c-^c. Kiy ff^ 
 
 
 r 
 
 /u^ t' f- 
 
 
 TfiE 
 
 SOUTHERN STATES, 
 
 THEIR PRESENT PERII^,_^ 
 
 AND 
 
 THEIR CERTAIN REMEDY. 
 
 WHY DO THEY NOT 
 
 RIGHT THEMSELVES? 
 
 AND SO FULFIL 
 
 / 
 
 THEIR GLORIOUS DESTINY. 
 
 CHARLESTON: 
 
 PRINTED BY EDWARD C COUNCELL, 
 
 No. 119 East-Bay, adjoining the News Office. 
 
 1850. _ , 
 
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 ^ Adoo 
 

 ■iliWliii 
 
THE 
 
 SOUTHERN STATES, 
 
 THEIR PRESENT PERIL, 
 
 AND 
 
 THEIR CERTAIN REMEDY. 
 
 WHY DO THEY NOT 
 
 RIGHT THEMSELYRg? 
 
 
 AND SO FULFlf^/> 
 
 loUxi 
 
 — -~-m — -^ ^ 
 
 THEIR GLORIOU^ DESTINY 
 
 CHARLESTON: 
 
 PRINTED BY EDWARD C. COUNCELL, 
 
 No. 119 East-Bay, adjoining the News Office. 
 
 1850. 
 

 r 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The citizens of St. John's, Colleton, having assembled at Rock- 
 ville, on the 18th inst., for the purpose of obtaining from their candi- 
 dates an expression of their opinions upon the question at issue, be- 
 tween the Southern and the Free-soil States ; and the meeting having 
 been organized, Mr. John Townsend arose and addressed them. The 
 following being a brief abstract of his introductory address : 
 
 He admitted fully the right of the people to be made acquainted 
 with the sentiments of the candidates ; and the duty of the candi- 
 dates to express their opinions without disguise or concealment, and 
 in such a form as would be least likely to lead to misapprehension ; 
 and especially at a time, like this, when the state of the country was 
 so full of difficulty and peril. He considered the liberties and politi- 
 cal independence of the Southern States as being in greater danger 
 at this time, than at any other period before or since the Declaration of 
 Independence ; and requiring from their citizens all their energies of 
 mind, of heart and fortunes, to vindicate their rights. He regarded 
 them as rapidly approaching the turning point of their destiny; and 
 that the great epoch, from which they would hereafter have to date 
 their history, was not very far off. Like the colonies of '76, in their 
 relations to the mother country, so the Southern States would soon 
 have to take their stand towards the Free-soil States of this Union. 
 They cannot stand still as they are, and at the same time preserve 
 their property and liberties as citizens, and their political indepen- 
 dence as States. They are in a transition state, and every man 
 begins to feel that a great change is about to take place in their po- 
 litical condition; which some lament over as a calamity, but all re- 
 gard as an unavoidable necessity which must be met, and must be 
 provided against. 
 
 He regretted to perceive that theie was wanting, as yet, that buoy- 
 ant hopejulness, that undoubting confidence in a favourable result^ 
 which is so necessary to success. Vague and undefined apprehen- 
 sions, as to consequences, appear to perplex the minds of our people. 
 This is but natural. It was so at the commencement of our revolu- 
 tion, in 76; and harrassed timid men, during the whole struggle. 
 Great changes in the social and political condition of the people are 
 
always serious things ; and even the boldest and most resolute men un- 
 dertake them with caution. The apathy, then, which appeared to pre- 
 vail in some of the Southern States, he did not believe to be owing to ti- 
 midity or indifference to their wrongs ; but with some, to their not ha- 
 ving duly reflected upon the magnitudeoi the danger with which we 
 are threatened: and with others,to the reluctance with which most men 
 begin to redress their grievances ; or until they become intolerable. 
 But from what cause soever, this apathy proceeded, he considered it 
 highly injurious to the cause of Southern rights; since it was both 
 infectious, and discouraging to our friends ; and our enemies rejoiced 
 over it, as an evilence of our weakness and timidity, which encour- 
 aged them to greater insult and aggression upon the South. 
 
 In view then, of this state of things, he expressed his intention to 
 address his remarks to those points chiefly, which have relation to 
 this aspect of the question. He would, therefore, not discuss at all 
 the various measures of anti-slavery aggression, since he supposed 
 that the minds of most Southern men were made up on those subjects. 
 But taking up the question where our Legislature had left it off, and 
 assuming, as they had declared, that upon these points " the argu- 
 ment had been exhausted," — he would advance to the next stage in 
 our progress ; and the " wrongs " having been already pointed out, 
 proceed to consider the remedy, and the consequences which are 
 likely to flow from that remely. 
 
 He proceeded then to state, that on so grave and weighty a matter 
 as the remedy for our wrongs, he did not consider it respectful to 
 the citizens of the Parish, or prudent in himself, to address them, 
 with only the aid of brief notes, since from his habits of retirement 
 as a planter, residing almost entirely upon his plantation ; and from 
 his having withdrawn himself from the political strifes of the 
 times, for the last sixteen years, he was very unpractised in ad- 
 dressing large public assemblies. For these reasons, he preferred to 
 present to the meeting, in loriting, what it appeared suitable to him 
 to address to them ; which course appeared to him, to be especially 
 proper, on the present occasion, — since the sentiments of the candi- 
 dates have been called for through the public prints, in a form suita- 
 ble for publication, in order that every citizen, whether present, or 
 absent, might have an opportunity of becoming fully acquainted with 
 them. He then proceeded to read, to the assembly, the following 
 Address. 
 
ADD R ESS. 
 
 It cannot fail to strike every man, who has turned his atten- 
 tion to the state of public sentiment at the South, in reference 
 to our controversy with the free-soil States and the General Gov- 
 ernment, that there are two classes, (for I will not call llicm par- 
 ties) at the South, who appear to entertain different views on 
 this subject. These views, although they cannot be said to be 
 opposite, nevertheless lead to very opposite results ; — the one to 
 comparative inaction, — the other to timely and vigorous resist- 
 ance. The former class, view the " Wilmot proviso," as applied 
 to California and the territories, and the other measures of anti- 
 slavery aggression, which from time to time have been pressed 
 upon us, in Congress, — as measures which beijin, and terminate 
 in themselves ; and although they regard them as wrong, as un- 
 just, and unconstitutional, as nevertheless, so far removed in 
 their effects upon our interests, as not to justify any serious 
 alarm. They are therefore willing, to patch up a peace, by a 
 compromise with our enemies. 
 
 The other class, on the other hand, view those measures, as 
 parts of a regular systern of operations, — the object, intention, 
 and inevitable tendency of which, is, — to abolish slavery entirely 
 in the States, and to degrade the South into a tribute- paying 
 colony to the rest of the Union. Viewing then these measures 
 in this light, they are prepared, and willing to meet the question 
 atones; and keep safe their citidel, by defending the outposts. 
 
 Both classes are very unanimously agreed to defend the citi- 
 del, when that is attacked, but unhappily, all at the South, do 
 not see in these measures, the mighty evil which lurks behind 
 them, and which threatens such fearful consequences, to our so- 
 cial and political life. 
 
 The first question then, for the people of the South to settle 
 in their minds, is, the reality of this danger. For upon the set- 
 tlement of this question, will depend their nnion ; and upon 
 their union will depend their safety, their stability and their hap- 
 piness; — a safety certain, and undoubted ; a stability to their in- 
 stitutions, which they have never before possessed ; and a polit- 
 ical happiness and prosperity, which they have heretofore never 
 enjoyed, and which, owing to their favored position, it has rarely 
 been the lot of any former people to attain unto. 
 
The first thing then for us to consider, is, the realitij of this 
 danorcr: and this can be best understood, by taking a luief re- 
 view of the progress of the anti-slavery spirit of aggression, 
 within a few years past. 
 
 It is scarcely sixteen years since this dangerous sul>ject began 
 first to be meddled with in Congress. Previous to that lime, it 
 appeared to have been considered as a subject forbidden to that 
 body ; and as it was the sole concern, so under the exclusive 
 contrf)l, of the people of the Sonth. 
 
 About the year 1835, the anti-slavery party at the North, began 
 to agitate Congress by an interference with our institutions : at 
 which time, as we have been informed by Mr. Calhoun, " peti- 
 tions poured iri, calling upon Congress, to abolish slavery in the 
 District of Columbia, and to prohibit what they called the inter- 
 nal slave trade between the States, announcing at the same time, 
 that their ultimate object was, to abolish slavery not only in the 
 District of Columbia, but in the States and throughout the Union. 
 
 Let it be here well noted, — that their ultimate object, as openly 
 avowed by them, even at that time, was the abolition of slavery 
 in the States : and that the other measures were urged upon Con- 
 gress, as only the preliminary steps towards the attainment of 
 that oljject. 
 
 Now, in all the measures which they have since pressed upon 
 us, in proportion as they have been gaining strength, that has 
 been their aim : — an aim, which we should be j^uilty of the 
 grossest fatuity, if we ourselves lost sight of. 
 
 Fifteen years ago, the South was stronger in Congress, not only 
 in her own numbers, but by the aid of all right-thinking men 
 from the North. The anti-slavery party accordingly failed at 
 that time to obtain a lodgement in Congress, by which to assail 
 us from that position. The Senate of the United States adopted 
 a rule, by which their petitions on the subject of slavery were 
 virtually not received : and the House of Representatives another, 
 by which, although such petitions were received, they were nei- 
 ther to be considered, printed, or referred. 
 
