iff.:> m. ^,S^ ,^^ % ,vS\ A^' / -''^. X^^. A^^^ ■^f"^ * -. .. n ^ ,A^' ^" '/ ,0 A"^ >^* -.0- --/ -^ A"* ..0^'- ,>>^ '^ ..•^■•.l'>!Sij, ^ % '^ -O'^ s'^ '"* "<5^ ^'.X^ ci- . s^^ % V" o. o a\^' -^^ ■* 3 N a\ '%^^ -n? ^,<^' .^'^ %, •^^A V^ A ' (» ., >. * "" A ,0 0^ .x\^- "^A. v^^ .-t ,A . N r; ci- N ~ ^0 O _ 0' .H *#:■■ ^^ , ^, * S N O •^ ^"^ ' 1 -^ t s "^0^ ■\'. ^0^ v .^ o.f ■^OO' \ .^^' -K o ,1, , <•. ''o, x-*""..'^ "O Oo. ■ V O ^ .0 -:. ,^' ...\^- -■?- ,.0^^- ,'X^?5, ' 'c' \/: .0 o. \v ■f'. .- ' ■ - ^^^ -5- •^oo^ O^ ,0' , -^. A^\^ . '^ " * '''o. v9\^ , \ I e ■I ^ -OO^ COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA, EMBRACING FOR THE MOST PART THE PRIMITIVE AND COLONIAL HISTORY OF THE TERRITORY COMPRIS- ING THE ORIGINAL COUNTY OF SPARTANBURG WITH A GENERAL REVIEW OF THE EN- TIRE MILITARY OPERATIONS IN THE UPPER PORTION OF SOUTH CARO , LINA AND PORTIONS OF NORTH CAROLINA. /^ V V BYV Dr. J. B; O. LANDRUM. 1897: TW0C<9Pie«RteElVET Shannon & Co., Printers and Binders, Greenville, S. C. TO MY WIFE, THE DEVOTED COMPANION OF TWENTY-SEVEN YP;ARS, AND THE DESCENDANT OF REVOLUTIONARY ANCESTRY, WHO ADVOCATED THF; PRINCIPLES OF FREEDOM OF SPEECH, LIBERTY OF CONSCIENCE, AND RIGHT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT, AND WHOSE HEROIC DEf;dS IN BATTLING FOR AND MAINTAINING THE SAME IN OUR COUNTRY'S GREATEST PERIL, ARE IMMORTALIZED AND WILL BE PERPF:TUATED by GENERATIONS YET UNBORN, THIS VOLUME IS SACREDLY . INSCBIBED BY THE AUTHOR. INDEX. PAGE. Act of Parliament — Passed Dec, 1795 43 Adair, James— An old hunter i Adair, John 183 Allaire, Captain — A British officer 134 Anderson, David loi, 357 Arnold, Gen. Benedict 261 Attakulla Kulla — An Indian chief 35 Augusta — Siege of 228 Bacon, Nathaniel 311 Balfour, Colonel 174 Barry, Capt. John. 357 Bates, "Bloody Bill" 359-363 Baxter, Col John 310 Beauty of Scenery — Upper South Carolina i Beattie's Mill— Skirmish at 178 Bell and Foster, Lieutenants 29 Bishop, Mr. — Murder of 91 Big Warrior — An Indian chief 96 Bedford Hill— Skirmish at 176 Blackstocks — Battle of 243 Blackstock Road — Location of. 33 Block House Fort 33-96 Boyce, John 351 Brandon, Col. Thomas 105, 148, 189, 206, 310 Bratton, Colonel 149, 240, 310 British Outposts — Summer 1S80 114 Brannon, Captain 279 Brown, " Plundering Sam " 131 Brown, Thomas — a Scotchman 48, 53, 174 Buffington's Iron Works ' 145 Buffalo and other game 5 Brindletown — Skirmish near 176-186 Bull, Lieut. Governor 40 Caldwell, Capt. John 46, 63, 342, 349 Campbell, Col. William. 182, 184, 198, 199, 201, 204, 206, 208, 210, 211, 214, 215, 238 sketch of 221 Campbell, Lord William, Gov. 37> 50, 57, 68, 75 Campbell, Ensign Robert 196 Cameron, Alexander — Deputy Superintendent of Cherokees . 40, 85 Caneljrakes — Battle of loi Camden — Evacuation of 317, 318 Caswell — Governor of North Carolina 160 Candler, Colonel 243 ii Index. PAGE. Casey, Captain 3.Si Cedar Spring — First battle of no Cedar vSpring— Second battle of 135 Cherokee — A Sloop-of-War 42 Chuloch Culla — An Indian chief 23 Cherokees — Uprising of 345 Cherokee Indians — First people 7-325 Change from Proprietary to Royal authority . ■ 15 Cherokee War 29 Chambers, Samuel 185 Chronicle, Major 197, 200, 206, 213 Clark, Col. Elijah . 112, 114, [29, 135. 137, 160, 161. 163, 173, 175, 180, 182, 240, 267, 319, 326 Cleveland, Col. Beniamin .... 163, 183, 185, 199, 20S: Sketch of. .224 Clinton, Sir Henry— British General 103,312 Clary, Col. Daniel 151, 172 Cleremont — Capture of. 259 Cornwallis, Lord — British general . . 2, 103, 107, 173, 180, 182, 198, 201, 237, 239, 268, 270, 289, 299, 303, 309 Congaree Store 52, 104 Continental Congress 38 Council of Safety 38,45,53,54,61,68,81,82 Commercial Report — Charleston, 1731-47 5.74 Cowpens — Battle of 275 Cowpensmen 19 Cottymore, Captain 29 Culbertson, Josiah 141 Cunningham, Robert 45, 48, 49, 56, 63 Cunningham, Patrick 45. 65, 79 Cunningham, "Bloody Bill" 341-358 Cummings, Sir Alexander 16 Crawford, James 185 Cruger, Colonel— British Colonel ...... loS. 160, 173, 326, 329 Cusack, Adam 240 Davidson, Colonel 152, 1S9, 237, 302, 303 Dalrymple's Address 48, 53 DePeyster, Capt. Abraham— A British officer 152,210,112 Deckard Rifle 184 DeEstang, Count Dickson, Maj. Joseph 129 Dillard, Mrs 144, 145, 244 Drayton, John, LL.D 76 Drayton, Hon. Wm. Henry 47, 48,49,51,54,57,61,62 Doak, Rev. Samuel 184 Draper, Hon. Lyman C 206, 208 Index. iii PAGE. Dunlap, Major 114, 120, 126, 176 Duval, Lieutenant 330 Karle's Ford — Battle of 1 11, 114 Earley Settlers— North and Middle Tylers 25 Edgehills — Massacre at 349 Ellett, Mrs.--Author 105, 132 Eutaw Spriufj — Battle of 338-339 Established Church 15 Fairfield — Origin of name 2 Fair Forest — Origin of name 2 Fanning, David 106, 152, 159 Ferguson, Maj. Patrick . 100, 104, 112, 187, 192, 197,207, 209, 212; Sketch of . . . 334 Fishing Creek — Battle of 229, 337, 345 Fishdam — Battle of 240 Fletchall, Col. Thomas 45, 48, 57, 76, no Ford's Muster Ground 45, 49, 50, 53 Fort Charlotte 55, 81 Fort Cornwallis — Capture of 319, 321, 322 Fort Gilpin or Galphin — Capture of 321 Fort Granby — Capitulation of 318 Fort Grierson — Capture of 319, 321, 322 Fort Motte— Capture of 318 Fort Prince — Skirmish at 125 Fort Prince George —A British outpost 29 Fort Watson— Capture of 314 Franks, Myer 357 Frazer, Major 156 Gage, General 38, 41, 49 Game — Abundance of i Gates, Gen. Horatio 191,198,258,261,266,337 Geiger, Emil}- 332 General Committee 46 Giles, Colonel 105 Gillespie — A noted scout 158 Gilmer, Enoch 197, 199, 200 Glen, Gov. James r, 23, 25 Gowen's Fort — Night attack on 117 Graham, Col. [oseph 80, 99, 143 Graham, Col. William 135. 189, 201 Granby — Fall of 318-319 Grant, Colonel 35 Grant — Indian War 35 Great Canebrake — Attack on , . 79 IV Indkx. PAGE. Greene, Gen. Nathaniel . . 25S, 260, 26T, 263, 269, 301, 307, 308, 309, 312, 316, 329, 326, 327, 328, 331 " Grasshoppers." — Small cannon 290, 307 Guilford, C. H.— Battle of 310,311 Grierson Fort 319, 321, 322 Hammond, Maj. LeRoy 78, 161, 163, 189, 347 Hammond, Col. Samuel 144, 148, 206, 244 Hammond's Store — Affair at 26S Hambright, Colonel 201, 206 Hampton, Anthony 87 Hampton, Capt. Rdward . . . 86,87, 121, 124, 127; Murder of . . . 3S4 Hampton, Jonathan 178, 1 87 Hampton, Preston 86 Hampton Graves — Opening of 36 Hampton, Col. Wade 313, 337 Hannou, Edwin 95 Hauuon, John 96 Hannon — Massacre 97 Hanger, Major 107 Hannah's Cowpens 277 Harrison, James 87 Hawsey, Captain 155 Hawthorne, Colonel 206 Hayne, Col. Isaac 104; Execution of . . . 337 Hayes, Major 279 Hays, Col. Joseph 350 Hays' Station — Massacre at 349 Haynsworth, Bill 131 High Courts or Commission J5 Hill, Colonel 189, 240, 310 Hobkirk's Hill— Battle of 315 Horry, Col. Peter 310 Horry, Capt. Hugh • .... 318 Howard, John Eager, Lieut.-Colonel . 278, 284, 291 ; Sketch of. . 293 Howard, Captain 96 Huger, Col. Isaac 35, 104, 261 Hughes, Col. Joseph 211 Husband, Col. Vezey 209 Indians — Cherokee — First people 7 Indian Massacres — 1776 28, 84., 89 Indian Merchants or Traders 20 Inman, Capt. Shadrack 152, 156, 164 Innes, Col. Alexander 151, 156, 175 Intrigue, of Lord Wni. Campbell, Governor 44 Introductor)' — Breaking out of Revolution 32 Indbix. V PAGE. Insurgents 69, 7 r, So, 83, 85 Jackson, Maj. James 246 Jackson, Mrs. Nancy 131 Jackson. Capt. Thomas 94 James, Major 310 Jefferies, Capt. Nathaniel ... 131 Jones, Col. John 115 Johnson, Gov. Robert 17 Johnson, Capt. William 115 Kerr — Cripple sp}- 112, 197 Kershaw, Reverend 47 Kirkland, Moses 4'. 53, 56 King's Mountain— Battle of 303, 220 Kingsmen 55- 56, 59 Kosciusko — General 260, 327, 328 Lac3% Colonel 189, 240, 310 Laurens, Col. Henry • 35, 39 Lee, Lieut-Col. Henry 312,314,318,319,320,322,336,337 Leslie, General 260, 273 Lincoln, Benjamin, Major-General loi, 102, 103 Little or Middle District — Boundaries of • . . . . 42, 45 Littleton, Wm. Henry 22, 28 Logan, John A 1,4 Lower or Dutch Fork District — Boundaries of 42, 45 Lowndes, Governor 100 Loyalists 129, 305,328 Maham's Tower 322 Marion, Gen. Francis 104,238,239,309,314,331,337,339 Martin, William 129 Mattocks, Captain 100-113 Mayson, Major 57-65 McCall, Capt. James 148, 279 McCall, Capt. Joseph " 129 McClure, I. apt. John 357 McDowell, Col. Charles . 119, 121, 12S, 135, 160, 163, 175, 176, iS'i, 189, 190 McDowellj Col. Joseph 112, 122, 148, 206, 279 Mcjunkin, Maj. Samuel iii, 131, 148- McPherson, Lieut.-Colonel 318 Middletcn, Colonel 35, 240 Mills Station — Massacre at 360 Mills, Col. Ambrose 120,217; Sketch of . . . 235 Miller, John — Murder of 90 Moore, Charles 352 vi Index. PAGE. Moore, Governor i6 Moore, Capt. Patrick 114, 129 Moore, Samuel — A noted Scout Morgan, Gen. Daniel . 261, 266, 268, 269, 271, 276, 2S1, 285, 288, 298, 301, 306, 309; Sketch of . . . 291 Motte, Mrs 318 Moultrie, Gen. William 35. loi Mound Builders 13 Montgomery, Colonel — Expedition of 34 Moytoy — Chief of Cherokees 17 Musgrove's Mill — Battle and Expedition of 147, 166 Musgrove, Edward 165 Musgrove, Mary — Heroine 166 Natural characteristics of our country i Neal, Colonel ■ 73. 79i 311 Ninety-Six District — Boiinderies of 45 Ninety-Six — Siege of . . ....... 224-231 North Pacolet — Early settlers on 26 O'Hara, General 306 Orangeburg — Fall of 318 Our Country — As it was i Park, Anthony — An old hunter .'...■ 4, 20 Patriotism of early settlers 84 Pearis, Richard 62, 65, 75 Perr}', Sergeaut-Major 2S7, 28S Phillips, Samuel 181 Pickens, Gen. Andrew . 35. 104, 226, 266, 280, 288, 291, 320, 322, 337, 34 5-358 ; Sketch of 295 Pinkentham, Major 322 Plantations — Large areas of territory 15 Plummer, Maj. Daniel 209 Ponder, James — A youth 201 Ponder, John 206 Princes' Fort — Skirmish at 126 Princes' Fort — Description of 31 Provincial Congress 39. 4'. 63. 75, 83 I'opple Alured, Secretar3- Lords' commission 17 Postell, James 311 Postell.John 310 Pulaski, Count loi Randolph, Major 330 Rawdon, Lord 315,324,326,329.331.333 Rawdontown 317, 318, 335 Read, INIrs 305 PREFACE IN presentino- this volume to the public, the author would state that, in the collection of material, it was his first intention to write merely a. series of articles for the Carolina Spartan, devoted mainly to those important historical events which occurred within the limits of the original ('ounty of Spartanburg. But he soon found that, to give a proper chain of connection, more exten- sive lines would have to be drawn, and upon subsequent suggestions, he decided to present the articles in book form, based upon the proposition that a record of events and traditions would be more acceptable to the public in general and remain, for the future, in a better state of preservation. As research continued and data gathering progressed, it became more and more evident that a comprehensive history of Spartanburg County, would necessarily include an extensive review of all of upper South Carolina and much of North Carolina, thus requiring more space than could be crowded into one volume, and a two-vol- ume plan was therefore adopted ; the first, devoted in general to the Colonial and Revolutionary History of the upper portion of South Carolina, but principally, to Spartanburg County, and the second, to a history of Spartanburg County proper, from its organization in 1785, to the present time. This change necessitated a revision of the original man- uscript, which has been done with as much pains as time, largely consumed by public duties, would permit. Much of our most interesting past being now scattered in books long since gone out of publication, the author feels the force of suggestions made to him, that the time has come when that part deserving preservation and perpetua- tion should be made of convenient and lasting record. In no one work examined has he found a complete list of battles and skirmishes occurrino- in our immediate vicin- ii PREFACE. ity during the Revolutionary war. No record of this period tells of both the battles of lilackstock's and Mus- groves, and yet they were fought within nine months of the same date, as well as within ten or twelve miles of the same point. It is the author's purpose to present only such state- ments as he firmly believes to be wholly true, eliminating all matters of doubtful authenticity. The ti-aditions herein published for the first time, have been gathered from trustworthy sources and can be relied upon as, in the main, correct. Without copying surreptitiously from other books, the general lines of old history have been followed, along with quotations from authors long since silent, both of voice and type. The object, therefore, has been not only to bring to- gether, but to renew chronicles of the past, reviving deserv- ing names, characters and ti'aditions that had once been the hearthstone talk of generations long since passed away. Should his humble efforts meet with the approbation of those in quest of reliable and interesting historic refer- ence, his purpose shall have been attained and his ambi- tion for this volume and the one to follow realized. Espe(;ially, is the author hopeful of attracting, entertain- ing and (nilightening the youth of the present day, who are seeking familiarity with the glory and achievement of that t(U'ritory and time touched upon in these pages. The author cannot find words to express his thanks to the Hon. John B. Cleveland, Capt. John H. Montgomery and Dr. Jesse F. Cleveland, all of Spartanburg, for their generous aid in advancing a sum sufficient to defray the expense of publication, thereby enabling him to place this volume before the public. Alieady high in esteem of theii- fellow countrymen, these gentlemen, not knowing selfish consideration, weve actuated by that higher magnamin- ity and jiatriotism which sought to place before the public a work that had convinced them of its real value. The author also acknowledges his indebtedness to others for encouragement and kind assistance, and espe- PREFACE. Ill cially to Dr. James H. (.fii-lisle, President of Wofford Col- lege, thronoh wiiorn he, at all times, had access to the Kennedy Library. Thanks are also dne to the Honora- bles John Earle Bomar, Charles Petty, of Spartanburo;, Hon. Thomas J. Moore, of Moore, the late Hon. O. P. Earle, of Earlesviile, Prof. Wm. S. Morrison, of Clemson Colle<>"e, and Mr. Frank Morrell, Jr ,of Wellford,forthe loan of books and material and for information which proved valuable in the preparation of this volume. The author would acknovvledge the services of Mr. T. B. Thackston, Secretary of the Young Men's Business League, Spartanburg, and to Mr. Jesse Cleveland, for conducting a correspondence with various publishing houses and the solicitude manifested by them for tiie success of this enterprise. His thanks are also due to Rev. and Mrs. E. E. Bomar, of Aiken, S. C, for valuable services rendered in reading and correcting proofs, a task of no small mag- nitude. In conclusion, the information gathered and herein recorded, has been handled under very trying circum- stances. But while it has required much time, energy and patient investigation, it has. notwithstanding, been to him a labor of love, although performed for the most in the midvst of a busy country practice of medicine for a quarter of a century, followed by four years of arduous service connected with the General Land Otfice of the United States, in the territory of Oklalioma. During the latter period while separated from home, family and former associations, the additional disadvan- tage of being remote from public libraries presented itself. These inconveniences are mentioned by way of apology for the apparent shortcomings in the preparation of this volume. But whatever degree of favor it may meet with will encourage him in the preparation and completion of a second volume, to which he earnestly invites the aid and encouragement of a generous public. Guthrie, O. T., June, 1897. J. B. 0. L, CHAPTER I OUR COUNTRY AS IT WAS.— ITS NATURAL CHARACTERISTICS. —ITS BEAUTY OF SCENERY.— ITS ABUN- DANCE OF GAME, ETC. IF we accept the testimony of able and truthful writers, we may readily conclude that the sun never shone upon a country more beautiful and attractive than this of ours as it appeared in primitive times. It was with enthusiasm that the ancient hunters spoke of it. James Adair, an old trader, in describing the Blue Ridge of Carolina, which at that time embraced the present States of North and South Carolina, said: "From the historical description of the Alps and a personal view of the Cherokee Mountains I conclude that the Alps are much inferior to several of those mountains in height and rockiness." James Glen, one of the most intelligent^of the early Governors of South Carolina, in an expedition " to the Cherokee Nation in 1755 (of which an account will be given in a future chapter), wrote a description of the upper portion of Carolina, in which he says that it was the most delightful, as well as the most fertile, in the world, abounding in large and extensive plains and savannas, swarming with deer and buffalo. "I should," says the writer, "be afraid to indulge the liberty of copying lest I should be thought drawing a picture or 'printing a landscape." In the "History of Upper Carolina," by that able and fluent writer, John H. Logan, we find the following words, which confirm the statements already expressed : "At this day (1855) the upper country of South Carolina presents a very different aspect from that of the same territory in the middle of the eighteenth century. It was then new and beautiful and as remarkable for the luxuriant rich- ness of its l9,ndscape as it is still for the striking features of its rolling hills and its towering mountains, but under 2 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY the iron ti-ead of whatis called a. progressive civilizatioti, its ancient ^lories of forest and flora and fertile soil have been well nit»h washed and ruined." It is said that the face of onr country was a ref>ion of romance interspersed here and there with forests, prairies and great canebrakes. which lined not only the valleys and streams, but stretched over the everp,Teen surface of the country for miles, which Lo being in their proper climate Deer of which there are such infinite Herds, that the whole Country seems but one con- tinued Park, insomuch that I have often heard Capt. Matthews, agent to Sir Peter Colleton for his affairs in Carolina (say) that one hunting Indian had yearly killed and brought to his Plantation more than one hundred and sometimes two hundred head of Deer. Bears there are in great numbers, of whose fat they make Oyl, which is of great Vertue and efficacy in causing the Hair to grow, which I have heard the Indians daily used, by which means they not only keep their Hair clear and preserved from Vermine, but by the nourishing faculty of the Oyl it usually extended in length, &c. There are Beavers, Otters, Foxes, Raccoons, Possums, Musquasses, Hares, Cone^-s, Squir- rels of five kinds, the Flying Squirrel whose delicate skin is comfort- 4 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY ing, if applied to a cold Stomack "'■• •■■ * ■■■, for prey the Pelican Hawk and Eagle, for pleasure, the Mocking-bird •■■ * the Humming bird * They are a deep Green * sleep the whole Winter. At Barbadoes the Jews curiously skin these little Birds, filling them with Sand and perfuming their Feathers. They are sent into Europe as prett}' Delicacies for Ladies who hang them at their Breasts or Girdles There are in Carolina great numbers of Fire Flies who carry their Lanthorns in their Tails in dark nights enlightening it with their Golden Spangles ■•■■ Birds for Food and pleasure of Game and the Swan, Goose, Duck, Mallard Wid- geon, Teal, Curlew, Plover, Partridge, &c. * •■ As the Earth and Air are enriched and replenished with the Blessings of the Most High, the Seas and Rivers of the same bounty equally participate in the Vanity of excellent and wholsome fish. Sturgeon, Mullet, Whale, Salmon, Trouts, Bass, Drum, Cat-fish whose head and glowing eyes re- semble a cat * ■•■ the tortoise ■■ •' Green and Logger-head Turtle." ■■ We have quoted from this old volume to show that in the early discovery and settlement of Carolina, there was a uniformity over the entire region of country with ref»ard to beauty of scenery, o-ame, etc. But returnino- to the description of Upper Carolina, Logan says (see Logan's History of Upper Carolina, page 22) that in the ancient territory of the Cherokees "deer were so numerous at this pei-iod in the upper country, that large herds of them were scarcely ever out of sight of the pioneer, even while standing in his own cabin door * * * * it was no uncommon thing to meet with deer, sixty or seventy head." Anthony Park, who settled on lands now embraced in the county of Newberry, asserted that "a man could at that time stand in his door and kill more game than would be sufficient for the support of two families." John Duncan of the same region, relates the following: "Sitting- one evening at dusk in his door with his foot against the frame, a bear slyly approached the house and threw him for a moment into a great fright, by springing suddenly over his leg into the cabin; recovei-ing himself, he seized his gun and before the bold intruder could effect his escape, shot him dead upon the hearth." OF UPPER SOUTH rAKOLTNA. 5 The lnt'<>e mini hers of deer and other animals in our conntry, which existed at its earliest settlement, can be better apjHveiated by reference to the Commercial Report of Charlestovvn for 1731 (see Carrol's Historical Collections of South Carolina. A'ol. 11, pai2:el29) in which it is shown that three hundred casks of deer skins, con- taininjy eio-ht or nine hundred each, were exported ; and further, by reference to the report of 1747, we find thai, two hundred pounds of beaver, and seven hundred and twenty hoo-sheads of deer hides were exported. Lojian says that deer were so abundant in the^voods around Old Ninety-six that the carcass of a buck brought no more than a half a dollar in the streets of Cambrid ? Dear Sir : — Yours was received. Fort George was erected on Keo- wee River, in Pickens County. The land is now owned by Capt. Robt. E. Steele, and is in a large bottom of 50 acres near the river and there is a mound in the bottom plainly visible and cultivated by Capt. Steele. Fort George is 15 miles west of this place. The large, solid gold ring when found was just one hvindred years old the day it was picked up in the bottom by a negro woman who was ploughing on the 26th June, 1858. I have s'een the ring often. Gen. Jas W. Harrison had the ring on his watch guard. Will be glad to give you any infor- mation I can. Yours very truly, J. E. Hagood. 30 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY Charlestovvn, but while he was still parle.yino- with Coby- more, he waved a bridle which he had in his hand, three times over his head and the savages appeared. They killed Cotymore and wounded his lieutenants. In consequence of this bloody deed the o-arrison proceeded at once to put the prisoners in irons. They resisted and stabbed three of the men who attempted to put manacles upon them. The garrison, exasperated to the highest degree, fell upon and killed the last one of them. This unfortunate castrophe maddened the whole Chero- kee nation. The pleasant relations which had been so recently formed with these people were at an end. It is said that in the njurder of these hostages there was scarcely a^ family among the Cherokees that had not lost a friend or I'elative. The whole nation seized at once the hatchet, sang their war songs, and, burning for revenge, fell upon the frontier settlements of ("arolina, and with merciless fury set to work murdering men, women and children. The settlements everj'where, alarmed and ter- rified, lost no time in setting to the work of building of forts and stockades. It is said that a line of these forts extended along the borders of the outer settlements from Virginia to Georgia. Just what were the particulars of the murders com- mitted upon the white ])eople who settled the country now comprised within the territorial limits of Spartan- burg and other counties, it is impossible now to know. Judge O'Neal in his "Annals of Newberry," says that after the killing of Cotymore and the wounding of Bell and Foster, the Indian savages rushed upon the defense- less settlements of Long Cane, Saluda and Little River, and committed their work of murder and devastation. We certainly know that it was during these troublesome times that old Fort Prince, Poole's Fort, near Wofford's Iron Works, now Glendale, Nichols' Fort at "Narrow Pass," near Capt. David Anderson's, Block House, Earle's and Thickety forts were built, an account of which, we shall give in the succeeding chapter. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 31 CHAPTER VI. FORT PRINCE AND OTHER FORTS.— BLACKSTOCK ROAD.— CKEROKEE WAR CONTINUED.— ENDING OF THE SAME.— RENEWED PROSPERITY OF THE COUNTRY, &c. OF the old forts or stockades mentioned in our last chapter, Fort Prince was the j^eneral rallying point in times of dano:er, when it was necessary for the people of the different settlements to concentrate their strength This old fort was constructed near the historic Black- stock road, about three-fourths of a mile Southeast of Mount Zion Church, and about two and a half miles Northwest of the present village of P'air Forest. It was built near a stream now known as Gray's Creek, one of the branches of the North Tyger River. This stream is the only water crossing on the Blackstock road between Motlow's Creek, one of the prongs of the South Pacolet River, and Tyger River at Blackstock's Ford, a distance of forty or forty-five miles. The fort was built circular in shape, and of heavy timbers from twelve to fifteen feet high. Surrounding this was a ditch, the dirt from which was thrown against the walls of parapet height. This was secured in front by an abatis of heavy timbers, making, when finished, a respectable place of defence against the assaults of the enemy. In the upright pieces, port holes were cut one and one-half by four inches in diameter for the riflemen inside. What we have said with regard to the construction of this fort will probably apply to the others already mentioned. It took its name by reason of the fact that it was built near the residence of a Mr. William Prince, grandfather of Mr. William Prince, who died on the North Pacolet River, (Polk County, N. C.,) in 1878, at the advanced age of ninety- five years, in the full vigor of his mind to the day of his 32 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY death. To "Uncle Billj'" Prince as he was called by his neighbors, and also to "Draper's King;'s Mountain," the writer is indebted for the history he has obtained with regard to this old place of refuge, built by the fathers more than one hundred and thirty years ago. During the perilous times just mentioned, it was here and at Fort Nichols, and perhaps other places, that the men, women and children — in other words, the ancestry of a large and respectable portion of the present population of Spartanburg County— were sheltered. Just in front of the site of the old fort is a beautiful shoal on the creek, where stood a. mill which did the grinding for the inmates of the fort. It was afterwards known as Gray's Mill and stood for some years after the close of the Revolution. The writer having been born and reared in less than two miles of the site of old Fort Prince, and feeling an interest in knowing the precise spot where it stood, was accompanied, some thirty years ago to the place by an esteemed and venerable friend, Mr, Samuel Turner, who lived near by and on whose plantation it was to be seen. A circular depression in the ground on one side, was dis- tinctly discerned, which gave an idea of the size of the fort. It was probably about one hundred and fifty feet in diameter. On the bank of the branch near by, Mr. Turner showed what appeared to be an ancient bank of ashes, which, he said, was the place where the washing was done b^^ the inmates of the fort. How long Fort Prince and the other forts were occu- pied, it is impossible now to know, but it is reasonable to suppose, until the troubles with the (^herokees were ended. In a future chapter, we will give more history in connec- tion with Fort Prince. Before speaking of the particulars which brought about an end to the war with the Chero- kees, let us again refer to the Blackstock road. Several years ago, the writer prepared a series of arti- cles for one of our county papers, headed "Blackstock Road and Vicinity One Hundred Years Ago," in which he OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 33 endeavored to present many scenes connected with this old road, and as he will have occasion to refer to them a2:ain, its location mio,ht here be o-iven. Runnino- in a Northwest direction from Cambridg-e, or Ninety-Six, the Blackstock road crossed Tyf^er at Black- stock's Ford, near the battle "-round of same name, and ran, as it does now, on a beautiful rido-e, dividing the waters of the Tyger on one side, and the waters of Dutch- man's Creek, head waters of Fair Forest and Lawson's Fork, on the other. Its course, in other words, lay by what is now known as the Ferguson old place, Walnut Grove, Becca, Fair Forest, old Fort Prince, Mt. Zion Church, to the Frank Bush place, near Shiloh Church. Up to this point the old road, as known in Revolutionary times, runs at present, for most part, over its original road bed. The remaining portion of the old road, except for a short distance at different places, has long since been abandoned. The continuation of its course in a Northwestward direction, ran by Gowen's old muster ground, Samuel Burns', Crawford Earle's— crossing South Pacolet at Guthrie's Ford — and thence by Fairview Church, Bird Mountain old camp ground, to the North Carolina line, at the Block House. Besides Fort Prince there were two other forts located on the Blackstock road — one of these was Gowen's Fort, the site of which, is near Williams' Mill, on the waters of South Pacolet River. This old fort is mentioned in Gov- ernor Perry's articles, which appear, in Johnson's Tradi- tions. The other referred to, is the Block House Fort, which stood near tlie present residence of Ceburn Foster, on the present dividing line between the counties of Green- ville and Spartanburg, and within a few steps of the North Carolina line. It was located, in other words, in the extreme Northwest corner of Spartanburg County. The Blackstock Road is perhaps the oldest road in Spartanburg County and in the extreme up country. It was originally an Indian trail. Governor Perry, in some of his writings, informs us that the Block House was an 34 COLONIAL AND EEVOLUTIONARY HISTORY Indian tradino; post, and it was doubtless over the Black- stock Eoad that the merchants or Indian traders from Charleston, in times of peace, atid prior to the first settle- ments in the np-country, traveled, to exchano^e with the Indians, J2,uns, ammunition and other articles of conven- ience and comfort, for skins and furs which they carried with them on their return to Charleston, and which were exported to different parts of the world.* In colonial times, public bridges were scarcely known. The public roads of the country were made with reference to the ^aps in the mountains and the shoaly crossing-s on the streams. But returning to the Cherokee war, let us relate briefly the circumstances which terminated the same. (See page 35). The Government of South Carolina was too feeble to put an end to the Indian insurrection. In Charleston the small-pox was prevaiMng to an alarming extent and no troops could be spared from that place. Virginia and North Carolina, how^ever, came to the rescue, and together they sent seven troops of rangers. They united with a force of British regulars under Col. Montgomery, who as- sumed command of all. Montgomery, in 1760, chased the Cherokees for some distance, killed a number of their warriors, but did not humble them to submission. He was compelled to return to New York, from whence he had come, and the upper settlements of South Carolina * See Commercial Reports of Charleston, i83i-'47. In 1831 three hundred casks, containing eight or nine hundred each of deer skins were exported from that place. The report of 1847 shows that two hundred beaver hides, and seven hundred and twent}- hogsheads of deer hides were exported. (See Carrol's Commercial Histor\- of S. C, V ol. II, pages 129 and 237). Says Carrol, (page 128) " The trade in Carolina is now (1831) so considerable, that of late years there has =ailed from thence annually, about two hundred ships laden with merchandise of of the growth of the country, besides three ships of war, which they commonly have for the securit}- of the commerce, etc." The trade with the Indians in the up-country of South Carolina was mostly by English merchants. Says Carrol, further, " The}' carry on great trade with the Indians, from whom they get great quantities of Deer Skins and those of other Wild Beasts, in exchange for which they give them only Lead, Powder, Coarse Cloth, Vermillion, Iron ware and some other goods, by which they have a very considerable profit." OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 35 were still in dano-er. A provincial rej>:iment was raised, the command of which was given to Col. Middleton. Among the field officers of this regiment were Henry Lau- rens, William Moultrie, Francis Marion, Isaac Hnger and Andrew Pickens. This regiment united with a force of British regulars under Col. Grant, which landed at Charleston early in 1761, and together with some friendly Indians this force consisted of about twenty-six hundred men, the command of which was entrusted to Col. Grant. The Indians were pursued by Grant, who destroyed their graneries and corn fields, to their habitations in their own country. This expedition was known as the (Iraut In- dian loar. It brought to the Indians desolation and despair and caused them to sue for peace through an old friendly chief, Attakulla Kulla. Peace being declared, the forts were deserted. The people of the different settle- ments returned to their homes to pursue their domestic avocations. This was the true beginning of prosperity in the settlements of upper South Carolina. The colony began to flourish to a surprising degree; multitudes of emigrants came from all parts of Europe, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia. It is said that in the space of a single year more than a thousand families, with their effects, horses, cattle and hogs, crossed the mountains and pitched their tents cTlong the frontiers of South Carolina. As the white people began to increase, the danger from the savages was lessened. For several years the colony continued toflourish,thechief productions of which was flax, tobacco, furs and grain. The passage of the Stamp Act, however, by the British Parliament, soon after this awakened a jealousy in the bosoms of the people, and having a pride in their own strength, they re- solved after several years of patient endurance, to throw off what has been properly called the British Yoke. Having thus given an outline of the troubles and sacri- fices of the early settlers of our country, let it be borne in mind, in conclusion, that their memories should not be forgotten. A great many, doubtless, think the greatest 36 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY of their trials and sacrifices was during the Revolution- ary war. This is a mistake. We think we have already presented facts to prove that their f2,'reatest hardships were before that period. Perhaps the only practical g'ood that grew out of these difficulties, was to unite the people of the different settlements and nationalities and make them, as it were, one people, sooner perhaps than if they had been left undistnrbed. It is true they were from dif- ferent countries and had been, to some extent, educated with different ideas, but they all loved alike, God, liberty and their country, and transmitted the same spirit to their descendants, who, by their patriotism, valor and heroism, have given ample testimony to this fact, on many hard-fought battle fields, since their day and gener- ation. Note— Under date of April 19, 1897, the writer received a letter from A. M. Golden, Duncans, S. C, in which he states, that, accompanied by Rob- erson Smith, Manly F. Smith, W. R. Baile}- and W. W. Moore, he vis- ited the supposed spot where the Hampton famih- were buried and on openinjT the same, they found at the west end of the grave a part of a skull bone containing teeth, and further eastward they found two thigh bones of a man, and two more thigh bones of a lesser size, lying across the larger two. They also found a razor, a buckle or two — which proved to be suspender buckles — pieces of broken dishes, bottles, home-made nails and a quantity of charcoal and ashes. Mr. Golden further states that from all appearances, the grave was not dug in any regular order, but was only a rough hole not more than two feet deep, the bodies having been hurriedly thrown in and covered up. After careful examination everything was nicely replaced in the grave, except the razor, which is now in the possession of Mr. Golden. The ground was cleared off, head and foot stones were placed and the mound was covered with white sand. Mr. Golden further states that Mr. Roberson Smith settled the place on which the grave was located, in 1827, and is now residing there, at the advanced age of 90 years. While clearing the land near the grave, soon after he settled the place, an old lady b^- the name of Bridget Bright came along hunt- ing her cows, and admonished him not to clear the spot on the top of the hill, as it was the place where the Hampton family was massacred, their house burned and their bodies buried inthej-ard. The place had been pointed out to Bridget Bright by her father, who lived one mile below on Middle Tyger, and who assisted in the burial of the Hampton family. A public road now runs b}- this sacred spot, which is surrounded by huge oaks, and there is a flourishing academy near by. