H^\ HoUingier pH S3 MfflRuiiF03-2193 F 231 .P71 Copy 1 Virginia Politics. SPEECH HON. JAMES H. PLATT OF VIRaiNIA., DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, APRIL 6, 18?2. WASHINGTON: P. & J. RIVES & GEO. A. BAILEY, REPORTERS AND PRINTERS OF THE DEBATES OF CONGRESS. 1872. Virginia Politics. The House having met for debate as in Committee | of the Whole on the state of the Union- Mr. PLATTsaid: Mr. Speaker: Oh the 6th of March, the House being in Committee of the Whole on the defieienc.^ bill, my colleague from the fifth district of Virginia moved to strike out the section appropriating $1,000,000 for expenses of United States courts, and supported his proposed amendment by remarks in which he charged that under cover of the beneficent laws passed by a loyal Congress for the protection of voters, intimidation and persecution were being used by the Radical party to deprive citizens of Virginia of the right to freely exer- cise the privilege of voting, and that not an election passed in the State without some of its best citizens being persecuted, not pros- ecuted, under the provisions of this act. Sir, the old fable of the wolf and the lamb is familiar to us all. That instance is more than paralleled when a Virginia Democrat charges here or elsewhere that the Repub- licans of Virginia are guilty of using intim- idation to prevent Democrats from voting as their consciences may dictate. I could not permit his remarks to pass unchallenged, and in the five minutes I was under the rules per- mitted to occupy I endeavored to show tbat his charges against the party of which I am a member were unfounded and unsupported by facts, but that on the contrary the Democratic party of Virginia had been guilty of fraud, in- timidation, and wrong in their efforts to gain and retain political piower in the State, men- tioning such instances as occurred to me at the moment and were familiar to me from personal knowledge, or acquired from other sources and believed by me to be true. No reply was made to my remarks at the time, but on the 16th of March following, my colleague from the seventh district of Virginia obtained permission to print some remarks, which appeared in the Globe of tiie 17th, and the publication of which has, in my opinion, rendered it necessary tiiat 1 should on this occasion — the first since the publication of his remarks when 1 have been able to obtain the floor — present the evidence upon which I based my previous statements, and show the House that the charges made l)y me in my remarks on the 6th of March last were fully warranted and justified by the facts. It is an old saying that when one shoots into a Hock of ducks the hurt birds flutter. Judging from the commotion in the Virginia Democ- racy as evinced by the comments of the Democratic papers of the State, the speech of my colleague, and the letters of his cor- respondents, the chance shot made by me in my previous remarks struck a sore spot in his party ; and in order to prejudice the people of Virginia and weaken any impres- sion I might otherwise have made upon them, I have been charged with attacking the people of Virginia and slandering them from my place in the Congress of the United States. I indignantly deny this charge. The people of Virginia are my people as much as they are my colleague's. I yield to no Representative my State has in either branch of Congress in my devotion to and love for my State and its people, nor in the zeal I have shown, and which, so long as I have the honor to occupy my present position, I shall continue to show for her every interest. I stand here just as much entitled to speak for her people as any of my associates. I invite a scrutinizing, searching examin- ation of ray record as a Representative since the people of the second district first sent me here, and challenge any man to point out one instance where 1 have failed in an earnest, painstaking fidelity to the interests of my ()eo- ple, or a conscientious performance of the duties proj^erly pertaining to my [josition. I have made no charge against t lie people of Virginia ; I have none to make ; but i have made charges against the Democratic party of Virginia, and I now reiterate and reHfiirm all the charges against that corrupt, unscrupulous, cowardly party of false pretenses, tiiut I have ever made, and declare my earnest conviction that not one hundredth part of the atrocities and villainies it has perpetrated in Virginia will ever be brought to light until the guilty actors are arraigned before ihatgreat judgment 4 seat to which we must all come at last, and made to answer there for their crimes. My colleague has selected from my previous remarks the portions to which he specially excepts, and which he commenced seeking evidence to refute as early as the 7th of March. As he has chosen to make them a test of the correctness of my statements, I accept his challenge, and will stand or fall in the judg- ment of this House as I succeed or fail in sus- taining my previous charges, even giving the evidence he adduces in the form of letters from the mayor of Richmond and the gentleman who represents the city of Norfolk in the Vir- ginia senate the same force given to the sworn statements I shall adduce in support of my charges against the Democracy. He quotes me as follows : "And I do say further, that the party which is represented on this floor by the gentleman who has just spoken, having had the control of the State of Virginia, have by their acts in every possible way, except by an organized KuKlux system, intimidated voters and kept them from exercising the rights which the laws of this country declared they should have." * * * * * * * * * "I wish to call the attention of the committee to an act passed by the Legislature of Virginia only a few weeks ago, and I challenge the history of this or any other country to produce a parallel to it. In the city of Norfolk, in my district, there is a con- siderable Republican majority, but by an unholy gerrymandering, the Legislature have thrown all the Republican majori'ty into one part of the city, so that the common couucil is equally divided. We have in the council six Republicans and six Demo- crats. • Of course, in these circumstances, nothing could be done. Everything was at a deadlock. There were Republican oflacers selected by the pre- vious Republican council and by the people. Well, what did the Legislature of Virginia do? They passed a law giving one of the men in the council two votes, so that by one vote he could produce a tie and then give a casting and deciding vote; and to- day we have presented the spectacle of six men with seven votes — a state of things produced by the Legis- lature of Virginia to enable them to carry out par- tisan ends and to eject from otiice the Republicans elected by the people. " Now, let me ask the gentleman to carry his mind back to the period two years ago, when in the city of Richmond G. W. Ctiahoon was elected mayor. It was supposed by his party that they were absolutely certain of carrying the city ; but wlieu the ballots came to be counted on the night of the election they found to their astonishment that the Republican party had carried the city of Richmond. But what did they do ? The law of Virginia requires that after the ballots are counted they shall be put in a box, and that thsit box shall be carried by the oflicers of election and deposited with the clerk of the court. The next morning after the election, while the offi- cer of election of one of the wards was proceeding with the hox containing the ballots to deposit them with the clerk of the court, he was attacked in broad daylight in the streets of Richmoud by men