 This, however, did not discourage our enemies, but on the 
 other hand, seemed to excite them to beat more vociferously at 
 the doors of Congress to carry out their schemes. At every 
 election at the North, and after every census, their strength in- 
 creased ; — whilst ours, by the loss of representation for two-fifths 
 of our slaves, as well as from other causes, diminished ; and our 
 former adherents fell off. Under this state of things, our enemies 
 boldly advanced upon us, in the number and magnitude of their 
 aggressions ; and beo-an to extend the sphere of their operations. 
 
 They required of Congress, to abolish slavery in all {\\q forts 
 and dock-yards of the South ; with a view to making them the 
 retreats for absconding slaves, and the magazines of abolition 
 
in the midst of our slave population. As the influence and power 
 of that party extended at the Norlh, (as it has done very rapidly,) 
 they took possession of their own State Leijislatures ; — and these 
 united with them in petitions and instructions to Congress, not 
 only to promote the schemes just enumerated, but " to exclude 
 the Southern States from all Territories acquired, or to be ac- 
 quired, and to prevent the admission of any State hereafter into 
 the Union, which by its constitution does not prohibit slavery. 
 And Congress is invoked to do all this, as Mr. Calhoun has given 
 us warnings, "expressly with the view to the final aboHlion of 
 slaver'^' in the States.'' ' That has been avowed to be the ultimate 
 object from the beginning of the agitation until the present: 
 And yet the great body of both parties at the North, with the 
 full knowledge of the fact, have co-operated with them in almost 
 all their measures." 
 
 With stich objects known and avowed, it might be supposed, 
 that Congress, under the restraints which are imposed upon it by 
 the constitution for the security of our institutions, would have 
 interposed a barrier against schemes of aggression, which so 
 plainly violate our rights, and jeopard our safety. But this has 
 not been so. The rule which excluded from Congress the dan- 
 gerous schemes of these misguided men has been for several 
 years abolished in the House of Representatives; and the Senate, 
 at the present session, has also been compelled to give way before 
 the encroaching spirit of this ferocious party. The halls of Con- 
 gress, — that common council -room for the South, as well as the 
 North, is now taken possession of by them; and instead -of that 
 comity which is due to the Southern States, as equals in the con- 
 federacy, their representatives have been openly insulted, by 
 resolutions solemnly adopted, denouncing our institutions ;\and 
 the sovereign States themselves, which they represent, begin to 
 be regarded, in the arrogance of irresponsible power, as having 
 no rights, except such as may be vouchsafed to them by suffer- 
 ance. In the House of Representatives, by a vote which em- 
 braced almost, if not every representative from the North, it has 
 been with all due formality declared to us, " that slavery is in- 
 famous." And in the Senate, it has been announced, by a grave 
 Senator, who represents the views of that party, that their object 
 in excluding us from the territories, is, " that slavery might be 
 localized anli discouraged." In other words, the Southern States 
 are not to be permitted to expand and improve their condition, 
 but are to be walled up, within their present limits. By which 
 process, according to the notions of humanity, entertained by the 
 philanthropists, who have taken us under their care, the masters 
 and their slaves will be so crowded together, upon the soil which 
 they now occupy, that in the progress of a few years, there must 
 ensue a struo-o^le for subsistence, or for ascendancy between the 
 
8 
 
 races, which will lerminate in the annihilation of one, or both 
 of them. This scheme ot self-destruction, — this species of po- 
 litical suicide, is the mildest form, and the slowest process, by 
 which our enemies propose to abolish slavery among us. It is 
 the plan universally approved of, by those who call themselves 
 our " friends" at the North. /Vnd even Mr. Webster, who may 
 be considered the soberest amon^them (in opinions at least,) has 
 announced it as their settled policy, " that no more slave States 
 are to be admitted into this Union," beyond the present slave 
 territory of Texas ; thus looking to the process just stated, for 
 the final extinguishment of slavery among us. 
 
 This, be it remembered, is the mildest form ; — the plan of our 
 " friends" so called.; and who are so ready, in our wars in Con- 
 o-ress, on that question, to step in with their "compromises," be- 
 tween us, and the most virulent of our foes, to sooth us and them 
 by temporary expedients. But there is another class at the North, 
 — the fanatics in religion ;— the fanatics in politics ; — the dema- 
 gogues of all parties, hunting for their prey of office or power, 
 who are aiming at the abolition of slavery in the States, by a 
 plan more speedy, direct and summary. The South, accor- 
 ding to the tactics of these men, is to be " localized, and discou- 
 raged," restricted to her present limits, and no slave State per- 
 mitted again to enter the Union. On the other hand, every in- 
 terest at the North, is to be fostered, expanded and encouiaged, 
 by all the patronage and wealth of the general government ; and 
 all the common territory reserved for the exclusive use and ad- 
 vantage of the citizens of that section. New States are to be 
 laid out, multiplied and admitted into the Union ; (as they will 
 have the abundant power, in a short time, to do) without res- 
 traint, then follows the accomplishment of their scheme. 
 
 The " South localized and discouraged ;"— the North fostered, 
 expanded and multiplied, our enemies will soon have the requi- 
 site mw^oniY wider the Constitution, to do by " right," that is le- 
 gally, and constitutionally, (if we remain united to them) what- 
 ever they may will, in regard to us ;— and that will be, one of 
 two things. First — Either to abolish slavery immediately, in 
 the South, as is now the avowed purpose of both species of fan- 
 aticism, which is arrayed against us. Or, 2d. — If they allow 
 us to keep our slaves, it will be on certain prescribed conditions, 
 which they will impose upon us, as to our management of them, 
 and upon the condition only, that the South, with her shives, 
 shall become the slaves of the North, to labour not for our own, 
 but for their benefit. Whichever of these conditions may be 
 vouchsafed to us l)y ouretiemies, will depend upon the struo^gle 
 which will take place among themselves, — between their rcli- 
 <j;ious and political fanaticism on the one side, and their avarice 
 and lust for power, on the other. Ikit whatever may be their 
 
decision, either alternative will be fatal to us, and onr choice 
 will be only that of the slave. Our condition, under the first, we 
 shall notice presently ; under tlie second, our condition will be 
 the most abject and degraded, which has ever fallen to the lot 
 of a subjugated people ; — the prey of a merciless avarice, havhig 
 not one sympathy with us, and which, from our pusilanimity, 
 will have such tjood cause to spurn and despise us ! ! 
 
 Let no Southern man delude himself for a single moment, into 
 the persuasion, that the measures which are preparing for us, 
 in the councils of the anti-slavery party at the North, are limi- 
 ted to their own accomplishment ;— and then ! we are to have a 
 final and lasting peace. The facts and considerations which 
 have just been presented (independent of the bold and open a- 
 vowal of our enemies) go to show that those measures are not 
 only advancing upon us, in hostility, but that they are all advan- 
 cing steadily, to one common centre, and that is, the abolition of 
 slavery in the whole South \—ihe abolition of slaver ij in every 
 State;— ihe giving of freedom to his slaves, upon every man's 
 oion plantation ! ! 
 
 That is the real danger, which we must prepare ourselves to 
 guard against, in the measures of resistance which it becomes us 
 to adopt. That is the mighty evil, which is threatened us by 
 the anti-slavery influence at the North, and which stands as the 
 grand terminus of all the roads, and schemes, and plans, which 
 every cUass and party of that influence are pursuing in relation 
 to slavery. Some may take a longer road than others, to reach 
 the terminus : some may prefer a wider plan, in accomplishing 
 the journey ; whilst many may be disposed to pause for awhile, 
 on the way, to amuse themselves, and as with "compromises," 
 whilst they are gathering fresh strength, the more certainly to 
 attain their end. But all, all, no matter what road they may 
 have taken, have their faces turned towards the same object ; and 
 whether they may be restrained by the constitutional scruples of 
 Senator Webster, or by the scriptural teachings of President 
 Stuart, considered as the extreme of the party, on the one side ; 
 
 or whether they be driven on by the monomaniac phrenzy of 
 
 rabid men, such as Garrison, and Giddings, Hall, Phillips or 
 Tuck, as representing the other extreme of the party,— they 
 have each, and all of them, their heads, their hearts, and their 
 hands employed in the same common work, of abolishing slave- 
 ry in the States, and upon each plantation in each State. 
 
 I reiterate this fact: because it is of the last importance, fhnt 
 it be kept before our eyes, and engraven upon our hearts. In 
 the light of this truth, the soft spoken freesoiler is on a par with 
 the niost brawling and fanatic abolitionist : only that the former 
 is the more to be dreaded ; since with his flattering promises 
 which heknows hecannot fulfil, and h.s plausible "compromises," 
 
10 
 
 which he knows are deceitful, he lulls us into security, and then 
 stupifies us into^ non-resistance ! 
 
 Such, then, being the mighty evil, which is preparing for us, 
 sooner or later, in the councils of every party at the North, it may 
 be useful to us, to give a glance, as we proceed, at the fearful 
 consequences, which will befall us, if we do not avert it, by 
 a timely and effectual resistance. The imagination sickens with 
 disgust, and the heart swells with indignation, whilst contem- 
 plating these consequences. 
 
 Briefly, what are they? 
 
