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GRANT & COLFAX, 6EISW0LD & CORNELL. 
 
 REMARKS 
 
 OF 
 
 EDWIN D. MORGAN, 
 
 (U. S. Senator of Neiv York,) 
 
 AT A MEETING OF CITIZENS HELD UNDER THE JOINT AUS- 
 PICES OF THE UNION REPUBLICAN PRESIDENTIAL 
 CAMPAIGN CLUB, THE GRISWOLD AND CORNELL 
 CENTRAL CAMPAIGN CLUB, AND THE 
 CENTRAL GRANT CLUB, 
 
 AT COOPER INSTITUTE, in the City of New York, 
 On the Evening of Oct. 8, 18G8. 
 
 Most welcome is the sight of this vast audience, met to reason 
 together on the questions now at issue before the people. The 
 country is stirred as never before in a political canvass, and it 
 is cheering to find this great commercial centre in hearty ac- 
 cord with the prevailing sentiment. I accept the fact as a 
 token of the success of the doctrines we advocate. 
 
 You are earnest, thoughtful men. You realize that a crisis 
 is upon ns. The course pursued by our opponents has excited 
 your alarm. x\t the North they conduct their canvass with a 
 rancor before unknown to our politics, and at the South a reign 
 of terror is inaugurated to control elections there. We all rec- 
 ognize the importance of two political pttrties, and of the 
 broadest ireedom of discussion, but woe to any that, leaving 
 its legitimate sphere, seeks to divide the country on the ques- 
 

 tion of the public credit, the public peace, or obedience to law. 
 These questions are beyond the realm of partisanship ; they are 
 paramount in importance to political organizations. Thieats 
 of violence to any class, or resistance to any law under pre- 
 tence of political ardor, may be profitable elsewhere, but not in 
 this country. The mode of correcting every wrong is within 
 the constitution, and to that mode a loyal people, more than 
 ever tenacious of substantial forms, will hold every citizen, higli 
 or low. 
 
 Were we not used to the clamor of our opponents we should 
 be stunned by their loose charges that the Southern States had 
 been denied their rights and arbitrarily kept out of Congress. 
 "VVe all know how they got out, but let that pass. A year ago, 
 in this place,. I asserted that whenever an}' State then out of 
 its proper relation to the Union, should accept the reasonable 
 terms fixed by Congress, it would again take its place in the 
 sisterhood. The prediction has been realized ; seven States 
 have accepted the conditions, and are now fully recognized as 
 members of the Union. Our -opponents said that the Union 
 could not be restored by the Eepublican party. In this they 
 were gravely mistaken, for as one State after another pre- 
 sented itself, the Kcpublican party, by its representatives in the 
 two branches of Congress, voted solidly for admission, and the 
 Democrats voted as solidly against admission. 
 
 And yet they complain that the work of reconstruction is not 
 complete. Is the complaint reasonable? The rebel allies of 
 the Democracy tore out the Southern pillars of this beautiful 
 temple of the Union, and dug awa}' its foundations, as they sup- 
 posed. We saw it rock to the very centre, we saw the incendi- 
 ary torch applied, Ave saw its property despoiled, and we saw its 
 chief minister, the chosen head of the nation, stricken down by 
 its minion. What did the Democratic party do, what are 
 they now doing, to repair the mischief ? Nothing — literally 
 nothing. The Republican party came to the rescue, and the 
 country sustained them. The armed rebellion was crushed out, 
 and the work of rebuilding the shattered edifice, and recon- 
 structing it in all its parts was begun, even during the war. 
 They pull down ; we defend and reconstruct. Who, then, are 
 the conservators of American institutions ? Were it not for the 
 

 firmness of the majority represented by the Eepublican party, 
 this country would, like the unfortunate States of South Amer- 
 ica and Mexico, degenerate into warring iactions. 
 
