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ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 
 
 His Personal History and Public Record. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. E. B. WASHBURNE, OF ILLINOIS. 
 
 Delivered in the U. S. House of Representatives, May 29, i860. 
 
 ar; 
 
 Tbe House being in Committee of the 'WTiole oa the state 
 of the Uuiou — 
 
 Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois, said: 
 Mr. CuAiHMAN : The Republican party, through 
 its proper organization, has placed in nomina- 
 tion for President of the United States, Abraham 
 Lincoln, of Illinois. The people, who will be 
 called upon to pass upon that nomination, have 
 a right to inquire into the life, the character, 
 and the political opinions, of the man who is 
 commended to their suffrages for the highest 
 office in their gift. The State which I in part 
 represent on this floor, having been honored by 
 this nomination, I come here to-day to speak of 
 the personal and political history of the candi- 
 date. I have known Mr. Lincoln well for twenty 
 years. I have known him in private life, I have 
 known him at the bar, and have been associated 
 with him in every political contest in our State 
 since the advent of " Tippecanoe and Tyler too," 
 in 1840. While I may speak with the accents of 
 a strong personal friendship, I shall speak with 
 the frankness of conscious truth, and, I trust, 
 without exaggeration. 
 
 Springing from the humblest ranks in life, and 
 unaided by the adventitious supports of family 
 or wealth, Mr. Lincoln has reached his present 
 exalted position by the strength of his will, the 
 power of his intellect, and the honesty of his 
 heart. He was born in Hardin county, Ken- 
 tucky, February 12, 1808; his family removed 
 to Spencer county, Indiana, in 1816, where he 
 passed his boyhood amid the roughest hardships 
 and the most trying experiences of a frontier 
 life. Without schools, and almost without books, 
 he spent bis. time amid the wild and romantic 
 scenes of the border, alleviating the hard labors 
 of the farm by the sport of the huntsman. Of 
 fine physical development, with a vigorous intel- 
 lect, quick intelligence, ready wit, and genial 
 character, he gave early evidences of the supe- 
 riority he has since attained. His first advent into 
 tb«5 great wor^d, from the comparative seclusion 
 of his frontier home, was down the Wabash and 
 
 Ohio rivers in charge of & flat-boat, of aclass known 
 to all the old river men of the West as "broad- 
 horns." These boats, laden with the productions 
 of the farmers, floated down stream until a mar- 
 ket was found for the cargo; and when that was 
 disposed of, the boat itself was sold, and those in 
 charge made their way back, in the best manner 
 they could, to their homes. A great many per- 
 sons have heard Mr. Lincoln relate, with inimita- 
 ble effect, the anecdotes of his experience of that 
 po-rtion of his life. 
 
 In 1830, Mr. Lincoln emigrated to that State, 
 with which his great name has now become his- 
 torically connected. He passed the first year in 
 Macon county, and actively labored on a farm, 
 where he and a fellow-laborer, by the name of 
 John Hanks, split three thousand rails. This 
 portion of the history of Mr. Lincoln's life gave 
 rise to the incident in the late Republican State 
 Convention at Decatur, in Macon county, which 
 awakened the intensest enthusiasm of that vast 
 concourse of citizens from all parts of the State. 
 Mr. Lincoln was present as a spectator in that 
 Convention, and was invited to take a seat upon 
 the platform. When he had taken his seat, it 
 was announced to the Convention that John 
 Hanks, an old Democrat, who had grown gray in 
 the service of that party, desired to make a con- 
 tribution to the Convention ; and the offer being 
 accepted, forthwith two old-time fence rails, 
 decorated with flags and streamers, wera borne 
 through the crowd into the Convention, bearing 
 the inscription: 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 
 
 TUE KAIL CANDIDATE 
 
 FOR PRESIDENT IN 1860. 
 Two rails from a lot of 3,000 made iu 
 1830 by Jolm Haaks and Abo Lin- 
 coln. 
 
 The effect was electrical. One spontaneous 
 burst of applause went up from all parts of the 
 " wigwam." Of course, Mr. Lincoln was called 
 out, and made an explanation of the matter. He 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COiUUTTEE. PRICE 60 CENTS P^ HUNDRED. 
 

 2 
 
 tfjTr— t; 
 
 stated that, some thirty years ago, then just em- 
 igrating to the State, he stopped with bis mother's 
 family, for one season, ia what is now Macon 
 county ; that he huilt a cabin, split rails, and cul- 
 tivated a small farm down on the Sangamon 
 river, some six or eight miles from Decatur. 
 These, he was informed, were taken from that 
 fence; but,*whether they were or not, he had 
 mauled many, and better ones, since he had 
 grown to manhood. 
 
 From Macon county he removed to a settle- 
 ment called New Salem, which was then in San- 
 gamon, but now in Menard county. It was at 
 New Salem that Judge Douglas says he first knew 
 Lincoln, and I cannot do better than to read 
 here an extract from one of his speeches, made 
 in the Illinois campaign in 1858, at Ottawa : 
 
 " In the remarks I have made on this phiUbrin, and the 
 position of Mr. Lincoln upon it, I moan nothing personally 
 disrespectful or unkind to that gentleman. I have known 
 him for nearly twunly-five years. There were many points 
 of sympathy between us when we first got acquaintijd. We 
 were both comparatively boys, and both struggling with 
 poverty in a strange land. I was a scbool-t'aeher in the 
 town of Winchester, and he a llomisliuig grocery-keeper m 
 the town of Salem. He was more siicci'.'t^.slul in ni.s occupa- 
 tion than I was in mine, and lieuce more fortunate in thi,s 
 world's goods. Lincoln is one of tkciS'-. /irrtduir nu^n who ptr- 
 form with admirable skill tvenjUdiifj icukli tkij utukrUike." — 
 Lincoln and Douglas Debates, page 09. 
 
 The last sentence in the above extract is wor- 
 thy of especial note. Such a compliment ex- 
 torted from his bitterest adver.sary has a greatly 
 enhanced value. When Mr. Lincoln shall have 
 undertaken the administration of the Govern- 
 ment of this great country, the people will agree 
 with Mr. Douglas that 
 
 " Lincoln is one of those peculiar m^n loho perform wUh ad- 
 mirable skill everything wiiich they undertake." 
 
 Again : Mr. Douglas, in a speech in the Senate 
 of the United States, January 23, lytiO, refers to 
 Mr. Lincoln as one of '' the ablest and ■most clear- 
 headed men" of the Republican parly. 
 
 It may bo proper, however, here, to let the fol- 
 lowing reply of Mr. Lincoln be heard in regard 
 to his being a " flourishing grocery-keeper : " 
 
 " The Judge is wofnlly at fault about his ciirly friend Lin- 
 coln being a ' grocery-keeper.' I don't know an it would 
 be a great sin, if I had been; but he is mistaken. Lincoln 
 never kept a grocery anywhere ia the world. It is true that 
 Lincoln did work the latter part of one winter in a little still- 
 house, up at the head of a hollow." 
 
 Now it is proposed, that as Lincoln spent a 
 "part of one winter in a little slill-howBe, up at 
 the head of a hollow," he shall spend the whole 
 of four winters, at least, ia a largo lohile house at 
 the head of Pennsylvania avenue. 
 
