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 DECLARATION OF SENTIMENTS 
 
 AND 
 
 CONSTITUTION 
 
 OF THE 
 
 C* 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE PENNSYLVANIA ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 1861. 
 
DECLARATION OF SENTIMENTS 
 
 AND 
 
 CONSTITUTION 
 
 OF THE 
 
 s 
 
 dvm 
 
 PHILADELPHIA : 
 
 THE PENNSYLVANIA ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 18G1. 
 
DECLARATION OF SENTIMENTS 
 
 AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 ADOPTED AT THE FORMATION OF SAID SOCIETY, IN PHILADELPHIA, ON 
 THE 4TH DAY OF DECEMBER, 1833. 
 
 The Convention, assembled in the city of 
 Philadelphia, to organize a National Anti-Sla- 
 very Society, promptly seize the opportunity 
 to promulgate the following Declaration of 
 Sentiments, as cherished by them, in relation 
 to the enslavement of one sixth portion of the 
 American people. 
 
 More than fifty-seven years have elapsed 
 since a band of patriots convened in this place 
 to devise measures for the deliverance of this 
 country from a foreign yoke. The corner-stone 
 upon which they founded the Temple of Free- 
 dom was broadly this — " that all men are crea- 
 ted equal; that they are endowed by their 
 Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that 
 
[ I ] 
 
 among these ai^ife, Liberty, and the pursuit 
 
 f harness." Ai the sound of their tromprt- 
 1,^ millions of people rose up as from 
 
 the 8 leep of death, and rushed to the stnfe of 
 blood; deeming it more glorious to die mstant- 
 
 U as freemen, than desirable to l.v one 
 hour as slaves. They were few in number- 
 poor in resources; but the honest conviction 
 that Tint.., Jusitk. and Eight were on their 
 side, made them invincible. 
 
 We have met together for the achievement 
 of an enterprise without which that of our 
 fathers is incomplete, and which, for its magrn- 
 
 tude, solemnity, and probable results upon the 
 destiny of the world, as far transcends theirs 
 as moral troth docs physical force. 
 
 ,„ p lir i ty ot motive, in earnestness of zeal, 
 indecision of purpose, in intrepidity of action, 
 in steadfastness of faith, in sincerity of spirit, 
 
 uv would n..t be inferior to them. 
 
 Th ir principles led them to wage war against 
 their oppressors, and to spill human blood like 
 
 „ater, in order to be free. Ours forbid the do- 
 in „ f evil that g Imaj come, and lead us to 
 
[ 5 ] 
 
 reject, and to entreat the oppressed to reject, 
 the use of all carnal weapons lor deliverance 
 from bondage ; relying solely upon those which 
 are spiritual and mighty through God to the 
 pulling down of strongholds. 
 
 Their measures were physical resistance-— 
 the marshalling in arms — the hostile array — 
 the mortal encounter. Ours shall be such only 
 as the opposition of moral purity to moral cor- 
 ruption—the destruction of error by the poten- 
 cy- of truth — the overthrow of prejudice by the 
 power of love — and the abolition of slavery by 
 the spirit of repentance. 
 
 Their grievances, great as they were, were 
 trilling in comparison with the wrongs and suf- 
 ferings of those for whom we plead. Our 
 fathers were never slaves — never bought and 
 sold like cattle — never shut out from the light 
 of knowledge and religion — never subjected to 
 the lash of brutal taskmasters. 
 
 But those for whose emancipation we are 
 striving — constituting, at the present time, at 
 least one sixth part of our countrymen — are 
 
[ 6 | 
 
 •gtiized by the law, and treated by their 
 fellow-beings, aa marketable commodities, as 
 goods and chattels, as brute beasts; are plun- 
 dered daily of the fruits of their toil, without 
 redress — really enjoying no constitutional nor 
 I protection from licentious and murderous 
 outrages upon their persons; are ruthlessly 
 torn asunder— the tender babe from the arms 
 of its frantic mother— the heart-broken wife 
 from her weeping husband— at the caprice or 
 pleasure of irresponsible tyrants. For the 
 crime <»t' bavin- a dark complexion, they suf- 
 fer the pangs of hunger, the infliction of stripes, 
 and the ignominy of brutal servitude. They 
 are kept in heathenish darkness by laws ex- 
 pressly enacted to make their instruction a 
 criminal offence. 
 
