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A LETTER 
 
 FROM A 
 
 GENTLEMAN OF BALTIMORE, 
 
 TO HIS 
 
 FRIEND IN THE STATE OF NEW YORK, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 SUBJECT OF SLAVERY- 
 
 THIRD EDITION. 
 
 Baltimore: 
 
 SHERWOOD&CO., PRINTERS. \ 
 
 i 
 
 \ 
 1 
 

 4u 
 
 'W>tf-, 
 
Baltimore, Dec. 12, 1841. 
 My Dear -***«*, 
 
 1 have been prevented, by various calls upon my time, 
 from complying, as soon as I desired, with a promise I 
 made you about mid-summer, to express to you, more 
 fully than I had before done, my sentiments upon the 
 subject of slavery. As about equal portions of my life 
 have been spent at the South and at the North, — in the 
 slave-holding and in the non-slave-holding States — with 
 wide opportunities of observation — and as I am, more- 
 over, connected with both these communities by the 
 strongest ties of consanguinity and friendship, some value 
 may be conceded to my opinions on this head, — and, 
 certainly, I may claim for them an exemption from pre- 
 judice. 
 
 I acknowledge that my impressions upon the subject of 
 negro-slavery are very strong; but this is the result of 
 observation and reflection — not of prejudice. At earlier 
 periods of my life my opinions faltered; — but that was 
 because they were unsupported by sufficient knowledge, 
 and unconfirmed by sufficient meditation. 
 
 The inquiry seems to be, whether the people of the 
 South, by continuing to hold their slaves in bondage, 
 merit the Divine displeasure; — or, what is truly of much 
 less consequence, the censure of British and New Eng- 
 land abolitionists. The only way to arrive at the will of 
 God is to refer to the natural or revealed evidences of it. 
 Where the latter exist, and are easily interpreted, there 
 
is, of course, an end of the inquiry. To question the 
 beneficence and wisdom of His arrangements would be 
 foolish and irreverent, and I, certainly, have no disposi- 
 tion to reason with those who would do so. That the 
 Institution of Slavery, then, is one of the primitive do- 
 mestic relations, ordained and established by the Creator, 
 for wise purposes, and as one of the best means of pro- 
 moting the happiness of the human family, I have no 
 doubt: nor do I doubt that, by it, the human family are the 
 better compacted and interwoven, the system of mutual 
 relation and dependency the better established, and the 
 great chain of subordination, so essential to the Divine, as 
 well as to human Governments, the better sustained. 
 
 The prophetic denunciation of Noah of one of the three 
 branches of his family is the first notice of slavery upon 
 record; and it occurred, literally, at the very dawn of time. 
 Noah spoke under the dictation of Heaven; — his words 
 were the words of Omnipotence, and, by them, slavery 
 was ordained in the world. So important an act of God 
 was not casual; it was the result of premeditation and de- 
 sign; it allotted to a distinct portion of the human family a 
 position in the world of extreme subordination and depend- 
 ency. This was an early and primitive arrangement of 
 the Almighty; an Institution set up in the household of 
 Noah, to be perpetuated, through all time, upon one of the 
 branches of his family. The words of Noah are: "Cursed 
 be Canaan; a servant of servants shall he be to his brethren. 
 And he said blessed be the Lord God of Shem; and Ca- 
 naan shall be his servant. God shall enlarge Japheth, and 
 shall dwell in the tents of Shem, and Canaan shall be his 
 servant." Gen. 9th: 25th. 
 
 And we find, afterwards, in chapters 14 and 17, of the 
 same Book, that Abraham, the "Friend of God," had ac- 
 quired, and owned very many servants, and that God, in 
 estabhshing his covenants with that good man, gave ex- 
 