 The Black Hawk war having broken out, Mr. 
 Lincoln was among the first to raise a company 
 of volunteers for that service, and he acquitted 
 himself with credit. Returning from that cam- 
 paign, he began in earnest to devoije the ener- 
 gies of his great intellect and superior will to the 
 acquisition of knowledge. He first acquired a 
 knowledge of the art of surveying, but the de- 
 mand for his services in that line of business was 
 not suflicient to support him, and he was com- 
 pelled to stirrender up his mathematical and sur- 
 veying instruments to the sherifl, to be sold on 
 execution. 
 
 Nothing daunted by his misfortune, then it 
 was he commenced the study of that profession 
 
 upon which he has conferred so much honor, and 
 in which he has attained so great a distinction. 
 Borrowing a few elementary law books, he 
 learned the rudiments of the profession by the 
 dim light thrown out from the fire-place of a log 
 cabin. 
 
 In 183G he was placed in nomination, by the 
 Whigs of Sangamon county, for a seat in the 
 lower branch of the Legislature, which then met 
 at Vandalia. He was elected, and gave early 
 evidence of the superior qualities of his mind, 
 and his skill and power as a debater. lie was 
 elected, and served two subsequent sessions. 
 Wider avenues were now opened to him in the 
 acquisition of general knowledge, and of the 
 knowledge of the law, which he improved to the 
 utmost. Changing his residence from a precinct 
 in the county to Springfield, which had then be- 
 come the capital of the State, and where he has 
 ever since resided, he was admitted to the bar, 
 and embarked in his profession. His success 
 was immediate. He displayed a knowledge of 
 the principles of the law almost intuitive, and 
 bis arguments were marked by strength of rea- 
 soning, keenness of logic, a rough eloquence, 
 and a flow of wit and humor. His fairness to 
 his adversary, his disdain of all the little tricks 
 which sometimes disgrace the profession, his 
 entire candor and truthfulness, his original and 
 easy mode of illustrtitiou, made him all powerful 
 before a jury. He now ranks as the ablest and 
 most successful lawyer in the State. 
 
 My first knowledge of Mr. Lincoln was in the 
 great campaign of 1840. He was then an elector 
 on the Harrison electoral ticket. He stumped 
 all the middle :ind lower part of the State with 
 great eft'ect, travelling from the Wabash to the 
 Mississippi in the hot months of July and August, 
 shaking with the ague one day, and addressing 
 the people the next, and establishing a reputa- 
 tion as one of the most effective and popular 
 speakers in the State, a reputation which he has 
 ever siuce maintained. 
 
 From 1840 to 1844 Mr. Lincoln devoted him- 
 self entirely to the active pursuit of his profes- 
 sion. The Clay campaign of 1844 brought him 
 again into the political arena, and he headed 
 the Whig electoral ticket in that canvass. Ho 
 stumped the State, speaking to immense au- 
 diences everywhere he went, winning the ap- 
 plause of his friends, and extorting the admira- 
 tion of his enemies, for his eloquent and masterly 
 expositions of the principles of his party. After 
 the defeat of Mr. Clay, and up to 184C, he was 
 found devoted to his profession. In August of 
 1846 he was elected to Congress, by the Whigs 
 of the Springfield district, to succeed Col. E. D. 
 Baker, 
 
 In December, 1847, Mr. Lincoln took his seat 
 in Congress. It is but proper that his recorded 
 opinions, while a member of Congress, upon the 
 questions then agitating the country, should be 
 known, and I now propose to briefly review the 
 record made by him in the Thirtieth Congress. 
 
 In the House of Representatives, on the 3d of 
 January, 184S, Mr. Evans, of Maryland, offered 
 the following resolution . 
 
•■■w. 
 
 " nesnlved, Tlint tho onpitiilation of llontcrcy meets with 
 l)ic culirc saiictiou and approbrition of (bis Cougross, and 
 lliat I lie terms of that capitulation were as crodil;iblo to tlic 
 liiimanity ami skill ol tlic (,'allaut Taylor, as the achicvcmcut 
 ol tlic victory ctMoatoroy was glorious to our arms." 
 
 Mr. Asbmnn, of Massachusetts, moved to amend 
 hy adding the word.s: " ia a wnr unnecessarily 
 and uncoQstilutionally begun by the President 
 ' of the United States." The yeas and nays were 
 onk'ied upon this nmcndment, and it was agreed 
 to — yeas 85, niiys 81. [Congressional Globe, 
 Vol. 18, /"7ye 9.J.) It was a strict party vote, 
 every Whiff member of the House voting in the 
 iifiiimaiive. Among the distinguished names of 
 those who voted for this amcKdment I fmd that 
 of Abraham Lincoln. 1 find also that he voted 
 in what would now be called good Democratic 
 company, and with men who are at the present 
 time bright and shiuing lights in the Democratic 
 party, and who have never been denounced as 
 Irailors, taking sides with the enemy in time of 
 war. Hon. Thomas L. Clingman, at present a 
 Democratic Senator from North Carolina ; lion. 
 Alexander II. Stephens, of Georgia, a leader of 
 the Democratic party in the House of Represent- 
 atives for several Congresses prior to the present 
 one; Hon. Thomas Butler King, of Georgia, now 
 II Democratic member of the Senate of that St.ite; 
 lion. Daniel M. Barrirger, of Korth Carolina, 
 late Minister to Spain, now a Democrat ; and 
 Hon. Robert Toombs, the present able ond dis- 
 Imguished Senator from Georgia, all of whom 
 served with Mr. Lincoln in the Thirtieth Con- 
 gress — with whom Mr. Toombs says, in a late 
 speech, be had an " agreeable acquaintsmce," 
 and all of whom voted precisely as Lincoln did, 
 for this amendment of Mr. Ashmun. 
 
 In regard to this vote, I prefer to let Mr. Lin- 
 coln speak for himself. In replying to a speech 
 of Judge Douglas, in the celebrated campaign 
 in onr State in 1838, Mr. Lincoln said : 
 
 " And so I thiuic my friend, tii3 Judgo, is equallj' at fault, 
 vriisii ho ctiarges me, at the time when I was m Cuuiti-ess, of 
 baviiig opposed our soldiers wlio were fighting in the Mex- 
 ican war. The Judge did not make his charge very distinct- 
 ly ; but X sail tell you what ho can prove by ro'erritig to the 
 record. You remember I was an old Whig, and whenever 
 the llcmocratic parly ti'ied to get me to vote that the war 
 Lad been righteously buguu by the Pre.=ident, 1 would uot 
 doit. Hut whenever they asked for any money, or laud 
 T.-anants, or anything to pay the soldiers there, during all 
 that time, I gave llio same vote that Judge Douglas did. Vou 
 «.an think as you please as to whether that was consistent. 
 Such is the truth ; and the Judge lias the right to maka all 
 ho can out of it. Bu' when he by a general charge convey;; 
 tho idea that I withheld supplies from the soldiers who were 
 li.^hling m the Mexican war, or did anything else to hiudcr 
 the soldiers, be is, to say the least, grossly and altogether 
 mistaken, as a cousn'.tatiou of tlie records will prove to 
 Lull " — Lincoln ayid Doujlas Di:haL'K,paje 75. 
 
