ruun;./ im* Class Book_ coLLEcrm- % 7 ' / onto ^iwilmt Statu, No. XIV. VIKKAMANKADEVAC1IAEITA ~+ rn'ce. lie. 1 — u. f gontto £auslmt $mw. No. XIV. Y1KRAMANKADEVACHARITA Price Se. 1-5. £lje department of Public Instruction, fJomuan, TUE V1KRAMANKADEYACHARITA A LIFE OF KING VIKRAMADITYA— TRIBIIUVANA MALLA OF KALYANA, COMPOSED BY HIS VIDYAPATI BILHANA. EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY GEORG BtfflLER. Registered for copy right under Act XXV. of 1867. i! o m b a )] : GOVERNMENT CENTRAL BOOK DEPOT. 1875. All rights including that of copying the Text in its present recension are reserved. WEegr* COLLECTION^ 61600 '06 BOMBAY : PRINTED AT THE " INDU-PRAKASH " PRES3. THIS EDITION OF THE VIKRAMANKAKAVYA IS INSCRIBED TO \V. II. STOKES, ESQ., BARRISTER-ATLAW, SECRETARY TO THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA, LEGISLATIVE DEPARTMENT. AS A TOKEN OF GRATITUDE FOR HIS EXERTIONS IN riiOMOTING THE SEARCH FOR SANSKRIT MSS. INTRODUCTION. I. The recovery of Bilhana's Vikramdnikadevacharita, or adven- tures of King Yilcramdditya — Trihhuvanamalla of Kalydna 1 fur- nishes the second specimen of a class of compositions, which though, probably, once numerous, seemed, until a few years a^o, almost extinct. Like the S' nharshacharita, the Life of S'riharsha or Ilarshavardhana of Thdnesar by Bdnabhaffa, Bilha- na's poem is a panegyric in honour of his patron and protector. Considering that, with the exception of a certain number of re- ligious and devotional works, the bulk of Sanskrit poetry pro- ceeds from poets and Pandits, who lived under the protection of princes, it might be expected, that their gratitude would have secured to the Sankritist of these later days numerous works recording the lives and deeds of their patrons. But, curiously enough, lives of famous princes, like Vihrama, Bhoja, and Kumdrapdla, written by authors who lived centuries after them have been known long before Dr. Fitz Edward Hall made the find of the Harshacharita. Since then fourteen years have elapsed before a second work of the kind has turned up. The reason for the scarcity of such works is, I believe, the fact that the Pandits have a greater liking for the wonderful legends of the heroic age and for the no less marvellous stories of those kings whom, for one reason or another, they have lifted out of the sphere of matter- of-fact history and transferred to the regions of fiction. For the Pandit Rama, Arjuna, and Nala are as much histo- rical persons as S'ivaji or Baji Rao Peshva, only they 1. See Report on the search for Sanskrit MSS. 1873-4. 2 INTRODUCTION. appear so much more interesting to him, because their deeds ar© more marvellous and they are surrounded by the halo of sanctity that encircles the happier Yugas in which they are supposed to have lived. It is, therefore, no wonder that countless copies of S'riharsha's adventures of KiDg Nala should exist all over India, while, hitherto not one MS. of the author's Life of the ' New Sahasanka' or of his History of the Kajas of Gauda has been discovered. The reason, why the Sanskritist longs in vain for works that could serve as foundations for his historical researches, lies not, therein, that the rulers of India found no contemporaries willing to chronicle their deeds, but therein that nobody cared to preserve historical works from destruction or to make them easily accessible by copy- ing and recopying the original MSS. There is, however, a hope that at least some more poems like the S' riharshacharita and the Vilzramdnkadevacharita may still be found in a few copies in unexplored libraries especially in the Jaina Bhandars. The Jesalmir Bhandar, which I explored last year, is the first ancient library of the Jaina community, that has been thoroughly searched by a European Sanskritist. It furnished two historical works viz. besides the Vihramdnkadevacharita, a poem on the death of a Gauda king, who was conquered by a ruler of the name of Yas' 'ovarman, and its ancient catalogue bears witness that ninety years ago two MSS. existed one of which contained S'riharsha s Navasdhasdnkacharita, while the other was a copy of a work entitled Hammiramardana, or the De- struction of Hammira. I am firmly pursuaded that, whosoever has the good fortune of opening the libraries at Pathan in Northern Gujarat, at Merta in Mar war and at other ancient seats of Jainism, will gain much more important results than I have obtained at Jesalmir, where time and careless- ness have destroyed a good many valuable MSS. The Jainas have collected for many centuries not only large INTRODUCTION. masses of works belonging to their own sacred literature, bat, in a most catholic spirit, Brahminical books also of the most, various contents. Hidden in subterranean vaults under the temples and sometimes concealed with great ingenuity, these collections have escaped the many dangers to which libraries have been subjected in so unsettled a country as India has been until very lately. It stands, therefore, to reason that the Jaina Bhandars should furnish us, (as has been actually the case in Jesalmir) With copies of those poems, which through a want of popularity, have disappeared from the Brahminical libraries, and of those treatises on philosophy, grammar and rhetorics, which, being superseded in the schools by improved works , have elsewhere been lost. The importance of Charitas, like the S'ribarshacharita and the Vikrainankacharita lies chiefly therein that, however much a vitiated taste and a false conception of the duties of a his- toriographer Royal may lead their authors astray, the main facts which they relate, may be accepted as historical. Bana as well as Bilhana look in the first instance to their fame as poets. They care more about a faithful observance of the rules of poetical composition, laid down by the Kavya or Alamkaras'astra, than about a faithful and accurate repre- sentation of the characters of their heroes and of the events in which they played a part. They waste therefore, page after page with similes and with elaborate descriptions of scenery or of the seasons, and of other matters which are of little impor- tance for the chief subject of their works, but which according to the canons of the S'astra, should form part of a Mahakavya. 1. See Kavyadars'a I. 16. Had Bana avoided the abuse of similes, heaped one on the other, into which his admiration of Subandhu lead him, his S'rihavshacharita would comprise about 3,000 Slokas instead of 4,800. Bilhana, on his part might have compressed the Bubject mat- ter of his Cantos VII. -XIII. into a very small compass if he had been 4 INTRODUCTION. Their style is throughout so highly ornamented and hyperbolical, that it sometimes obscures the facts 1 and still more frequently leaves us in doubt about the importance of the events narrated. Thus Bilhana assures us boldly in the case of every expedition under- taken by the Chalukyas against the Cholas, that the latter were utterly extinguished, though shortly afterwards he has to confess that fresh movements of the hereditary foe forced the Chalukya prince to repeat his experiments in the art of annihilation. Another grave defect which arises from the poetical treatment of historical subjects, is that the intervals between the events nar- rated are rarely given with exactness. In this respect Bdna never makes exact statements, but always uses phrases such as ' after some days, after many days.' Bilhana follows the same practice with very few exceptions. The same carelessness, which is shown about time, prevails also with regard to the description of the minor personages mentioned. Bilhana gives the names of the kings with whom Vikrama came into hostile or friendly contact in a few cases only and Bdna is often guilty of the same neglect. Finally the characters suffer as much as the events. The hero or heroes are painted all white and their enemies all black. Ahavamalla and Vikrama have no more individuality than Kama, Dushyanta or Pururavas. They are simply perfection and their enemies are entirely contemptible and wicked. But in spite of all these faults, and though the Charitas are neither historical compositions after the manner of the Greeks and Romans, nor even chronicles like those of our writers of the middle ages and of the Arabs and Persians, still they have a high value for a country like India, where the works of foreign travellers, inscriptions and willing to spare his readers the hackneyed descriptions of the four sea- sons and the inventory of the charms «f Vikrama's bride Chandala- dext. 1 See t. g Yikram, I. 102 and 103, INTRODUCTION. ■> coins are the only available sources fbrmosi periods of the national history* Bana's Harshaoharita oontains all the main faots given in the corresponding portion of HiwenThsang's narrative of his visit to Harshavardhana's court. But it adds may details and enables us to correct tlie Chinese traveller on many points where his bias in favour of Buddhism or imperfect information have led him astray. Again the numerous inscriptions of the Chalukyas of Kalyana show that the facts related by Bilhana of Vikrama- ditya and his family are generally speaking correct, Their ac- counts agree in the main with thoso obtained from the other sources; they may with proper care be used to rectify and to complete the information gained elsewhere. Both the Charitas, which have become known, furnish also important contributions to the literary history of India. Bdna devotes nearly two Uchchhvasas to his personal affairs and to the history of his family and mentions incidentally so many famous writers, that his work lias become a regular landmark for the historian of Sanskrit literature. Bilhana likewise, gives up one whole canto, the eighteenth and last, to a de- scription of his country, and to an account of its rulers, of his family and of his own adventures. Though his statements are not as important, as those of Bana, still they afford much curious information. It would seem that the poems on histori- cal subjects always contained fuller accounts of their author's lives than is the case with works like the Kaghuvams'a, the S'is'upMavadha or the Naishadhiya. For in the Gaudavadha the second historical poem from Jesalmir, the author also gives some account of his personal history and of his literary activity. This fact finds its explanation in the natural desire of the poets to secure their own immortality together with that of their patrons. 