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 37 CHAPTER VII. INTRODUCTORY TO THE BREAKING OUT OF THE REVOLUTION. IT is unnecessary to enter into the minute details of the causes which brought about the revolutionary struggle. It is well understood that principal amoug the causes — after the repeal of the memorable Stamp Act — was an act passed by the British rarliament imposing a duty on glass, paper, tea, paints and other articles. This duty, however, was removed on every article except tea. But the people, mi principle, resolved that they would not submit to this unjust taxation imposed by the Parliament. They became jealous of the designs of the Mother Country. Cargoes of tea sent to Charlestown, Boston and other places, were stored and the consignees were restrained from exposing it for sale. The fact is well known in history that at Boston, a few men dis- guised as Indians, entered a ship and threw into the water all that had been exported to that place by the East India Company. This trespass on private property pro- voked to wrath the British Parliament and caused that body, first to pass an act to virtually blockade the Bos- ton port, and later to pass another "act for the better regulating the government of Massachusetts," which meant to altar the charter of that province, remove the executive power from the hands of the people and thus leave the appointment of all officers to the King. As soon as the facts were made known to the people of Massachusetts and the other colonies, meetings were everywhere held to deliberate on the alarming state of affairs. At one of these meetings, held May 13, 1774, it was resolved and recommended that Massachusetts and the other colonies put a stop to all exportation and importation to Great Britain till the blockading act was repealed. A copy of 38 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY the resolutions were sent to South Carolina and other provinces. Upon its arrival in Charlestovvn, it was pre- sented to a number of oentleinen, who were of the opinion that the principles of policy and self-preservation made it necessary to support the people of Boston. It was thought best to call a meetino- of the inhabitants. Let- ters were sent to every parish and district in the province. This meeting' was held on the 6th of July, 1774, at Charlestown, and was composed of persons from every part of South Carolina. The situation in Boston, where General Gage was col- lecting a large army to force the people into submission, and the affairs of Massachusetts, generally, were fully discussed. Strong resolutions were passed and delegates were appointed to attend the Continental Congress, which met in Philadelphia in October, 1774. This body having finished its business, the South Carolina members returned home and gave to the people an account of their proceedings. To give strength to the action of the deputies from South Carolina, it was determined to convene a Provincial Congress, or what would now be called a State. Convention. Delegates from every parish and district in South Carolina were elected to attend this Congress. This body had its first meeting January 11th, 1775. The proceedings of the Continental Congress were submitted to their judgment. Resolutions of approval were passed, a Council of Safety and a General Committee were appointed. The same dele- gates were appointed to the next Continental Congress. The inhabitants were recommended to be diligent and attentive to learn the use of fire-arms, and the 17th day of February, 1775, was set apart and recommended to them for observance as a day of fasting, humiliation and prayer before Almighty God, and on that day the people were to devoutly petition Him " to spare the King with Wisdom, etc." How lorig this Congress remained in session, we are not informed. We notice another meeting of the same body OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 39 in June of the same year. At this time the news of the battles of Lexino'ton and Bunker Hill, and the general uprisino- of the people of Massachusetts and other colo- nies, had been received. They resolved that an associa- tion was necessary. Up to this time opposition to British authority had been conducted entirely on com- mercial principles, but Great Britain turning a deaf ear to the petitions and retnonstrances of the colonists, de- termined to force their obedience to whatever laws she saw proper to enact. There was left no alternative but a mean submission or a manly resistance. The question before the people now was, "Shall we live slaves or die free men?" The instrument to be sio'ned by the associa- tion was first sioned by the President (Henry Laurens,) and members of the Provincial Cong-ress, and was after- wards presented to the inhabitants throuiihout the entire province for their si'»:natures. Those who sio:ned it pledoed themselves to resist force by force and to unite under every tie of religion and honor. They further pledged themselves to "be ready to sacrifice life and fortune to secure the freedom and safety of South Carolina, holding- all persons inimical to the liberty of the colonies who shall refuse to subscribe to this associa- tion." The Provincial Congress further resolved, since opposition to British authority was greater than was at first intended when they were elected, that the people should have fresh opportunity to express their opinion on the state of public affaii"s. They therefore de^termined that their existence as a public body should expire on the 6th day of August, and that a new election should be held on the two succeeding days for a new Provincial Congress. On the 22d day of June, 1775, they adjourned, having delegated a greater part of their authority to the Council of Safety and the General Committee, composed of about forty members. Theformer was to be in the natureof an executive and the latter a legislative body. It was during the sitting of the Provincial Congress that Lord William Campbell, Governor of the province of South 40 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY Caroliua, arrived. The executive authoritj^ had been, for a time, vested in Lieutenant Governor Bull, a native of the province. Governor Campbell was received with demonstrations customary on such occasions. He was waited upon with an address from the Provincial Con- g:ress, who assured him, among other things, that the people of South Carolina only desired to secure their in- valuable rights upon constitutional principles, and that they wished nothing more than a speedy reconciliation with the Mother Country. The Governor replied that he knew of no representatives of the people except those constitutionally convened in the General Assembly, and furthei', that he was incompetent to judge of the merits of the disputes between the Government of Great Britain and the American colonies. Under the constitution, the governor was Commander-in-chief of the militia; he also had the power to convene or dissolve the General Assem- bly at will. It was soon discovered, however, that he was plotting against the patriot cause. To his supposed friends he secretly gave out word " that His Majesty was determined to speedily send out troops from one end of the continent to the other." Through John Stuart, Superintendent of the Cherokee Nation, and Alexander Cameron, Deputy Superintendent of the same, he con- spired against his pi'ovince, the se(|uel of which will be presently explained. Soon becomijig distrustful of his personal safety in Charlestown, Governor Campbell retired to a sloop-of- war — TavKir — first issuing a proclamation to dissolve the General Assembly, and carrying off with him the great seal of the province. A fortnight afterwards he was waited upon by a committee, who invited him to come ashore^ promising him that his person and charac- ter should be respected. He deemed it prudent, however, to remain on the vessel. Stuart, very early in the contest, retired to Florida. He was an officer of the Crown and wholly devoted to the Royal interest. For several years the management of OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 41 the Indian tribes had been committed to him. He'pre- tended that he conceived it his duty to attach the Indians to the Roj^al cause. He prejudiced their minds by the non-itnportation at^reement, which had ^>een adopted by the colonies. This wholly deprived him of the oppor- tunity of supplying- their wants, and also precluded the possibility of giving Royal presents, as had been previ- ously done. This interruption gave him an opportunity to exasperate the Indians against the friends of the patriot cause. A secret plot was on foot among Cani])- b(-ll and all the Royal Governors, to land an army in Florida, and in conjunction with the Tories and Indians, to fall upon the frontier settlements of South Carolina and other Southern {)rovinces. A fleet and army were, at the same time, to invade from the coast. Moses Kirk- land, a Tory from the back settlements of South Carolina, was sent to communicate this plan to General (rage, at Boston. Fortunately, the vessel that was sent to convey him was captured, with Kirkland on board. The letters found on his person unfolded the whole plan, which, by order of ('ongress, was published to the peo- ple. This convinced the minds of the Americans that the British authorities had employed the Indian savages to indiscriminately murder men, women and children on the western frontiers, of which the early settlers in the ])resent counties of Spartanburg and Union were a part. A lot of powder which had been started from Flor- ida by Stuart to the Cherokee country, was captured The news of this fori;unate capture and the exposing of the nefarious plot soon spread over the country, and for a time, put a quietus to the Tories and Indians and pre- vented what might otherwise have been, during the yoar 1775, a terrible disaster to the border settlements. The second or new Provincial Congress of South Caro- lina, met on the 1st day of November, 1775, comi)osed of delegates from all over South (Carolina. It would be impossible here to give a general summary of all of the proceedings of this important gathering of 42 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORV patriots. The defenses around the city of Charlestown were ordered to be put in repair. A.t this time they were threatened by two British sloops of war— Cherokee and Tainar — lying inside of the harbor. This Provincial Congress elected a new Council of Safety and enlfirged their ])Owers. That part, however, of their proceedings which directly concerned the people of the up-country was the dividing of the country between the Inroad and Saluda rivers into three congressional or elec- tion districts. We })refer to quote the record as we find it. (See Drayton's Memoirs, vol. ii, page 154). No. VII.— In Congress. Resolved, that the district heretofore described between the Broad and Saluda rivers be now divided into three, as well for the conven- ience of electors in Congress, as on account of the happy influence which it maj' have upon the peace and union of the inhabitants. That the Lozuer District, commonly called Dutch Fork, shall have the following boundaries, viz : From fork where Broad and Saluda Rivers meet, up Broad River to where Tyger River falls into Broad River, thence up Tyger River to the ford crossed by the old Saluda road, thence along said road to where it crosses Saluda at the place usually called Saluda Old Town, thence down the confluence of Saluda and Broad Rivers ; that the election of members of Congress for said district be held at the meeting house nearest to the home of Adam Summers. That the Little River District be bounded as follows : By Saluda River to Saluda Old Town to where the said river crosses the Indian boundary line ; by the said Indian line to where it crosses the Enoree River, thence down the Enoree to road above described, which bounds the lower district, the election to be held at Hammond's old store. That the Upper or Spartan District be bounded by Tyger River from its confluence with Bioad River up to where said Tyger River is crossed by the Saluda old road, thence by the old road to where it crosses Enoree, thence by the said Enoree River to the Indian line [the present line between the counties of Greenville and Spartanburg] to the Colony line; thence by the Colony (the state line between North and South Carolina) to where it intersects with Broad River ; thence by Broad River to its confluence with the Tyger ; the place of election to be at the meetinghouse, near the house of Joseph Kelsey, and that the district as now divided be allowed and do respectively elect four members of Congress and ther representatives." . . State L I nt . _•___ Ac t u tL^ Co. line, /////////// D/Sir/Ct LinQ... /C OF UPPER SOUTPI CAROLINA. 43 It will be seen that the present counties of Union and Spartanburt;' composed the Upper or Spartan District, with only one votino- precinct for the entire district. The presumtion of the writer is that this was somewhere in Union County. The most important work, however, of the Provincial Congress of South Carolina, was the adoption of a new and independent constitution. After much debate, this was adopted early in 177G. While this debate was in pro- gress, an express arrived from Savannah, bringing a copy of the Act of Parliament, passed December 21st, 1775, con- fiscating American property and throwing all of the colo- nies out of His Majesty's protection. This quickly put an end to all further debate; the body became at once revo- lutionized and solidified. They voted themselves at once to be the General Assembly of South Carolina, elected thirteen of their ablest members to be a Legislative Coun- cil, and also elected a president and vice-president ; six privy counselors to advise the president; a chief justice and three assistant j udges ; an attorney-general, secretary, ordinary, judge of the admiralty and register of mesne conveyance. The first president under the new constitution was John Rutledge. The first vice-president was Henry Laurens and the first chief-justice was William Henry Drayton. Wehavethus briefly noticed the changes as they rapidly took place, and in which the people of the up-country, doubtless through their representatives, took part. It was the extinction of Royal authority in South Carolina. 44 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY CHAPTER VIII. Intrigue of governor Campbell with the people of the back country.— commissioners sent by council of safety to the up-country. DURING the session and after the adjournment of the Provincial Conoress ah'eady referred to, Lord Wil- liam Campbell, claiming his authority as Governor of South Carolina, was unremittinjr in his efforts to persuade the uninformed of the back settlers that the power of Great Britain could never be effectually resisted by the American colonies ; that the whole dispute was about a triflinf^ tax on tea, which they were not in the habit of using, and the matter was of little or nointerest to them. Through his emissaries, he insisted that the gentlemen on the sea coast, in order to obtain their tea free, were wil- ling to involve the people of the back countrj' in a quarrel that would deprive them of salt and other imported nec- essaries, and that the expenses of an insignificant tax on tea was nothing as compared to the expenses of a war with the mother country. These well-paid emissaries had no trouble in distracting the minds of very many of the back country people, who had not been settled more than fifteen or twenty years. They were persuaded that the instrument which had been prepared by the association (referred to in the preceding chapter) for their signatures, was intended only to dragoon them into submission. This aroused in the bosoms of many, a spirit of resistance and independence, and instead of signing the document by which the people of the lower country had pledged their lives and fortunes to each other in open opposition to Royal authority, they signed other papers, as we will see further, a.t their general musters and other public gatherings, declaring their unwillingness to concur in the measures recom- mended by the Provincial Congress. These papers OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 45 charo:ed the patriots with motives and desi<>n8 that were dishonorable. The coiintr3' soon divided in sentiriieut. While there were many that were sincerely devoted to the cause of Liberty, there were others who were stubborn in their opposition to the new xjrovincial authority, which then existed. Camps were soon formed of the opposinf>' parties and both were quickly in arms. The Tory ele- ment in the lower part of the District of Ninety-Six* were headed and led by two brothers, Patrick and Robert Cun- ninoham, while the same element was led, in a larj^e measure in the Upper or Spartan District by Colonel Thomas Fletchall, who resided on Fair Forest. This influence which he possessed over the people of his section was due to the fact that he was Colonel of the militia. His regimental district, before the Revolution, included all the country between the Broad and Saluda rivers in South Carolina, and embraced the three districts (Lower or Dutch Fork, Middle or Little River and Upper or Spartan) referred to in a former chapter, which werecreated by the Provincial Congress in 1776. The regimental parade ground of Fletchall's regiment was at Ford's, on the Enoree. The Provincial militia of South Carolina in the early part of L775, consisted of twelve regiments. One of these in the upper part of the province was commanded, as we have already said, by Fletchall. It was through the Col- onel's command of the different regiments, that the instrument of the association was transmitted to the people for their signatures. Fletchall's conduct gave great uneasiness to the Council of Safety. An effort was made to induce him to join the common cause or to make *The old district of Ninety-Six, before and during the Revolution, was composed of the present counties of Spartanburg, Laurens, Union, New- berry, Abbeville and Edgefield. The county site was at Cambridge or Ninety Six, in Abbeville county, not far from the present Ninety-Six depot. The three last named counties vere laid out in 1783, the former remained as the county of Ninety-Six, with a change of the county site to Pinckneyville, on the Broad River, in Union county, un- til 1785. The old official records of Cambridge are now at Abbeville court house, while those of Pinckneyville are at Union court house. 46 COLONIAL AND UEVOLUTIONARY HISTORY knowu his sentiments on the situation of affairs. He was written to by the Council of Safety on the 14th day of July, 1775. In his reply on the 24th of the same month, he claimed that many reports had been mahciously circu- lated a^-ainst him by the General Committee, which he could prove to be false ; that upon the desii-e of John Cald- well, Lieutenant-Colonel of his re<»iment, he had called the same together on the 13th inst., when he proceeded to ever^' company and caused Major Terry of his regiment to read the instrument of the Provincial Association to them, but not one of them signed it and hecould not com- pel them ; that the people then agreed to sign an associa- tion of their own and Major Robinson, then on the ground, was applied to, who drew up articles of an asso- ciation suitable to their wishes, and which had been gen- erally signed from Broad to Savannah rivers. Fletch- all warned the Council of Safety of some of their hi' but the truth. Fletchall expressed a concern that he was looked upon as an enemy to his country, and thought the government had greater cause to complain of some who were less suspected than himself. Upon the main subject upon which he had been approached by the Coun- cil of Safety, Fletchall declared that he would not take up arms against his King, until it became his duty to do so, and he was convinced of the propriety of the measure. We have mentioned some particulars of this corre- spondence to show the unwholesome influences that were at first brought to bear upon the minds of the people of the up-country of South Carolina, by leaders in official authority. T^et it be remembered, as we have said, that the boundaries of Fletchall's regiment embraced a large scope of country, between the rivers— Saluda and Broad — to the North Carolina line. So large was it, as we have shown in a preceding chapter, that the Provincial Con- gress passed a resolution March 23d, 177(), to divide OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 47 this reftimeiital district into tliree, the boundaries of one of these to embrace the Upper or Spartan District. (See Drayton's Memoirs, vol. xxi, page 155). The Council of Safety feeling the necessity of a full explanation to the people of the nature of the dispute between the colonies and the mother counti-y, sent to the country between the Broad and Saluda rivers, where the disaffection seemed greatest, the Hon. William Henry Drayton and Rev. William Tennant. The mission of these gentlemen was to pacify the inhabitants and bring them into co-operation with the Council of Safety and General Committee. They set out on their journey in August, 1775. The first section visited by them was the Dutch Fork, near the junction of the two rivers men- tioned. Their first meeting was at a German muster. These people were so warmed by the eloquence and rea- soning of Drayton, that many of them shed tears and nearly all signed the instrument of the association. Some few, however, refused at first, and an amusing scheme was adopted by Drayton to bring them to terms. In the presence of some of their leaders, he wrote to the Council of Safety, requesting them to keep a constant guard at the town gate at Charlestown and to inquire of all wagoners from the Congress (the fork of the Saluda aiid Broad Rivers) for certificates showing that they had joined the association. Upon their non-production of the same, he suggested that they be required to return. Mr, Drayton separating himself for a time from Mr. Tennant, who traveled through other sections of the country, continued his journey up the Saluda River, accompanied by Mr. Kershaw, of Camden. At King's Crenk, he addi'essed a large gathering. All seemed pleased with his reasoning and eloquence, but when about to sign the association, a messenger arrived and said that Cun- ningham was on hand and would like to address the meet- ing. This brought everything to a pause, the people now indulging the idea of having both sides discussed. The report was circulated that Cunningham had in his pocket 48 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY a proclamation from the Kin^", sliowiiio- the fallacy of the American proceedin<>s. Upon Cunningham's arrival, he and his company were invited to dine with Mr. Drayton, where dinner had been ordered. After this was over, Mr, Drayton took Cunningham aside a?id spoke to him seri- ously and politely, respecting the questions before the people. Cunningham would not, however, be drawn from his purpose. In the afternoon, when the people had reas- sembled to receiV'C Cuunniugham's communication, one of his companions, Thomas Brown, a Scotchman, who had been tarred and feathered at Augusta, Georgia, for making- fun of the American cause in a toast at a dinner party, read " Dalrymple's Address from the Feopleof England to the People of America," which had been transmitted, thi'ough the Governor, Lord AVilliam Campbell. Brown performed the part of an orator on this occasion and read the address aloud from beginning to end. Mr. Drayton, having determined to follow him in all his wind- ings from beginning to end, applied i-idicule when be thought it would have effect, which made the people laugh heartily, and to which Cunningham and Brown made no reply. Demolished and beaten from the field, Cunningham and his friend of tar and feather memory, quietly stole away. Mr. Drayton and Mr. Kershaw, after visiting the settlements along the Saluda, crossed the Enoi-ee and came into the settlements which now belong to the territory of Union and Spartanburg counties. They arrived at the house of Colonel Fletchall* on the 17th of August, where they found Thomas Brown, Cun- ningham and Robinson who had arrived the evening before, as had also Mr. Tennant and Colonel Richardson. The respective heads of parties as they there stood, had *The writer is informed by Hon. John L. Young, of Union, S. C, that Fletchall's place was afterwards known as the Murphy Mill place, on Fair Forest, about five miles south-west of Union. Later it was a part of the McBette estate, and is now owned by Murphy & Nicholson. Colonel Fletchall left the country and went to the West Indies after the revolution. His estate was confiscated and taken po- session of by Colonel Brandon, who was a sort of " Willie the Con- queror " of that section. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 49 now met toji:ether for the first time since the Commis- sioners (Mr. Drayton and Mr. Tennant) had commenced their mission. Mr. Tennant, in a letter to the Council of Safety (Auo*ust 20, 1775), writes, " We have at length visited the mighty Nabob Fletchall. We found him sur- rounded by his court, viz: Cunningham, IJrown and Robinson, who watch all his motions and have him under great command. We soon found the unchangeable malig- nity of their minds, and the inexpressible pains they were at to blind the people and fill them with bitterness against tlie gentlemen, as they are called. General Gage's pamphlet is raging through the district and greedily read. The leaders * * * * keep the people ignorant and in general they firinly believe that no man. that comes from below, and that no paper ]jrinted there, can speak the truth. This is necessary to prevent anything we can say from taking place. We soon found that reasoning was vain with those who were fixed with Royal emoluments, but perceiving that Fletchall expected (?) to play between, we let him know that we had discovered things which he thought were a profound secret and surprised him much. He confessed receiving a letter from the Governor within five days last and offered to swear there was no harm in it and that he would not take arms against the countr3^ But we surprised iiini into a promise to assemble his regi- ment next Wednesday at Ford's, which highly affronted Cunningham and the rest of the upper house, some of whom treated us with insolence upon it. We expect to meet the regiment accordingly, and many of our friends whom I have advertised of it. In the meantime Mr. Drayton has gone up to his iron works (*) "and to the people about Lawson's Fork, where we will do something.',' On the 21st of August, Mr. Drayton wrote a letter from Lawson's Fork to the Council of Safety giving the partic- ulars of what had passed while the commissioners were at *Buffington or Woftbrd's Irou Works, near Glendale, referred to, 50 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY ('oloiiel Flctchall's. In bis letter he says: ''I reached Colonel Fletc-hall's last Thursday morning before break- fast, and Mr. Tennant and myself, after breakfast, engaged him in a private conversation, during near three hours. We endeavored to explain everything to him and en- deavored to show him that we had confidence in him. We humored him, we laughed with him, then we recurred to argument, remonstrances and intreaties, to join his coun- try and all America. All that we could get from hini was this: ' He would never take uj) arms against his King or his countrymen, and that the proceedings of the Congress at Phila- delphia ivere impolitic, disrespectful and irritating to the King.'' We charged him with having written to the Governor (Lord William Campbell) and with having received an answer; he confessed both. * * * We named the method by which he I'eceived it, concealed in a cane; he appeared confounded but after a pause, he attempted to laugh off this last particular." Drayton says further of Robinson, "This man's looks are utterly against hiui ; much venonj appears in Cunningham's countenance and conversation. Neither of these say much, but Brown (the same who was tarred and feathered at Augusta) is the spokesman; and his bitterness and violence are intolerable. He has, in various ways, insulted us during our twenty-four hours stay at Fletchall's, as if he wanted to provoke me to violence. * * * * Befoi'e this happened we engaged the Colonel in the private conversation to call out his regiment on the 28d instant ; upon oui- return to the house where this Cunningham, Brown and Robinson were, he merj- tioned what he had promised. All three of them were opened mouthed against the measure and Mr. Tennant had much to do to keep che Colonel to his promise. This meeting of the regiment will be at Ford's (on Enoree River) and I am not without some apprehension that some violence will there be used against us. * * * \y\({ besides this it is my firm belief, that Brown, Cunningham and Robinson will do everything in their power to bring- things to extremities ; for they are clearly of the opinion OF UPPEIi SOUTH CAUOLINA. 51 that they can beat the colony. These men niana<2;e P'letch- all as they please, when they have him to themselves." The 7'eader would naturally infer from what has ali'eady been said, that the infant settlements of the Upper or Spartan district were influenced almost entirely by Fletchall and his associates, to take sides with the Royal authority in opj)osition to the common cause of An»erica. While this was true, with reference to the set- tlements in the middle and lower portion of the district of Ninety-Six, it was not true of the early settlers of Spar- tanburg- Count3^ which was then the upper portion of the said district and next to the Cherokee Indian Nation. In the same letter of Mr. Drayton, already referred to, writ- ten on Lawson's Fork, August 21, 1775, the writer says : " 1 had this day a meeting- with the people in this fron- tier. Many present were of the other party ; but I have the pleasure to acquaint you that those became volun- tary converts. Evt^ry person received satisfaction and departed with pleasure. I finished the day with a barba- cued beef. I have also ordered matters here, that this whole frontier will be formed into volunteer companies ; but as they are at present under Fletchail's command, they insist upon beino' formed into a reji,iment independent of him ; and I flatter myself you will think this method of weakenino- Fletchall, to be considered sound policy. Tliese people are active and spirited; they are staunch in our favor ; are capable of forming- a o-ood barrier ag-ainst the Indians, and of beinii" a severe check upon Fletchail's peo- ple, on whom they border, if they should think of quittinji' their habitations under the banners of Fletchall or his companions. For these reasons and to enable them to act with vi;u]ar com- panies. Several companies will be formed by this day week. (See Drayton's Memoirs, vol. i, pa^e 374). We have quoted from Mr. Drayton's letter to prove the spirit of patriotism that belonged to the people of the old 52 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY Spartan District, few in numbers, as they were, at the dawning of the Rev^olution. Let their descendants of the present day read with pride the indelible testimony preserved and handed down to us. Not long- after the departure of Messrs. Drayton and Tennant a I'egiment was organized within the present limits of Spartanburg County and made up of inhabi- tants from both sections of Union and Spartanburg, under the commnnd of Col. John Thomas, Sr. This was called the Spartan Regiment. Of what number of men composed it we are unable to determine, but the supposi- tion is that it was small, perhaps not more than two or three hundred, judging from the following letter, which we find recorded in Gibbs' Documentai'y History of the American Revolution, 1764 to 1776, page 170. "Mr. Thomas, of the Spartan Regiment, to Mr. Dray- ton. (Original Ms.*) Spartan Regiment, Sept. u, 1775. To THE Honorable Wm. H. Drayton, Esq.: May it please Your Honor ; — I this moment received Your Honor's favor of the 10 inst., and very fortunately, the command for this dis- trict was just assembled at my house in order to address the Council of Safety almost on the very purport of Y'our Honor's letter, as we had all the reason in the world (and still have) to believe from good information, that the malignants are forming the most hellish schemes to frustrate the measures of the Continental Congress, and to use all those who are willing to stand by those measures in the most cruel manner. Your Honor will be fully convinced of the truth of this by perusing the papers transmitted herewith, to which I refer Y'our Honor. I shall comply with Y^our Honor's orders as far as is in my power ; Your Honor must suppose it impossible to raise the whole regiment, as several have families and no man be left about the house, if they should be called awa3\ I shall take as large a draft as possible from every company, and in short, do everything to the utmost of my power, and when encamped shall transmit to Y^our Honor, as quick as possible, an account of ni}- proceedings. JOHN THOMAS." *The original manuscript of this letter has been recently reported as among the South Carolina colonial records in London. The legis- lature of South Carolina, at its session of 1S91-2, made an appropria- tion to bring the records from the London office to Columbia, to be placed among our State records. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 53 We will show iu a succeeding chapter that Colonel Thomas' Spartan Regiment soon entered active ser- vice, and participated in scenes mentioned further on. The commissioners (Mr. Drayton and Mr. Tennant) in the course of their journeyings met again, agreeably to appointment, on the 23d of August, at P^ord's, which was the parade ground of Fletchall's regiment. Mr. Drayton says that this place is on the Enoree River in the fork of Cedar Creek and Enoree. The Cedar Creek referred to is doubtless the same as the present Cedar Shoal Creek run- ning west of Cross Anchor. This was the day that Fletchall had promised to assemble his regiment.* The commissioners when they arrived found Colonel Fletchall, Kirkla.nd, Brown and the Cunninghams already on the ground industriously working among the people. By the contrivances of these men, the people had, as much as possible, been kept awa3^ Not more than two hundred and fifty had assembled where one thousand or fifteen hundred men usually met at a rpgimental muster. Cunningham told the commissioners that he had told his men "that if they were satisfied with their present opin- ions, there was no occasion for them to come to hear the addresses." Some of the captains of companies had told their men that "the colonel left it to them, to come or not as they pleased, and if they stayed away he would not be angry with them." It was some time in the day before the people assembled. Good order generally prevailed. Kii-kland and Brown demanded a part of the time of the commissioners, which, of course, for the sake of peace, had to be granted. Brown read the address (Dalr\'mple) from the people of England to the people of America. It had lost its credit, and few listened to it. Kirkland, in his talk, abused the Provincial Congress, Council of Safety and General Com- mittee, and was so insolent to Mr. Drayton that a per- •■"Mr. B. G. L,ambright informs the writer that Ford's old muster ground place is between Enoree and Cedar Shoal Creek, at or near the old Davis Newman place. It is not far from Musgrove's battle ground. 54 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY sonal altercation came very near taking place, but the people pressed around Mr. Drayton and gave him to understand that he was in no danger of assault. Mr. Drayton in his progress always had about his person a dirk and a pair of pocket pistols to protect himself from insult or for the defense of his life. He wrote next day (24th) to the Council of Safety referring to the speeches of Brown and Kirkland. He says: "Imagine every inde- cency of language, every misrepresentation, ungenerous and unjust charge against the American politics that could alarm the people and give them an evil impression of our designs against their liberties and the rights of Great Britain. Imagine all you can on these points, and you will not exceed what we heard as well from Kirkland as from Brown. Our indignation was painful, but we were obliged to conceal it and our situation was as disa- greeable as you can well conceive. I>rown loudly declared that when the King's troops arrived he would join them against us ; and he hoped every other person in these parts would do the same." Kirkland and the Cunninghams on this occasion appeared with arms, sword and pistol. The small audi- ences, however, for the speeches of Brown and Kirkland, showed that the commissioners had won the day. Sev- eral of Fletchall's captains came over to Drayton's side and signed the instrument of the association. At this meeting there were strong friends to the American cause who had come from distant homes. The commissioners now turned their backs upon Colo- nel Fletchall and his party, to visit other sections in the up-country. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 55 CHAPTER IX, THE ASSEMBLING OF THE KING'S MEN.— MR. DRAYTON IS- SUES A PROCLAMATION.— RESORTS TO OTHER MEANS THAN DISCOURSES.