 In a speech in this House, on the 27th day of 
 July, 1848, Mr. Lincoln, referring to the same 
 matter, spoke in the following language of trui:h, 
 eloquence, and patriotism : 
 
 '• II', when the war had begun, and had become the cause 
 of the country, the giving of our money and our I)!ood, in 
 common witli yours, was support of the war, then it is not 
 true that we have always oi>poso(l the war. With few indi- 
 vidual e.xcoptions, you have constantly bad our votes hero 
 for all the necessary supplier. And, more than this, you 
 Lave had the services, tho blood, and the lives, of our politi- 
 cal brcthreu, in every trial, and on every field. Tho beard- 
 less lioy and the mature man, the humble and the distin- 
 fjuish^d — you have had them. TliroNgh suffering and death, 
 I'V disease and in battle, they have endured and fought and 
 (ell with you. Clay >iud Webster each gave a sou, never to 
 
 bo returned. From tho State of ray own residence, besides 
 other worthy but less known Whig names, we sent Mar- 
 shall, Morrison, Baker, and Hardin; they all fought, and 
 one fell, and in tho fall of that one we lost our best Whig^ 
 man. 
 
 " Nor were the Whigs few in number, or laggard in ths 
 day (if danger. In that fearful, bloody,' breathless struggle 
 at Bucua Vist^i , where each man's hard Uisk was to beat 
 back live foes or die himself, of tho five high officers who 
 perished, four were Whigs. 
 
 " In speaking of this, I mean no odious comparison be- 
 tween the lion-hearted Whigs and Democrats who fought 
 there. On other occasions, and among the lower ofBcers 
 and privates on (/laj occasion, I doubt not the proportion was 
 dil^'rcnl. I wish to do justice to all. I think of all those 
 brave men as Americans, in whoso proud Came, as an Amer- 
 ican, I too have a share. Many of them, Whigs and Demo- 
 crais, lire my constituents and personal friends; and I thank 
 them — more than thank them — one and all, for the high, 
 imperishable honor they have conferred on our couuuoa 
 State." — C(Wi/7rcs.sto?m7 Ghbr,v(jl. 10,3)aye 1042. 
 
 Such being the patriotic and consistent po- 
 sition of Mr. Lincoln on the war, when the bill 
 for supplit,* for our army in Mexico came up oa 
 the 8ih day of March, 1848, his vote is of course 
 found recorded in favor of the bill. (Congret' 
 sional Globe, i^ol. IS, jja^e 445.) 
 
 Following this up, we find Mr. Lincoln ever 
 watchful ot the interests of the soldier, propo- 
 sing to extend the bounty land act, not only so 
 far as regarded the volunteers to Mexico, but to 
 the war-worn veterans of 1812 ; thus putting in 
 motion that great measure of public justice 
 which was finally meted out to those brave and 
 patriotic men. On the proposition to amend the 
 bounty land law of February 11, 1847, which 
 was jiassed before Mr. Lincoln became a member 
 of Congress, Mr. Lincoln spoke aa follows: 
 
 " If there was a g(uieral desire on the part of the House to 
 pass the bill now, he should bo glad to have it doue — con- 
 curring as ho did giuierally with tho gentleman from Arkan- 
 sas, [Mr. Joiixso.t.l that the pu.stponement might jeopard the 
 safely of the iiroposilion. If, however, a reterenco was to 
 be made, he wished to make a very few remarks ia relation 
 to thcs iveral subjects desired by gentlemen to be embraced 
 in amendments to tho ninth serijou of the actof tho last ses- 
 sion of Congress. The first amendment desired by members 
 of this House had lor its only object to give bounty lauds to 
 such persons as had served for a limo as privates, but had 
 ucvor been discharged as such, because promoted to oflBce. 
 That subject, and no other, was embraced in this bill. There 
 were some others who desired, while they were legislating 
 on this subject, that they should also give bounty lands to 
 the volunteers of the war of 1812. His friend from Mary- 
 lanrl [Jlr. Evans] said there were no such men. Ho (Mr. 
 L ) did not s ly there were many, but ho was very confident 
 there were some. His friend from Kentucky near him [Mr. 
 Gaines] told him he himself was one. 
 
 " There was still another jiroposition touching this matter: 
 that was, that persons entitled to bounty land should by law 
 bo eiilltled to locate these lands in parcels, and not be re- 
 quired to locate them in one body, as was provided by the 
 existing law. 
 
 " Now, he had carefully drawn up a bill embracing these 
 separate propositions, which ho intended to propose as a 
 substitute for all these bills in the Houec.or in Committee of 
 tiie Wiiole oa the slate of the Union, at some suitable time. 
 If there was a disposition on the jiart of the House to act at 
 once on this separate proposition, he repeated that, with the 
 gentleman from Arkansas, ho should prefer it, lest they 
 should lose all. But if there was to be a refcrence,Tie de- 
 sired to introduce his bill embracing the three propositions— 
 thus enabling the Committee and the Houso to act at the 
 same time, whether favorably or unfavorably, upon all." — 
 Concirrxaiimal Globe, vol. 18, jiri(/« 550. 
 
 Thus it will be seen tliat Mr. Lincoln not only 
 favored the bill before the House, but he pro- 
 posed embracing the soldiers of the war of 1812, 
 and also to authorize the soldier to locate his 
 land in parcels, and not be obliged to locate it 
 in one body; a most just and liberal propo- 
 sition. 
 
On the great question of rivers and harbors, 
 Mr. Lincoln is eminently sound and practical, 
 and his views must meet with the approbation 
 of the country. On the 2-2d day of June, 184S, he 
 made a speech in the House of Uepresentatives, on 
 the message of President Polk vetoing the river 
 and harbor bill. In reply to that part of the mes- 
 eage of Mr. Polk touching the suggestion of a 
 change of the Constitution, he made the follow- 
 ing observations, which should sink deep into 
 the hearts ot the American people : 
 
 " As a general rule, I think we would do much bettor to 
 let it aloue. No sligUt occusioa should tempi us to touch it. 
 Better not take the first step, which m!iy load to a h;iuit ol 
 altering it. Better riilher hab.tualo ourselves to thiulv of it 
 aa unalterable. It cun scarcely bo made bettor than it i.s. 
 New provisions would introduce new difflculties, and thus 
 create and increase appotito lor still further change. N'o, 
 sir; let it stand as it is. Now liands have never touched it. 
 The men who made ithavedoue their work, and tuvo passed 
 away. Who shall improve ou wtiat they didf" 
 
 After conclusively replying to the arguments 
 of the message, Mr. Lincoln proceeds with the 
 following eminently practical suggestions : 
 
 " Determine that the thinp can and shall be done, and then 
 wo shall QuU the way. The tendeucy to uuduo LXpausiou is 
 unquestiouably the chief difflcully. llow to do something, 
 and still nottodo too Jiiuc/i, is the desiileratum. Let each 
 contribute his mito iu the w.iy of auggesiiou. The lato .-^inui 
 Wright, in a letter to iho Chicago Cuuveutiou, contributed 
 his, which was worth snmi^thuig; and 1 now contribute miuo, 
 which may be worth nothing. At all events, it will mislead 
 nobo.ly, aud therefore will <lo no h.irin. I would not borrow 
 money. 1 a:o «g:iiusi an oveiwhi-.iniDg, cruslUn^ system. 
 Suppose that, lit each session, Con^n ss &h!ill lirsl determine 
 liuio much money tun, lor that year, b ; spared lor iiiiprovc- 
 menis ; then ajiiwriiou thatpuin to the most important ob- 
 jects, do tar, all is ea?y ; but how .-^hall wo dolTuiiuo which 
 aretl.i most important? On ihi.s q.Mjsilou come.s thecoUibiuii 
 of Mt?re.sts. 1 shad be .«low lo ac'Juowledgo lh;il yntr bar- 
 ber or yu'ir river is more imixirtjiuttli.in )/iine,aiidn"r'it:(.;a. 
 Tocif^a.- this difllculty, let us have that samo slat.si cat lu- 
 i'ormiuoa which the gentleman Irnin Uh.o (Mr. Vailoii| su;,'- 
 g?sii d at the liogmmug ol tlns.scssion. In ihal inloi oialion 
 we shall have afilc.'ii, imb'.'iidiiig b.isi.s (>( farlt — :i bis.s iti 
 no w se subject to whim, capnco, or local iut:TPSt. The pre- 
 houied amoMut of m'-au.-? will savo us from doing <i« much. 
 aud the statistics will savo us frcni doing what wo do in 
 wrong ylaca. Adopt and adhere lo this cours'-.nnil, it seems 
 to me, the dillkully is cleared. " — CunynMiunal Oi'jlK,aii. 
 19,jKige',09. 
 