6 INTRODUCTION. II. The great amount of irrelevant matter which Bilhana has introduced into his poem makes it unadvisable to translate it. In order to make its important contents accessible to those students of Indian history, who do not read Sanskrit, it will suffice to give an analysis of its subject matter. This task naturally divides itself into two parts, an analysis of the history of the Chalukyas as given by Bilhana and an analysis of the poet's personal history. It will be most convenient to begin with the latter. Up to the discovery of the Vikramankakavya, Bilhana, whose name is also spelt Bihlana, Vilhana, Vihlana, and even Behlana, 1 was known to Sanskritists as the reputed author of a small erotic poem, called Bilhanapancbas'ika or the fifty verses of Bil- hana, which celebrates in most lascivious strains the beauty of a mistress of the poet. Prefixed to this work is, in some MSS. a Purvapithika or introduction, which gives a romantic tale ex- plaining its origin. It is stated there, that Bilhana was the tutor of Chandralelchd or S'as'ilzala, the daughter of Bdjd Vairi- simha (Bersingh) of Gujarat. He used this position to per- suade his pupil to what Hindus politely call a Gandkarva mar- riage. His intrigue with the princess was discovered and he was condemned to death by the incensed father. On the way to the place of execution he composed, in remembrance of his mistress and of his joys, the Panchas'ika. The poem 1 The Jesalmir MS. which almost entirely discards the use of J has in every place Vilhana. The form Behlana I have seen in a Surat MS. of the Panchas'ika. I follow the usage of our Pandits, though I admit that Bihlana or Vihlana may be the real name. This question cannot be decided satisfactorily until the etymology of the word has been found. Nasals and the letter I, though written after h are now in- Tariably pronounced before it. For the formation of the word compare Kalhana, Sulhana, etc. INTUOIH'CTION- 7 became known to the king before tlio fatal order was carried out, and affected him so much that lie granted to the offender hi* life and the hand of the princess. Professor Aufreoht has very justly denied the credibility of this story. There was no doubt h Chfipotkata king of Anhilviid, called Vairisimha, But ho died A. D. 920, 2 ono hundred years before Bilhana'fl real date. Besides, according to the statement of my Pandit Vfunanacharya Jhalkikar, the MSS. of the Panchas'ika existing in the Karnafa country, give different names for the king and his daughter viz. Madan&bhirdma and Ydminlpurnatilalca who lived in Lakshmt- viaudira, the capital of Panchdlades'a. Moreover the identical anecdote is told of another poet Chaura, to whom also in somo MSS. the whole Panchas'ika is ascribed. Finally, as we shall see presently, in Bilhana s own account of his life no mention of the story is made. This account of Bilhana s life together with some notices re- garding the country of his birth and its rulers, is contained in the eighteenth and last Sarga of the Vikramankakavya. The canto opens with a description or rather a hymnus in praise of Pravarapura, the ancient capital of Kashmir, which was situated on the confluence of the Vitasta (jhelam) and of the Sindhu. Pravarapura was, according to Bilhana, not only the chief town in Kashmir, but it surpassed in beauty all other cities, even Kuvera's town, Lanka and the town of the Gods. 3 He 1 See Aufrecht Oxford Cat. p. 1335. I have seen another MS. con- taining this story in Bikauir, and a third in Ahmadabad. The name of the king is according to the Ahmadabad MS. ^faffl?, just as Aufrecht proposes to read for the ^fa^T of the Oxford MS. But the correct form of the name is, I think tKW? , as T and R" are often exchanged in Gujarat MSS. and Vairisimha or BersiDgh is a common Rajput name. 2 See Forbes Easmala I. p. 42. 3 XVIII. 1. 15. 16. 8 INTRODUCTION. praises it for its holiness, for the sanctity and learning of its Brabmans, 1 for its coolness in summer 2 and for the beauty of its groves, " wbich even tbose cannot forget who have readied the gardens of the celestials." 3 He extols its women for tbeir beauty, for tbeir learning which allows them to speak Sanskrit and Prakrit like their native tongue 5 and for tbeir cleverness in acting. Among its buildings he mentions the Bbattarakamatha,' the Agrabaras or Brabminical settlements, founded by Haladhara, 8 the temple of Kshemagauris'vara near the Samgama, 9 the Sam." gramakshetramatha and the Agraharas established by king Ananta- deva, the store-house near the temple of S'ankara, built by Ananta's queen, 1 the ancient temple of S'iva'that still shows in its roof the hole, through whicb, king Pravara bodily ascended to heaven' 12 and the lofty palaces of the kings of Kashmir. 13 After the description of the town follow notices of two kings of Kashmir and of their sons who apparently were the contemporaries of Bilhana. The first of these is king Anantadeva. He is praised for his truthfulness, liberality and bravery. Of him it is said, that he made a successful war against the 1 XVIII. 1. 3-8. 2 XVIII. 2. 32. 3 XVIII. 18. 4 XVIII. 11-13, 17. 20-21. 5 XVIII. 6. 6 XVIII. 23, 29. 7 XVIII. 11 ; Kajatar. VI. 240. 8 XVIII. 19; Kajatar. VII. 214. 9 XVIII. 23 ; Eajatar. VII. 180. 10 XVIII. 24, Eajatar. VII. 185. 11 XVIII. 26 ; Eajatar. VII. 180. 12 XVIII. 28 ; Eajatar. Ill, 376. 13 XVIII. 30. INTRODUCTION. J S'akas and. Darads and afterwards an expedition as far as tlio Ganga. J If visited also, with his host and liis harem the Bhores of the saored Lako M&nasa. He ruled over Champa 1 , Darvabhi- Bara, Trigarta and the dwelling of king Bhai tula. He endowed Agraharas in Vijayakshetra and bnilt a Matha on an island in the Vitasta- 1 His queen was Suhha/d, pre-eminent for wisdom and piety. "Neither Kayasths expert in crooked writings, nor parasites skilled in subtle flattery, nor bards excelling in open praises, were allowed to plunder her ; fortune, eager, as it were, to ex- piate her fickleness, went from her hands solely to the houses of Gods and Brahmans." She built a college, called after her own name, and a temple of S'ira on the Vitasta.'"* Her brother Kshitipati, lord of Lohara was a great warrior, a patron of poets equal in fame to Bhoja, a clever logician and a liberal protector of Pandits. He overcame the prowess of Rajapnri. He associated with Vairagts and became a devotee of Vishnu. 3 The son of Subhata and Ananta was king Kalas'a. lie visited on his roving expeditions Lake Achehhoda and, " wandering over the plains marked by the hoofs of Indrayudha, he silenced the attendants of Kadambari, who sung the praises of Chandrapida. 4 He marched to Mount Kailasa and penetrated to the town of the Yakshas, whence returning he brought golden lotuses with him from Lake M&nasa. On fleet coursers he crossed the sandy desert 1 XVIII. 33-39; compare Bajatar. TIL 135-435. 2 XVIII. 40-46. Eajatar. VII. 152,180, seqq. 3 XVIII. 47-50. Bajatar. VII. 251-25P. 4 This passage is interesting as it contains an allusion to Bana'e Kadambari, the scene of which is laid in the Himalaya. Bilhana apparently means to say that Kalat/a's beauty and bravery made the nymphs forget Chandiapidn, the lover of Kadambari, 10 INTRODUCTION. and, equalling king Jayapida 1 in bravery, be conquered tbe country of the Amazons. He finally undertook a successful expedition against Kuruksbetra. 2 His son was Harsliadeva, wbo was brave in battle and, as a poet surpassed even S'riharsha. 3 He composed sweet songs in many languages. 4 Harshadeva's younger brother was TJtkarslia, who, holding Lohara once the glory of Kshitipati, freed far and wide tbe earth from the hoof-prints of the Mlechchhas. 5 Another, son of Kalas'a, was called Vijayamalla. He was distinguished by bra- very, learning and beauty. 6 Then comes finally the account of the poet and his family, which I will give in his own words. (70.) li At a distance of one and a half Gaus (Kos) from Pravarapura lies a place with high-rising monuments, called Jayavana, where a pool, filled with pure water and sacred to Takshaka lord of snakes, cuts like a war-disc, the bead of Kali bent on the destruction of Dharma. (71.) Close to it is a village, Khonamukha by name, famed for the blessing of all excellence. The (mast) elephant Kali, afraid of bondage, as it were, enters not its precincts, covered by numerous sacrificial pillars shaped like tying-posts. (72.) What shall I sing of that spot, the ancient home of wonderful legends, tbe sportive embellishment of the bosom 1. Bajatar. IY. 586-88. 2. XVIII. 51-63. Bajatar. VII. 233-714. 3. Harshadeva of Kashmir has sometimes been credited with the authorship of various works belonging both to S'riharsha the son of Hira and to the earlier king S'riharsha. This passage is of importance, as it shows that a royal author S'riharsha — for to such a one alone can Harshadeva be fitly compared — existed before him. 4. XVIII. 64-66. Bajatar. VII. 610. seqq. o. XVIII. 67. Bajatar. VII. 256 and 57, 720 seqq. 6. XVIII. 68. Bajatar. VII. 788, 761 se$q. INTRODUCTION. ll of Mount II 1111*1 lay a ? One part bears the saftYon in its nativo loveliness, the other the grape, pale like a cut of juicy sugar- cane from Sarayu's banks. (73.) There dwelt some Brahmans, whoso minds wero bent on Brahma, skilled in raising high the famed race of K»s'iky IJhargava in the guise of sharp arrows, a bar, as it were, prevents even to day the free advance of the sea. (99.) If he retraced his steps from that bridge, which, causing the head of the sea to become bald, appears like the nurse who ran after her foster daughter ravished by the lord of Lanka, and was startled at hearing the news that Slid was with the Itakshasas, still his fame did not turn back. (100.) That chief of wise men turning his face from common princes roamed, full of curiosity, leisurely over the Southern land. How shall I sing of the high bosoms of the fair ones there, from whom the God with the five arrows is happy to learn as a pupil ? (101.) There the lucky poet received from the Chdluhya king, the terror of the Cholas, the dignity of Chief Pandit, distinguished by the grant of a blue parasol and a mast elephant. Since that time princely Fortune held him in eager, firm em- brace, with armlets jingling on her sportively encircling arms. (102.) He, the tale of whose fame the elephants even guardians of the quarters of heaven, heard with tremors of joy, when the bees were sent to sleep by tasting their ichor, has composed this truly lovely poem out of affection for the prince of Karndta May it be an ornament of the throats of the learned. (103.) I have gained wealth in every quarter, I have won blessings worthy of the virtuous, in disputes with worthy ad- versaries I have gained everywhere high fame of victory. May I soon hold converse with the Kashmirians, who are virtuous and praised for their cleverness in extracting the quintessence of matters. (104.) I have gained some favours from kings, I have seen gome bits of splendour, I have studied some compositions, by 16 INTRODUCTION. my qualities I have conquered some rivals. Thus I have toiled, in ignorance, for many worthless objects. Now my heart filled with pure knowledge longs for the river of the immortals. (105.) Some pious favourites of Parvati, with tranquil hearts practising Yoga, pass in their age the remainder of their days on the banks of the Mandakini, that are softened by wind- raised murmuring waves. (106.) Princes of the earth! prosperity, the wilfully un- stable lightning of the cloud of fate, cannot be enchained ; incessantly sounds the drum that announces the departure of the breath of life ; worship then those true poets, who work the salvation of your bodies of glory through the nectar of their verse, and renouncing pride make them your spiritual guides. (107.) ye kings! abstain from opposing the attachment of true poets ; in sooth, pure fame comes to you through their favour ; pleased they composed that grave beautiful life of Earn a, angered they made ten-headed Havana the conqueror of the world, an object of derision. (108.) May the God, who is the first creator of the revealed texts, the dear husband of Parvati, give you intelligence to understand the sayings of true poets — he, who imitating the ways of the S'avaras frightened the moon-sickle placed on his crest, so that she concealed her deer in some distant hiding place. If this narrative is divested of its envelope of poetical bombast, the main facts, which Bilhana reports of his own life, are per- fectly credible. He was born at KJionamulclia, three miles from Pravarapura in a family of Madhyade'si Brahmans. His great- grandfather JKuktikalas'a, and his grandfather Bajalialas'a were Agnihotris and able to recite the Vedas. His father Jyeshtha- Icalas'a was a grammarian who wrote a commentary on the 1. A Brahinan of this nam© is mentioned. Rajatar. VII. 20 se^. ivruonrcTioN. 