LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. Clvap. Shelf UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. OEATION DELIVERED BEFORE THE ill) :y^oiinril aiul :y^ifeenfj of j-ofitoii ONE HUNDRED AND SECOND ANNIVERSARY OF THE DECLA- RATION OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. JULY 4, 1878, BY JOSEPH HEALY. S t JX : FEINTED BY ORDER OE THE CITY COUNCIL. MDCCCLXXVIII. i CITY OF BOSTON, In Common Council, July 5, 1878. Resolved, That the thanks of the City Council be pre- sented to Joseph Healy, Esq., for the very appropriate, interesting, and instructive Oration delivered by him before the niunici[)al autliorities of this city on the occasion of the celebration of the one hundred and second anniversary of the DecUiration of American Independence ; and that he be requested to furnish a cop}^ for publication. Passed : sent up for concurrence. BENJAMIN POPE, President. In Board of Aldermen, July 8, 1878. Passed in concurrence. Approved July 9, 1878. S. B. STEBBINS, Chairman. HENRY L. PIERCE, Mayor ORATION. Mr. Mayor, Gentle^nen of the City Council, Fellow- Citizens : — It is our privilege to unite once more in the observances and rejoicings appropriate to this clay, and to celebrate, with grateful hearts, the events which are associated with it. Amid all the expres- sions of joy that surround us, the discharge of guns, the ringing of bells, the inspiring swell of music, we come together, in accordance with our annual custom, to take a brief retrospect of our national progress, and from the teachings of ex- perience to gather counsel for the present, and hope and encouragement for the future. It would be eminently pleasing, and consonant with the generous emotions which are excited by the re- currence of this anniversary, to allow our thoughts to dwell exclusively upon matters of history, and to gratify our pride by the contemplation of our national achievements. "Wonderful indeed have they been. The prolific seeds of civilization which were planted in the early time have borne abun- 6 MliA'I'IOX. dant fruit. Our social progress, our political gro^vth, our iutcllectual advance, have kept pace with the development of our material resources, and together they have earned and secured for us an exalted rank among the nations. Yet we should iliil in the proper use of this occasion were we only to charm our I'ancy and satisfy our self-conceit by indulging in delightful reminiscences; forgetful of the duties which the living present devolves upon us. Let us then to-day, while congratulating our- selves upon the symmetry and apparent strength which our institutions exhibit, consider also whether dangers threaten them which the public vigilance should be aroused to avert. The foundation upon which our fathei-s based the theory of our government is the intelligence, integrity, and patriotism of the people. Upon that basis alone did they believe a free government could rest. They had faith that the diffusion of knowledge, the dissemination and discussion of the principles of political science, the influence of religion, would make men capable of understand- ing and appreciating their rights and duties, and zealous in the maintenance and discharge of them. The citizen, by participating in the government, would become the more interested in its preser- vation. The ties of kindred, the inborn love of counlry, the influence of custom and c\am|)le, the JULY 4, 1878. 7 desire of pursuing one's vocation in tranqnillity, and the many selfish interests and magnanimous emotions which unite to bind one to the land of his birth, held undisturbed sway. But in place of the feudal sentiment of loyalty to a personal sovereign, they substituted the duty of loyalty to the people. They feared not that this duty would be laid down as too heavy a burden. The sys- tem of public instruction, the teachings of the pulpit, and the free interchange and discussion of opinion . among all classes of the community, had bred, in a hardy race of men, a clear, saga- cious, reasoning habit of thought, which enabled them to comprehend that their individual success depended on the prosperity of the community, and that the common welfare could be assured only by their personal and collective effort. Upon this foundation our fathers designed to raise the superstructure of a government which should be powerful enough to protect all rights of person and property, but which should not be strong enough to oppress any. The general prin- ciples of the government, as understood by its founders, cannot be more tersely and pithily ex- pressed than they were by Mr. Jefferson, in his famous inaugural address : " Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or per- suasion, religious or political; peace, commerce, 8 ORATION. and honest friendship Avith all nations — entan- gling alliances Avith none; the snpport of the State governments in till their rights, as the most com- petent administrations for our domestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies; the preservation of the general govern- ment in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet-anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right of election by the people, — a mild and safe cori'cctive of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution, where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, — the vital principle of republics, from wdiich there is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well-disciplined militia, — our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burdened; the honest pay- ment of our debts, and sacred preservation of the ])ublic faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of infor- mation and the arraignment of all abuses at the bar of i^ublic opinion; freedom of religion; free- dom of the press; freedom of person under the protection of the habeas corjms, and trial by juries JULY 4, 1878. 