press instructions as to the treatment of his slaves, — oi 
 those that he had ''bought with money of the stranger.'' 
 In Leviticus, 25th chapter, 39th to the 46th verse, 
 God, in delivering the law to Moses, says: "And if 
 thy brother that dwelleth by thee be waxen poor, and 
 be sold unto thee, thou shalt not con^pel him to serve as a 
 bond servant: But as a hired servant, and as a sojourner 
 he shall be with thee, and shall serve thee unto the year 
 of Jubilee: And then shall he depart from thee, and both 
 he and his children with him, and shall return unto his 
 own family, and unto the possession of his Fathers shall 
 he return. For they are my servants which I brought forth 
 out of the land of Egypt; they shall not be sold as bond- 
 men. Thou shalt not rule over him with rigor, but shalt 
 fear thy God. Both thy bond-men and bond-maids, which 
 thou shalt have, shall be of the heathen that are round about 
 you; of them shall ye buy bond-men and bond-maids. — 
 Moreover, of the children of the strangers that do sojourn 
 among you, of them shall ye buy, and of their families 
 that are with you, which they begat in your land; and the}^ 
 shall be your possession. And ye shall take them as an 
 inheritance for your children after you, to inherit them 
 for a possession, they shall be your bond-men forever: But 
 over your brethren, the children of Israel, ye shall not 
 rule one over another with rigor." Again: In Exodus, ch. 
 21 — 20th and 2 1st verses, God, in delivering the ten com- 
 mandments, and sundry other laws and ordinances to the 
 Israelites, says: "And if a man smite his servant or his 
 maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, he shall be 
 surely punished. Notwithstanding, if he continue a day 
 or two, he shall not be punished, /or he is his money. '" 
 
 So much for the Old Testament: For the New: Although 
 we have nothing on record that fell immediately from the 
 lips of the Saviour on this subject, yet, if St. Peter and 
 St. Paul are to be deemed correct expounders of his doc* 
 
6 
 
 trines, we have abundant evidence that he deemed it no 
 part of his heavenly errand to disturb the arrangements of 
 the Creator in regard to slavery in the world. Indeed, 
 Christ himself, in his Sermon on the Mount — that admira- 
 ble compendium of Ethicks, and the first of his teachings 
 on Earth, says: "Think not that I am come to destroy the 
 law or the Prophets: I am not come to destroy, but to ful- 
 fil: For, verily I say unto you, till Heaven and Earth pass, 
 one jot or one tittle shall in no wise pass from the law till 
 all be fulfilled." 
 
 St. Paul, the chief of the apostles, in his letter to the 
 Ephesians, 6th ch. 5th verse, says: "Servants, be obedient 
 to them that are your masters according to the flesh with 
 fear and trembling, in singleness of your hearts, as unto 
 Christ." Again: in his Epistle to the Colossians, 3d ch. 
 2*2d verse, he says: "Servants, obey, in all things, your 
 masters according to the flesh, not with eye-service, as 
 men-pleasers, but in singleness of heart, fearing God." 
 
 In the 4th ch., verse 1st, he says: "Masters, give unto 
 your servants that which is just and equal; knowing that 
 ye also have a master in Heaven." In his first epistle to 
 Timothy, ch. 6th: verse 1st, he says: "Let as many ser- 
 vants as are under the yoke count their own masters wor- 
 thy of all honor, that the name of God, and his doctrine be 
 not blasphemed." In his Epistle to Titus, 2d ch., verse 
 9th, he says: "Exhort servants to be obedient unto their 
 masters, and to please them well in all things; not answer- 
 ing again, not purloining, but shewing all good fidelity; 
 that they may adorn the doctrine of God our Saviour in 
 all things." The Apostle Peter, in his first Epistle gen- 
 eral, 2d chapter, holds ihis language: "Servants, be sub- 
 ject to your masters with all fear, not only to the good and 
 gentle, but also to the froward." 
 
 These multiplied evidences that the great Author of all 
 things, himself, established slavery in the world need no 
 
comment. They speak, with resistless force, to the point. 
 It was as obliviously a part of his design and arrangement 
 that slaves should exist, and be patient of their condition 
 and obedient to their masters, as that wives and children 
 should exist, in a state of subordination and obedience to 
 their husbands and parents. 
 
 The establishment, the definition, the rules for the mu- 
 tual o-overnment of these three domestic relations are 
 
 D 
 
 equally plain upon the face of the sacred record. There 
 is no more doubt about one, than another; of neither can 
 it be said that it is more clearly inscribed upon the page 
 than the rest. 
 