17 Mahuhhihhi/a. 1 His mother's namo was N;ig;ldevi. He had an elder brother Iahtardma and a younger brother called Auanda^ who both were Pandits and poets. Jiilhnna received his educa- tion in Kashmir and studied chiefly the Vedas, grammar as far as the Mahabhiishya, and poetics or Alamkfira. After finishing li is edueation, he left Kashmir and began that wandering life whioh is now as dear to the young Pandit and poet as it was in the palmy days of Hindu rule. Buna tells us in tho S'rlharshaoharita, that ho also left li is home and enjoyed tho freedom of the life of a wandering minstrel, though his family was wealthy. In our clays, too, wandering poets and Pandits may be met with all over India. I have received visits from such men, who came from the Punjab and from Oude. They had passed from one little native court in Northern India and Rajputana to the other, holding disputations, showing off their learning, and composing poetry extempore (S'ighrakavita) for the delectation of such princes as cared about the ancient lore and language of their country. Wherever they had succeeded in producing a favourable impression and in procuring Dakshina, they had stayed for longer periods, until their patrons had got tired of them or they had been ousted from favour by the efforts of the native Pandits. For every little principality has its Pandits who have a claim to the liberality of the Raja by right of inheritance, and these men guard their preserves most jealously against all outsiders. If an outsider succeeds in gaining a share of the prince's favour beyond the customary Dakshina, which is granted to all learned strangers, they will leave no stone unturned to drive the intruder away, and I have heard many a bitter complaint of the Matsarya, the jealousy shown by the Pandits enjoying fixed hereditary allowances against the wanderers. The tour of a Northern Pandit, if it 1. No copy of this work has as yet been found, nor haye I eyer eeeu it quoted. 18 INTRODUCTION. includes Rajputana and ends in Baroda and Bombay, lasts five or six years. Frequently, besides the courts of princes, the most renown- ed places of pilgrimage are likewise visited, and the Dharma receives its due share of attention, besides the Artha and Kama. In Bilhana's days the order of the grand tour was, of course, somewhat different. After leaving his native country lie made for the banks of the Jamna, along which the high-road from North -Western into Central India was situated then as now. The first town, in which he stopped for some time, was the sacred Tirtha, Mathurd; thence he crossed over northwards to the Ganges and visited Kdnoj* Fol- lowing apparently the course of the latter river, he arrived at its confluence with the Jamna at Praydga, (Allahabad,) and final- ly at Bandras.^ This town appears to have been the eastern- most point in his travels. It would seem that either at Banaras or in travelling back westwards he made the acquaintance of Kama, a prince holding Ddhala or Ddlidla. The latter name is stated -1 to be an equivalent of Chedi or Bandelkhand, an explanation which is confirmed by the statement that Karna had conquered the hill fort Kalanjara, situated south-west of Allahabad close to the Vindhya range. The poet's residence at Karna's court appears to have been of considerable duration and one of the brilliant points in his career, as he mentions his victory over the poet Gangddhara and that he composed during his stay in Daha- la a poem in honour of Kama. For, the statement that he cooled by the floods of his song Ayodhyd the capital of the husband of Sita (XVIII. 94), seems to me rather to have this meaning than to point to a journey to Oude. 1. The spelling ^r^TK^f instead of WCPW is, I think, not a blunder of the copyist. The same form occurs also in other works written after 1,000 A. D. e. g. in the S'atrunjayamahatmya, which belongs to the loth century. 2. Compare the Pet. Diet, s, v. Dahala. Forbes Kas Mala I. 90. identifies D. with Tipera. IMTB00UCTI0X. 19 On leaving Kar#a the poet visited Western India, attracted no doubt by the fame of the courts of Dhurd and Aphilvdd? and the sanctify of SomonulJia iWlhan, the Celebrated temple of S'iva in Sorath. Tor some reason not stated, ho did however not gO io Dhara and thus missed seeing king Blioja. lie must, therefore, have taken one of the northern routes leading from Malva into Gujarat. In Anhilvad he seems to have been received badly, as he bitterly complains of the boorish manners of the Gujaratls. His blame of their language, ■which I think, refers to the execrable pronunciation both of Sanskrit and Prakrit prevailing in Gujarat, is well founded and my Gujarat! friends plead guilty also to the second charge about the tying of the Kakshabandha. After performing his devotions at Somanatha, Bilhana embarked, no doubt at the neighbouring port of Veraval, for the South of India. Tho town at which ho landed cannot be made out with certainty from his too indefinite statement. But I should say that it •was Honor© near Gokarna at tho extremity of the Konkana which Paras'ur&ma is said to have taken from the sea. He con- tinued his wanderings in the south for a considerable time and visited Rdmcs'vara. Thence he turned northwards and finally arrived in Kalyana, where king Vikrama gave him the office of Vidyapati or chief Pandit." He seems to have spent the rest of Ills life in Kalyana. For the longing which he expresses (verse 104), for a contemplative life on the banks of the Ganges, 1. Kama allied himself later with Bhimadeva I. of Anhilvad against Bhoja of Dhara, whom they defeated and slew, Ras Mala loc. cit. Perhaps the state of Kama's relations with Malva made it unadvisable for Bilhana to visit Bhoja's court. 2. The term Vidyapati is not of frequent occurrence. But it is found in a passage of the Rajatarangiui, which will be quoted below and in Dr. Bhau Dap's Chalisgain inscription J. R. As. Soc. new ser. I. 415, I 16. 20 INTRODUCTION. and the statement that ho turned from the vanities of this world to pure knowledge, show that he completed the Vikrainanka- devacharita in his old age. Bilhana's literary career and his wanderings over India fall in the third and fourth quarters of the eleventh century. To this period point his connexion with Vikramaditya — Tribhuvana- malla who reigned at Kalyana from 1076-1127 and his state- ments about the kings of Kashmir. Bilhana mentions two kings of Kashmir, Ananta and Kalas'a. From the expression "there was" (asit) used by him, it would appear that, at the time when the Vikrarnankadevacharita was written, Ananta was dead. Now we know from the Rajatarangini 2 that Ananta, after a reign of thirty-five years caused his son Kalas'a to be crown- ed king and that, though having nominally abdicated, he continued to hold the reins of government for fifteen years longer. At the end of that period he retired, disgusted with the wickedness of his son, to Vijayakshetra. Two years and six months later, when the hostility of the unnatural Kalas'a had reduced him to the last extremity of misery, he committed suicide and his queen Suryamati or Subhata became a Sati shortly afterwards. According to General Cunningham, whose dates of the later Kashmirian kings are more trustworthy than those given by Troyer and Wilson, Ananta s accession to the throne falls in the beginning of the year 1028 A. D., 3 and his death in 1080. Kalas'a's rule lasted from 1080-1088, while his coronation and the nominal beginning of his reign fall in 1062. If I am right in my interpreta- tion of the word dsit, it is clear that the Vikramankadevacharita must have been composed in the eighth decade of the eleventh 1. XVII. 33. 2. VII. 135-456. 3. Prinsep Antiq. II. 246, INTRODUCTION'. 21 century. IMiis is also proved by two other oircnmstanoes. Firstly the narrative of the Vikram&nkaoharita ends with a war against the Cholas 1 and knows nothing of the great expedition into Oentral India beyond the Narmada which Vikrania undertook in 1088. 2 Secondly we learn from a remarkable passage of the B&jatarangint, which confirms and amplifies Bilhana's state- ments regarding himself, that the poet lived to see Harsha, Kalas'as son on the throne. This passage Raj. VII. 936-938, which on account of a misprint ftSffl for faFH in the Calcutta edition and of Mr. Troyer's utterly mistaken rendering, has not attracted attention, runs as follows : K^r t^i *h ffm^ ^mn i| M<* || 3 936. c< When Bilhana, who left Kashmir in the reign of Ka- las'a, whom Parmddi, lord of Karnata, made his chief Pandit, 4 — - 937. Whose parasol, when he travelled on elephants through Karnata-land, was seen borne aloft before the king, — 938. Heard that liberal Harshadeva behaved like a brother to true poets, he thought even so great a splendour a deception." My emendation of this passage will, I trust, receive general 1. XVII. 43 seqq. 2. Jour. R. A. Soc. IV. p. 15. Another inscription referring to this raid has been discovered by General Cunningham. Regarding the expedi- tion of 1081 against the Pa-las or rather Pallavas see below. 3. WT ; Rc^ u Jl, Calcutta edition. 4. Mr. Troyer has changed the Vidyapati or chief Pandit to a statue of Brihaspati, ^vhich rannadi jwescntcd to the Kashinirians ! 22 INTRODUCTION. assent, as Parmadi is a well known surname of Tribhuvanamalla — ■ Vikrainaditya, and as Bilhana's own statements as to his posi- tion and the honours paidio him in Kalyana (XVIII. 106) agree exactly with Kalhana's words. If, therefore, Bilhana lived to see Harshadeva's accession to the throne, which happened in 1088, the Vikramankadevacharita, which speaks of Harsha as a prince, must have been written before that date. The statement of the Kajatarangini that Bilhana left Kash- mir during the reign of king Kalas'a must, however, be referred to the time between 1062-1030, when Kalas'a was nominal ruler, not to the period of his actual reign. For, as Bilhana travelled over a great part of India, stopping in various towns for some time and as he had stayed at Vikrama's court a number of years before he wrote the Charita, the period of eight years between 1080-1088 is not long enough to contain all these events. It seems therefore, highly probable that the departure of Bilhana from Kashmir took place shortly after Kalas'a's first coronation in 1062 and the following additional arguments may be adduced in support of this assertion. Firstly a period of twenty to twenty-five years is not too long to be filled by the poet's wanderings and residence at Kalyana. Secondly Pandits usually go on their travels at the age of 20-26. As Bilhana states XVIII. 86 that he left his country after completing his studies, it must be supposed that he did so about the same age. Now, in the Vikramankadevacharita, he also professes as mentioned above, that he has done with the vanities of this world and longs for the life of a Samnyasi. Consequently he must have been an old man — at least for India — of about 50 years, and this consideration also re- 1. See J. E. As. Soc. IV. 4. The title is also used iu the Kuinarapa- lacharita. 2. See XVIII. 101, where the poet gives clearly to understand that he had enjoyed the favour of his patron for a long time. INTRODUCTION. 2t quires that the period between bis departure and tlie composition of the CkftTita should ho a long one. Thirdly ho states, Vikr. XVIII. 91 the fact that ho was patro- nized by Kama of Ddhala and ibid. I. 102-103 he narrates that Somes'vara I. destroyed the kingdom of Ddhala and de- feated or slew its ruler Karna. It is very probable that the name Kama mentioned in the two passages, refers to the same person and that Bi lb ana's visit occurred previous to the inroad of Some- s'vara. Now the latter died about 1069. Bilnana's stay in Dahala must therefore have fallen before this date. Finally Bilhana speaks of Bhoja of Dhdrd as of a contemporary whom lie did not visit, though he might have done so. It is not im- possible that Bhoja was alive in 1062-G5, though Lassen places him earlier. But he was certainly dead in 1080. All these circumstances are, I think, amply sufficient to esta- blish my assertion, that Bilhana left his country between 1062- 1065 and wrote the Vikramankacharita at an advanced age about 108o, and that his travels and literary activity fall in the third and fourth quarters of the eleventh centuiy. As regards Bilhana s compositions, he must have written .1. The date of Bhoja is unfortunately not yet satisfactorily ascer- tained. Lassen places his reign between 997-1053 (J. A. III. 844). But the only certain date in his reign is the year 1043 in which his Karana, the Rajamriganka, is dated. My reasons for placing him later are firstly that Bilhana states that during Bhoja's reign Somes'vara I. (1040-1069) took Dhaiu by storm and 2udly that Kalhana asserts Eajatarangini VII. 259, that Bhoja and Kshithuja or Kshitipati were in the time after 1062 the only true friends of poets. Kalhana says, tasmin kshauetulyam dvavastamkavibaudhavau, and this tasmin kshane, "at that moment, 11 refers to the period, when, after the coronation of Kalas'a in 1062, Kshithuja had become a Samnyasi and sometimes visited king Ananta in order to console him. 24 introduction; besides the Panchas'ika and the Vikramankakavya several other works. I have already pointed out that Vikram. XVIII. 