in dis- guise, tbe box taken, and its contents scattered to the winds. "And although the result of the election was on record, .signed by every officer of election, the judges of election, when thoy came to make the count, threw out the votes of that ward on the ground that the law had not been complied with, because the votes had not been deposited with the clerk of the court. And the gentleman's party to-day, as the fruit of that villainy, are holding in defiance of the majority of the voters of Richmond all the offices of that city. They do so in eousequeuce of that violation of law and justice committed in broad daylight in the city of Richmond, and for which no living man has ever been punished in any way or manner." "Now, I charge that all over Virginia, at every election held there since the war, since the passage of the reconstruction acts, these things have oc- curred. What do you see to-day in the city of Norfolk? Whenever an election occurs there, in defiance of a law which says there shall be no distinc- tion, they have two ballot-boxes, one for the white men and one for the colored men. The election officers take fifteen minutes or half an hour to take the vote of a colored man. while a white man votes in thirty seconds. At every election in Norfolk and in Richmond when the polls close there are hun- dreds of colored men standing on the street who have been deprived of the right to vote by the action of the officers of the election delaying them in that way." I was compelled to leave the city on the same evening on which I made these remarks and was unable to correct them before their publication in the Globe, and I was reported incorrectly in two particulars. First, the word Norfolk in the second paragraph should be Portsmouth. This my colleague should have been familiar enough with affairs in Virginia to have known. Secondly, I did not intend to say or to be understood as saying that all col- ored men were delayed fifteen minutes or half an hour in voting ; but that this was done in many instances needlessly, and tor the purpose of delaying and preventing the deposit of Republican votes. With these corrections, I now, with a full knowledge of the responsibility I assume, reiterate the charges made in the extract I have just read, and declare on my honor as a man and my responsibility as a Representative that I believe they are true, and that they not only do not exaggerate, but that they fail to convey any adequate idea of the enormities and crimes committed by the Democratic jjarty in Virginia. The very evidence adduced by my colleague proves their truth, and I am astonished that he failed to see in reading the letters of his correspondents how clearly they corroborated my statements in the most important {)articu- lars. My colleague says in relation to the extracts from my former remarks given above : " Mr. Braxton. It will be observed that the fore- going extracts contain charges against the city of Norfolk, the city of Richmond, the Legislature of Virginia, and the Conservative party throughout the entire State. It is charged first in regard to the Legislature of Virginia, that there were six Repub- licans and six Democrats in the council o£ Z'Jorlolk city ; and that the Virginia Legislature passed a law giving one man two votes, one to produce a tie, the second to be used as a casting and deciding vote; second, that the judges of election in Norfolk take from fiiteen minutes to half an hour to vote a negro, and only thirty seconds to vote a white ma,n. In reply to these charges I ask permission to have read the following letter received on Thursday last from Colonel Waller H. Taylor, the present senator from Norfolk city in the Virginia Legislature. " The Clerk read as follows : Richmond, Vxkginia, March 13, 1872. Dear Sir: I have but this moment returned to Richmond after an absence of several days, and find your two letters of the 7th and 12th instant. This will explain why you have not sooner had an answer. In regard to the m;!ttL'r first uu'ntioued : the coun- cil of the I'ity ot'Portt^mouth (consists of twelve mem- bers, six from each of two wards. One ward sent Conservative and the other Republican members, so that the council stood six to six. For a ions time no organization could bo effected. No president nor clerk could be elected, and, indeed, nothinf? at all done which was calculated to draw party lines. Finally a comDromise was made: it was agreed that the Conserviitivea should have the presiding officer, and the llopublicans the clerk, (the latter a paying office, the former not.) The next difficulty arose ■when the council proceeded to elect certain muni- cipal officers, collectors, &c. It was impossible, of course, to agree on any one man. Six would vote for the Conservative and six for the Radical nom- inee. Ifoncof the Radical members haiipened to be sick, the remaining five ab.«ented themselves, thus preventing a quorum, and producing a dead-lock. Under the circumstances, a bill was introduced in the Legislature and passed, granting the presiding officer, in the event of a tie, the right to give the cast- ing vote, he, of course, voting as a member besides. In regard to the second matter mentioned, 1 can only say I do not believe what is asserted. It may be that colored men are sometimes too late to vote ; and the same may be said of white voters ; but that what you say Mr. Platt asserts is the general rule or practice, I am not prepared to admit. I am sure if such was the case I would be cognizant of the fact, whereas I have no good reason whatever to believe for a moment that the assertion could be sustained by the facts; but, on the other hand, I am convinced from my own limited observation, and more espe- cially from what I am told by others better posted, that no unreasonable delay whatever is inade in the case of a negro offering to vote. To this there may be exceptions, but of such exceptions I am not informed. Very truly, yours, W. H. TAYLOR. Hon. E. M. Braxton, Washington, D. G. " Mr. Braxton. I have no comments to make on Colonel Taylor's letter. It speaks for itself; it speaks for the jieople of Norfolk; and clearly shows that my colleague was inaccurately informed as to the action of the Virginia Legislature of which he com- plains and criticises. ■■ Now, Mr. Si>eaker, as to the charges against the Conservatives of the city of Richmond, what are they? First, they are charged with destroying one of the ballot-boxes at an election held for mayor in that city, when G. W. Chahoon was the Republican candidate. Second, that the judges of election take from fifteen minutes to half an hour to vote a negro, and only thirty seconds to vote a white man, and that hundreds of negroes are deprived of the oppor- tunity of voting by the delay. In reply to these charges I ask that the following communication be read, written by a gentleman of high standing and unquestionable integrity, who resides in the city of Richmond, and therefore has better opportunity than my colleague [Mr. Platt] or myself of knowing 'what occurs at elections held in tbat city.' "The Clerk read as follows: Office of the Mayor. Richmond, Virginia, March9, 1872. My Dear Sir : Your note of yesterday, asking the facts relative to the facilities allowed to the respect- ive colors in our city elections, and the amount of colored voters who are kept from the exercise of the elective franchise by the officers of election, was received this morning. I have made the necessary examination of official returns, and assure you that they completely refute the charges of unfairness and official terrorism. I might furnish you with the returns of every election held since the war, but it would needlessly incumber this note, with- out, in the slightest degree, varying the result. I select, therefore, the first and last election in which respectable people have generally participated in Richmond since the war— the election of ISG'J, held under the auspices of General Canby, and the gen- eral election of last fall. I quote from the official return of Canby as to the first, and from the elec- tion returns in my office as to the last : The registered white vote in 18(j9, in Richmond, was 7,551 The registered black vote in 18(39, in Richmond, was 7^ White majority ^ The number of white votes cast, was 6,.