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 iii-e of the l)i- ftict Court of the rni*e<l .Shi'es. lor the Southeiii District of New- i 
 
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 A HISTORY. OT-EVEBY ^TI^iaOT ;\ ;*; \;' 
 
 RESIS^I^^'KCE^-^O^-J^-lr^)---** ** 
 
 EDERAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 BP:ING I'HK DF/1'AU.S OF 
 
 The DisAFFEorio.v in tjib Akmv at K kmburq. 
 Thk Socikty of the Cincinnatti. 
 
 ShaY.s' Rn{ELl,IO.\ IN MASSACHUSKriS. 
 
 Whiskey Insuhkkotion in i'Kv.vsvLVANiA. 
 
 15l KR S 'I'RgA.SOK and IHiAt, 
 1 TaHTFOBD (.-'ONVENTION. 
 
 Admission oi- Missouri, and Missouri Compromise. 
 Ckbek DiiTicrLTY IN Georgia. 
 
 ChEROKI K DlFFrOOLTT IN GeuROIA. 
 
 Nullification in Sodtii Carolina. 
 SECF.S3ION OF Southern Statrs, 1860 & 61. 
 
 Price, Five Cents. 
 
 NKW-YORK : 
 
 VVKVILI, k CHAIMN, PRINTERS. 113 NA?,SAU STKEKF. 
 
 1861. 
 
Class. 
 Book 
 
 3o! 
 
 oc- 
 
HISTORY OF GOERCIOK 
 
 UNITED STATES, 
 
 <0 
 
 iiirtr 
 
 The first attempt made to subvert the Federal 
 Govei-nmeut was in 1782 — near the close of the Revol- 
 utionary War, The head-quarters of* the army were at 
 Newburg, N. Y. Washington arrived there about the 
 close of April of that year, from Philadelphia, where 
 he had been since November 1*181. He found very 
 great disaffection existing towards the Government in 
 the army. They had endured everything for a country 
 which seemed ungrateful, and were expecting soon to be 
 disbanded. No provision had been made by Congress 
 for their pay, though it had been most solemnly pro- 
 mised by repeated acts of Legislation. They were 
 naturally discontented, and even began to question the 
 efficiency of a form of government which appeared to 
 be unfitted for meeting the first necessities of the 
 country. 
 
 They talked of the propriety of forming a more 
 energetic Government while arms were in their hands. 
 They made known to Washington their motives and 
 objects through Col. Nicola, an able and experienced 
 officer. In a carefully written letter he dwelt upon 
 the gloomy condition of affairs, and used language as 
 follows : — 
 
4 HISTORY OF COERCION. 
 
 SHAYS' REBELLION. 
 
 After the close of the Revolutionary War the States 
 found themselves loaded with debts, the difficulties of 
 meeting which were greatly enhanced by the depres- 
 sion of business, and the utter stagnation of all species 
 of producing wealth. This was more keenly felt in the 
 Northern States, where a great proportion of the 
 population were dependent on their manufactures, fish- 
 eries and commerce. 
 
 The country was full of a paper currency, greatly 
 depreciated ; and citizens found themselves vigorously 
 prosecuted in the courts of justice, whilst they had no 
 means of satisfying the judgments in mono}'. By a 
 clause in the Treaty of Peace creditors in either country 
 were allowed to recover debts. Much more was owing 
 to the British than from them ; and during the wai* 
 interest had been accumulating on this. Many had 
 supposed the war would cancel all obligations towards 
 Britain, and hence arose much real suffering. In the 
 Northern States the legal proceedings for the recovery 
 of debts seemed to have reached the highest point — and 
 sufferers in consequence naturally looked upon profes- 
 sional men with great dislike, and at last came to 
 regard them as the cause of their distress. 
 
 In Massachusetts the attempt to levy State and 
 Federal taxes created an intense excitement. The 
 people now began to include within their indignation 
 the Federal courts. Meetings were held to obtain re- 
 dress of their grievances, and the next step was riot- 
 ous interference with the courts. 
 
 In New Hampshire an armed mob attempted to force 
 the Legislature. In Massachusetts concessions were 
 tried, but they were unavailing before the general up- 
 rising. The militia were called out, but it was found 
 their sympathy was too much with the rioters to place 
 any reliance on them as conservators of peace. 
 
HISTORY OF COERCIOX. 5 
 
 Daniel Shays, who had been a captain in the Conti- 
 nental Army, at the head of some thousand armed men, 
 oc(3upied Worcester, Massachusetts, and prevented the 
 sitting of the Supreme Judicial Court there, and then 
 with tliree hundred men repeated the same act at 
 Springfield. General Shepherd held the arsenal there 
 for Congress, and Shays made no attempt to take it. 
 This was at the close of 1786 
 usually severe. 
 
 Governor Bowdoin, of Massachusetts, raised a force 
 of four thousand four hundred men, who were enlisted 
 for thirty days, and placed them under command of 
 General Lincoln. At Boston, where the insurgents 
 were daily expected, the citizens held themselves in 
 constant readiness to repel an attack. In the latter 
 part of January, 1787, Lincoln left Boston, and marched 
 by way of Worcester upon Springfield, Massachusetts 
 against which place the rebels were now directing 
 more vigorous movements. Shepherd's force consisted 
 of a thousand of Western militia, and Shays had been 
 reinforced by about four hundred men, under Luke Day. 
 
 Shays having heard of the approach of Lincoln, re- 
 solved to attack Shepherd at once ; and on the after- 
 noon of January 25th approached his position, expect- 
 ing to be supported by Day, who was posted on the 
 opposite side of Springfield. The insurgents having 
 cume within range, SlK'pherd demanded their object, 
 and was told that they meant to take possession of the 
 arsenal. Shepherd warned them not to advance nearer, 
 and threatened to fire on them if they did. They taunt- 
 ingly replied that that was what they wanted. Shaj^s 
 pushed on, supposing that Shepherd would not resist 
 a superior force. The latter, wishing to avoid blood- 
 shed, pointed two guns at them, and ordering the ar- 
 tillerists to aim over them, gave the word to fire. The 
 rebels became more emboldened by this blank and 
 harmless discharge, and Shepherd was cejupellcd to 
 
 A3 
 
6 HISTORY OF COERCION, 
 
 order the guns to be discharged directly at the column, 
 which was rushing upon him. The cry of " murder " 
 arose from the rear of the insurgents, and they broke 
 and fled, leaving three dead and one wounded. Shays 
 made every effort to bring them to the charge, but in 
 vain, and he could not rally them till they had reached 
 Ludlow, ten miles from the place of action. 
 
 The next day a force of four hundred men, under 
 command of Eli Parsons, arrived to strengthen Shays, 
 Shepherd meantime making provision to repel the at- 
 tack which he expected Shays would renew, before re- 
 lief could arrive. But at noon on the 27th Lincoln's 
 army came in sight, and he was enabled to take up the 
 offensive. 
 
