E384 ,0 .C285 iiilS gilllll ;■»■•■:'; 1 fill ''•■ '■■!■'' .y step, to the verge of the awful preci- pice, they presume there is no chance of retrocession, and throw off the disguise, and boldly and openly proclaim tlie necessity of a ^''dissolution of the Union." Hud they oiiginally announced tliese views, they would have been frowned down into insignifi- cance. But, well aware of this consequence, they concealed their ultimate views, until they had gradually excited the public pas- sions to madness, and prepared the citizens for the most violent and destructive measures — Sedition "is a monster of such mien, As, to be hated, needs but to be seen : Yet seen too oft, familiar witli her face. We first endure — then pity — tlien embrace." The Columbia Times has recently sounded the tocsin, To your tents, O Israel. Let it speak for itself. " I'he Union of these states is now virtually dissolved, dissolved in the only place wliei e it can be permanent, \ iz. in the hearts of ihe people. It is in va'n to cry out for the presi ri'atioij of tlie Union, when a century ainno' eradicate the prejudices that already exist between tlie people of the Nor h and Sou'h. Is it the nature of man to love his oppressor? Is it tlte nature of man to love the high- wayman that presents a loaded pistol to his breas' ivith one hand, while with the o^her he filches from his pocke's the price of his hard indus'ry? " It may be a-serted without the dread of refutation, that lo preserve the Union is to continue the tyranny of your oppressors, and to rivet the chains of slavery. The preaen' is not a lime for cold lemporizing policy. Ail disguise should be thrown off, and patriotism, (as in tlie days that tried meu's souls,) should speak —THIS UNION MUST BE DISSOLVED. " The line between the oppressors and the oppressed, is as distinctly marked out as that betwixt the American Colonies, and the Crown of Britain in 1776. The cases are the same. It is the government against the people. And it is not in the power of human reason to controvert it. Let tories and consolidationials try " Treason .'" " Treason.'" and at the same time remembei', that the same DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 23 exclamation drowned the echo of the voice of Patrick Henry, when, with elo- quence unequalled, he gave thatfirst impulse tothe ball of the revolution, which established, at least for a season, the libeity of America. " 1 will not shiinlc from the responsibility of the assertion, that fhe true policy of I he South is, to sepah^tk fiiom the Uviov. To continue in union, is to continue, like the fabled Atlas, to groan under the weight of a world on your shoulders." We set a glorious example to the nations of Europe, which some of them eagerly followed, with at least equal zeal, but unfortunately, in most cases, with very unequal success. France, after the loss of above a million of lives, hundreds of millions of money, and two revolutions, appears to be under a government more arbitrary than that of Louis XVI. Spain, which at one time had a noble form of government, that guarded equally against the iron hand of despot- ism, and the lawless ravages of anarchy, has succumbed to the arbi- trary sway of a despot, who, with base ingratitude, destroyed a large portion of the illustrious men who risked their lives and property, and spilled their blood, to pave his way to the throne. Portugal had for a short time, a free and liberal constitution, but has groaned for two or three years beneath the sway of a modern Nero or Tiberius. Italy made some noble efforts at the resuscitation of her ancient glory and liber- ties, which unhappily eventuated in the exile, the incarceration, in subterraneous dungeons, the cruel tortures, and the ignominious death of some of the most enlightened men of modern times. Poland, after the most heroic struggles in the same glorious cause, met with a still more lamentable fate. Not satisfied with the banishment of many of her noble defenders to the wilds of Siberia — the incarceration of others — the disgraceful execution of a portion — the janissary arrange- ment of scattering thousands of Ik^r children, through the provinces and among the serfs of Russia; the autocrat has blotted her out of the map of Europe. And to crown tlie whole, the late winds from Europe have brought us the appalling intelligence, that the mighty powers, Austria and Prussia, have conspired with the petty princes of Germany, to put down for ever all chance of liberation of that noble country, the birth place of some of the most exalted of the human race, almost without a hope of relief; for this unholy conspiracy has the command of such prodigious standing armies, as must be utterly irresistible by any of tliose desultory movements, which, under the peculiar circumstances of tlie case, the peoile can adopt: — and as all despots make common cause, should the forces of Austria and Prussia be insufficient at any future da}', to crush the rising spirit of Germany, those of Russia will be ready to unite with them in the unhallowed crusade against the imprescriptible lights of man. And