94: indicates that he composed a Ramacharita or Eamastu- ti. In S'arngadhara's Paddhati, the contents of which have now become generally accessible through Professor Aufrecht's excellent analysis Zeitschft D. M. Ges. XXVIII. 1-120, a great many verses of Bilhana s are quoted which are found in neither of his two known works. 2 Professor Aufrecht thinks that he composed also a handbook of poetics or an Alam- karas'astra. Further researches in the unexplored libraries will, it is to be hoped, produce other works of our author. His compo- sitions deserve to be rescued from oblivion. For, though he shares many of the faults of his brother poets as their coarseness and their conventionalism in descriptions, he possesses a spark of genuine poetical fire. Eeally beautiful passages occur in every canto. One of the most touching is the description of Ahava- malla's death, a metrical translation of which will be given else- where. Bilhana' s verse is flowing and musical, and his language comparatively speaking simple. He professes to write in the Vaidarbhi riti. 1. It ought to be stated, that the Panchas'ika is sometimes attributed to a poet called Chaura. But both its style and the fact that S'arn- gadhara, who lived in the 14th century assigns it to Bilhana, settle the question ; compare also Aufrecht Oxf. Cat, loc. cit. Bhoja quotes the Panchas'ika in the Saras vatikanthabharana, but not the Vikramanka- devacharita. 2. I find the following verses of the Vikramankadevacharita quoted in the Paddhati loc. cit. p. 55; I. 27. 29 ; VII. 22. 23. 71 ; VIII. 6. 8. 10. 14.16.21. 70.75.78; X. 39. 42; XI. 83; XIII. 84. Introduction, hi. Proceeding to tlio analysis of tho first sovcntccn Sarins of tliO Yikramfmkakavya which tre.it of tho history of tho Chalukyas in general and of Vikramaditya in particular, I shall givo tho wholo of their contents as far as they aro of any importanco. In order to enable the reader to form an exact estiraato of tho work, 1 shall closely follow tho text and relegate to the notes all my own interpretations and such additions to tho poet'3 statements as can be supplied from tho inscriptions of this dynasty which have been published by Sir W. Elliott, and from other sources. Bilhana's narrative is unfortunately very uneven. lie first gives somo notices regarding the origin of the Chfilnkya race and tho earlier kings of tho restored dynasty which begins with Taila- pa. But theso aro very fragmentary. Next ho gives a littlo fuller account of the deeds of Yikramadifya's father, but does not attempt a connected narrative of his reign. After that, tho events immediately preceding his hero's birth and tho history of* the latter's youth are given in tho style of a chronicler. When he comes to the wars, fought by Vikrama before his accession to the throne, he relapses into the rhapsodic treatment of his sub- ject. The following portion which treats of Ahavamalla's death, Vikrama's exploits during tho reign of his brother Sornes'vara II., of his accession to tho throne, and of the history of tho two first years of his reign is again a kind of chronicle, though it is unduly enlarged by the introduction of irrevelant poetical descriptions of the seasons and of court amusements, tn tho last and concluding part Bilhana gives mere fragmentary notes on events that occurred in tho later career of his hero, Brahma, Bilhana saysj was once engaged in his Samdhya. devotions, when Indra came to him to complain of the grow- ing godlessness on earth and begged him to put an end to it 26 INTRODUCTION. by creating a hero who would be a terror to the evil- doers. On hearing this request the Creator directed his looks towards his Chuluka or water vessel and from it sprung a handsome warrior fit to protect the three worlds. From him descended the Chalukyas a race of heroes, among whom Edrita is reckoned as first progenitor and Mdnavya arose who humbled the kings of the earth. 2 The original seat of the Chalukyas was Ayodhya. Some of them desirous of victory extended their conquests thence to the reign of the betel-palms in the South, " where the tusks of their elephants wrote the records of their victories on the sands of the ocean-shore that witnesses the secrets of the Cholas. Narrow was the realm of Vibhishana to them and their horses roamed as far as the snowy mountains." 3 In course of time, Tailajpa (973-997) became the ornament of the Chalukya race, a mighty warrior, who utterly destroyed 'those thorns of the earth, ' the Rashtrakutas. 4 After him ruled Satyds'raya (997-1008) who surpassed Bhar- gava in the skillful use of his bow. He was succeeded by Ja- yasimlia (1018-104:0) who after a long career, glorious through 1. I. 31-56; compare Jour. R. A. Soc. IV. 8. extract from the Handarki inscription. 2. I. 58; compare Jour. E. A. S. Soc. loc. cit. ; the Mangalis'a plate Indian Ant. III. 305 and Jour. R. A. S. new ser. I. 255. 3. I. 63-67 ; compare Jour. R. As. S. IV. 6, 12 where Sir W. Elliott states according to his inscriptions that fifty-nine princes of this dynasty reigned at Ayodhya and other places. 4. I. 69-73; compare Jour. R. A. S. IV. 6. Lassen J. A. IV. 103. Bilhana has left out this king's expedition against Malva, which is mentioned in liis inscriptions and admitted in the Bhojacharitra. Ac- cording to the latter Mmrja was captured and killed by Tailapa, but avenged by his successor. 5. I. 74-78, compare Joar. R. As.^Soc. IV. 13. Lassen loc. cit. He is also called Satyas n. imraoDuoTiov. 27 numerous victories, ''received a garland, culled from the P&rij&ta tree, from India's own hands."* After him oame his son Ahavamalladeva, (101Q-C9) called also Trailokyamalla, who in songs, tales and dramas was celebrated as ' the second Rama.' lie conquered the Cholas? he stormed Dhdrd tho capital of the Pramdras in Malaya, from which king Bhoja had to flee. 4 He caused countless sacrifices to be offered and by his liberality ho surpassed tho Chintamani, tho wish-granting philosopher's stone. llo utterly destroyed tho power of Karna, king of Ddhala. 5 IIo erected a pillar of vic- tory on the shore of the ocean. 6 He personally vanquished the king of Dravida 'who had run to encounter him' and stormed Kdncht, the capital of tho Cholas, driving its ruler into the jungles. 7 1. I. 79-86, compare Jour. E. A. Soc. IV. 13. Lassen 1. c. IV. 104. The phrase that Jayasimha received a garland of Pirija-ta flowers from Indra means probably that he was killed in battle. Usually the Apsa- rases are said to choose tho dying warriors as husbands aud to throw tho Svayainvaramala- on their necks. Between Satyas'raya and Jaya- simha, the elder brother of the latter Vikramaditya who according to the inscriptions reigned from 1008-1018, has been left out. 2. I. 87. The real name of this king is Somes'vara (I.). Bilhana always uses in its stead the honorific titles or Birudas given above. His reason is probably that, as Vikrama's hated brother and predecessor was also named Somes'vara (II.), he did not like to call the father to whom Vikrama was much attached, by the same name. 3. I. 90. 4. I. 91-96. 5. I. 102 and 103. The two verses contain a pun on the word Jcarna, which means ' ear' and is also a N. pr. Compare above pp. IS and 23. 6. I. 111. 7. I. 114-117. From Bilhana^ statement it might seem that the Dravida aud the Chola were two different persons. But all through the Charita the two names are treated as synonyms, compare e. g. V. 28, 29, 43, 60, 61, 77, 79, 84, 85, 89; VI. 2, 4, 7,9, 22. In 28 INTKODUCTION. He beautified Kahjdna so that it surpassed in splendour all other cities of the earth. But in the midst of his victories and his prosperity, Aliava- walla was tormented by a deep sorrow. For he had no heir. At last he formed the resolution to lay aside for a while all princely pomp and to perform, together with his queen, severe penance in order to obtain a son through S'iva s favour. He, therefore, made over the kingdom to the care of his ministers and retired to a temple of S'iva. There the royal couple slept on the bare ground and entirely gave themselves up to devotional practices and to the service of the temple. The king gathered flowers for the worship of his guardian deity with his own hands and the queen swept the floor of the temple and smeared it with cowdung. After they had spent some time in this manner, the king, one morniDg when engaged in his prayers, heard a heaven- ly voice, which announced to him that S'iva, pleased with his faith and penance, was willing to grant him three sons, the second of whom would surpass in valour and virtues all the princes of the olden times. " Two sons, the voice added, will be born to thee by virtue of the merit acquired by thy works, but the second will come to thee by my favour alone." The the same way Kuntala and Karnata are used as synonyms to designate the kingdom of the Chalukyas. — Regarding the wars of Ahavamalla compare Jour. As. Soc. IV. 13 and Lassen J. A. IV. 105. The inscriptions support Bilhana's statement that Ahavamalla conquered the Chola king who had made an inroad into Kuntala, but they assert that the latter was slain. Erom Bilhana's statement it would appear, that there was more than one Chola war. The defeat of Bhoja is also mentioned in the inscriptions. But Dahala does not occur in the list of conquests, though it includes many countries of Central, Eastern a and Northern India. X. II, 1-25, The word =^SFK ' he made 7 might be also taken to Indicate that he founded Kalyaua. But this was not the case, as the town existed long before his time^ compare e. g< Ind. Ant, I, 20-9, INTRODUCTION. 29 king, highly rejoicing, acquainted Lii wife witb these auspi- cious news, performed the ceremonies required to complete his vow, gave rich presents to tlio Brahmins, and resumed tho government. In duo tiino, tho queen Lore a beautiful son who, " since ho fed the eyes of (lie king, jnst as Soma, the moon, feeds tho Cha- koras," received (he name Soma (Somes'vara). Tho king was, however, not satisfied. Remembering tlio predictions of tho heavenly voice, ho anxiously longed for the birth of his second BOn. At last ho saw tlio cheek of the queen again become pale. He testified his joy by showering gold on the Brahmins and by making other thanks-offerings. During this second pregnan- cy tlio queen had wonderful cravings which presaged tho futuro greatness of tho child sho carried. Sometimes sho desired to plaoe her feet on tho elephants that guard tho points of tho horizon ; sometimes sho called on the nymphs, that arc tlio guardian deities of the quarters of the Universe, to shampoo her feet, and at other times she eyed the swords as if desirous to drink ' tho water of their steel/ Great precautions were taken to ensure tho safety of her precious burden. Tlio lying-in chamber was secured by powerful spells and efficacious herbs and carefully guarded by learned Brahmins. At last, in a most auspieious hour and under a most favourable conjunction of the planets, the eagerly desired son was born. Flowers fell from the sky, Indra's 1. II. 25-5S. The king's performing penance for the sake of a son is in harmony with Hindu customs aud in itself not in the least in- credible. But in this and subsequent portions of Bilhana's narrative there is an evident design of representing Vikrama as the special favourite of the gods and as such entitled to oust his elder brother from the throne. This circumstance ought to be taken into account in considering the credibility of the facts related regarding the internal history of Aha- Vamalla's family. 