— THE MILITIA AND RAN- GERS RALLY TO HIS AID. MR. DRAYTON and Mr. Tennant continued the pro- o;ress of their mission but a few days after the meet- in<^ at Ford's muster oround. On the 29th of August they received information that Kirkland had taken up arms, and was collecting men for the purpose of attacking Forts Charlotte and Augusta. Fort-Xliarlotte was sit- uated on the Savannah River, about twenty or thirty miles above Auguistay^nd about twenty miles south-west of Ninety-Six Court House. The malcontents, or King's men, as they were called, were to meet at a designated place about twenty miles above the residence of a Mr. Hammond, called Snow Hill. In their progress, Mr. Ten- nant and Mr. Drayton had separated, as we have already said, the former visiting the Long Cane settlements on the Saluda. Mr. Drayton sent a messenger to him direct- ing him to trace his steps at once down the Savannah. The King's men met according to appointment, but dispersed again during the night, having arranged to meet again in three or four days with guns and ammuni- tion, for the purpose of attacking Fort Charlotte. Mr. Tennant, as he passed down the river by that place, ordered Captain Caldwell, the commandant of the fort, to erect platforms for fighting with the cannon as expe- ditiously as possible, and to mount two of the best four- pounders for field use, and to advance sentinels and patrols. The Indian corn growing in front of the fort was ordered to be cut away, and what was left was to be bladed and topped so as to give the approaching enemy no advantages of shelter. He was cautioned as to letting persons into the fort, and was ordered to send the troops of 56 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY horses some distance away for pasturajie. In case of the enemy's approach, Captain Caldwell was ordered to fire a sig'nal gun for the volunteers to assemble and commence their march. Captain Caldwell was further ordered to let those companies have powder and lead, which were or- ganized for the protection of that part of the district. To counteract the schemes of the King's men, Mr. Dray- ton commenced his march for Ninety-Six Court House on the 6th of September, with one hundred and twenty men and four swivels (tsmall cannon turning on pivots). His intention was, with his militia and rangers, to march against Fletchall's quarters and demand the surrender of the principal offenders. A special detail was sent to Capt. Robert Cunningham, but it was found that he had quitted his residence the day before. His papers, however, were taken possession of, among which were two letters from Fletchall. Mr. Drayton and Mr. Tennant, before leaving Charles- town, had been empowered with authority by the Coun- cil of Safety, to call upon every officer of the militia and rangers for assistance, support/ and protection. Mr. Drayton receiveii advices of the continued uprising of the King's men. His own force of volunteers, which at first amounted to but little more than one hundred men, now began to increase, one hundred men having arrived from Augusta. Major Williamson, of the Ninety-Six regiment, soon arrived with three hundred men. He was oi-dered ro Harlin's Ford, on the Savannah River, about thirty miles above Augusta. Colonel Thomson had also arrived with his rangers and three hundred men, and was or- dered to take post at a place called " The Ridge." Colonel Richardson, with three hundred men, was ordered to take post near the mouth of the Enoree, to be a check on Fletchall's people in case they showed any intention of assisting Kirkland. Mr. Drayton having now determined to lesort to other means than discourses to the people, issued a proclama- tion iu which he warned all persons to forthwith desist OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 57 from followino- the counsels of Moses Kirkland or others in hostility to the lawful authority, and all such persons found in arms or in company with, or by the itisti<>ation of the said Kirkland, would be deemed public enemies, to be suppressed by the sword. This proclamation, which we are not able to publish in full, disconcerted and paralyzed Kirkland's exertions. The intended meeting;- of the Kino's men with arms and provisions did not take place. Kirkland sent his brother to Mr. Drayton with offers to surrender on promise of pardon. Mr. Drayton, know- ino; his character and reputation, demanded his surrender without promise to comply with his request. Kirkland's heart failed him, and he sought safety in flight. In plan- uino- the means of doing so, he looked about for several days, after which, with the assistance of two trusty friends, hefled in disguise to Charlestown, From thence he was sent, privately, to the sloop-of-war, Taiuar, where he met Governor Campbell. Not long after this, he started on a vessel to General Gage, at Boston, which uas cap- tured and thus was exposed a nefarious plot to fall on the frontier settlements— the circumstances of which are re- corded in the former cliapter. After Kirkland's flight, Mr, Drayton received informa- tion that the King's men were collecting at O'Neal's Mill. He at once sent one hundred men to disperse them, who on their way, heard that Colonel Fletchall had arrived at that place with a large party of men. After consultation with Major Williamson and Major Mayson, the principal officers, Mr. Drayton decided (of the differ- ent propositions that had been made) to surprise the march of the King's men at night, during which they would be in a confused order, and a general rout would, in all probability, ensue. To establish a strong reserve, and at the same time to secure a good position to fall back upon, four swivels were planted in the four windows of the gaol at Ninety-Six, so as to command every approach. A suffi- cient number of men were here placed with a supply of 58 COLONIAL AND KE VOLUTION AH Y HISTORY provisions and water. This post could not be forced exeept by firing the shino-les ou top of the building. One hundred men were then advanced to Island Ford, six miles above Ninety-Six Court House, on the Saluda River, where the King's men must be sure to pass. These were under the command of Major Mayson, who placed them in ambush so as to give a diagonal fire on Fletchall's men, if they should attetnpt to cross the river. One hundred men were also stationed about half way between Island Ford and Ninety-Six Court House. About ten o'clock at night, Mr. Drayton and Major Williamson went to see if the disposition of troops had been made as ordered. They waited at Island Ford until about two o'clock in the morning, when Mr. Drayton received certain accounts that the alarm was false in a measure, as only Cunning- ham was at O'Neal's Mill with about one hundred men. However, to be on the safe side. Major Mayson remained in position until daylight, while Mr. Drayton and Major Williamson returned to Ninety-Six (Jourt House about 4 o'clock in the morning with the rest of the troops. The one hundred men which Cunningham had ordered to O'Neal's Mill, were but the first of a large party, which had been summoned to rendezvous there. By the 17th of September, Mr. I)ra3'ton's forces were increased by the addition of Colonel Thomson's caminand, which consisted of a few militia and rangers. In two days afterwards, he was joined by a number of Major Williamson's militia. Colonel Fletchall had, in the meantime, arrived at O'Neal's Mill and his forces were increasing fast in number. Mr. Drayton marched within about three-quarters of a mile of Ninety-Six Court House and formed a camp. Fletchall moved his camp to within four miles of the Saluda River, which now divided the opposing foi'ces, now only about ten miles apart. Fletchall's forces amounted to upwards of twelve hundred, while Mr. Dray- ton's hardly reached a thousand. They were in good spirits, however, well disciplined and well oflScered, while OF UPPER SOUTH CAROI.INA. 59 on the contrary, Fletchall's men were under ])oor com- mand, with no re<>'ular supplies. They couW not hav'e been kept to<»ether very lons^*. Mr. Drayton's men were anxious to be led against the Kinp;'s men. Had this been done, doubtless many lives would have been lost. With the approbation of the officers of the different commands, Mr. Drayton decided to remain in camp and watch Fletchall's movements. He put everythino- in practice to o'iveFletchall to understand that he would persevere in his bold determination to meet and confront him. As a cun- ninji' device, he sent a letter directed to Col. Richard Richardson, written for deception, in order that it might be intercepted. This weakened the impulses of the King-'s men and caused delay. In the meantime, Mr. Drayton's forces were fast approach! njj; twelve hundred, while Fletchall's were diminishing. Mr. Drayton felt that it was an opportune time to attempt to heal the dissen- sions. He put forth another declaration on the 13th of September, 1775, which was sent to Fletchall's camp and publicly read. This declaration is too lengthy for publication in full here. Mr. Drayton called attention to the fact, that the liberties of America were being treacheronsly and cruelly violated by an abandoned administration in Great Britain, surrounding the throne, and deceiving majesty for their own corrupt purposes; that thirteen American colonies were successfully confederated to hazard their lives and fortunes to wrest from the hands of traitors those iuvaluables which they had ravished from them and which the Americans had endeavored to recover by every peaceable means. In this declaration he called the attention of the people to the fact that men of low degree, though of ennnence in the new country, men totally illiterate, were trying to rise in the world by misleading their honest neighbors, and whom His Excellency the Governor, had amply promised to reward. He showed that these wicked men, by misrepresentation, were trying to sell their country in 60 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY opposition to the voice of America. He stated furthei', that Mr. Tennaiit and himself had madeproe's Creek, October 6th, in which he stated he would not abide by the instrument of peace. He accused Mr. Drayton of makino; the bargain to suit himself, and of taking advantage of men half scared out of their senses, at the sight of liberty caps and sound of cannon, " as seeing and hearing had gener- ally more influence with some men than reason." Cunningham and his men did not remain in their camp very long. They soon dispersed, as they were obliged to submit to the necessity of the case. The affairs of the up-country being adjusted by Mr. Drayton, he had no further use for military support. He discharged the tfoops under his command, then about eleven hundred strong, with thanks. Major Williamson was ordered to transmit suitable returns to the Council of Safety, of money and rations disbursed, etc. In mak- ing his return, October 16th, Major Williamson closed with the foHowing complimentary words : " And it is but justice to tiiose patriotic troops who had come forth at their country's call, to say, that during the whole time this army lay encamped near Ninety-Six Court House, they weie patient under all the difficulties and depriva- tions they experienced. During most of the time, their huts and dwellings were penetrated by heavy rains, but discontent was not seen among them, for, satisfied with the cause in which they were engaged and with the leaders who commanded them, they submitted to such military regulations as the occasion required. In the camp good order was ])reserved and without it the advanced {)osts were duly and regularly stationed and relieved.'' The mission of Mr. Drayton and Mr. Tennant to the people between the Broad and Saluda rivers now closed and happily, in a different manner from what many at first supposed. By a preconcerted plan, Mr. Dray- 62 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY ton had arrano;ed through Mr. Richard Paris to assemble the warrioi's from the Cherokee Nation at Congaree Store. This store was just below old Granby, on the west side of the ('ongaree River, and not far from the city of Columbia. Mr. Drayton met the warriors on the 25th of September and exj)lHiiied to them in a talk, suitable to the occasion, the nature of the dispute between Great Britain and America. He exhorted them to hold fast to the chain of peace and friendship with the people of the colony, assuring them that they should receive such supplies of ammunition and other articles, both for pleasure and comfort, as could be spared by tlie Pro- vincial Congress and Council of vSafety. He made them presents suitable to the occasion, after which they took leave and returned home apparently satisfied. In the distribution of presents, Mr. Urayton endeavored to impress upon the Indians the importance of patience and economy under existing circumstances. He pulled his coat off and presented it to them and said, "for my part in this unhappy time, I will be content to wear an Osnaburg split shirt." These split shirts were worn much in the up-country at this time. They were split or opened in front and ornamented, and like a summer coat, were worn, says a writer, over their di-ess. Mr. Dray- ton thought proper to adapt his dress to the customs of the people he was among, and when he returned to Charlestown, which he did in a short time, he o(*casion- ally . wore the split shirt merely to introduce it to the people where merchandise was scarce and economy was important. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 63 CHAPTER X. CAPTAIN ROBERT CUNNINGHAM ARRESTED AND CARRIED TO CHARLESTOWN AND INCARCERATED.— CAPTURE OF ONE THOUSAND POUNDS OF POWDER BY PATRICK CUNNINGHAM WHILE ON ITS WAY TO THE CHEROKEE NATION.— KING'S MEN MARCHING AGAINST MAJORS WILLIAMSON AND MASON WHO ARE BESEIGED IN STOCKADE FORTS AT NINETY-SIX.— TERMS OF CAPITULATION AGREED UPON. THE fact was stated in the former chapter that Cap- tain Robert Cnnninoham and his followers refused to abide by or consider themselves included in the treaty as made between Mr. Drayton on one side, and Fletchall, Ford, Greer and other leaders of the King's men, on the other. Robert Cunningham still expi'essing himself as being* in open opposition to the Provincial authority, was arrested in pursuance of the orders of Major Andrew Williamson, who i-emained in command of the Ninety-Six District after the departure of Mr. Drayton and Mr. Tennant. This airest was grounded on an affidavit made by Cap- tain John Caldwell, of the rangers, before Richard Rapley, Esq., of Ninety-Six, on the 23d of October, 1775, charg- ing the said Cunningham with the use of seditious words. Had Cunningham kept still, the troubles which we relate in this chapter would have been averted at least for a, time. He was sent to Charlestown where he appeared before the Provincial Congress. The affidavit being read to him, he was thereupon questioned by the president of the body. Cunningham said, that he could not deny that he had made expressions somewhat like those men- tioned in Captain Cald well's affidavit, which had just been read to him ; that he believed that Captain Caldwell 04 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY had not perjured himself; aud thoii^'h he did not consider himself bound by the late treaty at Ninety-Six, yet, had constantly behaved himself as peaceably as any man ; and althout>;h he had opinions, he had expressed them only when asked. After this explana- tion of himself, Cunningham was committed to jail in Charlestown in pursuance of an order from the Congress, by a warrant under the hand and seal of the president of that body. Thomas Grimball was at that time sheriff at Charlestown, He was directed "to afford to the said Rob- ert Cunningham every reasonable and neccessary accom- modation at the public charge ; but that he should not suffer the said Cunningham to converse or correspond with any person whatsoever ; nor was he to have the use of pen, ink or paper, unless by express leave of Congress, or authority derived from them. The arrest and imprisonment of Robert Cunningham appears to have been a mistake, as it caused another insurrection in Ninety-Six District. The people of the up-country were greatly incensed, or at least some, who were in sympathy with the Royal authority, but were willing to submit to the powers that be. When Mr. Drayton gave a talk to the Cherokee chiefs at the Cougaree store, already alluded to, he promised to send them powder and lead as the situation of the col- ony's funds would permit. On the 4th of October, 1775, a vote passed the Council of Safety to supply the Chero- kee Nation with one thousand pounds of powder and two two thousand pounds of lead. Accordingly, a wagon was dispatched with it as a present to the Cherokees, under the escort of a subaltern officer of the rangers and twenty privates. The arrest of Robert Cunningham aroused his brother, Patrick Cunningham, who, gathering a body of friends composed of about sixty, pursued his brother Robert, with the expectation of recapturing him. Failing to overtake him, they turned their attention to the powder which was on its way to the Indians. They succeeded in taking it ri p on X c k ? Q o CD I? s> •■^ c p 3 3 O o V "^ ko Tb Q- en ^5; -S •■* o O X :^ (Pi ■»A -d L 3 ■ — O. ^ 0^ to <*. -c ^ ^ TO 2 OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 65 at Mine Creek, between the Ridge and Ninety-Six Court House, on the 3d day of November, 1775, causino- the guard to surrender, and the amniunition to be immedi- ately seized and cai'ried off. A report was thereupon industriously circulated that the powder was sent to inflame the Indians to rise njjon and massacre all those who refused to sign the document of the association. Captain Richard Paris, who had forsaken the patriot cause and joined the insui'gents or King's men because he had not been noticed in the late appointments and promotions in the military arrangements of the Provin- cial Congress, not only circulated this report, but averred in an atfidavit, that the ammunition taken by Patrick Cunningham was for that purpose. He abused outra- geously Mr. Drayton, at whose hands he expected pro- motion, and to lessen his consequence among the people, he urged that the recent meeting with the Cherokee war- riors at the Congaree store, which he was instrumental in bringing about, was for the purpose of cutting off all who were considered as disaffected persons or King's men. Such reports as these, of course, exasperated the igno- rant multitude and roused them to commit acts, which placed them in open arms against the country. Major Willianison went in pursuit of the Loyalists who had captured the powder, but was compelled to retreat before superior numbers. The Insurgent or Loyalist element was speedily swelled in numbers, while William- son's militia came in very slowly. Although the insur- gent forces were rapidly increasing, Wilh'amson could not be made to believe that they would dare to attack him. He continued in camp, laboring under this impression uritil about the 18th of November, when he received information that the insurgents were in full march upon him and had already crossed the Saluda Rivei- at Island Ford, in order to attack him. At this time. Major Wil- liamson was joined by Major Mayson who had been in the neighborhood of Island Ford with thirty-seven rangers. Major Williamson wanted to march at once GG COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY and attack the insurgents, but yielded to the judgment of Major Mayson, who advised him to retreat to the cleared ground of ('oloiiel Savaoes' plantation. This was sepa- rated from Ninety-Six Court House and gaol by a ravine and spring supplying the inhabitants with water, afford- ing a place where they might erect breastworks and from whence they might use their swivels to advantage. They also thought they would be more likely to receive rein- forcements at this place. Colonel Thomson was already on the way to them with his rangers. According to this agreement Major Williamson took uj) his line of march and arrived at the proposed ground about daybreak on Sunday, the 19th of November, with troops, live stock, provisions and baggage. A square of about on<; hundred and eighty-five yards was taken in and fortified as well as time and means would allow. The men worked unceasingly for about three hours and a temporary stockade fort was made of fence rails, straw and beeves' hides, with such other materials as they could put their hands on. The defenses extended from a barn and store to some out- houses, and at a distance of about two hundred and fifty yards from the jail. Williamson and his men had hardly enclosed them- selves in this rustic fortification when the insm-gents appeared with drums beating and colois flying and tak- ing possession of the court house and jail, they ad- vanced troops and completely invested the stockade fort of Major Williamson's forces. Immediately upon their arrival. Major Williamson dispatched an officer with a flag to know what theii' intention was. Major Robinson and Captain Patrick Cunningham, who appeared to be the leaders, refused to have a conference with any one but the commanding officers. Major Mayson and Captain Bowie were then sent to them. They met the insurgent leaders—Robinson, Cunningham and Evan McLauren — on half-way ground between the two bodies of troops. The parties had about fifteen minutes conversation. Major OF UI'PEU SOUTH CAROLINA. 67 Mayson and Captain Bowie returned and reported to Major VVilliciinson that the insnrg'ents demanded his immediate surrender and disbanding, hintintr, at the same time, that it would be necessary for the men to keep inside of the fort for safety. Just at this time, two of Wil- liamson's men near the fort were seized by the insuriiorance, believed Paris' affidavit with respect to the purpose for which the pow- der was sent to the Indians. Many of the insurgents joined from timidity, seeint!,- that party so rapidly increase in a short sfjace of time. None of those who had siave private encourajiement to this bold attempt of the insurgents (or Tories an they should be more properly called) to upturn the existing Provincial authority. The casualties were very slight in this beseigement. Of Major Williamson's party, only one man was killed and tw'elve wounded. Ou the other side, several were killed and about twenty wounded. The insurgents could not have been very courageous in the affair since they failed to attack this stockade fort, the construction of which only consumed three hours. The account which we find says, that during the whole time of the firing, they continued almost out of gnu shot range, except those who were stationed in the brick jail at Ninety-Six. These alone annoyed the troops of Major Williamson, while the others, as we have said, kept themselves posted behind logs, fences, and other securities, and this accounts for the small execution which was affected upon them dur- ing a firing of small arms and swivels for three days. Says a writer of this affair: '"Major Williamson's men had suffered great hardships during the time they had been cooped up in this temporary fortress, being obliged to lay by their arms during the nights, to be ready agaiust surprise, and their tour of duty being frequent and heavy ; and particularly experiencing the total want of water from Sunday morning to Tuesday afternoon. However, during this severe trial, uot only of courage but constitutional energy, they did not murmur; but while some fought the beseigers, fatigue parties were 70 COLONIAL AND HEVOLUTIONARY HISTORY fli^giiift' a well ; and at length, after penetrating through a veiy tenacious clay soil forty feet deep, water was obtained, which relieved the necessities of the garrison. In addition to these difficulties ; they had nearly ex- hausted all their powder ; for of 200 pounds weight which they had at the commencement of the firing, only thirty pounds weight remained, except what each man had in his powder horn." The small quantity of powder which remained was only known to Major Williamson and one other person. This was the principal cause why the fort surrendered, for Major Williamson expressly states in his official report ^see Drayton's Memoirs, vol. ii, page 2), on the the 25th of November, that he had in the fort thirty- eight ban-els of floui-, four live beeves, and very good water from the well which he had dug, and but for powder he could have maintained his post for a considerable time. OF UPPER SOUTH UAUOLINA. 71 CHAPTER XI. T THE FAMOUS SNOW CAMPAIGN. HK recent success of the iiisurg,'ents in the seige of Williamson's fort at Ninetj-Six had einbohlened them to continue their o[)position to the Provincial authoi'ity. The time had arrived, however, when either the Provin- cial or Royal authority must predominate in South Caro- lina. The Council of Safety, under the authority of the Provincial Congress, had determined from the first to take no backward steps. The people must be made to understand and recoguize the existing authority. Up to this time the steps taken by the Council of Safety to resist oppression, redress wrongs and enlist ttie people on the side of liberty, had been prudent and cautious. Mr. Drayton and Mr. Tennant had visited Ninety-Six District and by eloquent and persuasive arguments had pointed out to the people the nature of the controversy between America and Great Britain. We have seen the results in former chapters. There was no longer any necessity for this sort of work. The time had now come when the peo- ple must be taught the lesson of the fable of the man who found a boy upon one of his trees stealing- apples. The Tories or Insurgents in this fable represent the character of the young " sauce box," who did not respect the rights of the old man (vSouth (Carolina). The Council of Safety determined to "fetch him "down. Up to this lime this body had only been throwing "tufts of grass." This had only intended to increase the obstinacy of the insurgent elements and make them laugh, as it were. Now it became necessary "to see what virtue there is in stones." In other words, the discordant elements of the up-country had to be taught the moral of this fable "if good words and gentle means will not reclaim the wicked, they must be dealt with in a more severe manner." 72 COLONIAL AND KEVOLUTIONARY HISTORY While Major Williamson was beseiged by the insurt^eDts at Ninety-Six, Colonel Richardson had commenced his march a<>ainst them in pursuance of orders he had received from the Provincial Con^-pess, and in doing so, he was directing his course towards the niMJdle or upper part of Colonel FletchalTs regimental district, which embraced, before divided into three, the counti'y between the Broad and Saluda Rivers.* Hut as soon as he heard of Major Williamson at Ninety-Six. he changed his route. He appears to have started from Charlestown, and by forced marches reached the Congaree River about the 27th of November, 1775. At this time his command con- sisted of about one thousand men. Col. John Thomas, Sr., was however, with his newly organized Spartan Regi- ment, pressing forward, the account says from the north- western portion of the colony (now Spartanburg County) to meet him. At his camp on the Congaree, Colonel Richardson wrote to the Council of Safety, giving them an account of the situation in the up-country. He states in his letter that the insurgents were much elated by their success at Ninety- Six ; that his men desired to be led against them and would not be satisfied unless they were allowed " to finally subdue and to effectually put dow^n the opposition." In this let- ter he wai'ned Congress that it was a matter of necessity to silence the discontents of the back country and that although in doing so, the expense would be great, still the crisis at hand demanded prompt and decisive action. Colonel Thomson, who belonged to Colonel Richardson's command, also wrote to the Council of Safety as follows : "Several of the officers and men declare that they will never take uj) arms again unless they have liberty to subdue America, as they observe that those who are not for America are undoubtedly against it." Colonel Ri(;hai-dson remained \u his camp on the Conga- ree until about the 80th of November, for the purpose of ■*' See map. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 73 couvejiuo his wagons and bag^-age across that river and also for the purpose of collecting the various bodies of militia that were marching to him. When he was ready to maich his army consisted of about fifteen hundred. Before leaving his camp his officers held a council of war and decided that they were not bound by the recent treaty of cessation of arms at Ninety-Six. The army marched to the Saluda River, and crossed the same into Dutch Fork (between Broad and Saluda Rivers). On the 2d of December, it encamped at McLauren's store, fifteen miles from Saluda River. At this camp several of Fletch- all's disaffected captains were brought in as prisoners, among whom were John Mayfi eld, William Hunt and others. Colonel Richardson's command was here joined by Colonel Thomas' Spartan regiment, with two hundred men; Colonel N eel two hundred (Colonel Neel came from the " new acquisition " territory of South Carolina); Colo- nel Lyles one hundred and fifty men — which, together with Colonel Thomas' regiment of rangers, increased Colonel Richardson's command to about two thousand and five hundred. This did not include the command of Colonel Polk from North Carolina, which consisted of six hundred men, and which w^ere in full march to join Colonel Rich- ardson's forces. At this time, it is said, the insurgents were hovering about with little confidence in their leaders, not more perhaps than four hunded of them were assem- bled in arm, and of these, constant desertions were taking place, leaving their number so small that they retro- graded towards the sources of the Saluda River and the Cherokee Nation. On the 4th of December the Council of Safety wrote a letter to Colonel Richardson desiring him to pub- lish a declaration inviting the insurgents "to lay down their arms" and to promise "the strictest neu- trality," and upon doing this to grant terms of mercy and protection." Before this request was received from the Council of Safety, however, Colonel Rich- 74 COLONIAL AND ]{i:VOLUTIONARV HISTOHY ardson, anticipatino- their wishes, issued the following declaratiou : " South Carolina : — Whereas, on the 3d day of November last past, Patrick Cunningham, Henry O'Neal, Hugh Brown, David Reise, Nathaniel Howard, Henry Green, and sundry other persons did, in Ninety-Six District, raise a dangerous insurrection and commotion, and did, near Mine Creek in said district, feloniously take and carry away a quantity of ammuni- tion, the property of the public, and in contempt of public authority ; and did also with further and by force of arms on the 19th, 20th and 2ist days of said month of November, at Ninety-Six, in the district aforesaid, attack, beseige, kill and wound a number of good people of this colon\% and in manifest violation of peace aud good order, and breach of a solemn treaty, entered into on the i6th day of September, made and concluded between the Hon. William Henry Drayton on the one part and Col. Thomas Fletchall and others on the other part, thereby becoming guilty of the attrocious crimes of robbery, murder and breach of peace. To satisfy public justice, in the first punishment of all which crimes and offenses as far as the nature of the same will admit, I am now come to these parts in the name and behalf of the colony, to demand of the inhabitants the delivering up of the bodies of all principal offend- ers herein, together with the said ammunition, and full restitution for the ravages committed, and also the arms and ammunition of all the aidors and abettors of these robbers, murderers and disturbers of the peace and good order as aforesaid. And in case of neglect or refusal for the space of five days, I shall be under the necessity of tak- ing such steps as will be found disagreeable ; but which I shall cer- tainly put in execution for the public good. Given under my hand this the 8tli day of December, 1775. Richard Richardson." In consequence of this declaration numbers came in and delivered up their arms and received the promised protec- tion. This, however, did not include capital offenders. No leaders were surrendered by the insurgents. Colo- nel Richardson conducted himself with prudence and humanity towards those who came in to surrender them- selves, dismissing them with soft words and kind admoni- tions. "The army,'' says a wiiter, "still advancing and increasing in numbers, struck terror into the insurgents and the disaffected, and they constantly retreated, keep- ing about twenty miles in advance of Colonel Richard- OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 75 son'vS army. They now perceived that they had been deceived by their leaders as to the strength and means of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety ; while at the same time, they found no promises or assistance to be relied upon as comino-from Lord William Campbell." "Weak as a rope of sand," says Ramsay, "they could neither face the invading army nor fall upon any meas- ures for maintaining themselves in the land of their fath- ers. At one time they would take heart and threaten to stand and give battle; but so soon as the army com- menced its march upon them, cowardly councils and guilty consciences obliged them to turn and retreat. In this manner the operations were principally carried on ; a steady pursuit, detachments taken prisoners and some- times recovering portions of ammunition which Patrick Cunningham had taken; being mostly the services in which they were engaged." (Se9 letter from Colonel Rich- ardson to Colonel John Laurens, Gibbs' Documentary History, 1764-1776, page 241). — By December 12th Colonel Richardson's army numbered three thousand men, and account says they pene- trated the interior as far as the great survey (the Chero- kee boundary line) on Duncan's Creek (in Laurens County). They had now several prisoners which, as Colonel Rich- ardson to the Council of Safety said, were "of the first magnitude." Among these were Colonel Thomas Fletch- all. Captains Richard Paris, Jacob Frey, George Shu- burg and John McWilliams. The last named was the person who constructed the mantlets which they endeav- ored to use against the stockade fort at Ninety-Six. These were sent to Charlestown under a suitable guard commanded by Captain Richard Richardson, Jr.* ■■Captain Richardson was the husband of Mrs. Dorcas Richardson, one of the heroines of Mrs. Ellet's "Women of the Revolution." Her residence was in Clarendon. She was the daughter of a prominent Irish gentleman whose name was Captain John Nelson, who married a Miss Browning, of South Carolina. A ferry over the Santee River, established and kept by them, is still known as Nelson's Ferry. Their 76 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY Tolouel Fletchall, when he was captured was hid in a cave on Fair Forest Creek, above its junction with Tyg'er River, from which he was unkenneled by Colonel Thom- son's rangers, who had been sent to scour that part of the disaffected district, and to beat up Fletchall's quart- ers where he resided. (See Colonel Richardson to Henry Laurens Gibbs' Documentary History, (1764-1776), page 239). John Drayton, LL.D., author of ''Memoirs of Ameri- can Revolution" says, (vol. ii, page 129), that in 1829 he received a letter from Spartanburg District, stating that there was a large sycamore tree with a hollow seven or eight feet wide on the north side of Fair Forest Creek, two and a half miles below Brandon's mills, in which Colonel Fletchall occasionally secreted himself. The letter stated that it was from this tree Fletchall was taken. The descendants are numerous in that section. It is said that Cornwallis in his march through the interior of South Carolina, after the fall of Charlestown, established his headquarters at the house of the widow Nelson, near the ferry. She received and entertained him on condi" tion that her property should be protected. When a quantity of her valuable plate had been discovered and claimed by its captors, she reminded Cornwallis of his promise. His Lordship refused to have the plate restored to her, replying that his promise had reference only to things above the ground. Dorcas married at the age of twenty in 1761, and removed to her hus- band's plantation about twenty miles up the river, near the junction of the Congaree and Wateree. Here she lived in affluence with her hus- band until the storm of the Revolution began. When the Loyalists in the upper districts in South Carolina were incited by the royal gov- ernor, Lord William Campbell, three regiments were organized to march against them. These were commanded by General Richardson, father of Captain Richardson. After the famous " Snow Campaign " General and Captain Richardson were both retained in office on account of their great popularity with the troops. Edward, a younger brother, was appointed captain of rangers under Colonel Thomson. A regiment of riflemen was raised in March of the following year. This was commanded by Col. Thomas Sumter and one of the companies in the same by Captain Richardson. From this time and during the remaining six years he was at home but very little with his family. After the fall of Charlestown, he, his father and brother were OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 77 tree was at that time standing, while the cav^e referred to was filled up. Some valuable papers were captured with Colonel Fletchall. He, it is said, was the depositary of Lord Wil- liam Campbell's correspondence and secrets. These papers were transmitted by Colonel Richardson to the Council of Safety. While Colonel Thomson's rang-ers w'ere at Fletch- all's place. Captains Plummer and Smith, with thirty of their men, surrendered themselves with their arms, &c. Still folio wino- the trail of the insurgents, Colonel Rich- ardson pressed forward through all the inclemencies of the weather. His men were thinly clothed and poorly provided for; but they determined to stay not their steps until the object of their expedition was completed. Arriv- ing at Liberty Hall, on the line between Newberry and taken prisoners. In violation of the terms of capitulation, Richard was taken to John's Island, a military station, where he very quickly fell a victim to small pox. As soon as he had sufficiently recovered, he made his escape and returned to the neighbood of his home, where he concealed himself in the Santee Swamp. At this time the British troops had overrun the State, and Colonel Tarleton had made the house of Captain Richardson, with some others, a station for his reg- iment of cavalry. They lived sumptuously on his richly stocked and well cultivated plantation, while Mrs. Richardson was restricted to a single apartment, with a scanty allowance of her own stores. From this she sent food to her husband in the swamp by a negro servant in whom she had implicit trust. Mrs. Richardson occasionally ventured to visit her husband, taking with her her little daughter. Captain Richardson's chosen place of retreat was on a little knoll or elevation in the swamp, which he called "John's Island." When the British got wind of Captain Richardson's escape, they made a diligent search for him and offered rewards for his capture. One day while a British officer was caressing the little child, she was asked when she had seen her papa. The mother grew pale, as it had only been a short time since she had seen him. The thoughtless pratler replied that she had seen him only a few days before on "John's Island." The officer concluded the child had been dreaming and knowing of but one "John's Island," near the sea coast, replied, " Pshaw, that was a long time ago." The little telltale was not trusted with another visit to her father. Mrs. Richardson's feelings were often terrified by the threats of the British, as to what they would do with Captain Richardson in case of 78 COLONIAL AND HEVOLUTIONAKY HISTORY Laurens counties, and four or five miles from the Enoree River, south of Duncan's Creek, the army encamped for a few days. It was from this place, the prisoners referred to were sent to Charlestown, they being considered by the officers and people of that part of the country as offenders, whose active conduct against the patriot cause and the association of congress did not justify their being longer at large. Colonel Richardson's army up to this time, numbered about five thousand, and consisted of his own regi- ment. Colonel Thomson's light horse, Colonel Thomas' Spartan regiment, Colonel Neel's, Colonel Polk's and Lieutenant-Colonel Martin's, Colonel Rutherford and Colo- nel Graham's troops from North Carolina. In a letter to the Council of Safety, Colonel Richardson says, of the his capture. On one occasion the officers displayed in her sight their swords reeking with blood — probably that of her cattle — and told her it was the blood of Captain Richardson, whom they had killed. She remained in a state of cruel suspense for several days. One day while the troops were absent Captain Richardson ventured to visit his home. Before he was ready to return to the swamp, however, a patroling party appeared unexpectedly at his gate. He was saved by Mrs. Richardson's presence of mind and calm courage. Seeing the British soldiers about :to come in, she appeared busy at something about the front door, thus retarding their progress while her husband made his escape by the back door. Captain Richardson subsequently united with Marion's command. One day he returned to his home accompanied b}- an escort. In a short time the British and Tories were seen advancing. All of Rich- ardson's men mounted and made their escape, except a young man named Roberts, with whom Mrs. Richardson was well acquainted. In vain did she beg with streaming tears to the British officers to spare his life. He was hanged to a walnut tree only a few paces from her door. Mrs. Richardson was told that she " wf-uld soon see her hus- band kick like that fellow." After the return of peace Mrs. Richardson continued to reside at the same place with her family. She survived her husband many years and died in 1834, at the advanced age of ninety-three. Through all the trials and vicissitudes in life her reliance and consolation was in her religion. It was her hope and triumph in the hour of death. OF UPPER SOTITH CAROLINA. 79 coiiimauds of Colonels Rutherford and Graham number- ing- five hundred men, that "to their honor they stepped forth unsoHcited to aid this colony in the cause of lib- erty." We would also mention that about the 20th of December, Colonel Richardson's army was joined by Major Andrew Williamson, Captain Hammond and a small party of Colonel Stephen Bull's reo;iraent. The presence of such a laro;e army had a o^ood effect on the feelings of the disaffected people in that part of the colony. The^^ were much terrified and came in with fear and trembling-, givino- up their arms with deep contrition for their late conduct. The spirit of discord was much abated. Most of the captains came in with a good por- tion of their companies. The District of Ninety-Six was now clear of any organized body of insurgents, but a camp of the principal aggressors still existed four miles beyond the Cherokee boundary line, at a place called the Great Cane Brake, on the Reedy River, about twenty-five miles from Hollingsworth's Mill. Colonel Richardson determined to break up this nest of sedition and turbu- lent spirits and for this purpose he detached from this army at Hollingsworth's Mill, about thirteen hundred cavalry and infantry under the command of (>olonel Wil- liam Thomson. All of these were volunteers, and among them were Colonels Martin and Rutherford, Neel, Polk and Lyles and Major Williamson and other officers of distinction. This command set out in the night on the 21st of December and after a tedious march of near twenty-three miles, Colonel Thomson with his command got within sight of the camp fires of the insurgents at a dis- tance of about two miles. A halt was taken for a short time, after which, towards daylight on the 22d of Decem- ber, they moved forward to attack the camp. They had nearly surrounded it when they were discovered. A flight immediateh' took place from the side which had not yet been surrounded. Patrick Canningham escaped on a horse barebacked, telling every one as he galloped away "to shift for himself." 