 The country was told in August, 1SG4, by the Democratic 
 party, with all the solemnity of a formal declaration in their na- 
 tional convention, that the restoration of the Union "by the 
 experiment of war," was a faihire. Did you believe this, gentle- 
 men ? Did General Grant believe it ? Did General Sherman 
 believe it? Did the million "boys in blue," resolutely fighting 
 their way to the heart of the rebellion, believe it ? Did the 
 country believe if? No. The principles of Liberty and Just- 
 ice, the foundation upon which the Republican party was built, 
 and has been maintained, did not for one moment admit of hesi- 
 tation or doubt. The party said, and still say, that from 
 the day of the firing upon Sumter until treason is forever oblit- 
 erated from the countrj'', there can be no compromise with 
 rebels, nor terms of peace except such as are based upon 
 unconditional surrender of their hostilit}'' and return to their just 
 allegiance to the constitution. 
 
 These great meetings are reassuring. They recall an almost un- 
 broken series of victories at the polls, and the result of the Sep- 
 tember elections is but the prelude to our glorious success on 
 the third of November. The spirit that animated the canvass 
 of ISGO, and the determination that inspired the people in 1864, 
 are noticeable in the support of our candidates in 1868. Popu- 
 lar instinct points to the painful truth, a truth emphasised by 
 startling outrages of daily occurrence, that the contest begun by 
 the enemies of the Union in 1861, is not yet ended. That hate- 
 ful prejudice of caste and section which lay at the bottom of 
 rebellion, though " scotched, is not killed." Threat and swag- 
 ger, agencies so eifectual in hatching treason, have been quick- 
 ened into life. In fiict, the very men who were foremost in 
 forcing on rebellion, and who gave to the civil war its darkest 
 hues, are foremost now in the endeavor to defeat our nominees. 
 They threaten another bloody insurrection. General Forrest 
 wants another ; Howell Cobb and Robert Toombs, and many a 
 score more of that sort are busy with their menaces, and every 
 hot head at the South predicts a speedy conflict of arms. Had 
 we not so lately emerged from a frightful war urged on by just 
 
such wild passion, we might look upon this talk as idle vaporing. 
 But in the light of experience, it promises evil. The remedy is 
 in the people's hands. They can decide in their own potential 
 way at the ballot box, whether the earnest desire of our great 
 soldier expressed in the simple words *' Let us have peace," shall 
 stand as the verdict of the American people. 
 
 The Chicago Convention of 1860 declared that the Democ- 
 racy had far exceeded the worst apprehension in their measure- 
 less subservency to the exactions of sectionalism. Have they 
 changed for the better ? Read the proceedings of their late 
 convention in this city ; read General Blair's Brodhead letter ; 
 read their leading journals ; scrutinize their every unguarded 
 expression from the stump and press. Each and all will prove 
 them unchanged. 
 
 A few days ago his honor the Mayor of our city, in a speech 
 at Buftalo, took occasion to refer to my views on the question of 
 the finances. He said that I held with The Tribune and the 
 Evening T*ost, that the letter and spirit of the laws mean that 
 the government bonds are payable in gold. For once the 
 Mayor is right. I do so hold. The first issue of bonds was 
 made at a time when no other than a gold standard w^as known 
 or thought of. A trifling difference between gold and currency 
 had then been reached, it is true, but as every one believed it 
 to be temporary, it entered into the calculations of no one ; yet 
 this slender circumstance affords absolutely the only apology for 
 any question on this grave subject- The law authorizing the 
 first issue was substantially like former laws, granting power to 
 issue bonds which had uniformly been paid in coin, and all sub- 
 sequent loan laws have been but an extension of that of Feb- 
 ruary, 1862. I w'as at the time in a situation to have known 
 something of the doubt on this question of coin payments had 
 any doubt been entertained ; and I do not hesitate to assert that 
 gentlemen who are now so clamorous for payment in greenbacks 
 never dreamed of doing so then. Neither the Legislative nor 
 Executive branches of the Government held any other doctrine 
 than that of payment in gold. The Treasurer of the United 
 States was without money ; the soldiers who had so gallantly 
 volunteered to save the Union, and had left their families un- 
 provided for needed their pay ; military supplies of all kinds 
 
were wanted. These bonds offered the best mode of securing 
 the necessary means. A hundred other opportunities for favor- 
 able investment were offering, but the patriotic classes felt it a 
 duty to give the preference to the government, and so the money 
 was raised in sums of $50, $100, and larger denominations. 
 