2. II. 57.5S. SO INTRODUCTION. drum resounded and, as the gods rejoiced in heaven, so a festive tumult, the recitations of the bards and the songs of the dancers, filled Ahavamalla's palace. 1 The child s marvellous lustre, which announced its future great- ness, induced the king to call him Vikramdditya. 2 He throve and grew up a handsome and strong boy, the favourite of his father. Early he showed in his plays that he was destined to be a mighty warrior and conqueror. He loved to chase the royal swans, the Rajahamsas, and to tease the lionwhelps in their cages. Later he acquired the various Lipis or alphabets and the art of using the bow. " Sarasvati also, the giver of poetry and eloquence, kissed his lotus-mouth." 3 Not long after Vikrama, the third promised son was born. He received the name Jayasimlia. After a while when Ahavamalla saw that Vilcramdditya, who had grown up to manhood, had acquired all 'sciences' and was anxious for the battle-feast, he conceived the plan of making him Yuvaraja and thus to designate him as his successor. But, as soon as he opened his mind to the prince, the latter, respectfully but firmly, refused the offered favour, alleging that the dignity of Yuvaraja belonged by right to his elder brother. In this refusal he persisted when his father re- presented to him that both Suva's word and the decree of the stars pronounced him to be destined for the succession. Finding that Vikrama was not to be moved, the king raised Somes' vara 1. II. 59-91. 2. Bilhana uses the following vicarious forms for this name, Vikra- manka, Vikramankadeva, and "Vikramalanchhana. Elsewhere the forms Vikramadityadeva and Vikramarka occur. His Birudas are, Tribhuvana- malla ( Bilhana, inscript.) Parmadi (Kalhana, inscript. and Kniniira- palach.), Kali vikrama (inscript.) 3. III. 1-24. 4. III. 25. The existence of the third son of Ahayamalla is not men- tioned in the published inscriptions. INTRODUCTION. Zi to tho rank of Yuvaraja. Royal fortune and tlio lovo of ilio father, however, olung to Vikrama alone. IIo bore also, the burden of the duties of tho king and of tho Yuvaraja, ' just as the prime" val tortoise carries the serpent S'esha and tho earth." 1 With tho permission of Ahavamalla, Vikrama, then, set out on a series of warlike expeditions.- Ho repeatedly defeated the Cholat (III. 61, M, 65, G6; IV. 22-28) and plundered Kaneht. He lent liis assistance to the king of Mdlava, who came to him for pro- tection, to regain his kingdom (ill. G7) and carried his arms as far north as Gaiula and Kdmarupa. IIo attacked also the king of Simhala or Ceylon, who fled before him to the hermitage of the husband of Lopamudra (ill. 77 ; IV. 20). He destroyed tho sandal wood forests of the Malaya hills and slew the Lord of Kerala (IV. 1-18.) He, finally, conquered Gangakunda (IV. 21), Vengi (IV. 29) and Chakrakota (IV. 30). 3 After having accomplished these brilliant exploits Vikrama turned homewards. He had come as far as the Krishna, when he suddenly was disquieted by tho appearance of unfavourable omens which announced some great impending misfortune. 1. III. 26-59. This part of the narrative of Vikrama' s life, also, which strongly puts forward his fitness for tho throne and his gene- rosity to the less able Soines'vara, looks as if it had been touched up in order to whitewash V.'s character and to blacken that of his enemy. 2. III. 60— IV. 30. 3. Bilhana's rhapsodic treatment of this portion of Vikrama^s career makes it impossible to determine the chronological order of these wars. Only so much may be considered certain that his last exploits wero performed in the South, as he came on his homeward march to the Krish- nft. — The assertion that Vikrama defeated the kings of Gauda and Kaina- rupa sounds very strange. It is, however, possible that he made with his cavalry a raid into their territories. — Vengi (not Chengi as the text reads) is the coast country between the Godavari and the Krishna- and belonged about this time to the Cholas (see below). Gangakunda, or Gandakunda as the MS. has prima manu, must have been another Chola dependency, compare below VI. 21. 82 tftTfcOi)UCTtOK. He stopped his march and performed on the banks of the river S'antis or propitiatory ceremonies intended to avert the threatened evil. Whilst he was still engaged in these rites, he saw the chief messenger of his father coming from the capi- tal, with a face that clearly announced him to be the bearer 1 of bad news. The prince asked the Halkar at once for news of Akavamalla, since already on the appearance of the omens he had been anxious about the Welfare of the latter. Reluctantly and with many tears the messenger told the dismal story of Ahavamalla's sudden illness and death. 1 The king, he said, had been supremely happy on learning his son s success against the Chola, Pandya and Simhala. 2 In the midst of his rejoicings he had been attacked by a malignant fever. Finding that all remedies were of no avail, he had resolved to finish his life in the Tungabhadrd, the Ganga of the south. 3 With the consent of his ministers he had travelled to the sacred stream and had died in its waves, meditating on S'iva. 4 On the receipt of these news Vihramdditya was deeply affect-* ed and loudly manifested his grief. At first he refused to be consoled and had to be disarmed lest he should attempt his own life. After a while he recovered and performed the fune- ral ceremonies on the banks of the Krishna. 1. IV. 31-43. 2. It is to be noted that the expeditions to Central and Eastern India are not mentioned again and that order of the wars differs from that given above. 3. The same epithet is applied to the Inngabhadra in the Inscriptions. 4. IV. 44-68. Verse 58 contains a regular confession of Ahava* malla's faith in S'iva, Lassen's conjecture J. A* IV. 105 that he became a Jaina, appears without foundation. Indian princes will build temples for many strange gods, without forsaking their Kuladevata or Ishtadevata. The Kuladevata of the Chalukyas of Kalyana appears to have been Vishnu, as they use the boar as their emblem* INTRODUCTION. 33 After that ho set out for Kalyana in order to console his brother. Somcs'vara came out to meet him and received him affectionately. Tho two brothers lived for sometimo after in concord and friendship. Vikrama, though superior to Somc- s'vara by his talents, honoured tho latter as tho chief of his houso and his king. He also presented him with the booty which he had made in his wars. 1 After a while, however, Somcs'vara fell into evil courses. Pride obscured his judgment, he becamo suspicious, cruel, and avaricious, so that ho tarnished tho glory of the Chalukya race and all right-minded persons fell away from him. He even tried to do harm to his brother. "When tho latter saw, that he was unable to restrain the king from evil and had to fear for his life and good name, he left Kalyana to- gether with all his followers. He, also, took with him the youngest son of Ahavamalla, Jayasimha, as he did not think him safe, whilst living near the king. Somes' vara, on learning that bis brothers had fled, sent an army in pursuit of them. Vihra- mdditya, unwilling to make war against his brother, avoided it for a time. But, when finally compelled to fight, he destroyed it ' like one mouthful.' Other forces which were despatched after him in succession, suffered the same fate, until these re- peated losses forced Somes'vara to desist from persecuting his more talented brother. " Vikrama, on being left to himself marched towards the Tunga- bliadrd, on whose bank ho rested his army for some time. 1. IV. 69-96. Bilhana is again very careful to point out Vikra- ma'3 excellence and his generosity towards his brother in order to show that his hero gave no cause for tho subsequent disagreements. 2. IV. 97— V. 9. Compare Jour. As. Soc. IV. 14. 3. The Tungabhadra apparently formed the southern frontier of the Chalukj-a kingdom and beyond it lay the dominions of the Chola ; compare also below ys. 56, where Vikrama is requested to recede to the Tungabhadra. Si INTRODUCTION, Then he became anxious to fight the Chola and spent some time in the province of Vanavasa. When he resumed his march, the trumpets of his army remind* ed the kings of Malay ades' 'a of his former great deeds. Jayake- s'£, 3 the king of the KonTcan, came to him and brought presents. The lord of Alupa* made his submission and received benefits in return. The wives of the king of Kerala wept when they thought of Vikrarna's former deeds 5 . The Chola king, finally, feeling that we was unable to with* stand Vikrama s approaching army, sent an ambassador to meet the Chalukya prince and to ask for his friendship, to cement which he offered his daughter's hand. Vikrama agreed to stop 1. Vanavasa (Banavasi), situated in the corner between the Ghats, the Tungabhadra and Varada, appears at this time to have formed part of the Chalukya kingdom, and was held for them by a branch of the Kadamba family, see Jour. B. As. Soc. IV. 37. — Vikrama 1 s march must have been directed from Kalyana to the south-west. He may possibly have passed a corner of the Chola territory in order to reach Vanavasa. Thus the statement that he was anxious to fight the Chola may find its explanation. 2. It would seem that after leaving Vanavasa, Vikrama descended into the country below the Ghats and first marched northwards return- ing later to the south, 3. This Jayakes'i was the second prince of the name, who belonging to the Kadamba race ruled over Goa (Gopakapura). The friendship which he formed with Parmadi or Vikramaditya — Tribhuvanamalla is mentioned in the Kadamba inscriptions published by Mr. Fleet, as well as the fact that Jayakes'i II. married Vikrama's daughter Mailala, compare Jour. Bo. Br. E. As. Soc. IX. 231, 232, 273. His daughter Mainaladevi (Mailala ?) became the wife of king Kama of Anhilvad and the mother of the famous Jayasimha Siddharaja, see Kumarapalacharita I. 66 and Forbes Eas Mala I. 107. 4. Apparently a town on the coast. Mr. Fleet's inscript. Nro. II. Jour. B. B. E. A. S. IX. 278 and 282, states that Jayakes'i I. conquered Alupa. At the time of Vikrama's visit it may have been in the possession of a side branch of the Kadambas. 5. Bilhana refers to the defeat of the Kerala king, mentioned IV. IS. INTRODUCTION. 3.j bis expedition and to retire to ilio Tungahhadrd where the Cho- la king promised to meet him. The retreat to the river was arranged in order to save appearances, lest it should be said that the Chola had proffered his friendship through fear. Ac- cordingly the king and the prince met ; the former was humble and the latter generous to his former foe. They were pleased with each other and Vikrama's marriage with the Cliola princess was duly celebrated. The king then departed. 1 Shortly after- wards while Vikrama was still tarrying on tlio Tungabhadra, tlio news reached him that his father-in-law was dead and that the Chola kingdom was in a state of anarchy. He at once start- ed for tho south in order to place his wife s brother on the throne. He entered Kdncld and put the rebels there under his heel. Next he visited Gdngakunda, destroyed the armies of the enemy and finally secured the throne to the Chola prince. After a month's further stay in Kanch! he returned to the Tungabhadra. 2 But his expedition was not to have any lasting effects. A 'few days' after his return, he learned that his brother-in-law had lost his life in a fresh rebellion 3 and that Iicijiga, the lord of Vcngi, had taken possession of the throne of Kfinchi. 1. V. 28- VI. 3. 2. VI. 6-25. 