80 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY The troops were much enraoed against the insurgents or King's men, as thej preferred to call themselves, and had it not been for the humanity of Colonel Thomson, great] slaughter would have taken place. The pursuit was continued for some distance and five or six of the insurgents were killed. Their camp consisted of about two hundred men, about one hundred and thirty of whom were taken prisoners. All their baggage, arms and ammunition remained in possession of the victors. None of the colonial troops were killed and only one was was wounded. This was a son of Colonel Polk, a youth of promise, who was shot through the shoulder. On the 23d of December, Colonel Thomson with his detachment returned to Richardson's camp. Soon after this it^commenced snowing and continued without inter- mission for thirty hours. The account says, (see Dray- ton's Memoirs, vol. ii, page 122), that the ground was generally covered for two feet. The army was without tents. Their shoes and clothing being much worn, they were badly prepared to encounter such dreadful weather. For this reason, Colonel Richardson kept his troops longer in the field, but the insurrection having now been crushed, he proceeded to dismiss his commands. On Christmas day he returned his thanks to the officers and men. He first dismissed the North Carolina troops under Colonels Rutherford, Martin, Graham and Polk's com- mands, afterwards the commands of Colonels Neel and Thomas and Major Williamson, giving to each and all instructions during their homeward march to pursue such measures as would confirm the principles of those favorable to the American cause and to awe and work upon the fears of the disaffected elements. He delivered to Colonel Williamson six kegs of gunpowder, which he had taken from the insurgents and which he directed to be sent to Mr. Wilkerson, one of the Indian agents at the Cherokee Nation, as a part of the present the Council of Safety had sent them, but which had been seized by Patrick Cunningham and his party. Colonel Richardson OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 81 during his march had succeeded in recapturing most of this powder. In a letter to the Council of Safety he reports, January 2d, 1776, the amount taken at different times to be two barrels and seven kegs. The camp at Hollingsworth's Mill was now broken up. Colonel WiUiamson with the remaining portion of his command took up his march towards the Congaree. During his march his troops suffered ex- tremely. They were poorly clad, their clothes being nearly worn out. They had no tents, and by reason of the snow, they did not set foot on the earth for seven days. When they halted they had to clear away the snow as well as they could before they could make fires to cook their victuals, warm themselves and make places to sleep after a toilsome march. Many of us, who at a later day in the history of our country, endured like hardships and fatigue around the camp fires, can fully appreciate the sufferings of our forefathers, the veterans of the great American Revolution. On the eighth day of Colonel Richardson's march a heavy cold rain fell, accompanied with sleet. Through all these difficulties the soldiers continued their march. They were glad to reach their old camping ground on the Con- garee once more on the 1st day of January, 1776. Here Colonel Richardson after having taken steps for arrang- ing the accounts and expenditures of the expedition, dis- missed his soldiers to return to their homes. The stands of arms amounting to several hundred were sent to dif- ferent places; some to Fort Charlotte on the Savannah, some were deposited at the Congaree and some sent to Camden. The prisoners were sent by water to Nelson's Ferry and escorted thence to Charlestown. The guard was commanded by Captain (afterwards General) Thomas Sumter. The prisoners consisted of ten captains and one hundred and twenty-six men. Of these thirteen were old offenders, having been with Cunningham when he seized the ammunition on its way to the Cherokee Indians, and also with Robinson when he beseiged Williamson at S2 COLONIAL AND HEVOLATIOXAHY HISTORY Ninety-Six. Fifty-five had been at the sei^e of Ninety-Six and at the Cane Brake, and seventy-two were only at the seige of Ninety-Six. All the leaders of the insurgents had been captured except Major Robinson, Captains Patrick Cunuinoham and McLauren, and two or three others who fled the country. The Council of Safety, after considering the cases of the prisoners, released nearly all of them, except a few who had been most active in bringing about these disturbances. Colonel Richardson, in a let- ter to the Council of Safety, makes honorable mention of Colonel Thomson for his excellent conduct and support, during this expedition, which history has designated as the Snoiv Campaign, in commemoration of the hardships and sufferings which were borne by the soldiers with a devotion worthy of themselves and the cause in which they were engaged. On this expedition Captain Thomas Sumter acted as Adjutant-Oeneral to Colonel Richardson; and Major Joseph Kershaw, whom we have before mentioned as accompanying Mr. Drayton on his mission, acted as treasurer and commissai-y general. These two officers filled these positions in a manner highly commenda- ble to themselves. Colonel Richardson deserved the thanks and applause of the country for the mild manner in which he conducted the expedition. Notwithstanding this, however, he deemed it prudent to adopt some measures b\' which the insurgents would in the future be held in check. He caused many of them to sign an instrument of writing, by which they imposed upon themselves the penalties of forfeiting their estates, real and personal, should they ever take up arms again or disturb the peace and tran- quility of the colony. The snow campaign against the insurgents between the Broad and Saluda, rivers was now ended. In a conclud- ing letter to the Council of Safety, dated January 2d, 1776, Colonel Richardson says: ''The people are now more con- vinced than ever of tlieir beino- wrono-. The lenient measures OF UPPKK SOUTH CAROLINA. 83 have had a j2^ood effect, the spirit and power is gone from them. And I am sure (if not interrupted by designing" men) that the country which I had it in my power to lay waste (and which the people expected) will be happy, and peace and tranquility take the place of ruin and discord. On the rivers, had I burnt, plundered and destroyed, ten thousand women and children must have been left to perish, a thought shocking to humanity." The Provincial Congress met in February, 1776, soon after the expedition of Colonel Richardson. After the accounts of the campaign were audited and arranged, this body resolved that their thanks be presented through their president, by letter, "to Colonel Richard Richardson for the very important and signal services he has ren- dered to his country and to the common cause, by put- ting a stop to the late dangerous and alarming insurrec- tion which the enemies of America had excited in the interior parts of the colony ; desiring the Colonel to signify the thanks of this congress also to the officers and men who were under his command upon that expedition." For sometime after Richardson's expedition, a system of disarming such of the insui'gents as were discoved in Ninety-Six District prevailed. But in February, 1776, the Provincial Congress took this matter under consider- ation and ordered that the same be suspended. It was at this session of congress that this body also resolved, "as well for the convenience of electors of members of congress as on account of the happy influence which it may have upon the peace and union of the inhabitants " to divide the district heretofore spoken of as under Colo- nel Fletchall's command into three election districts or regimental divisions. The Lower or Dutch Fork com- prehending one, the country below Little River another, and the Upper or Spartan District the third. 84 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY CHAPTER XII. PATRIOTISM OF EARLY SETTLERS OF SPARTANBURG AND UNION COUNTIES.— INDIAN OUTRAGES, 1776. LETTER FROM PROF. MORRISON. IN the precedirio- chapters we have shown that while the people in the interior of Ninety-Six district were divided in sentiment on the American cause for liberty, the peo- ple alono- tlie borders in the upper or Spartan District were, accordingto Mr. Drayton's account, " active and spir- ited." To quotepg'ain Mr. Drayton's words, hesaid of these people in a letter to the Council of Safety, written on Lawson's Fork: "They are staunch in our favor; are capable of formino- a o'ood barrier a<>'ainst the Indians and of beinoj a severe check upon Fletchall's people on whom they border, etc." (See Drayton's Memoirs, vol. i, pao-e 374). Notwithstanding, that the Ifirst settlers of upper South Carolina sympathized, for the most part, with the patriot cause, yet it is doubtful, after the recent unhappy difficul- ties with the Cherokees, whether they were willinjj- to engage in warfare with any people. Living as they did, on the borders of civilization in South Carolina-, they fully realized the danoers to which they would be exposed in the event of war between the colonies and the mother country. The Indians, under tempting bribes, would, in all probabilit3^ side with Great Britain. They knew, too, the power of Great Britian, her armies and fleets, and that her flag waved in triumph over her vast empire throughout the four quarters of the globe. On the first appearance of a rupture between Great Britain and the American colonies, both parties were engaged to secure the friendship of the Indians, and but for the interference and intrigues of John Stuart, superintendent, and Alex- der Cameron, deputv superintendent, among the Chero- OP UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA, 85 kees, these people might have remained in a quiet and neutral condition. Mr. Drayton says that " the Insur- o-ents (in 1775) had, in vain, endeavored to induce the Cherokee Indians to come down and join them, bu^ the Indians said they were satisfied." (See Drayton's Memoirs, vol. ii, page 131). Perhaps the troubles which weare now to relate, weredue, more than to an^'thino- else, to the intrioues of Alexander Cameron who, it appears, lived among the Cherokees. 1'his man Cameron, who was under the influence of John Stuart, was a bad and dangerous man. Besides his secret designs in the abominably wicked plot which has already been related in Chapter vii, he held a meeting with the Cherokee warriors, about four hundred in num- ber, in the early part of 1776, in which he exhorted them that the people of America had used the King very ill and had killed a considerable number of his army ; that the King was to send out more soldiers to suppress them ; that they (the Indians) ought not to turn against their father, the King, but that they should join his army against the people of America. To this the Indians re- plied that they could not fight, as they had no gun- powder. Cameron assured them that this apparent obstacle should not be in the way, for he would supply all their wants in this respect. He did all he could to induce the Indians to join the King's forces against the people of South Carolina. At the conclusion of his remarks, the Indians turned their backs upon him and discharged their guns. The whole assembly set up the war whoop, which was a signal that they approved of his discourse. (See Drayton's Memoirs, vol. i, page 414). As we have already said, the frontier settlements, be- lieving that the Indians might take the side of (ireat Britain, and in this event they would be exposed to im- pending danger, an effort was made to enlist them on the side of the patriots or else make such terms with them as would cause them to remain neutral during the approaching hostilities. 86 COLONIAL AXD HEVOLUTIONAHY HISTORY Among- those who were deleg'ated on a mission of this kir)d to the Cherokee Nation, was Captain Edward Hamp- ton and his brother Preston. Thej' wei-e sent by the people of the frontier settlements who resided within the present limits of Spartanburg- county. They were sent to see if by a suitable "talk" with the Indians, they could not be made to comprehend the cause of differences growing- between the colonies and the Mother Country. We have shown in a former chapter that the Council of Safety, appreciating the importance of maintaining a true friendship with these people, very unwisely, as the sequel proved, sent to them a thousand pounds of powder, intending the same as a present only, believing that the Chcrokees Avould prize this above everything else. Edwai'd and Preston Hampton, upon their arrival in the Indian country, found Cameron and other British emissai'ies at work among them. Cameron made prisoners of them, and gave their horses, guns, and a case of pis- tols and holsters to the Indians. By some means they managed to escape with their lives. Returning home, they reported to the people of the settlements the result of their mission. The people grew alarmed for their safety. They sought safety in the old forts that were already con- structed and perhaps in others that were hurriedl3' con- structed. Through the machinations of the British emis- saries, the Indians commenced their marauding expedi- tions in 1776 in western North Carolina and along the frontier settlements of South Carolina. It is our purpose only to bring to the eye of the reader such of the outrages as accurred in our vicinity, some of which are recorded in history, while others are only traditional. The first which we propose to mention as happening during the year 1776 was the murder of the Hampton family. This, as we understood it, was not far from the site of Wood's Fort, between Middle and South Tyger rivers, and near what is known as the Asa Cunningham place, on the line between the counties of Greenville and OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 87 Spartanburj>:, which was then the east line of the Chero- kee Nation. Anthony Hampton (says Dr. Howe in his history of the Presbyterian Church of South Carolina) with his wife and daughter, Preston, Henry and Edward, his sons, and James Harrison, his son-in-law, moved to what was afterwards Spartanburg District, about the year 1774. It is said that the Indians were seeking- a different settlement which they had located. As they ap- proached Mr. Hampton's house, some of their men recognized the face of Preston Hampton, whom, as we have already stated, had just returned from the Indian towns and had given warning of their intended rising. Some of the children of Mr. Hampton were sent to give warning to the neighbors. Mr. and Mrs. Harrison were, at the time, absent for a short distance. Old Mr. Hamp- ton, it is said, met the Indians cordially. He gave the chief a friendly grasp of the hand, but had not more than done this when he saw his son, Preston, fall from the fire of a gun. The same hand which he had grasped a moment before sent a tomahawk through his skull. In the same way his wife was killed. An infant sou of Mr. and Mrs. Harrison was dashed against the wall of the house, which was spattered with its blood and brains. he Indians then set fire to the house of Mr. Hampton. Mrs. * Hampton, on coming up, seeing her father's house in flames, came very near rushing into the midst of the savages. Her husband, anticipating what the trouble was, held her back until the savages were gone. Edward Hampton was, at the time, at the house of his father-in- law, Baylis Earle, on the North Pacolet. The writer is indebted to Prof. Wm. S. Morrison, whose residence near Welford, S. C, is not far from the scene of this massacre, and who had taken great pains to investi- gate the circumstances according to the traditions of the neighborhood. We take pleasure in inserting his letter, which letter explains itself : Welford, S. C, July 27, 1891. Dr. J. B. O. Landrum, Landrum, S. C. Dear Sir : — I have looked carefully into the matter of the place of 88 COLONIAL AiND REVOLUTIONAUY HISTOIfY the miirder and burial of the Hampton family as you requested. I am satisfied I have found the burial place. Am not so sure as to the place of the massacre, though I believe it was near the graves. Mr. Roddy Smith, now eighty-four (84) years old, lives in the the western part of Spartanburg county on the Saluda Gap road> between Duncan's Station on the Air Line, and Arlington or Cedar Hill Factory, about two miles from each place. Mr. Smith moved to the place where he now lives in 1830. Soon after he moved there while he was one day at work cleaning up an old field, Mr. Isham Evans came to him and asked if he knew where the ' Hampton graves ' were. Upon Mr. Smith answering that he did not, Mr. Evans led him to the graves but a few yards distant and pointed out the spot where the Hamptons were buried — all in one large grave — by the side of which a child, whose name Mr. Evans did not call, was buried. Mr. Evans told Mr. Smith the spot had been shown him by a woman named Bridget Bright, daughter of James Bright, an old Revolutionary soldier who had helped bury the Hamptons. Mr. Smith says the signs of the two graves were then plainly to be seen. The spot had never been cleared, though the land around it had been in cultivation- Mr. Smith has never allowed the place to be cleared or worked over in any way. A week ago, under Mr. Smith's guidance, I visited the spot. It has the appearance of an old grave yard. Trees mark the graves. These are on the highest point of a hill. This hill top is about three-eights of a mile back of Mr. Smith's house, some 300 yards from South Tyger River, one and one-half miles from Greenville and Spartanburg county line, seven-eights of a mile North of the Air Line Road at its nearest point, and about one and one-half miles from the railroad bridge over South Tyger River. A short distance from " the graves " there used to be signs of a house. At the foot of the hill is a spring with large rocks around it. Near the spring, on another hill, stood a house, the chimney place of which may yet be seen. Mr. Smith has not allowed any changes to be made about the spring, which he saj'S looks now just like it did 61 years ago. Along the hill, in 1830, was a dense swamp or thicket^ which extended up the spring branch and between the two houses named. I have talked with several old people whose lives have been spent in the immediate vicinity. There seems to be no difference of opinion- - seems there has never been any — as to the precise location of the rude grave of Anthony Hampton and his family. As to his dwelling place^ there is some difference of opinion. Mr. James R. Dickson (Mr. Dick- son has since died) over 80 years old, says that he moved to the place where Mr. Jack Green now lives, in 1835. Within a few yards of the house rises a little stream known as the " Hampton branch, " which is OF UPPEK SOUTH CAROLINA. 89 about three miles long. About midway of its course, this branch crosses the county line. A few hundred yards below the line, it crosses the Sa- luda Gap Road very near the residence of the late Asa Cunningham, whose spring is called the Hampton spring. On the same side of the road as the Cunningham house, where some locust trees are growing stood a house where some think the Hamptons lived and were mur- dered. Mr. Dickson has often seen the chimney place. He learned from two old men, Alex, and Joseph Thomson, and from a woman named Kiz- zey Mobley, that two children of Wade and Betty Hampton, were there murdered by the Indians and buried on an opposite hill, between the branch and Beaver Dam Creek. Kizzey Mobley told Mr. Dickson she had often seen the rail pen around the little grave. The father was absent. The mother fled through Beaver Dam Swamp. Several days afterward, she was found wandering through the woods near where Holly Spring Church now stands — then a wilderness — her clothing torn to rags, and taken to Wood's Fort, near Milford Presbyterian Church, on Beaver Dam Creek. Mr. Dickson knew nothing of the murder of the elder Hamptons. He says he was always told that the ' old people were buried two or three miles further down the river.' This agrees with Mr. Smith's statement as to the graves. Some older people say this ' Hampton Branch Story ' is a new thing, of which they heard nothing until after Wade Hampton's election as Governor, in 1876. I am satisfied Mr. Smith has shown me the burial place. I believe that the murder was committed near the graves. No coffins were used. It is not likely bodies would be carried several miles. I have written curente cahinius. The information is reliable. Work it up to suit yourself. * * * I am so glad you are writing a history of the county. You are the very man for the work. I want a copy. Kind regards to Mrs. L. Yours truly, WM. S. MORRISON. Until the writer met Mr. Jas. K. Dickson in Greenville city, a few days prior to the reception of Mr. Morrison's letter, he had never heard of Wood's Fort*. It doubtless, like the others we have mentioned, had a history. There are many UttU filings, as they were, which was once con- sidered, were related by the early settlers of our country which have been lost in tradition, owino- to the unpar- donable indifference of the oenerations that followed to preserve and transmit them in the pages of history. ■•■■ In Johnson's Traditions (page 439) there are two forts mentioned as belonging to Spartanburg county, of which the writer can gather 90 COLONIAL AND KKVOLUTlONAUY HISTOIIY But to return to the Indian depredation of 1776, we would further state that about the time of the Hampton massacre just related, James Reed, of North Carolina, had just come into the Ty^'er settlement on business con- nected with their safety. " He was attacked," says Rev. R. H. Reid in the Spartanburg Express, 1854, "at the old ford on North Ty^er River, a short distance below ^noddy's Bridge. He was shot through the breast and thigh. He snatched the tomahawk out of the Indian's hand that had come up to scalp him. The Indian being disarmed, now fled." Reed escaped to Prince's Fort, which was again occupied by the terrified white people, where he renmined until his wounds were healed. The writer is also indebted to the writings of Mr. Reid for the account of the killing of Mr. John Miller. Mr, Miller, it appears, had just returned with his family, from Poole's Iron Works, and while crossing Middle Tyger at Buffalo Bridge, at or near what is now known as Barry's Bridge, he was shot down and very soon ex- pired. He had been, it is said, to the house of a neighbor and was returning with two other ])ersons, whose names were Orr and Leach. As soon as Miller fell, these men attempting to escape by running up the south side of the river. The Indians, w^ho were under the bridge, com- menced to fire upon them. Tlie}^ ran to a marsh, which further hindered their progress. Orr being the stronger little or no information concerning their history. One of these is Wood's Fort or Thomson's Station, and the other is Jamison's Fort on South Pacolet. Wood's Station stood near Beaver Dam Creek, be- tween Middle and South Tyger rivers, and not far from what is known as " Granny " McMakin's Bridge. It being near the Cherokee Indian boundary line, it was doubtless built by the early settlers against the encroachments of the Indians. Fort Jamison, according to our best information, stood near the Blackstock Road, in the John Rudisil plantation (now Crawford Earle's place) on the south side of South Pacolet. It is stated in Johnson's Traditions that this fort was once commanded by a Captain Mcjunkin, of Colonel Thomas' regiment, who afterwards served, for a time, at Woods' Fort or Thomas' Station. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 91 of the two, jumped over, while Leach fell in and l.yin^- quiet, the Indians thought him dead. They continued to pursue Oil', whom they killed and scalped, and after they had passed, Leach made y request of the South Carolina delegation in Con- gress, Major General Lincoln was ordered to take charge of the defenses of South Carolina. He was second in com- mand when General Burgoyne surrendered his army to General Gates at Saratoga. Bringing with him a great reputation, he assumed command of the Southern depart- ment and preserved, for some fifteen months, the reputa- tion of the State. In his department he had officers of reputation, such as Generals Moultrie, Williamson, Rut- ledge and Count Pulaski. At the close of the campaign in L779, after several encounters, of which time and space will prevent any particular mention, * no decisive advan- * One of the engagements deserving of special notice as occurring about this time is mentioned in an article to theCarolina Spartan, May 23 1894, called " The Battle of the Canebrakes," from the pen of Col. Thomas J. Moore, Moore, S. C, in which Mr. David Anderson (father of the late Tyger Jim Anderson) figured prominently. Says Colonel Moore in his article : " It seems after the fall of Savannah, to encour- age the Loyalists and to awe the Republicans in that quarter, Colonel Campbell was ordered by General Prevost, to advance upon Augusta with two thousand regulars and Loyalists. He sent emissaries among the South Carolina Tories, saying, that if they would cross the Savan- nah and join him at Augusta, the republicans might be crushed and the whole South freed from their pestilential influence. This encour- aged about eight hundred Tories of North and South Carolina, who collected on the west side of Broad River, under Colonel Boyd, and marched along the frontier of South Carolina towards the Savannah. They must have marched through or near this .section. At this time the regions below and above Augusta were completely at the mercy of 102 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY tage had been gained on either side. The French fleet under the comraand of Count D'Estang liad co-operated with Liucohi in the .seige against Savannah and but for the delay of one day, in which the British garrison was allowed to consider a demand to surrender, subsequent affairs might have been different. A.s it was, the seige was a failure. Count D'Estang had announced his inten- tion of remaining only fifteen days on shore. The seige w-as raised after an unsuccessful assault against the bat- teries of the enemy. D'Estang re-embarked his troops, artillery and baggage, and left the continent. The militia of General Lincoln dis])ersed and went to their homes, while he, with the rest of his army, marched to Charlestown. By a series of engagements and disasters during the year 1780, at Monk's Corner and other places, he found himself at last within the confines of the City of Charlestown, confronted by a superior and overpowering army and fleet under the command of General Clinton. For three long months he was beseiged. Failing to ex- tricate himself or to rec3eive reinforcements in due time, he was at last compelled to capitulate. May 12th, 1780. the enemy. The Whigs who could leave their families crossed over to the Carolina side. Colonel Dooly, Colonel Pickens and others were active on the Georgia side in organizing forces to repel the British. Colonel Fickens, who was beseiging a fort on the Georgia side, abandoned the effort upon learning of the approach of Colonel Boyd and his eight hundred Loyalists from South Carolina. He crossed with his force the Savannah into Carolina, in Abbeville county, near Fort Charlotte, when Colonel Boyd hastened toward the Cherokee Ford on the Savannah. At the ford was a garrison of eight men with two swivels, who successfully disputed the passage of Colonel Boyd. He marched five miles up the river and crossed on rafts. He was pursued by a detachment of Americans under Captain Anderson, who attacked him in a cane brake. A severe fight ensued. Colonel Boyd lost one hundred men — killed, wounded and missing. The American party lost sixteen men, killed, and the same number of prisoners. This occurred in February, 1779. Colonel Boyd hastened forward after this defeat by Captain Anderson, but was closely pursued by Colonel Pickens, who had crossed the Savannah lower down, b§- OF UPPER SOUTH CAUOLINA. 103 His army of Continental troops numbered less than two thousand. The number surrendered amounted to about five thousand, which, besides the Continental troops, in- cluded about five hundred sick in hospitals and about five hundred who were citizens of the town and sailors, who had been taken from the shippin<>; and placed in the batteries. These events have been, in outline, briefly mentioned to show that this was a t>loomy hour for South Carolina. The British believed that the colony was thoroughly cou- qnered. Subsequent events proved that they had only con(iuered the territory and not the people. Soon after the surrender of Lincoln, Sir Henry Clinton departed from Charlestown, leaving Lord Cornwallis in charge of the Southern department. Cornwallis determined to follow up the success already attained and to press the conquest into the neighboring province of North Carolina. To accomplish this end, three expeditions were formed. The first was toward the river, Savannah, in Georgia. The second was placed under the command of Colonel Tai-le- ton, who was ordered to scour the country between the Cooper and Santee rivers. In this expedition, Tarleton tween him and Augusta, to the Georgia side with about three hundred militia, marching in battle order. Colonel Dooly commanded the right wing, Lieutenant Colonel Clarke the left, and Colonel Pickens the center. Colonel Boyd, ignorant of the proximity of his opposers, halted on the banks of Kettle Creek and commenced to slaughter cattle for his army, and turned his horses out to graze in a neighbor- ing swamp. In this condition he was attacked. His pickets fired and fled to the camp. The utmost confusion prevailed and Colonel Boyd commenced to retreat, skirmishing with his assailants. The contest lasted about two hours. About seventy of the Tories were killed and seventy-five made prisoners. The Americans lost nine killed and twenty-three wounded. Colonel Boyd was severely wounded and ex- pired that night. His whole force was scattered to the winds. The seventy-five prisoners were carried to South Corolina, tried for high treason and condemned to death. Five of the most active men were hanged, the balance were pardoned. This was one of the severest blows Toryism had yet received in South Carolina. 104 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY encountered a body of Whi|>;s, who had been marching to the succor of General Lincoln, but who were now retreat- ino- b}' forced marches. He fell upon them and the car- nage was dreadful. He butchered many who offered to surrender. This horrible massacre gave a bloody turn to the war. The Americans remembered this engagement with horror, and from that time it became a proverbial mode of expressing the cruelties of a barbarous enemy to call them Tarleton^s Quarter. The third expedition was that of Colonel Ferguson to the District of Ninety-Six, already referred to. All of these expeditions were, for a time, successful, and many of the inhabitants flocked from all parts to meet the Royal troops, expressing a desire to return to their ancient allegiance and offering to enlist to defend the Royal standard. A proclamation had been issued soon after the surrender of Lincoln at Charlestown, by General Clinton, offering a full and abso- lute pardon to those who would immediately return to their duty, promising that no offenses or transgressions heretofore committed in conse(|uence of political troubles, should be investigated. Many of those who had hereto- fore been faithful and active leaders in the patriot cause, now took Royal protection and availed themselves of the proclamation, among whom we would mention the names of Gen. Andrew Williamson, Gen. Isaac Huger, Colonels Andrew Pickens, John Thomas and Isaac Hayne. Others, however, preferred to brave the popular tide and remain in open partisan war-fare, among whom were Francis Marion, Thomas Sumter, the Hamptons, Williams and others. Ferguson was dispatched to the up-country on the 18th day of May, 1780. His command consisted of from one. hundred and fifty to two hundred men of the provincial corps. His route to the up-country was via Nelson's Ferry, Beaver Creek, Congaree Store, crossing Saluda above the mouth of Broad River, thence to Little River and Ninet3^-Six Court House, where he arrived on the 26th of June. His orders were to apprehend all prominent 0^ UPPER SOUTH CAI?01;INA. l06 Whites on the way, and to have a watchcare over the entire district, Fer^-uson's march to Ninetj-Six alarmed the patriots of the up-country for their o-eneral safety, bein^- now too weak to offer a general resistance, but we have accounts of small gatherinos here and there. In the sketch of Mrs. Jane Thomas in Mrs. Ellet's " VVomen of the Revolution," Vol. i., we are informed that by a preconcerted arrange- ment between Colonels John Thomas, Giles and Brandon (the two latter from the Union County section) the scat- tered patriots of the country were to be brought together for resistance. Each of these officers were to have desig- nated points for recruiting. That of Colonel Thomas was atCedar Spring, as we will see later. The Tories, however, flocking to Colonel Ferguson's camp, kept him posted as to the whereabouts of the Whig encampments. Ferguson sent a detachment to Brandon's camp. The latter was not prepared for resistance, and the attack being unex- pected, he and his command were put to flight. Ferguson, after remaining a fortnight at Ninety-Six, resumed his march. Advancing only about sixteen miles, he selected a good location on Little River, where he erected field works, and then with the most of his pro- vincials, advanced to the plantation of Col. James Wil- liams, in the Fair Forest region. Here the British and Tories maintained a post for sometime. This was most of the time under the command of General Cunningham. This was indeed a dark hour for South Carolina, whose condition was generally regarded as hopeless. The territory was now completely under the control of Royal authoi'ity, with the British troops scattered all ever the State. The people felt that there [was no other alterna- tive but absolute submission. Both Georgia and South Carolina were considered as conquered provinces, and so predominant was the idea, that Mr. Madison introduced resolutions in the Continental Congress to treat with 106 COLONIAL AND RK VOLUTION ARY HISTORY Great Britain by surrenderiuji; these two States as con- quered provinces. * An address was prepared by several hundred citizens of Charlestown and presented to Lord Cornwallis, cono;ratu- lating- him on the conquest of the State. It was durino; this period that many of the Whigs, together with many of the prominent leaders to whom we have referred, took British protection by reason of the duties and responsi- bilities that confronted them. The Tories who espoused the Ro.yal cause, were men of no moral or political prin- ciple, their greatest ambition being plunder and robbery. The unfortunate condition of affairs encouraged them to commit the most atrocious acts all over the country. Many who had hitherto feigned a devotion to the cause of Liberty now pressed fro.ii every quarter to ingratiate themselves in favor of the victors and to offer their services to the Royal government. Not content with going themselves, they dragged in their train, in some instances, the friends of Liberty, whom they had lately obeyed with such parade and zeal and whom they now denominated as their oppressors. Ferguson, upon his arrival to the up-country, issued a proclamation, in which he said: -'We came not to make war upon women and children, but to relieve their distress." The Tories flocked by the hundreds to his camp, inspired by such leaders as the Cunninghams, P^letchall, Paris, David Fanning and others. Many of these were thoroughly disciplined. Indeed it is said that Ferguson possessed a talent and qualification in this direction. Being a man of magnetism and large experience, he had unlimited in- fluence over his men. But while, as we have hinted, Ferguson exercised a com- manding influence over certain sections in South Carolina, and especially in the lower and central portions of the district of Ninety-Six, we have unmistakable evidence on * See sketch of Benj. Roebuck by Gevernor Perry — " Etniuent Men and Statesmen." OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. l07 record, that the settlements in the extreme up-country did not take to him. We have already shown the spirit of patriotism that prevailed in the upper 'or Spartan Cono;ressional district when Mr. Drayton and Mr. Ten- nant visited that section in 1775. The people of this section were still disposed to maintain a stubborn resist- ance to Royal authority. Says Ramsay (pa}2:e 216): "Op- position to British Government was not wholly confined to the parties commanded by Marion and Sumter. It was at no time altogether extinct in the extremities of the State." Further, it is stated that Colonel Ferguson had under- taken to personally visit those disaffected to the Royal authority, thus showing that there was still eA'isting in the up-countr^^ an element true to the cause of Liberty, to whom his mission was especially directed. Atnong those who were associated with Major Ferguson in the up-country was Major Hanger. He was ordered to repair "to the interior settlements," says Draper, "and jointly or separately to organize, muster and reg- ulate, all volunteer corps and inspect the quantity of grain and number of cattle, etc., belonging to the inhabi- tants, and report to Cornwallis." He was alsc ordered to administer oaths of fealty, and to thoroughly drill the young men fitted for recruits for Cornwallis' diminished forces. Nor were these the only powers vested in Ferguson and Hanger. Believing the province of South Carolina sub- jugated, beyond any question of doubt, and all Royal authority having for several years been superseded by the newly created government of the province, these officers had superadded to their military authority, civil powers, and among other things, the right to perform the marriage ceremony. Major Hanger did not remain with Ferguson very long. While he found many that were loyal to his standard, he met with many rebuffs and uncivil receptions on the part of many of the ladies of the up-country. To gratify a 108 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY spiteful revenge, he published what he iuteiided as a slur upon their sex. "In the back parts of Carolina," says the Major, "you may search for an angel with as much chance of finding ono as a parson. There is no such a thing — I mean when I was there." But it is said that " the darkest hour is sometiuie just before daylight." While it was admitted that the territory, as we have said of South Carolina, was completely subjugated to British authority, and the people were at first disposed to subtnit to the powers that be, their minds were quickly changed by unlooked-for circumstances. This was especially the case in the extreme upper portion of the State, where we have hinted that the Whig settle- ments were more numerous. The principal cause for this revulsion of sentiment was a proclamation which was issued, by which British commanders absolved prisoners from their parole and restored them to the con- dition of British subjects in order to compel them to join the British army. This raised the mettle in the bosom of the (Carolinians. General discontent prevailed everywhere. Most of the people, since they had lost what they believed to be the cause of Liberty, desired to remain at least in tranquility at their homes, thus conforming themselves to the circumstances and submitting to a necessity. If this repose had been granted them, they would, in all proba- bility, have remained quiet, and perhaps little by little would have accustomed themselves to the new order of things, and to some extent, would have forgotten the past. But this proclamation rekindled their rage and they cried with one voice, " If we must resume arms, let us rather fight for America and our friends than for England and strangers." They meant what they said and carried the same into execution. Being released from their parole, they considered themselves at liberty to go where they pleased. Thpy determined to venture all to serve their cause and many by unfrequented and circuituous routes made their way into North Carolina to Join the American standard. Of course the greater part ^^^^ V ~1' i^ f< T H \ ■' ""V - - ■ ~ ^ / A/ / CHESTER ^H HANSiMG r- r^, ROCK Map Show/ ng locAtio-n o^ BATTLE FIELDS i-n upper SOUT R CAfiOLINA Axi± other pomts o^ ^Jsto>-lca/ /Titerest. BATTLE FIELDS. F OTHER PLACES i>ya + Staee Lirte. Cou7^^/ L' ne. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 109 of the people remained at home determinin*^ to protect their property until ordered by the British authority to take the field. Perhaps this resolution appeared as an ex- pediencj^ They were in dread of persecution by the English and a false report was then beinj>' industriously circulated that Congress had come to the determination to uo longer dispute with the English about the Southern provinces. During- all the while that Ferguson was recruiting and preparing to retain complete and absolute control of the affairs of upper Carolina., both civil and military, the gallant spirits of Marion, Sumter, Roebuck and others who defied Royal authority, had been all the while at work to arouse the Whigs to continued action and resistance. Their commands, which had been reduced to mere handsful of patriots, began to swell and soon they had respectable and well organized commands. The hopes of the people began to revive, and in small bodies they began to rendezvous and arm themselves for resistance. In the up-country among recruiting camps established were Earle's Ford and Cedar Spring. The brave and devoted partisans were soon in a better shape for resisting the British and Tory invasion. Before the closing of the same 3'ear, 1780, the following battles were fought and victories won, viz: Cedar Spring, Thickety Fort, Wofford's Iron Works, Earle's Ford, Musgrove's Mill, Blackstocks' Ford and King's Mountain, and in January of the following year, Cowpens. All of these, except King's Mountain, which is less than fifty miles from Musgrove's, was fought within the bor- ders of the old Spartan district. The writer, in this narrative, proposes to treat of each of these sep- arately, and to give to them their importance and the place they justly deserve to occupy in history, and to prove that these battles and victories, insignificant as they may appear at the present day as compared with some of the modern battles, went very far during the stormy period of the Revolution, towards deciding th© destiny of the great American Republic. 