considerable, however, as most of them for hap- 
 piness of situation, fertihty of soil, product of val- 
 
284 WRITINGS OP FRANKLIN. 
 
 uable commodities, number of inhabitants, shipping, 
 amount of exportations, latitude of rights and privi- 
 leges, and every other requisite for the being and 
 well-being of society, and more considerable than 
 any of them all for the celerity of its growth, un- 
 assisted by any human help but the vigour and vir- 
 tue of its own excellent constitution. 
 
 A father and his family, the latter united by in- 
 terest and affection, the former to be revered for the 
 wisdom of his institutions and the indulgent use of 
 his authority, was the form it was at first presented 
 in. Those who were only ambitious of repose, 
 found it here ; and as none returned with an evil 
 report of the land, numbers followed, all partook of 
 the leaven they found; the community still wore 
 the same equal face ; nobody aspired, nobody was 
 oppressed ; industry was sure of profit, knowledge 
 of esteem, and virtue of veneration. 
 
 An assuming landlord, strongly disposed to con- 
 vert free tenants into abject vassals, and to reap 
 what he did not sow, countenanced and abetted by 
 a few desperate and designing dependants on the 
 one side, and on the other, all who have sense 
 enough to know their rights and spirit enough to 
 defend them, combined as one man against the said 
 landlord and his encroachments, is the form it has 
 since assumed. 
 
 And surely, to a nation born to liberty like this, 
 bound to leave it unimpaired, as they received it 
 from their fathers, in perpetuity to their heirs, and 
 interested in the conservation of it in every ap- 
 pendage of the British empire, the particulars of 
 such a contest cannot be wholly indifferent. 
 
 On the contrary, it is reasonable to think the first 
 workings of power against liberty, and the natural 
 efforts of unbiased men to secure themselves against 
 the first approaches of oppression, must have a cap- 
 tivating power over every man of sensibility and 
 discernment among us. 
 
WRITINGS OP FRANKLIN. S85 
 
 Liberty, it seems, thrives best in the woods. 
 America best cultivates what Germany brought 
 forth. And were it not for certain ugly compari- 
 sons, hard to be suppressed, the pleasure arising 
 from such a research would be without alloy. 
 
 In the feuds of Florence, recorded by Machiavel, 
 we find more to lament and less to praise. Scarce 
 can we beheve the first citizens of the ancient 
 republics had such pretensions to consideration, 
 though so highly celebrated in ancient story. And 
 as to ourselves, we need no longer have recourse 
 to the late glorious stand of the French parliaments 
 to excite our emulation. 
 
 It is a known custom among farmers to change 
 their corn from season to season for the sake of 
 fining the bushel ; and in case the wisdom of the 
 age should condescend to make the like experiment 
 in another shape, from hence we may learn whither 
 to repair for the proper species. 
 
 It is not, however, to be presumed, that such as 
 have long been accustomed to consider the colo- 
 nies in general as only so many dependancies on 
 the council-board, the board of trade, and the board 
 of customs ; or as a hotbed for causes, jobs, and 
 other pecuniary emoluments, and as bound as ef- 
 fectually by instructions as by laws, can be prevail- 
 ed upon to consider these patriot rustics with any 
 degree of respect. 
 
 Derision, on the contrary, must be the lot of him 
 who imagines it in the power of the pen to set any 
 lustre upon them ; and indignation theirs for daring 
 to assert and maintain the independence interwoven 
 in their constitution, which now, it seems, is become 
 an improper ingredient, and, therefore, to be excised 
 away. 
 
 But how contemptibly soever these gentlemen 
 may talk of the colonies, how cheap soever they 
 may hold their assemblies, or how insignificant the 
 
286 WRITINGS OF FRANKLIN. 
 
 planters and traders who compose them, truth will 
 be truth, and principle principle, notwithstanding. 
 
 Courage, wisdom, integrity, and honour are not to 
 be measured by the sphere assigned them to act in, 
 but by the trials they undergo and the vouchers 
 they furnish ; and, if so manifested, need neither 
 robes nor titles to set them off. 
 
 Dr. Franklin's motion for Prayers in the Convention 
 assembled at Philadelphia, 1787, to revise the then 
 existing Articles of Confederation. 
 
 Mr. President, 
 
 The small progress we have made after four or 
 five weeks' close attendance and continual reason- 
 ings with each other, our different sentiments on al- 
 most every question, several of the last producing 
 as many Noes as Ayes, is, methinks, a melancholy 
 proof of the imperfection of the human understand- 
 ing. We indeed seem io feel our own want of po- 
 litical wisdom, since we have been running all about 
 in search of it. We have gone back to ancient his- 
 tory for models of government, and examined the 
 different forms of those republics which, having 
 been originally formed with the seeds of their own 
 dissolution, now no longer exist; and we have 
 viewed modern stales all round Europe, but find 
 none of their constitutions suitable to our circum- 
 stances. 
 
 In this situation of this Assembly, groping, as it 
 were, in the dark, to find political truth, and scarce 
 able to distinguish it when presented to us, how has 
 it happened, sir, that we have not hitherto once 
 thought of humbly applying to the Father of Lights 
 to illuminate our understandings? In the begin- 
 ning of the contest with Britain, when we were 
 
LIFE OF FRANKLIN. 287 
 
 sensible of danger, we had daily prayers in this 
 room for the Divine protection ! Our prayers, sir, 
 were heard ; and they were graciously answered. 
 All of us who were engaged in the struggle must 
 have observed frequent instances of a superintend- 
 ing Providence in our favour. To that kind Provi- 
 dence we owe this happy opportunity of consulting 
 in peace on the means of estabhshing our future 
 national felicity. And have we now forgotten that 
 powerful friend] or do we imagine we no longer 
 need its assistance] I have lived, sir, a long time ; 
 and the longer 1 live, the more convincing proofs I 
 see of this truth, Thai God governs in the affairs of 
 men ! And if a sparrow cannot fall to the ground 
 without his notice, is it probable that an empire can 
 rise without his aid ? We have been assured, sir, 
 in the Sacred Writings, that " except the Lord build 
 the house, they labour in vain that build it." I 
 firmly believe this ; and I also believe, that without 
 his concurring aid, we shall succed in this political 
 building no better than the building of Babel : we 
 shall be divided by our little partial local interests, 
 our projects will be confounded, and we ourselves 
 shall become a reproach and a byword down to fu- 
 ture ages. And, what is worse, mankind may here- 
 after, from this unfortunate instance, despair of 
 establishing government by human wisdom, and 
 leave it to chance, war, and conquest. 
 
 I therefore beg leave to move, 
 
 That henceforth prayers, imploring the assistance 
 of Heaven and its blessing on our deliberations, be 
 held in this Assembly every morning before we pro- 
 ceed to business: and that one or more of the cler- 
 gy of this city be requested to officiate in that ser- 
 vice. 
 
 [Note by Dr. Franklin.] — " The Convention, except 
 three or four persons, thought prayers unnecessary 1 V^ 
 
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