%2 The number of black votes cast, was 5,998 AVhite majority 364 In other words, the difference between the white registered majority and the white voting majority was 72, in an aggregate vote cast of 12,3G0. This election was held under Federal bayonets. In the last election, November, 1871, the total regis- tered white vote was 7,021 The total registered black vote was 5,894 White registered majority 1,127 The total Conservative vote cast at that election, which is very nearly the measure of the white vote, was 6,227 The total Radical vote 5,241 Conservative majority 986 These figures show that the voting was at least as free as the registration. Now, to demonstrate that the registration was free, compare the total registered white and colored vote respectively with the total white and colored poi)ulation, and you will find that the blacks register a larger vote in propor- tion to aggregate population than the whites do, either in Richmond or in any other city in the Union. I have not the census returns; but I defy the investigation. This disposes of the charge of unfairness in this matter. You ask also what ground there is for the accusation that the election officers take from fifteen minutes to half an hour to count a colored vote, while they take less than fifteen sec- onds to receive a white vote. As you are aware, whites and blacks vote at the same place, and hand their ballots to the same judges of election. There are twenty-one precincts in Richmond, and at the last election eleven thousand four hundred and sixty-eight votes were cast— an average of five hun- dred and forty-six votes at each precinct. This was at the average rate of sixty votes an hour for each hour of the day at each precinct, or a vote a minute, making no allowance for the long intervals of com- parative quiet, the time lost in ctses of special chal- lenge, the slowness of voting in the hour that fol- lows sunrise, at the dinner hour, and at other times during the day; nor of the rascally attempts by Radical carpet-baggers to close strong Conservative polls by arresting their judges on false and frivolous charges. You see what utter and shameless reck- lessness of fact appears in the assertion that a quar- ter, mucii less half an hour was occupied in receiving a black vote. There is not the slightest foundation for the charge that long lines of unvoted blacks are found at the precincts at the closing of the polls deprived of their rights by the malfeasance of officers of election. The above figures of votes cast demonstrate the falsity of this charge ; but I speak of my own knowl- edge when I say that this is not the case. A great many blacks remain around the polls after they close, because there are hundreds here who have nothing else to do. You see them at every loafing place; hundreds of them throng the criminal court of this city every day, out of the same idle curiosity which induces them to hang around a precinct or follow a hand-organ ; but the great majority, nearly all of these, have voted, or have tried to vote im- properly, and have failed. Very few entitled to vote 6 fail of the opportunity. They come earliest and stay longest at the polls, there being no Texas Gov- ernor here to drive them home. There has been but one public accusation of this sort made in Rich- mond, an-d the arrest which followed it was made on affidavits which will be found to be perjuries •whenever the case, now eighteen months old, is tried. The only other inquiry of your letter refers to the destruction of a ballot-box. This has occurred once only in this city. It was alleged, and I believe truly, that the return in that ballot-box woidd have given an apparent Radical majority, whereas without that return the commissioners gave the Conservative ticket the return. A Conservative judge set aside the return and ordered a new election, and a Con- servative bench of appellate judges unanimously sustained him. Whether a Republican Congress would have or would now imitate this action, you know perhaps better than I. Very respectfully, your friend, A. M. KEILEY, Hon. E. M. Braxton. Let me put the charges made by myself and the evidence my colleague brings to refute them side by side, and let me ask any impar- tial gentleman if my colleague does not prove my case out of the mouth of his own witnesses. I said in regard to the act of the Legislature giving the presiding officer of the Portsmouth council the right to vote twice: Extract from remarks Extract from letter of of Mr. Piatt. Mr. Taylor. " In the city of Ports- " The council of thecity mouth, in my district, of Portsmouth consists of there is a considerable twelve members, six Republican majority." * from each of two wards. * * * "We have in the One ward sent Conserva- council six Republicans tivo and the other Re- and six Democrats. Of publican members, so course under these cir- that the council stood cumstancesnothingcould six to six. For a long be done. Everything was time no organization at a dead lock. There could be efl'ected, no were. Republican city of- president or clerk could ficers elected by the peo- be elected, and, indeed, pie, and the previous Re- nothing at all done which publican council. Well, was calculated to draw what did the Legislature party lines. Finally, a of Virginia do? They compromise was made, passed a law giving one It was agreed that the of the men in the coun- Conservatives should cil two votes, so that by have the presiding offi- one vote he could pro- cer, andthe Republicans duce a tie, and then give the clerk. The next dif- a casting and deciding ficulty arose when the vote ; and to-day we have council proceeded to the spectacle presented elect certain municipal of six men with seven officers. It was impossi- votes, a state of things ble, of course, to agree on produced by the Legis- any one man — six would lature of Virginia to en- vote for the Conservative able them to carry out and six for the Radical partisan ends, and to nominee. If one of the eject from office the Re- Radical members hap- publicans elected by the pened to be sick, the people." remaining live absented themselves, thus pre- venting a quorum, and producing a dead lock. Under the circumstances a bill was introduced in the Legislature and passed, granting the pre- sidingofficer in the event of a tie the right to give the casting vote, he of course voting as a mem- ber besides." In view of the fact that the letter of Mr. Taylor admits the charge made by me, and in express terms corroborates my statement that by the action of the Legislature one man is given two votes, the language of my colleague following immediately after Colonel Taylor's letter is at least refreshing in its simplicity. He says : " I have no comments to make on Colonel Tay- lor's letter. It speaks for itself, and clearly shows that my colleague was inaccurately informed as to the action of the Legislature of wiich he complains and criticises." I respectfully submit that if the English lan- guage has any meaning at all, then Colonel Taylor's letter proves beyond question that I was correctly informed as to the nctiou of the Virginia Legislature, and stated it correctly. Let me call attention to the equally satisfactory corroboration of my charge in relation to the breaking of the ballot-box in Richmond, as contained in the letter of Mr. Keiley, the mayor of Richmond: [Extract from Mr. Platt's retnarla.] " The next morning after the election, while the officer of election of one of the wards was proceed- ing with the box containing the ballots to deposit them with the clerk of the court, he was attacked in broad daylight in the streets of Richmond by men in disguise, the box taken and its contents scat- tered to the winds." [Extract from Mr: Keiley' s letter.