this is the auspicious moment which Governor Hamilton, ex- governor Miller, Mr. M'Duffie, Mr. TurubuU, Mr. Hayne, Judge Cooper, and the parly to which tliey belong, and whose movements they in a great degree decide, have selected to countenance, as far as in their power, the impious designs of the conspiring despots of Eu- rope ; to rend in pieces the glorious fabric of our government by repealing, by the sic volo, sic jitbeo of a single state, a law of the U. 24 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. States enacted with all the formalities prescribed by the Constitu- tion — a law of which the constitutionality has been duly recognised by the judiciary of the United States, the only tribunal competent to decide on it — a law the principle of which has been also recognised and advocated and strenuously urged on Congress by Gen. Washington, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Monroe, and also ably sup- ported by Mr. Ames, Mr. Clymer, Mr. Lowndes, &c. and more espe- cially, in the most forcible and conclusive style, by Mr. Calhoun and Judge Cooper (now, by a strange change of opinion, among the warmest sticklers for the unconstitutionality of this law) and by successive Congresses for above forty years, during thirty of which its consti- tutionality was never called in question by any one, even of those who were violently opposed to many of its details : — in a word, to rise in rebellion against the national authority ! and on grounds most se- verely reprobated by two of the leaders, Mr. M'Duffie and Mr. Hayne, in the year 1821. And what are those grounds? Let us have them explicitly stated — The doctrine in substance, (the phraseology is unimportant) is, that when a state believes a law unconstitutional, she may annul or " nul- lify^^ it within her own borders. This is nearly equivalent to the Polish libenim veto, the real source of all the calamities of that fine country for centuries, and which ultimately yielded her an easy prey to her rapacious neighbours. Instead of attempting myself a refuta- tion of this disorganizing doctrine, which is utterly incompatible with the permanence of government, and which, had it been acted upon, in the progress of our affairs, particularly in the case of the alien and sedition laws, would, at an early stage of our career, have resolv- ed our confederacy into its original elements, I shall place before the reader the irresistible arguments of an authority to which the most ardent nuUifier in the nation cannot object: ** If, after ifie National Judiciary have solemnly affirmed the constitutionality of a law, it is still to he resistedhy the state rulers, the constitution is literally at an end ,- a revolution of the govern menl is already accomplished ,- and anarchy waves his hor- . rid sceptre over the broken altars of this happy Uniffn! *' You assert that when any conflict shall occur between the general and state governments, as to the extent of their respective powers, *' EACH PARTY HAS A RIGHT TO JUDGK FOR ITSELF !" I confess I am at a loss to know how such a proposition ought to be treated. No climax of political HERESIES CAN BK IMAGINED, IN WHICH THIS MIGHT NdT FATULT CLAIM THE MOST PROMINENT PLACE. It RESOLVES THE GOVERNMENT, AT ONCE, INTO THE ELEMENTS OF PHYSICAL FORCE ; AND INTRODUCES US DIRECTLT INTO A SCENE OF ANARCHY AND BLOOD. There is not a single power delegated to the general government, which it would not be in the power of every state government to destroy under the authority of this licentious principle. " To suppose that the general government have a constitutional right to exercise certain powers, which must operate upon the people of the states, and yet that the government of each state has a right to fix and determine its own relative powers, and by necessary consequence, to limit the poivers of the general government, is to sup- pose the existence of two contradictory and inconsistent rights. In all governments there must be some one supreme power ; in other words, every question that can arise, p.s to the constitutional extent of the powers of different cla'-ses of functionaries, must be susceptible of a legal and peaceable determination by some tribunal of acknowledged authority ; or force must be the inevitable con- sequence. And where force begins, government ends." DISSOLUTION OP THE UNION. 