9 impartially selected, — these principles form the bright constellation which has gone before ns, and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation." With these purposes to fulfil and these ideas to confirm, the government began its existence. The predictions of many were that its duration would be brief. Those wdio felt that the general government was too weak foreboded the dissolution of the Union in anarchy, or, by the gradual encroachments of the States, a relapse into the weakness of a mere federa- tion, and the formation of a cluster of small indepen- dent sovereignties. On the other hand, it was feared that the general government would become the ag- gressor, and that, upon the ruins of American liberty, would be erected an oligarchy or an absolute mon- archy. These apprehensions of the faint-hearted happily proved illusive; and from each successive trial the government, supported by the intelligence and patriotism of its citizens, emerged with unimpaired strength and vigor. The obstacles to the successful working out of this theory of free government were neither few nor trivial. Local insurrections, economical jealousies, the continual struggle for political supremacy between the different sections of the country, taxed the wisdom, patience, and patriotism of our ablest statesmen. But beneath and beyond all these lay 10 ORATION. the vital i)r()l)leiii of the ])owcrs of the general gov- ernment and of the individnal States. Long, acrimo- nious, and threatening Avere the controversies upon the different phases of the qnestion. In the times of the embargo and the war of 1812 party spirit became 80 intiamed, and ran into such excesses, as to threaten the disrn})ti()n of the Union. But milder counsels at length prevailed, patriotism rose above party, and the imminent catastrophe was averted. Again the claim arose that each State is the final judge of its obliga- tions to the general government, and that it can at pleasure, within its own limits, suspend the execution of any law of the United States which it declares to be unconstitutional. The most powerful and ex- perienced intellects of the country brought all their strength into the debate upon this question, reason triumphed over passion, and an appeal to arms was stayed. But at length, in the fulness of years, when the strength of the nation had become adequate to the shock, the question whether this nation is merely a voluntary grouping of States, each sovereign, with full power of a negative on the acts of the general government, and with the power of withdrawal from the compact, was forever set at rest; and, incident- ally to the conflict, together with the doctrine of State sovereignty, fell the baneful institution of human slavery, which had been for generations a potent cause of sectional estrangement and bitterness. JULY 4, 1878. 11 We have gone through all the threatenings of the past successfully, and have come forth from every controversy with undiminished vitality. We have accomplished this by following out the original ideas upon which the government was founded; and it is upon obedience to these same ideas that we must depend for a safe issue from our present and future dangers. The problems which lie before us for our solution are weighty; grave perils encompass us; to the intelligence, integrity, and patriotism of the people alone can we look for the solution and the deliverance. Let our first endeavors, then, be directed to strength- ening the ties which bind us together in political fel- lowship. We cannot be strong as a nation unless we are truly one people, all eager for the general good; all desirous of the maintenance and perpet- uation of the general government in its original spirit; all ready to leap to its defence, whether it be against foreign aggression or internal dissension. Our civil war closed thirteen years ago. It was of unex- ampled magnitude ; it was obstinately contested ; it cost us the flower of our early manhood; it left us with desolated homes, and entailed upon us and our posterity a heavy weight of pecuniary obligation, — and for what? What was it that stiff'ened the sinews, and summoned up even the most sluggish blood, in every city, town, and hamlet? Certainly it 12 ORATION. Avas not the desire of forever alienating one part of the country from the other, and of keeping alive the passions of fratricidal strife. The treasure was poured forth, the