^ " The only other inquiry of your letter refers to the destruction of a ballot-box. That has occurred once only in this city. It was alleged, and I believe truly, that the return in that ballot-box would have given an apparent Radical majority; whereas with- out that return, the commissioners gave the Con- servative ticket the return." But giving my colleague and his party the full benefit of the evidence he brings forward, and which I give entire, I shall proceed to show, to the best of my ability, by facts and evidence to which I challenge successful refu- tation, that I was warranted in charging the Democratic party of Virginia with high crimes and misdemeanors. I propose to take up my statements, which are denied by my colleague and his correspondents, and to discuss them in the order in which they were made. My coUeagvxe says I have made charges against the city of Norfolk, the city of Ports- mouth, the Legislature of Virginia, and the Conservative party of the entire State of Vir- ginia. I deny this. I have made no charges against the cities named. I do make charges against the Democractic party of those cities, and they are all true; and I make charges against the Democratic majority in the Legis- lature of Virginia, and against the entire Democratic party of ihe State. And here let me call the attention of the Democratic associates on this floor of my Democratic Virginia colleagues to the fact that while the latter are willing to associate with them here they are ashamed to own at home the party they act with here ; and neither they or their party have ever dared since the war to come out boldly and manfully and acknowledge the name of Democrat, or to go into a single election on a square, honest issue between Republicanism and Democracy. The party skulks under tlie name of Conserva- tive, and when you hear that term used you may understand that it means a man who is a Democrat, but is ashamed to acknowledge it. I desire to first call the attention of the House to a brief history of the Democratic party in the city of Richmond since the admis- sion of the State in January, 1870. I have charged that the Democratic party is in power to-day, and holds the offices of the city of Richmond as a direct consequence of the villiany of ballot-box breaking, and the partisan rulings and action of the judge of the hustings court of that city, together with the sub- sequent outrage of depriving hundreds of col- ored men of the right to vote, and the rascally gerrymander by which the city was divided into six wards in the manner I shall presently illustrate. I dety successful contradiction to the statements I am about to make, and I ask the members of both sides of this House to unite with me in denouncing the infamous series of frauds which have disgraced every man connected with them or who has profited by them, which have covered with infamy the party countenancing them, and ought to make every man who attempts to defend them blush with shame. The political campaign which resulted in the triumph of the Democratic party of Vir- ginia in 1869 and the election of Gilbert C. Walker as Governor of the State was fought and won under false pretenses and by bare- faced deception. A few sore-headed and mis- guided Republicans bolted the regular Repub- lican nominations, and, nominating Walker for Governor, succeeded in inducing Hon. John F. Lewis to permit them the use of his name as a candidate for Lieutenant Governor. The Democrats then abondoned their ticket and rallied to the support of the independent Republican ticket, entering the field under the name of true Reijublicans, and prolessing to be better Republicans and more earnest and enthusiastic supporters cf the administration of General Grant than the original Repub- licans themselves. The State was canvassed thoroughly by their orators, and the people of Virginia sol- emly assured that the so-called Walker party was the Simon Pure Rei^ublican party, and much better Republicans than those who had hitherto claimed the title. Walker himself made stronger Republican speeches than his opponent, Governor Wells. He had a difficult part to perform, but he did it ; he performed the difficult feat of riding two horses with more skill than was ever exhibited outside a circus. He had probably read the familiar lines — "Honor and fame from no condition rise, Act well your part; there all the honor lies." He had a difficult part to act, but he was equal to it, and succeeded in making the Republicans of the northern States and many in Virginia believe that he was a better Re- publican than Wells, and the Democrats that he was a better Democrat than Withers, their abandoned candidate. I beg those Repub- licans who contemplate joining the Cincinnati movement to be warned by our fate in Vir- ginia, and avoid comuiitting the same mistake on a larger scale. Walker and a Democratic Legislature were elected, the State was admitted to representation on this floor, and the Legis- lature convened. One of its first acts was the passage of the infamous enabling act, by which all the offices of the State were declared vacant, and the Governor authorized to till them by appointment. The object of this law was to remove every Republican official in the State and replace them by Democrats, and it was faithfully carried out by the Governor, who proved a plastic tool in their hands, doing all required of him zealously and without question. All the officials of Richmond were Republicans; with perhaps a few insignificant exceptions; they were all removed and Democrats appointed in their places. The May election was approach- ing, it was important to have every agency in their hands, and they succeeded in getting all the judges and commissioners of elections, all the policemen, and all the registrars. And- judges of the courts, nominated on partisan grounds in a caucus of the Democratic mem- bers of the Legislature, were elected by that body in strict accordance with the caucus nom- inations. With everything in their own hands, the Democratic party of Richmond calmly awaited the May election of 1870. Confident of coming vicrory, the day arrived, the election was held, a Democratic triumph announced, and the party celebrated its supposed victory by torch- light processions in the evening, marching through the streets of Richmond until late at night, insulting prominent Republicans, ston- ing the custom-house because it was a Gov- ernment building, and indulging in other Democratic eccentricities. But they had made one mistake ; they had admitted two vigilant Republicans at each precinct to witness the counting of the votes, and quite late in the evening it was discovered, to the utter eon- fusion, surprise, and chagriu of the Democrats, that the Republicans had carried Richmond, and elected all the city officers. The intelligence spread like wild-fire and soon the Democratic leaders were in council. It was a desperate case; the power they sup- 8 posed so secure was about to slip from