 On the passage of the river and harbor bill 
 by the House, August 11, 1843, Mr. Lincoln's 
 name is found in the affirmative. (Congressional 
 Globe, vol. iS,paje 1062.) 
 
 The tariff question was not up in Congress 
 during Mr. Lincoln';; term of service, but he 
 nevertheless had an opportunity of putting him- 
 self upon the record in favor of protecting the 
 great interests of American labor. 
 
 Hon. Andrew Stewart, of Pennsylvania, called 
 "Tariff Andy," ou the lOih day of June, 18 IS, 
 asked leave to introduce the following resolution: 
 
 " Retolrtd, That the Committee of Ways and Means be in- 
 structed to inquire into the expediency of reporting a bill 
 increasing the dut'es on foreign lusuriea ofall kinds, and on 
 such foreifu manufactures as arc now coming into ruinoua 
 competiiiou with American labor." 
 
 Upon the question being taken, Mr. Lincoln 
 voted in the affirmative. ( Congre^monal Globe, vol. 
 18, page 652.) 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was an early and consistent ad- 
 vocate of the doctrine of slavery prohibition in 
 the Teniiories, and of the power of Congress over 
 them. He voted for the amendment to the 
 Otegon bill, which extended the ordinance of 
 
 1 787 over Oregon Territory, and for the bill thna 
 amended. (Congressional Globe, vol. 18, page 
 1027.) 
 
 Such is the record made by Mr. Lincoln on all 
 the important mailers before Congress while Iio 
 was a member. Though serving his constituents 
 with ability and fidelity, and to ihn entire satis- 
 faction of his friends, he declined a rcncraination, 
 prefering the quiet pursuit of his profession, and 
 the enjoyments of private life, to the blandisli- 
 ments of office and the turmoil of political strife. 
 Yet, such was his interest in political matters, 
 and so deeply did he feel the importance to the 
 country of the success of the principles ho up- 
 held, that he actively participated iu the Presi- 
 dential contest of 1852. 
 
 The repeal of the Missouri compromise, in 
 1854, called Mr. Lincoln again into the Deld of 
 politics, and he threw himself into the great 
 contest of that year, with all the euergy ot his 
 character and the power of his will. Stutuping 
 the State in all directions, and speaking to im- 
 mense audiences, he awakened the people to tiie 
 aggressive character of that Itgislation, and 
 called on them to rebuke that " ruthless band " 
 whii:h dared to break down that sacred compro- 
 mise, aud which, in the words of Senator n.)iig- 
 las, '• was akin to the Constitution, and cauotuz«<l 
 iu the hearts of the American people." 
 
 Upon the Legislature elected that year de- 
 volved the duty of electing an Utitted States 
 Senator, in the place of General Shields, wiio 
 had voted lor the Kansas-Nebraska bill. The 
 Whigs and Anti-Nebraska Democrats constitutiil 
 a majority ot both branches of that Leg'siaiurt-, 
 but five sixths of this majority had been VViiigs, 
 and .Mr. Lincoln was their lirst choice for Senator. 
 The Anti-Nebraska D-'mocrats presented Jiid;;o 
 Trumbull as a candidate, and .Mr. l..iuco'n find- 
 ing alter the balloting commenced that tlie con- 
 tiuuauce of his naiuc before the joint Convention 
 might result in the election of tho Nebraska 
 Democratic candidate, magnanimously withd.tew 
 from tho contest, and earnestly enlreaKed his 
 friendstoelcct Judge Trumbull, an Anti-Nebraska 
 Democrat, whose subseqiwnt career in the Senate 
 has been marked by great ability, and by strict 
 fidelity to the convic iona of those who elected 
 him. 
 
 In 185G, the Repnblican party in Illinois wag 
 fully inaugurated as a State organization at the 
 Bloomington Convention, held in iMay of thaft 
 year. Mr. Lincoln was present at that Conven- 
 tion, and gave the weight and influence of hia 
 great name to the establishment ol that parly, 
 and to a bold iind emphatic declaration ol prin- 
 ciples. His speech upon that occasion was one 
 of the most masterly efforts of his life, and carried 
 conviction to all minds, stirring up the Con- 
 vention to the highest pitch of enthnsiaim, and 
 nerving every man with resolute determination. 
 He was placed on the Republican electoral ticket 
 as an elector at large, associated with FiiEDEBio 
 Hecker, the German patriot and orator, who 
 had fought for liberty in bis native land, and 
 whose eloquence awakened in the hearts of hia 
 countrymen the highest emotions of patriotism. 
 In that campaign Mr. Lincoln again canvassed 
 
the State, laboring with great earnestness and 
 zeal; and it could truly be said of him, 
 
 " No dangers dauutej, and no lubors tired." 
 Though llr. Buchanan carried the State, yet 
 the entire Republican iState ticket was elected. 
 
 Great interest centred in the election of 1858 — 
 the Legislature to be elected was to name a suc- 
 cessor to Judge Douglas in the Senate of the 
 United States. The Republican State Conven- 
 tion for that year, to nominate candidates for 
 State ofiicers, with entire unanimity and amid 
 hnbounded enthusiasm designated Mr. Lincoln 
 as the choice of the Republicans of the State for 
 United States Senator, to succeed Judge Douglas. 
 Of all the able and distinguished Republicans in 
 the State, such was the hold of Mr. Lincoln oa 
 the party, such was the devotion of the masses 
 to his interests, that no other name was sug- 
 gested or thought of in connection with the can- 
 didacy for Senator. 
 
 I will now allude to some of the incidents of 
 the great campaign of 1858, between Lincoln 
 and Douglas which assumed national propor- 
 tions, and attracted the attention of all parts of 
 the country, by the ability and vigor of the dis- 
 cussious and the intense excitement which at- 
 tended the canvass. All the great questions that 
 now agitate the country were fully and elabo- 
 rately dissussed in their debates, and Mr. Lin- 
 coln s position on those question can be most 
 fully and satisfactorily understood by a reference 
 thereto. 
 
 In a discussion at Freeport, in my own dis- 
 trict, at which I was present, Mr. Douglas sub- 
 mitted to Mr. Lincoln a series of interrogatories, 
 embracing all the various propositions involved 
 in the question of slavery. I cannot do better 
 here than to extract the questions and answers 
 trom a recent speech of the distinguished Sena- 
 tor from Louisiana, [Mr. Be.njami.w,] in the United 
 istates ISenate, together with his comment there- 
 on. Speakiug of that canvass, Mr. Benjamin 
 eays : 
 
 '■ III that contest, the two candidates for the Senate of the 
 United tjtatcs, in the t>iate of Illmo;s, wont before iLicir pfo- 
 ple. They agreed to discuss the issues ; they put questions 
 to each other lor answer ; and I must say hero, lor I uuisl 
 ho jiust to all, that I have been surpri.sed in the csaminatiou 
 that J luado again \nthiu the last lew days of this discussion 
 hetwccn Mr. Lincolu and Mr. Douglas, to find that Mr. Lin- 
 coln IS a tar more con.-ei-vative uian, unless he has since 
 clianged his opmions, than 1 had supposed him to be. There 
 Avas no dodging on his part. Mr. Douglas started with his 
 questions. Here they are, with Jlr. LLncolii's answers : 
 
 '■ Question 1. I desire to know whether Lincoln to-day 
 Ptauds, ;.s he did in 1S54, in favor of the unconditional re- 
 peal of the. fugitive slave law? 
 