sacrifices were made, the lives were given, that the Union might be kept intact, and be transmitted perfect in every part to succeeding gen- erations. Our victories were not sectional triumphs; they were won for the whole country, for those in arms against us, as well as for ourselves. The \nn'- pose of the Avar has been accomplished; the confed- erate armies laid down their arms, and the Southern people assured us that they accepted the result of the conflict. Did they otherwise desire, the Avar has forever settled the question of State sovereignty. Henceforward all their hope, all their expectation, all their greatness, depend upon the greatness and glory of the Union; apart from it they haA^e no future. Our greatness and our future are inseparable fi'om theirs. We are but the difierent parts of one great system ; if one part is diseased, the others languish. It remains for us to carry the results of our A'ic- tories to their full fruition, and, heeding not the malevolence Avhich for personal or partisan ends Avould keep us still in bitterness and turmoil, to do our part in eradicating all feeling of sectional dis- cord and alienation. The South needs our moral support in its faithful efforts to accommodate itself to the ncAV order of things ; it needs our cooperation JULY 4, 1878. 13 and material assistance in building np afresh its shattered industries, and repairing the desolation and ravages of war. It is sparsely settled; it needs im- migration to populate it, and to render possible the general spread of intelligence among all classes of the community, by the development of a free-school system, which becomes domesticated and operative only in more thickly peopled districts. It has to work out the intricate and delicate problem of edu- cating for the exercise of the suffrage and for the performance of the duties of citizenship, untimely thrust upon them, a great mass of ignorant men, who, through no fault of their own, are unprepared and unqualified for such a responsibiUty. With the wisdom, prudence, and sagacity of the South rests the success or fixilure of the experiment. It is working in an untried field; there are no pre- cedents to guide. Let it have our cordial God- speed and such support as we can constitutionally ofter, for the national welfare is involved in the issue. We can look for "the preservation of the govern- ment in its whole constitutional vigor," only in the intelligence, patriotism, and virtue of the people throughout the length and breadth of the land. While we preserve inviolate the full prerogatives of the general government, we should be equally determined to uphold, in all their amplitude, the powers belonging to the States. The triumph of 14 O II A T I O N . the dogma of State sovereignty would have been destructive to our system; the denial of the rights of the States would be equally subversive. In the exercise of all the powers of government, Avhich are not by the constitution expressly, or, by neces- sary implication, delegated to the United States, each State is, within the liuiits of its territory, su- preme. The equipoise of local self-government and centralization was delicately adjusted by the found- ers of our political system, and no encroachment can be made by one u[)on the other without destroy- ing the balance. The power vested in the general government secures our existence as a nation; the local authority of the States maintains our individual liberty, and represses the tendency of the central government toward absorption and consolidation of power. Trite and elementary as these principles may seem, they need to be repeatedly set forth and inculcated anew. The exigencies of our civil strife accustomed us to the exercise of extraordinary au- thority by the general government, Avhich was not wholly laid aside when the conflict of arms had ceased. Opinions difl^ered touching the course which it was expedient to pursue with reference to the States lately in revolt. Some of the wisest and most sagacious of our statesmen, including many distinguished and honored sons of Massachu- setts, believed that the old relations should be at JULY 4, 1878. 15 once restored, and that, by treating our late oppo- nents with the generosity which a brave man always shows to his equally gallant but defeated antagonist, we should stimulate them to patriotic and eagfer efforts for the restoration of the com- mon weal. The majority, however, felt that it was too early to entrust a share in the administration of the government to those who had been so re- cently in arms against it. The hot passions engen- dered by the strife were not yet allayed, and frequently warped the judgment of sincere and patriotic men. Slumbering giants were evoked from the most innocent clauses of the Constitution, and interpretations were put upon its provisions which our fathers would never have sanctioned; and Avhich are now, under the decisions of our supreme judicial tribunal, and in the light of a clearer and calmer public sentiment, melting fast away. But to those whose infancy was cradled in the stormy times of war, who have witnessed from their youth up the exercise of unconstitutional