3. I conclude thisA-om the expression ■ prakritivirodhahatasya chola- siiuoh' (vs. 26), which I translate by *-of the Chola prince, who had been slain in consequence of a disagreement with his subjects. 1 It might be taken to mean " of the Chola prince, who had been killed ( by Rajiga ) inconsequence of an inveterate enmity.'' But the statement, made above, that after the death of the old Chola monarch a rebellion broko out, which had to be quelled by Vikrama, speaks in favour of the former interpretation. 4. Th© mistake in the text (vs. 26) Wf- for %\lg was caused by my consulting Prof. H. H. Wilson's Cat. Mackenzie Coll. before my at- tention was drawn to Sir W» Elliott's second article on the CLalukyas 36 INTRODUCTION. Vilirama at once prepared himself to march against the usurper ; but the latter in order to save his newly acquired throne asked Somadeva of Kalyana to make an alliance with him against their common enemy. Somes'vara, thinking that a favourable opportunity to destroy his hated brother had been found, eagerly accepted Eajiga's offer, though the hereditary enmity between the Cholas and the Chalukyas ought — at least in Bilhana's opinion — to have prevented such a step. 1 He watched Vikrama's movements and followed him so closely on his march to the south, that, when Eajiga's army had, at last, been reached by Vikrama, Somes'vara's forces were encamped not far off in his rear. When Vikrama became aware of the hostile in the Journ. Madras L. and Sc. Soc. Vol. VII. That paper not only shows that Vengi is the correct reading, but affords also the key to this portion of Bilhana's narrative. Sir W. Elliott, shows that a branch of the Cholas had established itself in Vengides'a, the eastern coast between the Krishna and the Godavari, and had extended its conquests thence to the frontiers of Katak ( Cuttack). This kingdom passed by marriage to Eajendra Chola. " He was succeeded by his son Vikramadeva, surnamed Kulottunga Chola. On the death of his uncle Vijayaditya, who had been viceroy of Vengides'a, the king deputed his son Eajaraja to assume the office ; but after holding it for one year A. D. 1078, he resigned it in favour of his younger brother Viradeva Chola, who assumed the title of Kulottunga Chola. His grants are found in great numbers from A. D. 1079 up to the year 1135, when a partial restoration of the Chalukya line appears to have taken place.' ; I think there can be no doubt that Bilhana's Eajiga is the Eajaraja of the inscriptions, as the former name appears to be only a popular corruption of the latter and as the time, when they are said to have ruled over Vengi, is nearly the same. If this identification is correct, it follows that the Chola king whose daughter Vikramaditya married was Vikramadeva-Kulottunga and that the Chola prince, whom Vikramaditya established on the throne, was a brother of Eajaraja- Eajiga. Probably the interference of the Chalukya prince was the cause of his protegees losing his throne and his life. 1. Bilhana, in uttering this sentiment, forgets that a short time pre- vious his hero had formed a matrimonial alliance with the same Chola race. iNTnonrcTioN'. 37 intentions of his brother, ho was deeply distressed, feeing averse from a fratricidal war. ITo sent friendly messages to Somes'vara and made attempts at a reconciliation with him. Somes'v<k apparently accepted his brother's advances; but, in reality ho meditated treachery, soiling the fair name of his race. ITo only temporised in order to find a favourable moment for strik- ing a deadly blow. Even when Vikrama became aware of this, lie was still unwilling to encounter his brother on the battle-field. It was only at tho express command of S'iva, who, appearing to him in a dream, ordered him to fulfil his destiny and to become a great ruler, that he consented to an appeal to arms. On the morning after the vision had appeared, a hard contested battle was fought in which the victory finally remained with Vikrama. Iuijiga fled and Somes'vara was taken prisoner. Immediately after the battle Vikrama returned to the Tunga- bhadrfi. He, at first, intended to restore his captive brother to liberty and to the throne. But S'iva interposed a second time and angrily commanded him to assume the sovereignty. Then Vikrama obeyed the order of the God and allowed himself to be pro- claimed ruler of the Dekhan. 1. VI. 26-99. — According to the inscriptions Jour. As. Soc. IV. 14 this battle was fought in 1076. The inscriptions contain also the same state- ments regarding Somes'vara — Bhuvanaikamalla's character, though no mention is made of the circumstance that the latter was aided by tho Chola king in the battle which cost him the throne. It is, however, doubtful if Vikrama, in acquiring the throne of Kalyana was merely a victim of destiny, as Bilhana wishes to make out. It looks very suspicious "that the poet finds himself obliged to bring in S'iva three times in order to vindicate the course of action taken by his hero. Vikrama's alliances with the Kadamba Jayak'es'i and the Chola seem, also, to indicate that he, on his side, was preparing himself for coming events or had far reaching designs. Lastly what one sees and hears now of Rajput life, makes one cautious in believing that one brother should have dethroned the other merely through the latter's fault. There are no doubt touching instances of strong family affection in 38 INTRODUCTION. To bis youngest brother Jayasimlia Vikrama gave the office of viceroy of Vanavdsa. 1 Shortly afterwards he made fur- ther expeditions, by which he subdued everybody and every thing in the four quarters of the universe excepting only the elephants that guard the points of the horizon. Against whom these wars were waged is not stated. But ' when the multi- tude of the kings had been exhausted,' Vikrama once more had to 'extinguish' the Chola. 2 Then only he entered his capital of Kalyana. 3 The time of Vikrama' s arrival in Kalyana fell in spring, the season of pleasure and love. The king also was destined to undergo its influence and to become a slave to the gentle passion. He learnt that the S'ilahara prince, ruling over Karahata, possessed a daughter Chandralekha or Chandaladevi by name, who, being endowed with marvellous beauty, was by the order of Parvati to hold a Svayamvara. The minute inventory of the princess' charms beginning with her toe-nails and end- ing with her raven tresses, which was to be given to Vikrama, set his heart on fire. A spy was despatched to Karahata in order to see what his chances might be. During the time of this persons absence Vikrama' s passion grew to such an extent, that his limbs wasted away and pallor overspread his Rajput families. But, in general, a great amount of jealousy and dissension prevails, caused partly by the system of polygamy, which among the Eajputs is de rigueur as a matter of etiqnette, and partly by the uncurbed ambition of these races. Considering all these points I am inclined to give the verdict against Vikrama and Bilhana and to assume that the former designedly used his superior talents to- oust his weaker brother. 1. VI. 99 compare also XIV. 4. 2. Possibly, by the " multitude of kings,'' (naranathachakra) whom Vikrama subdued, rebellious Samantas or feudal chiefs may have to be understood. The statement that he had again to fight the Chola* detracts from the magnitude of his former victory. 3. VII, 1-2, INTRODUCTION. 39 face. But lils torment was quickly allayed, when the messenger returned with excellent news. IIo reported that Chandralekhu, on hearing of Vikrama, had fallen in lovo with him, that sho Wished to elect him for her husband and that her father's wishes coincided with her own. Ilo concluded his speech by exhorting Vikrama to set out at onco for Karahata, as the Svavamvara was to take place immediately. The king hastened on the wings of lovo to that u capital of Cupid," where many other princes had already assembled' The chief of Karahata received him respectfully and affectionately. After the rites of hospitality had been performed, Vikrama entered the hall where the Svayamvara was to be held, and sat down among his rivals. In due time the princess, also, arrived, attended by her maidens and an elderly matron of the harem. The latter pointed out and described the great qualities of the as- sembled chiefs. Chandralekha heard unmoved the praises of the lord of Ayodhya, a descendant of Kama, of the kings of Chedi and Kanyakubja, of the ruler of the country watered by the Charnianvatl (Chambal), of the princes of Kalinjara, Go- pachala, Mtdava, Gurjara, Pandya and Chola. One by one she rejected them, signifying her displeasure by various contemp- tuous gestures. Her eyes sought the Chaluky.a and remained fixed on his face. When the other princes saw this, they lost all hope of success with the Patimvara and plainly manifested their disappointment and anger. But the Pratihararakshi, the attending matron, loudly approved the choice of the princess, who had selected a husband so noble, handsome, rich and brave, the conqueror of the allied Cholas and Chalukyas. She exhorted her to throw the garland over his neck. Chandra- lekha obeyed, the acclamations of the assembled multitude approved her act, and the happy pair at once proceeded to the nuptial Mandapa. 1 1. VII. o— IX. 152.— By giving in the seventh Sarga a lengthy de- 40 INTRODUCTION. After the wedding bad been celebrated, tbe rejected suitors departed. Many of them would have liked to give vent to their anger by deeds ; but fear of the great Chalukya restrain- ed them. Vikrama and his bride, happy in each others com- pany, enjoyed their newly found bliss and the pleasures of spring. In the morning they took walks in the garden. Vi- krama pointed out to Ckandralekhfi the beauties of the season. He seated her in a swing and swung her with his own hands. Later the whole harem was called out and the women amused themselves and the king with gathering flowers from the trees and creepers. Then, covered with the pollen of the blossoms, they went to a tank to bathe and to sport in the water. Fi- nally, in the evening, after enjoying the bright moonlight and after making a fresh toilet, the whole party sat down to a banquet at which Sura or Madhu, a highly intoxicating liquor, flowed in streams. The women were soon flushed by this drink scription of the effects of spring on the passions and of its amusements and by introducing a detailed description of Chandralekha's charms in the eigth Sarga, Bilhana has managed to fill nearly three cantos with the narrative of Vikrama's marriage. He has also succeeded in giving the story a very unreal appearance by imitating the Eaghnvams'a in the description of the Svayamvara. Nevertheless the main facts re- lated by him may be taken to be historical. For the name of Vikra- ma's wife Chandaladevi is preserved in the inscriptions vide Jour. As. Soc. IV. 13. From the inscriptions of the S'ilaharas it is also certain that this family ruled in Karahata, the modern Karhad (Kurrar), see ibid p. 282. Bilhana does not employ the name S'ilahara, but he calls Chandralekha twice, VIII. 3 and IX. 27 a Vidyadhara. The S'ilaharas bore this appellation by virtue of their descent from Jimuta- vahana. Tod's annals of Eajasthan and other works show that Svayamvaras occurred among the Rajputs until a very late period. From the great length and minuteness of the descriptions of Chandaladevi 's beauty, of her Svayamvara and of Vikrama's affection for her, it may be concluded that she was still the favourite when Bilhana wrote. iNTitonrcnoN. i 1 and their odd bohaviour anil Bpeeohea served to amuse the king. At the beginning of the hot season Vikrama proceeded to Kalyana. His entry caused a great commotion, especially anion- the fair sex. Tlio women, one and all, fell in lovo with their king and manifested their passion in various extravagant ways. Arrived at his palace the prince held a Darbar and then retired to the inner apartments, where, anointed with sandal oiiimont, he sought, in the com- pany of his wives, refuge from