 These are the prominent circumstances in 
 tli." condition of more than two millions of our 
 pc.plc. the proof of which may be found in 
 thousands of indisputable facts, and in the laws 
 of the slaveholding States. 
 
 Hence we maintain, that in view of the civil 
 
[ 7 ] 
 
 and religious privileges of this nation, the guilt 
 of its oppression is unequalled by any other on 
 the face of the earth ; and, therefore, 
 
 That it is bound to repent instantly, to undo 
 the heavy burdens, to break every yoke, and 
 to let the oppressed go free. 
 
 We further maintain, that no man has* a 
 right to enslave or imbrute his brother — to 
 hold or acknowledge him, for one moment, as 
 a piece of merchandize — to keep back his hire 
 by fraud — or to brutalize his mind by denying 
 him the means of intellectual, social, and moral 
 improvement. 
 
 The right to enjoy liberty is inalienable. To 
 invade it is to usurp the prerogative of Jeho- 
 vah. Every man has a right to his own body 
 —to the products of his own labor — to the pro- 
 tection of law, and to the common advantages 
 of society. It is piracy to buy or steal a native 
 African, and subject him to servitude. Surely 
 the sin is as great to enslave an American as 
 an African. 
 
 Therefore, wo believe and affirm, That there 
 
is no 
 
 L 8 1 
 
 .- ;„/, between the Afri- 
 „ difference, mprmtufU, Dew 
 
 can slave-trade and American riavery. 
 That every American citizen who retams a 
 
 hnman being in involuntary bondage as to 
 pro perty ) is,accnrdingtoScriptnre(E X . X x 1 .16) 
 
 a MAN-STEALER. 
 
 Tha1 the 8lavea ought instantly to be set 
 free and brought under the protection of law. 
 
 That if they lived from the time of Pha- 
 raoh down to the present period, and had been 
 
 entailed through successive generations, their 
 ribt to be free could never have been aliena- 
 tedj but their claims would have constantly 
 vi>ru iii solemnity. 
 
 Thai all those Laws which arc now in force 
 Emitting the right of slavery, are therefore 
 1m , utterly null and void; Wing an au- 
 
 daciou8 usurpation of the Divine prerogative, 
 a daring infringement on the law of nature, a 
 base overthrow of the very foundations of the 
 ial compact, a complete extinction of all the 
 relations, endearments, and obligations of man- 
 kind, and u presumptuous transgression of all 
 
[ 9 ] 
 
 the holy commandments; and that, therefore, 
 they ought instantly to be abrogated. 
 
 We further believe and affirm — That all per- 
 sons of color who possess the qualifications 
 which are demanded of others, ought to be ad- 
 mitted forthwith to the enjoyment of the same 
 privileges, and the exercise of the same pre- 
 rogatives, as others ; and that the paths of 
 preferment, of wealth, and of intelligence, 
 should be opened as widely to them as to per- 
 sons of a white complexion. 
 
 We maintain that no compensation should 
 be given to the planters emancipating the 
 slaves — 
 
 Because it would be a surrender of the great 
 fundamental principle that man cannot hold 
 property in man ; 
 
 Because slavery is a crime, and therefore 
 
 IS NOT AN ARTICLE TO BE SOLD ; 
 
 Because the holders of slaves are not the 
 just proprietors of what they claim; freeing 
 the slaves is not depriving them of property, 
 but restoring it to its rightful owners; it is not 
 
I 10 ] 
 
 wronging the master, but righting the slave- 
 restoring him to himself; 
 
 Because immediate and general emancipation 
 would only destroy nominal, not real property ; 
 it would not amputate a limb or break a bone 
 of the slaves : but, by infusing motives into 
 their breasts, would make them doubly valua- 
 ble to the masters as free laborers ; and 
 
 Because, if compensation is to be given at 
 all, it should be given to the outraged and 
 guiltless slaves, and not to those who have 
 plundered and abused them. 
 
 We regard as delusive, cruel, and dangerous, 
 any scheme of expatriation which pretends to 
 aid. either directly or indirectly, in the eman- 
 cipation of the slaves, or to be a substitute for 
 the immediate and total abolition of slavery. 
 We fully and unanimously recognize the 
 - >vereignty of each State to legislate exclusive- 
 ly on the subjecl of the slavery which is toler- 
 ated within its limits; we concede that Con- 
 gress, under //" present national compact, has no 
 right to interfere with any of the Slave States 
 in relation to this momentous subject. 
 