 First. — The elevating of our slaves to a political equality with 
 ourselves in the making of our laws, and in the government of 
 the country ; which will soon be followed by the degredation, 
 (as in the i3ritish and French West Indies) — of the claims of a 
 vulgar and upstart race, to social equality with ourselves, and 
 families, in all the domestic relations of life. 
 
 2d. — The overrunning of our country with swarms of an in- 
 dolent, vicious, and unthrifty species of Lazaroni, instead of the 
 best agricultural population in the world such as we now have 
 them. 
 
 3d. — As a consequence of their release from the control of 
 their masters, the abandonment of the cultivation of all the great 
 agricultural staples of the South, from which we derive our 
 wealth at home, and our chief influence abroad; and as the ne- 
 cessary consequence of this, the poverty, ruin and distress of 
 our families. 
 
 4th. — The loss of fifteen hundred millions of our capital, in 
 the loss of property in our slaves, and in the labour which are 
 derived from them. 
 
 .5th. — The depreciation of other fifteen hundred millions of 
 our capital in land, which would become comparatively valueless 
 after our labour capital was destroyed ; and 
 
 6th. — Our political annihilation among the nations of the 
 earth ; and the blighting contempt with which we should be 
 spit upon by all mankind ; as the fitting recompence for that 
 people, who could submit to such degredation, and consent still 
 to live ! ! 
 
 The real danger with which we are threatened, having been 
 ascertained, and some of its consequences briefly pointed out, 
 we now proceed to a consideration of the measures by which 
 our enemies should be resisted, and that danger averted. And 
 here we will adopt the idea which we have before used to illus- 
 trate our subject, and say, that as the measures which have, 
 from time to time been urged upon Congress, by the anti-slave- 
 ry party, should each and every one of them, be viewed as 
 -jt'irts of one [(oieral system of measures, — the object and in- 
 tention of wiiich is, to abolish slavery in the States 5 — so each 
 
11 
 
 one of them should be regarded as assailing one of the outposts 
 which guards our citadel ; and that the loss of any one of them 
 to us, strengthens and encourages our enemies ; weakens and 
 discourages us ; and renders us less able to defend our citadel, 
 when the great struggle shall arise, (as come it must, sooner or 
 later,) which is to decide for us the question, whether we are to 
 live and not die. Each of those aggressions should then be 
 encountered with resolute hostility, as involving the final issue ; 
 and without reference to its own intrinsic ofFensiveness, which, 
 perhaps, standing alone, may be unimportant in itself. 
 
 This being premised, I will now go on to add, that the plan 
 of action which it seems to me proper for the South to pursue, 
 is, in the first place, taking no council from fear, to consider 
 calmly and deliberately their position with a view to decide ?^Aa^ 
 are their rights : and after they have decided, what these are, 
 then resolutely to insist upon them, and ininioveahly maintain 
 them. Forewarned, as we have been of their intentions, we 
 should be forearmed to meet and counteract them. Upon a 
 question of this grave nature, which involves our political life 
 or death, no concession is allowable, which increases the strens^fh 
 of our enemies, and diminishes our ability to resist them. Any 
 Delilah '"'compromise" then, whether offered by some half South- 
 ern man, and supported by whole Northern " friends," so called, 
 if it shears us of even one lock of our strength, is not for a mo- 
 ment to be listened to. We must stand upon our rights in their 
 entirety ; — have them ; or prepare for the consequences. 
 
 The Consequences ! what are they? Some timid one may 
 say, "it may lead to disunion or civil war 1" Not properly, nor 
 rightfully; certainly not necessarily; except our enemies would 
 afford us the proof, that we have remained already too long in 
 the Union ; and they would now use force to keep us there, to 
 plunder or degrade us. But we will examine this presently. 
 
 Some one else may ask, "why not settle the difficulty by cotn- 
 promise ; and let us have a lasting quiet." We will examine 
 this now. 
 
 W^e might not be unwilling, to bring to the altar of peace, 
 some of our rights, and offer them as a sacrifice, on our part, for 
 the happiness of our country ; if we could be assured, tliat by 
 this means, peace, a lasting peace, was to be secured, and the 
 question settled now, and forever. But " compromise," implies 
 mutual concessions ;— the giving up of admitted rights, equally 
 by both parties. To be permanent, it requires that the parties 
 making it, should themselves be permanent, and can bind their 
 successors; and that each intends to act with good faith towards 
 the other. 
 
 Viewed in this light, every element is wanting, in this case, 
 towards a proper compromise. The North concedes to us, no 
 
12 
 
 right on her part ; whilst we are required to give up those, — the 
 yielding up of which, will be felt to their woe, by our latest 
 posterity. We enter too, into a compromise, with a party now, 
 who, if they intend to deal honestly by us, at the ratification, may 
 next year, in the varying fluctuations of political life, be placed 
 beyond the ability to keep their engagements : or, what is more 
 probable, may be recognized, as traitors in the ranks of our en- 
 emies, — sucked in, within the whirlpool of abolitionism, and for 
 the sake of its rewards, making no efforts to extricate themselves, 
 or keep their plighted faith. 
 
 Besides, the materials, of which the anti-slavery party at the 
 North is composed, are of such qualities, that it renders the idea 
 of any permanent compromise with them, utterly preposterous. 
 No concessions, short of the total, and perhaps immediate aboli- 
 tion of slavery, will, or can, ever suthfy them: — and especially 
 such concessions, as we shall make; since they will suppose, that 
 they are extorted from onr fears ; which will only encourage 
 their audacity, to demand more, and greater. 
 
 Of this every one will be satisfied, who considers carefully the 
 materials of which that party is made up. What are they ? 
 Fanatics in religion ; fanatics in politics ; the ravening dema- 
 gogue, hunting after office, and the spoils of party. And when, 
 from the beginnin"- of time, to the present hour, have such men 
 been satisfied with concessions, which have been yielded to their 
 veracity, or been extorted from tiie supposed fears of their vic- 
 tims. 
 
 The religious fanatic, who believes contrary to the teachings 
 of scripture, that slaver^'' is a sin, and a crime against God and 
 man ; and who sets up his own crude notioris about religion and 
 morality, as the standard for other men, and by Avhich he impi- 
 ously tries even the revelation of the all wise God hinjself : — 
 what concession can satisfy such a man, excejit the entire oblit- 
 eration of the sin. 
 
 The political fanatic, who professes to be governed by obliga- 
 tions " higher than the Constitution ;" and who, in his sublima- 
 ted notions about civil society, which never have been, and never 
 can be realized, claims that all men are born free and equal, and 
 have a right to be fed and clothed at the expense of somebody 
 else :— What can satisfy this class, — except raising the slave to 
 an er|ua]ity with the master, and sharing with him his property? 
 
 The wily, non-conmiittal, luuigry demagogue : — the first arti- 
 cle of whose creed, is, to sioear by the ^'- in ajority ^^'' and to live 
 and die feeding at the public crib: — What compromises will 
 .'^uch a man observe, when the stream of popular favour turns 
 against us, and it becomes his interest to desert us? 
 
 Any compromise tiien. which we may make with the North, 
 governed as it is, and as it is likely ever to be, by such materials 
 
13 
 
 as the anti-slavery party is composed of, must result in nothing 
 else, than the advantage and final triumph of our enemies, and 
 in disaster and ruin to ourselves. And the South cannot be too 
 soon waked up to this truth. The most plausible compromises 
 on this question will prove to us 
 
 " Like dead-sea fruits, which tempt Ihe eye, 
 But turn to ashes on the lips. 
 
 The whole history of them, bears testimony to the utter faith- 
 lessness, with which they have been observed by the North. 
 The ordinance of '87, although in strictness of definition not a 
 "compromise ;" since the North, on its part, gave up no right, or 
 valuable consideration, may yet be considered, as a bargain. 
 Virginia by a queenly, (but as the event has turned out) most fa- 
 tuous o-enerosity, gave up to the exclusive use of the North, a 
 munifi'cent domain of North Western Territory ; annexing to 
 the frift but two conditions, the first, that but four States, and no 
 more, should be formed out of it : and second, that fugitive 
 slaves should be delivered up, on demand of their owners. The 
 North greedily accepted the princely gift, subject to the condi- 
 tions. But what is the fulfilment on their part? Instead of four, 
 they have carved out Jive States, by which to increase their 
 power in the Senate : and instead of delivering up to the South 
 her fugitive slaves, they murder and imprison her citizens, who 
 go there to recover their property. 
 
 The Missouri "compromise," so ca//ec?, (but with what pro- 
 priety, is not so plain) is the next example, of the worthlessness 
 of all attempts to settle permanently this vexed question, by 
 coricessio7is, on the part of the South. In that case, the North 
 gave up nothing, and gained every thing. The South, on her 
 part sacrificed a great principle, and along with it, gave up im- 
 mensely valuable rights. For what ?-for the poor privilege 
 at best, of being let alone for a few years. The North claimed 
 what they had no right to ask,— the exclusion of slavehold- 
 ers with their slaves from any portion of our territories. For 
 this which they had no right to, they clamoured, and blustered 
 and'thrcatened : and the South, to their everlasting reproach and 
 dishonour, as well as to their incalculable injury, suff'ered therri- 
 sev es to be influenced by these things ; and yielded a principle 
 wh;ch they should have guarded with their life, and advanfa- 
 sls which they never can recover. • ^ , , 
 
 Amidst this uproar and clamour, which was stirred up by the 
 wrono--doer, the memorable " Missouri compromise," (as it is 
 called") was started by some one, in the fraudulent conspiracy. 
 It offered the latitude of 36° 30', (which, be it here remembered, 
 is the Southern boundary of Virginia and Kentucky, and .Mis- 
 souri,— States, all within latitudes suitable for slave labour,) as 
 2 
 
14 
 
 the line of division between the two sections :— slavery to be 
 prohibited to the north ot that line, but not be interfered with 
 south of it. In this the North gave up no right or privilege, or 
 advantage which they were entitled to, except the right to blus- 
 ter and extort ; — whilst the South consented to be excluded from 
 fertile and valuable territory, well suited to her institutions ; and 
 so has greatly diminished her political power. The considera- 
 tions, for which these advantages were given up, were that the 
 North should give vs peace, and that upon the basis of that line 
 of latitude, the difficulties should be settled then and forever. 
 