 Lincoln crossed the river on the ice before nightfall, 
 and attacked Day and drove him towards Northamp- 
 ton, Shepherd, meanwhile, interposing between Day 
 and Shays, the latter of whom now retreated to Am- 
 h(3rst in a state of great destitution. Finding himself 
 still pursued by Lincoln, he retreated still further, to 
 Pelham hills, and his pursuers diverged to Hadley to 
 obtain protection for the men from the severity of the 
 weather. On the 30th, Lincoln transmitted to Shays a 
 firm though humane letter, offering to intercede for the 
 insurgents if I hey would lay down their arms and re- 
 sume their allegiance to the State. Shays replied ask- 
 ing a suspension of hostilities till he could receive an 
 answer to a petition he had forwarded to the court. 
 This request Lincoln peremptorily refused, having no 
 authority to comply with h. 
 
 On receiving Shays' petition, and learning the move- 
 ments of the army, the general court, on the 4th of 
 February officially declared the existence of a rebellion, 
 though at the very time the proclamation was made the 
 rebellion had been crushed, for, on the 3d, Shays 
 fearing an attack from Lincoln, retreated from Pelham 
 to Petersham. Lincoln was not fully informed o^ Ijhis 
 
HISTORY OF COERCION. f 
 
 till six o'clock in the evening", but by eight was in pur- 
 suit, and reached Petersham at nine in the morning, a 
 distance of thirty miles, travelled in the bitter cold 
 an<l darkness, and in the face of a driving snow storm 
 which s(^t in early in the morning. Lincoln's men were 
 Xvearied and half frozen, and his rear five miles behind 
 his Iront, while the insurgents were concentrated and 
 had passed the night in rest and under shelter. But 
 they did not defend themselves, and in the first moment 
 of surprise one hundred and fifty were taken, and the 
 remainder fled almost without a shot, and took refuge 
 in New Hampshire, New York and Vermont. Thus was 
 this i;isurrection extinguished. 
 
 After the defeat of one or two predatory incursions 
 a commission was appointed to give, under specified 
 conditions, indemnity to all concerned in the rebellion. 
 Nearly eight hundred were pardoned — and of fourteen 
 who were sentenced to death, some were pardoned^ 
 some escaped, and one had his sentence commuted to 
 imprisonment at hard labor. Not one drop of blood waS 
 shed judici-ally in expiation of this oifence against the 
 Government of the United States. 
 
 THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION. 
 
 At the meeting of Congress for its third Session, in 
 December 1790, very great embarrassments surrounded 
 the Government in regard to the debts of the war — 
 both Federal and State — for during this Session, Con- 
 gress adopted the Stale, as part of the Federal debts. 
 The next winter Hamilton sent to Congress a report 
 which recommended an additional impost on foreign 
 distilled liquors, and a duty on spirits distilled within 
 the United States, and also an augmentation of duties 
 Oh tea and cofiPee ; and after long and ajlmost endless 
 
8 HISTORY OF COERCION. 
 
 debate and opposition his plan was adopted in the 
 Session of 1793-94. There was a p^reat jealousy then, 
 as now, towards the Federal power — a great tenacity 
 of " State Rights." 
 
 After the adjournment of Congress, in March, 1*194, 
 the violent and seditious resistance to the execution of 
 the clause of the law imposing a duty on domestic dis- 
 tilled liquors, had reached an alarming point in some of 
 the counties of Pennsylvania west of the Alleghany 
 Mountains, where they regarded the levying of a Fede- 
 ral tax as subversive of their " State Sovereignty," 
 and the laws were openly set at defiance. Bills of in- 
 dictment were found against the perpetrators of cer- 
 tain outrages, and processes were issued aoainst them 
 and placed in the hands of the United States Marshal 
 for execution. 
 
 The Marshal went personally to the coimtry to serve 
 the processes. On the 15th of July he was met by a 
 body of armed men, who fired on him, but fortunately 
 he received no personal injury. 
 
 On the 16th, at djij^break, the house of General Nevil, 
 the inspector, was attacked, but he made so good a 
 defence that the assailants were compelled to retreat. 
 
 He expected a renewal of the attack, which he knew 
 had been preconcerted, and asked protection ot the 
 militia officers and county magistrates.. They answered, 
 that " Owing to the general combination of the people 
 to oppose the revenue system, the laws could not be 
 executed so as to afi'ord him protection ; that should 
 the jiosse commitatus be ordered out to support the civil 
 authority they would favor the rioters." 
 
 On the ITth the insurgents reassembled, to the num- 
 ber of five hundred, to renew the attack on the house 
 of the inspector, who had obtained a detachment of 
 eleven men from Fort Pitt, under Major Kirkpatrick. 
 
 This little band saw the impossibility of successfully 
 resistioj^ so grea| a force, and a parley took place,^at 
 
HISTORY OF COKKCION. V 
 
 which the assailants, after requiring that the inspector 
 and all his papers should be giren np, demanded that 
 the party in the house should march out and ground 
 their arms This they refused to do, and the assault 
 commenced. The action lasted until the assailants set 
 fire to several adjacent buildings, the heat from which 
 was so intense that the house could no longer be occupied. 
 
 Major Kirkpatrick and his party surrendered tliemj 
 selv^es. 'i he Marshal and Col. Pressly Nevil, while 
 on their way to the house of General Nevil, the inspec- 
 tor, were seized and detained till two o'clock next 
 morning. The Maishal's life would have been sacri- 
 ficed but for the interposition of some leading individ- 
 uals. And he could only obtain his liberty by making 
 a solemn engagement, which was guaranteed by Col. 
 Nevil, to serve no more processes on the western side 
 of the Alleghany Mountains. 
 
 The Marshal and Inspector retired to Pittsburg, 
 when the insurgents deputed two of their body to de- 
 mand that the former should surnmder all his authority, 
 and the latter resign his office, threatening, in case 
 of refu al, to attack the place and seize their persons. 
 Although they did not accede to these demands, they 
 knew Pittsburg afforded tio security, and so made their 
 escape by descending the Ohio River, and after a circuit- 
 ous route reached the seat of Government. 
 
 The next proceeding of the insurgents was to attack 
 the mail. They robbed it of letters from parties in 
 Pittsburg, who having expresed disap[)roval of their 
 proceedings, were banished They next held meetings 
 on Braddock's Field, and at Parkinson's Ferry, at 
 which the determination to resist the laws by force of 
 arms was openly avowed. The olny alternative which 
 appeared to be left to the Government was to subdue 
 this resistance at once or submit to it. 
 
 Washington called a cabinet council to consider it, 
 and consulted the Governor of Pennsylvania. 
 