powers b}^ the general government, the w^arning cannot be too frequently administered, that the duty imposed upon the United States, to guarantee to every State a republican form of government, simply inhibits the erection in any State of an aristocratic or monarchical form, conferring upon the general government no power to set up or IG O K A T I N . ]nill doAvn the executive of a State; to supersede the courts of hl^Y by the (h"um-head; to overawe the legislative body by military force; or even, without the requisition of the State authorities, constitutionally expressed, to police its territory. Upon the subject of executive patronage the Constitution has little to say. It invests the Pres- ident with the powder of appointment, which is to be exercised subject to the approval of the Senate. The only limitation placed upon its exercise forbids the appointment of any senator or representative, during the term for which he was elected, to any civil oflSce which shall have been created, or the emoluments of which shall have been increased, during such time. It was supposed that the re- sponsibility thus placed upon the executive would render him discreet in the perfoi'uiance of his duties; and, from a regard for his own reputation, even should no higher motive regulate his conduct, conservative in his appointments. After the re- quirements of each position had been carefully in- vestigated, the diiferent offices would be filled by men wdio were expected to pass no other test than that of capability, honesty, and fiiithfulness. The executive judgment would not be influenced by those motives which sway popular assemblies, and which look rather to " the qualifications which are best adapted to uniting the sufiVages of the party,'' JULY 4, 1878. 17 than to unmixed consideration of the public g-ood. Should any President possibly deviate from this course, Hamilton thought that the controlling power of the Senate "would tend greatly to pre- vent the appointment of unfit characters, from State prejudice, from family connexion, from per- sonal attachment, or from a view to popularity." Did any one suggest that the executive, by shrewd distribution of the patronage, might become master of the Senate, and control the course of legisla- tion, he was referred to the underlying principles of free government, which could not exist unless the virtue and honor of the chosen body far out- weighed any tendency to venality. The assump- tion that the Senate might control the President, by the exercise of its restraining power, seemed almost too preposterous for argument. It scarcely entered into the heart of man to conceive that the President would deliberately abuse the high trust confided to him by turning it to private or partisan uses. Hamilton and others were of the opinion that the President's power of removal, like that of appointment, could be' exercised only with the concurrence of the Senate; and Mr. Madi- son declared that the causeless removal of meri- torious officials would render the President liable to impeachment. But it was soon conceded that the power of removal is vested exclusively in the 18 OK AT I ON. President, and that the Senate cannot question his motives or require his reasons. Six successive Presidents held to the honorable course of basing their appointments solely upon the l)ublic welfare. President John Adams doubted whether it were fitting that he should allow his son to remain in an official station to which he had been appointed by Washington. Partisan zeal and kinship to the President were obstacles to political advancement. After the lapse of forty years from the adoption of the Constitution, the country awoke to hear the cry of Vce vidls! resounding through the land ; to see capable and tried ofl[icials, who had fiiithfully devoted the best years of their manhood to the service of their country, wantonly removed to make way for those whose past services to party constituted their primary claim upon the fiivor of the executive. Then w^as first proclaimed the iniquitous doctrine that to the victors belong the spoils ; and the precedent was set of regarding the federal oflices, not as so many posts to be filled by men whose sole official aim should be the advancement of the country's prosperity, through the faithful perform- ance of their own work, each in his especial sphere ; but as the legitimate booty of the suc- cessful party, — as nmch the prize of victory as the conquered town, which a strenuously resisted JULY 4, 18 78. 