the heat in bath rooms cooled by flowing water- He again gavo himself up to tho pastime of the Jalakrida. During tho remainder of the hot sea- 1. IX. 1 — XI. 95. — The description of the kind's amusements, to which Bilhana, treating them apparently con amorc, allots nearly three whole Sargas, may be considered a faithful picture of the life in the inner apartments of an Eastern king. Vikramaditya's son, Somes'vara III. surnamed Bhulokamalla wrote a curious handbook of amusement h for kings, entitled Manasollasa or Abhilashitachintamani. Ho rnumcrates twenty kinds of sports (vinoda) and twenty amuse- ments (krida) the latter of which appear chiefly destined for the harem. They include those mentioned by Bilhana. The exciting ele- ments in them are mostly romping, equivoque, debauchery and drink- ing. Drink has always been a favourite passion of the Rajputs. The abstaining classes among the Hindus, tho Brahmans and the Jaiua and Bauddha Vanias, have constantly struggled against this propensity. The first strongly condemn it in their works on Dharma and Niti (sec e. g. Manu VII. 50, and Kamandaki XIV. 59) and both Jainas and Bauddhas, whenover they gained over a Rajputa, king tell us that they made him renounce the use of spirituous liquors. Their efforts have not had any great success. For the Rajputs of our day, even those who are not debauchees, use various kinds of burnt waters which in streugth surpass anything, ever manufactured in Europe. I must, how- ever, confess that the use of spirituous liquora by Rajput females was unknown to me until I read of it in Bilhana's and Somcs'vara's work. 2. XII. 1-T8. — The description of the passionate behaviour of the women at the entry of the king is merely conventional. It is repeated on several occasions. — Bathrooms, (dharagriha) of the kind mentioned by Bilhana, are now in existence and in use. They arc sometimes attached to Yavs (vapi) or wells and underground, 42 INTRODUCTION* son and the ensuing rainy season Vikrama stopped in the capital, entirely devoting himself to pleasure. He composed also a poem, describing the breaking of the Monsun, which he addressed to Chandaladevi. But when the end of the rainy season came, he received news which rudely aroused him from his luxurious repose. A confidential adviser informed him, that his brother Jaya- simlia, whom he had made viceroy of Vanavasa after the victory over Somes'vara and Rajiga, was meditating treason. In proof of this assertion the informer stated that Jayasimha amassed treasures by oppressing his subjects, that he increased his army, that he had subjected to himself the forest-tribes, that he was seeking the friendsnip of the Dravida king and that, worst of all, he tried to seduce Vikrama's soldiers from their allegiance. In conclusion he added that the prince would shortly advance with hostile intentions to the Krishnaveni. Vikrama was greatly distressed by this news, which opened the prospect of another fratricidal war. Unwilling to act without fuller information, he sent out spies to inquire into the truth of the accusations against Jayasimha. The report which they brought back, confirmed it. Even then the king was averse from harsh measures. He addressed friendly exhortations to his brother, representing to him that, as he possessed already regal power in the provinces assigned to him, a rebellion would profit him but little. But all was in vain. In the meantime autumn came. The beauty of this season, (of which a lengthy description is given), did not allay Vikrama s anxiety and distress. He again made repeated attempts to be re- conciled to Jayasimha. But the latter would no longer receive his messages. He advanced to the Krishna where many Mandalikas 1. XIII. 1-90. — I will not decide if we have really to recognize in Vikramaditya a royal author or if Bilhana merely puts the poem into his mouth in his anxiety to give a complete description of the seasons. .NTUOlin TION. 43 joined liii camp. Filled with the Lope of \ iotory and prond ol bi army, lie allowed his soldiers to oommit all possible exc V il- tages were plundered and bnrnt and their inhabitants dragged into captivity. He, also, sent insulting messages to the king,hia bro- ther. Vikrama patiently bore theseoutragea for Bometime, but final- ly was oompelled to take tho field in self-defence. Collecting a large army, lio also advanced to the Krishna. On arriving there ho onco more tried negotiations. When these failed, a battle was fought, in which Jayasimha at first gained some ad- vantages by means of his elephants. But Vikram&ditya'a personal bravery restored the fortune of tho day. Jayasimha's army was routed and its leader was captured on his flight, in the jungles. Though Vikrama would have had reason enough to deal hardly with the captive, he spoke kindly to him and consoled him. After this victory Vikrama returned to Kalyuna and enjoyed tho pleasures of tho cold season which, in the mean while had come on. Theso consisted in hunting parties, at which ho slew lions and other largo game, hunted boars with hounds and shot deer with arrows. 1 After Vikrama had subdued all his enemies, his dominions enjoyed peace and prosperity. The elements even showed themselves propitious, neither famine nor pestilence visited li is kingdom. In course of time sons were born to him, who resembled him and gladdened his heart. His liberality to the 1. XIV. 1. — XV. 87. — Vikrama's war with Jayasimha is not men- tioned in the inscriptions made known by Sir. W. Elliott. Tho reason is, no doubt, that Vikrama did not care to proclaim the fact, that ho had fought with both his brothers. According to Bilhana's account the battle fulls at the end of the year 1077 and the statement of the Ka- damba inscriptions that Tailapa Kadamha became Governor of Vana- vasa in S'aka 9'JD or A. D. 1077-78 agrees with it. The latter event probably took place after tho deposition of Jayasimha. 2. XVI. Uo3. 44 INTRODUCTION. poor of all countries was unbounded. He erected also build- ing for pious purposes, to commemorate his name. He built a temple of Vishiiu-Kamalavilasi ; in front of it be dug a splendid tank. Near it be built a city with splendid temples and palaces. 1 Once more, however, after a long period of peace he had to draw his sword. The Chola again became proud and insolent. But Vikrama's army marched on Kanchi ; a battle was fought in which the Chola fled as usual. Kanchi ,was taken. Vikrama amused himself there for some time and finally returned to bis capital. 2 IV. It remains for me to give some information regarding the MS. on which this edition of the Vikramankadevacharita is based. It belongs, as already stated, to the Brihajjnanakosha of the Osval Jainas, which is preserved under the great temple of Parisnath (Pars'vanatha), in the fort of Jesalmir. It is written with ink on 158 palm leaves, each about a foot long and four inches broad, which are protected by boards and held together 1. XVII. 1-42. The building of the city, which was called Vikra- mapura is mentioned in the inscriptions (Jour. B,. As, Soc. IV. 15) and Sir W. Elliott adds that " an enormous tank and other works attest its former splendour." 2. XVII. 43-68. — This expedition must have been the last impor- tant event, which occurred before Bilhana wrote. Perhaps it is the war against the Pala (read Pallava) king mentioned in the inscriptions as having taken place in 1081. (1. cit. p. 15). For a branch of the Kerala Pallavas was established in the Chola country and ruled it for some time in the seventh century. During Vikrama's times the Cholas fell very low indeed audit is just possible that the Pallavas regained some of their old influence in the East of the Peninsula, (compare Burnell El. S. J. Pal. p. 29. But this point, as indeed all Sir W. Elliott's inscriptions, requires re-examination. INTRODUCTION* 4L> !)y a shing passed through the middle. Each page contains from lour (u seven lines. The same Potht includes also twenty more leaves containing several small poems. On tlio last leaf of tho Potbl there is a notice that tliis Pustika was recovered (punargrihltd)by Khef singh and Jefhmall in Sum vat l.'M'J, or, (as the Jainas nearly always use the Yikrama Samval | A. D. 12SC-7. Though this date occurs on a loaf not belonging to the Yikramfmkakavya, it may bo assumed that the note refers both to it and to the additional twenty leaves. For there is no difference between tho handwriting of the two parts of tho Potht. The copy on which the present edition is based, must, therefore, have been written within 200 years from Bilhana's time. The writing makes it probable that it may be even older. The preservation of the MS. is in general excellent. In a few places only the ink has been rubbed off and tho letters have become indistinct. The worst passage occurs in the fifth Sarga where half a page has been nearly destroyed in this manner. A careful examination of tho leaf with a strong magnifying glass enabled me to make out all tho letters with the exception of six Aksharas in V. 1G. The MS. has been written with great care and has been corrected and annotated. The glosses are in a mixture of ancient Gujarat! and Marvfidi, such as is used by the Yatis down to the present day. Its letters resemble those of the photograph prefixed to my Report on S. MSS. for 1S72-73, of the palm leaf MSS. exhibited last year at tho Oriental Congress, and of the Chalukya inscriptions in Abu and other parts of Gujarat. They are ancient Jaina Devanagari and are not readable, without some practice, by those who know only the modern Balabodha characters. The letters cli, dh and v as well the groups hri and lesh are very troublesome even to a practised eye. For the shape of the latter two is almost identical and the former three are distinguished only by very minute strokes, which in old MSS. are frequently rubbed off. 4G INTRODUCTION. As soon as I recognised tbe importance of tbe MSS., I resolved to copy it out myself. My time at Jesalmir was limited. Bat with the help of my companion Dr. H. Jacobi of Bonn, who kindly lent me bis assistance during my whole tour in Kaj- putana, the task was accomplished in about seven days. He copied Sargas V. VI., XIV.— XVIL and XVIII. 1—74, while the rest fell to my share. We then revised our copy together. I fear, however, that some at least of the little lacunas and mistakes, wbicb had to be filled in and corrected when the work was printing, are owing to the inaccuracy of our transcript and not to that of the writer of the old MS. Every case where in printing I thought it necessary to alter the text given by tbe transcript, lias been carefully stated in the notes. With the exception of two or three passages 1 about which I am still in doub^ the text of the Vikramankakavya is readable, and I believe that, if fresh MSS. are found, it will prove to be trustworthy. I have to thank Vamauficharya Jhalkikar for several emendations, which be suggested while copying my transcript for the press and his brother Bhimacbarya for some other corrections given in the addenda. I have also to thank K. M. Chatfield, Esq., Director of Public Instruction who like bis distinguished predecessors E. Howard, Esq., Sir A. Grant and J. B. Peile, Esq., C. S., continues to give a liberal support to Oriental Studies, for his ready permission to print the work in the Bombay Sanskrit Series. 1. 'E. g. II. 21. II 3T*T EsFW^fePT || 3^fcpT^f W^m£S*?te WTWC&T *KTC || \ II miim ^ Rr^rcfa sr^mr: ftT^q H^im^i srarei n ^ I. 6. if^fl Ms. ft*^t$anriWrj (V v #K _ V( 3Tqfo % ^TRT?fa^f^U%^Hft wSpj I IWS ****%** *&& *&* aftr : **fa ^rftawrprj «iw5r^^fcra^iiPf sranft ^CTfjin^TO^rii vui .wot q owsn: ^Rtt % mjrcsqfo mmR* I * «r^rr^prqwcl^r ^^^m^TTRfforj li \* it art* srnnrwrwfjmfn: *m: ^'ffesrfrKj wr tow i fwrcm^q*^sRT$ n^B^nPr fofi^rj li ^ li * pf striAc* wft ^rotar wmft fir imwftrar: l IraNr ^rmft ^s^^flwjn 3*«rarSrcrfq ii ^o n ot^p 5^^%f croc wf?er ^ ^itanftarar: I I. 19. ^F^ff Hf ° Ms. ar^qsW'qipirwq nqi\: ^w. far^ n g«s h g^r^r ^fom^r^Rr g^eswR^ wnrmraji e^ n ^JlWr: ^Kfa^JTlfrr (f)$q ^ f-r^j- q^Tf% j| c^o || w*mv*ws^*$faf&^fcw?w*w*Jf° Ms— I. 51, ftfC Ms.