110 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY CHAPTER XV. FIRST BATTLE OF CEDAR SPRINGS.— GENERAL UPRISING OF THE WHIGS.— CONTINUED MARAUDING, PILLAG- ING, &c., BY FERGUSON AND HIS MEN. THE general uprisiiif^ of the people in upper Hoiith Car- olina, durino- the summer and fall of 1780 set Fer- guson and his compeers, the Cunninghams, Fletchall, Robinson and Paris, to work to counteract the prominent patroit leaders. Among the latter class was Col. John Thomas, Sr., of the Fair Forest settlement, whom we have already introduced to our readers as among the first in the up-country at the breaking out of the Revo- lution to arouse the liberty-loving people to a sense of their duty. It will be remembered that John Thomas, Sr., was the organizer and first colonel of the old Spartan Regiment, which participated in the famous "snow cam- paign" five years before this period, and also in " William- son's campaign against the Cherokees in 1776." After the fall of Charlestown, Colonel Thomas took British pro- tection, but by reason of the proclamation already referred to as emenating from the British authorities, he was again in open hostility to the further progress of that authority. Although now quite an old man, he was arrested and hurried off with other prisoners to Ninety- Six. He was soon followed to this place by his devoted wife, who went to administer such comforts as was in her power to bestow, and for this purpose she rode nearly sixty miles. While at Ninety-Six she overheard a conver- sation between some Tory women to the effect that " the Loyalists intend tomorrow night to surprise the rebel camp at Cedar Spring." Her son, Col. John Thomas, Jr., who had succeeded his father to the command of the Spar- tan (called by Draper the Fair Forest) regiment, was ei\- OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. Ill camped at that place with about sixty men. Other friends and neif^hborsof Mrs. Thomas were there also. This brave heroine, knovvint^ that there was no time to be lost, started early on horseback the next morning, and after a fatio-uing ride, reached Cedar Spring iu time to give to Colonel Tiiomas and his men warning of the impending danger. This was on the 13th day of July. Colonel Thomas, on receiving this information from his mother of the intended British attack, lost no time in making preparations to meet the same. After a brief consultation it was decided to retire a short distance to the rear of his camp fires and await the arrival of the British force. Among those who belonged to Major Thomas' command at this place was Major McJunkin, of whom mention will be made later. During the night, as anticipated, the British and Tories, about one hun- dred and fifty strong, came. They expected to find the rebels, as they called them, asleep— but to their utter astonishment they found them wide awake. They experi- enced a warm reception with a volley of balls from Colo- nel Thomas' men. The engagement was short, quick and decisive. The enemy soon retreated, leaving several of their dead on the battle field. Among the latter was a Tory, named John White, well known to Major McJunkin. This man White, it is said, in the early struggles with the Indians, refused to fight for his country, claiming as he did to be a non-combatant. The importance of this lit- tle engagement, which is known in history as the first battle of Cedar Spring, cannot be over estimated, as it was the first show of resistance to the overpowering influence and strength of Ferguson in the up-country. The precise spot where it took place is not known, but is supposed to be on the rising ground a short distance north of Cedar Spring. It was here that Prof. N. F. Walker unearthed an old gun barrel, supposed to have been used in Revolutionary times. It was fortunate that this was a night affair, as it gave the enemy no opportunity of judoing of the strength 112 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY of Thomas' forces. It "ave new life and courage to the whigs, who continued to rally to the American standards. Some came fi'om other States, among whom was Col. EHjah Clarke, of Georgia, recorded in history by Ramsay as the first settler of the present territory of Spartanburg County. When Georgia was overrun by the British it became unsafe for him and other Whigs to remain there. He and his little band determined to cross the border line where they knew they would find other Whigs who would operate with them in making a stand against a common enemy. Others from that State had already gone and connected themselves with the com- mand of Col. Joseph McDowell in North Carolina. Ferguson, in the meanwhile, was moving along wii;h renewed enei-gies to counteract the general uprising of the Whigs all around him. He was sending detachments in every direction and himself marched into Union District, with a force of about fifteen hundred men, and encamped on the south side of Tyger River, about a half mile below Blackstock's Ford. Here he was observed by a cripple spy, whose name was Joseph Kerr, who immediately reported to Colonel McDowell the extent of his observa- tions. This man Kerr was a noted spy during the Revo- lution. His Ms. personal statements appear in Hunter's Sketches of Western North (yarolina.* From Blackstock's Ford, Ferguson passed into a settlement called "Quaker Meadows," or "Meadow Woods," and from thence xo Sugar Creek, a southern tributary of Fair Forest, where the Whigs were numerous. After camping awhile at this place and at Fair Forest Shoal and other places, he fin- ally located for three weeks at the Dr. John Win- smith place, two miles south of Glenn Springs, now the home of Mr. Elias Smith. During all this time the Tories were scouring the countr^^ plundering and robbing the people of cattle, hogs, horses, beds, wearing apparel, ^'See Draper's " King's Mountain," page 224. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 113 bee f^iims, orain, vegetables, and everything imaginable, even to finger rings which they took from the ladies. This only tended to strengthen the American cause. The American ofH(;ers were either paying for the supplies in the currency of the country, or else they were giving proper vouchers, while E^erguson supported his army by pillage. He turned his horses loose in fields of grain that happened to be most convenient. He continued the work of apprehending the Whigs, not even excepting those that had taken British protection. These he hurried to a dirty and loathsome prison at Ninety-Six, where they remained for some time, incarcerated and well-nigh dying for want of sustenance. Nor could anything else be expected of Ferguson with his surroundings. Says Irving, '• Fer- guson had a loyal hatred to the Whigs, and to his stand- ard flocked many rancorous Tories besides outlaws and desperadoes, so that with all his conciliating intentions his progress through the country was attended with many exasperating excesses." Says the Hon. Lyman C. Draper in his "King's Mountain and its Heroes" of Fer- guson and his men, "The desperate, the idle, the vindic- tive who sought plunder or revenge, as well as the youth- ful Loyalists whose zeal or ambition prompted them to take up arms, all found a warm reception in the British camp; and their progress through the country was marked with blood and lighted with conflagration." Says the same writer further, "The Tories were soon as heartily despised by the British officers as by their own country- men — the Whigs. But Ferguson was not the man to be diverted from his purpose by any acts of treachery or inhumanity. He knew that the "defender of the faith " generally gave much more cash and more honors for a single year of devoted service in military enterprises than for a lifetime spent in such pursuits as exalt and ennoble human nature." 114 COLONIAL AND KEVOLATIONARY HISTORY CHAPTER XVI THE BRITISH OUTPOSTS IN SUMMER, 1780.— CONCENTRA- TION OF WHIG FORCES AT EARLE'S FORD AND CEDAR SPRING.— RETREAT OF COLONEL JONES FROM GEORGIA.— NIGHT ATTACK ON SMALL BODY OF TORIES AT GO WEN'S FORT. DURING the summer of 1780 two of the most import- ant British outposts in our up-country were Prince's and Thickety Forts. The construction and location of the former (Prince's Fort) has been described in a former chapter of this work. It was at this time garrisoned by Tories and Loyalists, under the command of Colonel Innes, who was in command of a regiment called by some writers the " Queen's Rangers," by others the " Queen's American Regiment." Prominent among the officers of this regi- ment was Major Dunlap, whose character and whose career as a soldier will claim further attention. Also among the officers of the garrison was Col. Ambrose Mills, who commanded the Loyalists at this place. Thickety Fort was in command of Col. Patrick Moore. Between the forts and other points that were garrisoned, the Brit- ish were constantly plying, committing their acts of pillage and marauding. In striking distance of these forts (Prince and Thickety) were two places. Cedar Spring and Cherokee Ford, the former already mentioned, where the Whigs were concentrating for defence. The command of the troops at Cherokee Ford was under Col. Charles Mc- Dowell, "who," says Draper, "was then embodying a force on the south-western borders of the North Province." The retreat of Col. Elijah Clarke, already referred to, from Georgia to South ('arolina was preceded by a small command under Col. John Jones, of Burke County. OP UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 115 Clarke and his associates bad decided before startiiip; for South Carolina, to scatter for a few days to visit their families, and then re-unite and take up the line of march. On the 11th of July one hundred and forty well-mounted and well-armed men met at the appointed place of ren- de;cvous, and after a quiet crossin^^ at a private ford on the Savannah at night, they learned that the British and Loyalists were in force in front of them. They considered it hazardous to continue their retreat further on account of the smallness of their numbers. As they were only an independent body of volunteers they could not be forced against their inclinations. Colonel Clarke was induced to return to Georoia and allow his men to disperse for awhile. This retrograde movement, however, was op- posed by Colonel Jones, who proposed that if the men would follow him he would caT'ry them through the woods to North Carolina, where the patriots were rally- ing for defence. Thirty-five men volunteered to go with him. He was chosen as leader, while John Freeman was chosen second in command. Among this party was a South Carolinian by the name of Benjamin Lawrence, who was a superior woodsman and well acquainted with the country. He rendered a valuable service as guide on this retreat. The only account we find of Colonel Jones' retreat from Georgia is in Draper's " King Mountain and its Heroes," and in Schenck's " North Carolina." In order to point out what appears to be some inaccuracies, the writer will quote from the pen of that eminent historian, Draper. Re- ferring to the route by which Colonel Jones and his party traveled, he said : " Passing through a disaffected region they adroitly palmed themselves off as a Loyalist party, engaged in the King's service, and under this guise, they were in several instances furnished with pilots and directed on their route. " When they had passed the head waters of the Saluda, in the northeastern part of the present County of Greenville, one of the guides informed them that a party of rebels 116 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONAliY HISTORY had, the preceding night, attacked sonje Loyalists a short distance in front and defeated them, doubless the British repulse at Cedar Spring, as ah'eady related and which occurred some twenty-five miles away. Jones expressed a wish to be conducted to the camp of these unfortunate Loyalist friends that he might aid them in taking revenge on those who had shed the blood of the King's faithful subjects. About 11 o'clock on that night, July 18th, Jones and his little party were conducted to the loyalist camp, where some forty men were collected to pursue the Americans who had retreated to the North. Choosing twenty-two of his followers and leaving the baggage and horses in charge of the others. Colonel Jones resolved to surprise the Tory camp. Approaching the enemy with guns, swords and belt pistols, they found them in a state of self-security and generally asleep. Closing quickly around them they fired upon the camp, killing one and wounding three, when twenty-two, including the wounded, called for quarter and surrendered. Destroying the use- less guns and selecting the best horses, the Loyalists were paroled as prisoners of war, when the pilot, who did not discover the real character of the nien he was conducting until too late to have even attempted to prevent the con- secpiences, was now required to guide the Americans to Earle's Ford, on North Pacolet Eiver, where a junction was formed the next day with Colonel iMcDowell's forces." Draper says that Colonel Jones in this retreat crossed the head waters of the Saluda. This is a mistake. To have crossed the head streams of this river would have brought him across the Saluda Mountain, in the vicinity of the present town of Saluda, N. C, on the Asheville and Spartanburg railroad. Besides, the different prongs of the Saluda are in the northwestern and not in the north- eastern portion of Greenville County. Draper, doubtless, when he referred to the Saluda, meant the Tyger River. Tne present road from Tygerville to Gowensville, in Green- ville County, passes the head waters of Tyger. There is a church on the way called " Head of Tyger." It is doubt- OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. ll? ful whether Colonel Jones passed through any white set- tlements until he reached the District of Ninety-Six, now Spartanburo' County. The country' between this and the Savannah River had been obtained by ti-eaty from the Cherokees only four years before. The Indians were still occupyino- a large portion of it, and it is not likely that it was settled so early. Draper fails to locate the place where Colonel Jones made this night attack on the Loyalists' camp, but the writer has good reason to believe that it was at Gowen's Old Fort, on the old Blackstock Road, near South Pacolet River. We have shown that other forts built in early times as a defence against the Indians were at this time occupied by the liritish and Tory forces, and it is reason- able to suppose that the same may have been the case as to this fort. It was on the line of way between the Savannah and Earle's Ford. Draper says that when Jones attacked the camp of Loyalists he found them " in a state o f self- security and generally asleep," thus implying that they might have been protected by some fortress or enclosure. He further says that Cedar Spring was some twenty or thirty miles from this place. This would make it ihe more probable that it might have been at Gowen's Fort, as the distance from the latter place to Cedar Spring is about twenty-five miles. 118 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY CHAPTER XVII BATTLE OF EARLE'S FORD, ON NORTH PACOLET. FROM researches into our local history, we find but a meager account of the little etigao-ement at Earle's Ford, which, like the affair at Cedar Spring, occurred in the night time. It seems to have been overlooked by all the writers of Revolutionary events in our State, and but for the careful researches of that eminent historian, Lymau C. Draper, who has, to a great extent, reproduced our his- tory during the last 3^ears of the Revolution, much that is now known and understood of this battle would have faded away forever, ever in tradition. During the year 1867, the writer had for the first time, the pleasure of meeting the Venerable William Princeon North Pacolet, who died in 1878, at the advanced age of ninety- five years. Mr. Prince was a son-in-law of Col. John Earle, a soldier of the Revolution, of whom we shall speak later. He was well posted in all the local and tradition- ary events of his neighborhood. In answer to some in- terrogations by the writer, he said: ''There was a fight down close to your house," and stated further, that some of the Hamptons were killed and bui-iedin a burial ground on a wooded hill near bj', where there are still occasional burials. This is all that the writer can recollect of the conversation with Mr. Prince about this engagement. A few years later when his attention was called to an article in the press giving an account of the murder and burial of the Hamptons, near the Greenville County' line (the par- ticulars of which are already given) he had come to the conclusion, until he had the pleasure of reading Draper's "Kings Mountain and Its Heroes," that Mr. Prince was mistaken. We merely mention this to show that outside of Mr. Draper's work, a tradition has been handed to us by an OP UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 119 a^ed citizen which leaves no doubt as to the certainty and place of this battle. The writer has recently made an effort to o;ather up the traditionary information concern- ing the battle of Earle's Ford, the most reliable of which is embraced in the following letter from Mr. O. P. Earle* grandson of Baylis Earle, whose residence was near the ford and battle ground : Earlesville, S. C, July 4th, 1891. Doctor Landrum : I do not know just where the battle of Earle's Ford was fought, but have understood that the Tories came from the direction of Prince's Fort, and crossed Pacolet north of grandfather's house, which stood very near my old stable, and after crossing the river turned to the right and attacked the Whigs on the ridge east of where the Gibbs family now live. Those who were killed in this skirmish were buried near by. I suppose all the Whigs were buried there. The neighbors came to 'grandfather's house on some occasion for protection, though Earle's Fort was at Colonel John Earle's, where W. Iv. Prince now lives. After the fight was over, the Tories came back to graddfather's house, the Whigs in pursuit, and went in the direction of Prince's Fort again. Yours, &c., O. P. EARLE. It will be presently shown that this traditionary ac- count of Mr. Earle of the fight corresponds very much, as far as it goes, with Draper's account, and also with the statement of Mr. Prince as to the place where the fight occurred, and as to the killed, who were buned near by. In a former chapter we have described the location and previous history of Prince's Fort, referred to in Mr. Earle's letter. The old site is near the Blackstock Road, about three-fourths of a mile below Mount Zion Church, and near Gray's Creek, one of the prongs of North Tyger River. Its location is about twenty miles from Earle's Ford. It was, as previously stated, in 1780 occupied by a British and Tory force under the command of Colonel Jones. McDowell's camp was on rising ground on the eastern side of North Pacolet River, which runs here in a south- eastern direction. In order that the reader, may better *Now deceased. '1'20 COLONIAL AND tlEVoLUTIONARY HtSTORY understand the precise location of this camp, we will state that it was on the former plantation, and near the resi- dence of the late Rev. John G. Landrum, who resided on North Pacolet for several years after the late war. It is now the property of his daughter, Mrs. K. E. Bomar. The homstead residence was burned down several years a^o, and another built on the same spot, which is now oc- cupied by the Gibbs family, referred to in Mr. Earle's let- ter. For two years the writer tramped over the o-pounds, the scenes of other days, entirely unconscious of the sacred and hallowed associations that clustered around it. This was what Mr. Prince meant when he said that "there was a fight down close to your house." Innes, unapprised of McDowell's approach on North Pacolet, and hearino of the audacious operations of Colo- nel Jones, detached Major Dunlap with seventy dragoons, and Col. Ambrose Mills with a party of Loyalists to go in pursuit and attack him. Dunlap with his command set out on their journey. Reaching the vicinity of Earle's Ford, on the west side of the stream, during the night, Dunlap supposed that he was confronted only by Jones' small command on the opposite side of the stream. He decided at once to attack it. When he had commenced to cross thestream, which was not very wide, the American sentinel fled and gave the alarm in camp of the enemy's ap- proach. The account in McCall's History of Georgia says that he fired his gun. This is denied, however, by James Thomson, one of McDowell's men, and is corroborated by the complaint of Colonel Hampton, that if the camp had been properly guarded it would not have been surprised. Dunlap as soon as he had crossed the river, dashed instantly with his dragoons and Tories with drawn swords into McDowell's men, while but few of them had been aroused out of their sleep. The Georgians were nearest to the ford and were the first attacked. They lost, two killed and six wounded ; among the latter was Colonel Jones, who received eight cuts on the head from the enemy's sabres. Freeman, with thf* remainder of the OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 121 Georji'ians, fled back about one hundred 3^ards, where he was joined by Major Sin<>letou who was forniino- his men behind a fence, while Colonels McDowell and Hampton were formino- the main body of their men to the liolit of Singleton. Being thus ralhed and formed the Americans were ordered to advance. Dunlap, discovering his mis- take as to numbers, made a hasty retreat across the river, which, Draper says, "was fordable in many places." This is unquestionably a mistake. The bottom lands here from one side to the other have a stretch of a mile at least. These must have been coveied at this time with a dense growth of cane and trees. The banks of the stream are precipitous and there are today but few ford- ings on the stream, and these, with the slightest flush from rains become dangerous and uncertain. It is very evident, therefore, that Dunlap with his command re- crossed the same ford over which he had just crossed to attack McDowell. This corresponds with Mr. Earle's statement, who says the Tories came back to his grand- father's, house which stood near his present residence on the west side of the stream, and on the road leading from the ford. It may have been that on account of the con- dition of the country along the river in front, below and above, tljat Colonel McDowell selected this place to make a stand to resist the threatened invasion of North Caro- lina by Ferguson, which took place a few months later. It will be remembered that he went as far as Gilberttown, near Rutherfordton. Besides the casualties sustained by the Georgians, six of McDowell's men were killed, and eighteen were wounded. Among the former was JSoah Hampton, a son of Col. Edward Hampton, and also a comrade of his whose name was Andrew Dunn. Young Hampton when aroused from his sleep was asked his name. He replied "Hampton." The very name enraged the Tories, who cursed him for a rebel and ran a bayonet through him. Young Dunn met with the same cruel treatment. The particulars of the killing of these young men have been furnished by Ms. communications of Adam, Jonathan 122 COLONIAL AMD REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY and James J. Hampton, j^randsons of Col. Edward Hampton. It is said that Colonel Hampton felt hard towards Colonel McDowell for not placing- videttes on the opposite side of the river to warn the cam]) of the enemy's approach. Colonel McDowell would doubtless have taken this precantioc, had it not been that he had sent his brother, Maj. Joseph McDowell, with a few men to scout the country in his front and ascertain where the Tories lay. Not leturning to camp at nightfall, he naturally concluded that everythino- was all right, that no part of the enemy's forces was near him. His men being tired and footsore he allowed them to take their repose. It aj)pears, however, that Major McDowell in returning lost his direction, and while wandering in the night the enemy passed liim unnoticed, to surprise and attack McDowell's camp. There is some discrepancy in history as to when this battle was fought. Draper and most of the writers of Revolutionary history, however, put it down on the night of the 15th of July, 1780. Allaire, a British otficer in his diary, however, appears to refer to it as having taken place on the night of the 14th. The reader can scarcely conceive the salutary effect of this temporary repulse of the British and Tory forces at Karle's Ford. This, together with the capture of Fort Thickety, which occurred only a short time afterwards, the affair at VVofford's iron works, and the success of Colonel Jones which we have already mentioned, had a ten- dency to revive the desponding hopes of the Whig people in the upper portion of South Carolina. These little suc- cesses, doubtless, counteracted in a large degree the de- pressing effects of Gates disastrous defeat near Camden, and other reverses which the American arms were sustaining. Draper says that McDowell's camp near Earle's Ford, was "on the eastern side of North Pacolet, in the present County of Polk, North Carolina, near the South Carolina hne." Judge David Schenck in his "North CaroUna," O' OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 123 recent work which he has published, bein<>' a history of the invasion of the Carolinians by the British army under Lord Cornwallis, 1780-1, notices this engagement between McDowell's and Mills' forces and says the junc- tion formed between Jones' and McDowell's forces was "at Earle's Ford, on the Pacolet, in what is now Polk County." It will be seen that both of these eminent gentleman place this revolutionary spot in North Carolina, This is unquestionably a mistake, according to the location of the present Stnte line, though, it may have at one time been on the North Carolina side. Draper, in his "King's Mountain," (page 16), presents a map of localities in rev- olutionary times in the western portion of North and South Carolina. On this map the residence of Baylis Earle (homestead residence of 0. P. Earle, deceased), is placed in North Cai'olina, which is half a mile south of the present State line, which at that point runs due east and west. According to Draper's map the line between the States at this point is northeast and southwest. The same was corrected in 1815, (see Sim's history of South Carolina, page 328, appendix) on the part ot commissioners from North and South Carolina. This change placed the scene of the engagement at Earle's Ford, a few hundred yards south of the State line and within the limits of the pres- ent County of Spartanburg. 124 COLOMM. AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY CHAPTER XVIII. RETREAT OF DUNLAP AND HIS FORCES.- SKIRMISH AT FORT PRINCE. IT will be seen by reference to Mr. Earle'.s letter in the former chapter, that the Tories after the battle of Earle's Ford, returned to his grandfather's house and weut in the direction of Fort Prince. The old road from the old Bajlis Earle homestead (now O. P. Earle's or Earlesville) to Prince's Fort ran in Revohitionory times for several miles on the dividing ridga between the rivers — North and South Pacolet. It ran near the blue pond, which is near and in the rear of the residence of Mr. Hampton A.lverson, who lives at the Smith old field place. It continued to diverge to the right between the Alverson place and the Doctor Compton old place. The old I'oad bed can be distinctly traced to the present day. Contin- uing in its course, it crossed South Pacolet near (]omp- ton's bridge and then ran perhaps with or near the pres- ent ridge road by the town of Innmn, intersecting the old Blackstock Road at the Frank Bush place, near Shiloh Church. We have said before that the Blackstock lioad ran by Prince's Fort. It was doubtless over this road that Uunlap and Mills advanced to, and retreated from, Earle's Ford. It is very probable too, from circum- stances which we will presently show, that Dunlap and his forces remained in the vicinity of Baylis Earle's place until the morning after the battle. Draper's account coi*- roborates the traditionary account of Mi'. Earle. He says, "before sunrise the ensuing morning, fifty-two of the most astive men, including Freeman and fourteen of his party, mounted on the best horses in camp, were ordered to pursue the retreating enemy." Tiiis command was placed underCol. Edward Hampton. Had the forces of the OF UPPJOR SOUTH CAROLINA. 125 enemy retreated imiiipdiately after the fight, it would have been impossible for Colonel Hampton's command to have overtaken them. They must have stopped somewhere to rest. The acteount of Draper says that Colonel Hampton "after a rapid pursuit of two hours overtook the enemy fifteen miles away ; and makinf^ a sudden and unexpected attack, completely routed the enemy, killino- eight of them at the first fire." Some ten years ago the writer, who was engaged in pre- paring a series of articles for the county press, took it upon himself to visit the home of Mr. Isaac Pollard some tJiree miles south of the present village of Inman. Mr. Pollard passed away about three years ago (1889) at the advanced age of ninety years. He was was generally regarded by his neighbors as the best^ postedmau on the local traditions of the county. He was fond of convers- ing on these matters and i-epeating what had been told to him by the older people who had passed away. The purpose of the visit referred to was to interview him in reference to the traditions of this little running fight and the retreat of Dunlap's men to Fort Prince. Mr. Pullard had never seen nor heard of any published account of the affair, but what he said corresponded precisely with Draper's account, only that he had an impression that the enemy's forces were commanded by "Bloody Bill" Cunningham. He said that the enemy was first over- taken and attacked nearShiloh Church. This is five miles above the site of old Fort Prince, about fifteen miles from Earle's Ford. Mr. J*ollard said the fight with the enemy continued along the road until Fort Prince was reached. He said further that several men fell dead at different places on the road— one near the John Bush place, one on the roadside which ran through his plantation, and another at the Tiawrence place, near Mount Zion Church. He said that the man who was killed near the John Bush place lay for several da.ys by a large oak tree, which was standing only a few years ago, without being buried. The neighbors concluded at last they would dig a hole 126 CLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY and roll him in it, Mrs. Bishop, whose husband was killed by the Indians several years before and whose children had been stolen from her (the circumstances of which we have already given) happened to be passing by. Moved to sympathy by the unnatural and inhuman mode of burying, she took off her apron and spread it over the face of this unfortunate victim. Draper says that Dunlap, unable to rally his terrified men when attacked by Hampton's men, made a hasty and precipitate retreat to Fort Prince, during which sev- eral of his soldiers were killed, thus corroborating Mr. Pollard's statement. The pursuit of Colonel Hampton's forces was continued within three hundred yards of the fort, in which three hundred men were posted. Hampton did not pursue them any further. By two o'clock in the afternoon, he had returned to McDowell's camp, with thirtyfivegood horses, dragoon equipage and a considera- ble portion of the enemy's baggage, as trophies of the victory, and all this too, without the loss of a single man. Draper says this was a '' bold and successful adventure, worthy of the heroic leader and his intreped followers." Mr. Pollard said to the writer in hi.s conversation about this matter that it w^as a surprise to the neighborhood that the Tories in the fort, who were four or five times stronger than the attacking party, did not march out to meet the advancing Whigs. They were evidently struck with the same terror that Dunlap's forces were, who had been stampeded for five miles. By reference to Allaire's diary too, it is plain to be seen that they were deceived as to the number of Hampton's command. Under the date of July 15, i^the date of the battle of Earle's Ford) this officer, after referring to a dinner party at Colonel Fletchall's and a visit to his mill, says, "Returning to camp were informed that Captain Durdap had been obliged to retreat from Prince's Fort. Captain Dunlap made an attack upon the rebels,* drove them from their ^Referring to his attack on McDowell at Earle's Ford. OP UPPKR SOUTH CAROLINA. 127 p^round, took one prisoner, vvLo informed liitn that the rebels were four hundred strong. Upon this information Duulap thought' proper to retreat, as his number was only fourteen American volunteers and sixty militia. We lost two, killed, a sergeant and a private wounded, and one prisoner. The loss of the rebels is uncertain — reports are twenty to thirty killed. Upon this news arriving (Japtaiu DePeyster ordered the American volunteers and militia to get in motion to support Dunlap. Capt. Fred- erick DePeyster with one hundred militiamen, marched twelve miles to McElrain's Creek where they met Dunlap." From the information here contained in the entry of Allaire, there is a wide discrepancy in the British and American account of Dunlap's strength at Fort Prince, and also as to the casualties sustained by McDowell's men. It is very evident that Allaire made the entry in his diary merely upon rumors which had reached him. It is likel3% however, from the report of the prisoner which Allaire says Dunlap captured, who stated "that the rebels were four hundred strong," that Dunlap thought McDowell's whole command was upon him instead of the small detachment under Colonel Hampton. It is not sur- prising, therefore, that he beat a hasty retreat fi'om Fort Prince, leaving according to the traditionary account of Mr. Pollard, his dead along the road unburied. The fol- lowing is the entry of Allaire for Sunday, the IGth of August: "Dunlap with the men under his command marched down to Stephen White's plantation, where the American volunteers and militia lay." It will thus be seen that this daring expedition of Col. Edward Hampton drove back for a time the British and Tory forces, to the happy relief of the people of the sur- rounding country. In another place, we will give a sketch of the brave and patriotic officer, who, like others we will mention, has never received the place he rightly deserved to occupy by the writers of the Revolutionary history of our counti\y. 128 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY CHAPTER XIX vSFIELBY AND SEVIER UNITED WITH McDOWELL AT CHEROKEE FORD.— COLONEL CLARKE RETREATS FROM GEORGIA AND JOINS SUMTER'S COM- MAND.— CAPTURE OF THICKETY FORT. COLONEL McDowell remained encamped at Earle's Ford a few days and then changed to Cherokee Ford, on Broad River. Seeino; that Ferguson's movement to the northwestern portion South Carolina tlireatened North Carolina, he dispatched a messenoer with the alarmino- intelligence to Cols. John Sevier and Isaac Sevier, on Watonaa and Holston ; then in the western portion of North Carolina but now East Tennessee. He urged these noted leaders to come at once and bring to his aid all the riflemen that they could gather. In the meanwhile he continued to recruit his command with vol- unteers from the thinly populated settlements on the headwaters of the Catawba, the Broad and Bacolet Rivers. When the messenger reached Colonel Sevier he felt unable to leave the frontier exposed to the inroads of the Cherokees. He responded to the appeal, however, by sending Maj. Charles Robertson with a part of his com- mand. Colonel Shelby it appears was more remote than Colonel Sevier, but hastened to McDowell's relief as early as possible. He was a few days later than Sevier, but by the 25th of July arrived at McDowell's camp, near ('hero- kee Ford, with two hundred mounted riflemen. It will be remembered that the fact was stated in a former chapter that Colonel Jones left Colonel Clarke in Georgia. The latter did not remain very long after Jones left. While remaining in Georgia he and his com- rades had to secrete themselves in the woods and be fed by friends. When his command reassembled, however, its OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 129 numbers had increased. It was the desire of all that Colonel Clarke should lead them to North Carolina. The command set out at once, passino- alono; the eastern slope of the Blue Ridge Mountains. On the way Colonel Clarke was joined by the command of Capt. Joseph McCall, con- sisting- of about twenty men, and later he was joined by Jones' command near (Cherokee Ford, but for want of confidence in the activity of McDowell, he pushed on and joined Colonel Sumter on or near the Catawba. These different commands having come together under brave partisan leaders, it was impossible for military operations to remain still. The next event of importance after this union of their forces was the capture of Fort Thickety or Anderson, under the command of Capt. Pat- rick Moore, a noted Loyalist, who was boi'u within a few miles of the present town of Lincolnton, North Carolina. He was a son of another noted Loyalist of that region, and a brother of Lieutenant-Colonel John Moore of Colonel Hampton's North Carolina reginient of Loyalists, whose behavior at the battle of Ramsoar's Mill on the 20th of June, 1780, was such, that when, after the battle, he returned to Cornwallis' camp near Camden, he was threatened with court martial for disobedience of orders and was treated with disrespect by the British officers, which placed him in a disagreeable suspense.* It is said that Capt. Patrick Moore escaped from the slaughter of the battle of Ramsour's Mill, when his brothei' with a few men I'etired to Cornw-allis' camp. Among the Whigs there was a great anxiety to capture Moore, whose influence and mischief was damaging the American cause. Maj. Joseph Dickson, Capt. William Johnson and the veteran William Martin, who had served in the French and Indian wai"s, wer? sent with a party to capture him. On Lawson's fork, near Wofford's old iron works (now Glendale), the parties met and a skirmish ensued, in which Capts. Johnson and Moore had a per- ■See Wheeler's History of North Carolina, (Lincoln County), page 231. 130 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY sonal encounter. Moore was finally overpowered and captured. It was, however, a desperate contest, in which Johnson received several sword wounds in the head, and one on the thumb of his rioht hand. While conductino; his prisoner towards the Whig lines, a short distance away, he saw several British troops approaching him. He attempted to fire his loaded musket at them, but the blood from his bleeding thumb wet his priming. This misfortune on his part enabled his prisoner to escape, and perceiving his own danger, he fled to a thicket near by, thus eluding the grasp of his pursuers. Shortly after- wards he joined his command. It was soon after this time that Moore had command of Thickety Fort. This fort is situated near Goucher Creek, and about two and a half miles above the mouth of this water course which enters into Thickety Creek, being a western prong of said creek, and uniting with it a few miles above its junction, with Broad River.