25 The reader ■will find it difiicult to believe — but strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless true — that these vs^ere the sentiments of Mr. M'Duffie in the year 1821 ! Comment on the enormous discrepancy between those sentiments and the insurrectionary doctrines now pro- fessed by this gentleman, in his public addresses, would be an insult to the understanding of the reader. With the essays from which the above quotation is extracted, which "were signed "One of the people," Major, now Governor Hamilton, was so enchanted, that he collected them from the newspapers, and pub- lished them in pamphlet form, with a strong commendation of their ■cogency and merits, of which the following forms a part: "The arf^iiment of ' One of the People' is now presented in an unbroken succession, familiar to the most ordinary, and gratifying to the most comprehen- sive understanding. THE TKUTIIS THAT ARE UNFOLDED ARE IN TH?:iR NATURE ESSENTIALLY IMPERISHABLE. Whatever may be the fate of our National Charter, whether oiu' descendants are long destined to admire and worship that solidity which may give duration to its existence, and those proportions that now confer grandeur on its design, ov, in a far different mood, to mourn over the ruins of so fair a fabric, equivalent testimony will be afford- ed of the sacredness of the principles that are here inculcated; of their faithful {conservation in the first case, or of the disastrous and desolating violation and neglect they will have sustained in the last." Few instances can be found in history, of a more lamentable in- consistency and change of sentiment, so fully fraught with the most mischievous consequences — a change from a rational, ardent defence of peace, good order, submission to gtjvernment, and con- stitutional principles, to tlie open advocacy of principles subversive of all order, and leading most assuredly to a dissolution of the Union, and its certain attendant, civil war. When men of talents, influence, and indefatigable zeal* change their principles and adopt others diametrically opposite, according as times and their political views and prospects change — they are ignes fatui, cal- culated to lead nations to their ruin. Prudence, policy and sound sense proclaim them unsafe guides. It is time fearlessly to call things by their proper names — and therefore I venture to assert, that nullification is incipient '■'' rebel- lion," Rebellion is defined to be, open or violent resistance to the lawful authority of a government. Nullification is resistance to a law enacted by the constitutional legislative authority of the United States. This is the first stage of rebellion. The second will take place, if the executive, as in duty bound, attempts to enforce the law ; violent resistance being determined on in that case. Omitting various conclusive arguments adduced in favour of * The zeal with which the nullifiei's are actuated, may be readily conceived from the fact, that they have printed in thirteen monhs 130,000 iusurrecticmary tracts, and, as I am credibly informed, have employed a number of propa- gandists to spread them over all the southern states. During all this time, the friends of peace and union in the middle and eastern states, have looked on with the most culpable and pernicious indifference, and made no effort to coun- teract the effect of those inflammatory publications — so much more ardour is displayed to overturn than to support the government. In a late statement I overrated the expense ot those tracts, as they aie by no means so large as I had supposed. 26 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. the constitutionality of the protecting system, the merits of the question may be restt-d on the clear, explicit and unanswerable adinision of the Free Trade Convention, an authority, from which neither Governor Hamilton, nor Judge Cooper, nor Mr. M'Duffie, nor any of their fiiends, can appeal. That body stated that, '« They admit that Congress may countekvail tfie regulations of a foreign power, hostile to our commerce." Now I will assume, as a postulate, that if a foreign nation enacts ^* regulations hostile to our commerce,'^ in the shape of prohibi- tions, or prohibitory duties, there is no possible mode in which we can ^^countervail" those '■^hostile regulations^'" but by the recipro- cation of similar prohibitions or prohibitory duties. Thus the case is simplified, and rendered level to the meanest capacity — and we have only to ascertain whether such ''hostile regulations" of " foreiq^n powers" do actually exist to an extent sufficient to justify our hi.e:h duties. This is a point soon settled. Almost all the nations of Europe exclude our bread stuffs, the chief dependence of probably 4,000,000 of our population, from consumption in their dominions, except in case of dearth, existing or impending. Now, I trust that no honourable man will deny that this is a clear and palpable '■'■ regulation hostile to our commerce" and would, if it stood alone, warrant, according to the admission of the Free Vrade Convention, and to the eternal principles of justice and self-defence, not merely the very highest duti*;s we have ever imposed on any of the articles we import from those European nations, but absolute prohibition — for instance, of the brandies, or wines, or silks of France — of the iron wares, or cottons, or wool- lens of Great Britain — of the fruits or wines of Spain — of the gin of Holland — of the hemp or iron of Russia. We, however, pro- hibit nothing. But the prohibitory duties of Europe are not con- fined to our bread stuffs. Every article with whicli they can dis- pense, with scarcely an exception, is in nearly the same predica- ment. Great Britain imjjoses a duty of about 100 per cent, on rice — 1000 per cent, on our leaf, and 2500 per cent, on our manu- factured tobacco — and on our