 The lender went to the law, to the agent who sold him the 
 bond, and to the officer who represented the Government, to 
 learn the terms. He was told an unvarying story. " If you 
 will lend us your money now when we so much need it, we will 
 repay you in the medium in which the American Republic al- 
 ways meets its bonded debt, in gold." Shall we now repudiate 
 I the contract ? 
 
 Much as I respect the Mayor personally, it is seldom that I 
 can agree with him on any political question, and on this ques- 
 tion of finance we widely differ. He refers to the fact that the 
 Republican House of Represetatives, in July last, passed a 
 funding bill that provided for the issue of new bonds running 
 twenty and thirty years, and bearing respectively four and 
 a half and four per centum interest. He might have added, 
 that the Republican Senate also passed the same bilL Indeed, 
 it received the unanimous support of Republicans in both 
 branches of Congress, and the unaninicus opposition of Demo 
 crats. He should also have added, that the President pocketed 
 the bill, and thereby prevented a reduction in interest on 
 the public debt of many millions annually. The Mayor ex- 
 presses surprise that any can be found foolish enough to ex- 
 change existing issues of bonds for the proposed issues, the in- 
 terest on the latter being essentially lower. The sixth resolution 
 of our platform affords the answer. It says : " The best policy 
 " to diminish our burden of debt is to so improve our credit that 
 " capitalists will seek to loan us money at lower rates of in- 
 " terest than we now pay, and must continue to pay. so long as 
 " repudiation, partial or total, open or covert, is threatened or 
 " suspected." 
 
 The Democracy have threatened repudiation, and have created 
 so much distrust that holders, rather than rest in uncertainty, 
 would, in many cases, exchange for such as, bearing a lower 
 rate of interest, should have the word gold expressly named 
 in the bond. 
 
6 
 
 But why all this clamor about bonds ? Tliey are not due. Why- 
 force forward, with indecent haste, a question on which so much 
 depends ? And why shoidd the Mayor and his political friends 
 oppose an efficient and practicable plan for lowering the rate of 
 interest on the public debt ? Is it for tlie advantage of the tax- 
 payer of the country to do so ? Is it well to treat honorable effort 
 with jeers, and while proposing nothing themselves, to lend 
 their whole influence farther to break down the public credit? 
 The secret is that theirs is an ignoble attempt, by factious agita- 
 tion, to get some party advantage. But it will fail. 
 
 It has not escaped your attention, fellow citizens, that many 
 who now express great solicitvide about the public securities, 
 were of those who decried every effort to raise men and money 
 for the war, tmd also decried the national credit during the war, 
 and thereby forced down the market price of the bonds, and 
 have labored from day to day with a persistency worthy of a 
 better cause to keep their value down. It is a principle of law 
 that a party cannot take advantage of its own neglect or 
 misdoings. This, I think, should estop so' good a lawyer as 
 the Mayor from fault finding on behalf of his part3\ Had the 
 people of the North, without reference to politics, upheld the 
 credit of the nation, the war would have cost far less in money, 
 and the necessity for present discussion of the Greenback ques- 
 tion would have been wholly obviated. y^ 
 
 The Republican party saw at once and have held tmwaver- 
 ingly from the start that the national credit was linked undis- 
 solubly with the preservation of the Union, and they were not 
 more ready to promote enlistments or fight the battles of the 
 war, than to maintain popular confidence in these bonds, and 
 in the whole system of the public credit. At the Baltimore 
 Convention of 1864:, it was declared, " That the national faith, 
 " pledged for the redemption of the public debts must be kept 
 " inviolate, and that for this purpose we recommend economy 
 " and rigid responsibility in public expenditures, and a vigorous 
 " and just system of taxation ; and that it is the duty of every 
 " loyal State to sustain the credit and promote the use of the 
 " national currency. 
 