 "Answer. I do not now, nor over did,.';tand in favor of 
 the unconditional repeal of the fugitive slave law. 
 
 " QuesUoni. 1 desire him to answer whether he stands 
 pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission of 
 iiiiy more slave States into the Union, even if the people 
 want them ? 
 
 ^- Amuer. J do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged 
 jigaiust the admission of any more slave States into the 
 Luion. 
 
 " Question 3. I want to know whether he stands pledged 
 agamst the admission of a new State into the Union with 
 6uch a Constitution as the people of that State may see fit to 
 make ? 
 
 " Anmer. I do not stand pledged against the admission of 
 a new State into the Union wi,th such a Constitution as the 
 people of tbat State may see lit to make. 
 
 ' ■ Question i. I want to know whether he .stands to-day 
 pledged to tlie ahoUtiou of slavery iu Lho District of Colum- 
 bia? 
 
 ' " Ansiwr. T do not stanrl to-day pledged to the aholition ol 
 slavery in the District of Columbia. 
 
 " Question 5. I desire him to answer whether ho stands 
 pledged to the prohibition of the slave tra^e between tho 
 difliToiit States ? 
 
 " Answer. I do not stand pledged to the prohibition of tho 
 slave trade between tho different States. 
 
 " Question G. I desire to know whether he stands pleOgcd 
 to prohibit slavery in all the Territories of the United Stales, 
 north as well as south of the Mis.souri compromise line? 
 
 " Ans^usr. I am impliedly, if not expressly, pledged to a 
 belief in the right and du!;/ of Congress to prohibit slavery in 
 all the United States Territories. 
 
 " Quesliun 7. I desire him to answer whether ho is op- 
 posed to the acquisition of any new territory unless slavery 
 vi fir.'t prohibited therein? 
 
 ^^ Answer. lam not generally opposed to honest acquisi- 
 tion of territory ; and, iu any given casi?, I would or would 
 not oppose Fiich acquisition, accordingly as I might think 
 such acquis tlon would or would not aggravate the slavery 
 question among ourselves." — Debates of Lincoln and Dowj- 
 las, p. 88. 
 
 " It is impossible, Mr. President, however we may differ 
 in opinion with the man, not to admire the perfect candor 
 ruid frankness with which these answers Were given; no 
 equivocation — no evasion.'' 
 
 Nothing can be more just than the compH- 
 raents paid by the distinguished Louisiana Sena- 
 tor to the candor and frankness of Mr. Lincoln. 
 It is not an unusual thing for him to extort ex- 
 pressions of admiration from his op'ponents, for 
 the fairness and candor of his arguments, both 
 in political discussion and at the bar. It was 
 saiti of him by one of the Judges of our Supreme 
 Court, that he stated the propositions and argu- 
 ments of his adversary so fully and fairly, that 
 but little further was necessary to be said. 
 
 It is but ju'st, however, that Mr. Lincoln tboukl 
 be heard furthir on these questions and answers, 
 and in explanation of them, and iu the same dis- 
 cussion, he says : 
 
 '• Now. my friends, it will be percoiveLupon an exnuii- 
 nation of ilies^ que-tions and answers, that ?o far I have 
 only aiiswereil lliot I was not pUd^fd to ll is, Uiai, or the 
 oiher The J-.'.dgp. has not framed hi^ interrogatories to 
 n-k m- anylliiiig more than this, and I have aII^wered in 
 s'rict iiccordancc wiili the interrogatories, and have an- 
 swered tru y that I am no'.jilerl^fd at all up'/H any of the 
 poinl.s 10 woieh I have answered. l?uli am not disposed 
 to hang upon the exact form of his interrogatory. I am 
 rnther\li-poL-ed to take up at lea.«t some of these ques- 
 tion-, and -late what I reilly think upon them. 
 
 "A'' to (he first one in regard to the Fugitive Slave law, 
 I have never hesitated to say, and I do not now hesitate 
 to i-ay, that ( tliink, under the Constitution of the United 
 States, the people of the Sou'liern Slates are en itled to a 
 Congre5=ioiial t U'jitive Slave law. Having said Ihnt, I 
 have liad iioihingtosay in regard to the existij:ij Fugitive 
 Slave law, farihertian mail think it should have been 
 f. amed so as to be free from some of the objections that 
 peitain to it, without lessening its efficiency. And inas- 
 much as we are not now in an a'^italion in regard to an 
 alteration or modificatroii of that'law, I would not be the 
 man to introduce it as anew subjectof agitation upon the 
 general question of slavery. 
 
 " In regard to the other question, of whetherl am pledged 
 to tlie admission of any more slave Slates into tlie Union, 
 I stale to you very frankly that I would he exceedingly 
 sorry ever to be put in a position of having to pass upon 
 thit question. I should be exceedingly glad to know that 
 there would never be another slave Stale admitted iiiio 
 the Union: but I must add, that if slavery .shall be kej't 
 out of ihe Territories during tlie territorial existence of 
 any one given Territory, and then the people shall, hav- 
 ing a fair chance and u clear field, wlieii they come to 
 adopt the Coa.slitution, do such an extraordinary thing as 
 to adopt a slave Coiisiitution, uniufiu^nced by the actual 
 presence of the i!i>titution among them. I see no alteriia- 
 live, if we own the country, but to admit them inio the 
 Union. :, , , 
 
 "The third interrogatory is answered liy the answer 
 to the second, it being, as I conceive, the .same as tho 
 second. 
 
 •• Ike fourth cue is in regard to the abolition of slaveT 
 
tn the District of Columbia. In relation to that. I have 
 my inind very dislinclly made. up. I should be exceed- 
 ingly glad to see slavery abolished in llie District of Co- 
 lumbia. I believe that Oouaress po.?se';ses the constilu- 
 t o al povi'er lo abo isti it. Yet, as a member of Cony;ress. 
 i should 1)01, with ray present vkw?, be in l:ivor of en- 
 r/fHcoriri"- to aboli-h slaveiy in the District of Columbia, 
 unless it would be upon these rondiiions ; First, that the 
 nboblion shuuld be gradual Second, that it sliould be on 
 u vo'.e oi tliu majority of iiualitied voters i i lli^ Di.-'rict 
 And, tinrd ihat compensation should he m;i(le lo unwillinjr 
 owners. Willi these tliree conditions, 1 conloss t v,oiild 
 lie exceedingly glad to see C.nigress abolish slavery in 
 the District of Columliia, and, in ihe language of llenry 
 Clay, -sweep from our capital that foul biot upon our 
 nail on.' 
 