 They all, as well as the other Institutions of God, have 
 been assailed, and overthrown, by infidels and miscreants, 
 in different States, and at different periods of the world; 
 and, sometimes, these mischiefs have been perpetrated, 
 even by ignorant zealots and silly fanatics. In France, 
 for example, at a very modern era, the Institution of mar- 
 riage was repudiated, — and little children were taught to 
 turn from the parental shrine, and bend the knee to the 
 naked Goddess of Liberty. 
 
 These execrable tenets were inculcated throughout the 
 State, by men, who, to say the least of them, were quite 
 as respectable, both for intelligence and numbers, as those 
 who compose the present classes of abolitionists. Yet it 
 was quite evident that God ordained marriage, and that his 
 Son, with his own lips, had taught little children lessons 
 of obedience to their parents. 
 
 Before advancing from this branch of the inquiry it is 
 proper that I ask your indulgence, for having quoted, at 
 length, the passages of scripture upon which this part of 
 the argument rests. The simple array of them, it appears 
 to me, leads necessarily to conviction; and it is better that 
 the letter should be a little encumbered, than that they 
 should be forgotten. 
 
I propose now to take a very cursory view of the histo- 
 ry of negro slavery as connected with Great Britain; that it 
 may be seen with what grace the abolitionists of that coun- 
 try are venturing to interfere with the properties and 
 peace of the inhabitants of this Union. The English, un- 
 der the auspices of their Government, engaged in the Af- 
 rican slave trade in the ^ ear 1562; and, in 16'20, they 
 commenced the introduction of slaves into Virginia. In 
 1585, Queen Ehzabeth granted a Patent to the African 
 Company; and the trade in negro slaves was carried on 
 extensively under the express sanction of the Crown. In 
 159'2, she granted another Patent. In 1618, James 1st 
 granted an entirely new and improved charter. In 1631, 
 Charles 1st granted another. In 165 J, the Rump Parha- 
 ment y-ranted another. The two last were after slaves 
 were first introduced into Virginia. After the restora- 
 tion, Charles the 2d, in 1672, incorporated his own 
 brother, the Duke of York, and others, into a company, 
 which contracted to supply the Plantations — ourselves — 
 with slaves. 
 
 In 1672, the Royal African Company was incorporated, 
 with a capital of one hundred and eleven thousand pounds, 
 sterling. 
 
 Until 1698 the slave trade was carried on under the 
 auspices of the English Government; and, until then, was 
 a monopoly of the Crown; — when the law of 9th and 
 10th William 3d, ch. 26, granted liberty to all the King's 
 subjects to trade, on paying a duty of ten per centum for 
 repairing African forts. 
 
 Soon after the accession of Anne, in 1701, she wrote a 
 letter to her Parliament congratulating them upon her 
 having obtained, by Treaty, very great additional facili- 
 ties for conducting that most profitable branch of business, 
 the trade in negro slaves to the coast of Africa. In 1709- 
 11 and 12, Parliament declared the trade open to all the 
 
9 
 
 subjects of the Realm, upon paying the prescribed duty 
 to Government. 
 
 In the Treaty of Utrecht, in 1713, there is an express 
 stipulation that the Spaniards should be annually supplied, 
 by the English, with four thousand eight hundred slaves 
 for thirty j^ears, at a stipulated price, — making a hundred 
 and forty-four thousand in all. 
 
 Here was the British Crown contracting with a foreign 
 Prince for the sale of this great number of negro slaves; 
 and this, too, in the palmiest hour of England. It was 
 1)0 moment of public depression, of shortened finances 
 and oppressive debt, — of defeat and disaster — when the 
 nation might have been driven to new and strange expe- 
 dients to fill the public purse: nor was the public mind, 
 then, benighted and ignorant — when gross sins might 
 have been committed without a bad intent. Not at all. 
 Happiness and prosperity prevailed in the land; it was 
 the day of the triumph of her arms at Blenheim and 
 Ramelies; debt she knew not; her revenues were ample; 
 religion and letters were in the ascendant; the public 
 mind was highly cultivated and improved — not only by 
 ancient instructions and the lights of experience, but by 
 the daily lessons of that admirable company of moralists, 
 Hally, Newton, Congreve, Addison, Steele, Bolingbroke, 
 Swift, Dennis and Prior. Yet with all these lights and 
 aids to her understanding, England dictated the Treaty of 
 Utrecht, and, in that dignified Instrument, bargained to 
 supply Spain with negro slaves for a stipulated price. In 
 a subsequent and separate Treaty made by England with 
 Spain, in the same year, 1713, this bargain — called the 
 Assiento contract — was more fully defined. It stipulated, 
 "that from the first of May, 1713, to the first of May 1743, 
 there should be transported into the Spanish West Indies 
 144,000 negroes, at the rate of 4800 a year, and that for 
 each negro there should be paid thirty-three and one -third 
 