[ 11 J 
 
 But we maintain that Congress has a right, 
 and is solemnly bound, to suppress the domes- 
 tie slave-trade between the several States, and 
 to abolish slavery in those portions of our ter- 
 ritory which the Constitution has placed under 
 its exclusive jurisdiction. 
 
 We also maintain that there are, at the pres- 
 ent time, the highest obligations resting upon 
 the people of the free States to remove slavery 
 by moral and political action, as prescribed in 
 the Constitution of the United States. They 
 are now living under a pledge of their tremen- 
 dous physical force, to fasten the galling fetters 
 of tyranny upon the limbs of millions in the 
 Southern States ; they are liable to be called 
 at any moment to suppress a general insurrec- 
 tion of the slaves ; they authorize the slave- 
 owner to vote on three-fifths of his slaves as 
 property, and thus enable him to perpetuate 
 his oppression ; they support a standing army 
 at the South for its protection ; and they seize 
 the slave who has escaped into their territories, 
 and send him back to be tortured by an en. 
 raged master or a brutal driver. This relation 
 
[ 12 j 
 to slavery is criminal and full of danger : it 
 
 MUST BE BROKEN UP, 
 
 These are our views and principles — these 
 our designs and measures. With entire confi- 
 dence in the overruling justice of God, we 
 plant ourselves upon the Declaration of our 
 Independence and the truths of Divine Reve- 
 lation, as upon the Everlasting Rock. 
 
 We shall organize Anti-Slavery Societies, if 
 
 3ible, in every city, town, and village in our 
 land. 
 
 We shall send forth agents to lift up the 
 voice of remonstrance, of warning, of entreaty, 
 and rebuke. 
 
 We shall circulate, unsparingly and exten- 
 sively, anti-.slavery tracts and periodicals. 
 
 We shall enlist the pulpit and the press in 
 the cause of the suffering and the dumb. 
 
 We shall aim at a purification of the churches 
 from all participation in the guilt of slavery. 
 
 We shall encourage the labor of freemen 
 rather than that of .slaves, by giving a prefer- 
 ence to their productions; and 
 
 We shall spare no exertions nor means to 
 
[ 18 J 
 
 bring the whole nation to speedy repentance. 
 
 Our trust for victory is solely in God. Wt 
 may be personally defeated, but our principles, 
 never. Truth, Justice, Reason, Humanity, 
 must and will gloriously triumph. Already a 
 host is coming up to the help of the Lord 
 against the mighty, and the prospect before us 
 is full of encouragement. 
 
 Submitting this Declaration to the candid 
 examination of the people of this country, and 
 of the friends of liberty throughout the world, 
 we hereby affix our signatures to it ; pledging 
 ourselves that, under the guidance and by the 
 help of Almighty God, we will do all that in 
 us lies, consistently with this Declaration of 
 our principles, to overthrow the most execra- 
 ble system of slavery that has ever been wit- 
 nessed upon earth — to deliver our land from 
 its deadliest curse — to wipe out the foulest stain 
 which rests upon our national escutcheon — 
 and to secure to the colored population of the 
 United States all the rights and privileges 
 which belong to them as men and as Amen- 
 
[ w j 
 cans — come what may to our persons, our in- 
 terests, or our reputation — whether we live to 
 witness the triumph of liberty, justice, and 
 HUMANITY, or perish untimely as martyrs in 
 this great, benevolent, and holy cause. 
 
 Done at Philadelphia, the 6th day of De- 
 cember, A. I). 1833. 
 
 Maine. 
 
 DAVID TI1URST0N, 
 NATHAN WINSLOW, 
 JOSEPH SOUTHWICK, 
 JAMES FREDERIC OTIS, 
 IS VAC WINSLOW. 
 
 \ «■ \\ Hampshire. 
 DAVID CAME-BELL. 
 
 Vermont, 
 ORSON 8. MURRAY. 
 
 Massac h u setts. 
 DAKIEL S. 80UTI1MAYD, 
 EFFINGHAM 1. CAPRON, 
 In-Ill \ COFFIN, 
 AMOS A. PHELPS, 
 .JOHN G. WIMTTIKR, 
 
 IIOR ICE P. WAKEFIELD, 
 i \Ml- Q BARB I DOES, 
 DAVID T KIMBALL, JR., 
 DANIEL E. JEW ITT. 
 JOHN K CAMIiLI.L. 
 M LTH VNIKI. SOUTHARD, 
 kRNOLD Bl III V. 
 WILLIAM 1.. GARRISON. 
 