 "In regard to the fifth interrogatory, I must say here, 
 that as lotlie queslinn of the al)o:ition of the slave trade 
 bflweeii the dvierent Slates. I can truly answer, as 1 have 
 that I am pi il^td to nothing about it. It is a su' ject to 
 wliicu I have not giveii that mature co.isid'-r-iion that 
 would make me fec;l authorized to slate a position so as 
 to hold myself entirely bound by it. In other words, that 
 question has never been proinii.ently enough bel\ re. me to 
 induce ine to invesU:.. ale vvlieiher we really have the con- 
 Eti utioiial power to doit. I could investigate it if I had 
 suflicir.nt time, to bring myself to a coiielu.^ion upon thai 
 subject; but I liavc not done so, and 1 ssiy .-o frankly to 
 you nere, and lo .ludge Douglas I must sav, however, 
 that ifls.iould ne of npinioii ihal Congress does posi-ss 
 the consututional power to abolish tin- slave trade among 
 the dilierent M.ites, 1 siiOuld still not be in favor of ti^e 
 exercise of thnt power unless upon some conserviiUve 
 ininciple, as I conceive it, akin lo what I have >aid in 
 relation to the abolition of .slavey in the Lislrjci of 
 Colunbia. 
 
 ■'My answer as to whether I df'sire that slavery should 
 be proiiibiled in all tin; ieirilones of the United Males 
 is lul! and explicit wilhiii ilsolf, and c.mniH be ni;;de 
 clearer by any comments of iriiuc. So I suppose, in re- 
 [,'ard to the ciuesiion, waether I am opp.'i-ed lo tlie ac- 
 (juisition oi any more t."rniur , unf ss slavery is fir,i p o 
 Inbited therein iny ansv.er is snch liiat I eo ,! ■ ;\<\o nutli- 
 ing by way of il; usual 1011, or making iny-cll heUc.i- .:ink r- 
 ttood, than liie answer winch 1 have placed in wniiiig 
 
 '• iNow. i,i all this, the Judge has me, and he ha < ni.;, on 
 her'ciiri. 1 suppose he had fi 'ileied himself tiiai J whs 
 Jcally entertaining one set of opinions for oiif pl-H'e and 
 Jtaollnr .-ei iVn' anolher place— Unit 1 wa- ulVanl in say ; I 
 me place what 1 utterc-1 at anoihei. Wh.a 1 am s^iying 
 hero 1 siippo e 1 say lo a vas' audience as siroii- ly inm 
 iiig to Aiiolilioiiism as any audience 111 the Siaie oi lln- 
 iois,aMd i believe 1 am saying that which, ii it would [>r 
 olleiisive to any persons, and leiuU r ihtni t iiciinr^ ui ni;. - 
 «eli, would be ollensive to (ler-ons iii Ins iiudience."'— 
 Lincoln a,i'l Dmt^tns Jjtf'aies, ja^es t.-, r3. 
 
 As a Republican, Jlr. Lmcoln thus ftirther 
 speaks the seuliments of hi3 party iu regard to 
 the slavery question : 
 
 " They look upon it as a vast mor,il evil ; tbcy can prove 
 It as such by the writings of those who gave us the blessings 
 4ji liberty which we enjoy, and tb.it they so looked upon it, 
 and not as an evil merely couliaiiig itself to the btates where 
 it is situated ; and while Wi agree that, by the Con.stitution 
 we assented to, in the States where it exists we have no 
 right to interfere with it, because it is iu the Constitution ; 
 and wo are by both duty and inclination to stick by that 
 Coustitution, iu all its letter and spirit, from beginniug to 
 cud. * * * The Republican party is made np of those 
 W'ho, as far as they can peaceably, will oppose the c.Kteusion 
 olslavery, and who will hope fur its ultimate extinction. " — 
 Lincoln and Douylas Dd)CiJ.e^-,pagi: 19. 
 
 Now, Mr. Chairman, one wonl as to the Dred 
 iScoLt decision, and Mr. Lincoln's position in re- 
 gard to it. He says : 
 
 " I have expressed heretofore, and I nowrepoat, my crp- 
 position to the Dred Scott decision, but I should be allowed 
 to state the nature of that opposition ; and I ask your indul- 
 gence while I do so. AVhat is fairly implied by the term 
 Judge Douglas has used, ' resistance lo the decision?' I do 
 not resist it. If I wanted to take Dred Scott from bis mas- 
 ter, I would be interfering with prsperty, and that terrible 
 ilifticulty, that Judge Douglas speaks of, of interfering with 
 property would arise. But 1 am doing no such thing as that; 
 but all that I am iloing Is reUisiug to obey it as a political 
 rule. If I were in Congress, and a vote should come up on 
 (ho <iucstioii whether slavery should be prohibit** m a ucw 
 
 Territory, in spite of the Dred Scott decision, I wonlcl voto 
 that r, should. That is what I would do. Judge Douglas 
 said last night, that before the decision he might advance 
 his opinion, and it might be contrary to the decision when 
 it was made; but niter it was made, he would abide by it; 
 until it was reversed. Just so. We let this property aliida 
 by the decision, but we will try to reverse that decision. 
 We will try to ]iut it where Judge Douglas would not ob.ject, 
 fir be. says be will obey it until it is reversed. Somebody 
 bus lo rt vcr.s.' that decision, since it is made, and we mean 
 to reversL- il, and we mean to do It jieacoably. 
 
 "What are the uses of decisions of courts'? They have 
 two uses. As rulcsof property, tbey have two iisi.'s. First, 
 they decide upon the qiicotion before the court. They de- 
 cide in this CISC that Drr I .'■^cott is a slave. Nobody re- 
 sists that. Not only Ihat, but tlioy say to eviu-ybody else,, 
 that persons sl;iudi:ig jast as Jired ^lcoa sta."!ds,arc as he Is. 
 That is, they say that when a question comes up upon an- 
 other p.erson, it will ln' so deealed again, unless Iho court 
 decides iu another vvay, unless the com t overrules its decis- 
 ion. Well, we mean to do what wo can to iiave the court 
 decide the olber way. Th.'it is one thing we mean to try to 
 do.'' — Lincoln and Douglas Debases, page 20. 
 
 In regard to what would be the course of the 
 Republican party towards our Southern brcthrea 
 in the event of its accession to power, Mr. Lin- 
 coln, addressing himself to Kenluckians, said ia 
 his Cincinnati speech : 
 
 " We mean to treat yon, as near as we possibly can, as 
 Washington, Jelferson, and Madison, treated you. We mean 
 to lea.veyou alone, and in no way to interfere with your in- 
 slitutioii ; to ab'de by all and evi'ry conipi'Oinise of (ho Con- 
 stitution; and, ina word, eoiuiu'jr back to llu! original |)ropo- 
 sitiou, to treat you, so far as di-gcncrated men (ifwjhavo 
 degenoratel) may , ;;ci:oriling to \[m\ ex nriples ortlios,, noble 
 lathe.'S — W.isbiiigton, .Irff'rsiui, and Mauison. We mean to 
 remcmbiT that >ou are as g'lod as W" ; that tlier>' is no dif- 
 ierenc belv/eeu us,oth('rth.iu tin' dinVreni-e ol civcumslan- 
 C'\s. We mean to roroguise and near in mini always that 
 
 you have .i ^ : I nsai 13 111 your bosoms as other people, or 
 
 as \\:- ( : : I I :, , , Hid treat you accordingly." — Lincoln 
 and A-ii.,, 1. ; ^ . . , r.ags lO:', . 
 