10 
 
 pieces of eight.'' I refer to the Treaties; and to the 
 Queen's Speech to the House of Lords the preceding 
 year, pending the negotiations prefatory to them. Smol- 
 let, in his continuation of Hume, gives us some ac- 
 count of these documents. 
 
 This trade, in the year 1748, was found to be an ex- 
 tremely beneficial one; and, in that year, the Royal African 
 Company reUnquished its charter. In 1750, the trade to 
 the coast of Africa, was, by act of Parliament, 23d George 
 2d, ch. 31, opened to all the subjects of the Realm. The 
 act of 5th George 3 — 1765 — vested in the Crown all the 
 forts and castles on the African coast; yet the trade was 
 still left open and free to all. In 1766, an act of Parlia- 
 ment was passed laying duties on slaves imported into the 
 British West Indies and North American Plantations. — 
 From the year 156*2 the Enghsh were engaged in this 
 trade, and from 1585 it was openly sanctioned and en- 
 couraged by Parliament. The city of Liverpool was al- 
 most solely built up by it. By act of Parliament of 5th 
 George 2d, ch. 7, sec. 1st, negroes were declared to be 
 property, made liable for the payment of debts, and de- 
 clared assets in the hands of executors, &c. 
 
 Upon this mass of Historical and Legislative facts w^ould 
 it not be superfluous to go into an argument to shew 
 that for centuries — through the reigns of the last Tudor, 
 the Steuarts, the Usurping Parliament, Cromwell and the 
 restored Charles, — William, Anne, and the Princes of the 
 House of Brunswick, — through every vicissitude of family, 
 religion, of war and peace, in prosperity and in adversity, it 
 was the habit, and avowed policy of the British Government 
 to foster and promote this trade in every possible way, that 
 her subjects were constantly engaged in it, and that she 
 derived habitual revenue from it? It appears so to me; 
 and I will not weaken my positions by attempting to en- 
 force what is already so self-evident. Our ancestors, the 
 
11 
 
 ancestors of the present generations in England, and the an- 
 cestors of our neighbors in the East and North, were the 
 persons who planted slavery in this land; and they did it un- 
 der the auspices of their common Government. A pass- 
 ing remark maj^ not be out of place here, upon the fact 
 that Great Britain, though she was actively engaged for 
 near three centuries in the negro slave trade, did not 
 see proper to introduce them at home to any great extent. 
 This was a matter of policy, and not of conscience. It was 
 owing entirely to the narrowness of her territorial limits, 
 and the teeming exuberance of her own w^hite population. 
 Under the feudal system, the Kingdom swarmed, for cen- 
 turies, with white slaves, called villains; who were, habi- 
 tually, bought and sold, — and punished with a degree of se- 
 verity by their owners that would be shocking to modern 
 masters and revolting to modern laws. 
 
 This severe discipline was allowed by law: 25th Edward 
 3d ch. 18. By another statute, if these white slaves departed 
 from the service of their masters, and went into another 
 country, they might be reclaimed, and punished wath 
 burning in the forehead. If farther proof were necessary 
 that the EngHsh had no moral scruple about slavery in 
 their own land, it might be abundantly found in various 
 acts of Parliament and decisions of their Superior Courts 
 of three centuries ago — in the reign of the 6th Edward, 
 — in which slavery is acknowledged, the word slave is fa- 
 miliarly used, and slaves are put upon the footing of ordi- 
 nary merchandise. You are not a lawyer, but it is never- 
 theless possible that this may fall under a lawyer's eye, 
 and you will pardon me for continuing to sustain my posi- 
 tions by reference to authority. I cite statute 1st Edward 
 6th ch. 3d: Butts vs. Pinny, in the King's Bench, in 1677, 
 29th of Charles 2d, and the previous cases therein refer- 
 ed to. I close this branch of the subject with the addi- 
 tional remark, that, during the hundred and fifty years that 
 
12 
 
 Great Britain was engaged in importing slaves into the 
 Southern Colonies, Virginia was continually protesting 
 against it. 
 