10 HISTORY OF COERCION. 
 
 Randolph, the Secretary of State, and also the Go- 
 vernor of Pennsylvania, argued strongly against the 
 policy of coercion. But others oi" the cabinet, and Wash- 
 ington, believed that policy and humanity demanded 
 the employment of a force sufficient to render resist- 
 ance desperate. The insurgent country contained six- 
 teen thousand men able to bear arms, and it was com- 
 puted that they could bring seven thousand men into 
 the field. It was resolved to send a Federal army of 
 twelve thousand men, which be considered would be a 
 force so imposing that the insurgents would not dare 
 to meet it. He immediately issued his proclamation, 
 which by law was to precede the employment of force. 
 On the same day he made a requisition on he Gover- 
 nors of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Vir- 
 ginia for their several quotas of militia, to compose an 
 armj^ of twelve thousand men, who were to be imme- 
 diately organized and prepared lo march at a moment's 
 notice. Ultimately the force was increased to fifteen 
 thousand. 
 
 With a reluctance to use force, a deputation of three 
 distinguished and popular citizens of Pennsylvania 
 were made the bearers of a general amnesty for past 
 offences, on the sole condition of future obedience to 
 the laws. 
 
 Governor Mifflin, of Pennsylvania, also issued a pro- 
 clamation, and appointed Commissioners to act with 
 those of the general Government, deeming it advisable 
 that no step should be taken save in concert with the 
 Federal executive. 
 
 A Committee from the Convention of Parkinson's 
 Ferry mtit these Commissioners, and after a conference 
 the offer of amnesty vtas referred to the people, which 
 was refused by a large majority. 
 
 On the 25th of September, Washington issued a pro- 
 clamation, setting forth the obstinate spirit with which 
 the lenient propositions of the Government had been 
 
HISTORY OF COERCION. ll 
 
 received, and declaring his determination, in obedience 
 to his sense of duty, " to take care that the laws be 
 faithfully executed." 
 
 The troops of New Jersey and Pennsylvania were 
 directed to rendezvous at Bedford, and those of Mary- 
 land and Virginia at Cumberland, on the Potomac. On 
 Governor Lee of Virginia had been conferred the 
 command of the expedition, 
 
 Washington visited personally each division of the 
 army, and returned to Philadel[)hia to be present at 
 the approaching Session of Congress. 
 
 The two divisions of the army marched into the in- 
 surgent district. The greatness of the force prevented 
 opposition from the disaffected. Several of the lead- 
 ers having refused to give assurances of future sub- 
 mission were seized, and some held for legal prosecu- 
 tion. 
 
 It was however deemed advisable to station a detach 
 ment for the winter, under the command of Major-Gen- 
 eral Morgan, in the centre of the disaffected country 
 
 During the winter a better feeling arose among the 
 inhabitants, and quiet and submission took the place 
 of rebellion. For the second time the supremacy of 
 the Federal law had now been established without 
 the shedding of blood. 
 
 BURR'S TREASON. 
 
 In the year 1805 and 1806 the attention of the Govern- 
 ment was drawn to the schemes of Buir, but not till 
 1807 were they finally broken, up, and he brought 
 to trial. What his plans were has never been 
 full}' known. Many surmises were made, and many 
 supposed he intended to subvert the Government. 
 Certainly if such was his object the means he provided 
 were ridiculously inadequate to the end sought. 
 
12 HISTORY OF COERCION. 
 
 Burr was a man of reckless and unprincipled nature 
 — bold and unflinching. 
 
 In 1805 he made a journey to the West, ostensibly 
 to secure his return to Congress from some State there. 
 He went down the Ohio and Mississippi to New Orleans 
 and back to Washington. 
 
 Both in going and returning he enjoyed the hospi- 
 tality of Gen. Andrew Jackson, of whom he expressed 
 very high admiration. Burr gave Jackson to under- 
 stand his object to be the settlement of a tract of land 
 in Louisiana, and to make arrangements for the inva- 
 sion of Mexico in case of war with Spain, which seem- 
 ed imminent ; and Jackson gave him such assistance 
 as he could afford. In the following year, 1806, when 
 Burr again visited him, he even offered to accompany 
 him to Mexico with a body of troops in case of a war 
 with Spain, but declined holding any communication 
 with him if he had any hostile intention against the 
 United States. Burr assured him he had no such in- 
 tentions — but it was evident that Jackson's suspicions, 
 were not removed, from the fact that he attended the 
 trial to give his testimony if it should be wanted. 
 
 On his second journey, in August 1806, Burr was the 
 guest of Blennerhasset, who had built a magnificent 
 residence on an island in the Ohio River, near Marietta. 
 Boats were building at this place, and, it is alleged, pro- 
 visions and arms collecting, young men enlisting, and 
 much warlike preparation was going on. In November 
 of that year Col. J.H Daviess, U. S. attorney for Kentucky, 
 made affidavit concerning Burr's design, and moved for 
 his arrest. After consideration of the evidence the court 
 denied the motion. Burr was present, and in a speech 
 alluded to the proceedings against him, characterized 
 them as " harsh," and requested as a favor a trial be- 
 fore a jury. His request was granted, and a jury im- 
 panelled. The court room was crowded to suffocation, 
 when, to the surprise of all, the attorney moved for the 
 
HISTORY OF COERCION, 13i 
 
 discharge of the jury, alleging the absence of a mate- 
 rial witness as a reason — which motion was granted, 
 and no indictment was found. 
 
 On the night of tne 10th of December, 1806, two or 
 three boats left ^lennei basset's Island with a few men, 
 and arrived at the mouth of the Cumberland River. 
 
 Burr descended the Cumberland with some boats, 
 and joined Blennerhasset's party, and the whole force 
 proceeded down the Ohio and into the Mississippi River. 
 It is said the expedition consisted of six or eight boats, 
 and about one hundred and thirty men. 
 
 Jefferson, then President, appointed the Secretary of 
 the Territory of Orleans his agent to investigate the 
 charges against Burr, which had reached him ; aad a 
 few days afterwards issued his proclamation for the 
 suppression of the expedition and the seizure of the 
 parties concerned in it. The agent procured the co- 
 operation of the Government of Ohio, and some of 
 Burr's boats were taken. The military arriving too 
 late at Blennerhasset's Island to prevent the departure 
 of the flotilla, proceeded to devastate the place. 
 
 In the meantime Burr, with the rest bf his little 
 band, was proceeding down the river, and finding that 
 the President's proclamation had out-stripped him at 
 the Bayon Pierre he surrendered himself and his at- 
 tendants into the hands of the civil authorities of Mis- 
 sissippi Territory. He entered into recognizances to 
 appear before the proper tribunal to answer the charges 
 which might be brought against him there. But he 
 forfeited his bonds, and was declared a fugitive from 
 justice. After having made his way to the Tomibigbee 
 he was taken into custody. From thence he was con- 
 veyed as a prisoner to Richmond on the 26th of March 
 1807. He was admitted to bail in the sum of ten tliou- 
 sand dollars. 
 