 In his speech at Ottawa, Jlr. Lincoln further 
 says : 
 
 '' I will say h're, whih' uprin this subject, that I have no 
 pMi'iHi-", .lin',-|,y or iirlaaT;iy, to mtrrfare With tho lustltu- 
 lion oi s;a\'e: y ill Ih" ^; iii-i wlicic it ex. sis. 1 believe 1 bavo 
 no lawial I'.L'ht lo do so, and J iia vo no uic'iiial ion to do HO. 
 I h.iv;.' no p .roo.^e lo lalrodiua; pohtieal and sorial equalUy 
 lioUvi'iM Ihe wiutoa'ai the blai.'l; riioi s. Tliere is ;i physical 
 if ll'iMi.'iir:' h 'l-^v,. .11 1'lj.-i-.vo, which, in my judgment, will prob- 
 ably toi .-,,■;■ loih. ■, ili ar liviiiu' togellior upon the fooling of 
 p-iaeii eqi.a'.tv ; and ii; isni'ieii as it brroiiif.^a necessity that 
 Ihin-e 111', si, lira d ill' Trui-' ■, 1. as W"ll as.bidge Douglas, am in 
 fivor oi tie- lacc I iwli.ih i bi'ioi.g having Iho superior posi- 
 tion. 1 Imvc ii"vrrsa:d.;riyll;,iig In the eontrary , but 1 hold 
 that, notwithstanding ail t'.i s, llia;-i' j.s no reason'iu Ihr' world 
 why the neg.-o is not eiit I:,: I to all Ihe nalural rights enu- 
 merated in the Declaration of bidcpendonco — Ihe right to 
 life, liberty, and the parsml, ol bappLUess."— i/.uta;i7i. mid 
 Uoua'as i>eba/cs,p:[gn 7-5. 
 
 The result of that contest is known. The Re- 
 publican State ticket was triumphantly elected. 
 Mr. Lincoln triumphed by the popular voice. 
 The candidates for the Legislature friendly to 
 Mr. Lincoln received more votes than the candi- 
 dates friendly to Judge Douglas, and Lincola 
 wag only defeated for Senator by an iniquitous 
 and unjust apportionment, which stifled the voice 
 of the m.ijority. 
 
 The entire vote for the Lincoln candi- 
 dates for the Iicgislature, was - - 125,3'75 
 The entire vote for the Douglas candi- 
 dates lor the Legislature, was - - 121,190 
 
 Lincola leading Douglas in the popular 
 vote ------ 4,185 
 
 I have thus, Mr. Chairman, briefly adverted tu 
 the private history and public life of Mr. Lin- 
 coln, and both commend him to the country as a 
 worthy candidate, of a great and patriotic pai'ty, 
 
for President of the United States. Ilis nomi- 
 natiou has touched the popular heart, and has 
 been received with approbation everywhere. The 
 masses of the people are rallying under the flag 
 of the man ot their choice, and they will bear 
 bini to the Presidential chair by an overwhelm- 
 ing majority. Diisatiifaction at the results of 
 the Chicago Convention now only exists among 
 our Democratic brethren. They profess to 
 think we did not nominate the proper man, and 
 shed "crocodile tears" over the defeat of the 
 nomination of a candidate whom they have 
 hunted through his whole jiolitical career by a 
 persistent malignity, without parallel in the his- 
 tory of the country. Such pympathy, under such 
 circumstances, is no new thing. It was exhibited 
 in the case of Mr. Clay, when General Taylor 
 was nominated over him in 1848. The Demo- 
 rrats were then very mucli troubled at the great 
 mistake the Whigs made in throwing overl^oard 
 their great leader, Mr. Clay, and nominating the 
 hero of Buena Vista. I know of no better reply 
 to all tbid, than Mr. Lincoln made in a speech in 
 this House on the 27th day of July, 1848 : 
 
 "Mr. Spi.'akcf, let otu' I)einocr;itic iVieuds be conifortod 
 witli the us.suraUL'U that Wii aru coutcut with our ijosition, 
 coutent witb our company, and coatcut with our caiulidiUs ; 
 and that, a.Hbough tliry iu their generoi;.s sympathy thmk 
 wt! ought to bu luisfrahlo, wo really arc not, and that tht-y 
 may dismiss tho great anxiety Ihcy have on our account.'" — 
 Cunfiressiiir>M<' Globe, vol. 19, page 1043. 
 
 The Ilepablican party prefers to make its own 
 aomina ions, as it is able to manage its own con- 
 cerns in its own way. This party is the most 
 VYpposing reunion of men for a piitriotic object 
 which this country has ever known. All good 
 men, of all parties, who desire to see the Gov- 
 ernment rescued from its present degradation, 
 and who would stay the further spread of sla- 
 very, can unite upon the candidates and the 
 platform of the Chicago Convention. The hope 
 which Jlr. Lincoln expressed, iu the Illinois 
 campaign of 1858, should be realized in the 
 great contest upon which wo have now entered. 
 In his speech at Freeport, Mr. Lincoln said: 
 
 " For my part, I do liope that all of us, entertaining a coin- 
 mon sontiiueut iu opposition to what appears to hs a design 
 to nationalize and perpetuate slavery, will waive minor dil- 
 I'ereuces on questions which cither belong to the dead past 
 or the distant future, and all pull togclhor iu this strug- 
 gle."— Lincoin aiid Dour/las Vehales, page 107. 
 
 The success of the Ilepublican party, which 
 has been inaugurated by the nomination of Mr. 
 Lincoln, will bring with it great duties and 
 grave responsibilities. A strict observance of 
 the Constitution and an inliexible administra- 
 tion of the law must be its rule. It must 
 practice the most rigid economy in every de- 
 partment of the Government; repress with a 
 vigorous hand all abuses that have crept into 
 its administration ; bring about fraternal feeling, 
 reanimate industry, clear out the pathways, and 
 spread the sails of coinmerce. It must save the 
 common Territories of the United States from 
 the curse of slavery ; re-establish the public 
 credit, and restore coniidence between man and 
 man. The immediate re-establishment of the 
 public good must be its first great object, and 
 the peace and prosperity of the country will be 
 assured. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln has been but little in public life, 
 and he will come into the Presidential chair 
 •' fresh from the people," with •' no friends to 
 
 reward, and no enemies to punish." Tie has no 
 complications with politicians, cliques, or fac- 
 tions, and no outstanding promises requiring 
 redemption. One of the jieople, taken up by the 
 people, he will be the President of tlie jifople. 
 In liim there are united the elements wbi h 
 challenged the coniidence of the Convention 
 which nominated him, and of the people who 
 will elect him. Pie is emphatically a represent- 
 ative man, and by the simplicity of his manners 
 and the purity of bis private life he is the typo 
 of the virtues which belong to a, great Eepublic. 
 There is an inflexible patriotinii in his heart, 
 and he has the incorruptibility of Republican 
 principles in his soul. He has doctrines, not 
 hatreds, and is without ambition, except to do 
 good and serve his country. 
 
 In these daj.s, when corruption, prodigality, 
 and venality, have reached the very vitals of ihe 
 Government, the people have at last found an 
 ho/iest man to administer the afiairs of the nation 
 in the spirit in which our insiitutious were 
 Ibunded ; a man whose name has ever been the 
 synonym of probity and honor — who^^e repu- 
 tation, in all the relations of private life, ij 
 without blemish, as his public career is with- 
 out reproach. No man ever has, and no man 
 ever can, place his finger upon a single dis- 
 honorable or improper act of his life. He stands 
 to-day, as a private citizen and public man, un- 
 assailed and unassailable — 
 
 " An iio.vEST MAX, the noblest work of God." 
 Of no man can it more truly be said : 
 '' His lilP is sentlo ; and the elements 
 So mixed in iiini, that Nature might stand up. 
 And say to all the wo.-M, (hi:: U a man.'' 
 