 Rhode Island. 
 JOHN PRENTICE, 
 GEORGE W. BENSON, 
 
 i: \Y r .Till;, 
 
 Connecticut. 
 
 SAMUEL .i M\V. 
 ai rill i - KINGSLEY, 
 IDW IN A. STII.LM \-> . 
 SIMEON g JOCELYN, 
 ROBERT B. M ML. 
 
 New York. 
 
 BERIAH GREEN, JR. 
 LEWIS TAP PAN, 
 .KiIIX RANKIN, 
 WILLIAM GREEN, JR. 
 A lilt AM L. COX, 
 WILLIAM GOODELL, 
 EL1ZUR WRIGHT, .1R. 
 CHARLES W. DENISON, 
 .!( II IN FROST. 
 
 \'ew .Jersey. 
 JONATHAN PARKHURST, 
 CHALKLEY GILLINGHAM 
 JOHN M'CULLOUGH, 
 JAMES WHITE. 
 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 LV \.\ LEWIS, 
 EDWIN A. ATLEE, 
 ROBERT PURVIS, 
 ,1 AS M'CRl MMILL. 
 THOMAS SHIPLEY, 
 BARTH'W FUSSELL, 
 DAVID JONES, 
 ENOCH MACK. 
 .1. M. M KIM, 
 AARON VICKERS, 
 JAMES l.ol GHEAD, 
 EDWIN 1'. ATLEE, 
 
 tiiom \< wnrrsoN, 
 
 •io||\ u. SLEEPER, 
 JOHN SHARP, JR. 
 JAMES MOTT, 
 
 Ohio. 
 
 JOHN M. STERLING, 
 MILTON SUTLTI F, 
 LEVI 8UTLIFF. 
 

 .i 
 
 kiOTIHIW 
 
 nuriuui ^nfi-.Slnbtf!) Societg 
 
 FORMED IN PHILADELPHIA, DECEMBER 4TH, 1833. 
 
 Whereas the Most High God " hath made of 
 one blood all nations of men to dwell on all the 
 face of the earth/' and hath commanded them 
 to love their neighbors as themselves; and 
 whereas, our National existence is based upon 
 this principle, as recognized in the Declaration 
 of Independence, " that all mankind are crea- 
 ted equal, and that they are endowed by their 
 Creator with certain inalienable rights, among 
 which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap- 
 piness;" and whereas, after the lapse of nearly 
 sixty years, since the faith and honor of the 
 American people were pledged to this avowal. 
 
r i6 i 
 
 before Almighty God and the World, nearly 
 one-sixth part of the nation are held in bond- 
 age by their fellow-citizens ; and whereas, 
 Slavery is contrary to the principles of natural 
 justice, of our republican form of government, 
 and of the Christian religion, and is destructive 
 of the prosperity of the country, while it is en- 
 dangering the peace, union, and liberties of the 
 States ; and whereas, we believe it the duty 
 and interest of the masters immediately to 
 emancipate their slaves, and that no scheme of 
 expatriation, either voluntary or by compul- 
 sion, can remove this great and increasing evil ; 
 and whereas, we believe that it is practicable, 
 by appeals to the consciences, hearts, and inter- 
 ests of the people, to awaken a public senti- 
 ment throughout the nation that will be op- 
 posed to the continuance of Slavery in any part 
 of the Republic, and by effecting the speedy 
 abolition of Slavery, prevent a general convul- 
 sion; and whereas, we believe we owe it to 
 the oppressed, to our fellow-citizens who hold 
 slaves, to our whole country, to posterity, and 
 
[ 17 ] 
 
 to God, to do all that is lawfully in our power 
 to bring about the extinction of Slavery, we 
 do hereby agree, with a prayerful reliance on 
 the Divine aid, to form ourselves into a Society, 
 to be governed by the following Constitution : — 
 
 Article I. 
 This Society shall be called the American 
 Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 Article II. 
 The object of this Society is the entire 
 abolition of Slavery in the United States. It 
 shall aim to convince all our fellow citizens, by 
 arguments addressed to their understandings 
 and consciences, that Slaveholding is a heinous 
 crime in the sight of God, and that the duty, 
 safety, and best interests of all concerned, re- 
 quire its immediate abandonment, without ex- 
 patriation. The Society will also endeavor, in 
 a constitutional way, to influence Congress to 
 put an end to the domestic Slave trade, and to 
 abolish Slavery in all those portions of our 
 common country which come under its control, 
 
[ 18 ] 
 
 especially in the District of Columbia, — and 
 likewise to prevent the extension of it to any 
 State that may be hereafter admitted to the 
 Union, 
 
 Article III. 
 