 The trial began on the 22d of May 1807 before a 
 Grand Jury, who on the 23d and 24th of June pro- 
 
14 HISTORY OF COERCION. 
 
 iioiinced Aaron Burr, Herman Blennerh asset, General 
 Dayton and Smith, guilty of high treason and misde- 
 meanor. 
 
 He was placed on trial on the 3d of August, but a 
 jury was not obtained till the 16th. On the 17th 
 the treason case was opened. The charges against 
 him were that he had excited insurrection, rebellion 
 and war, on the 10th of December 1806, at Blenner- 
 hasset's Island, in Virginia, and that he had traitor- 
 ously intended to take possession of the city of New 
 Orleans with force and arniB — to all of which Burr 
 pleaded " Not Guilty." 
 
 Marshall ^n his opinion, delivered on the 81st of 
 August, submitted to the jury, that, whether or not 
 the assembling of ihe men in Blennerhasset's Island 
 was the " levying of war," the presence of Burr, being 
 no where alleged, except in the indictment, the overt 
 act was not proved by so much as a single witness, 
 and consequently all other testimony was irrelevant. 
 
 Next day the case was submitted to the jury, and a 
 verdict was returned of ** Not Guilty." The indict- 
 ment against Burr's associates m his alleged treason 
 was relinquished, and Burr's second trial came on. 
 The jury was impanelled on the 9th of September. The 
 substance of the charge was misdemeanor, in setting 
 on foot a military enterprise against a foreign power 
 with whom the United States were at peace. 
 
 An attempt was made by the prosecution to have 
 the jury discharged without a verdict, after some wit- 
 nesses had been examined, but Burr insisted on a ver- 
 dict, which was given on the loth of September of 
 " Not Guilty." 
 
 Burr was subsequently arrested, wilh Blennerhasset, 
 by the authorities of Ohio on the old cimrges. They 
 gave bail, but were never tried havii'g forfeited their 
 recognizances. Burr afterwards went to Europe and 
 disappeared from the political stage. His treason, if 
 
HISTORY OF COERCION. 
 
 is 
 
 treason it wds, never resulted in a collision with the 
 authorities, and was probably more a scheme qf an 
 ambitious lillibiister than anything else. Certainly he 
 never provided any means for a contest with the 
 Government, and manifested cunning only, in escaping 
 the law after his failure. 
 
 THE HARTFORD CONVENTION. 
 
 From 1805 to 1809, under Jefferson's administration, 
 the Government found its stron^'est opposition in the 
 New England States. The Embargo Act of 1807 was 
 particularly offensive to them, having the effect of de- 
 stroying their commerce, and actually producing suffer- 
 ing. 
 
 Another of Jefferson's schemes was the laying up of 
 the thirteen frigates, which were retain(3d by a law 
 enabling him to sell the rest of the navy, and in their 
 place substituting little gun-boats — which left our com- 
 merce on the high seas unprotected. 
 
 In January 1809 the " Enforcing Act" was passed, 
 ■which required the appointment of "some officer of 
 militia of known respect, for the laws, in, or near each 
 port of entry, with orders, when applied to by the col- 
 lector of the district, to assemble! a sufficient force of 
 his militia, and to employ them efficaciously i , maintain- 
 ing the authority of the law respecting tlie embargo." 
 
 Tne House of Representatives of Massachusetts 
 passed a resolutitm in relation to this subject, protest- 
 ing against the action of Congress. 
 
 In 1808, towards the close of the year, when the em- 
 bargo was ^till in operation, the people were con- 
 stantly instigated to its forcible violation, and juries 
 refused to convict them, while a separation of the 
 '.Uuion was openly discussed and advocated by the pub- 
 
16 HISTORY OF COERCION. 
 
 lie prints, and it was proposed and intended to hold a 
 convention of delegates from the New England States 
 at New Haven. 
 
 After the commencement of the War of 1812 the ex- 
 citement in the New England States had leached the 
 highest pitch. 
 
 Connecticut and "^Massachusetts resisted Ihe demand 
 of the Government for the service of their militia. Con- 
 necticut raised a body of men for her own protection. 
 Governor Chittenden, of Vermont, ordered back the 
 militia of that State, but they refused to obey him, and 
 the disaffected States proposed to violate the Constitu- 
 tion by a separate treaty of peace with Great Britain. 
 This " sectional peace" proposition gained much sup- 
 port in New England, especially in Massachusetts. 
 
 At last all this excitement culminated in the Hart- 
 ford Convention. 
 
 In the summer of the year 1814 the Legislature of 
 Massachusetts assembled, and after serious deliberation 
 it was resolved, that " as the perils to which Massa- 
 chusetts was subjected, were common to all the New 
 England maritime States, a common cause should be 
 made among them all, and that to effect this object, 
 delegates should be invited to assemble at Hartford 
 on the 15th day oi December following, and that re- 
 ports should be made to the Legislatures of their re- 
 spective States." 
 
 Connecticut and Rhode Island appointed delegates 
 b}^ their Legislatures, and New Hampshire and Ver- 
 mont by Ciinventions, to meet those of Massachusetts. 
 
 The President sent a secret agent, Col. Jessup, to 
 counteract, by force if neccessary, their deliberations, 
 which commenced on the day appointed, Dec. 15th, 
 1814. ihere were twenty-seven delegates in all. 
 George Cabot was chosen President, and Timothy 
 Dwight Secretary, 
 
 The Convention sat with closed doors every day foi* 
 
HISTORY OF COERCION. H 
 
 three weeks, except^ig Sundays and Christmas day, 
 and on January 5th, 1815, adjourned sine die. 
 
 Col. Jessup busied himself, ostensibly as a recruiting 
 officer, in picking- up crumbs of information. 
 
 The Convention received the ridicule of its enemies 
 then, and the execration of all friends of the Union since. 
 They finally made a report of the result of their labors, 
 which, after a recapitulation of the grievances ihey 
 sustained, proposed a peaceable separation, or certain 
 amendments to the Constitution, as follows : — 
 
 '♦ The withdrawal of the right to reckon the slaves of the South- 
 ern States in any ratio amongst the population in the apportion- 
 ment of Representatives ; the restriction of the powers of Congress 
 to admit new States into the Union ; the limitation of the power 
 of Congress in relation to embargo and the restrictions of com- 
 merce ; the restriction of the power to make oflFensive war ; the ex- 
 clusion of foreigners hereafter arriving in the United States fi om the 
 capacity of holding offices of trust, honor, or profit ; and, lastly, the 
 limitation of the office of President to a single Constitutional term' 
 and of his eligibility from the same State two terms in succession.', 
 
 The report concluded with a series of resolutions, 
 embodying the points already touched upon, and pro- 
 viding for the summoning of another Convention at 
 Boston, if the proposed application X6 the Government 
 of the United States should be unsuccessful, and for 
 the calling of another meeting of the same Convention 
 at Boston, if the situation of the country should seem 
 to certain of them urgently to require it. 
 