 And here let us look a little more closely at the connec- 
 tion of our Eastern and Nothern friends with Southern 
 slavery, and endeavor to ascertain what is their exact posi- 
 tion in regard to the great evil they complain of so bitterly. 
 The Constitution limited the period for the introduction 
 of slaves into this country to the year 1808. In the Con- 
 vention which formed the Constitution, the Delegates 
 from Virginia insisted upon its immediate discontinuance, 
 deeming it a poUtical evil; but the Representatives from 
 the East and North would not listen to it, on the ground 
 that their constituents were extensively engaged in the 
 slave trade, and must have a reasonable time for winding 
 up so large a business. Indeed, when a Committee of 
 the Convention had reported in favor of limiting the time 
 to the year 1800, and an Amendment was moved to extend 
 it to 1808, Virginia voted against it, and the amendment 
 was carried by the votes of Massachusetts, Connecticut 
 and New Hampshire. Either two of these three States, 
 by casting their votes differently, would have sustained 
 the Report, and rejected the amendment. See the 
 Madison Papers. 
 
 A very large portion of all the property in several of 
 the New England States was earned in the slave trade. It 
 has been estimated, for example, that if every acre of land 
 in Rhode Island were worth a hundred dollars, the aggre- 
 gate has been twice over earned by the extensive and long 
 continued operations of her citizens in the slave trade. — 
 The Towns of New Port, Bristol and Providence, in 
 Rhode Island, Stonington, New London and New Ha- 
 ven, in Connecticut, Fall River, Boston and Salem, in 
 Massachusetts, were engaged to a greater or less extent 
 •for a number of years in the slave trade; and some of 
 
13 
 
 them, like Liverpool, were almost solely built up by it. 
 Bristol is proverbial; and a large portion of the Town of 
 New Port, called Factory Point, now in a state of ruin, 
 was devoted for many years to this trade, and few other 
 vessels but the largest Guineamen swam at its wharves. 
 For all the facts i have adduced I refer to the authorities 
 cited, and to the records where they will be naturally 
 found. The conclusions that are inferable from them are 
 too plain and too direct to require further remark or argu- 
 ment. 
 
 It now remains for me to make known to you the re- 
 sults of my observation upon the actual condition of sla- 
 very as it now exists at the South. It appears to me that 
 the government of the servants of the South, as a general 
 rule, is a very mild and paternal one, — a sway quite as 
 lenient as is compatible with a proper subordination, and 
 the true happiness of the slave. If the slave is well, he 
 is comfortably fed and clothed — rarely overtasked — al- 
 lowed all the reasonable indulgences that the white ser- 
 vants of other countries enjoy, and, I am inclined to 
 think, more: If he is sick, however old, or infirm or worn 
 out he may be, the kindest offices of humanity and ten- 
 derness are extended to him. In almost all cases, the 
 white family show the same interest, and feel the same 
 solicitude as if he were one of themselves ; and it is a 
 very com-mon thing for a servant, when ill, to refuse to 
 permit any one to approach his bed but his master or 
 mistress. This feeling has its root in the best affections of 
 the heart. 
 
 It may surprise the Northern Abolitionist to be told that 
 in many — very many instances at the South — indeed one 
 can scarce ride two miles without an example of it — mas- 
 ters and servants have lived, from generation to genera- 
 tion, in the same family, for an hundred years, in the 
 utmost harmony, with the strongest mutual attachments, 
 
14 
 
 and where it is very evident to the observer that the 
 blacks are the happiest portion of the household. They 
 are free from care, free from responsibility, free from anx- 
 iety, and most of the besetments of human life. What I 
 have thus stated is a general rule. There are some sad 
 instances of the reverse, to be sure ; but the 2:eneral rule 
 certainly applies to nine-tenths, if not a larger portion of 
 the community. I am not prepared to admit that the ex- 
 ceptions to it are more numerous than the instances, in all 
 countries, of conjugal or parental cruelty. Bad men exist 
 everywhere; but I cannot admit that the manifestations 
 of their wickedness appear more frequently in the ill 
 treatment of slaves than of wives or children. A bad 
 master would be a bad husband or bad parent, and this, 
 v.7hether he lived in New York or Maryland. 
 