 Not one word on this subject appeared in the Democratic 
 platform of that year, while on the stnmp and in their press 
 
Greenbacks were defamed, and Government bonds were the 
 subject of measureless derision — the standing butt of their keen- 
 est ridicule. It was with them an article of party usage to shower 
 undiscriminate censure upon the constituted authorities and to 
 disparage the public credit. All this tended to lower the value 
 of the ijonds, and to increase the burthen of public debt. The 
 course was as wicked as it was costly to the country, and when 
 from his earnings the tj|pX-payer takes out his yearly taxes, let 
 him recollect that half tlie assessment is for the distrust of the 
 public credit created by the Democratic party, and the other 
 half to put down a rebellion hatched by Democrats, encouraged 
 by Democrats and begun under a Democratic President. Who, 
 then in the light of these facts is responsible for the taxes, and 
 especially for the depreciation in bonds and Greenbacks 1 Can 
 there be more than one answer, and shall the control of the pub- 
 lic finances be handed over to a party that has shown such a 
 reckless disregard of the public credit ? 
 
 In law any man who cries down the . credit of an individual 
 must answer in damages. It was not believed that in this country 
 where the people rule any could be found so lost to patriotism, 
 so Fii|a|Lmericau, as to cry down the nation's credit, hence law- 
 makemliave fixed no legal penalty for such an offence. But 
 they ^vexfi too charitable, for we now see a once great party, 
 in the Jj^e of gaining a partizan advantage, attacking the 
 nation^p^edit. Yes, for a mere ephemeral benefit doing a 
 lasting wrong in a matter so vital. As American citizens we 
 cannot be indifferent to a course so shameful. 
 
 If there is any other portion of the territory of the United 
 States or any population anywhere on the globe, equal in num 
 bers, so remorselessly taxed, where the abuses are so general, 
 so deeply planted, and so brazen, as in this city, officered, con- 
 trolled, bound hand and foot by the Democracy, I should be 
 glad to know where it is, for the taxpayers of that fated spot 
 might justly claim the commiseration of mankind. There is 
 certainly no such spot on the American continent. Salaries, 
 perquisites and jobs enjoyed by rings, and rings within rings. 
 "Why the Mayor of our city, it is said, receives for constructive 
 duties a salary more than three times as -large as that of the 
 Governor of the State of New Tork, and more than half as large 
 
8 
 
 as that of tlie Frosident of the United States. The City Law 
 Department costs more than the Law Department of the Federal 
 Government. And we have city bureaus upon bureaus in such 
 endless extent and confusion, that the attention tires, and the 
 hand grows weary in meeting the demands for their support. 
 Does it not therefore astonish you, gentlemen, that any one con- 
 nected with this city administration, would venture to talk upon 
 the subject of economy. # 
 
 It is now almost a third of a century since I came to this 
 city. In all that time I have found the merchants and business 
 men jealous not only of their own personal credit, but of 
 the credit and commercial standing of our city as well, and 
 equally alive to the importance ot'maintaining the State's and the 
 Nation's credit. Our banks and moneyed institutions have al- 
 ways been the first to come forward to meet any emergeo^y 
 in the public finances. They see, in our high financial 
 standing, something far transcending in importance mere 
 party success ; and I am at a loss to understand what class 
 in our country can be gratified with a further deprecia- 
 tion in the public credit, least of all with making it the 
 subject of merriment. The credit of ISTew Zealand, they as- 
 sure us with exultation, stands higher in the markets of the 
 world than that of the United States of America. What their 
 relations with that distant country may be I do not know 
 but venture the remark that no party exists in New Zealand, as 
 here, whose slogan is " down with our credit." That's Ihe secret 
 of JSTew Zealand's favorable standing, and I commend the ex- 
 ample they ofi'er to their own imitation. Elect Grant and Col- 
 fax, Griswold and Cornell, and you will forever silence all 
 .dangerous efiltrts in this direction. 
 
 And here let me say that if all whom I now address were as 
 intimately acquainted with John A. Griswold and Alonzo B. 
 Cornell, the Republican nominees for Governor and Lieutenant- 
 Governor, as I am, they would not only give them their own 
 votes cordially, but would do all in their power to influence 
 others to do likewise. Mr. Griswold for five years past has been 
 a faithful and able Representative in Congress, and both gentle- 
 men possess, in an eminent degree, the qualifications for dis- 
 charging the responsible duties of the offices for which they were 
 
9 
 
 respectively nominated, and sliould receive the vote of eveiy 
 man who loves his State and Country. 
 