 The resolutions were discussed in the Legislatures 
 of Massachusetts, Connecticut and Rhode Island, and 
 formed the subject of communications to Congress by 
 Commissioners from the (irst two named States. But 
 before they could reach Washington the tidings of the 
 victory at New Orleans, and the peace concluded at 
 Ghent, together with the menacing reception of them 
 at every place outside of New England, discouraged 
 the Commissioners in their hope of carrying out the 
 
Jl« 
 
 HISTORY OF COERCION. 
 
 purpose of the Convention, and they returned ; and so 
 the Hartford State Rights Secession Convention ended 
 in a puff of smoke. 
 
 THE ADMISSION OF MISSOURI. 
 
 J,';, The first time that the Union seemed to be really in 
 danger of dissolution from the influence of slavery and 
 anti-slavery agitation, was in 1819-20 ; under the 
 administration of Monroe, and the feeling on both sides 
 brought about an issue on the admission of Mis- 
 souri which terminated in the famous '* Missouri Com- 
 promise." 
 
 This was not, as we have seen, the first feeling mani- 
 fested between the free and slave-holding states. It 
 hud been a source of disagreement from the commence- 
 ment of the government. 
 
 Missouri was formed from a part of the Lousiana 
 purchase, among the stipulations oC which was one 
 that " the existing status and privileges of its inhabit- 
 ants, under the ^dominion of France and Spain, should 
 not be interfered- with." 
 
 The permission of Congress was soug'ht in February 
 1819, for that part of Louisiana, since known as Mis- 
 souri, to form a Constitution, and to be recognised as an 
 independent Sovereignty. The question then arose 
 whether a clause prohibiting the introduction of slaves 
 and providing for the attainment of freedom by the 
 children of those already there should not be introduced. 
 Most violent speeches were made on both sides, and 
 several propdscd to compromise the difliculty, and 
 suggestions were made to divide the territory west of 
 the Mississippi, into two districts, in one of which 
 slavery should be recognised, and in the other pro- 
 hibited. 
 
HISTORY OE COERCION. 19 
 
 The Soiitbern Representatives maintained the right, 
 under a chiuse of the purchase, which secured against 
 interference their original status, to hohi slaves 
 throughout the whole of the Louisiana Territory, of 
 which Missouri had been a part, and boldly declared 
 that if this demand was not complied with, a dissolu- 
 tion of the Union was inevitable. And some Northern 
 men in reply, declared that rather than see the West 
 converted into a land of slaves, they would see the 
 Ccnfederacy of the United States dissolved. 
 
 In the Senate the question of the admission of 
 Missouri, was mingled with that of the admission of 
 Maine. 
 
 Henry Clay took the position that to Missouri alone 
 belonged the subject of her slavery, and urged concilia- 
 tion and compromise ; and through his efforts at last 
 a compromise was effected. 
 
 On the sixth of March, the bill became a law, author- 
 izing the people of Missouri Territory to hold a con- 
 vention to frame a State Constitution preparatory to 
 admission. It was agreed to admit Missouri with a 
 slavery clause in her Constitution, and establish a line 
 on the paralell of 36'', 30 min , South of which slavery 
 should not be prohibited, and ^orth of which it should 
 be prohibited, west of the Mississippi, except m Missouri. 
 Maine had been admitted three days earlier. 
 
 In accordance with this act of Congress a convention 
 of the people of Missouri assembled at St Louis on the 
 12th of June, and on the 19th of July adopted the Con- 
 stitution as framed by them. 
 
 One clause contained in it was interpreted by the 
 Northern pai'ty as authorizing the Legislature to pro- 
 hibit the immigration of free persons of color, and on ••■ 
 this, in the second session of tliis same Congress, they > 
 made their last stand against its admission. Thet 
 dissenters were overpowered however, as most of the fi 
 Northern men remained true to their compromise, and 
 
20; HISTORY OF COERCION. 
 
 on the 2d of March 1821, the act providing for the 
 admission of Missouri as an iiidependaut and sovereign 
 State, was passed, and the President's proclamation 
 on the 10th of August, announced that Missouri had 
 complied with all rhe prescribed conditions, and was 
 a member of the Federal Union. 
 
 This was considered the final and effectual settlement 
 of the Slavery agitation. And statesmen hoped occa- 
 sion would never avise for a renewal ol" the threats and 
 danger of dissolution which had menaced the country. 
 There was no armed resistance to the execution of Fed- 
 eral laws but there was really an array of the different 
 sections against each other, and against the integrity 
 of the Federal Government. This was crush(;d by the 
 strong reverence of the people for the Union and the 
 Constitution, and was a moral victory as in tiie case of 
 Shays' and the Pennsylvania rebellions, it had been a 
 physical one. 
 
 THE INDIAN DIFFICULTIES WITH GEORGIA. 
 
 x^FTER the close of the Revolutionary War the States 
 with the exception of Georgia, ceded to the General 
 government their unoccupied lands in consideration of 
 the latter assuming the State debts. Georgia, how- 
 ever, refused to do this, although it was demanded by 
 the Government, and obstructed the operations of the 
 latter by fraudulent land sales, till 1802, when a com- 
 promise was effected ; the Western boundary of the 
 State was fixed and the United States undertook to 
 satisfy the claimants to the Yaz jo lands, and also to 
 extinguish the Indian Title to all lands remaining in 
 their possession in the State of Georgia, ** as soon as 
 it could be done peaceably and on reasonable terms." 
 
 Previous to 1824, about fifteen million acres of land 
 
HISTORY OF COERCION. 21 
 
 had been purchased of the Indians and conveyed to the 
 State of Georgia —at that time tlsere remained in the 
 possession of the Creeks, nine million acres, and in that 
 of the Cherokees, half a million acres, 
 
 A commission had been appointed just before the 
 close of Monroe's last term, at the solicitation of the 
 Governor of Georgia, to conclude a treaty with the 
 Creeks for the purchase of their share and the removal 
 of the tribe beyond the Mississippi. 
 
 Nearly a quarter of a century had passed since the 
 compromise of 1802, and seeing nothing done towards 
 carrying out its provisions, Georgia became impatient, 
 thinking that something more than a "reasonable 
 lime" had elapsed for its execution. 
 
 A treaty had been concluded with the Creeks before 
 the compact with Georgia was entered into, under 
 which treaty the United States had made efforts to 
 civilize them, and they had made some progress in this 
 direction. Whether from this cause or from some 
 other, the efforts of the Commissioners were fruitless. 
 A law was made in the general Council of the nation, 
 forbidding the sale of any more of their terrirory, on 
 pain of death. They told the Commissii, ners they had 
 no more land than they wanted, and could not be per- 
 suaded or bribed to make a different answer. The 
 Council closed, and most of the chiefs had gone away, 
 when some fifty who remained were persuaded by a 
 famous cliief named General William Mcintosh, to join 
 him in ceding to the United States, by treaty on their 
 own responsibility, all the lands held by the Creeks in 
 Georgia and Alabama. This treaty of the Indian 
 Springs was concluded on the 12th of Feburary 1825, 
 and was transmitted to Congress and sanctioned by the 
 Senate on the 3d of March. 
 