-^^^ Ms. — I. 52, SH^t Ms. — 1. 53. °WT° Ms. ^^r^^r#Tr5^7T%^i^^T^q^r^^rR-^rj: is <*a ii % wwm^^mtm ^fe^^ttWr** 11 ^ ii mzmmm ^ *m m^Tr iTRsqq m ^refT*rrir ii <\feftT ftqjqor*q a^q qr sr^fam 3rqq: w tt \\ ^TT^qr jqrcTfs^k- 553^ sfrcrc fcr*n*j<:qT qfrqr: \\^\\ ST^R q: ^TffoT^T^q- S^ Tjqr qr*W ^K IK ^ II fr^q*Tq^^T7^£W^Rfe^ffq^q | sfiqfarnr ftq*rqK*q q*q s^qj ^: qfaq^rsr: | q^qr^sqm^ij-q^Rrfa str qqsKqmj: i ^^3Ti^nqsrrHqT5i ftqi3T^[q *fm*rq"ww*^s^rfa qfws^: i il# W q^q ST*TW?R W^: tfc)UIU* °s >«» ^wm^ifcqftg^T ^n^nrfi^r hwwot ii w ii I. 100. TKW Ms.— I. 106. ^5 Ms.— L 109. °3lfar??: Ms. fl° V] ft*Hi^^RW| v\ ,*s *• r ^^ TTWqrm*T qqu^jq*nt f^?r^q?r **&{&*&(& w. \\ % \\ nzznim xmQ*%w®m ^rfcm^rrfaq ???qf%q*r i II. 1. °tml° Ms.— II. 9. wwar Ms. ^n^qr^mor^iuSr $pi firths efr^rfa^mar^rsrqiir I **K*r q^[ *q^[ qrpre i^q ijq : qft^r^ qj: II \tf || ^t^^ifo^^mw u^f^ ftx II. 49. 5m° Mb.— II. 50. *%tf Ms. fem^rcnWm^r^r ftp? ^t m^rcfar*rerc!: IK 8 I) II. G3. N*?S Mar.- \9 jf^if^^PCcr^s [® 9 \ II. 90. ^Ts° Ms.— II. 91. Ms. om. >J^. Srcre^rcr f 11 Wl ^ W^TrfSrmfa ^TSKiSTR 3TOW3TR IK« II mwjn>£ Trsretfsrfsf asrfHif ; gr*3R*hri&: I ar^q^nrfa ^swramsi j^srcrroj: i Nircrara^sire ??lp\ qsniSftfirara^ IK a il jSrcn-sjnFirfiw i $* ww <"w i%:*^iw*rapr 11^^11 N ^wronfRsgsrer: wmw- 3«rer5R tcwt ^rf: IK* II III. 62. Wfc Ms.— III. 68. jf^tf Ms. ren*4$ wi nfarm^ wm.— IV. 32. SW Ms. nftritaftraraiftr qsreqi-arcKmH ii \8 ii arfa*w^ frr]f mqn*q wy *tt* \ ftq^rer jqiVre^rc^gqre^iTji \^ ii ^*r*r H^^T^Rr q^Stai sroftqftnr i ^^TTTrqs";ro£rqKT^?fsr?T*r I iT$?q fal^fe: ^ SHSFK: I *jw^ scr^s: jwiw ?S flt: U ^«s ii q>ite£*TWif^£^wqw EPET5r*n* u \\ n ?5inrarqi: \\ f^qir^qjemw frrr aWR^ftroaf skirt qg^n %\ \\ wwfimfq uronr^qr ?rq OTTOFiiTO H-WT * c^ >* >* ' n* *\ fl^mfalNVron^ hth f*Rq W msnnr a «-a n m^ fowi fo ststrt wear ^wft sprcni II <<« n c ^yrawwre *tra *mqr^ j^m^ *?*3w i f>i^qo^R^r wTK im^STTllw ^SfaTOC^FP? *TP*JW I r ^rar: I * N* x fcqTfe 3"fai^*r foftviOT! T^sqkrf: I 3° o tanni^^forv a 3 *wPq qft5pre*qrc$rm*j s*wq ^ra- *irercnT: 11 1 n 5u%t^5^j?t: fcfttf : ,|MWUfft 'Rtm Ph?^hih 11 \ 11 urikfir h jmHTT^Trcmsr qft^wq^ rm$v vm fan \ Nil XJ "^ ' ^|^?wi jprHwr^rcrsw: qf° oiu. Ms. f^mm%rreq^ ^rfa ^^h ^si^majq^r it v % it STCTRTcRq: *qffa #regr foi^s^^Rfr ^m% i 5n^T^KrT?rfq^^qnqTq^ar^ faa^KK || * o || ^fcrf^f ft T^mtk *\ ^J?3§: Ms. rlrflT- *Kr*° Ms.— VI. 47. ^r^jsTR^f Ms.— VI. 48. C R*TT Us. JT^T- mrR-Tfir^r Ms.— VI. 49. 5T^°; pjWFrnmfr Ms. — VI. 50. °iTrw:F: Ms.— -VI. 51. fTOitfFT Ms.— VI. 52. °^T° Ms.— VI. 55. Ms. om. one fWr. arss m^ft m*rcr%ftr?rqtq fq?rtf*rrcJ ^* Cs. *\. ^I^nqTrrT^Tqr^qr^^t fq<* STRlf** TC^tfaj TRW: II H o || VII. 10. 3*fi*^° Ms. 35^ 55 5f ^ttosw: row 3P$taTRT%* VII. 32. Sort; Ms. fl° N9] f^l^^[T^ 11 ^ 11 fire *pj: ^if^R^r^mntwff mtmi&ifcf 11 n 11 ©s. «-\ v» w^gm^r faqwftw \qrxv ftaraTfor *ra*rcrr:iim ^qifa^f ^^T^qircK | VIII. 32. jjtort Ms— VIII. 41. Wft Ms. iilWft 11 <\° 11 «?q srenrr qnrrof H*rre *tw^ r: i ^m^q*^^: ^TM^^r: II ^ II fl° £] RCTT^WftOT I ^ w*nf5r fa*r*ft*rr f^qqsmr fa^TRTTrrg- i ^m^m *'\ ftjcfitmrorgr ?& jq mm t& ftsu W H 8 II ar^RqH^i^Prrrqq *qr ^rqwr nsm ^tr.- i *qr awfiq* qifr^qR ^qqwc*fc*qfta 11 ^ n sy^r^RisR^qq *rqr $rq*r nsrnr^ ^^qr i ^rjrm^ *R**rfR ^i^qq ^rtwisTr 11 va j| ^#T tfq^fT $WT SRST ^ftcq^f q^pK: q^T^ I c?Tm nfbftfiraifc fa^*r qsfiiqqr^ uuh«i i q^reTq;£tq qftravrra' WT II \« II ran*5tr?ra*Trtff Ms. ^r?trt qfa^q^RTmHfof^Tiq" ftrafcnft 11 ^ 11 T^qm*r R^i^m wswqr^fqwirvq: ( q^:*^;u=RWR 75 ^fsjsr^j: jr^fr^n; 11 ^ n 5tJtt^i-tr vvmm f ?ttr*nt: i jp^iwwj^^i^i^^Fe ^ qrfajnr* 11 ^ i) ar-jsw^mq fam^^q ^^^frw^R 1 5W£q J^^qT^K TOq ^WTK^rR 11 ^ © 11 fe^r sr^^r ^rfN- xrmK^r: j^^rcrs^ 11 t\ \\ m#ifa^^ j^qjnnrq tot qq*n- 1 ^qR^^qfaq^rqirm^R 5%* qu%rc*ii ^\ii ftsftow g^ft ^n^raisj ?fe: sirc^Fwfr 11 <>.\ 11 Si ^ *N. *n«re*rar5«i *r<3T*^*4 fa^rcmnor fan^rc 11 ^1 11 ^i» <■. <^ c 3T37 a \\^ 11 f?SWT 2T*rei*>Tfa n f^tft 3n*^w*rrcT sstemrsn:: ^sri w*r ii \\ 11 X. 1. ° j^T Ms.— X. 9. 9RWT Ms.; after vs. 9 the Ms. inserts a \o] b*m$faft&r i <:* 6 6 •>* ^ 3Tti^ ^^wjM^T^^ri'^^rri^m ^&r 11 \^ 11 snnfa ^%tT^ ^pNSt *hr: **ra dfcpiwffc: 1 X. 12. »PJ#TW Mb.— X. 18. ^:Ms..— X. 21. ftwff Ms. V ^ ^r srer*n fe rsraramoT: afffer?^ ^mfcsr f*rnrr$r*n h \n t^fa ?: 3^fa^ra%m^^raTiprlr *r igmfo ii ^mi ?q wr?fi^^r^r%^r^r?5§: *rc^ ^^mir 11 ^ h ^nfotf ^rcsr^PTfff ^rj^nftPr ^ ^rrrlr 11 ^ u f^y^iWrfr ^ **i ^ ^ \ Enj^nnsng ft^qqrcTfeqq sWrg^s*^ n 8 ° II an^qjnan ^fqfo q;itqf^-q5mftq q*WK j*mrr 1% ^rf^tor: Urorar^ *rf^:m^prji ^ 11 ^T^rTO^j Hqrr^RTJnTisraT°r: *5«ng^Twrii \\ 11 srt ?rftra 1 WJTOqtf^^aFTWafiftlT J^W^W 1 qftpft fa*r gRa* qnqfr iftraai**^3rnrwr 11 ^ n vrR^r^^sr^Rr srKnf^JsrfrfnrcRrJT i q^7£^£k^3**T^Tsr^TO^RT?nT | ^i^^ft^Rwr^^r^iTR *rfcr **5rrt*t 11 \^ ll Srerawfsfa WF?TR*f^l Ri%?r^-^^#: i sifa^ ^^K\f^7[in^r^u^^K^^^\ : ll V a ll ^g?sfwl*fr*RT n^rmm ^nm m^ 11 \£ n XL 15. 3WKHT Ms.— XL 17. WIT Ms. J Sllfni 5T° Ms.— XI. 21, ^I5T°. qf^i*rafa*|ffaqnir fagm w ^* jfafipr it^rfct^jt^: cr^R^fR^m-fr: | ^ifa ^TETO^rfoTORT TTTf^RT tf^l^Rr fsR^W | XL 34. iHW Ms.; Wl*^ Ma.— XI. 05. RsVffW: Ms.— XL 42. TO&W: Ms. ? ^m^r^rlT iFiuraafr ^rc^rcrcji" *Trc^s[ i sni^f ST JHfa: 3>3*T* ^TST^rft^fsf^Rrar^HwRw wro^r^ II 8 Ml *rc?rara wsmKiJx: ^g ^^rc^Rf j*ji 8^ 11 ^turfi frmsrurfai^ qrf^r S *m^ir xtvt^ w^t: fomfa firgfa *sj I \ ~r?\ fofm J^TT^RT^ STTCTkwW *?H I are It mx m ^r^rr frfeqr ^jqfa w ?nr n ^ 11 rTT^ ftrefa ^*TOR ITRfR fal^H t || € \ || ^taftaur ^Jin ?<:t?tt srwffisptfir H^ erc*q* ^?qiqwqq *jq \k&m? i^thert £9fftr jjrK n \\ n ^^m^ssqi^c^ to^ftt *#qf3n^q>Tr<:^T nim n ^i 11 XII. 18. *% »Tfe Ms.— XII. 25. Before this vs. the Ms. in- serts. g 1 *^ 3ra**R^*mm*sqRr fa^rs^[^sq<:*s?TTR i stq^ftmj ys^u^f J^J* 1 SPSjW* s^ifa n \ o i» ^r^t 5^: efraqsjhqr^ fafteq qg fqRqiw?fi*T i ^Tfarqfwqra?r: *8%*J ^Hi5 g^^^rew I ^rk5 *Kl^J q^iqfq^T: qfaHlftcT tm: I *TO c q SU^TIIT^ nrt*TO^T-wiT3m3i a r: 11 ^ ll XII. 61. m* Ms. ^twHisyam^w tow*: OTf^^mc: i II silt wfaswf^rercr r^pri^i fa^R^m^- ^\ qr^RlrT^t^r^H"S^[R^^T^rfr gR£T:?PT: II XII. 73. Tsqpr* W c Ms— XII. 70. s*K* Mb.— XII. End 3K5N: Ms. 3Tm%T^: f^f^lll^I WTMwW7«n»5q*ftl II \ il qmmtOTjri5?pik?c ff ST iRnqW^qW to: ii ^ il ^r^st^i^h*«uh: srm*r<;T: wss^^trerc I ^r^iw ^tsrcf q-^r^trtK fanrim^i s? 11 « n f^m , T^"rrT^tT^qrfewq[€riTtT^q sfewfasr n v» 11 ^^iTT^s^T^HmnrJTTf^ry^qrTrwqmw^rcf R^ar: 11 £ 11 g^t it wnRrarcr ttuzik ?q^q^w*pGrr j^gr q 1 r^ * o^ m^T^nr^j^efaw faw^r 53* ^i*"*rwr 11 \t 11 ^fa*: ^trelfifo IHfftl H^P NM^I^^ II V II f^raRW wi% WT'^nft n^wrarsf : s^n: *rcft?ft \\\ git N^ v> n« v> fr?T5roTST?nTJra*? $w\ vwm m^mm ?&m^: \ sm ^r^n^m^rjw ^fewraifinr ^sfa^FW 11 \\ 11 mm ftrsrr m?T5 ^^^i^iriTW^T^mwrl^ 1 qr^^T^T^fe^T^j^if^^T^TTT^r ^ *fte^foir 11 \\ n XIII. 23. TORf^n Ms. — XIII. 24. 5r£lW°; ivRfflSra^T: Ms.— XIII. 25. fofpp! Ms.-- Xm.33.T5if?;in^flRtg©wr? Ms. fl 9 \\\ l\W\J^?r7\H\ %X% ftftprepj ^i5l**l4*MMI^$ISi^^ft^H: II \* II arm m^frc7frn7TJT^^q-^^HT^RT%^^5^r: 1 ^^ih^^Vtrw q II *nrfawe qqim Rr^# *wfa wg*n ^t^w - : ^qw^Tq; imfafare^s^mrt *r*j *pffai ^Tjs:qa%^: 11 <\° ii f fir 5^f 3^1% KrFm^ srai^R ^r^mr% mftfa: n\\ii wmm *wm h%^ ^^RRwq sWrer ^rji si ^farlrm^ arc*!*?*! ttt: i f^q^jt^Fj ^xieH 5^ sufHi irfe^ si^r st ii ^^ n XIII. 58. *!* om. Ms.— XIII. 61. R^^^fT Ms.— XIII. 65. After vs. 05 Ms. inserts mT&ti %tt*{. smqr: ^srcar wtfrjsrw 1 ^* Os S» s^ "N. ^: ^arc^qr faqirtor hi fwrlr qqA<*TWH: fe|4UI44;g<4<>«l *: II \^ II VPIK1*5ra M$*|(tM: I *T^mN* faf^ q^q rams* grc ^rs^ciffaR^ i 5^rr^firg»^5nf^ *f *prarof ^ot ii £\ 11 tratrftrcrcfcr ot^^tot: ^rrftm^% srn 11 c\ 11 XV. 73. °^rr%R° Ms.— XV. 75. fWW° Ms.— XV. 76. WTjqFTT Ms.— XV. 77. ^ Ms. i«mDm4t ft^*^R;iw*«M»r*wfa ii ~ » ii d&4J|ft<&ti|»MUifcjll*M*«|: JT^^q^T^f DISTORT faw II ^ II XV. Si. W^T^° Ms.— XV. 37. *W: oin. Ms.; °5fcni Ms. V*A f^mf$^Kr%*^isrflqp^^T 11 \\ 11 XVI. 2. The Ms, inserts after this verse, 3 T *T.— XVI. 3. aKfrflT- m^\ Ms. ff° \0 Pt?t^\^k?t^i w* *\ _~ ^l^rR: J^UT^R^T 5^'^: II \^ I! rrq-ff^ ^m^iOTT*iraiwr* ti \ a n SJWJ* ?f^q 3TUTH ^ TO ^RTST WW***? II ^ || Prcftft f^fasrorenrw *rci ^re^TOfmreg \\\o \\ XVI. 27. Ti3W Ms.— XVI. 32. ^^WFIR. si fra^sfij fiwng qr toct: n \% \\ stftS": H*I^TC *W TCNjTlMff: | **T PPT*: srasRTg^U tft* si ^Tsr^tfjjsrr jjj^qqrra" 11 \^ n ^5; tWN** sk^t sft°TT irzm sqi?^ Wnq^ *>* XVI. 48. °qp!W Ms. — XVI. 49. fatfNI om. Ms.— XVI. 51. °WTO: Ms. ; Ms. °J|T^r^ omits 5 syllables of 3rd Pada ; tioflFfar; Ms. \n f^nn^^K^i [*r° \^ #N*V <^S *-v *V iwre w*zzm*ttvz?i srsre i*z\ * *w$mvmm i ^^pwJr rem rewsrr tt^t>t3T: sTii qfrqsi^RTfa^fjJT^3w ^nt www - *\ rsr ^ swt taw wq^rr wrfw * * ^^^ sf^nr p 41 XVII. 40. *W Ms.-XVIL 42. TO^frW IT Ms.— XVII. 4o. RlMN *t g Ms.— XVII. 49. ftp Ms.-XVII. 50. °w Ms* ^*;rc ^vgSnfftisft^ 5<3Jifoi*?ftwtM0 vz: ii \\ u *tz* $w *x\xtt*avzmm%ttKi vmzufifax fa?qR | ttos^ s^njre *mqrRtf ^TT3^of ^fttramirc ii \a n awwre vz^z$i vmmw^famimm ^^k: ii vs ii ^qwrrefe^iwt* qf^TK^RJ^tfisq* || Ki II V* V^ ^sri^^r I *^r sw^ftfa*feitf°f(: ^dj sf^t^rs r^rji^\ii XVII. 53. °€m: Ms.— XVII. 56. °*T^° ; ^toj Ms.— XVII. 6S. Ri^T omits Ms. \96 i^rf\^TtJ >* s» ' in^i^r ^rRwtpt^ ^t mre? #tan: II \^ II XVIII. 37. *&R Ms. ^r^miprf^H *{?[&& <%m*wftx\\ »\ 11 XVIII. 41. »TlT?:*jf Ms.-XVIIL 42. sfcff Ms.—XVIlI. 45, o ^iff Ms. sum sft^ifa^TO^r *w^ m%^€r 11 gu u cqmj *tot fa^rfa Pro ifnr* *;w£if?r: i q* ?q^r ^fem^r irfa^Rr *tVt efRRTifa wifir 3-3*m°rrcr ftm$: ii a ^ 11 *CR^iqi^<*ww^°r* S^g: ^R^T^qRr^m^^T^ q: | sw*r3>$rfaTsfec*i fix ^rc wJ m ^*l^<{^\*W[i%V^WMrAWU^ II ^\ II *r% qsqr^q*$fe?r: ^q^gT?rsftei q*ft^rafe?T^tw , ^nTt , q , qTiT n t V II XVIII. 59. JfliJ^TO* Ms.— XVIII. 61. °*W;° Ms. ^ws j^rifcreh^rra jrrst bob v?i wf\wft srctfc sfNroT^roto ii ^ ii ^3"tjjq srote SRfcpffr ^fg^qt* | V >J ^» C\ >S* mm i^Tcq^w^^r sr^ v^w. ii\oo h ^rsrqq^r^qrT q?\\\ vtfii^w spt: sroq q*q sSlf^r- ft^m^rqanqj ^reqr^r: q^q; i ?r qw fq^^nr? ^Ts^rirsqr^^T^ q^fe^nfmlf fq^qr q^uqnqifa n \°^ ti XVIII. 98. *rwrr?° Ms.— XVIII. 99. 5faf° Ms.— XVIII. 101. ^W?*^Tf Ms. a° \t] RfMtiaft^^Rit i \%p r^ ***• *•> ^ 9TCTT q>q: S£ 5R^T5"*r: J ^ ^ffafosfr I m?l^^: STOT? *pR-* ^T^RCfiq^^- jrarasvrejiMwifan^T qirstfklfiiT n \°\ 11 $rqn 5rcrmA qfanrl qrn<:i: q il 5-5:1 #rfir: wcrcr nqm <{4ita4Uii{M!j ^t^rfegq^q) ^rcqwT ^rmq.- n v* 11 q^q *q^mq^K?iraTqR^qr ^ifq 75 jt^: 1 XVIII. 105. itejfahi Ms.— XVIII. 106. J^f oin. Ms.— XVIII. 107. frm*; siltfNfa Ma. \(£ fturTrf^^prj [*r° \£ t* N. -s CORRIGENDA AND ADDENDA P. 3 s'l. 21, for *H read %f . p. 31 b'L 31, for 1$fa read ^T%. p. 31 s'l. 35, for °*rft?n^ read WRW. r. 38 s'l. 118, for $*nfi read JWtfr. r. 39 s'l. 5, for **%5*° read *"& JKT°. p. 41 s'l. 25, for ^faw read R%Rf°. p. 49 s'l. 26, for %f*° read 3flf. r. 51 s'l. 49, for wr° read *$m°. p. So s'l. 91, for °«iarem^ read °fl*cW-W. (Bbiinacl larya). r. 57 s'l. 17, for *&vt Q read ^^°. p. 59 s'l. 37, for i-nto* ° read **VRX. p. CO s'l. 51, for gfftfRf ^° read ^riTRW . 52, for SSWSi ° read W3**#li . p. Gl s'l. 63, for 5T*m read ST^PR. p. 61 s'l. 77, for m^K° read rH*frfC°. r. 65 s'l. 15, for ?^rt read °*pQ\. p. 78 s'l. 40, for 3WSi read yrrcrffif:. P. 87s'l. u, for °m^° read W&l. 16, for °W?RR read °W^RW. P. 93 s'l. 89, for ^TOT^t read ^WRFft, P. 107 s'l. 32, for °*:TOr§ read °tiiuoltvit gtmt, EDITED UNDER THE SUPERINTENDENCE OF CJ. BUHLEE, Ph. D., Eduoational Inspector, N. D. AND F. KIELHORN, Ph. 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KALID ASA'S VIKRAMORVAS'I by Shankar P. Pandit, M.A. In Preparation. VIS'AKHADATTA'S MUDRARAKSHASA, by Kas'inath T. Telano, M. A. BACA'S CIIANDIS'ATAKA, by ChabilbIm E. Diksiiit. N.D.— No§. II, VII., IX., XII., i.e, tho wholo of Paribhushondus'ukha. ia in the four parts is sold at Eta, 7. Applications for tho abovo books to bo addroaaod to tho Curator of tho Goverumont Centrul liook Depot, Bombay. Romittancos in postage stamps should bo suilicieut to coyer discount at tho rata of ouo anua per rupoo. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 027 249 411 3 i\ f \m\Ulm i } \