19 but triumphant foe ruthlessly pillages and sacks. It is needless to recall how faithfully the prece- dent has been followed and extended ; until now, perhaps, multitudes are unaware that other prin- ciples of administering the government once pre- vailed. It is enough that we are confronted with a system which makes the federal office-holder an integral part of a mighty and potent political machine. As office came to be considered the prey of the victorious party, and fidelity to trust was as nothing in the balance against party zeal, the office-holders naturally felt that their chance of retaining office depended upon the success of the party to which they belonged. No matter how faithfully and efficiently their public duties had been performed; if they were found in the ranks of the vanquished, honesty, capacity, and fidelity would avail them naught. With the suc- cess of party their bwn well-being became in- timately connected, for, with defeat, their present means of gaining a livelihood would be taken from them. The most powerful motive in life became the stimulus of their endeavors. Thus gradually was built up that organized and compact force, which brings to bear upon the decision of political questions, and into political contests, the whole weight of the administration at the time in power, and turns the authority of 20 O U A T I O N . the government from its legitimate purpose to jDersonal and selfish ends. A potent force it is, — the united and concentrated efforts of tens of thousands of dexterous men, whose daily bread depends on the success of their exertions. Party discipline compels a degradation from which great numbers of them would gladly be free. This inter- vention of the government impairs the power and interest of the people in elections, Avhich our fathers designed so carefully to preserve. The in- terference of government ofhcers in politics was so deprecated, their influence was foreseen to be so far- reaching, that the Constitution forbade any senator or representative, or any person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, to be aj)- pointed a presidential elector, lest self-interest should bias his judgment, or his service require the recom- pense of patronage. Since the rise and growth of the spoils system, federal officials have come practically to select the various candidates of their party, to control the nominating* conventions, and to bring all the vast machinery of the civil service to bear on the election. Xor do they conffiie themselves to national politics. Their intei'ference has steadily extended itself into State and municipal elections, where an entirely different set of considerations from those which govern in national politics should guide the exercise of the sulfrage. The pernicious JULY 4, 1878. 21 effect of this perversion of the civil service has been visible, not only in the bending of the ener- gies of government to secure a party triumph, but we have seen the management of the party, which at any time or place happens to be in opposition, generally falling into the hands of those who wish to attain a public station, and who, knowing that lucrative office is the reward of party zeal, see their chief opportunity for distinction or a compe- tency in the triumph of their party, right or wrong. The effect of this has been extremely disastrous. It is one of the causes of that political indifference and apathy among the very men whose influence in politics would be beneficial, which, if not checked and supplanted by an energetic patriotism, will in time work incalculable injury to our system. The well-meaning citizen, who desired to accomplish something toward the elevation of politics to a higher level, has found himself powerless in the selection of those who are to make his laws and distribute his taxes; and his unselfish endeavor has met the covert sneer, or open imputation of self- interest, so customary has it been that "none will sweat but for promotion." Thus finding his ear- nest eftbrt, his intelligent patriotism, his lofty aspi- rations for his country's good, of no avail, and dishonorable motives imputed to his best endeavors, he retires disheartened from the contest, and leaves 22 O R A T I O N . the work of managing politics to those who have self- interest to excite their endeavors. Let tlic civil ser- vice be taken from the domain of politics, and not only will its practical working be improved, but a great cause of disinclination in the present genera- tion to interest itself in public affairs will be elimi- nated. Another danger Avhicli our institutions niay have to meet is the communistic spirit, which is sweeping over Europe, and threatens not to stay its course at the borders of the Atlantic. Should it strike our shores, will our house prove to be founded uj^on the sands, or will the groundwork upon Avhich our fathers builded be secure and firm to sustain the edifice against the storm? A\e have that common-sense which springs from widespread intelligence and the nature of our laws and government; begetting a con- servatism that shrinks from the untried, from in- novations which may bring upon us evils that we know not of. We gave a fresh illustration of it at the very threshold of our second century of national existence. We were brought face to lace with the perils of a disputed election to the Presi- dency. The world waited to behold our action. In other times and other lands disputed succes- sions have been settled only with civil tumult and bloodshed. The qualities which were believed by JULY4,1878. 