their hauds ; desperate remedies must be resorted to. They were equal to the occasion, and it was decided that the ballot-box containing the largest number of Republican voles must be destroyed and the Republican candidates, who had been elected by the people at an election declared by the Democratic press of Richmond to be the fairest election ever held in the city, deprived of their cerliticates. The plan was faithfully carried out. The law of Virginia requires that after the ballots are counted by the election officers they shall be strung on a string, put in a sealed box, and deposited with the clerk of the hustings court. The box from the third precinct of Jefferson ward contained the largest number of Repub- lican votes, and was therefore selected for destruction ; and on the morning after the election, while" on his way to the court-room to deposit the ballot-box, the otficer of elec- tion having it in charge, and being escorted by a Dolice force, was attacked in broad day- light "in one of the public streets of Rich- mond by two disguised men, the box captured without resistance, broken to pieces, and the ballots destroyed. The facts in regard to the destruction of this ballot-box are well known in Richmond. I The men concerned in the transaction are well known. A policeman named Eagleton, who was one of the men detailed to guard the cap- tured box, refused to agree to swear that he knew nothing about it, in case of investiga- tion, and a few nights after, while walking his beat, was shot in the back by a hired assassin. The names of the men who committed this outrage on the ballot-box are well known in liichmond ; but so far as I know or can ascertain no attempt has ever been made Lu arrest or punish them. One of the most notorious ruffians in Richmond publicly tlireatened to expose the parties concerned unless he was taken care of, and was almost immediately appointed to a lucrative position under the city government. Although the ballots themselves bad been destroyed,the poll-books containing acertificate of the result of the count remained, and there was thus presented to the commissioners of election the certificate of all the judges of election, sworn to and signed, as to the num- ber of votes cast for each member. But in- credible as the statement may appear to hon- est men, it is yet a fact that the Democratic commissioners of election for the city of Rich- mond threw out the vote of the third precinct of Jefferson ward, on the ground that the law had not been complied with, as the ballots had not been deposited with the clerk of the hus- tings court, and gave the election and the cer- tificates to the Democratic candidates. I have no comments to make on the closing para- graph of the letter of the mayor of Richmond, as given in my colleague's remarks, except to repeat it here and to ask honorable gentlemen to examine it in connection with facts I am about to state and draw their own conclusions. Mr. Keiley says: "A Conservative judge set aside the return and ordered a new election, and a Conservative bench of apellate judges uQanimously sustained him. Whether a Republican Congress would have or would now imitate this action you know perhaps better than I." I have stated that the commissioners gave the certificate of election to the Democratic candidates. Mr. Keiley says a Conservative judge set aside this return and ordered a new election. Let us see how he did it. The Republican candidates sought the only means of redress in their power. They brought suit before the judge of the hustings court, who by law had sole jurisdiction in the case. A decision was delayed until the defeated Dem- ocratic candidates had qualified on the cer- tificates of election issued to them and taken possession of the offices. Then this Conservative judge decided that the election should be set aside not that the Repitblicans who were clearly entitled to the offices should have them, but that a new elec- tion should be had, and that he would appoint men to hold the offices in the mean time. The defeated Democratic candidates who had ob- tained possession of the offices had friends ap- pointed who, it had been previously arranged, should not qualify. The law required them to qualify within thirty days after appointment, or the incumbents held over, and to make as- surance doubly sure this Conservative judge made these ad interim appointments at night, and before the next morning had left the State, and remained absent until after the thirty days had expired, and the defeated Democratic can- didates held the offices until the ensuing elec- tion in November, when with one or two ex- ceptions they were reelected, their party in the mean time having made arrangements to insure a Democratic victory ; and to render im- possible a disappointment, such as they had experienced in May, at this election every possible impediment was thrown in the way of colored men to prevent them from voting. I present and ask to have read from the Clerk's desk extracts from the testimony taken before United States Commissioner J. W. Jenkins, at the preliminary hearing in the case of a man named Hagan, an election officer at the third precinct of Jefferson ward, during the election of November, 1870. The Clerk will please read the extracts which I have marked, being from affidavits made by Thomas HoUins, esq., Hon. Rush Burgess, B. VV. Gillis, esq., and Hon. L. H. Chandler, gentlemen widely and favorably known, and with a large personal acquaintance among the members of 9 this House. The other extracts I will ask to have printed with my remarks. The Clerk read as follows : Extracts from teatimony given under oath before Uni- ted States Gommisaioner Jenkins, in the Hagan case : "Thomas Hallins testified before Commissioner Jenkins in the Ilogan case: " I was present at tlic election in Jeiferson ward on the 8th of November, 1870; was acting as a judge of election. I proiested against receiving the re- turns of that precinct, because a large number of voters, four hundred or more, were prevented from voting by asking unnecessary questions by John Hagan, jr., one of the judges of election. By ask- ing these questions he prevented four hundred or more registered voters from voting. At no time in the day were there less than two hundred voters waiting to vote. In my judgment a free and full exercise of the elective privilege was not allowed to one half of the voters of that precinct. " Michael Lanam testified in same case and same time : "I w.as clerk of third precinct, Jefferson ward; the voting was retarded by unnecessary questions asked of known Republicans, white and colored, by Windom Kogers, Benjamin Shepard, and P. H. Suth- erland, who took supreme control of the precinct. At no time were there less than one hundred voters in waiting during the day. "P. Nichols also testified to the conduct of the same persons ; and also said they retarded voting by ask- ing improper questions, as to the voter's exact age, the places tliey moved from, although the answers given compared exactly with the statement in the register's book. "Rush Burgess testified: "I was at the third voting precinct, Jefferson ward, about three o'clock; outside of the door there was a long line of colored voters in double and triple file, on one side of a trestle bench placed in the center of the door; white men were on the other side; they were permitted to vote alternately; noticed one ex- ception: a colored man, after being asked a great m.any questions.was sent away to poitit out his house ; a white man was voted when he left and when he came back, "B.W.Gillis testified: " 1 was present at the polls, third precinct, Jef- ferson ward, from before