* It is reported to have been a strong fortress, built a few years before as a defense against the Cherokees, and was surrounded by strong breast timbers well fitted for a vig- orous and successful resistance. Draf)er states that among the spoils taken at King's Mountain was a frag- ment of a letter without date or signature, probably a dispatch from Ferguson to Cornwallis, in which this account is given of the construction of ''i'hickety Fort. " It had an upper line of loop holes and was surrounded by a strong abatis, with only a small wicket to enter by. It had been put in thorough repair at the request of the garrison, which consisted of the neighboring militia that had come to the fort, and was defended by eighty men, against two oi' three hundred banditti without cannon, and each man vAas of the opinion that it was impossible for the rebels to take it." "•■■In a recent conversation v ith Mr. Ed'ward (Ponipey Ned) Lipscom]>; he informed the writer that the old site of Thickety Fort was witlii^ a few steps of the residence of his son-iu-law, Mr. Ben Bonner. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 1*U It was fi'oui Thickety Fort that Moore and his Tory associates would sally forth to plunder VVhio; families in the surronudino- country. Women and children were often left without clothinj^, shoes, bread, meat and salt. We find in Mrs. Ellett's "Women of the Kevolution" some particulars recorded of their depredations. Says an author, " In the absence of Capt. Nathaniel Jeffries of that re«^ion, one of the plunderino- parties visited his house, appropriated such articles as they chose, built a fire on the floor, abused Mrs. Jeffries as the meanest of all rebels, and drove off the horses and cattle. On another occasion, the house of Samuel McJunkin, in Union disti-ict, a warm patriot, but too old for active military service, was visited by a party under Patrick Moore. They staid all night, and when about to depart, stripped the family of bed clothes and wearing apparel. A noted Tory, Bill Haynsworth, seized a bed quilt and placed it upon his horse, when McJunkin's sturdy daug-li- ter_Jane snatched it and a struggle ensued for the pos- session . The soldiers amused themselves by exclaiming, "Well done woman!" "Well done Bill!" For once, Moore's gallantry predominated over his love of plunder and he swore roundly if Jane could take the quilt from Haynsworth she should have it. Presently, in the fierce contest, Bill's feet catne in contact with some (iirty slime in the yard and slipped from under him, and he lay pros- trate and panting on the ground. Jane, quick as thought, placed one foot on his breast and wresting the quilt from his grasp, retired in triumph, while poor Bill sneaked off defeated and crestfallen. This brave woman was a sister of Major McJunkin." The same author states that the Tories visited the Irish settlement on Fair Forest and that Miss Nancy Jackson kicked a Tory down the ste})sas he was descending loaded with plunder. In Draper's "King's Mountain," the following story is related : Sam Brown, known as Plundering Sam, and another whose name was Butler, went to the house of 132 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY Josiali Culbertson, son-in-law of Col. John Thomas, in the Fair Forest region, where he mistreated Mrs. Cnlt>ertson. Her husband cominj^ home at night, was informed of Brown's insolence and unbecoming conduct. His temper was so aroused that he determined to capture or kill him and thus rid the country of a bad man. Selecting a man by the name of Charles Holloway, he started at once in pursuit. Earlv next morning they were joined by Wil- liam Neel, William Mcllhaney and one, Steadmau. It is stated that these determined men pursued Brown some ten miles, and as they were passing the house of Dr. Andrew Thomson on Tygei* River, they discovered in the stables the horses of Brown and Butler. Retracing their steps they concealed themselves near the stables. Very soon Brown and Butler appeared at the door, when Cul- bertson leveled his rifle on him and sent a ball into his body which killed him. Holloway, who was near him, fired a.t Butler but missed his aim and Butler made good his escape.* ■Col. T.J. Moore, of Moore, S. C, in a communication to the Caro- lina Spartan, April 7th, 1894, stated that he has investigated and found the scene of the murder of Sam Brown. Colonel Moore states that the house where Dr. Thomson lived is the present Pinson or " tin roofed" house, now occupied by Mr. Newton Bearden, a mile or two from Oats' Shoal going east, and on the road from Walnut Grove to Marches' Shoal bridge, in the direction of Woodruff. This old historic house is built of hewn logs, has two large rooms below, flight of stairs and two rooms above. Long years ago it was weatherboarded which preserved the logs. The same floor is in it now as was then. The planks are wide and notched down at every sleeper to make it level and true. There is a cellar in the middle of one room. The nails used were wrought ones. The hewn logs for the most part are in a good state of preservation. The old fire place is ten feet wide and ten feet thick between the rooms. It is further stated in Colonel Moore's article, that the blood of Brown is still on the door and floor near it, and that for a long time the hole of the bul- let that was shot at Butler and which struck the hoiise was seen, and that until the past few years the tree under which Culbertson and his friends were concealed was standing. Sam Brown's grave is about a mile from the place where he was killed, across a branch and near a shoal on the branch, and directly between the houses of Mrs. Trail and Belton Steadmau. Colonel Moore visited the grave, which was pointed out to him by Mr. George P. Moore and Mr. Steadmau, both of whom were familiar with the tradition of the killing of Sam Brown. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 133 Returning; to Moore we will say that the inroads of this noted character and his Tory associates, reach- in<»; the ears of Sumter, this officer directed Colonel Clarke and his Georgians to ^-ather together such per- sons in his camp as resided in that region and desired to aid in its protection against the outrages of the Tories. Among those who availed themselves of this privilege was Capt. William Smith* and his company. Arriving at Cherokee Ford, they met Colonel McDowell just as he was, with Colonels Shelby, Clarke, Andrew Hampton and Major Robinson, of Sevier's regiment, organizing a force of six hundred men to surprise and capture Thickety Fort not many miles away. They took up their line of march about sunset on the evening of the 25th of July, 1780, and surrounded the fort the next morning at da^^break. Colonel Shelby sent in Col. WiUiam Cocke (afterwards United States Senator from Tennessee), to make a peremptory demand for the surrender of the garrison. Moore replied that he would defend the place to the last extremity. Shelby then drew his lines within musket shot of the enemy all around and to avoid what appeared to be an unnecessary effusion of blood on both sides, made a second demand of Moore to surrender. Shelby's gallant "six hundred" presented such a formid- able array that Moore relented. He doubtless had in his mind the recent onslaught against the Tories at Ra.m- sour's Mill. He agreed to surrender the fort on condition that the garrison be paroled, not to serve again during the war unless exchanged ; which was agreed to very wil- lingly on the part of the Americans, as they did not care to be encumbered with prisoners. Moore surrendered ninety-three Loyalists and one Bi-it- ish Sergeant-Major, who had been sent to this place to drill and discipline them. Not a gun was fired. Among the trophies of the victory were two hundred standof ■■William Smith was afterwards one of the early judges for Spart.in- burg^Couut)', of whom further notice will be made. 134 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY arms, all loaded with ball and buckshot and so arrano'ed at the port holes that they could have resisted double their number had the besieged party been headed by a brave commander such as Ferg-uson or DePeyster. Moore was greatly censured by the British authorities in South Carolina for not defeudino- Thickety Fort. In the same fragment of letter already referred to in this chapter were these words: "The officer next in command and all the others gave their opinion for defending it, and agree in their account that Patrick Moore aftei' propos- ing a surrender, acquiesced in their opinion and offered to go and signify as much to the rebels, but returned with some rebel officers whom he put in possession of the gate and place, who were instantly followed by their men, to the surprise of the garrison. He plead cowardice I understand." Shelby and his men, loaded with the spoils of victory, returned at once to McDowell's can)p near Cherokee Ford. Wheeler, in his history of North Carolina, makes a slight mention of the capture of Thickety Fort, but does not give the date of its capture. The date we have given however, (26th day of July, 1780), is doubtless correct. According to Allaire's diary it took phice on the thirtieth of November, 1780, which is a mistake. OF UPPER SOUTH CAllOLINA. 135 CHAPTER XX. SECOND batti.f: of cedar spring or WOFFORD'S IRON WORKS. AFTER the capture of Thicket j Foi't, McDowell con- tinued to hold his position near Cherokee Ford, which was considered the most foi'midable that could be selected as a base for future operations. His forces num- bered about one thousand, includinj:,' Colonel Clarke's command, which it appears, had now shifted from Sum- ter's to his command. The command of Ferjiuson numbered about eij^hteen hundred. On account of this difference instren' position and guard a}»ainst surprise. Very soon after the Thickety expedition. Colonel Mc- Dowell detached Colonels Shelby, Clarke and William Graham, with their forces combined, amounting in all to about six hundred mounted men, to watch the move- ments of Ferguson's men, and whenever possible, to cut off and capture his foraging parties. The general plan, it seems, was a change of position by moving down Broad River some twenty-five miles to Brown's CreeU, in Union county, believing this to be a good position whence to watch the movements of the British and Tories. But before all the troops could be collected at this point, a superior force of the enemy forced them to retire some thirty or forty miles to the Fair Forest settlement, within the present limits of Spartanburg county. They were solid and eager for the onset, which they knew was not far off and were now watching their opportunity to gain some decided advantage over their enemy, which they knew were in large numbers in that quarter. It was their policy to establish no permanent camp, but to keep moving about here and there. Ferguson, finding that he was confronted by these bold Rebels, made several inef- 13G COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY fectual efforts to surprise them. But, says Draper, " Our frontier heroes were too watchful to be caught nappino/' Having- no fixed camp, Clarke and Shelby were all the time on the alert. It was with difficulty that they could be located. It was not long before the hostile forces met, and their first meeting bi-ings us tc the consideration of the second engagement near Cedar Spring, known also in history as the battle near Wofford's Iron Works. We pause here to state that history is so conflicting as to the time and place of this little battle, and the several tradiiionary accounts which have been published are so inconsistent with the main facts recorded, that it is almost impossible, at the present time, to present a truthful account of it. After careful examination, however, into the conflicting authorities and traditions, we give to the reader what we believe to be the most trustworthy facts on record. The old site of Wofford's Iron Works s[)oken of in Ram- say's history as Bufflngt oil's, and in Johnson's traditions as Bunrick\s Iron Works, was just above (at tbe upper shoal) of the present manufacturing village of Glendale. known in formei' times as Bivingsville. As this place is some three miles to the (.-ast of Cedar Spring, the question is naturally asked, where did the engagement referred to take place? We think we can answer so as to satisfy the reader's mind. On the Spartanburg, Union and Columbia Railroad, four miles below the City of Spartanburg, are the ruins of an old station building, on the right passing down the I'oad, known in former times as "Cedar Spring Station." In after years a larger structure was built some three or four hundred yards below this, on the left. This, at present, is known by either the names (ilendale or Cedar Spring station, being the most convenient point to reach either of these places from the railroad. Just north of this station building, about one hundred yards or more, is a clump of large and stately oaks, standing on a spot of ground which gives every appearance of an ancient OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 137 dwelling- place and which is known as the old Thomson place. Just here, in Revolutionary times, two roads came tog'ether. One was the road from Pinckneyville, on Broad River, and the other was from North Carolina via Cherokee Ford and Wofford's Iron Works. From this poiut the road ran in the direction of Georgia. Leaving Cedar Spring about one mile to the left, it ran by the old Anthony Foster place, * the late residence of E. H. Bobo, Esq., by the home of the late Isham Hurt, by Bethlehem Church, Dr. Miller's old place, Capt. David Anderson's, Maj. Frank L. Anderson's, and on in the direction of Georgia, via Simpsonville, in the lower portion of Green- ville county. Like the old Blackstock, this is one of the oldest roads in Spartanburg county. It has been known in the neighborhood, through which it passes as the " Old Georgia " or " Pinckneyville" road. It was at the cross- ing of this old road over Fair Forest, near Mr. Will Wood's, where the plantations of the late Capt. A. Cope- land and Capt. John Blassingame came together, that Clarke and Shelby, on the 7th of August, stopped for re- freshment and to encamp for the night if not disturbed. This was about two miles west of Cedar Spring. Scouts were sent out to make a recounoisance, who returned before day and reported that the enemy were only about a half a mile distant. About this time the report of a gun was heard in the direction in which the British were reported coming. It was afterwards ascertained that this gun was fired by one of Dunlap's men, "who," says Draper, "felt some compunctions of conscience at the idea of surprising and massacring his countrymen. Shelby and Clarke, on receiving this intelligence, de- cided to retreat at once. Their route was over the old road referred to, in the direction of Wofford's Iron Works. Reaching the old Thomson place, the location of which has already been described, they formed a line of battle * This is the old Anthony Foster brick mansion. This and the Price building, on the Tyger (the former residence of Capt. George B Dean) are said to be the two oldest brick buildings in Spartanburg County. 138 COLONIAL AND REVOLU'TlONARY HISTORY on what they believed to be the most favorable orouDd to meet the approaching enemy, who had followed in pur- suit. Scarcely had these preliminaries been completed when spies came running in and reported that the enemy's horses were almost in si<^ht. Very soon they came and the action commenced. The enemy's forces were stronj^ and consisted partly of colonial dragoons and partly of mounted militia. They were headed by the same Major Dunlap, whom we have introduced to the reader in former chapters of this work. Both sides — the Whigs and British — were anxious for the fray. The latter being over-confident, rushed forward as if victory was al- ready assured. Dunlap's mounted riflemen, it is said, were in front and at the very first fire of their opponents, they recoiled and gave back. It was with difficulty that their commander could rally them. Having succeeded, however, he placed himself at the head of his dragoons with broad swords and led them forward to renew the contest. He was followed by the mounted riflemen, who were too timid to come in close contact with their opponents. Shelby's and Clarke's men stood their ground with firmness and were kept busy picking them off as they advanced. Dun- lap was, at length, beaten back with considerable loss. In "Mills' Statistics" we are informed that he was pursued about one mile, but could not be overtaken. About two miles from the battle ground, Dunlap met Ferguson with his whole force advancing against Shelby and Clarke. This compelled the latter to make a hasty retreat in the di- rection of Wofford's Iron Works, leaving one or two of their w'ounded behind them who were humanely treated by Ferguson when he came up. Not having the time or convenience to care for them, he left them where he found them. By adroit management, Shelby and Clarke had captured about fifty prisoners, mostly British, including two officers. Ferguson was restless to recapture these, but he soon found a stubborn resistance to his further pro- gress. The account says that "the American leaders re- tired slowly, forming frequently on the most advanta- OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 139 fj^eous j>round to oiv^e battle and so retarding- pursuit that the prisouers were tinally placed beyond recapture," With the exception of a bold stand for a half hour or more at the Thomson old place, where Dunlap's forces were repulsed, this en^-agement was a running fight from the point where it commenced to Wofford's Iron Works and farther on. For this reasrm it has been called by some writers, the "battle of Cedar Spring,"— it being only one mile from this to the place where the action commenced — and, by other writers, "the battle (or skirmish) at Wof- ord's Iron Works. Ferguson's forces continued the pursuit to the fording on Facolet River, three miles northeast of Wofford's Iron Works, "just beyond which," says Draper, "skirting its northeast border, rises a steep and rocky hill fifty or sixty feet high, so steep where the road passed up at that day, that the men, in some instances, had to help their horses up its difficult ascent. Along the crest of this hill Shelby and Clark displayed their little forces, and when Ferguson and his men came in view, evincing a disinclination to pursue any further, the patriots from their vantage ground bantered and ridi- culed them to their hearts' content. Ferguson having maintained the chase for four or five miles, now abandoned it with nothing to boast of save his superior numbers." This was the end of this spirited engagement. We have already intimated that we have other accounts of the same engagement, differing from those which we have presented. Rev. James H. Saye, it is said, spent his life of over seventy years gathering up the traditions of the country from surviving soldiers of the Revolution. These he published about fifty years ago. The battle of Cedar Spring is described as " the battle of the iJeacA orchard,'' which he says was "upon a parcel of land ex- tending down a hollow which was cleared and planted in fruit trees prior to the Revolutionary war." This was near and northeast of the Thomson place and along the old road leading to Wofford's Iron Works. " In this orchard," says Mr. Saye, "the patrol parties met from 140 COLONIAL AND EEVOLUTIONARY HISTORY the adverse armies. The party from Dunlap's camp were in the orchard gathering peaches ; the hbertj men fired on them and drove them from the place. In turn the victors entered the orchard, but the report of their guns brought out a strong detachment from the Cedar Spring, ag well as a reinforcement from Shelby. The commander of the patrol, when he saw the enemy approaching, drew up his men under the cover of a fence along the ridge just where the old field and woodland now meet, and where the traces of an old residence are now visible. Here he awaited their approach." Mr. Saye further narrates other particulars of the engagement which, differing from those we have already given, we will not reproduce here. Mr. Draper thinks that this tradition, as presented by Mr. Saye, may very properly be a supplement to the nar- rative just given and that the meeting of the hostile forces in the peach orchard was probably but one of the episodes of the exploits of that day. Mr. Draper also very prop- erly observes, that this account of Mr. Saye is only a local tradition, and that local tradition is extremely liable to error and confusion, as the actors are sometimes from other States and strangers to the neighborhood. There are several interesting incidents connected with this battle worthy of notice. In an article published by Governor Swain, of North Carolina, in the University Magazine, in 1861, recently reproduced in Schenck's "North Carolina," we find the following in reference to Colonel Clarke's conduct at the battle of Cedar Spring : " It was in the severest part of the action that Colonel Shelby's attention was arrested by the heroic conduct of Colonel Clarke. He often mentioned the circumstance of pausing in the midst of the battle to look with astonish- ment and admiration at Clarke's fighting." Draper says that in the fierce hand to hand contest, which Clarke was maintaining in the unequal struggle, he received two sabre wounds— one in the back of his neck, and the other on his head, his sto3k buckle saving his life ; that he was even for a few minutes a prisoner in the hands of two OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 141 stout Britons, but having confidence in bis own strength, he knocked one of thein down while the other fled. Mc- Call, in his " History of Georgia," says that both Colonel Clarke and his sou were wounded in this action. Among the heroes of this battle was Capt. William Smith, whose biography will claim further notice. An- other was Josiah Culbertson, also a native of Spartan- burg county. Before Clarke and Shelby left their temporary camp on Fair Forest, Josiah Culbertson, who has been described as one of the bravest of young men, obtained permission to visit his home only two or three miles away. His object was to make such observations and gain such information as he could in regard to the location, position and strength of the enemy. About daylight the next morn- ing he rode fearlessly and unconcernedly into the camp he had left the evening before, supposing it to be still occu- pied by his friends, not knowing that Clarke and Shelby had decamped and that Dunlap had taken possession of it. Discovering his mistake, he leisurely rode out of camp until out of sight and then spurred forward rapidly to give Clarke and Shelby notice of the nearness of the enemy.* As he passed through the camp he noticed that the dragoons were getting their horses in readiness. He knew from this and other preparations which were being made by the enemy that they were making ready to renew their line of march. He could only guess as to the route Shelby and Clarke had taken, and when he overtook them, he found them already in line of battle on chosen ground ready for the onslaught. During the progress of the fight, Culbertson had a per- sonal adventure worthy of special notice. " Meeting a dragoon," says Draper, " some distance from support, who imperiously demanded his surrender, the intrepid American replied by whipping his rifle to his shoulder and felling the haughty Briton from his horse. When the * See Johnson's Traditions, page 422. 142 COLONIAL AND EEVOLUTIONAKY HISTORY dead were buried the next day, this draooon Avas thrown into a hole, where he lay, and covered with earth. He happened to have some peaches in his pocket at the time, from which a peach tree grew and for many years after- wards bore successive crops." It is said, upon the au- thority of Prof. N. F. Walker, at Cedar Spring, that this grave can yet be pointed out, though the peach tree has long since disappeared. This fact was stated to Profes- sor Walker by an aged gentleman in the neighborhood, who died a few years ago at the advanced age of nearly one hundred years and who had, in early life, eaten fruit from that tree. The second battle of Cedar Spring or of Wofford's Iron Works as erroneously called by some writers, was fought on the 8th day of August, 1780. There are different statements as to the time of day when the engagement commenced. Mills places it before day, when it was so dark that it was hard to distinguish friend from foe. This is a mistake, as we will prove. He doubtless has reference to Dunlap's attack on Colonel Thomas' com- mand at Cedar Spring one month before, the particulars of which we have given in a former chapter and which occurred in the night time. McCall states that it occurred in the afternoon. Governor Perry in his articles states, upon the authority of Capt. William Smith, that it was the morning or forepart of the day. This is correct. The account which we have given states that Clarke and Shelby stopped for refreshment on Fair Forest, where the old road referred to crosses that stream, and to encamp for the night if not disturbed. In Governor Perry's ar- ticle to The Magnolia 1842,* the fact is stated that Colonels Clarke and Shelby were alarmed by the firing of a gun of one of Dunlap's soldiers already referred to. They immediately decamped in the night time and took up their line of march to the Thomson place, where morn- ing found them. Dunlap, with a detachment from Fer- * See Johnson's Traditions, page 422. OP UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 143 guson's command, marched into his encampment and remained there until morning, when (Julbertson found him. It is probable that the fight commenced about eight or nine o'clock in the morning and it may have been in the afternoon before the skirmishing which occured between the Thomson place and the crossing on Pacolet entied. The historical accounts which we have before us dif- fer as to the numbers on each side in this engagement, and also as to the casualties of both. Mills states that Clarke's force numbered one hundred and ninety-eight, but does not indicate the number of Shelby's and Graham's forces. He places Dunlap's advance force as consisting of sixty dragoons and one hundred and fifty mounted volunteer riflemen, and that his force combined with Ferguson's numbered between four and six hundred. He states fur- ther that the Americans had four killed and twenty-three wounded, all by the broad sword, while Dunlap lost twenty-eight of his dragoons and six or seven of his Tory volunteers killed, besides several wounded. Shelby in " Haywood's Tennessee," states that Ferguson's full force amounted to about two thousand, of which Dunlap's ad- vance force consisted of about seven hundred. He places the strength of the American forces at six hundred, and states that ten or twelve of the latter were killed and wounded. He does not give the enemy's loss, but Colo- nel Graham states that it was heavy. Governor Perry in his writings states that as late as 1842 there were seen as many as twenty or more graves of the dead who fell in this battle. Dr. Geo. Walker, of Glendale, informs the writer that inside of a rough rock wall near the site of Wofford's Iron Works are several graves, which tradi- tion says, contained the bodies of some of the dead who were killed in the skirmish near that place. It is stated upon the authority of Maj. A. J. Wells, of Alabama, a former resident of Spartanburg county, near Cedar Spring, that after the war the widow of a Tory came to the place Avhere the dead were buried and had the bodies disinterred, from which she selected the remains of her 14 t COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY husband, who was six and one-half feet hif^h. She carried off the remains for a more decent interment. * In a former chapter, in p:iving- an account of the first engagement near Cedar Spring on the 12th of July, we stated that Mrs. Thomas rode nearly sixty miles from Ninety-Six, where her husband was incarcerated to inform her son, Col. John Thomas, Jr., that the Loyalists intended to attack him the same night. This, in Mills' statistics, has been accorded to Mrs. Mary Dillard. In Col. Samuel Hammond's note on the battle of Cedar Spring, he states that this lady, about a half hour before day, came in full gallop to one of the videttes, who conducted her to Colo- nel Clarke, f She told him to be in readiness to fight or fly, as the enemy would be upon him, and they were strong. It may have been that the intelligence conveyed by this lady aroused Clarke and Shelby in their camp on Fair Forest instead of the firing of the gun by the Tory, as stated, or else it may have been that after they had re- treated from Fair Forest on the night of the 7th of August, and had taken their position at the Thomson place on the morning of the 8th, that Mrs. Dillard came to convey the intelligence of the near approach of the enemy. The account as recorded in history, states that soon after Clarke and Shelby formed their line of battle at the Thomson place, spies (not scouts) came running in and reported that the enemy's horses were almost in sio-ht. Hammond states that as soon as Mrs. Dillard de- * In January, 1893, the writer was on a visit to Union, S. C, and called on his venerable friend, Gen. B. B. Foster, then seventy-five years of age. General Foster is a native of Spartanburg county and was born at the old Anthony Foster place near Cedar Spring. In referring to the battle at the old Thomson place the General stated that he heard Mr. John Bagwell say that after the battle referred to, the Tories were put in one hole, but so shallow that the wolves scratched them out and that he (Bagwell) with his mother and sister, cut brush and piled on the graves to prevent any further molestation by the wolves. t See Johnson's Traditions, page 507. Colonel Clarke was not in the first engagement at Cedar Spring. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 145 livered her messajjfe to Colonel Clark, "every man was, in an instant, up and prepared and the enemy entered our camp in full charge." We believe the statement as to Mrs. Thomas to be un(|uestionably correct. As to the honor accorded to Mrs. Dillard, we leave the reader to form his own conclusion. The point that we make, is, that since it has been proven that there were, at different times, two eno-ao-ements near Cedar Spring, it is not im- possible that both Mrs. Thomas and Mrs. Dillard per- formed the heroic deeds which history has accorded to them. Draper thinks that it was a mistake that Mrs. Dillard carried the intelligence to Cedar Spring, of the enemy's approach, as she lived south of the Enoree, in Laurens county, fully thirty miles south-east of Cedar Spring, but says that she lived on the route Ta.rleton pursued when on his way to attack Sumter at Blackstocks, on Tyger. Tarleton relates that " a woman on horseback had viewed the line of march from a wood, and by a nearer road had given intelligence " to Sumter. This, he says, was ^Irs. Dillard. The writer has been asked if he knew where the Battle of Buffington was fought. This doubtless has reference to the same engagement which we have just narrated. Prof. N. F. Walker, of Cedar Spring, informs the writer that he has in his possession the old Buffington land papers or grants which cover a large section around him. It is probable that the first owner of Wofford's Iron Works was a Buffington. Ramsay, in his history of the upper country of South Carolina, (see appendix, page 307) says that "the first iron works in South Carolina were erected by a Mr. Buffington, in 1773." These, he says, were de- stroyed by the Tories in the Revolutionary war.* * Mr. Allen Thomason informed the writer a short time ago, that they were destroyed by " Bloody Bill " Cunningham during his raid in November, 1781. Mr. Thomason has since died at the advanced age of about ninety years. He was well posted on the Revolutionary tradi- tions in Spartanburg county. 146 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY The history of the battle of Cedar Spring, or Wofford's Iron Works, has been neglected by the writers of Revolu- tionary history in South Carolina. Ramsay, Lee's Me- moirs and Johnson and Greene do not notice it, while other writers barely touch upon it. The people of Spartanburo- county, and all of South Carolina, owe a debt of |2;r altitude to that eminent historian, Lyman C. Draper, for the pains and interest which he has devoted to minute details, and to him the writer is in- debted in the main for the facts which are here presented. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA' 147 CHAPTER XXI EXPEDITION AND BATTLE OF MUSGROVE'S MILL.— SKETCH OF ISAAC SHELBY AND OTHERS. IN a few days after the Fair Forest expedition Colonel MeDowell removed his camp from Cherokee Ford to Smith's Ford, which is some seven or eight miles lower down on Broad River. This was better perhaps for obtaining forage for his horses and supplies for his com- mand, and better at the same time for resting his men after an active campaign of several weeks. Shelby and Clarke, however, were not the men to remain idle. The term of enlistment of Shelby's men was about to expire, and it was necessary to strike another blow at the enemy before they were disbanded to depart for their homes. Colonel McDowell was very vigilant to learn the exact whereabouts and position of the enemy. By his faithful scouts he learned that Ferguson's camp was at Fair For- est Shoal, in the Brandon settlement, some twenty-six miles from his encampment, and that at Musgrove's Mill, on the Enoree River, about forty miles from Smith's Ford and some fourteen miles southwest of Ferguson's camp, there were about two hundred Loyalists encamped. These were stationed on the south side of the stream to guard the rocky ford at that place, which was regarded as a vulnerable point. To march against and attack these, and at the same time escape the notice of Ferguson, was an important feat to be accomplished, and the fact that it was accomplished, and the brilliancy of the expedition and the victory which was won in the battle, will always reflect glory upon the hills of Musgrove, and upon the names of the heroes who participated in that little strug- gle for American Independence. There were several reasons why it was preferred to attack this force of Loyalists at Musgrove's Mill to Fer^ 148 COLONIAL AND UEVOLUTIONARY HISTORY g:uson's forces, which lay between Mus^rove's Mill and Smith's Ford. In the first place the Loyalists were less trained and disciplined than the reoular British forces, and it would be easier to overcome these than Ferj^uson's forces, which were composed of some good fightino; ma- terial. In the second place, if this fording- on the Enoree could be successfully carried the way would be open to Ninety-Six. where a British garrison was stationed and which might be stormed and captured. It was rumored also in McDowell's camp that a military chest was being conveyed from Ninety-Six via Musgrove's Mill to Fergu- son's camp, and to intercept and capture this was a mat- ter of great importance to the American troops. It appears that the troops which were organized for this expedition were volunteers from the camp of Colonel McDowell, whose forces, according to different statements, amounted to from one to two thousand.* Colonels Shelby and Clarke had charge of the expedition. There were several officers of distinction who volunteered their services on this occasion, and among whom was Colonel Williams, whose home was in the region of Ninety-Six. Also Capt. James McCall, of Georgia, and Capt. Samuel Hammond, from near Ninety-Six. Besides these were Colonels Thomas Brandon and Steen and Majs. McJunkiu and Joseph McDowell, brother of Colonel McDowell ; also Capts. David Vance t and Valentine Sevier, the latter with a number of riflemen from the valleys of the Watauga and Nolachucky. There are different estimates as to the number which composed this expedition. Draper says that Shelby's command consisted of two hundred adver- turous followers. The account in O'Neal's "Annals of Newberry " places the number at seven hundred. Judge ••■See Draper's "King's Mountain," page 89 ; also O'Neal's "Annals of Newberry," page 320. tGrandfather of United States Senator Z. B. Vance and Hon. Robert B. Vance. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 149 t^cbeuck in his recent work "North Carolina" refers to Governor Swain's article published in the University' Mag- azine in 1861, which states that the most correct ac- count of the expeditions of 1780 is found in the "National Portrait Gallery." From this Judge Schenck copies in full "Col. Isaac Shelby and Col. Charles McDow- ell's campaign in 1780." This account states that "Gen- eral McDowell, having received information that five or six hundred Tories were encamped at Musgrove's Mill, on the south side of Enoree, about forty miles distant, again detached (Colonels Shelby, Clarke and Williams, of South Carolina, with about seven hundred horsemen to disperse them." Col. Samuel Hammond, an active participant in the battle of Musgrove's Mill, gives an interesting account of this affair in " Johnson's Traditions." (See page 519). Colonel Hammond does not indicate the number in the expedition, but alludes to it as "our little band." It is very reasonable to suppose from the number of the enemy met in battle, and from the fact that this expedition had to place itself between Ferguson's command and the enemy at Musgrove's Mill, that McDowell would not have sent out a weak force to contend with either or both, as circumstances might necessitate. There is a discrepancy in history as to the precise day on which the battle of Musgrove's Mill was fought. Colo- nel Hammond intimated that it was fought on the 19th of August. He says: "We marched twenty or twenty- five miles on the 16th, halted, fed and refreshed for an hour, and after dark set out on our march again. In the course of the night Colonel Bratton turned off the line of march, intending to pass through his own neighborhood and to fall in with us before day. This was injudicious in every point of view, for it afforded more than a double chance to the enemy of gaining intelligence of our approach and a probability of our not falling in with them or of their aiding us in the affair; and this proved to be the case, for they did not rejoin us until the affair was over. General McDowell advanced a few miles, but declined joining the 150 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY enterprise. Our march was silently and skillfully con- ducted and we arrived near the post about day." Jud^e Schenck fixes the daj of the battle of MusoTove's Mill on the 19tli of August. The account which he pre- sents in his recent work states that "the American com- manders took up their line of march from Smith's Ford, on the Broad River, just before sun down, on the evening of the 18th of August, 1780, continued through the woods until dark and then pursued a road, leaving Fer- guson's camp about three miles to the left. They rode hard all night, frequently in a gallop, and just at the dawn of day about a half mile from the enemy's camp, met a strong patrol party. A skirmish ensued and sev- eral were killed." Wheeler's " History of North Carolina " fixes the time of this battle on the nineteenth of August, while Draper places it on the eighteenth. Says this emi- nent author: "Secrecy and dispatch were necessary to success. A night march was therefore chosen, as less likely to be observed and cooler for the horses to travel. Shelby and his two hundred adventurous followers left camp an hour before sun down on the seventeenth of August." The writer is disposed to adhere to the opin- ion of Draper, as he states that Colonel Williams with a few followers joined McDowell on the sixteenth. The expedition when it set out was piloted by William Brandon, and the men were well acquainted with the country and knew the best route to take to effect their designs upon the enemy. Says Draper: "They traveled all night through the woods until dark, much of the way in a canter, and without making a single stop, crossing Gilky's and Thickety creeks, Pacolet, Fair For- est _and Tyger, with other lesser streams, and passing within three or four miles of Ferguson's camp on the left." The American forces reached a point within one mile of Musgrove's Mill near the dawn of day. Halting in an old Indian field, a party of five or six scouts were sent forward to reconnoitre the situation. They crossed the mouth of Cedar Shoal Creek, near the Spartanburg and OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 151 Union County line, just below the mill, and proceeded by a by-road up the river as far as Head's Ford, which is about a mile above Mus^rove's Mill, Here they crossed the river and proceeded cautiously until they came in sight of the Tory camp. Making- such observations as they thought necessary, they recrossed the river by the same route. AVhen they had reached the top of the ridge west of Cedar Shoal Creek, they encountered a small Tory patrol which had crossed over Musgrove's Ford, above, during their absence, and had thus gained their rear. A sharp fight took place in which one of the enemy was killed and two wounded. The other two fled precipitately to the Tory camp. It is stated in Sckenck's work and also in Wheeler's history that while this skir- mish was going on a countryman living near by informed the American commanders that the enemy had been reinforced the evening before with six hundred regular troops, under the command of Col. Alexander Innes, (called Enines in O'Neal's Annals). This was called the Queen's American Regiment from New York. * Draper says that the countryman living near by gave intelligence of a reinforcement of the enemy the evening before of only three hundred, (two hundred men of the provincial regi- ments and one hundred Tories). A British writer repre- sents Colonel Innes as having command of a detachment instead of a regiment, and consisted of a light infantry company of the New Jersey volunteers, under Capt. Peter Campbell; a company of DeLancey's provincial battalion, under Capt. James Kerr, together with about one hun- dred mounted men of his own regiment, the South Caro- lina Royalists. The garrison which was already sta- tioned there consisted for the most part of Tories of that region under the command of Col. Daniel Clary, though it appears that the garrison was commanded by a Major *See Wheeler's " History of North Carolina," page loo. Also Schenck's " North Carolina," page 79, also O'Neal's " Annals of New- berry," page 321. 