 The Indians at home hearing theses facts were very 
 indignant, and in secret council resolved not to accept 
 the treaty, and to put Mcintosh to death ; and on the 
 
2Et HISTORY OF COERCION. 
 
 30th of April, a party dispatched for that purpose, sur- 
 rounded his house and shot him and another chief who 
 had signed the treaty. 
 
 Governor Troupe of Georgia, maintained the validity 
 of the treaty, and arranged for the survey and distribu- 
 tion of the lands. 
 
 The Creeks finding the Governor resolved to dis- 
 posess them, proposed to defend their lands, and sent a 
 messenger to Washingt- n to inform the President of 
 the state of things, and claim his protection. Adams 
 had just enlered upon his office when he heard these 
 statements, and together with them complaints of 
 Governor Troupe against the Indian ag-ent. He ap- 
 pointed a special Conmiissioner to investigate the 
 affair, and also ordered General Gaines to the Creek 
 country with a competent force to prevent the outbreak 
 of hostilities. The result of the inquiry proved bad 
 faith and corruption on the part of the authors of the 
 treaty, and that the nation (Creeks) were opposed to 
 the treaty, so he decided they should not be interfered 
 with till the next meeting of Congress. The excite- 
 ment in Georgia w^as intense, and, encouraged by the 
 sympathy of neighboring States, Governor Troupe 
 threatened to take into his own hands the execution of 
 the treaty. But the firmness of the President induced 
 him to let the matter re ;t for settlement with the con- 
 stitutional Authorities. 
 
 Adams wished to avoid a collision with Georgia, and 
 though the latter insisted on the execution of the fraud- 
 ulently obtuined treaty, he renewed negotiations with 
 the Creeks. On the 24th of January 1826, a new treaty 
 was signed, by which the former treaty was declared 
 void, and the Creeks ceded to the United States, the 
 greater part of their lands in Geo gia (but retained 
 their possessions in Alabama), for a more liberal con- 
 sideration tijan that promised at Indian Springs. 
 
 The opposition Senators including those of Georgia, 
 
f 
 
 HISTORY OF COERCION. 23 
 
 opposed the ratification, and the Committee on Indian 
 Affairs, reported a.i^ainst it. Further negotiations were 
 recommended, and on the last day of March, by a 
 supplemental article, nearly the whole of tlie Creek 
 lands in Georgia were ceded to the United States, a 
 tract beyond the Mississippi provided for those who 
 would remove, and the expenne of removal and sub- 
 Bistence, for one j^ear, guarranteed by the Government. 
 
 The spirit of Georgia seems in this to have been most 
 sordid and grasping. Her Governor sought to gain the 
 sympatljy of other of the Southern States in his opposition 
 to the Federal Government, by accusing (he latter ot 
 " an improper and unconstitutional interference with 
 the slave property in the Southern States." A little 
 less firmness in the Execuiive Chair, would hav'> pro- 
 duced a dangerous collision between Federal and State 
 authorities, augmented by the horrors of an Indian war, 
 on the inhabitants of Georiria. 
 
 The State of Georgia pursued the same course imme- 
 diately afterwards in regard to the removal of the 
 Cherokee Indians. The contest was commenced in 
 182T, and was terminated in 1836, by the removal of 
 the Indians beyond the Mississippi. 
 
HISTORY OF COERCION. 
 
 NULLIFICATION OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 A ccRBENT impression prevails that Nullification first existed in 
 1833. That was its first open manifestation, but the same disaflFec- 
 tion existed previous to that time, and that was only the occasion 
 seized to display it. Early in 1826 the Legislature of South Carolina 
 adopted a series of resolutions, declaring that Congress ought not to 
 exercise the powers granted it to eflfect objects not specified in the 
 Constitution, nor to lay taxes for purposes not distinctly enune- 
 rated there ; that it has no power to adopt a national system of 
 internal improvements, nor to tax one State for roads and canals 
 constructed in another, and that it was an unconstitutional exercise 
 of power to lay duties to protect domestic manufactures. 
 
 Virginia the next year took up the same line of conduct, and 
 a Committee was appointed to inquire how far the Federal Govern- 
 ment had encroached on State rights, and report measures to arrest 
 such usurpation. 
 
 A Convention of the friends of a tarifi" was held at Harrisburgh, 
 and at the same time an opposing Convention at Columbia, S. C, 
 at the latter of which, after strong denunciation of the protective 
 system, their resolutions say, " and that it is a grievance not to be 
 patiently submitted to, and but too well calculated to bring on the- 
 dangerous inquiry — In what manner are the Southern States he7iejitted 
 by the Union .'"' 
 
 However, in 1828 the olSensive tariff bill passed, and thereafter 
 the ultra opponents of the law endeavored to show that the passage 
 of this law was a violation of the Constitution, and that it was the 
 duty of the Southern States to act in their capacity of sovereign 
 and independent States. 
 
HISTORY OF COERCION. 25 
 
 The Governor of South Carolina, in his message to the Legisla- 
 ture in November 1829, said, " It is obvious that those States own- 
 ing slaves have a distinct and separate interest from such as have 
 none." 
 
 I'fext year the excitement had risen still higher within this State 
 for the course ot the Administration had the effect of confining it here 
 the other disaffected States regarding the remedy as doubtful, and 
 the loyal States considering it treasonable. 
 
 A bill presented to the Legislature at this time, 1830, authorizing 
 a Convention " for the purpose of nullifying such laws of Congress 
 as it might deem unconstitutional," failed to pass. 
 
 Notwithstanding this failure a State Rights and Free Trade As- 
 sociation was organized, and other means of agitation resorted to. 
 
 Her most enthusiastic politicians believed the Executive and 
 Congress would give way if the law was nullified, but no step was 
 taken to bring upon the State measures which Jackson had inti- 
 mated would be adopted. 
 
 As a test, the scheme was adopted of refusing to pay duties on 
 bonded goods, and the case was heard in the United States District 
 Court in September 1831, and the jury found for the United States 
 the amount of the bonds. One, Isaac E. Holmes, still persisting in 
 his refusal to pay, the United States' Marshal levied on one of his 
 houses. But the nuUifiers were so strong that the friends of the 
 Government did not bid. The house was never sold, nor was the 
 money on the judgment paid till Mr. Holmes went to Congress in 
 1839. 
 