lumber and various other articles, duties from 200 to 2000 per cent, more than on similar articles imported from her colonies I It may not be unnecessary to state a few instances. BRITISH DUTIF.S. From Ihe United SLates. From British Possessions. Olive wood, per toa 169s. 6cl. I 12s. 4d. Oars, per 120 299s. 3d. | 19s. 6d. Spermaceti oil, per tun 5.32s. Is. Whale fins, p r cwt. 19y0s. | 20s. (iypsum, perton 31s. 8d. Is. 3d. Copper ore, per cwt I2s. | Is. These, out of fifty similar instances, aie abundantly sufficient to prove the extreme iiiec|uality with which our trade is carried on with Europe, and to what a grievous extent we suffer from '■^hos- tile regulations of foreign powers. " And yet, miruhile dictu, we are threatened with rebellion be- cause we impose duties on British Manufactures, which, except in four or five instances, do not average above twenty-five per cei»t. DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 27 Surely never was national delusion carried much farther, than in the senseless clamour with which the free trade presses have abounded for years on this subject. No addition is necessary to the admission of the Free Trade Convention. It is decisive. But it cannot be amiss to add the conclusive reasoning of President Jackson, so often quoted, the force of which never has been and never can be impaired by the most talented advocate of free trade. Having premised that the stales surrendered to the United States, the power of imposing duties on imports, 'Hvilh a view to the encouragement of domestic industry," he adds — " If this power be 7iot possessed by the Ger.eral Government, it must be extinct. OrR POLITICAL SYSTEM WOULD THUS PRESENT THE ANOMALY OF A PEOPLE STRIP- PED OF THE RIGHT TO FOSTER THEIR OWN INDUSTRY, AND TO COUNTERACT THE MOST SELFISH AND DESTRUCTIVE POLICY WHICH MIGHT BE ADOPTED BY FOREIGIT NATIONS. This surely cannot be the case: this indispensable power, thus surren- dered by the states, must be within the scope of the authority on this subject, expressly delegated to Congress." — President Jacksoiis Message to Congress, Dec. 6, 1830. This overwhelming and unanswerable view of the subject is most earnestly and respectfully submitted to Col. Drayton, and the other leaders of the union party, who unfortunately believe in the uriconstitutionality of the protecting sytem, anrl from that belief contend with their antagonists at an immense disadvantage. HAMILTON. Philadelphia, Sept. 5, 1832. DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION— No. IV.* At the last session of Congress, the tariff of 1828 was discussed in the spirit of compromise, and numerous modifications were made, by some of which the interests of particular branches of manufactures were materially injured. It was fondly hoped that these modifications would allay the effervescence in South Caro- lina, and arrest the insurrectionary movements in that state. But unfortunately the expectation was vain — for the leaders have be- come more violent and more determined to carry into effect their destructive schemes. We are gravely assured, and in a solemn appeal to the heated passions of the southern States, by citizens of high standing — Messrs. Hayne and Miller, of the Senate, and Messrs. M'Duffie, Davis, Felder, Griffin, Nuckolls, and Barnwell, of the House of Representatives, that the new tariff is more oppressive to the southern states, than that of 1828 ! ! " The burdens of the Protecting Duties ere decidedly increased, estimating the cash duties and diminished credits at an average of more than fifty per cent.; while the duties on\he unprotected articles, which, upon every principle of equa- * This Essay was published about two weeks since, as No. HI. and intended to close the series. But as some errors had escaped in it, and as it has been greatly impro\ ed in the arrangement ; it is presumed that its republication can- not be improper, at present. 28 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. lity and ji'stice, should sustain the principal part of the burdens of taxation, arCj, with a few inconsiderable exceptions, entirely repealed. " Upon those manufl^ctures which are received in exchange for the staple productions of the Southern States, the aggregate increase of the burdens OF taxation, BEYKNn WHAT THEY WERE UNDER THE TaRIFF OF 1828, IS BELIEVED TO BE UPWARDS OF One MiiLioN OF DoLLARs ! ! ! while the reduction or re- peal of the duties on those imports which we receive in exchange for the pro- ductions of the Tariff States, [?] and are principally consumed in those States, [?] amounts to about four millions of dollars/ While, therefore, the aggregate burdens of Taxation are diminished four millions of dollars by this Bill, the positive bur- dens of the Southern States are not diminished at all, and their relative burdens are very greatly increased /" — Mdress of Messrs. Hayne, Miller, McDuJfie, Davis, Felder, Nuckuls, and Barnwell, to the Citizens of South Carolina. Let us test these confident statements by simple, undeniable facts : \. Mr. M'Duffie has asserted, that the southern states pay forty per cent, of the impost. The reduction by the new tariff, is from 6 to $10,000,000,— say the former sum. Forty per cent.on $6,000,000, is $2,400,000, reduced, if Mr. M'Duffie's own statement be correct, (and surely he at least cannot object to it) from the contributions of the southern states. Is this large reduction more burdensome to the South? 