23 the architects of our pohty to be inherent in free institutions again preserved us, and we were en- abled to exhibit a self-control that surprised ahke the friends and enemies of popular government. Will this common-sense prompt us to detect the sophistries and escape the dangers of communism? Shall w^e see that our institutions practically give us all that is good in the socialistic idea; and that, if we attempt to carry it to its delusive ex- treme, we shall create a state of affairs in which our liberties will be greatly endangered, if not lost forever ? Can we not understand that there is no antagonism between labor and capital ; that they are mutually dej)endent each upon the other ? Labor creates capital, and the capital thus created benefits and sustains labor. But for the accumula- tion of capital the world would still be in a prim- itive state. It is capital which enables the man whose sole property lies in his hands, and his dexterity in using them, to be of benefit to him- self and the community. Where would he find the raw material to work upon, the tools and machinery to ply, the house to shelter him, the food to sustain life, or the clothing for himself and family, if capital had not already garnered them ? Because others have amassed the result of labor in their employments, he is enabled to devote his 2 J: ORATION. entire energies to his especial work, and, if lie be thrifty, to lay something' by. It is the faculty of accumulation which constitutes the great diftcrence between civilized and savage communities. The savage has some capital. He builds his canoe and foshions his bow and spear ; and with this slight capital on hand he obtains fish and game, as food for his family, or to sell to those who have amassed, in some other pursuit, capital enough to purchase them. But the foresight which gives up present pleasure for future advantage, the self- denial which supplants indolence by industry and perseverance, are lacking. The advance and im- provement of communities are stimulated by man's desire of accumulation, of improving his condition in life. But this desire will not be exercised; per- severance, frugality, and self-denial will not be put forth, unless there be a reasonable prospect that the results of endeavor and thrift will be secured to the possessor. To furnish this security, to main- tain laAVS which assure to every one the free scope and exercise of his full powers, while at the same time they protect each in his rights of person and property, is the function of govern- ment. This is true liberty. It protects each man in the use of his fiiculties, and gives him the op- portunity of doing his best with them, free from interference from without. " Liberty means not the JULY 4, 18 78. 25 bare absence of restraint, but the absence of in- jurious restraint." We place glass around our street lamps for their protection. It gives no added lustre to the flame, nor does it enable the rays to penetrate farther into the darkness. Commu- nism, with an anathema against the imprisonment of the flame, shivers the glass. The flame re- mains; its brilliancy is undiminished; but in all probability the next sharp pufl* of wind will ex- tinguish it. Men are fundamentally unequal, in age, in strength of body and vigor of intellect, in indo- lence and the power of application, in health and weakness, in all the physical and mental traits which mark the race. Liberty fosters this inequal- ity; for, with the full play of our natural powers, subject only to the limitation that they do not infringe another's personal or proprietary rights, the original diversities of men are increased. Com- munism, on the other hand, proclaims universal equality; it forbids the free exercise of the facul- ties; it suppresses the desire of acquiring property. All property, all w^ealth, all accumulations of labor, are to be thrown into a common fund, and an equal share assigned to each member of the community. Henceforth no one is to possess more than another; all are to share equally in the results of the ag- gregate labor. We shall then be able to raise all 26 ORATION. mankind to a higher level of material and intel- lectual prosperity. As ^vell might we take the eaglets from their eyry, and, plucking every feather from their wings, set them among the lowing herds, and call upon the mass to rise. If all hope of a competency be taken from us, what stimulus for exertion is left but the fear of starvation? Let this also be removed, and man would become like the natives of the tropics, who put forth little en- deavor, except to pluck the fruit that grows ready to their hand. Men and nations must have activity to thrive. It was the incessant struggle for su- premacy in western Europe that gave it civiliza- tion. The lifeless cycle of Cathay yields nothing but stagnation. Who is to superintend this equal distribution of property? Upon what plan will this equality be measured? Will the incapable and infirm share the results for which they have not toiled equally with the competent and strong by whose exertions the results were produced? Who will accurately strike a balance between ditferent degrees of physi- cal power? How will the unskilled labor of the boy count in comparison with that of the skilled mechanic? AVho will determine how much mental labor equals a given amount of physical toil? AVho will decide to what kind of work each mem- ber of the community shall be assigned, and what JULY4,1878. 