 Sepuiblican Piatforni adopted by the Clii 
 cago CoirvGntioii, May 17, 1860. 
 
 Resolved, That we, the delegated representa- 
 tives of the Republican Electors of the United 
 States, in Convention assembled, in the dischrfrge 
 of the duty we owe to our constituents and our 
 country, unite in the following declarations : 
 
 First. That the history of the natiou during 
 the last four years has fully established the pro- 
 priety and necessity of the organization and per- 
 petuation of the Republican party, and that th-j 
 causes which called it into existence are perma- 
 nent in their nature, and now, more than ever 
 before, demand its peaceful and constitutional 
 triumph. 
 
 Second. That the maintenance of the principles 
 promulgated in the Declaration of Independence, 
 and embodied in the Federal Conrtitution, is es- 
 sential to the preservation of our rejuiblican in- 
 stitutions ; that the Federal Constitution, tho 
 rights of the States, and the Union of the State.'?, 
 must and shall be preserved; and that we reas- 
 sert " these truths to be self-evident, that all men 
 are created equal ; that they are endowed by their 
 Creator with certain unalienable rights; that 
 among these are life, liberty, and the ptarsuit of 
 happiness. That to secure these rights. Govern- 
 ments are instituted among men, deriving their 
 just powers from the consent of the governed." 
 
 2 hird. That to the Union of the States this 
 nation owes its unprecedented increase in popu- 
 lation ; its surprising development of material 
 resources ; its rapid augmentation of wealth ; 
 
it? happiness at borne and its honor abroad; and 
 we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, 
 come from whatever source they may ; and we 
 congratulate the country that no Republican 
 member of Congress has uttered or countocanccd 
 a threat of disunion, so ofcen made by Demo- 
 cratic members of Confrress without rebuke and 
 ■with applause from their i)o!itical associates ; 
 and we denounce those threats of disunion, in 
 case of a popular overthrow of their ascenden- 
 cy, as denyitii^ the vital principles of a free Gov- 
 ernment, and as an avowal of contemplated trea- 
 son, which it is the iniperaiive duty of an in- 
 dignant people strongly to rebuke and forever 
 silence. » 
 
 Fourth. That (he niainlenance inviolate of 
 the rights of the Slates, and especially ihe right 
 of each State to order and control its own do- 
 mestic institutions, according to its own jadg- 
 laeni exclusively, is essendul to that balance of 
 power on which the perfection and endurance of 
 our political faith depends; and we denounce the 
 lawless invasion by armed force of any State or 
 Territory, no matter under what pretext, as 
 among the gravest of crimes. 
 
 F/ik. That the present Democratic Adrainis- 
 traiiuu has far exceeded our worst apprehensions 
 ill its measureless subserviency to the exactions 
 of a sectional interest, as is especially evident 
 in its desperate exertions to force the mfamous 
 Lecoraptoa Constitution upon the protesting peo- 
 ple of Kansas — in construing the personal rela- 
 tion between master and servant to involve an 
 unqaalilied property in persons — in its ;itlempted 
 enturcement everywhere, on land and sea, through 
 the intervention of Congress and the Federal 
 courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely lo- 
 cal interest, and in its general and unvarying abuse 
 of tbe power intrusted to it by a confiding people. 
 
 SixUi. That the people justly view with alarm 
 the reckless extravagance which pervades every 
 department of the Federal G-overnment; that a 
 return to rigid economy and accountability is in- 
 dispensable to arrest the system of plunder of the 
 public Treasury by favored partisans ; while the 
 recent startling developments of fraud and cor- 
 ru[Uion at the Federal metropolis show that an 
 entire change of Administration is imperatively 
 demanded. 
 
 Seventh. That the new dogma that the Consti- 
 tution of its own force carries slavery into any 
 or all of the Territories of the United States, is a 
 dangerous political heresy, at variance with the 
 ex[)licit provisions of that instrument itself, with 
 cotemporaneous exposition, and with legislative 
 and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its 
 tendency, and subv-ersive of the peace and har- 
 mony of the country. 
 
 Eighth. That the normal condition of all the 
 territory of the United States is that of Freedom ; 
 that as our republican fathers, when they had 
 abolished slavery in all our national territory, 
 ordained that no person should be deprived of 
 life, liberty, or property, without due process of 
 law, it becomes our duty, by legislation, when- 
 erer such legislation is necessary, to maintain 
 this provision of the Constitution against all at- 
 tempts to violate it; and we deny tne authority 
 of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of 
 
 I any individuals, to give legal existence to sla- 
 very in any Territory of the United States. 
 
 NiiUh. That we brand the recent reopening of 
 the African slave trade, under the cover of our 
 national flag, aided by perversions of judicir.l 
 power, as a crime against humanity, a burning 
 shame to our country and age ; and we call upon 
 Congress to take prompt and efficient measures 
 for the total and final suppression of that exe- 
 crable traffic. i 
 
 Tenth. That in the recent vetoes by their Fed- 
 eral Governors of the acts of the Legislatures 
 of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in 
 those Territories, we find a practical illustratioQ 
 of the boasted Democratic principles of non-in- 
 tervention and [lopul.ir sovereignly, embodied in 
 the Kansas and Nebraska bill, and a denuncia- 
 tion of the deception and fraud involved therein. 
 
 EleoeiUh. That Kansas should of right be im- 
 mediately admitted as a State under the Consti- 
 tution recently formed and adopted by her people, 
 and accepted by the House of Representatives. 
 
 Twelfth. That while providing revenue for the 
 support of the General Government by duties 
 upon inrports, sound policy requires such an ad- 
 jiisctneut of these duties as to encourage the de- 
 velopment of the industrial interests of the whole 
 country ; and we commend that policy Cif nation- 
 al exclianges, which secures to the woi'king men 
 liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, 
 to mechaiiics and manufacturers an adt^qijiat« 
 reward for their slcill, labor, and enterpris«7-^;.nd 
 to the nation commercial prosperity and ini'fi- 
 pendence. 
 
 'Thirteenth. That we protest against any sale 
 or alienation to others of the public lands held 
 by actual settlers, and against any view of the 
 free homestead policy which regards the settlers 
 as paupers orsu[iplic:ints lor public bounty; and 
 we demand the passage by Congress of the com- 
 plete and satisfactory homestead measure which 
 has already passed the House. 
 
 Fourteenth. That the Republican party is op- 
 posed to any change in our naturalization laws, 
 or any State legislation by which the rights of 
 citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from 
 foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired ; and 
 in favor of giving a full and efficient protection 
 to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether 
 native or naturalized, both at home and abroad. 
 
 Fifteenth. That the appropriations by Congress 
 for river and harbor improvements of a nation- 
 al character, required for the accommodation 
 and security of an existing commerce, are author- 
 ized by the Constitution and justihed by an ob- 
 ligation of the Government to protect the lives 
 and property of its citizens. 
 
 Sixteenth. That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean 
 is imperatively demanded by the interests of the 
 whole country ; that the Federal Government 
 ought to render immediate and efficient aid in 
 its construction ; and that, as preliminary thereto, 
 a daily overland mail should be promptly es- 
 tablished. 
 
 Seventeenth. Finally, having thus set forth our 
 distinctive principles and views, we invite the 
 co-operatiou of all citizens, however differing on 
 other questions, who substantially agree with us 
 in their affirmance and support. 
 
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 #APR 89 
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 INDIANA 46962 
 
 
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