2. The debate on cotton bagging in 1824, occupied eight or ten days. It was asserted that the addition of a cent a square yard would operate most oppressively on the cotton planters, and, if I recollect rightly, would tax them to the amount of above 100,000 dollars an- nually. The duty is now reduced 30 per cent., from 5 cents to 3i. Is this more burdensome to the South ? 3. By the tariff of 1828, baizes were estimated to have cost 50 cents per square yard, and were subject to 45 per cent, on that rate, or 22^ cents per square yard. By the new tariff they are subject to 16 cents per square yard ; being a reduction of 30 per cent. Is this more bur- densome to the South? 4. By the tariff of 1828, blankets were subject to 38^ per cent, duty. By the new tariff, those which cost below 75 cents, are to pay 5 per cent. Those above 75 cents, pay 25 ; being a reduction of 90 per cent, on the former, and 35 per cent, on the latter. Is this more burdensome to the South ? 5. Iron, in bars or bolts, is subject to $37 per ton. It is in future to pay 30; being a reduction of nearly 20 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South ? 6. Kendal cottons pay 14 cents per square yard, equal to about 60 per cent. They are to pay 5 per cent. ; being a reduction of above 80 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South ? 7. Brown sugar pays 3 cents per lb. It is to pay 2|. The re- duction is 16 2-3 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South? 8. White, clayed, or powdered sugar pays 4 cents per lb. It is to pay 3^ cents per lb. The reduction is, 16 2-3 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South ? 9. Teas of various kinds, pay duties averaging about 30 cents per lb. They are in future to be free. Is this more burdensome to the South? 10. Coffee paid 5 cents per lb. by the tariff of 1828 — and by that DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 29 ^ of 1830, one cent. It is now free. Is this more burdensome to the South? 11. Woollen foods, by the minimum arrangement of 1828, are subject to duties which might, and occasionally did, amount to up- wards of 100 per cent. The minimum duties, which were more grievously complained of than any other portion of the tariff, are abolished, and the duty is 50 per cent, ad valorem. Is this more oppressive to the South ? 12. Woollen goods not exceeding 33^ cents per square yard, pay 14 cents per square yard, averaging from 45 to 50 per cent. They are to pay 5 per cent. ; being a reduction of from 80 to 90 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South? 13. Bombazeens, Norwich crapes, &c. pay 36 per cent. They are to pay 10 per cent. ; being a reduction of above 70 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South? 14. Silk goods from beyond the Cape of Good Hope, pay 36 per cent. They are to pay 10 per cent. From this side the Cape, they pay 22 per cent. ; they are to pay 5 per cent, being a reduction of 70 per cent, in the one case, and 80 per cent, in the other. Is this more burdensome to the South? 15. Linens pay 27.5 per cent. They are to pay 15 per cent.; being a reduction of about 45 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South ? 16. Hats, of Leghorn, straw, chip, &c. pay 55 per cent., besides a dollar minimum. They are to pay 30 per cent. ; being a reduction of about 45 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South? 17. Wines, Madeira and Sherry, pay 50 cents per gallon. They are to pay 25 cents; being a reduction of 50 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South ? 18. Wines, from France, red and white, averaged 121 cents. They are to average 4 cents ; being a reduction of 66 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South ? 19. Worsted stuff goods, viz. bombazets, ratinets, moreens, last- ings, &;c. pay 27| per cent. They are to pay 10 per cent. ; being a reduction of above 60 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South? 20. Hemp paid 60 dollars per ton. It is to pay 40 ; being a reduc- tion of 33 J per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South? 21. Wools, costing 8 cents per lb. paid, according to the tariff of 1828, 4 cents per lb., and 50 per cent, on the value. They are to be duty free. Is this more burdensome to the South? 22. Straw matting from China, of which large quantities are im- ported, pays at present 15 cents per square yard, equal to about 150 per cent. It is in future to pay 5 per cent. ; being a reduction of about 145 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South? 23. Nankeens from China, pay at present 30 per cent.: by the new tariff they are to pay 20 per cent. ; being a reduction of duty of 33 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South ? 