 In has Leen conclusively shown that the debt existina; at the 
 close of the war has already been lessened by one fourth, and 
 this too at a period when we were emerging from the immediate 
 embarrassments of a colossal struggle, Avhen but a part of the 
 country afforded revenue, when business was being tided over 
 from war to peace, when crops were none of the best, and when 
 local, county and State war debts were demanding payment. 
 These have been largely liquidated, an ever benignant Provi- 
 dence has l>lessed us this year with abundant crops, and we are, 
 step by step, lessening the public debt. Add to this industry 
 and economy, public and private, and our safety is insured. 
 
 Our opponents have made themselves hoarse with the 
 cry that the Government bonds were not taxed. It was the 
 judgment of the fathers of the Republic, especially of that wise 
 and able first minister of finance, Alexander Hamilton, that it was 
 against public policy to allow States and Municipalities to tax 
 National bonds. Are we wiser than they? By their terras, 
 however, the bonds may be liquidated after a given period. This 
 enables the lawmaking power so to adjust the interest on new 
 bonds that the reduction will itself be equivalent to a tax. And 
 can there be a more effectual tax than a reduction of the rate of 
 interest? It is a complete methcd. It reaches every dollar, at 
 home and abroad. None are ingenious enough to escape it. 
 The Republican Congress says this shall be done. The Demo- 
 cratic party, by their representatives, and by the President, says 
 it shall not. But we can wait. The rising of the sun is not 
 more certain than is the ultimate reduction of the interest 
 on the public debt and the consequent large saving to the 
 people. 
 
 The Democratic party has mourned long over the idea that 
 the bondholder is a bloated personage. If true it would be bad 
 enough for the bondholder, for any sort of morbid inflation is 
 bad. And between the bondholder and the plowholdcr there is, as 
 they would have us believe, a great gulf. Now I happen 
 to know some plowholders who are themselves bondholders, 
 and, if I mistake not, the American farmer is as well able 
 to hold bonds and to protect his rights as is any of these 
 
10 
 
 gentlemen who seek to be their champions. And it is especially 
 noticeable that the great majorities rolled up by the Republican 
 party are obtained among the plowholders themselves, as the 
 Democrats are fond of calling the farmer. Aside from the fact 
 that a large share of the bonds are in the hands of the industrial 
 part of our population, no portion of the American people is so 
 much interested in maintaining the integrity of the contract be- 
 tween the Government and the bondholder as the tillers of the 
 soil and the laboring classes. The mechanic, too, in this coun- 
 try, generally owns his house. To save himself from loss by fire, 
 a loss he could ill afford, he usually insures it. The insurance 
 company in turn must invest its capital, and its surplus earnings 
 in some good security. The public stocks offer the most con- 
 venient, and, until recently, have been held to be the safest, in- 
 vestment. The fire companies insuring in this State alone have 
 invested not less than twenty five millions of dollars in United 
 States securities; perhaps a million more has been invested in 
 U. S. stocks by companies that insure against railroad and 
 other casualties. And we find that including fire, life, and 
 marine insurance, the whole sum that would be affected by 
 the repudiation of Government contracts would be about five 
 billions of dollars. The security, in part, for this vast aggre- 
 gate, in which every household is interested, is fifty-five mil- 
 lion dollars in Government bonds. 
 
 Then, there is life insurance. To whom is this form of in- 
 surance so great a boon as to the mechanic and laboring man, 
 whose daily wages are absorbed in rearing a family. More than 
 four hundred thousand life policies are in force in our State, rep- 
 resenting upwards of a billion dollars in risks, and nearly twenty- 
 five millions of their assets are invested in U. S, bonds. "When, 
 therefore, you strike down the Government credit you inflict a 
 cruel wrong upon hundreds of thousands of women and children. 
 