 In the Presidential election of 1832 South Carolina did not vote, 
 her Legislature having adopted a resolution, " That the State of 
 South Carolina being engaged in a contest for great Constitutional 
 rights and interests of paramount importance, it is inexpedient at 
 
26 HISTCRV OF COERCION. 
 
 this time to involve her in the struggle of a Presidential election, 
 or to pledge her to any particular candidate." 
 
 The election resulted, as is known, in the return of Jackson and 
 Van Buren. 
 
 In October 1832 the State Legislature met, and at once passed an 
 act summoning a Convention — which assembled in November — the 
 Governor of the State being made President of it designating 
 it a " Concentration of the Sovereignty of the people." It pro- 
 ceeded at once to pass, by an overwhelming majority, an ordinance 
 to the effect: — That, unless the Acts of Congress complained of 
 should be repealed before the 1st of February 1833, "the several 
 Acts, and parts of Acts, of the Congress of the United States, pur- 
 porting to be laws for the imposing of duties and imposts on the 
 importation of foreign commodities, and now having actual opera- 
 tion and effect within the United States '*'^ • * are unauthorized 
 by the Constitution of the United States, and Violate the true intent 
 thereof, and aie null, void, and no law, nor binding upon this Stat^j 
 its oflScers or citizens ; and all promises, contracts, and obligations, 
 made and entered into with the purpose to secure the duties im- 
 posed by the said acts, and all judicial proceedings, which shall 
 be had in affirmance thereof are, and shall be held utterly null and 
 void." 
 
 Acts were then passed in order to accomplish the design of this 
 ordinance, directly antagonistic to the operations of the General 
 Government for enforcing the law, and for the organization of th6 
 militia and the purchase of munitions and ordnance. And they 
 further required all civil and military officers to take an oath to 
 execute and enforce the ordinance and the laws passed in obedienice 
 thereto. .Oiifi8«» 8a>'>d isitiknaO ifii*6a. 
 
 The nullifiers, though dominant, were not supreme In ^utH 
 
HISTORY OF COERCION. 2*1 
 
 Carolina, fur in Charleston, and in other parts of the State, meet- 
 ings were held of Union men, at which it was resolved to sustain 
 the Federal Government in its efforts to enforce the revenue laws, 
 and also to resist, by force if necessary, every attempt to carry into 
 effect the laws passed by the State Legislature, imposing unconsti- 
 tutional oaths upon all civil and military officers. i>,< lj<.^q jlii i 
 The leading nuUifiers, from their position at the head of the 
 State Government, and by personal efforts, aroused great enthusiasm 
 and had the co-operation of a party, formidable from its numbers 
 and determination ; and, moreover, they confidently expected as- 
 sistance from the adjacent States if it came to a trial of force. 
 
 South Carolina had organised a body of twelve thousand volun- 
 teers to defend the ordinance, and they were held ready for instant 
 service. 
 
 Orders were given to General Scott to proceed to Charleston to 
 aid the civil officers of the general Government in enforcing the 
 law, and two vessels of war were also sent there to assist if neces- 
 sary. 
 
 The forts were put in a condition of defence, and the commanders 
 were ordered to be vigilent against surprises, and if attacked, to 
 defend themselves to the last extremity. 
 
 Congress assembled on the 4th of December, 1832, and, in his 
 message, Jackson urged a revision of the tariff, both for the purpose 
 of adapting the revenue to the expenditure, and to limit the pro- 
 tection afforded by the imposts to the counteraction of the protective 
 laws of other nations, and the securing of "a supply of those articles 
 of manufacture essential to the national independence and safety Ihj 
 time of war." 
 
 In this connection he spoke of Nullification, and intimated his 
 l^eliof " that the laws themselves were fully adequate to tk© sup-{ 
 
SEO HISTORY OF COERCION. 
 
 pression of such attempts as might immediately be made" to realize 
 the theory of state rights. 
 
 On the 27th of December, the Ck)mmittee of Ways and Means of 
 the House, to whom had been referred tliat part of the message 
 which referred to the Tariff, reported, and laid before the House a 
 bill, propo.dng a reduction of the duties on protected articles, but 
 leaving from 15 to 20 per cent, for protectiye purposes- It was 
 to take effect immediately. It provided also for a further reduc- 
 tion to follow. 
 
 On January 16th, the President sent in a message containing in- 
 formation respecting the Ordinance and Nullification laws of South 
 Carolina, together with his proclamation thereupon,and suggestions 
 regarding the course he thought Congress should pursue. 
 
 On the 21st of January the Judiciary Committee of the Senate 
 reported a bill to enforce the collection of revenue, according to the 
 law. 
 
 Calhoun's term as Vice President would have expired on the 
 3d of March, 1833, but on the 28th of December 1832 he resigned, 
 and in this contest, appeared as the Senator from his State, South 
 Carolina, and the champion of Nullification. 
 
 On the 12th of February, Henry Clay, in accordance with a notice 
 given the day previous, asked leave of the Senate to introduce a 
 bill to modify the acts imposing duties on imports ; he obtained 
 permission, and brought forward his " Compromise Tariff Bill." 
 This bill provided that at the end of the year then current, all 
 ad valorem duties of more than 20 per cent, should be reduced one 
 tenth -, and, at the end of each alternate year afterwards till 1839, 
 an equal reduction ; and at the end of 1841, and half a year after 
 that term the residue of the oxcess should be taken off in two equal 
 portions, leaving a maximum of %>per cent It also provided for 
 
HISTORY OF COERCION. 29 
 
 the abolition of credit for duties, and the assessment of valuation at 
 the port of entry, or home valuation, after the 30th of June, 1842. 
 
 This Tariff bill passed the House on the 26th of February. The 
 bill of the Committee had been passed, but on motion of Robert 
 P. Letcher of Kentucky, it was recommitted with instructions to 
 report Clay's bill in its place, and the latter was accordingly passed 
 by one hundred and nineteen against eighty-five. It passed the 
 Senate on the 1st of March, by twenty-nine to sixteen, and was 
 approved by the President the next day. 
 
 The Force bill passed the Senate on the 20th of February, thirty- 
 two against one, the solitary "no"' being by John Tyler, and 
 passed the House on the 28th, by one hundred and fifty against 
 thirty-five, and was signed by the President at the same time as 
 the Tariff bill. 
 
 This compromise relieved the nullifiers from the position they 
 had taken, allowing them an easy descent, and, for the time at 
 least, ended nullification. 
 
 SECESSION OF 1860-61. 
 
 It is not, of course, the intention of the author to speak of mat- 
 ters of to-day in the light of past events recorded in history. They 
 are being enacted before the eyes of the world, and all can have an 
 opportunity of watching them, yet it is deemed this little pamphlet 
 would be incomplete without some allusion to the most alarming 
 danger that has ever threatened our country. It is therefore pro- 
 posed merely to give a chronological table of the events, connected 
 with it. 
 