 Masters sometimes kill their slaves; husbands some- 
 times kill their wives; parents sometimes kill their chil- 
 dren; but these acts of ferocity occur very rarely; and, 
 when they do, are equally visited with the same condign 
 punishment. In my own State, and I believe in her 
 sister States of the South, the same scorn and public re- 
 probation would fall upon the master who would treat his 
 slave with unjust cruelty as would fall upon the husband 
 that would oppress his wife, or the parent who v/ould op- 
 press his child; and I am very sure that the public sensi- 
 bility is quite as alive to these sins, and as apt to detect 
 them, in a Southern, as in a Northern community. 
 
 Allow me to add that I know several large estates in 
 Maryland, and there are a great many of them in Virginia, 
 upon which hundreds of negroes have lived, from father 
 to son, for a century, — devoted to their homes, attached 
 to the soil, rendering a willing duty and service, clinging 
 round their hereditary masters with exemplary devotion 
 and truth, worshipping with him in the same Temple, 
 kneeling with him at the same Altar, and, with the same 
 
15 
 
 motives and hopes, adoring the same God. Yet these 
 are the people in whose hands, we are informed, the 
 Northern AboHtionist would place the torch and the knife. 
 Let them beware, before they set about this foul work, of 
 
 the dreadful consequences that await it. A servile war 
 
 which, if it be not their aim, it is, at least, the tendency 
 of their doctrines to produce — would be attended, in a 
 few short months, with the sacrifice of tens of thousands 
 of lives, — of the lives of those whom they affect to be- 
 friend. The great dread of the enlightened men of the 
 South, in case of such a conflict, is not for the white por- 
 tion of the community; but for the helpless blacks, who 
 would be crushed in masses by the armed multitudes 
 in defence of their families, and in vengeance for any 
 injuries that might have been inflicted upon them. I can 
 look forward to no bound to the slaughter that would fol- 
 low such an outbreak. The poor negro would be driven 
 to the wall, dragged from his last hiding place, and the 
 kindest master's authority could no longer protect him. 
 In regard to the general spirit of the legislation of Mary- 
 land and Virginia in reference to the people of colour — in 
 all their conditions, nothing could be more charitable or 
 benign than it is. The highest principles of justice and 
 mercy pervade every page of it. Their rights are care- 
 fully protected by the laws; and these laws are faithfully 
 administered by the courts. And we have laws, more- 
 over, appropriating large sums of money for the gradual 
 removal from amongst us of the whole race of blacis. 
 These laws have been framed in great wisdom and pru- 
 dence, and upon experience; and, moving on, slowly 
 but certainly, they will ultimately accomplish their most 
 beneficent designs, if not disturbed in their operations b}'' 
 the rude and inconsiderate hand of abolitionism. 
 
 Though we do not doubt the high origin of the Institu- 
 tion of Slavery, and are very sure that it is sanctioned by 
 
16 
 
 the revealed as well as the natural law, though we ques- 
 tion, most positively, the right of British and Northern 
 Abolitionists to rob us of property which their ancestors 
 forced us to buy from them with money, and while we 
 know that our management and control of this property is 
 merciful and humane; — we are, nevertheless, of opinion 
 that its existence among us — in the present conditions of 
 our society — is a political evil; and we design to free 
 ourselves from it, in such modes, at such periods, and 
 upon such conditions as may comport with our own con- 
 venience, and our own notions of justice. In these views 
 and measures, we are aware that the great masses of our 
 intelligent fellow citizens of the East and North agree with 
 us; and it is grateful to us to know that the vile weed of 
 Abolitionism is destined to be smothered by the nobler pro- 
 ducts of the soil that gave it birth. Without apology for 
 extending a letter upon so important a subject to an unusu- 
 al length, I remain, as ever, 
 
 Very truly and faithfully, 
 
 Yours, 
 
 J. J. S. 
 
 S4 Mf 
 

 

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