 Such were the hopes and expectations, held out to us, by the 
 miserable " Missouri compromise" — a compromise, especially to 
 be remembered by us, both as a great calamity, as well as a 
 most impressive warning ! 
 
 The history of Congress furnishes us with the evidence in 
 what manner these justly indulged expectations have been ful- 
 filled ; and how Northern men have kept their plighted faith, on 
 the subject of slavery. Almost from the time of that compro- 
 mise, up certainly to the present hour, instead of courtesy and 
 peace, we have had insult and violence. The topic of slavery 
 has been thrust in upon the legislation of Congress, without 
 any necessity, and in the most offensive forms. Our institutions 
 have been assailed, our property stolen horn us; our just rights, 
 under the Constitution, denied us, insulting resolutions aimed 
 directly at us, have been passed by Congress itself; our feelings 
 have been outraged; and instead of that consideration and res- 
 pect, which are due to us, as equals, they begin to treat us, with 
 an overbearing arrogance ; which plainly admonishes us, that we 
 are hereafter to be regarded as a subjugated people, dependent 
 upon a distant and irresponsible majority, for our dearest rights, 
 and for the privilege even of a political existence. And now in 
 the very wantonness of power, they are about to inflict upon us, 
 the crowning act of their injustice. They demand now, that we 
 shall not only be excluded with our slaves, from all territories, 
 north of 36"^ 30', but from every portion of the public domain 
 south ot that line ; and also from a large portion of Texas, which 
 was secured to the South by the solemnity of a treaty. And all 
 this is done, in a manner, and with declarations so offensive, as 
 to make the depth of contempt, and disparagement, to which 
 our donkey passiveness, or (as they may siij)pose) our timidi/i/ 
 has sunk us, ;ind as if further, to l.iuah to scorn, the stupid cre- 
 dulity which has put faith in their promises. 
 
 It should be noted here, however, in ajjology for those few 
 Southern men, who gave their sanction to the '• ^tiissouri com- 
 promise," that they had not then, as we have now, such evidence 
 of the faithlessness of the anti-slavery power in Congress, upon 
 all (juestions, which afiect our Southern institutions. Our ene- 
 
15 
 
 tnies, approached us then, as " brethren," and our Southern heart 
 kindling at the appeal, yielded to their exactions, for the purpose 
 of living at peace with them. 
 
 But if the leading men of that day beguiled some of our pre- 
 decessors with enticing words, and then betrayed them with a 
 kiss ; we of the present day, should be without apology, and be 
 recreant to posterity, if we shut oureyes to the fact, that we have 
 to deal now with the same Judas, who will again betray us ; — 
 if not for the thirty pieces of silver, yet for the honours and 
 spoils of office at home. We cannot now retract our steps, in 
 the Missouri compromise or recall the advantages we then for- 
 ever parted with. But now, that another and similar crisis is at 
 hand, we can profit by the experience of the past ; and planting 
 ourselves upon our rights, and resolving not to yield another 
 hair's breadth of them to any power on earth, leave to others, 
 the responsibility of pushing us if they dare, from our position. 
 
 Our judgments, when enlightened by a careful review of (he 
 whole question instructs us ; and our experience confirms the 
 important truths. First — That no concessions on the subject of 
 slavery has ever, or can ever satisfy our enemies. 2d. — That 
 the anti-slavery spirit is not only aggressive, but rapidly pro- 
 gressive ; and 3d — that sooner or later^ the battle will have to be 
 fought on the final is sue ^ viz: whetherweshallcontinue oursla- 
 very institutions in the States; or whether the North shall take 
 that matter into their own hands, and regulate it for us, accor- 
 ding to their own caprice, and not for our own, but their bene- 
 fit. The only alternatives for us to indulge a choice in, are, as 
 to the time when ? and the manner how? we shall meet the 
 great final issue. 
 
 Shall we meet it, and fight the great battle now, whilst we 
 have strength, and allies, and the spirit of our people unbroken 1 
 or shall we postpone it. a little later, by compromising and tem- 
 porising] when our enemies shall have multiplied in numbers 
 and increased in power ; — when our strength shall have dimin- 
 ished, our allies deserted us, and the spirit of our people crushed 
 and discouraged ? These are the alternatives, which we have 
 to choose between ! ! 
 
 But it may be objected to, by someone who is afraid of his 
 own shadow, or perchance of ghosts, the shadows of other 
 imaginary things, and who is afraid to do what is right, or what 
 is his duty, " because something may happen." " If we are to 
 make no concessions on the subject of slavery, — if we arc to 
 allow of no compromise, what then? How is the question to 
 be settled, except by disunion, or civil war?" 
 
 Now it is freely admitted that if they who have the power to 
 do us justice, refuse to do so, and prefer to drive us over the 
 precipice, that we must either submit to their encroachments, 
 
16 
 
 with all the fearful and degrading consequences, which I have 
 but only glanced at, or encounter the alternate consequences of 
 disunion, or, perchance, of civil war. If either of the latter al- 
 ternatives are pressed upon us; we, at least, shall not be re- 
 sponsible for the consequences ; and we shall have the advan- 
 tage of appearing before mankind in the attitude of men who 
 are contending not only for their just rights, but for rights 
 which are indispensible for their political existence. 
 
 But as States, as well as individuals, men should take no 
 important step without deliberating upon the consequences of 
 the act, it becomes the South to examine well, what will be the 
 effect npon their destiny of disunion or civil war. And first 
 of disunion. 
 
 In order to understand the abundant resources of the South- 
 ern States, towards becoming a ^reat, powerful and indepen- 
 dent nation, capable of protecting herself from all ngaression from 
 abroad, or at home; and of becoming wealthy and prosperous 
 to a degree heretofore seldom enjoyed by any people. Examine 
 first, the map of the United Slates, and then indulge. in certain 
 considerations, which obviously present themselves, but which 
 the occasion will allow us, only very briefly to glance at. 
 
 Beginning at the Capes of the Dekiware, go up that bay until 
 Vv''e reach the southern boundary of Pennsylvania. Pursue 
 that boundary west, to the Ohio river; then down that river to 
 its junction with the Mississippi ; then up that river to the 
 northern boundary of the State of Missoiu'i ; then around the 
 northern and the western bonndnry of that State to the line of 
 36"^ 30' ; thence west on that line to the Pacific Ocean. Or, if it 
 be preferred, until it strikes the U|)per waters of the Rio Grande ; 
 then down that river to the Gulf of Mexico ; and tlience, 
 aroiuid to ihe Atlantic. Within these boundaries we have 
 "The Southern United States of North America," — as magnifi- 
 cent a country as ever the sun shone upon ; — solid, compact, 
 and sell-supporting for all purposes of defence, — with noble 
 rivers, a fertile soil, great mineral resources, a genial climate, 
 for all purposes of agriculture, manufactures, and v.ommerce ; 
 and with a population at this time, of about t),()t)0,()00 whites, — 
 a liardy race, enterprising, ctnu'ageous, intelligent and generous; 
 but unhappily for themselves, too confidinir in those who are 
 lulling them into security, to betray and then ruin ihem. These 
 Slates also possess a black population of about 3,01)0,000, — a 
 docile, obedient, orderly, and athletic people ; — when let alone, 
 hc'ippy, contented, and attached to their owners; and with their 
 labor directed by ihe superior intelligence of the white race, and 
 aided by their capital, consiiluting one of the most efficient and 
 profital)lc classes of labourers in tlie world. 
 