 There are in our State one hundred and one Savings Banks. 
 Of these, eighty -eight have investments in II. S. bonds, and 
 three others hold bonds as collateral for loans. The remaining 
 companies are mostly the smaller or newer ones. The par value 
 of the U. S. bonds held by these eighty-eight Savings Eanks, on 
 the first of July last, was about fifty-five millions dollars, and 
 the amount held as collateral nearly four millions more, mak- 
 
11 
 
 ing fifty-nine millions dollars. The deposits thus in part se- 
 cured were placed there by no less than five hundred and twenty- 
 six thousand depositors. Of the vast sum above given, there is 
 owned by the Savings Banks of this cit}' and Brooklyn not less 
 than foity-seven million "dollars, belonging to over four hundred 
 thousand depositors, or something less than $120 apiece. 
 Surely, these are not bloated bondholders nor bloated deposi- 
 tors. Shall we encourage economy and thrift, by protecting the 
 Government security, and thereby making secure the savings 
 bank depositor, or shall disaster, in the shape of Mr. Pendle- 
 ton's scheme of inflation, incorporated into the Democratic 
 platform, be allowed to overtake individuals, not only, but 
 savings banks, insurance companies and all surplus savings 
 of the economical and thrifty. For you can in no M'ay trifle 
 with the public credit without wronging the industrious and 
 frugal, without increasing the cost of every loaf of bread, every 
 pound of meat, every cup of tea. 
 
 It has been frequently stated that if the Democratic 
 Convention had adopted a sound financial platform, and had 
 nominated the Chief Justice of the United States for President, 
 and General Hancock for Yice-President, its chance of success 
 would have l)een equal to that of the Republicans. 1 do not so 
 believe ; the real difficulty lies much deeper than this. The 
 Democratic party is not only to be defeated as it was in 1804, 
 but utterly routed in the coming election, because of its lack of 
 patriotism during the civil war, and for the known sympathy of 
 60 many of its leaders with the aiders and abettors of treason. 
 
 The blunder of the Democrats, made at the commencement 
 of hostilities, has continued to this hour. What little support 
 they gave to the Government, save in some exceptional cases, 
 was given grudgingly and with reluctance ; they did not want 
 the country to be entirely destroyed, for then there would have 
 been notiiing for their iidicritance, but judging them b}^ their 
 actions, it would seem that they wished it might be almost 
 ruined, that they might have the credit of saving and rebuilding 
 it. Chief Justice Chase, therefore, if he had been the nominee 
 of the Xew York Convention, though eminently fitted to dis- 
 charge the duties of that most responsible office, would have 
 been dragged down by an unpatriotic party, and would have 
 shar ed its fate. 
 
12 
 
 In the secret conclaves of the July Convention, it was admit- 
 ted that the Democratic party unaided could not elect their 
 nominee, hence it became a matter for grave delibera- 
 tion, whether they should so arrange the platform and 
 the nomination as to draw from the Eepublicans, or take 
 the Rebels into partnership. They decided to take the 
 Ivebels. Mr. Chase's nomination would have indicated the op- 
 posite policy. The State of Kentucky was the first to vote. 
 Being greatly pleased, its Democratic majority was largely in- 
 creased. Why? Because her people saw that the Democratic 
 party had decided to join hands with the rebels, and its success 
 would place them in power again. The election in Vermont 
 -was the first response of the North to the New York arrange- 
 ment. It was followed by Maine, and will, in my judgment, be 
 followed in a similar way by every State that voted for the re- 
 election -of Mr. Lincoln in ISG-i, except the State of Maryland. 
 I believe I appreciate the desire of the entire community 
 to learn all they can concerning the future President. I 
 have no more authority to speak for General Grant than 
 any of you, but I have been favored with opportunities of 
 observing him more frequently than some of you, and there- 
 fore, trust I may venture to say that in Genl. Grant t|j,«e country 
 will have a calm, thoughtful, faithful, and able statesman, who 
 will firmly and energetically discharge the duties of the Presi- ^ 
 dential office, in strict justice and impartiality to all the people I 
 in every State, and on every foot of American territory. When ^^ 
 'he enters upon his duties, no whisper of disunion will, be heard/ 
 North, South, East or West ; his administration will bW-as strongp 
 and popular at the South as at the North, and will be respecte^ 
 and honored everywhere for its moderation, its justice, and i| 
 wisdom. jv* 
 

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