24. Window glass, 10 by 15, pays at present $5 per hundred feet. It is henceforward to pay $4; being a reduction of 20 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South ? D 29 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 25. Woollen hosiery, mits, gloves, — and of tile wiiole ten, in rega.d to woollens. 32 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. It must not be overlooked, that the alteration of the value of the pound sterling affects no imports but those from Great Britain, and even of those none but such as are subject to ad valorem duties. Philad'a. Sept. 8, 1832. HAMILTON. DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.— NO. V. Here it is proper to make a solemn pause on the very verge of a tremendous precipice, one desperate plunge into which would lead to civil war with all its fearful aggregation of horrors. We find eight citizens, ranking among the first in the land, promulgating a document vi^hich is regarded — perhaps intended — as a signal to invite a single state to resist laws duly enacted by a majority of the representatives of the whole Union — a resistance which is neither more nor less than rebellion — and this measure is urged on a ground, which, when fairly examined, vanishes, "/iie the baseless fabric of a vision, and leaves not a trace behind.''^ The assertion, that the new tariff is more bur- densome to the South, than the tariff of 1828, is, as we have seen, not only unsupported by fact, but is most unequivocally contradicted by fact, and utterly destitute of the shadow of foundation. I will not allow myself to believe that these gentlemen attempted wilfully to deceive the public. Their characters place them too high for such a suspicion. But that they have laboured under an halluci- ation as complete as any of those above alluded to,* will hardly be de- nied. — And unhappily, an error on such an important subject, resulting from a want of careful investigation, may produce as fatal results, as an egregious, wilful misstatement. That these gentlemen have been most culpably remiss in committing themselves by such an erroneous document without due investigation, will not admit of a moment's doubt. And is it not highly probable — nay, almost certain — that when they have thus egregiously erred on a simple question of mat- ter of fact, where the error was discoverable in five minutes' examina- tion, they have fallen into equal errors in those metaphysical abstractions and dogmatic opinions which they and their friends have promulgated on this momentous subject, by which the passions of the citizens of South Carolina have been roused to madness, and a portion of the state made ready " /o renew the bloody scenes of the revolution P''^ What a melancholy view this circumstance presents of human af- fairs ! On what slender threads the peace and happiness of nations depend ! Here are, I repeat, eight citizens, who, from station, culti- vation, and standing, are arrayed in the front ranks of society, who, for want of proper investigation, have sanctioned with their honoured names, what is thus plainly and irrefutably proved to be not only not true, but the reverse of truth, of which the direct tendency is to destroy the peace and happiness of 13,000,000 of souls and their descendants — to array father against son, son against father, and brother against • See page 1 6. ^ J DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 33 ferotlieT — to make a jubilee for the friends of despotism throughout the world — to cover the friends of mankind with gloom and horror — and finally to give strength to the sickening and appalling maxim, that man is iocapable of self-government ! Alas ! for human nature ! It now remains to sum up, in brief, the leading heads of this mighty question, so as to place it in a coup d'oeil before the reader. 1. The first Congress embraced some of the members of the federal Convention, who in Congress zealously advocated the protecting system, and must have known the intent and meaning^ of the instrument they devised themselves. 2. The second act of that Congress, declared in its preamble, "Whereas it is necessary for the support of government — for the discharge of the debts of the United States, and the encouraoemknt of manufactures, that duties be laid on goods, wares and merchandize imported." 3. All the Congresses from the year 1789, to the present time, have enacted protecting duties, and generally by considerable majorities. 4. For thirty years the constitutionality of the system was ne- ver once called in question. 5. Judge Cooper and Mr. Calhoun, now among the most zea- lous opposers of the system, on the ground of unconstitutionality, were its ardent advocates; the former in 1813, and the latter in 181611 6. Mr. Lowndes, as pure, as sound, and as enlightened a states- man as ever lived, advocated, in 1816, the minimum duty on Cot- tons, the highest duty ever imposed in this country before 1828, and also the protection of woollens.