 Examining these States next, in their capabilities to afford sus- 
 
17 
 
 tenance, and wealth to man ; we find them producing a supera- 
 bundance of meats, and fruits, and grains and roots; and yield- 
 ing for a large export, the most valuable agricultural staples that 
 the world knows:— staples which brino: millions ot peopJe, in 
 other nations, dependant upon them for the raw material ; upon 
 which aofain depend the manufuctures, and the commerce of 
 those nations. The cotton, rice, tobacco, sugar, and other arti- 
 cles exported from those States, amount to over $95,000,000, an- 
 nually, besides what are kept back, and used freely for their own 
 comforts, or manufactures at home. This affords, not only a 
 very larore income to the inhabitants; but as imports are in pro- 
 portion to exports; and the revenue of a nation in proportion to 
 its imports, it will afford at a moderate tarifi' of duties, an over- 
 flowing' treasury, which will enable the Southern United States 
 to do, (what has heretofore been denied them,) and that is, by ex- 
 pending within themselves, and for their own benefit, those im- 
 mense sums which have been hitherto extorted from them, and 
 squandered elsewhere, amply to fortify themselves, and develope 
 their own mighty, but dormant resources. How different will be 
 the aspect of things in the whole South, when this tide of wealth 
 is dammed up within our own borders, and made to roll back 
 among our own people; and when our immense capital is em- 
 ployed by our own merchants in establishing a direct trade, be- 
 tween our own Southern ports, and our customers all over the 
 world. Then every vulnerable point will be protected by an 
 ample fortification; then every suitable harbour will have its well 
 appointed dock-yard, and our navy will soon rank with the 
 proudest. Then every river, harbour, channel, or bank will be 
 surveyed and mapped out for the security of our commerce. 
 Then, when ice have our oipu, and it is spent amomr ourselves, 
 will the unaccustomed nourishment be difl'used through the 
 whole system, and its vivifying influence be felt in every pore. 
 The arts will revive, manufactures will spring up around us ; 
 our agriculture will rearits drooping head, our commerce will 
 expand ; mechanic labour, meeting with ample rewards, will 
 pour in upon us, and emigration, no longer discouraged by the 
 uninviting aspect of our country, will flock to our shores. And 
 then, as the consequence of all these things, will we exhibit to 
 mankind, a refutation of the calumny of our enemies, which at- 
 tributes the impoverished condition of things at the South, to the 
 institution of slavery among us, and not rather to the systima- 
 tic robbery of our National Legislature, (where we are in a hope- 
 less minority,) by which the immense revenues drawn annually 
 from Southern labour, is disbursed almost entire at the North, 
 for the encouragement of the labour of that section. 
 
 Considered then, in all the consequences of a peaceable sep- 
 aration of the two sections, (and there is no justifiable reason 
 2* 
 
18 
 
 wliy it should not be peaceable,)— the Southern United States 
 would be immeasurably gainers by disunion. We will now 
 consider what vvor.ld likely be the result, if another new, and 
 anon^lous condition be attempted to be imposed upon us, with 
 which, in the arroaance of power, we have sometimes been 
 threatened ; and that is the brotherly violence of musketry and 
 cannon^ \.o force us to contiime in the fraternal embrace of the 
 Union. 
 
 What then, are our capabilities to meet the issue, if our ene- 
 mies force upon us the alternative of a "civil war," as it is called; 
 although in no particular, in which civil wars become so much 
 to be dreaded, will this be one. It will be a war between two 
 distinctlv marked sections, on opposite sides of a well defined 
 line: between a nation on the one side, of Northern Slates, inva- 
 diiio- anoiher nation of Southern States, waiting with all their 
 mighty resources ot men and revenue, to meet the attack ; and 
 with the concentrated energy of a righteous indio^nation to drive 
 it back. And who that considers these immense resources, can 
 for a moment doubt the issue. The Southern United States 
 could briuij into the field, if necessary, 1,200,000 men, capable 
 of bearing arms: and with duties at a war-scale, might have an 
 annual revenue of $50,000,000 : which (as the civil war so called, 
 would be one of defence,) would be spent almost entirely among 
 our own people at home^ and would therefore be but little felt 
 as a burden. 
 
 Besides, it would be the policy of all the great maratime com- 
 mercial and manutacturing nations of the world, to take sides 
 with the South. Since the Northern States, in all their pursuits, 
 are their rivals ; whilst the Southern United States, by their em- 
 ployments, and the rich staples of our agriculture, would be 
 their natural allies. By our cotton, hemp, tobacco, sugar, and 
 other staple productions of our soil, we supply the raw material; 
 upon which depends some of the most extensive of their manu- 
 factures ; and which form the basis, of their most profitable com- 
 merce, and by taking away the tonnage duties^ which now dis- 
 criminate in favour of our Northern oppressors, and giving to 
 our customers in Europe the profits of carrying our bulky sta- 
 ples, we bind their navigating interest strongly in our favour. 
 
 Separated, then, from our Northern "bretliren," our Southern 
 United States, would become a valuable customer to all the ci- 
 vilized nations oftiie woild;— oneto be conciliated and cherish- 
 ed, rather than to be insulted and injured. And when our fa- 
 vours are made to depend upon the civility, good offices, and 
 national courtesy, which might be extended to us, by other na- 
 tions ; there is no people who would be so forward to bid for our 
 custom, on our own terms, as those very States, who, because 
 they think they now have the riglit to those favours, receive 
 
19 
 
 them without gratitude, and add insult and injury to us, whilst 
 they enjoy them. 
 
 The 'Southern United States need be under no apprehension, 
 for any amount o{ revenue which they may require, for any pur- 
 pose of peace, or war. The willingness to lend is always meas- 
 ured by the ability to pay. If they be only true to themselves ; 
 if they exhibit to the world, that which they undoubtedly pos- 
 sess,— and that is their entire ability to protect and de- 
 fend themselves from all aggression from abroad, or at home, 
 and to maintain a vigorous political independence, they will 
 possess the key, through the rich productions of their soil, by 
 which to open the coffers of every capitalist in Europe ; and even 
 of the Northern states of this continent. 
 
 In men and revenue, our resources would be ample, for any 
 emergency; and in {\\e good will of the nations, these advantages 
 are increased. But when, in a conflict, such as we are consider- 
 ing, all our other advantages are examined, our triumph becomes 
 certain, our enemies would be the invaders ; and would there- 
 fore require double the amount of revenue, to carry on their war 
 of aggression. We would be the defenders with all the advan- 
 tages of position ; in a compact territory; with each part giving 
 support to all other parts ; and with our resources around, and 
 about us. Our enemies could never be united in such a war- 
 fare, even if they could raise the immense revenue, which it 
 would require to conduct it: whilst the heart of the South would 
 be in their cause, and they would be united as one man. The 
 North may send upon us a horde of fanatics and desparadoes, to 
 rob and to plunder ; or to force us back, into a Union, which has 
 become odious to us, by the insults and injustice which we have 
 suffered under it. But they will meet upon our borders, an array 
 of bolder and more resolute men ; — standing around their fami- 
 ies and their property ; and in defence of their honour and their 
 rights, ready and able to drive back the vile aggressors, with 
 ignominy and defeat. That will be an evil day to our enemies, 
 when they shall spill the first drop of a Southern man's blood, 
 who is standing up in defence of such a cause. The very stones 
 will cry aloud at such an outrage upon our soil. Even our 
 women will forget their sex, in defence of their injured country ; 
 whilst the just indignation which will swell the hearts of all that 
 is called " man," or claims to be man, throughout the wide bor- 
 ders of the whole South, will impart a tenfold energy to their 
 arms, in striking deep, into the hearts of their enemies. 
 
 It is not forgotten in this place, that the chief instrument, 
 which our humane and christian enemies calculate to employ 
 against us, in operating our destruction, is, to excite an insur- 
 rection among our slaves; and thus in their benevolent crusade 
 in favour of the blacks, to inflict upon the white race, the united 
 
20 
 
 horrors, of a servile and a civil war. This is the most cherish- 
 ed scheme of these pious " philanthropists ;" by which they hope 
 to terrify ns, into a submission to tlieir preposterous and insul- 
 tinof demands, and it has not been without some effect. It has 
 friofhtened many a nervous old woman ; and not a few Northern 
 men, who have settled amongst us, in onr cities ; but who are 
 entirely ignorant of the kindly feelings, which generally exist, 
 between the slaveholder and his people. Bnt the scheme will 
 be found to be as abortive, in practice, as it is demoniacal in con- 
 ception : and can never succeed, except upon the supposition of 
 asnpineness on the part of the people of the South, which would 
 amount to insanity ; — in allowing our enemies to mingle freely 
 with our slaves, and pervert their feelings by falsehoods, misre- 
 presentations and delusive hopes. To the native slaveholder 
 however, who, with his people, has been reared in tfie same 
 neighbourhood, or perhaps upon the same plantation ; — who wit- 
 nesses, on the one side, their feelings of respect and strong at- 
 tachment towards liim ; and on the other, realizes to himself, the 
 kindly feelings, which he indulges towards them, — this notable 
 scheme of our enemies carries with it, no very alarming forebo- 
 dings. His every day experience and observation convince him 
 that the efforts of our enemies must be both active, uninterrupted 
 and long continned, to extirpate that loyalty o[\\\s slaves, — 
 which is stronger than a habit, and forms a part of their very 
 nature: and so far from indulging in supineness, in a matter of 
 that nature, it may be assumed as a fact, which will be true with- 
 out an exception, thnt no emissary of msurrection will ever be 
 able to travel throuyh our country, whose very movement will 
 not be watched and noted ; until becoming entangled in his own 
 snares, he shall meet the doom, which an enraged people have 
 ready for such miscreants. It is only in times of profound peace 
 and public security ; when suspicion is asleep, that an emissary 
 maycra?i;/his way into some obscure neighbourhood, and by his 
 serpent arts, pollute our slaves, and excite an insurrection. But 
 such out-breaks must ever be very limited in their extent, and 
 will be as easily pnt down, as any of the mobs which occur in 
 the free-soil States. In times of tlireatened invasion, or open war 
 during the stir and activity of military preparation, when the 
 slaveholder is waked up to his danger, and has his arms in his 
 hands, no insurrection of any extent is ever, likely to break out, 
 and much less to succeed. Of this, very man who hasresided long 
 at the South, will be convincod, who duly reflects on the subject, 
 and should the occasion ever arise, when it mny become the 
 South to tax all her energies, to mninlain her political existence, 
 or defend her rights or honour ; we mii^ht, if it were deemed 
 necessary, send into the field a million jf men to meet the inva- 
 der^ without detracting scarcely a labourer from our agriculturej 
 
21 
 
 besides leaving 200,000 men, at but little expense to the govern- 
 ment, to act as a vigilant police, in keeping quiet any of our 
 slaves who may be t)iade disatfected. An active police of a 
 fourth of that number, properly directed and distributed over 
 the South, would keep in order every disaffected slave, and 
 effectively secure us from a servile insurrection. 
 