27 employments he shall be debarred from following? To place the determination of these questions in the discretion of any man, or set of men, would reduce the general mass of mankind to abject slavery. It is the slave alone who is compelled to work for others with a recompense which bears no relation to his skill or to the amount of his toil, who has no choice of employment, and no oppor- tunity of bettering his condition. I cannot believe that the American people will follow these delusive phantoms of a French philos- ophy. Like the ignis fatuus that flits along a miasmatic swamp, they exhale from decay and cor- ruption. The causes which gave them birth do not obtain here. Here no rigid castes, no customs more inexorable than law, forbid a man to rise. The same thatched roof does not shelter genera- tion after generation of one family, Avith no possi- bility to any of them of escape from poverty and degradation. The same little shop does not descend from father to son and from son to grandson, bringing to desire no opportunity for a rise in the world, for increase of pecuniary re- sources, or for intellectual improvement. In this country each man feels that the chance is open to him of advance and improvement for himself; and, if he distrust his own ability to grasp the oppor- tunity, he is resolved that his children shall be, 28 O K A T ION. and is assured that they can be, placed on a level higher than his own. He sees that the laborer of to-day is the capitalist of to-morrow; that the great fortunes of the country are generally held by men who began life poor; and that inherited wealth is dissipated in one or two generations. Our laws favor the alienation of land, so that great estates are not bound up from age to age in the same family. The permanent inequality of property, which fosters socialism, does not exist here. If this were not so, our peril would be vastly greater than it is. Our government is founded on the consent of the people; and if the great majority of the people felt that its tendency was to concentrate property in a few hands, leaving to the rest no lot but poverty, we might indeed expect that their assent to its continuance would be withheld. But, as it is, by far the greater part of the people have some property, however small; some interests, however insignificant to others; some expectation of future acquisition, which would be destroyed by communism. Com- munism in America means the combination of all the elements which intelligence, Christianity, de- cency, the instincts of human nature, regard with abhorrence. It proclaims the sword and torch; it preaches infidelity; it aims at the abolition of the family relation; it desires the overthrow of all that JULY 4, 1878. 29 the world reverences as holy. Its only opportunity here is in the incitement of unthinking men to violence, for the redress of some real grievance or imaginary vs^rong; and then, having once aroused the whirlwind, to pour the offscourings of our cities into its vortex, and with their aid to turn its force against the community at large, involving those who were at the beginning its unwitting tools in the common ruin. We must resist it at its first appearance. It is a social tiger, that we cannot tame. Half-way measures are an insult to intelligence, and a cruelty to the poor and rich alike. N^ew York's blank cartridges, fifteen years ago, cost it three days of blood and conflagration. Pittsburg's inefficiency last summer put life and property at the mercy of the rioters, and gave the signal for like outbreaks in other localities. Bos- ton's one volley of grape and canister, at the Cooper-street armory, — fearful as was its neces- sity, — quelled in an instant the rising turbulence, and won for the city continued peace. English writers are apt to take a gloomy view of the future of this country; and many of our own thinkers are oppressed by the weaknesses and dangers which universal suftrage presents, rather than encouraged by our past success. With " Kenelm Chillingly," they honor an American, " as the citizen of a grand republic, trying his best to 30 O K A T I N . accomplish an experiment in government in which he will find the very prosperity he tends to create will sooner or later destroy his experiment." They see our material prosperity; but concurrently with it they see an increasing disinclination among the men of wealth, of trained intellect, of cultured powers, to engage actively in poHtics, and to exert the influence which wise, patriotic, public-spirited efibrt should command. They see them shrinking from contact with the forces which in too many instances mould our politics; dejectedly retiring from a fruitless contest with the politicians, or even coolly calculating the percentage of loss en- tailed by a vigorous fight against the " rings " which dominate their cities, compared with the increase of taxation which will result if the depre- dations go unopposed. An English traveller, who lately remonstrated with some Americans against their indifference to political responsibility, has spread before his countrymen the reply : " We are making money, and on the wiiole it is cheaper to be swindled than to give one's time to public work to prevent ourselves from being swindled." Is it any wonder that foreigners, who happen upon patriotism like this, should echo our poet's cry : — "Is the dollar only I'eal?