two o'clock till after five o'clock. My attention was called to a carpenter's bench in the center of the doorway. A line of about twelve or fifteen white men was on the right side of the bench ; on the left side was a line of about one hundred and fifty feet, two or three deep, of colored voters. The voting of the colored men was very slow, and, I think, by my watch, in a great many instances the time occupied to vote a single voter was seven minutes. Heard Mr. Hagan ask a great many questions that seemed to be frivolous and un- called for. Mr. Hagan called out a few minutes before closing the polls that if there were any white voters to send them in. There were two hundred to two hundred and fifty colored voters waiting to vote when the polls closed. " L. H. Chandler testified : " 1 was at the third precinct about two o'clock ; a large number of colored persons were in line; there was no voting when I got there; they voted in two lines; a railing or division was made from the cen- ter of the voting door; the whites all voted on the right-hand side and the colored on the left. There was a constable and a police oBicer stationed at the door. The manner of voting was this: one white man was allowed to vote, and then one colored man, only one being allowed to vote at the same time, and only one man was questioned at the same time. I went out and counted the colored persons in line that had not voted, and there were two hun- dred and fifty-three or two hundred and fifty-five. I then counted the white men in line, and there were four or five; there were in all about twenty- five white men in the vicinity. AVhen the polls closed, there wore twelve or fifteen while men there, and myself and three or four others counted the colored men who had not voted, and there were two hundred and fitly-one or two hundred and fifty- three ; I am confident there were more then than when I fir-:t counted. The voting was very slow. Voters were asked, 'What street do you live on T 'What is your number?' 'What business do you follow?' 'How old are you now?' 'How old were you when you registered ?' In one instance it took a colored man seven minutes to vote, in another in- stance three minutes. There was a manifest dispo- sition on the part of the commissioners to make a distinction in this respect between white and col- ored voters. "Gabriel Ford testified: "I voted at that precinct; there were two lines, white and black. I voted at half past four o'clock ; only one or two voted after me. I did not see any whites voting at that time; when I voted there were about two hundred colored voters in the line. " Wilson Price testified : " I went to the precinct at six o'clock a. m. and waited till nine o'clock a. m.; returned at twelve noon, and remained till closing of polls ; was unable to get a chance to vote. If no white voters were in attendance, no colored voter was permitted to vote, " David Fraser testified : "I was at this voting place from five o'clock a. m. till the polls closed, and could not get a cha ice to deposit my vote. I know that not less thar forty colored men stood in line from sunrise to sunsjt and could not vote because the managers would not allow them to approach the polls. I counted at the close of the polls two hundred and fifty-three colored voters in line who could not vote, besides a large number outside of the line. " G. L. Bosher testified : " I was at the polls, third precinct, from the open- ing to the close; there was a large number of col- ored voters present with their tickets waiting to vote during the whole day, who failed to vote ; I should judge there were between two and three hundred men in line after the polls closed who had no chance to deposit their votes ; some of these men I know personally, and know that they were wait- ing from morning till night. " Robert Oliver testified : "I stood in the line of colored voters near the door from sunrise till sunset, and could not get a chance to cast my vote. There were two lines of voters, one colored the other white. John Hagan, who seemed to have entire control of the polls, would not permit any colored voter to vote unless there was a white voter there, thereby depriving me and a large number of colored voters of the right to vote wlien there was ample time to. vote them all. Three hundred colored voters were in line when the polls closed who were deprived of voting. "A. J. Terry testified : " I was in attendance at that voting place all day. At least two hundred and fifty colored men were in line all day endeavoring to vote, and had to leave when the polls closed without voting. The process of taking theballots from colored voters was so slow that it took a colored man ten hours to advance from the gutter to the door where the ballots were received. "Spencer Graig testified : " I was a legal voter of the third precinct ; I was in the line with others from eight o'clock a.m. until the closing of the polls at night, and could not get a chance to vote ; there were at least two hundred and fifty colored voters who failed as I did." Mr. PLATT. Now, Mr. Speaker, I respect- fully submit that I have proved conclusively that I was warranted in saying that hundreds of men had been deprived of the right to vote by the Democratic party in the city of Rich- 10 inond. and I come now to the election of 1871, when these same men, with few exceptions, whom we have seen obtaining ofSce through the broken ballot-box are again declared elected. Fearing that they were not fully secured in their lease of power, authority was obtained from the Legislature of Virginia to redistrict the city, which then consisted of five wards evenly and fairly divided. As more effective than words, I have had a diagram prepared showing how this was done. The sketch now being held up by the Clerk shows the city of Richmond as divided into wards before the gerrymander, And the sketch he now holds up shows the same city as divided into wards by the gerrymander. Bear in mind that each ward is given the sarne number of representatives in the city council. The city, by the new arrangement, is divided into six wards instead of five as before. Nearly or quite one third of the entire city is comprised in Jackson ward, which contains a large majority of the colored voters of the city, whoare thus robbed of the right of representa- tion guarantied them by the Constitution of the United States and that of the State. This is a fair sample of the gerrymandering process to which the cities of Virginia have been sub- jected by a Democratic Legislature, of the gerrymander of the State in legislative dis- tricts, and now of the State into congressional districts, the latter being considered infamous by some of my Democratic colleagues, even, and some of them at least are prepared to join me in denouncing it. I neglected to state that the Republican can- didates who it is claimed were defeated at the November election, in 1870 are yet struggling in the courts in a vain endeavor to have justice done them. I wanted to take up the Chahoon case and ventilate that chapter of Democratic infamy. If my colleague thinks I shrink from 11 discussing that question he is mistaken ; I shall be only too happy to have the opportunity. I do not believe mere is one honest man in ilioh- mond who l)elieveri that George W. Clialioon was guilty of the charges iipon which ho was three times tried by infamously packed juries. Every decent Democrat I have ever conversed with who knows anything about the case is open and unreserved in his denunciation of the villainous conspiracy against him, and as I be- lieve in a just and righteous God, 1 bi'iievc his persecutors will yet be made to answer for