 This favourite scheme, then, of our humane and christian 
 enemies, will be found barren of the results which they antici- 
 pate ; but will recoil upon them in a manner in which they least 
 expect The deluded slave, whose mind has been poisoned by 
 the falsehoods and wicked arts of the abolitionists, and has been 
 tempted to raise his irreverent arm against the life of his master, 
 will be foimd stricken down to the earth; whilst the diabolical 
 agent of his ruin, the enemy alike of master and slave, will be 
 found dangling from our loftiest trees, expiating his crimes after 
 the miinner of Hainan of old. 
 
 It will thus be perceived : First. That in the rich and varied 
 resources which the "Southern United States," so abund- 
 antly possess in revenue, and in men, we have all the ele- 
 ments necessary for coiistitntiniir us a great, flourishing and in- 
 dependent nation. Second, That the bugbear, disunion, or 
 separation from the free-soil (or more properly Pharisaical,) 
 States, would contribute greatly to our prosperity and happi- 
 ness, and finally to our lastnig peace ; and Thud. I'liat the dan- 
 gers of civil and servile war, should cause no well-grounded 
 apprehension about the result, when the mighty array of means 
 are considered, which we have for resistance and .self-defence. 
 
 Now, these positions will he greatly strengthened, if we con- 
 sider, 1st, In contrast with ours, the means and resources of the 
 power which it is supposed might have the temerity to attack 
 us: and 2nd, The diielul effects upon them, which disunion or 
 a separation from us would entail. This is better understood by 
 the reflectinij and sr^gacious men ainoiiij them, than it appears 
 to be by us; and hence the Epithalamiums which they are con- 
 stantly chanting in praise of (he " Union," the " Union ;" in the 
 hope of keeping us in good humor with it. And hence the 
 threats of violence and coercion, which they throw out to in- 
 timidate us, to remain passive, within its fatal embraces. 
 
 In the union of States, in which we find ourselves now asso- 
 ciated, the free soil, or "Pharisee" States, are the merchants, 
 the manulacfnres, and the shippers of the family : whilst the 
 Southern States may be regarded, by way of distinction, as 
 the aijricnlturists of the family. They manufacture for us, 
 and by the aid of the bounties which they derive in the form of 
 revenue duties, they shut us up from other customers, and bring 
 us tributary to them, in a heavy amount, for their mnnvfactnrcs. 
 They are ihecairiers of the extensive and bulky products of our 
 
22 
 
 agriculture; and by the bounties which they enjoy in the form 
 of tonnage duties, we are shut up from other customers, and are 
 again brought under heavy tribute to them for freights. By 
 the combined operation of these two causes, (and of some others 
 which might be named, if necessary,) they get possession of the 
 largest portion of our agricultural products ; which in the form 
 of remittances in payment for imports, invests them with a large 
 amount of our capital, upon the basis of which they carry on 
 their extensive and lucrative commerce, — a commerce which 
 brings us tributary to them again, to the full extent of the dif- 
 ference at which they sell our exports abroad, and what they 
 make us pay for the imports at home. 
 
 In these several relations, the Southern States stand to the 
 free-soil, or "Pharisee" States, as colonies to a parent and 
 dominant country, — not allowed to employ the agents who will 
 do their work without bounty, and at the least expense to them; 
 nor to buy from those customejs, who will sell cheapest ; — but 
 compelled to confine their business only to certain agents, who 
 decide without competition upon the rates we have to pay them ; 
 and to buy from them pretty much at their own prices. 
 
 It is precisely, too, in these relations that these Free-Soil or 
 Pharisee States become the objects of rivalry and jealousy, to all 
 the commercial, manufacturmg and navigating countries of the 
 world. Both are manufacturers; both are carriers; both are 
 merchants, seeking foreign markets for their goods ; and hence 
 the jostlings and jealousy which is likely to spring up between 
 them. The custom then, of a people like the " Southern United 
 States," which has from 95 to 100,000,000 worth of exports to 
 dispose of, must be of the highest importance to every nation, 
 which has ships to carry these exports; manufactures to ex- 
 cnange for them, and a large commerce to expand by them. 
 The alliance then, between nations of such different pursuits 
 and characters, becomes strong and natural ; since in the mo- 
 nopoly of that kind of custom, every commercial and manufac- 
 turing nation must chiefly depend for their wealth and prosperity. 
 It is the habit with many to suppose that nations without slaves 
 are ipso facto, more flourishing than those that have them. But 
 of all delusive notions, this is one of the most erroneous. Spain, 
 Italv, Germany, France, Russia, or other '-free States" so called, 
 are not more flourishing than our Southern States, with all the 
 exactions which are made upon our labour. FiUgland is indebted 
 for her immense wealth and remarkable prosperity to the mo- 
 nopoly of the profits, and the trade of her extensive colonies, and 
 especially of India, which she has sucked dry of all those enor- 
 mous treasures, for which she was, lor a long time, (but not 
 now,) a proverb among the nations. And in like manner, the 
 Pharisee States of this Union have become comparatively rich 
 
23 
 
 and flourishing, by the operation and policy of certain national 
 laws which leave the Southern States in the relation of tribu- 
 tary colonies to them. Let England be shorne of her colonies^ 
 and with all her cant, and boasting, about the absence of slavery 
 within her limits, what would she become ! And let the free- 
 soil, or Pharisee States be separated from the "publicans and 
 sinners" of the slave-holding States; and what will be their 
 condition in five years? We will stop for a moment briefly to 
 answer. 
 
 Owing to the operation of certain laws of the Federal Gov- 
 ernment, as we have just said, those States have now the entire 
 ?no?iopoly of the Southern market for a large amount of the ar- 
 ticles which they manufacture, and upon which hundreds of 
 thousands of their citizens depend for their support. They en- 
 joy, also, bounties upon another large class of their manufactures, 
 upon which millions more of their citizens depend, and which 
 bounties secure to them great advantages over their foreign 
 rivals, in our Southern markets. These bounties, in the form of 
 revenue duties, are so high as to exclude foreign nations from 
 competing with these Northern States for our custom, in many 
 articles ; whilst in all other articles they enjoy an advantage 
 over their foreign rivals equivalent to their receiving a present 
 from the Federal Government of from fifteen to thirty-five 
 dollars upon every hundred dollars worth of goods which they 
 manufacture, and sell at the South. To estimate properly 
 the immense importance of these advantages to the Northern 
 States, it must be borne in mind, that this customer is no insig- 
 nificant one; but numbers now perhaps, by the present census, 
 nine millions of population, and that manufacturing at present 
 little among themselves ; they are almost entirely buyers, and not 
 sellers of those articles, which the Northern States and foreign 
 nations send to them. 
 
 Now, these things being premised, let any man ask himself, 
 what would be the effect, if these bounties of the Federal Gov- 
 ernment were taken away ; and not only taken away, but the 
 burden of an impost duty, added to the cost of manufacturing. 
 The separation of the Southern from the Northern States, would 
 render it necessary for us to have a revenue of our own, which 
 on a peace establishment, may be assumed to be about 20 per 
 cent at an average. We will also assume that the average 
 amount of bounty which the Northern manufacturers now re- 
 ceive, under our present revenue laws, is also 20 per cent. It is 
 in reality, much more. The account then, will stand thus, hi 
 the Union, they \\i\ve b. present now made them of §20, for every 
 hundred dollars worth of goods which they manufacture; which 
 adds just so much to the profits of their labour. Separated from 
 us, ney lose first, this government present of 20 percent; and 
 
24 
 
 have, secondly, to add to the loss, 20 per cent more, in the form 
 of a revenue duty to be paid to the Southern United States : — 
 making a difference to them, in the profits of their industry, of 
 40 per cent. Can any sane man believe for a moment, that man- 
 ufactures which are now fostered by bounties of 20 per cent, and 
 as their advocates tell us, scarcely thrive at that, can exist for a 
 year, when 40, or even 20 percent of their profits are abstracted 
 from them? It would be absurd to suppose so. 
 
 It may be confidently assumed then, that the separation of the 
 Northern States from us, which would be followed by this loss 
 of their present bounties, and the addition of new burdens on 
 their labour, would bankrupt almost every manufacturing estab- 
 lishment at the North ; and would throw out of employment 
 hundreds of thousands of their citizens, who would have to 
 throng into other departments of their industry to seek a liveli- 
 hood. Hut what other department of their industry, would be 
 in a better condition, or could receive them? Certainly not their 
 acrricultural, which cannot compete now with the South and 
 West, in any article which they can grow to a profit. Not their 
 navigation interest, for under the state of things which we are 
 supposing, the tonnage bounties being taken from them, and 
 duties of our own burdened upon them instead, and our freights 
 being given to our foreign customers, or perhaps only a small 
 share given to Northern ship-owners, — their navigation interest 
 would dwindle, and their sailors would have to seek employ- 
 ment elsewhere. Their commercial department could not re- 
 ceive them : Since, exporting our agricultural products in the 
 vessels of our foreign customers, and establishing a direct trade 
 between our own ports, and those countries, we not only shall 
 have no need for Northern merchants, to do our business, but 
 being deprived of the immense capital, which they now have the 
 use of, in exporting so large a portion of our rich nwricultural 
 staples, they would be deprived of the chief support, upon which 
 their foreign commerce is now kept so prosperous, and without 
 which it must droop on, in a feeble and sickly existence. 
 