* 7. Six of the eight representatives from South Carolina, Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Chappell, Mr. Lowndes, Mr. Mayrant, Mr. Middle- ton and Mr. Woodward, voted for that duty. 8. Four Presidents, General Washington, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe, urged the protecting system on Con- gress. 9. Can it for a moment be pretended — can the most ardent, unflinching, and determined nullifier, venture to assert — that Gen. Washington, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, Mr. Lowndes, Judge Cooper in 1813, and Mr. Calhoun in 1816, were less gifted, less sagacious to expound the constitution, or less attached to its spirit, than Mr. Hayne, Mr. Calhoun and Judge Cooper, in 1832 ? 10. Mr.M'Duffie, in 1821, published a most overwhelming and unanswerable refutation of the doctrine of nullification. * "Mr. Lowndes entered into AN AMPLE AND PARTICULAR DE- FENCE OF THE SYSTEM REPORTED ON THE SUBJECT OF COTTONS, by the Cominiltee of Ways and Means." National latelligcncer, March 22, 1816. "Mr. Lowndes observed, that he believed TtiE MANTFAcruRF, of wooi.lf.ks, avd P\RI'ICU[,.ARI,V OF BI.ANKKT.S, RF.aUIRF.D A DF.CIDKD PRKSF.N'T EXCOUR AC. KMKN' P. — Idem, March 27, 1816. LofC. 34 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 11. Governor (then major) Hamilton, republished this refuta- tion, with the hig^hest approbation, declaring that " the truths it contains are IMPERISHJiBLE.'' 12. Both those gentlemen, together with Mr. Calhoun and Judge Cooper, who are now united in urging resistance to the go- "vernment, were in the prime of life, with their faculties perfectly- matured, when they advocated doctrines, the antipodes of those they advocate at present. 13. Can it be admitted, for a moment, that they were not a« fully competent to decide on the rights and duties of the States, in 1821 as they are in 1832 ? 14. In consequence of our dependence on Europe for blankets and clothing, our armies suffered more during the early part of the last war for the want of those articles, than from the enemy. 15. The country suffered intense distress from the close of the late war, till the close of the year 1823, when we enjoyed what may be called free trade ; that is, when our duties were low, and calculated almost altogether for revenue. 16. Since the year 1824, when the protecting tariff went into operation, the country has been uniformly prosperous, except in the bubble year 1825. 17. Nothing will satisfy the nullifiers, but such a reduction of duties as would ruin hundreds of thousands of their fellow citi- zens. The most embittered enemy could not display more deadly hostility, than they do against those fellow-citizens. 18. The tales of the distress said to exist in South Carolina, are put down by last year's message of the governor, which con- gratulates the legislature on the prosperity of the state. 19. Intense distress, far more than is asserted to exist at pre- sent, prevailed in that state from 18 19 till 1823, before either of the obnoxious tariffs was passed; and therefore it was manifestly unjust, and calculated to lead the people astray, to charge any present distress, real or supposed, to the account of the tariffs of 1824 and 1828. ' 20. The charge of the tariffs of 1824 and 1828, producing distress and suffering, was the origin of all the disaffection and the insur- rectionary spirit that prevail in South Carolina, and are spreading elsewhere — and though fully proved to be destitute of the shadow of foundation, its effects continue with unabated virulence. 21. The proceeds of the exports of South Carolina at present, are as great as they ever were since 1819, and her citizens pur- chase every article they want, whether foreign or domestic, at reduced prices, from 10 to 30, 40 oi- 50 per cent. Of course, they must be far more prosjjerous than they were before the enaction of those tariffs. 22. Almost every article, without exception, that has been duly protected, has been improved in quality and reduced in price. 23. While we are daily stunned with clamours about the danger of consoHdalion, the general government has been repeatedly bearded by some of the states — so that, as Mr. M'Duffie has just- ly observed, " We have more cause of apprehknsion from the states, than DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 35 FROM THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT — OR, IN OTHER WORDS, THERE IS, IN OUR SYSTEM, A GREATER TENDENCY TO DISUNION, THAN TO CONSOLIDA- TION." 24. Mr. M'Duffie and his friends appear disposed to prove the truth of this position. 25. The duties on at least 30 protected articles, are reduced from 16j to 145 per cent, by the tariif of 1832 ; and yet we are assured it is more, burdensome to the South than that o/" 1828 !! 26. The impost is reduced, 6 to §10,000,000, and yet the com- plaint is as g'reat as if there were no reduction made. 27. As our bi'ead stuffs are i>;enerally prohibited in Europe, un- less in case of dearth — and as enormous duties are imposed on our rice, tobacco, lumber. Sec. Sec. our duties, are perfectly justified by the doctrine of the Free Trade Convention, thut " Congress may countervail the regulations of foreign powers hostile to our commerce." 