their wickedness in this case. Mr. Speaker, 1 believe I have established all I have charged against the Democratic party of Richmond. Permit me to ask your attention for a few minutes while I answer my colleague's correspondent from Norfolk; and the lime allotted me is drawing so rapidly to an end that I must confine myself to the reading of statements furnished me- by citizens of Norfolk of character and standing. I send to the Olerk's desk to have read the follow- ing statement from John F. Dezendorf, esq., and a communication received from Repub- licans of Norfolk. The Clerk read as follows : Norfolk, Virginia, March 30, 1872. Dear Sir: Your speech in Congress relative to the proscriptiou exercised against the members ot the Kepublioan party in the cities and counties of this State, was eminently iust and true, and the thanlcs of the Republicans of this city are tendered to you for the fearless manner in which you have always exposed the wrong-doings of the Democraty party of this State to the consideration of the Cougress ot the United States. At all the elections held in this city subsequent to the admission of the State into the Union, a separate voting precinct has beeu established for white and black voters, with a separate ballot-box for each. There is no authority for this discrimination in the State law, and it is a clear violation of the aet of Congress commonly known as the "enforcement act." Tnis, coupled with the fact that the judges and commissioners of election are composed (with two exceptions, and they at white precincts) wholly of Democrats or Conservatives, which is another name for the same thing, notwithstanding that prominent Republicans, property-owuers, and men in every way above reproach have been recom- mended tothejudge of the corporation court of the city, with the request that at least one Republican may be appointed as judge or commissioner at each precinct, which request has been refused, presents unbounded ouportuuity for intimidation and fraud. The colored polls are beset with men who browbeat and intimidate the colored voters in the most out- rageous manner, and are not prevented or hindered from so doing by the judges of election. The colored voters have propounded to them the most irrelevant and preposterous questions, put for the purpose of consuming the time and coniusing the voter; and in many instances ten, fifteen, and twenty minutes have thus been consumed, and the voter then refused because, being confused, he has made a mistake of a year in his age, or on some other trilling and frivolous pretense. Two years ago the city of Norfolk was redis- tricted, by order of the council, in order, as it was claimed, that the wards might have an equal pop- ulation, but in reality for partisan purposes, as the sequel developed. For, as soon as the redistricting was accomplished, a new apportionment of council- men was ordered, and although the population in each ward was now the same, the wards known to to be Democratic were given each eight councilmcn ; one ward then considered doubtful was given seven, while the fourth ward, known to be largely Repub- lican, and which is poiuilarly termed ••Alnca by the Democrats, was given but live members ; a plain violation of the State constitution, wlucli provides "that representiition shall be based upon popula- tion ;" and the population of the wards being equal, they were entitled to equal representation in the city council. After this redistricting of the city a new regis- tration was ordered, although there was no author- ity 01 law for the same in the statutes of the btate, which provide that the registration lists shall be opened iifteen days previous to the election lor re- vision, at which time those may be added who have become voters since the previous election, and trans- fers may be given from one voting precinct to an- other. But an entire new registration was ordered, aud in consequence many Republicans, colored men, who were working in the swamps outside the city, failed to register, and their names do not appear upon the new lists, and although they were duly registered at the first and only legal registration ever held— those held fifteen days previous to elec- tions being supplementary thereto— when they now apply to vote they are refused, and at the last elec- tion several were sent to jail for attempting to vote without being duly registered. The State law pro- vides an oath upon which a man whose vote is chal- lenged may vote, which, although many Democrats were voted upon it, was denied in many instances to colored Republicans. In consequence of the delays and intimidations to which the colored voters are subjected in every elec- tion, there have been numbers who, have not come to the polls at all, aud many who after having stood at the polls all day with the ballots in their hand, have been unable to vote. At the election two years ago this spring over two hundred colored men were at the polls with the ballots in their hands when the polls closed without having voted. Nor is this proscription confined to colored men. White men who dare to be Republicans are shamefully insulted and abused at the polls, and maliciously slandered and vilified through the columns ot the Democratic press. The most unblushing frauds have been perpetra- ted. At the election held in November last, at the white precinct of the second ward in this city, ninety- seven more ballots were found in the ballot-box than were names on the poll-book, and the utmost partisanship was displayed in the withdrawa of these fraudulant votes, in order to make the ballots and the books correspond. Out of the iiinety-seven ballots withdrawn, thirty-one were Republican, while the entire Republican vote of that precinct is but about ninety and the Democratic is some five hundred. At the colored precinct in the same ward voting was carried on for some two hours without having the ballot-box locked or in anyway secured. , ^ , Nor does the proscription end here. Every obstacle is thrown in the way of Republicans elected to oltice, qualifying and taking possession of the same. At the May election in this city in 1871 the RepuDlicans elected about one half of the city officers incluehng the city collector, street inspector, and others, ihe gentlemen elected to these positions were native Virginians, but they were Republicans, and conse- quently had to resort to the courts to got possession of their offices. The bonds were increased, and every obstacle thrown in the way to prevent their qualify- ing, and the collector did not obtain possession ot his office until the taxes for that year had nearly all been collected. "When the milk had been extracted from the cocoanut." the shell was thrown to him. The same thing took place in Norfolk county, where the county treasurer was required to give bond m $100 000, an unprecedently large amount, and alter having done so and added thereto $10,000 on his own motion, he is still kept out of his office, and will havo to resort to the courts for redress. 