 Every department of Northern industry being doomed to heavy 
 injury, diminishment and decay, by this withdrawal of the bomi- 
 ties which they now enjoy in tlie Union, and the competition 
 which they will have to encounter out of it, from other nations; 
 and millions of their citizens being thrown out of employment 
 to seek for it elsewhere, but which cannot be found at home ; — 
 the first effect of oiu" separation from them, will be incalculable 
 distress among their citizens ; and the next, the imigration of 
 their citizens, with their capital to other States, where it can be 
 made to be more profitable. The " Southern United States" will 
 offer the strongest temptations to them for such imigraiion and 
 investment of capital. It will be necessary only to cross over 
 
25 
 
 the line, and settle within her borders, to renew the priviliges 
 which they formerly enjoyed under the old Union :— and who 
 doubts, but that it will be eagerly embraced, and thousands ab- 
 stracted from the population, and millions from the capital of the 
 
 North. , • , •„ u 
 
 But it is not merely in the wide spread mjury which will be 
 inflicted upon every department of industry at the North, that 
 the effects of a seperation from us will be felt by their citizens. 
 We are infinitely profitable to them in another way. We are the 
 tax papers; whilst they are the tax receivers, and tax spenders. 
 They have contrived by adroit management, and throujrh their 
 majority in Congress, to collect large revenues, which are drawn 
 chiefly from our Southern labour ; and after the treasury has 
 been filled, they have not been wanting in pretexts, some of them 
 the most flimsy and unconstitutional, to empty it into the laps of 
 their own citizens to enrich them, or appropriate it for public 
 works within their own limits, to benefit their own section. The 
 domestic exports of the United States in 1848, (the latest year of 
 which I have a return by me) were within a trifle of $133,000,- 
 000 : of which the share of the Southern States was about 95,- 
 000,000, leaving the balance of 28,000,000 as the share of the 
 Northern States. These brought us a return of $155,000,000 of 
 imports : — of which the share of the South would be about 110,- 
 000,000, and that of the North about 45,000,000. Now, suppo- 
 sing, that all of these imports pay duties, (which is now the 
 case,) at an average of 20 per cent, (which is less than is really 
 exacted,) the Southern States pay 22,000,000 towards the annual 
 revenue of the General Government, whilst the North contri- 
 butes but 9,000,000. 
 
 But how stands the account of the dishiirsement of these 31,- 
 000,000 of revenue? Are the 22,000,000 which are taken from 
 the labour of the South expended at the South, to enrich her 
 citizens and improve her section : and only the 9,000,000 which 
 are contributed by the North spent among her people? Far, 
 very far, is this from being the case. We have not within our 
 reach the documents which are necessary to exhibit this point ; 
 but we see, and feel, and know that harsh injustice is done us in 
 this matter. It has been asserted, on good authority, that seven- 
 ninths of the income of the General Government is spent at the 
 North ; and but two-ninths at the South. According to this es- 
 timate,' whilst the Southern States contribute of the 31,000,000, 
 22000,000, they receive back, to be spent among their people, 
 but 6,900,000 : and whilst the North contributes but 9,000,000 
 to that fund, they contrive so to divert the current of expendi- 
 ture out of its natural channels, as to spend the enormous amount 
 of 24,100,000 among her own people, which is 15,000,000 an- 
 nually more than they contribute ; and to the same amount, so 
 3 
 
26 
 
 much taken f 1-0711 the profits of our industry, to enrich their 
 own citizens and section. This is equally true of the revenue 
 also, from the sale of our public land's, and all other sources of 
 our public income, amounting to nearly 4,000,000 more, which 
 swells the amount disbursed among the free-soil States to nearly 
 28,000,000, whilst the sums expended at the South are less than 
 8,000,000. 
 
 In estimating then, the value of the Union to them, as it has no 
 doubt often been cyphered out in the true "clockmaker" style 
 by the "Sam Slicks" of the North, it has without doubt been as- 
 certained, and credited in their "bank-book," as being worth to 
 them, in hard dollars, at least eig;hteen millions of dollars annu- 
 ally, in clear gain, and free of all expenses. Hence the tender 
 affection. — the reverential regard, which they pretend to feel, and 
 express for the " Union :" and hence the abhorrence which they 
 express at the thought ofseparalion from their beloved " brethren" 
 at the South, and the denunciation of those who breathe the 
 word "disunion" as a thing, that is possible. But the South be- 
 gins at length to understand the sincerity of these professions of 
 veneration for the Union ;" and the disinterestedness of their in- 
 dignation, at those who would dissolve it ; and especially, when 
 they threaten to hold us in their embraces, by main force, and 
 with all the violence of musketry and cannon, if need be. We 
 viewed it as the old trick of Demetrius and his confederate "sil- 
 versmiths at Ephesus" who made silver shrines for the goddess 
 Diana. This employment " brought no small gain to the crafts- 
 men," we are told : but the great Apostle, in preaching aCTain^t 
 idolatry, disturbed the rookery. And then loud and long, did they 
 lift up their voices, in honour of " great Diana" of the Ephesians; 
 until doubtless, the simple ones of the town, believed these to be 
 sincere and devoted worshippers of the goddess. But these wor- 
 thies cracked their throats in honour of the "great Diana," and 
 would have murdered the messenger of God, — not because they 
 cared an assariiim for the daughter of Jupiter, but because, as 
 inspiration tells us, " their craft was in danger :" and the Apos- 
 tle in the performance of his high duties, had attempted to put 
 an end to its iniquities. . Just so, is it with those, who employ 
 themselves in bepraising the "Union," as a glorious Union," and 
 so forth ; and who denounce as " traitors" those who question its 
 advantages, conducted as it has been for years past ; and who 
 would bring it hack to its original principles of equality and 
 justice ; or dissolve it. They feel that in separating from the 
 South, " their craft is in danger." They arc in dangerof loosing, 
 not merely the bounties which gave life to their manufactures, 
 their shipping and their commerce; but the good round sum of 
 $1H,000,000 annually, which is taken from the pockets of the 
 Southern plat.'ters to be transferred, by a sort of legislative leger- 
 
'Zi 
 
 demain. into their own pockets, to enrich themselves and give 
 prosperity to their sections. Deprived by disunion, of this annu- 
 al and refreshing supply, they must either permit the hundreds 
 of thousands of their citizens who are now nourished by those 
 expenditures, to sink down in suffering, and the public works 
 upon which they are squandered to go to decay ; or they must 
 raise the amount by taxes, upon themselves. But how raise 
 them ? They appropriate to themselves, out of the public treas- 
 ury, not only the nine millions of their own, but eishteen 
 millions and more, contributed by the South :— making their 
 siiare of the expenditures, over 27000,000 of dollars. Now it 
 has been seen that their share of the imports amount only to about 
 45,000,000 : upon which it would require, a duty of 60 per cent, 
 to raise the 27,000,000 of revenue, which they are now accus- 
 tomed to spend. But as no commerce could bear for any length 
 of time, a burden of 60 per cent, then the resort would have to 
 be, to direct taxes : — which it is very doubtful, whether a popu- 
 lation like that in the Northern States would submit to. 
 
 It may be assumed then, as a thing that is certain, that that 
 amount of revenue could not, (except by borrowing,) be supplied 
 for purposes of either war, or peace: and that all the interests 
 and projects, which are now fostered by that expenditure, will be 
 suffered to languish and decay. 
 
 In every point of examination then, it will appear, that the 
 dissolution of the Union, will be followed by infinite distress and 
 disaster to the North ; and with comparatively little to the South. 
 Let every Southern man then firmly persuade himself of this 
 fact ; that the Uiu'on is of vastly more value to them, than it is to 
 us ; and that it is for them, and not for us, to make sacrifices and 
 concessions to maintain it. 
 
 As long as the principles of the Constitution are faithfully ob- 
 served, and the Union made to promote the purposes, for which 
 it was formed, it becomes our duty to support it. It is true, that 
 conducted at its best, it is likely through all the fiscal operations 
 of the Federal Government, to be a hard bargain for us. But 
 when honourable men have solemnly joined hands over aeon- 
 tract, it is not for one party to deny their obligations, because in 
 a matter of dollars and cents, the other may have the advanlage. 
 The South then, it may lieconfidently asserted, would never have 
 disturbed the Union, or calculated its value, had she not been 
 wounded in some of her tenderest points; — points, which touch 
 her honour, and peril her existence. Her just rights have been 
 invaded,or denied her. Her feelings are outraged by daily in- 
 sults to our Representatives in the common council halls of the 
 nation ; and they use every eflbrt to degrade us, by insulting 
 resolutions directed against us, and our institutions. They not 
 only do this, in the most aggravated form, but in their arrogance 
 
28 
 
 of power, on the most uuiieeessary occasions. They press the 
 " Wihiiot proviso," not only over territory, where slavery never 
 would have been carried ; but they appear to regard the act of a 
 territory, which excludes the slave-holder with his slaves, as in 
 itself so meritoreous, that they have just forced California into 
 the Union, against every requirement of sound policy, against 
 all sound precedent, and contrary to the truest principles of the 
 Constitution. They exclude us not only from Territory, which 
 is our own, equally as it is theirs, but is unsuited to our institu- 
 tions ; — but they now attempt to deprive us of broad lands, which 
 are well suited to us ; — which have been conquered by our val- 
 our, and won by our treasure and our blood ; and are in this 
 respect, more our own, than it is theirs. And whilst they do 
 this to us, who have a just right to those lands, as our property ; 
 to us, whom they profess to call " brethren" and who have a claim 
 upon them as such, — they have, as if in utter contempt of us, our 
 feelings, and our interests, offered to s^ive aioay, to squander, to 
 lavish, those lands, upon every vagrant, or pauper, or vagabond 
 emigrant, who may be enticed from the rest of the world, to come 
 and settle upon them!! These are the injuries and insults, 
 which have sunk deep into the Southern heart, and made every 
 man in the retirement of his plantation, calculate the value of a 
 Union, with such men, as perpetrate such enormiites. And when 
 is superadded to all these things, the evidence which is before 
 us, that they are steadily advancing upon us, with deadly hos- 
 tility, to destroy our instilutions, and that they claim the right 
 to meddle with us. because we belong to the Union ; — then it 
 becomes the South resolutely to take the position which tjie 
 emergency requires; demand a redress of tlieir grievances ; and 
 ample security for their rights, now and hereafter. 
 