28. Flour, Avhen the bushel of wheat averages in England 5s. 7^d. sterling, pays a duty of about 81 per cent., and when at 6s. 3d. a duty of about 70 per cent. 29. The great staple of Pennsylvania is, as I have stated, almost universally excluded from the ports of Europe for domestic con- sumption, unless in the case of dearth. The great staple of South Carolina is freely received in every port in Europe — sells at fair prices — and commands cash. Yet Pennsylvania submits — and S. Carolina is preparing for rebellion, because "countervailing" duties have been imposed on English manufactures, to make a market at home for the bread stuffs rejected abroad ! ! 30. Ruinous and deplorable as a dissolution of the Union would be, it would not, at least for a considerable time, produce as much destruction and distress, as would immediately result from an abandonment of the protecting system. 31. The dissolution of the Union, and the resolving the United States, " into their original elements," that is, separate confedera- cies, jealous of, and hostile to, each other, and the sport of foreign nations, would be a subject of universal rejoicing to despots and friends of despotism all over the world, and blast, and wither, and destroy the hopes entertained by the friends of mankind, of the practicability of republicanism—as we have had more advantages than any other nation ever had ; and certainly at least as many as any other nation will ever have. 32. In the event of a dissolution of the Union, as sure as the sun shines, so surely shall we realize, in a greater or less degree, the deplorable scenes that have torn the governments of South Ame- rica in pieces for twenty years; and our government will probably terminate, as some of theirs have done, in a despotism ! And for what I on the construction of a clause of the Constitution, on which the nuHifiers are in direct hostility with Gen. Washington, Mr. Jef- ferson, Mr. Madison, Mr. Monroe, Mr. Lowndes, Mr. Ames, and with Judge Cooper, in 1813, and Mr. Calhoun In 1816! Can his- tory produce a stronger instance of dire infatuation ? After the reader has calmly and dispassionately considered the 36 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. above strong facts and fair deductions, let me ask him, in the language of Col. Drayton, who boldly heads the illustrious band who are strug- gling to preserve the sacred ark of the constitution :— " Shall we, instead of availing ourselves of that ^tide in the affairs qfmen^iDhich, taken at thejlood, leads on to prosperous fortune,^ abandon rthalerer is dear to xis as patriots, whatsoever renown we have derived from our ancestors, whatsoever of glory we have acquired abroad, and whatsoever of liberty and happiness ite have enjoyed at home; and rashly barter away these estimable treasures, to plunge into the vortex of Nullification ?" I add the solemn adjuration of a patriotic Carolinian: " In the holy name of patriotism — in mercy to the whole human family of man — in gratitude to that God -who has blessed us above every other people — Pause ! Pause, and reflect on the condition in -which our state and nation are placed ! Reject from your confidence, men who are urging you to madness, to get rid of a system at a risk of revolution, luhich system they have been more than others instrumental in fixing on you. The same political blindness, which led them in the most vigorous periods of their youth and manhood, to involve this nation in the adoption of constitutio7ial principles which they now say must work our utter ruin, should be a solemn warning, that they are not safe political guides. Hov/ in the name of God can you confide in the counsels of these men, when they now urge you to measures which may involve this state and yourselves in 07ie common ruin — 7iay more, may lead to the dismembermeiit of this whole Repxiblic ?" We have seen three attempts to destroy the Union. Two of them, thank Heaven, failed. May the God of infinite mercy, who has brought the country through so many dangers and difficulties, defeat, and blast, and wither the third ! " So mote it he." The language of the different periods is different — the motives as- signed for action are different — the pleas of justification are different — but the grand object of all is the same—THE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION THE PERDITION OF THE SANGUINE HOPES OF THE FIRST AND BEST OF MANKIND THRO'- OUT THE CIVILIZED WORLD. LET ME ADJURE YOU, FELLOW CITIZENS OF THE SOUTH, BY THE IMMOR- TAL MEMORY OF THE ILLUSTRIOUS WASHINGTON— BY THE MOST NOBLE BEQUEST OF YOUR GLORIOUS ANCESTORS, WHICH YOU OUGHT TO BEQUEATH UN- DIMINISHED TO YOUR POSTERITY— BY YOUR HOPES OF HAPPINESS HERE AND HEREAFTER— TO ASK YOURSELVES THE QUESTION, COOLLY AND CALMLY, ARE YOU PREPARED FOR THIS HIDEOUS STATE OF THINGS, AND ITS INEVITABLE RESULT, CIVIL AND SOCIAL WARS? HAMILTON. Philadelphia, Sept. 10, 1832. ERRATUM. — In the former Editions, page 25, it is stated that Mr. M'Duffie is a nullifier. This is erroneous, as he has declared his disapprobation of nullification. 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