12 The Democratic press of the cities of this State, and particularly iu Norfolk, are responsible for the state of things that exist here. The "social ku- kluxism," which, if not as fatal to life as that "ku- kluxism " which exists in more southern latitudes, is very damaging to the interests of the city, State, and country. The facts which I have here brought to your notice are abundantly capable of proof, and can be substantiated by affidavits of responsible parties, should the same be necessary. And in the cases of the keeper and physician of the almshouse, although duly elected by the people at an election held in accordance with the State laws, and in reference to which the Democratic party made up their ticket, including candidates for the above offices, after taking the advice of the most learned legal counsel in the city, these officers elected upon the Republican ticket at said election were, after having held the offices several months, thrust from office on the plea that the new charter of the city gave the appointment to the city council, and Democrats were accordingly appointed to these positions in the place of the Republicans elected at a legal election, having received a large majority of the popular vote. Again thanking you in the name of the Repub- lican party of this city for your noble defense of Republicans, and your truthtul statement of the indignities and abuse to which they are subjected by reason of their devotion to principle, I am truly yours, JOHN F. DEZENDORF, Chairman Executive Committee of Norfolk. Hon. James H. Platt, M. C, Second Congressional District of Virginia, Washington, I) . C. District of Columbia, County of Washington, ss: Be it known that John F. Dezendorf personally appeared before me in said District, and being by me duly sworn according to law, deposes and says that the statements in the foregoing paper are true to the best of his knowledge and belief. Witness my hand and seal this 4th day of April, 187'? •^°'^- R. H, MARSH, [l. S.] Notary Publio. Norfolk, March 21, 1872. Dear Sir: At a meeting of the National Repub- lican Club, held at their rooms on the 2Lst instant, the inclosed letter was unanimously adopted, and the president was directed to forward you a copy, which you may use as you may see proper. Respectfully, yours, JAMES H. HALL, President Republican Club. Hon. James H. Platt, M. C, Washington, District of Columbia. Norfolk, March 21, 1872. We, the undersigned Republicans and citizens of Norfolk, Virginia, lully corroborate the statement made by you in the House of Representatives as published in the Norfolk Journal of this date, as true iu all respects, as far as this city is concerned, notwithstanding the letter read by Hon.E.M. Brax- ton, M. C. of the seventh congressional district, from Hon. W. H. Taylor, of the senate of Virginia. We were present at the various voting precincts at several elections, and especially at the election held on the fourth Thursday of May, 1870, and wit- nessed the abuses practiced upon the colored voters, and are satisfied that when the polls closed at sun- down at least one hundred and fifty to two hundred colored men had to go home without recording their votes for the Republican party. JAMES H. HALL, President. AVILLIAM T. BELL, Secretary. The above was indorsed by the entire club, num- bering sixty or more present at the time. Respectfully, WILLIAM T.Bmjj, Secretary. Mr. PLATT. Now, sir, in regard to Ports- mouth, I send to the Clerk's desk and ask to have read a commmiicalion from a reliable and well-known citizen of that city, and I vonch for the truth of the statement made by him. The Clerk read as follows : Portsmouth, Virginia, March 20, 1872. Dear Sir: By request of P. G. Thomas, mayor, I will endeavor to give you the facts asked for in yours of the 18th. First, in relation to the murder of John Wilson, On the Saturday night following the election for members of the Legislature, (in which the Demo- crats succeeded by reason of the P»,epublicans run- ning two candidates,) the Democratic party had a torchlight procession, in which were a number of rowdies from Norfolk and also the rough element of Portsmouth. They were outrageous in their be- havior on the streets, causing even Democratic saloon-keepers to close their doors. After the pro- cession reached the court-house, and the speaking commenced, a large number of those carrying torches came down thestreet yelling and whooi)ing, and dis- turbing the peace generall.v. Policeman John Wil- son (who was a gentleman iu manners) approached them and very kindly asked them to- preserve the peace, telling them he had no desire toe arrest any one, but was compelled to do his duty, and hoped they would go along quietly. The party surrounded Wilson, and several raised the cry of kill the damned nigger. One of the party placed a pistol- close to the back of VViison's head and fired, the ball entering back of and below the left ear, rangirig up into the brain. He immedi- ately fell and expired. The crowd kicked Wilson after he fell; some of them also struck him with their torches. One young man (Hamilton) testified that he got over the body of Wilson and told the crowd that he (Hamilton) was a Democrat, but such conduct was shameful and would bring disgrace on the party. This foul murder took place on the principal street, between two corner stores, with at least a hundred people within one hundred feet. 1 heard of the murder shortly after it happened, and at once started for the scene of action. Several friends tried to detain me, fearing some harm would befall me. I told them I thought there was no danger. I went up High street and found the body of VVilson had been removed to the station-house, whither I pro- ceeded and sent for Coroner Matthews, who impan- eled a jury, I being one • f them. The evidence identified a number of persons as being present among the disturbers of the peace and among the crowd who committed the murder. Several parties swore they could recognize the person who fired the shot could they see him again, but that they did not know his name, but that he lived in Norfolk. One man, I think, testified that his name was Johnson. Warrants were issued for the arrest of Thomas Flood, John Bullock, Tuomas Finly, and Charles Brown. It was proven con- clusively that Flood and Bullock were in the crowd of peace disturbers, and also in the Democratic pro- cession. The day after the murder Mayor Thomas received information that the person who fired the shot was identified, and that he resided in Norlolk. A warrant was immediately issued, and pi, iced in the hands of officers Brown and Wilson, after being countersigned by Mayor Whitehead, of Norfolk, who sent a Norfolk policeman to assist tUem. The officers were followed by a crowd of Norfolk firemen to the residence (jf the accused, when the Norfolk officer walked off. The rowdies and fire- men then threatened the Portsmouth officers, and intimidated them to such an extent that they returned to Portsmouth, believing tlioir lives in danger. Mayor Thomas then made a lormal com- plaint to Mayor Whitehead, of Norfolk, wlio prom- ised to have the accused if he was to be lound; but the bird had flown and has not been seen since, to 13 \ my knowledge. The facts were plain that the Demo- cratic party sympathized with the murderers; but I must say tliat 1 believe nine out of ten of our citi- zens were sorry it occurred. Second, at the election for members of the city council while the Republicans carried the city on the popular vote, the Democrats carried one of the wards, (Jackson,) thus making a tie in the council and causing a dead-lock (1 was one of the Republican members.) We met at various times for some three months without being able to organize. Finally we agreed upon a compromise which gave the Demo- crats the president of the council, while we retained the clerk; city othcersto remain as they were, unless vacancie- occurred by death, malfeasance, or resig- nation. This was considered fair, and was all that was necessary for practical legislation. After some time, without agitation of the subject in the city, no application or petition from any known source, the Legislature passed an act amend- ing the city charter by making sis members of the council a quorum, giving the president one vote to make a tie and another one to