— Goil and truth ami rij,'lit a droain? Weighed against your lying ledgers, must our nianhood kick the beam? " JULY 4, 1878. 31 We cannot den}^ that there is a widespread in- difference to the duties and privileges of citizen- ship. It is an evil feature of the times, and, if it prove to be more than a temporary phase of pol- itics, it will endanger the stability of our institu- tions. We need resolute, persistent eifort to over- come it. It is beyond credence that the country is "tired of its prosperity, sick of its own growth and greatness, and infiituated for its own destruc- tion." It cannot be that we are now to write our epitaph : — ; " We turn to dust, and all our mightiest works Die too : the deep foundations that we lay, Time ploughs them up, and not a trace remains. We huild with what we deem eternal rock : A distant age asks where the fabric stood ; And in the dust, sifted and searched in vain, The undiscoverable secret sleeps." We need to cultivate more earnestly the unselfish patriotism, the pure aspiration, the self-sacrificing public spirit, of which our ancestors gave such con- spicuous examples. We need to refrain from gloomy foreboding and disheartening apprehension, and to address ourselves courageously and hope- fully to the duties which lie before us. Immigra- tion is continually pouring in upon us great num- bers of men who are unacquainted with the theory of our government, and lack the practical knowl- 32 ORATION. edge of republican institutions which is requisite to an intelligent exercise of the rights of citizen- ship. It is the duty of those who have felt the beneficent influence of our Federal Union, who have reaped the advantages of education, of prosperity, of happiness, of all the blessings which constitu- tional liberty fosters and assures, to instruct and enlighten them. Their minds should be opened to a full understanding of the principles of our con- stitutional system, and to the inestimable value of the privileges and opportunities which they acquire beneath it; their hearts should be attuned to a patriotic love for the country of their adoption; they should become imbued with the spirit of our traditions, and taught to lay aside the prejudices and animosities which belong to other lands and are the fruit of political dogmas hostile to our interests and prosperity. They should learn that demagogues, who would foster and perpetuate their prejudices of race, and arouse among them civic dis- sensions, are mischievous and untrustworthy guides. Are we not unfaithful to our responsibility, are we not pusillanimous, if we despondently complain that the votes of these men neutralize our own, yet put forth no effort to make their votes intelli- gent and beneficial forces of our political society? "What good will our toiling and money-getting do us; what advantage shall we reap from our elegant JULY 4, 18 78. 33 leisure, our festhetic culture, our liberal training, our refined tastes, if the very foundations of the government, whose protection renders opulence, learning, and progress possible, decay and crum- ble? Let us, then, kindle anew that fervid patriotism which the cold and suffering of Valley Forge could never chill, and which drooped not in the hot glens and marshes that sheltered Marion's men. The interests of our daily life require as exalted a courage and as true a love of country as the sterner duties of the field. Let us cherish and sustain our educational institutions, which foster intelligence and morality, and give that in- tellectual training and mental equipment for the work of life, without which even generous culture and varied scholarship fail of their due result. The debt of gratitude we owe to them can never be repaid. Let us' cherish, too, that fidelity to conscience, . that unspotted public and private faith, that integrity which quails not at the behest of faction or self-interest, that fraternal spirit of generous confidence and mutual regard, which in the past gave to us our strength, and which in the future will insure its perpetuity. Then shall we prove true citizens of a glorious republic; then may we portray America in those tender and u OKA T 1 () N - lines in whicli Freedom has been so gTaphicaily imaged Inrtli : — " Her (ipoii I'Vis (li'siie Uk- tnitli. 'l"lu' wisdom of a tliousanil yi'iirs Is in tlu'in. May perpetual yoiitii Kerj) ilry tlieir lijiht from tears; ' Tliat lier fair form may staTid and shine, Make hrigbt our days and lii;lit our dreams, Turnint? to scorn witli lips divine The falsehood of extremes I " OEATION^ DELIVERED BEFORE THE |jli) l^oiuicil and :^^iti^enH of ONE HUNDRED AND SECOND ANNIVERSARY OF THE DECLA- RATION OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. JULY 4, 1878 BY JOSEPH HEALY. g S t It : PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE CITY COUNCIL. ]M D C C C L X X V I I I . LIBRARY OF CONGRESS I I III I III 011 782 948 • W'