 This Society shall aim to elevate the char- 
 acter and condition of the people of color, by 
 encouraging their intellectual, moral, and reli- 
 gious improvement, and by removing public 
 prejudice, that thus they may, according to 
 their intellectual and moral worth, share an 
 equality with the whites, of civil and religious 
 privileges; but this Society will never, in any 
 way, countenance the oppressed in vindica- 
 ting their rights by resorting to physical force. 
 
 Article IV. 
 
 Any person who consents to the principles of 
 this Constitution, who contributes to the funds 
 of this Society, and is not a Slaveholder, may 
 be a member of this Society, and shall be en- 
 titled to vote at the meetings. 
 
C 19 ] 
 Article V. 
 
 The officers of this Society shall be a Presi- 
 dent, Vice-Presidents, a Recording Secretary, 
 Corresponding Secretaries, a Treasurer, and an 
 Executive Committee of not less than five nor 
 more than twelve members. 
 
 Article VI. 
 
 The Executive Committee shall have power 
 to enact their own by-laws, fill any vacancy in 
 their body and in the offices of Secretary and 
 Treasurer, employ agents, determine what 
 compensation shall be paid to agents, and to 
 the Corresponding Secretaries, direct the Treas- 
 urer in the application of all moneys, and call 
 special meetings of the Society. They shall 
 make arrangements for all meetings of the So- 
 ciety, make an annual written report of their 
 doings, the expenditures and funds of the So- 
 ciety, and shall hold stated meetings, and adopt 
 the most energetic measures in their power to 
 advance the objects of the Society. They 
 
[ 20 ] 
 
 may, if they shall see fit, appoint a Board of 
 Assistant Managers, composed of not less than 
 three nor more than seven persons residing in 
 New York City or its vicinity, whose duty it 
 .shall be to render such assistance to the Com- 
 mittee in conducting the affairs of the Society 
 as the exigencies of the cause may require. To 
 this Board they may from time to time confide 
 such of their own powers as they may deem 
 necessary to the efficient conduct of the Soci" 
 ety's business. The Board shall keep a record 
 of its proceedings, and furnish a copy of the 
 same for the information of the Committee, as 
 often as may be required. 
 
 Article Vll. 
 
 The President shall preside at all meetings 
 of the Society, or, in his absence, one of the 
 Vice-Presidents, or, in their absence, a Presi- 
 dent /j/^ tern. The Corresponding Secretaries 
 shall conducl the correspondence of the Society. 
 The Recording Secretary shall notify all meet- 
 ings of the Society, and of the Executive Com- 
 
[ 21 ] 
 
 mittee, and shall keep records of the same in 
 separate books. The Treasurer shall collect 
 the subscriptions, make payments at the direc- 
 tion of the Executive Committee, and present 
 a written and audited account to accompany 
 the annual report. 
 
 Article VIII. 
 
 The Annual Meeting of the Society shall be 
 held each year at such time and place as the 
 Executive Committee may direct, when the 
 accounts of the Treasurer shall be presented, 
 the annual report read, appropriate addresses 
 delivered, the officers chosen, and such other 
 business transacted as shall be deemed expedi- 
 ent. 
 
 Article IX. 
 
 Any Anti-Slavery Society or Association, 
 founded on the same principles, may become 
 auxiliary to this Society. The officers of each 
 Auxiliary Society shall be ex officio members 
 of the Parent Institution, and shall be entitled 
 
I 22 1 
 
 to deliberate and vote in the transactions of 
 its concerns. 
 
 Article X. 
 
 This Constitution may be amended, at any 
 annual meeting of the Society, by a vote of 
 two-thirds of the members present, provided 
 the amend inents proposed have been previously 
 submitted, in writing, to the Executive Com- 
 mittee. 
 
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