 And here comes up the question, to obtain an answer to which 
 the citizens of St. John's Colleton, have sought to obtain the sen- 
 timents of their candidates ; — " What does it become the South 
 to do, under the circimistanccs of their case V 
 
 Actively and efficiently the South can do nothing, to redress 
 her wrongs ; as long' as she remains in the Union. She is in a 
 minority, a hopeless minority in the House of Representatives ; 
 and now, since California is admitted, the equilibrium is destroy- 
 ed in the Senate ; and we are in a hopeless minority there also. 
 The South must therefore depend hereafter, upon (he forbear- 
 ance aud'jiisficeo( this majority, for carryiuiront any measure, 
 which may be necessary for licr well-being: audihc kind of jus- 
 tice which she may expect in future may be judged of, by the 
 specimens which the North is now preparing for us wiihin her 
 own borders, and by that which we have just witnessed in the 
 admission of California. Nor is there any mode by which we 
 can reach, or change those majorities; since they are responsi- 
 
29 
 
 ble not to us, but to remote and hostile constituencies. It may 
 be justly apprehended too, that as the North becomes stronger, 
 and more influential, the traitors to the South will become more 
 numerous among her public 7nen ; and the breed of the Badgers 
 and the Bentons, the Bells, the Honstons, and the Footes, will 
 fearfully multiply amon^ us. With the strong arm of power, 
 the treasures and the oflices of the nation will be seized upon by 
 the North, and we shall be betrayed and weakened, by desertion 
 from our ranks, through the bribes which shall be held out to 
 the ambitious, or the needy. 
 
 If then, we may expect no justice from the North : — if we be 
 powerless to do ourselves justice; and if all the indications at 
 present, and for the future, admonish us, that we shall become 
 less and less able to protect ourselves, as long as we continue 
 members of the Union, then a measure presents itself for the 
 adoption of the South, which brings up one of the most solemn 
 questions which can occupy the heads and the hearts of the 
 American people ; — and that measure is, the diss oh it ion of the 
 Union. 
 
 That man must be heady, unreflecting and short sighted in- 
 deed, who does not have his mind impressed with profound 
 thoughtfulness and the deep^ist solemnity, when he contemplates 
 the magnitude of the consequences which might flow from such 
 a measure. Considered in its possible, if not its probable con- 
 sequences, it may involve us in bloody wars; in great sacrifice 
 of property and life ; in privations of comforts, and in sufferings 
 of positive evils, which in our past career we have seen nothing 
 the like of. It is beyond controversy then, the gravest question 
 which has occupied the American mind, before or since the 
 adoption of our present constitution. Then, certain sovereign 
 States divested themselves of certain high attributes of sover- 
 eio-nty, in order to grant to a common agent, certain powers to 
 be' used for the common and equal benefit of each and every of 
 the united parties. Now, some of those parties are about to take 
 back the powers which they had surrendered, and which have 
 been used, not for their benefit, but abused for purposes of the 
 grossest insult, injustice and oppression. Then, they formed a 
 union for mutual benefit, and as they hoped, for all time ; now 
 that union having been perverted from its orio;inal design, is to 
 be dissolved, in oVder that one of the parties may not be destroy- 
 ed. Can any reflecting man suppose, that this is a light and 
 easy thing to be accomplished; or that it should be done except 
 for great cause, or from some imperious necessity. If there be 
 any who thus think, I confess I am not one of them; but on the 
 contrary, have approached this whole subject, with my mind 
 solemnized by the weighty responsibility which attaches to the 
 expression of my opinions. But, there are evils, so stupen- 
 
30 
 
 doifs, thnt to avoid them, no perils or hardships should be con- 
 sidered too great to be encountered. After what I have before 
 said, I need not here add, that 1 consider the Southern States, as 
 overshadowed at this time by such evils ; and that in their sep- 
 aration from the free-soil States, is their only visible hope, ao-ainst 
 pecuniary ruin, and in the end, against political annihilation. It 
 may be laid down too, as a proposition indisputably true, that 
 the man who faulters through fear of the consequences from 
 adoptinof any measure (be it disunion itself) which his jud2:ment 
 may approve to be pi-o/)er; or who makes concessions on this 
 \ question, as from a weaker to the stronger power,--that that man 
 ^- has already made up his mind to give np his slave property, and 
 betray the South when the day of trial shall arrive ! 
 
 But it may be asked, can nothing', will nothing be done, to 
 avert from this great nation so momentous a necessity, as a sep- 
 aration of the Southern from the free-soil States. We have seen 
 that whatever is done towards that end, must be effected by the 
 North, — who bavins; the majority, has alone the power to do it. 
 Now, to judge of the probability of this being done, let us hiquire 
 what the South has a right, in strict justice, to demand. 
 
 We have a right to demand, that the arroo-ances and insults 
 should cease, which are now so frequently offered to us, through 
 our representatives in Congress ; and that instead thereof, we 
 should receive that comity which belongs to us, as sovereicrn 
 States, and that respect for our interests, which the Constitution 
 contemplates. And as a means to this end, that no interi'erence 
 with slavery in any form, and especially in the forms in which 
 it has been heretofore intruded u];on Congress.shall he permitted, 
 except by our consent. 
 
 We have a right to demand the faithful observance of the 
 Constitution, in having our fugitive slaves delivered up to us, 
 mstead of the violence, imprisonments, bloodshed and even 
 murders of our citizens, when attempting to brino- them back. 
 
 ^Ve have a riijht to demand a perfect equality under the Con- 
 stitution : — an equal share in all the property, Vv'hich bclono's to 
 us as a nation : a right to an equal share of the public binds; if 
 not in the proportion of men and money, which we contributed 
 to conquer them, at least in proportion to our whole population, 
 including whites and slaves. 
 
 We have a ri2;lit to have the equilibrium restored in the Sen- 
 ate between the two sections, which has lately been destroyed 
 by the admission of California into the Union: or, instead of 
 this, some other siuaranlec, by which theSouth may have ample 
 power to protect //e/'.vp//" against the anti-slavery aggressions of 
 Congress and the free-soil States. 
 
 Is there any one of these demands which the South should 
 abate : — any one which she can give up with safety, and without 
 
31 
 
 which she can expect a durable peace? To my mind there 
 seems to be not one ! 
 
 But will the North concede to us these just and necessary re- 
 quirements. I hope that she will. But my expectations are, that 
 she will not, except she become thoroughly persuaded that disu- 
 nion will be the inevitable consequence, "i'hen she will sacri- 
 fice somethinw- to crain more, and yield us, not only what we de- 
 mand, but even more, to secure to themselves the present advan- 
 tages of the Union. 
 
 But if she will not, can any one suppose, that two parties can 
 continue to live together; owe of whom, has so mony thorns rank- 
 ling in the flesh, and so many grievances constantly chafing the 
 spirit ? They may be bound together, as the conquered to the 
 conqueror; as the enslaved to the inexorable superior. But ne- 
 \'er can they be united in a brotherhood of friendship and con- 
 tentment. Such a Union is unnatural, and cannot last : and 
 whilst it lasts can bear no fruits, except those of bitterness and 
 poverty ! 
 
 But how is such a Union to be severed; and upon what terms 
 shall the partnership be terminated ? These are questions which 
 open a wide field for careful reflections, and are calculated to tax 
 the sagacity of our wisest statesmen. It is not for a fraction of 
 one of the parties, (as a single State.) to decide for the rest, what 
 is to be done, how it is to be done, and when it ought to be done: 
 But for all the parties similarly interested, to decide for all in all, 
 in united counsel. Each neighbourhood may have its Southern 
 Rights' Association. Each State may have her Southern Rights 
 Oro-anization. But it must be for theSouthern Slates, in a South- 
 ern Convention, to decide what the whole South ought to do. 
 Whatever they may do unitedly^ or with any thing like unani- 
 mity, we may rest assured, will be done with safety to ourselves, 
 and without much risk of coercion from the North. In the mean- 
 time let South-Carolina respectfully await for her Southern sisters; 
 since she is not likely to suffer wrong or dishonour, by binding 
 up her destiny with theirs. 
 
 September, 1850. 
 
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