 During the Presidential Campaign of 1856, in which Col. Fremont 
 was the Candidate of the Eepublican|party, threats were frequently 
 
30 HISTORY OF COERCION. 
 
 made by Heury A. Wise of Virginia, and ottier Southern men, that, 
 in the event of his election, they would open a revolution at the 
 South, which would dismember the Union. Fremont was not 
 elected, and the spirit of disunion slept till the opening of the 
 Campaign of 1860. 
 
 Whether the election of a President on|the Chicago platform 
 was the cause, or only the pretext of Secession, it is not the 
 design of this pamphlet to undertake to determine. 
 
 It is the reason alleged and with this preface let us proceed to 
 the record of events since the election of the 6th of November 
 1860. 
 
 ""Nov. 7. Resolutions were adopted in Legislature of South Caro- 
 ::b 9i lina to call a convention of the people of that state 
 
 to consider the dangers threatening them. 
 " 8. State Rights flag, raised at Savannah, Georgia, and 
 Yodt U' Charleston. 
 
 " 8. Magrath, F deral Judge, Conner, Dlst. Atty!, Col cock, 
 Collector, and other Federal officers at Charleston 
 resigned. 
 " 10. Senator i'oombs of Georgia resigned, (to take effect 
 march 4, 1861 unless his State secedes sooner ) 
 ' ** 12. South Carolina legislature authorized banks to suspend 
 specie payments. 
 " 13. Georgia legislature appropriated one million dollars to 
 
 arm the State. 
 *' 15. Senator Hammond of South Carolina, resigned, 
 r *' 17. Hon. M. L. Bonhani of S juth Carolina, resigned. 
 
 *• 19. A detachment of State troops ordered to guard the 
 ^' ' '^^" arsenal at Charleston. 
 
 4»i;/*Vnl9. Capt. Berry of steamship Columbia, was presented 
 . with a gold-headed Palmetto cane, for raising the 
 
 '^'"^ ' Palmetto flag on his steamer when leaving port 
 
 on his previous trip. 
 " 20. United States Marshal at Charleston resigned. 
 •* 21. Was observed as a fastday in Sjuth Carolina. 
 ** 23 North Carolina legislature authorized the suspension of 
 
 banks in that State. 
 ♦* 26. Legislature of Mississippi met. 
 •.'♦>, 27. Legislature of South Carolina met, ,^, , . 
 
HISTORY OF COERCION. 
 
 31 
 
 Dec. 1. The legislature of Georgia authorized the banks of the 
 the State to suspend specie payments till December 
 1861, and passed the retaliatory bill. 
 " 6. House of Representatives of South Carolina passed a 
 bill to enrol ten thousand "Volunteers for defence 
 of the State. 
 ** 10. Legislature of Louisiana met. 
 " 14. Cass, Secretary c^ State, resigned. 
 «« 17. Attorney-General Black appointed Secretary of State. 
 " 17, Convention met at Columbia, S C, and o\vin<r to the 
 prevalence of Small-pox, adjourned to Charleston- 
 " 18. Senate of North Carolina passed a bill to arm the 
 
 State. 
 ♦• 19. South Carolina Convention re-assmbled at Charleston. 
 «* 19. Keitt of South Carolina tendered his resignation. 
 •' 19. Edward M Stanton appointed Attorney-General. 
 ♦* 20. South Carolina Convention passed the Ordinance of 
 
 Secession. 
 ♦' 23. The defalcation of Indian trust funds discovered. 
 ♦♦ 24. Commissi<mers of South Carolina Convention left 
 
 Charleston for Washington. 
 ♦• 24. Meeting held at Pittsburg to protest against removal 
 
 of gims from arsenal there to Southern forts. 
 '• 26. Major Anderson evacuated Fort Moultrie. 
 *• 27. State troops took possessidn of Fort Moultrie and 
 
 Castle Pinckney. 
 '* 29. Floyd, Secretary of War, resigned. 
 Jan. 2. President replied to Commissioners, refusing to recog- 
 nize them in an official capacity, and refusing to 
 withdraw Anderson from Fort Sumter. 
 ♦♦ 3. Commissioners left Washington for South Carolina. 
 *• 3. Mclntyre nominated as Collector at Charleston. 
 ♦* 3. Fort Pulaski. Savannah taken possession of and garri- 
 
 soned by State troops. 
 " 3. Revenue Cutter Dolphin taken possession of, but re- 
 turned by Governor Brown of Georgia. 
 '♦■ 4. Fort Morgan, Mobile, taken possession of and garri- 
 soned by two hundred Mobile troops. 
 ** 5. South Carolina Convention adjourned. 
 *' 5. Steamer Star of the West left New York for Charles- 
 
 ton with troops to reinforce Fort Sumter. 
 ** 7. Virginia Legislature met 
 ♦* 7. Alabama Legislature met. 
 ♦• 8. Thompson, Secretary of Interior, resigned. 
 '♦ 8. Forts Johnson and Caswell at Wilmington taken 
 possession of and garrisoned by Smithfield Guard. 
 
^; HISTORY OF COERCION. 
 
 Jan. 9. Steamer Star of the West arrived at Charleston was 
 fired on and put to sea — flag of truce sent to Gov 
 Pickens from Anderson. 
 
 «' 9. Lieut. Talbot started for Washington with dispatches 
 from Major Anderson. 
 
 <• 9. Steamer Marion seized at Charleston by State authori- 
 ties. 
 
 ♦* 9. Commander Hartstein resigned his position in the 
 Navy. 
 
 '* 9. Mississippi passed an Ordinance of Secession. 
 
 *' 10. Steamer Joseph Whiting left Boston with troops for 
 Florida. 
 
 *' 10. Florida passed an Ordinance of Secession. 
 
 " 11. Alabama passed an Ordinance of Secession. 
 
 " 11. Lieut. Talbot arrived at Washington. 
 
 " 11. Thomas, Secretary of Treasury, resigned. 
 
 " 11. Dix of New York, appointed Secretary of Treasury. 
 
 *' 11. Forts and Arsenals in Louisiana taken by State troops- 
 
 '* 12. Steamer Star of the West arrived at New York. 
 
 " 12. Fort Barrancos and the Navy Yard at Pensacola taken 
 by Florida troops. 
 
 ** 12. Legislature of Tennessee passed a bill calling a Con- 
 vention of the people on the 18th of February. 
 
 " 12. Senate of Virginia passed the House Convention bill 
 ujii bltiluolf ^^^ fixed 13th of February for meeting of couren- 
 tion. 
 
 •' 19. Georgia passed an Ordinance of Secession. 
 
 " 21. Brooklyn Navy Yard garrisoned to prevent a rumored 
 attack. 
 
 The end of the present contest we cannot yet know, but we see 
 the Federal government has been strong enough to sustain itself 
 against repeated attempts to subvert it. 
 
 Should not this knowledge encourage Union men to hope for 
 the future ? Nil desperafidum* 
 
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