152 COLONIAL AND EEVOLUTIONARY HISTORY Fraser, whilst it is also stated that Capt. Abraham De- Peyster, * of the Kin2:'s American Regiment, and Capt, David Fannino-, a noted Loj^alist, were there. With this strono; force confronting Shelby and his asso- ciates, they instantly concluded that there was no alter- native but to fight. "Death was before them and de- struction was behind them," says Wheeler. Should Fer- guson have gotten wind by accident or otherwise of this night raid so near his encampment, he doubtless would have pounced upon the rear of Shelby and Clarke, and their whole command would have been in danger of being cut off or captured. They could not, therefore, afford to re- main inactive man}' hours. It was necessary to bring on an engagement at once, and in order to do this they re- sorted to stratagem. Capt. Shadrack Inman, a brave offi- cer from Georgia, who had figured prominently in battling with the British and Tories of that State, was selected to perform a responsible duty. He had under his command twenty-five picked mounted men. His orders were to fire upon and provoke the enemy to cross and skirmish with them at his discretion and to retire, drawing them if possible into a general engagement with Clarke and Shelby's whole command. In the meanwhile, Shelby and Clarke had taken position on a timbered ridge, a short distance east of Cedar Shoal Creek, and only about a half mile from Musgrove's Mill and Ford. The horses, says Colonel Hammond, were picketed about three hundred yards in the rear beyond the hill and ]jlaced in charge of sixteen men. The men then set to work to improvise a breastwork of logs and brush and make the best possible defense. This was ac- complished in about thirty minutes. It was semi-circular in shape and stretched across the main road leading to the ford. The troops being placed in position, Shelby took command of the right wing, Clarke the left, while Colonel Williams was stationed in the road, in the center, without ■•Second in command to Ferguson at the battle of King's Mountain. PL/\T or RCGIOW NEAR MUSOROVE'S M/LL. A GHAVB3 B WHERe CAPT.INMAN WAS l^t L LED , AT TH S JU NOT, ON Or THE OLD OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 153 a separate command. A party of about twenty horse- men were placed on each flank. Josiah Culbertson had command of that on Shelby's right. Colonel Clarke had a reserve of about forty men within calling distance. Colonel Hammond, who was present, refers to this, giving the number on each flank as sixteen instead of twenty, and says these were ordered to fire upon the flanks of the enemy who might follow Captain Inman as he was retreating. The stratagem which Inman had himself suggested work- ed well, 'the British infantry seemed elated with their suc- cess in driving him before them at the point of the bayo- net. Captain Inman only intended to keep up a show of fighting and retreating merely to bring the enemy into the net which Shelby and Clarke had so adroitly prepared for them. Perhaps not more than an hour elapsed from the time Captain Inman was sent out with his command to skirmish with the enemy's forces on the banks of the Enoree before they crossed over to the north side of the stream. " The sound of their drum and bugle horns soon announced their movements," says Governor Swain. The pursuit of Inmau's command was rapid and in great con- fusion, the enemy doubtless believing that the whole American force was routed. They came shouting, "Huzza for King George."* Says Draper, "While the enemy were yet two hundred yards distant from the American breast works, they hastily formed into a line of battle; and as they advanced fifty yards nearer they opened a heavy fire, pretty generally overshooting their antagonists. When trees were convenient the frontiers- men made use of them, while others were sheltered behind their rudely constructed barrier, and to some extent availed themselves also of a fence extending along the road. The Americans had been cautioned to reserve their fire " till they could see the whites of the Tories' eyes," or as another has it, " till they could distinguish the buttons ■•■■'See O'Neal's Annals of Newberry, page 322. 154 COLONIAL AND KE VOLUTION AKY HISTORY on their coats" nor even then to discharge their rifles until orders were given, when each man was "to take his object sure." These orders were strictly obeyed. Colo- nel Hammond says * that Shelby's and Clarke's men " were placed in one line in scattered or open order and were ordered not to fire until the enemy were within fifty yards, and also to be governed by a single shot from (Jolonel Shelby ; to be steady and take good aim. They came flushed with the hope of an easy victory, in fnll trot." Colonel Hammond further states that the enemy advanced in three columns. The regulars, commanded by Major Fraser, the mihtia on the right and left " ad- vancing." Says Colonel Hammond, "They deployed and gave us a Are which was not returned but from our flank- ing parties. They then advanced with trailed arms, their columns displayed, and were allowed to come within foi'ty yards, when the signal was given and their ranks thinned." At the first fire they recoiled, but the superior- ity of their numbers enabled them to continue the attack, notwithstanding the Americans had the advant- age of the temporary breastwork. A strong force of Provincials, led by Colonel Junes and Major Fraser, con- centrated on the enemy's left wing and drove the right wing, under Shelby, from their breastwork. A desperate struggle ensued. Shelby's men contending against great odds, were forced to give back. The left and center, how- ever, stood their ground. The left wing under Clarke was opposed by Tories. This officer, seeing the right wing under Shelby forced back, ordered his small reserve to march at once to his aid, which proved to be a most timely relief. Says Draper, "at this critical moment, as Innes was forcing Shelby's right flank, the British leader w-as badly disabled and fell from his charger and was carried back, shot it was reported by one of the Watauga Volunteers, William Smith, who exultingly exclaimed : "I have killed their commander." Shelby rallied his ■•■'^ee Johnson's Traditions, page 520. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 155 men who raised a re^-ular frontier Indian yell and rushed furiously upon their enemy, who were gradually forced back before the exasperated riflemen. Culbertson's flank- ing party acted a conspicuous part on this occasion." The Tories on the enemy's right wing failed to make any impression on Clarke's line. Many of their men and sev- eral officers were killed. They began to show signs of wav- ering when Captain Hawsey, a noted leader among them, who was trying to re-animate them and retreive the for- tunes of the day, was shot down. In the midst of this confusion Clarke's men, seeing Shelby's men pressing on the right, followed their example. There was a general forward march on the T)art of the Americans. The British and Tories were now in full retreat, closely pursued by the intrepid mountaineers. In the pursuit the brave Captain Inman was killed while pressing the enemy in a hand-to- hand fight. Many of the British and Tories threw down their arms and surrendered. In the melee, two Whigs seized the bridle bits of Colonel Clary, a noted Tory. He extricated himself from his perilous situation by his ingenuity and presence of mind, exclaiming: "D— n you, don't you know your own officers." He was instantly released and fled at full speed with the rest of his com- rades, who had ceased to offer further resistance. Says a writer : "The yells and screeches of the retreating British and Tories as they ran through the woods and over the the hills to the river, loudly intermingled with the shouts of their pursuers, together with the groans of the dying and wounded, were terrific and heartrending in the extreme. The smoke as well as the din and confusion rose high above the exciting scene. The Tories ceased to make any show of defense when half way from the breast works to the ford. The retreat then became a perfect rout, and now with reckless speed they hastened to the river, through which they rushed with the wildest fury, hotly pursued by the victorious Americans with sword and rifle, killing, wounding and capturing all who came in their way." 156 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY The British aud Tories before their final rout fought bravely. Their dragoons lately raised and poorly discip- lined behaved with becoming gallantry, fighting on the left under Colonel Innes. They all exhibited more or less the training they had received from Ferguson, who has already been represented as a superior training- master. The British loss in this engagement in proportion to their number engaged was heavy. Sixty-three were killed, about ninety were wounded and about seventy were made prisoners. Man3'^ of both the British and Tories were shot down as they were retreating pell mell across the Enoree at the Rocky Ford. According to the best accounts their whole attacking force could not have amounted to more than five hundred, of which number it will be seen their total loss was not far from two hundred and twenty-three. Besides, the notorious Tory Captain Hawsey, was killed on their right wing. Sev- eral of tlieir offii'ers were killed and wounded on their I'^ft in the desperate encounter with Shelby's forces. The most prominent among their officers wounded besides Colonel lunes, who was shot down by Smith, was Major Fraser,* who was wounded by Robert Beene, another Watauga rifleman. He was seen to reel froni his horse. Captain Campbell and Lieuts. Camp and William Chew were also numbered among their wounded officers. The American loss was only four killed, including the brave Captain Inman, and eight or nine wounded. Cap- tain inman was killed near the junction of the old and new roads between the battle ridge and Musgrove's Ford, while pressing them in a hand-to-hand fight. He received sev- eral shots from the Tories, one shot piercing his forehead. The firing was continued for sometime after the enemy had recrossed the river. While this was going on, Capt. *Iu Colonel Hammond's account in Johnson's Traditions he states that Major Fraser with eighty-five others were killed. Draper says he was only wounded. OP UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 157 Sam Moore, a bold and fearless scout, led a small party consistino^ of only ten or twelve, up the river and crossed over at Head's Ford. From this place he rushed down with such audacity and impetuosity as to impress the British and Tories with the idea that the whole American forces were swoopino- down upon their flank. They made a precipitate flight in front of Moore, while this gallant officer with his Httle band retraced their steps across the river to join their victorious comrades. There are some interesting incidents connected with the battle of Musgrove's Mill, which we must not fail to no- tice. It is related that while the battle was in progress, as many as possible of the British and Tories remaining in camp, climbed on top of Musgrove's house to witness the result. They never doubted for a moment that the troops of King George would sweep everything before them like an avalanche. When they saw Captain Inman deliver his successive fires near the river and retreat, be- ing hotly pursued by their troops, they threw up their hats and set up a wild huzza that made the hills around them resound with echo and re-echo in commemoration of an imaginary victory. They supposed that this little force under Inman constituted the entire forces of the Americans. Great, however, was their consternation and disappointment when they saw their forces driven back and routed by the Whig forces, who had been concealed behind their breastworks. It is said that about fifty of these were paroled prisoners doing duty, contrary to the laws of war. Dreading the consequences of a possible capture by the Americans, they raised a cry of despair. With pale and trembling faces they exclaimed, " We are beaten — our men are retreating," and long before the British and Tory forces had recrossed the river they had repacked their knapsacks and were in post haste for Ninety-Six. It is said that after the British and Tories were fairly over the river one of their number, to exhibit his bravado, turned his body in an insulting position in derision at 158 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY the Americans. "Can't you turu that insolent braggart over?" said a Whig officer to Golden Tinsley. "I will try," said Tinsley, and with cool and deliberate aim he soon brought him down. He \vas picked up by his com- rades and carried a\^ay. Another instance of the accur- acy of the sharpshooting is mentioned. Thomas Gillespie, a Watauga rifleman, shot and killed a Toiy across the river, whose body was partially exposed from behind a tree. Many of the enemy took refuge in the mill, from which place a few shots were fired. "The battle of Musgrove's Mill," says a writer, "was one of the hardest ever fought in the country with small arms alone; the smoke was so thick as to hide a man at the distance of twenty rods." It was, no doubt, fortunate for the Americans that only small arms were used. Had Ferguson, who was only about fifteen miles in their rear, caught wind of the pealing of cannon, he doubtless would have marched with his whole command against the troops of Shelby and Clark, who being thus placed between two bodies of their enemy, would have found it difficult to ex- tricate themselves. Another fortunate circumstance in- tervened which was in favor of the Americans, Says a writer, a large patroling party which had been down the river near Jones' Ford, heard the firing and came dashing back at full speed, and while descending the steep hill east of the old Musgrove domicile, their bright uniforms and flashing blades and scabbards, reflected the rays of- the morning sun, just rising in its splendor. They reined up their panting steeds before Musgrove's — the commanding officer eagerly inquiring what was the matter. A hur- ried account of the battle, which had terminated so dis- asterously some thirty minutes before, was given, when rising in his stirrups and uttering deep and loud impreca- tions, the cavalry commander ordered his men to cross the river. They dashed at full speed over the rocky ford, splashing the water which, with the resplendent sun-rays, produced miniature rainbows about the horses. They were too late, for the victorious Americans had retired OF UPPER SOUTH CAROIJNA. 159 with their prisoners, leaving to the British troopers the melancholy duty of conveying their wounded fellows to the hospital at Musgrove's." Let us now note the movements of the two respective armies immediately after the action at Musgrove's Mill. As to the movements of the British and Tory forces the accounts are conflicting. The Tory leader, David Fan- ning * says that after the battle the British retreated a mile and a quarter, where they halted for the day and at night continued their retreat to Ninety-Six, under the command of Captain DePeyster. It is also stated upon the authority of a British writer, McKensie, that the retreat of the defeated British and Tor^' forces was con- ducted to the south side of the river by Captain Kerr. Of this officer, says McCall, the Georgia historian: "Find- ing that resistance would be in vain and without hope of success, he ordered a retreat, which was effected for four miles." This statement is hardly probable, as Draper observes that "the larger portion must have remained, if for nothing else, at least to take care of the their wounded." It is probable that most of the enemy re- mained after the fact had been discovered by the foraging party already referred to that the American forces had already departed. The command which left under Colo- nel DePeyster probably referred to only a part of the enemy. It has also been stated that the enemy's forces were reinforced at Musgrove's Mill soon after the battle at that place by Cruger's forces at Ninety-Six, but of this we have no positive information. Governor Swain's article in the University Magazine, republished by Judge Schenck, states that the Americans, after pursuing their enemy across the river, returned to their horses and mounted with a determination to proceed to Ninety-Six, at that time a weak post, and distant only about twenty-five or thirty miles. They could easily reach that place before night and were anxious to im- *See Draper's "King's Mountain," page 113. 160 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY prove the adv^aiitage they had already gained. After the horses were mounted and Shelby and Clarke were consult- ing together, an express, whose name was Francis Jones, arrived in great haste from Colonel McDowell's headquar- ters, with a letter written to him by Governor Caswell, * informing him of Gates' disastrous defeat near Camden, S. C, on the sixteenth. It appears that Caswell had shared in this defeat. The letter advised Colonel McDowell and all officers commanding detachments to get out of the way at once, as they were in danger of being cut off. Mc- Dowell sent word that he would move at once in the direction of Gilberttown. Governor Caswell's hand- writing was fortunately familiar to Colonel Shelby, and he at once realized that this was no Tory trick. The further advance to Ninety-Six was therefore abandoned. Shelby and his associates saw at once the danger they were in. They could not retire to McDowell's camp at Smith's Ford, for his force was no longer there. Gates' army, except that portion which was either killed or cap- tured, was scattered. Ferguson was on the flank and Cruger in the rear at Ninety-Six, with whatever troops of Innes and Fraser that remained. There was but one al- ternative and this to take a northwesterly direction and thus elude Ferguson. The prisoners were hurriedly brought together and distributed one to every three of the Americans, who carried them alternately on horse- back, the prisoners being required to carry a gun de- prived of the flint. In a short time, the whole cavalcade was ready to beat a hasty retreat, as it was well under- stood that Ferguson, as soon as he was apprised of their success, would make a vigorous effort to overtake and defeat and recapture the prisoners. The writer has been at a loss to understand the route by which Shelby and Clarke retreated from Mus- grove's Mill. Colonel Hammond says: "Our retreat ■•■■ At that time Governor of North Carolina. Draper refers to him as General instead of Governor Caswell. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 161 was hasty and continued without halting- day or night to feed or rest for two days and nights." We entered North CaroHna and passed down towards Charlotte with our prisoners. Colonel Shelby left us near Greenville (?) and we encamped near Charlotte with a few Continental troops, who had escaped Gates' defeat." Draper says that this pretended narrative of Hammond in John- son's traditions was not relied on by him in his ac- count of the affair at Musgroves' Mill. This writer says : " The Whig troopers, encumbered with their prison- ers, were hurried rapidly away in a northwesterly direction, towards their old encampment. They passed over a rough, broken country, crossing the forks of Tyger, leaving Ferguson on the right and heading towards their own friendly mountains." It is probable that the retreat of the Americans was in the direction of Hobbyville and from thence in the direction of Moore's, (3apt. C. A. Barry's and to Capt. David Anderson's Mill. Here this little command doubtless fell into the old Georgia road (already described) to Wofford's Iron Works, where, Draper says, Ferguson attempted to capture the prisoners. This route sets out in a northwesterly direc- tion and crosses the three branches (South, Middle and North) of Tyger River. In Mr. John P. Kennedy's narra- tive of " Horse Shoe Robinson," he states that the course of Clarke and Williams, after the engagement at Mus- grove's Mill, " lay towards the head waters of Fair Forest in the present region of Spartanburg." It may have been that the army of Clarke and Shelby, after crossing North Tyger at Anderson's Mill, fell into the old Black- stock road, which ran by Prince's Fort, Gowen's Fort, the Blockhouse to the mountains. It will be remembered that the present Blackstock road runs by Fair Forest Station, which, at this place, is the original road of Rev- olutionary times. This is within one mile of Fair Forest Creek, which heads on what is known to the older citizens as the Herbert Hawkins plantation near the present residence of Mr. James Lowe. 162 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY Wearied as the men and horses were from the previous night march, with scarcely a particle of food for either, Shelby would not permit them to stop while danger lurked on the way. Only once or twice were they allowed to stop and feed and rest their jaded horses. During the active march the men subsisted on peaches and green corn, which they pulled from the stalks and ate in its raw state. It was no doubt well for Shelby and Clarke that they adopted this rapid retreat, for as they expected, they were hotly pursued by a strong detachment of Ferguson's command. Says Draper: "Late in the evening of the eighteenth, Ferguson's party reached the spot where the Whigs had, less than thirty miuutes before, fed their weary horses ; but not knowing how long they had been gone, and their own detachment being exhausted, they re- linquished further pursuit. Not aware of this, the Amer- icans kept on their tedious retreat all night, and the fol- lowing day, passing the North Tyger * and into the-con- fines of North Carolina. Sixty miles from the battle field and one hundred from Smith's Ford (via Musgrove's Mill), from which they had started, these brave heroes had inarched without making a stop save long enough to defeat the enemy at Musgrove's. It was a remarkable instance of unflaging endurance, in the heat of a Southern summer, encumbered as they were with seventy prisoners. No wonder that after forty-eight hours of such excessive fatigue, nearly all the officers and soldiers became so ex- hausted that their faces and eyes were swollen and bloated to that degree that they were scarcely able to see." •■'North Tyger River is made up of two main streams, viz: Jammie's Creek and Jordan's Creek. These come together at Benson's (now Tnrner's) Mill. The former heads just above Hannon's Mill, in the vicinity of Holly Springs, the latter one or two miles above Howell's Mill. Both of these streams head south of "New Cut" road, running from Shiloh to Gowensville. North and Middle Tyger Rivers come together in Captain Anderson's bottoms. So we have an idea as to the route of Shelbv's men. OF UPPER SOTJTH CAROLINA. 163 This heroic band, exhausted and worn out, reached the mountains in safety, where they met Colonel McDowell's party, considerably reduced in numbers. It was now proposed by Colonel Shelby, which seems to have met with the approbation of all, that an army be at once raised on both sides of the mountains in numbers suffi- cient to cope with Ferguson. The officers and privates were both consulted, and all agreed on the propriety and feasibility of the undertaking. It was agreed that the over-mountain men should at once return to their homes to recruit and strengthen their numbers, as the term of their present service had expired. Colonel McDowell in the meanwhile, was to remain in front of Ferguson and to watch and obtain information of his movements and to keep the over-mountain men apprised of them. He sent an express to Colonels Cleveland and Herndon, of Wilkes, and to Major Winston, of Surry, inviting them to join in the expedition soon to be organized against Ferguson. Knowing that subsistence for the proposed expedition would be an absolute necessity, he set to work to d(;vise the best means to preserve the beef stock of the Whigs of the Upper Catawba valleys and coves, which would be an object of Ferguson's greed. Shelby and Clarke, after their reunion with McDowell's command near Gilberttown, now parted company. Colo- nel Shelby and Major Robinson, with their Holstein and Watauga volunteers, took the trail which led to their homes over the Alleghanies. The Musgrove prisoners were turned over to Colonel Clarke, who after continuing some distance on his route in the direction of Charlotte, now concluded to return to Georgia by the mountain trails. The prisoners were turned over to Colonel Wil- liams, who, with Captain Hammond, conducted them safely to Hillsboro, N. C. Let us now return to the condition of affairs on the battle field of Musgrove's. It is said that the scene there on the day of and after the battle was one that beggared description. "For many miles around," says a writer, 164 COLONIAL AND KEVOLATIONARY HISTORY "every woman and child of the surrounding country who were able to leave their homes visited the battle ground, some for plunder, some from curiosity and others for a different purpose. It was chiefly a Tory region, the few Whigs having retired from motives of personal safety, joining Sumter and other popular leaders. The most of these visitors were Loyalist families; and it was interesting to witness them as well as the few Whig leaders present turning over the bodies of the slain, earnestly examining their faces to see if they could recognize a father, husband, son or brother. Not a few went away with saddened hearts and eyes bedewed with tears." The British and Tories gathered their wounded and carried them to Musgrove's house and Mill which were, for a time, turned into hospitals. It is said that the few wounded Americans left behind were humanely cared for by the British, and especially by the Musgrov^e family. Among thera was a soldier whose name was Miller, shot through the body and whose injuries were believed to be mortal. A silk handkerchief was drawn through the wound to cleanse it. Notwithstanding the British sur- geons gave him every needed attention, his parents, who resided somewhere in the present County of Laurens em- ployed Dr. Ross, an old physician, who gave him his time and attention. He fully recovered. Captain Inman, who, as before stated, was killed, was buried near by. He fell at the base of a Spanish oak that stood where the modern road leaves the old Mill road and where his grave, only a few years since, was still pointed out. It is said that sixteen Tories were buried in one grave near the mouth of Cedar Shoal Creek, the par- ticular spot long since obliterated and forgotten. Several were buried between the battle ground and ford, but a short distance from where George Gordon lived some forty years ago, which was on the west side of the old road, while others were buried in the yard of the late Capt. Phil m on Waters, midway between the ford and battle field, opposite the dogwood spring, while others OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 165 yet were buried in a graveyard just below Musgrove's house. After the lapse of more than a hundred years, it may be interesting to the reader to enquire something more into the location and situation of Musgrove's Mill and man- sion near by, and also into the character and history of the propriotor of these premises. JMr. Kennedy, in his tale of " Horse Shoe Robinson," has given a beautiful and romantic description of Musgrove's house and mill. Says this writer: "On the banks of the Enoree, in a little nook of meadow formed by the bend of the stream which, fringed with willows, swept around it almost in a semi- circle — the inland border of the meadow being defined by a gently rising wall of hills, covered with wood — was seated within a few paces of the water a neat little cottage, with a group of outbuildings presenting all the conveniences of a comfortable farm. The dwelling house itself was shaded by a cluster of trees, which had been spared from the native forest and within view were several fields of culti- vated ground, neatly enclosed with fences. A little lower down the stream, and within a short distance of the house, partially concealed by the bank, stood a small, low browed mill built of wood." Mr. Draper says that the man who perpetuated the name of the battle, fought near his residence, was Edward Musgrove, a native of England. He was one of the earliest settlers of upper South Carolina, his home being on the south side of Enoree river in Laurens county. He bore the title of Major Musgrove, and was said to be a man above medium height, of slender form, pre- maturely gray, and a man of firmness and decision of character. It is further stated of him that he was pos- sessed of a fine education and was bred to the law. He also possessed fine abilities as a lawyer, and was noted for his hospitality and benevolence. He was a useful and indispensable man in the community in which he hved, giving as he did to his neighbors good legal advice, and executing business papers to all who needed them for 106 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY many miles around him. He had passed the period of active life a\ hen the Revolutionary War commenced, and was then living- with his third wife. He was, says Mr. Draper, the father of Mary Mus^rove, "the renowned heroine of Kennedy's popular story of ' Horse Shoe Robin- son. ' " By reference to Mr. Kennedy's work, however, we find the name of the proprietor of Musgroves given as Allen instead of Edward Musgrove. The name may have been fictitiously assumed b^^ Mr. Kennedy, but we can see no reason for this. He is represented by the writer as bearing traces of age, though still robust and muscular. His head was partially bald, and his whitened locks played in the breeze. He is also represented by the same writer as being a Presbyterian and an humble Christian, one who during the trying scenes around him would as- semble night after night, his family around the hearth- stone and adjusting his eye glasses read from the Book of Truth. Then on bended knees he would offer up his peti- tion to the Lord of Hosts, to stcoj flic JkdhI of the deatroiier and let the angel of 2>eare again i^pintd his wing over our racked and wearied land, to take from the wicked heart his sivord and shield and make the righteous man safe beside his fainitij heaiih ; to shelter t/te head of the ivanderer, and guide in safety the hunted fugitive, ivho flies before the man of ivrath : to comfort the captive in captivity, and make all hearts ill this rent and sundered jiroviiu-e to know and bless Thij 'mercies forever mo re. Especially did this venerable saint pray, to give the victonj to Mm that luitli right to establish the foundations in Justice and truth, giving liberty, of conscience and libertij of lauj to those ivlio know how to use it. The history of the battle of Musgrove's xMill would be incomplete without an inquiry into history of the princi- pal actors on both sides, in this brief but bloody en- counter for American liberty. We present only such as come within our possession. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 167 ISAAC SHELBY, Isaac Shelby, was a sou of the distinguished Gen. Evan Shelby,* a native of Wales, whose life and distinguished services are recorded in the jjages of history. Isaac Shelby was born in Maryland on the 11th of December, 1750, and was not quite thirty years of age at the battle of Musgrove's Mill. Born amid the excitements of Indian wars, he received only an ordinary education. In 1771, he was engaged in herding and feeding cattle in the extensive ranges west of the Alleghanies. The same year the Shelby connection moved to the Holston country. In 1774, when the Indians became troublesome, he was commissioned as a lieutenant and served with distinction under his father, being second in command of his father's company in the celebrated battle at the mouth of the Kenhawa, October 10, 1774, on the Ohio River— the most severe and sanguinary conflict ever maintained with the northwestern Indians, called the Shawnees. The action was from sun rise to sun set, with varied success, but finally ending in the abandoning of the ground by the celebrated chief Corn Stalk, who commanded the Indians. Point Pleasant was then made a garrison, where he re- *During the month of June of the present year (1891), the writer while on his way to the commencement exercises at Glade Spring, Va., where his children iwere in school, had the pleasure of meeting on the train between Morristown and Bristol, Judge R. R. Butler, ex-Con- gressman from East Tennessee District, who stated in the con- versation that General Shelby was buried in the country where the City of Bristol was afterwards located. His grave, covered with a rough iron slab, being in the middle of one of the main thorough- fares, it was decided after many years to remove the remains to the cemetery near by. When the grave was opened nothing was found except a few teeth, coffin nails, and a few metal buttons. The writer having a few hours in Bristol, visited the cemetery and found this old iron slab almost covered up, wedged between other graves. Up to this time he was under the impression he was visiting the grave of Isaac instead of Evan Shelby, whose grave it really was. The follow- ing was the inscription in rais^4 letters: "General Evan Shelby, born 1720, died 1794." 108 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY mained in service until July, 1775, when Governor Dun- more ordered its disbandonraent lest the troops mi^ht become obedient to the Whiji; authorities. Pie was, after this, employed as surveyor, under Judge Henderson's company and resided in the wilderness of Kentucky, which was at this time, a dark and bloody ground. Being- exposed to dangers, privations and dif- ficulties for nearly a year without bread or salt, his health gave way and he returned home During his absence in July 1776, he had been appointed Captain of a minute company, by the committee of safety in Virginia. In 1777. Patrick Henry, then Governor of Virginia, ap- pointed him commissary of supplies for an extensive body of troops to guard the frontiers, and also the commissioners Avho had been appointed to form a treaty at Long- Island of the Holslon River, with Cherokees. In 1778, he was a member of the Virginia Legislature from Washing- ton county, and was appointed by Thomas Jefferson, then Governor of Virginia, a major in the escort of guards to the commissioners for extending the line be- tween Virginia and North Carolina. By this line of division, he Avas found to be in North Carolina (now Tennessee) and was appointed by Richard Caswell, then Governor of North Carolina, Colonel in Sullivan county. We have already stated, in a, former chapter, that he was, in the summer of 1780, engaged in Kentucky, sur- veying, locating and securing the lands which he had previously marked, when news of the disastrous surrender of Charlestown reached him. This intelligence roused his daring spirit. He immediately returned home, determined to enter the service of his bleeding country, and never to leave it until her lil)erty and independence was secured. On his return home to Sullivan county, he found, as we have already stated, a requisition from Col. Charles McDowell to furnish all the aid in his power to check the enemy who had conquered South Carolina and Georgia, and who now, flushed with success, had entered North Carolina. He immediately called up all the militia in OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 169 Sullivau and in a few days crossed the Alleghany at the head of three hundred mounted riflemen. He reported to Colonel McDowell at his camp at Cherokee Ford (three miles east of Gaffney City) on the 25th of July, 1780. He led in the expeditions against Thickety fort, Cedar Spring or Wofford's Iron Works and Musgrove's Mill, and the conspicuous part which he performed in these engagements have already been minutely detailed. The culminating point of his success and glory as a warrior, however, was at the battle of King's Mountain, which was one of the most brilliant achievements of the Revolution. Here he is numbered as among the most prominent of the heroes of that engagement, a fact so well known that we will not comment on him here. Soon after this, the Legislature of North Carolina voted a splendid sword and their thanks to Colonel Shelby. In 1781 Colonel Shelby served under General Marion. He with Colonel Mayhew were ordered to take a British post at Fair Lawn, near Monks Corner, under the com- mand of General Stuart. On attacking this post it surrendered with one hundred and fifty prisoners. Immed- iately after this the whole British force retreated to Char- lestown. Colonel Shelby soon after this obtained leave of absence from Marion to attend the session of the North Carolina Legislature, of which he was a member from Sul- livan county. In 1782 he was again a member and was appointed a commissioner to settle the pre-emption claims upon the Cumberland, and lay off land to the officers and soldiers south of where Nashville now stands. He per- formed this duty well, and, the war being now over, he returned to Boonesboro, where he married a Miss Susanna Hart. After the war he devoted himself to his farm, on the first pre-emption and settlement granted in Kentucky. He was a member of the convention in Kentucky to obtain a separation of that State from Virginia; was a member of the convention that framed the Constitution of that state ; was elected the first Governor of Ken- tucky and served four years, proving to be a model chief 170 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY magistrate of that State. He was three times chosen Presidential elector and supported Thomas Jefferson for President. When the second war with England in 1812, burst upon the country, Shelby vvas again chosen Governor of Ken- tucky. Though now sixty-three yeai's of age, his spirit was not calmed by the frosts of age. By request of the Legislature, he was placed at the head of four thousand men and marched under General Harrison in 1813 to Canada, closing with the victorj^ of the Thames. For this patriotic service. Congress in 1817 voted him a gold medal. The revival of the war spirit in 1812 reminded North Carolina of her ancient pledge of a sword to Shelby. This was presented to him in 1813. In 1817, Presidejit Monroe called him to the Depart- ment of War, but on account of his advanced age he de- clined this honor. In 1818 he was appointed by the President with Gen- eral Jackson to form a treaty with the Chickasaw Indians, by which they ceded their lands west of the Tennessee River. This was his last public service. He was stricken with paralysis in 1820, but his mind remained unim- paired until July 18, 1826, when he was again stricken with paralysis sitting in his chair, with only his venerable companion present. Thus this hero of many wars passed away, at the advanced age of seventy-six years. Such is the record of Isaac Shelby, the hero of Mus- grove's Mill, fought on the soil of Spartanburg County. Let his name and character be preserved 441 the region that witnessed his patriotism and valor. JAMES WILLIAMS. " James Williams, son of Daniel and Unsala Williams, natives of Wales, was born near Old Fork (Church, Hanover County, Virginia, in November, 1740." His education was limited, his parents dying early. In early Ufe he migrated to Granville county. North Carolina, OF UPPEll SOUTH CAROLINA, 171 where his brother, Col. John Williams, a distinguished jurist, was residing." He married a Miss Clarke in 1762, and ten years later settled on Little River in Laurens county, where up to the beginning of the Revolution, he was engaged in the vocations of farmer, miller, and merchant. Taking sides with the colonies in the dispute with the mother country, he was, in 1775, chosen a representative to the Provincial Congress from the section of country between Broad and Saluda Rivers. Soon afterwards he was appointed one of the local committee of safety, and in the famous Snow Campaign, served as captain. In 1776, he was made lieutenant Colonel and served this year in Williamson's campaign against the Cherokees, and was engaged for awhile in guai'ding prisoners at Ninety- Six. In 1780 he served under Sumter as commissary in his expeditions against Rocky Mount and Hanging Rock, Afterwards he rejoined, as we have already stated, the ex- pedition against Musgrove's and commanded the center which stood firm in this battle. Soon after this he was commissioned a Brigadier General by Governor Rutledge, but because this commission did not eminate from Con- gress, his authority was not recognized by Sumter and others. This did not deter him from his duty, however. His eventful and useful life was closed at the battle of King's Mountain, receiving there a mortal wound, of which he died the next day. Thus perished this gallant patriot and hero. While possessing some miner faults, he was, says Bancroft, " A man of exalted character, of a career brief but glorious," The biography of Col, Elijah (Clarke, another of the heroes of Musgrove's, is reserved for another place in this work. We regret that we are unable to gather any informa- tion as to the early life of Capt, Shadrack Inman, He was a Georgian, probably a member of Colonel Clarke's 172 COLONIAL AMD KEVOLUTIONARY HISTORY command and had figured prominently in battling- with the British and Tories of that State at Savannah and other points. SKETCHES OF BRITISH OFFICERS. Colonel Innes was a. Scotchman, a protege of Alexander Cameron, the British ao'ent amon^' the Cherokees. Came- ron, of whom we have spoken in former chapters, was also a Scotchman. Innes was an assistant in the commissary department at the Lono- Island of the Holston, at one time, but returned to Cameron in the Cherokee Nation in the fall of 1777. He received his commission as Colonel of the South Carolina Royalists, January 20, 1780. In 1782, he was made Inspector General of the Loyalists forces. After the Revolution he was retired on half pay. Colonel Clary, who was in command of the Tories at Mus^Tove's before he was reinforced by Colonel Innes' command, was a prominent citi'/en of Ninety-Six District ; and surviving the war remained in the same section. It is said of him, that notwithstanding he sided with the Tories, he was greatly respected. He was, with the ex- ception of the error referred to, a good citizen, and left be- hind him a line of worthy descendants, living mostly in Edgefield county. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 173 CHAPTER XXII SOUTH CAROLINA OVERRUN.— BLOODTHIRSTY ORDERS OF CORNWALLIS TO tRUGER AT NINETY-SIX.— SHELBY, CLARKE AND WILLIAMS RETIRE TO NORTH CAROLINA.— PROPOSITION TO RAISE AN ARMY ON BOTH SIDES OF THE MOUNTAINS.— A STORM BEGINS TO GATHER.— FERGU- SON THE UNDISPUTED MASTER OF THE UP-COUNTRY. —HIS PLUNDERINGS.— STORY OF DUNLAP. IT WAS a dark and doleful period for South Carolina, after the disastrous defeat of General Gates near Cam- den and Sumter's disaster at Fishiuo- Creek, August 18, 1781. The latter eugagement was an offset to the Ameri- can victory at Musgrove's, which occurred on the same day. McDowell, Shelby, Clarke and Williams, had now re- tired to the back parts of North Carolina. The term of enlistment of nearly all of McDowell's men had expired. This officer retired to the mountain regions of Burke and Rutherford counties, with his force dwindled down to about two hundred. The province of South Carolina was apparently subjugated. The British flag floated in tri- umph over Charlestown and Savannah. The troops of Cornwallis, with all pomp and cii'cumstance, advanced from Camden to Charlotte. " Like a mastiff fed on meat and blood," Cornwallis, on account of his success at Cam- den, was all the more fierce for further strife and carnage. Two days after Gates' defeat he wrote to Cruger at Nine- ty-six as follows : " I have given orders that all the in- habitants of this province, who had not submitted andi who had taken part in this revolt, should be punished/ with the greatest rigor ; that they should be imprisoned and their whole property taken from them and destroyed. I have likewise directed that compensation should be made out of their effects to the persons who have been 174 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY plundered and oppressed by them. I have ordered in the most positive manner, that every militia man who had borne arms with us and had afterwards joined the enemyj sJiould be immediately hanged. I have now, sir, only to de- sire that you will take the most vig,'orous measures to extino;uish the rebellion in the district in which you com- mand, and that you will obey in the strictest manner, the directions I have ^iven in this letter, relative to the treat- ment of the country." It is unnecessary to state that these san^uinar^'^ orders were most faithfully carried out by Tarleton, Rawdon, Balfour and Brown, which only demonstrated their fitness to enact scenes too black, bloody and heart rending to claim space in this work. In a former chapter it is stated that Shelby, after his retreat from Musgrove's and just before leaving McDowell's camp to visit his home for a short time, pro- posed that an army be raised on both sides of the moun- tains* in numbers sufficient to cope with Ferguson. It was true that the sky was gloomy, but the darkest hour is sometimes jast before dawn. From the scattered whig settlements in the old Spartan District, from the fast- nesses of thf mountains, from the valleys of the Holston, Watauga and (Catawba, a storm was gathering which was soon to descend in all its fury upon the heads of the enemies of our country. It was no small matter in that day to oppose and confront the authority of Great Britain, the mightiest monarchy on the face of the globe, one on whose dominions the sun never sets, and from whom men and means could still be collected to prosecute the war in America. Notwithstanding these facts glaring them in the face, the brave spirits of our country did not despair. Like Warsaw's " last champion " stood the stalwart soldiers of that day. * See Draper's " Kiug's Mouutain," page ii8. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 175 "Oh Heaven!" they said, "Our bleeding Country save! Is thfere no hand on high to shield the brave ? What though destruction sweep these lovely plains ? Rise fellowmen ! Our country yet remains ; By that dread name — we waive the sword on high, And swear for her to live — for her to die."* Let us now brieflj notice the movements of the enemy, immediately after the retirement of McDowell, Shelby, Clarke and Williams to North Carolina. It has already been stated that the term of enlistment of the different commands under these officers had, for the most part, ex- pired. McDowell, Shelby, Clarke and Williams, having- now retired, as we have said, most of their men had re- turned to their homes, many of whom lived in Washing- ton and Sullivan counties in North Carolina., now East Tennessee. Thus was Ferguson left for a short time the undisputed master of the country. He improved every moment of his time. "He marched," says Judge Schenck, "into Union District on the Tyger river, and thence northward through Spartanburg district to the ' Quaker's Meadows,' in Burke county North Coroliua, the home of Col. Charles McDowell. The Tories as they went, plundered the citizens of cattle, horses, beds, wearing apparel; even wresting rings from the fingers of ladies, nntil they were heartily despised by the British officers as well as their own countrymen who were contending for liberty." Says Draper: "The desperate, the idle, the vindictive, who sought plunder or revenge * * * all found a warm re- ception in the British camp and their progress through the country was marked with blood and lighted with con- flagration." Ferguson following in the direction of McDowell, Clarke, Shelby and Williams, encamped for awhile at Gilberttown, three miles north of the present village of Rutherfordton. Here he issued a proclamation calling upon the citizens to flock to his standard. His bold display of Royal au- *Cambeirs Pleasures of Hope. 176 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY thority intimidated many, as all hope seemed to be ^one. The only remaining" continental army (under Gates) had been routed and put to flight, and there seemed to be no alternative but for the Whig families to seek British pro- tection in order that they might save their cattle and other property. In the midst of these trying times honor is due to Col. Charles McDowell because he was the first, with a mere handful of men, to confront the authority of Fergu- son who was ravaging the country with impunity. Fer- guson with a detachment marched against him. To his surprise he found him ambuscaded at Bedford Hill, three miles southwest of Brindletown, North Carolina, near Cowen's ford, a crossing on Cane Creek. While the British were crossing this ford, the Whigs fired upon them, severely wounding Major Dunlap, whom we have before mentioned and who was a favorite of Furguson and one of the most energetic officers belonging to his corps. Several were killed in this engagement and Ferguson, it is said, was forced to retire to Gilberttown to save his own life. " McDowell being unable," says Judge Schenck •' to re- sist the large British force now in North Carolina re- treated across the Blue Ridge to the ' Watauga settle- ment,' then the homes of Sevier and Shelby." He in. formed the latter of the desolation that followed the track of Ferguson and urged them to join the mountain men on the other side, to resist further invasion. Fer- guson continued his headquarters at Gilberttown. Major Dunlap, who was wounded at the engagement re- ferred to, was on crutches at the house of William Gilbert, a Loyalist. He is described as being the most hardened of all the Tory leaders, and Johnson in his " Life of Greene, " says " he rendered himself infamous by his bar- barities." Draper relates numerous instances of his op- pression and cruelty while at Gilberttown and thus de- scribes an attempt on Dunlap's life : " When Ferguson suddenly left Gilberttown on the appi'oach of the over- mountain men, Dunlap was left behind. The avenger of OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 177 blood was nigh. Two or three men from Spartanburg rode to the door of the Gilbert house, when the leader, Captain Gillespie, asked Mrs. Gilbert if Major Dunlap was not up stairs. She frankly replied that he was. supposing the party were Loyalists and had some important com- munication for him. They soon apprised her of their character and mission, for they declared that he had been instrumental in putting some of their friends to death and, moreover, had abducted the beautiful Mary McRea, the affianced of Captain Gillespie, and because she would not encourage his amorous advances, had kept her in con- finement, trusting that she would in time yield to his wishes; but death came to her relief; she died of a broken heart. They had now come for revenge, Gillespie particularly uttering his imprecations on the head of the cruel destroyer of all his earthly hopes. So saying they mounted the stairs. Gillespie abruptly appoached Dun- lap as he lay in bed, with the inquiry, " Where is Mary McRea?" " In heaven," was the reply. Whereupon the injured Captain shot Dunlap through the body, and quickly mounting their horses, Gillespie and his associates, bounded away to their Spartanburg homes." * The impression has lived in tradition that Dnnlap was killed outright by Gillespie, and was buried three hundred yards south of the Gilbert house, where a grave is still seen with a granite rock at the head and foot, and which is pointed out as his grave. This information was obtained from Maj. James Hoi. *The old Gilberttown house, afterwards the property of the Hamp- ton family, stood for nearly a hundred years after the Revolution. The stain of Dunlap's blood was discernible on the floor as long as it stood and was always pointed out to visitors. It is said that the early courts of the county were held in this ancient building, and when about to fall from age, it was taken down by its present owner, J. A. Forney, Esq. During the summer of 1892, the writer was on a pleas- ure excursion with a party to Rutherfordton. While there he had occa- sion to drive over to the old historic place — Gilberttown. On return- ing to the city he received a polite letter from Mrs. F'orney (Mr. For- ney being away) accompanied by a piece of the blood stained plank 178 COLOxNIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY land, a Coiio;resstnan from North Carolina from 1795 to 1797, who lived at Gilberttown for many years. The same information was conveyed to Draper by Ms. letters of Adam, James J. and Jonathan Hampton, sons of the patriot Jonathan Hampton, Sr., and also from the late M. O. Dickerson, Esq., W. L. and Dr. T. B. Twitty and others. It appears, however, that Dunlap was not killed by Gillespie, and when shot, he was either left unconscions or feigned death, and for his safety was reported dead and buried near by, this report being circulated by his friends. As soon as he was able to travel he was con- veyed to Ninety-Six, and in March 1781, he had sufficiently recovered for active service. He was sent on a foraoing expedition, when he renewed his former habits of plunder- ing and marauding. General Pickens hearing of this, de- tached Colonel Clarke and Major McCall to attack him. These officers came up with him on the 24th of March, en- camped on Little River, some twt»nty.two miles from Ninety-Six. Dispatching a party to secure a bridge over which Dunlap would have to pass, the main body ad- vanced and took him by surprise. He sought shelter with his men at Beattie's Mill near by, in some outhouses, but these were too open for protection against riflemen. Dun- referred to. Mrs. Forney has since " crossed over the river," but her letter and relic will be sacredly preserved as mementoes of her kind- ness. The writer, however, has grave doubts as to the name of the affi- anced of Gillespie being Jane McCrea. The " Story of Jane McCrea," is a familiar one to every reader of Revolutionary history. While Gates and Burgoyne were confronting each other near Saratoga, Jane McCrea a young, beautiful and amiable lady, a daughter of a Royalist, but living inside of the American lines, became engaged to a British officer, who offered to two Indians a ransom to bring her through the opposing lines, his purpose being to marry her. The Indians suc- ceeded in coaxing her from her home, but on the way fell out as to who should be the first to deliver her. The quariel resulted in splitting her head with a tomahawk. This circumstance led to angry correspond- ence between Generals Gates rnd Burgoyne. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 179 lap resisted for several hours, until thirty-four of his men were killed and wounded, himself amon^- the latter. A flag of truce was finally hung out, else all, in all proba- bility would have been either killed or wounded. This was the end of Dunlap. He died of his wounds the ensuing- night. The prisoners were sent to the Watauga settle- ment in East Tennessee for safe keeping.* But let us return to Gilberttown. It is said that while Ferguson was encamped here, he found a case of small- pox developing itself. This must have been a mild attack however, as he was not encamped at this place more than thirty or forty days, which was between the time of the battles of Musgrove's Mill and King's Mountain, fought respectively August 18th and October 7th, 1780. Says Draper, " It was one of his officers who was left in a de- serted house taking his favorite charger with him. And there the poor fellow died in this lonely situation ; and it is said his neglected horse lingered around till he, at length, died also. It was a long time before any of the country people would venture to visit this solitary pest house. " And there lay the rider distorted and pale, With dew on his brow and the rust on his mail." * See Draper, 163. 180 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY CHAPTER XXIII. FERGUSON TARRIES AT GILBERTTOWN TO CUT OFF THE RETREAT OF COLONEL CLARKE FROM GEORGIA TO NORTH CAROLINA.— CRUELTY TO PRISONERS BELONGING TO CLARKE'S COMMAND.— SAMUEL PHILIPS PAROLED BY FERGUSON WITH A MESSAGE BY THE LATTER TO THE OVER-MOUNTAIN PEOPLE.— SHELBY AND SEVIER MEET AND CONFER.— LETTERS AND MES- SENGERS SENT TO COLONELS CAMPBELL, CLEVELAND AND OTHERS.— AN EXPEDITION AGREED UPON. THE question may be asked b^' the reader why was it that Fero'uson remained encamped so lon^' at Gilbert- town when confronted by little or no force in any direction. Being- thoroughly posted on the situation of affairs south of him, by Cruger at Ninety-Six and (Jornwallis at Char- lotte, he little dreamed of the storm that was gathering north and west across the mountains, and of his impend- ing danger. He had furloughed a large number of his Tory followers to visit their homes on promise to return to him at the shortest notice. His tarrying so long at Gilberttown had its meaning. He had hopes of intercept- ing Colonel Clarke, who had laid seigeto Augusta, Georgia, from the 14th to the IGth of September, and would have succeeded completely in his undertaking had not Colonel Cruger arrived with a relief force from Ninety-Six, thus compelling Clarke to make his way northward along the eastern base of the mountains. The route over which Ferguson expected to meet and encounter Clarke was doubtless along or near the public dirt road running from Greenville to Rutherford ton via Gowensville, Landrum, O. P. Earle's (the old Baylis Earle place) and Sandy Plains in Polk County, North Carohna. The remnant of Clarke's command was small. In the pursuit that fol- OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA, 181 lowed his retreat, quite a number of his men were killed and taken prisoners, the latter being cruelly treated by the British, Tories and Indians. Some were hanged undei- the eyes of Colonel Brown, the British commandant at Auo-nsta. Thirteen were delivered to the Cherokees, and were killed either by tomahawk, torture or in flames. Thirty, altogether, were put to death by the cruel and vindictive Brown, which was but the carrying into effect the inhuman orders of Lord Cornwallia to Balfour and Brown, already noticed in the preceding chapter. It has been suggested by Draper that Ferguson's idea in furloughing so many of his men while at Gilberttown to visit their homes, was to obtain, if possible, an early notice of the approach of Clarke's men. This watching and delaying to accomplish this object, as the sequel shows, proved his destruction. Soon after Ferguson took post at Gilberttown, smart- ing under the annoyance the British had suffered at Fort Thickety, VVofford's Iron Works and Musgrove's, he pa- roled Samuel Philips, a distant relative of Col. Isaac Shelby, whom he had taken as a wounded prisoner, either at Wofford's or Musgrove's. By Philips he sent a verbal message to the officers on the western waters of Watauga, Nolachuckey and Holston that "if they did not desist fi'oni their oppression to the British arms, he would march his army over the mountains, hang their leaders and lay their country to waste with fire and sword.'' This threat on the part of Ferguson accomplished more than he bargained for. Philips resided very near Colonel Shelby, and on reaching home he went directly to the lat- ter with Ferguson's message, giving him at the same time, such intelligence as he could impart concerning the position, strength and locality of Ferguson's command. Philips further conveyed the information that a Loyalist belonging to Ferguson's command, had a few months be- fore received a coat of tar and feathers by the light horse- men of ('apt. Robert Sevier on Nolachuckey, and had pro- posed, in resentment, to pilot Ferguson across the moun- 182 COLONIAL AND RE VOLUTION ABY HISTORY tains to the Wataiio^a settlements, since he was familliar with all the passes through the mountains. A few days after this message was received, Shelby rode some forty miles to a horse race, to a spot near the pres- ent site of Jonesboro, Tennessee, to confer with Colonel Sevier, whom he informed of Ferguson's threatening mes- sage, and to consult as to the best methods for resisting this threatened invasion. The result was that these brave men agreed that they would at once call out their own forces and endeavor, if possible, to procure the assistance of Col. William Campbell of Virginia, Their plan was to raise all the men they could and with proper assistance to sui-prise and attack Ferguson in his camp, before he could have time to cross the mountains into their country. There was, however, no time to lose. The place of ren- dezvous was at Sicamore Flats, on the Watauga River, where the troops were ordered to assemble on the 25th of September. Colonel Shelby prepared a letter which he at once sent by his brother, Capt. Moses Shelby, addressed to Col. William Campbell, residing forty miles away, in- forming him of the situation of affairs, and urging him to come to the rescue of the people of his section. The Burke men also were there as exiles, ready at any moment to join the expedition against Ferguson. It appears that it was a part of Cornwallis' plan, in his march from Salisbury, to form a junction with Fergu- son preliminary to the invasion of North Carolina and Virginia. This officer had also ingeniously incited, through his emissaries, the southern Indians to invade not only the Holston and Watauga settlements, but also to proceed, if possiljle, as far up into southwest Virginia as Criswill's Lead Mines and destroy all the works and stores there, where large quantities of lead were produced for the supply of the American army. When Shelby's let- ter reached Campbell, the latter had just been engaged for several weeks in putting down a Tory insurrection in his country. It appears that he fully understood (Corn- wallis' plan, At first, the proposed expedition of Colonels OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 183 Shelby and Sevier did uot strike him very favorably and he declined to take part in it. Touched, however, by the ;ij)peal to his ojenei'osity, he decided, after consultation with his field officers to divide his militia, one-half remain- ing- to repell the anticipated Indian invasion and the other half to join Shelby and Sevier. At the time of this arrang-ement, Colonel Campbell sent an express to Col. Benjamin Cleveland, of Wilkes county, North Carolina, apprising him of the situation and requesting him to meet them on the eastern side of the mountain, with the militia of his county. The place indicated for this meet- ing was at ''Quaker Meadows," in Burke county, North Carolina, two miles north of Mor^anton, which was the home of the McDowells. To raise funds sufficienf to defi'ay the expenses of the proposed expedition against Ferguson was a serious question. The people had but little money. Colonel Shelb^^ apphed to the entry taker of Sullivan county — now East Tennessee— for the sale of North Carolina lands, for the loan of funds. The name of this agent was John Adair. His reply to Shelby, who wanted the money to meet a public exigency, is worthy of a patriot. Said he, " I have no authority by law to make that disposition of this money ; it belongs to the impoverished treasury of North Carolina, and 1 dare not appropriate a cent of it to any purpose ; but if our country is over-run by the British, our liberties are gone. Let the money go too. Take it. If the enemy, by its use, is driven from the country, I can trust that country to justify and vindicate my conduct. So take it.* " By this loan about twelve thousand dollars was raised. This patriotic act of Agent Adair was afterwards legalized by the State Legislature. The appointments which had been made to assemble at Sicamore Flats were faithfully kept. Here on the 25tli of September Colonel Campbell appeared with two hundred *See " Knoxville in Ye Olden Times," Harper's Magazine, April, li 184 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY men, while Colonels Shelby and Sevier also appeared each with two hundred men. At this place the party of Colonels McDowell and Hampton had been encamped for some time. The whole force now amounted to about eight hun- dred and fift3^ They were mostly mounted men, and armed with the deadly Deckard rifle, without bayonets. The men had neither baggage, wagons, quartermaster stores nor commissary stores. The wallet, which contained a supply of parched meal, and a tin cup and blanket completed the outfit. The men wore hunting shirts manufactured by their wives and daughters, and fur skin caps, which were common in that day. At their side in a belt were the tomahawk and knife. Early on the morning of the 26th of September, when the army was about to move. Colonel Campbell appeared in camp at the head cf about two hundred men. The whole for(;e now numbered about one thousand and fifty, and made, says a writer, " The welkin ring with their glad ac- claim." Being now ready for the line of march, it was necessary at this critical hour to invoke the blessing of God, and to supplicate His divine protection. The Rev. L. Samuel Doak, a missionary in the Watauga settlements, was present, who offered up a fervent prayer for the pro- tection of the people from the dangers to which they were exposed from marauding hosts of the British in their front and barbarous savages in their rear. " He remem- bered," says a writer, " that because of the Midianites the children of Israel had holes in the mountains, and the greatness of God's deliverance ; and pausing for a moment, he exclaimed, 'The sword of the Lord and of Gideon.' Tears stole down the furrowed cheeks of the rough skinned men of the forest, but their faith was strengthened. The l)reparation was over. The march began." It was through a solitary wilderness along the mountain trails. A distance of about twenty miles was made the first day, when camp was struck. The native grass which was tJien growing luxurianth' afforded abundant food for the horses. The next day, the 27th, there was delay in order to slaughter OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 185 .some beeves for the journey. This was near the base of Round and Yellow mountains. The march was resumed on the 28th. The mountains were ascended and when the top was reached, they found a bold spring, surrounded by hundreds of acres of beauti- ful level land. Here camp was struck the second night. The men fired off their guns, cleared out and reloaded, and here also, a circumstance occurred that came well- nigh foiling the whole plan of the expedition. Two men deserted and made their way to Ferguson's camp. Their names were James Crawford and Samuel Chambers. This treachery made it necessary to take a different route from the one first chosen, so as to baffle anv spy Ferguson might send to watch their movements. The march was down Roaring Creek via the mouth of Grassy Creek and up this creek to its head and over Gillespie's Gap on the Blue Ridge. Here the command divided. Campbell fol- lowing a trail six miles south of Wofford's Fort, the other to Hunuycut Creek. As soon as Colonels McDowell, Shelby and Sevier had decided to march against and attack Fer- guson, Colonel McDowell hastened across the mountains in advance of the over-mountain men, to encourage and arouse the people, and to obtain as much information as possible of Ferguson's movements and whereabouts, and to hasten the march of Cleveland and Winston, to the appointed place of rendezvous, " Quaker Meadows." Having performed this duty he rejoined one wing of the over-mountain men at Hunnycut Creek. On the 25th of September, the over-mountain men reached " Quaker Meadows," the hospitable homes of the brothers. Col. Charles and Maj. Joseph McDowell. Here it is recorded that the "fatted calf" was killed and the smoke-houses were thrown open. It was not long until the glad tidings were announced of the approach of Colonel Cleve- land and Major Winston with three hundred and fifty men from the counties of Wilkes and Surry, North Caro- lina. A shout of welcome rent the air. Soon the troops were mingling joyfully together, with bright and bouyant ]86 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY hopes of success. The whole arm^^ now amounted to about thirteen hundred and eio^hty. Sunday mornino-, October 1st, was bright and fair ; the men were rested, cheerful and full of spirit, the horses fresh and active. The march was resumed. They felt that Ferguson was almost in their grasp. They were eager to overtake him. At noon-day they passed Brindletown, near a gap in South mountain, where McDowell had only a few weeks before engaged and repulsed Ferguson. That evening it rained for the first time since they started. Monday, October 2d, it rained all day and the troops remained in camp. They were now within sixteen miles of Gilberttown. Up to this time no commander for the army had been chosen or agreed upon. A conference of the dif- ferent commanders was held. It was agreed that Col. Charles McDowell should visit at once the headquarters of General Gates at Hillsboro, with the request that he send them a general officer. It was hoped that Colonel McDowell would return very soon with General Morgan, who had recently won laurels at Saratoga, and whom the troops preferred above all others. Colonel Campbell, al- though the youngest of all the commanders, was requested to assume the chief command until Colonel McDowell should return. There was no time to lose. At this crit- ical juncture celerity and despatch of movement were all important. It was supposed that the decisive battle be- tween the Whig and Tory forces would be fought at Gilberttown. The former, as we have already said, felt an abiding confidence in their success. Before the men took up their line of march on October 3d, Colonel Cleveland, who had the happy faculty of inspiring his troops, made a short address to them. He said, among other things, " The evening is at hand ; we must be up and at them. I will be with you when the pinch comes. If any of you shrink from the battle glory, you now have an opportu- nity to ba" him of iiis dano'er. Ferguson now t»cive out that he was in full retreat for Ninety-Six merely to delude the Whigs. On the first day of October, the day that the over-mountain men left "Quaker Meadows," he was at the .house of Baylis Earle on North Pacolet, near the scene of the battle of Earle's Ford, which had occurred only a short time before. Tiie old Baylis Earle place is now the home of his grand- son, O. P. Earle, on the present Greenville and Ruther- fordton road — the road over which Feroiison was expect- ing to meet Colonel Clarke and his retreating forces. In a Ms. letter of Baylis Earle, dated September 11, 1814,* to Maj. John Lewis and Jonathan Hampton, he stated the fact that Ferguson while at his house killed a steer, destroyed four or five hundred dozen sheaves of oats, and plundered at his pleasure, f From this place he marched in a northern direction to Dennard's Ford, on Broad River, which was about a half a mile below the present Twitty's Ford, in Rutherford County. Here, real- izing his impending danger, he issued an address to the inhabitants of the country, in which he warned them of the approach of the men under Shelby, Hampton, Mc- Dowell and Cleveland, and telling them to grasp their arms "in a moment and run to camp" if they did not wish to be pinioned, robbed and murdered, and see their wives and daughters in four days abused by the dregs of mankind." Ferguson was now only about fifteen or twenty miles from the forces of McDowell, Shelby and Sevier. Antici- pating an attack from them he moved with his command on Monday, October 2d, about four miles and lay on his arms all night. On the 8d of October, he marched through the present County of Rutherford, crossing Sec- ond Broad River at Camp's Ford, and Sandy Run Creek ■■Baylis Earle lived until 1828. tSee Draper's " King's Mountain," page 203. 192 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY six miles further, at Armstrong's. Here, after resting awhile he moved seven miles further, to Tate's place, on Buffalo Creek, which is said to be in the southeastern por- tion of the present County of Cleveland. At Tate's place Ferguson tarried the 4th and 5th of October, doubtless, to gain intelligence of the movements of the Whigs and to conamunicate with Cornwallis at Charlotte, only about thirty-five miles distant. The following is a copy of the original dispat-ch to Cornwallis : "My Lord. I am on my march to you by a road lead- ing from Cherokee Ford north of King's Mountain. Three or four hundred good soldiers would finish this business. Sonietliiufj nmst he done soon. This is their last push in this quarter." " PATRICK FERGUSON." It would appear from the movements of Ferguson up to this time that he was trying to reach Cornwallis and outstrip the pursuit of the oyer-mountain men. This idea, however, appeared distasteful to him. Whatever may be said of lihe character of Ferguson, he was no cow- ard. It is said that his pride outweighed his judgment, and he determined to risk a battle rather than enter Cornwallis' camp, a fugitive from the very men he affected to dispise. He knew, however, that his destiny was sealed one way or the other. He knew the character and spirit of the men who were marching against him and he re- solved to fight. But where should he select his ground ? The King's Mountain stood out invitingly before him as a favorable position. To this place, which was sixteen miles /southwest of Tate's place, he marched on the 6th of October. He passed near Whittaker's, on the pres- ent Air Line Railroad, moving in the direction of York- ville. On this road after crossing a creek he came to "King's Mountain" in the afternoon. Here he pitched his camp and said he "had selected his ground and that he defied (jod Almighty and all the rebels out of hell to overcome him." OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 193 CHAPTER XXV FURTHER MOVEMENTS OF OVER-MOUNTAIN MEN.— INFOR- MATION OBTAINED BY A SPY OF FERGUSON'S MOVE- MENTS.— LACY VISITS THE CAMP OF THE OVER-MOUN- TAIN MEN.— A SPECIAL NOUNTED FORCB: SELECTED TO OVERTAKE FERGUSON.— JUNCTION OF OVER-MOUNTAIN MEN AT COWPENS WITH HILIv, LACY, WILUAMS AND GRAHAM.— THE MARCH RESUMED AT NIGHT TO OVER- TAKE FERGUSON. HAVING followed the movements of Fe^'gusou in the last, chapter, let us now return to the over-mountain men, whom we left at Cane Creek, not far from Gilberttown. Sore indeed was their disappoint uient when thej learned that the "game had fled." Ferguson had given out word that he was in full retreat for Ninety-Six. The Whigs having nothing but rifles, knew that they would not be able to make much impression on Ferguson if he were allowed to reach this stronghold. A council of officers was held. It was determined to follow Ferguson even to Ninety-Six, and strike him as best they could. Taking up their line of march on the 4th day of October, they did not tarry at Gilberttown, but followed Ferguson's track to Dennard's Ford on Broad River. Here they lost his trail for a time. It is stated on good authority that Ferguson marched his men down in the stream to elude their pursuit, coming out below the ford and then bore down the stream, thus proving clearly that Ninety-Six was not his objective point. The Whigs continued their march across Dennard's Ford until they reached Alexandei-'s Ford on Green River. It is said that being baffled in their efforts to overtake Ferguson, manj' of them became discouraged and uneasy. Many of the men were foot sore from travel, and some of 194 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY the horses were jaded and brokea down. It v, ould never do, liowever, to j!;ive up in despair. A council was called and it was determined to select their best men, best horses, and best j-ifies, and press the pursuit, leaving the weaker to follow. It was necessary, however, before this march should commence to find out more of Ferguson's move- ments and whereabouts. This information was very soon obtained mj'steriously in the following way : While Fer- guson was encamped at Tate's place on Buffalo, "an old gentleman called on him, who disguised the object of his visit." Impressing upon the mind of Ferguson that he was a faithful Loyalist to the British cause, he obtained from that officer the information that he had sent to Cornwallis for reinforcements, and that he "had selected his ground (King's Mountain) and that he defied God Almighty, and all the rebels out of hell to overcome him." On the next day, October 5th, this faithful old patriot rode twenty miles in a northeast direction to the camp of Hill, Lacy and Williams, on Cherry Mountain, where we last left them, to communicate this information. That night (!!!olonel Lacy made his way with a guide to the camp of the over-mountain men where he communicated to Colo- nel Campbell and others the important information which he had received from che old gentleman. For awhile Lacy thought him to be a spy, but finally he was enabled to impress upon Campbell the genuineness of his person and the truthfulness of his statements. It was agreed between them to foi-m a junction without delay at Cow- pens and mai'ch on Ferguson at once. "On the 5th of October," says a writer, " and nearly all the night following, at Green River, the Whig officers and Campbell's command were busy choosing the select men, rifles and hoi'ses for the pursuit. Seven hundred were chosen, leaving six hundred and ninety or more in camp, others of the command having fallen by the way from weakness or sickness. These numbers are approximately correct." Just before the beginning of this march the Whigs were OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 195 joined by Major William Chandler and Captain Johnson, with about thirty Georgians from Colonel Clarke's forces retreating from Georgia. They had received news of the expedition against Ferguson and felt a desire to par- ticipate in it. Colonel Clarke had advanced further west, making his way across the mountains to the Watauga settlement, and carrying his own and other Whig families with him. The expedition was soon ready for a new start to over- take Ferguson. Major Henderson, of Cleveland's regi- ment, was left in command of the foot men, with Capt. Neal in special charge of the Virginians who were to fol- low. Their orders were to set out at once, hurry their march as much as possible and to follow in the foot- steps of the mounted men in order to be able to support them in case they should meet with disaster. The seven hundred mounted men set out from Alexander's Ford on the morning of the 6th of October (1780) and marched down the old Cowpens ridge road from the present site of Columbus and of Mill Springs to Cowpens battle ground. They went by way of Sandy Plains, Arrowwood Church (Thome's) reaching (Jowpens on the afternoon, after having traveled about twenty miles. Here they found in waiting Wilhams, Hill, Lac^^ and Graham, with their re- spective commands, they having marched on the same day direct from Cherry Mountain to Cowpens, a distance of some twenty miles or more. Their combined forces amounted to about four hundred, a large number of whom were South Carolinians. Says Draper, " For an hour or two on the evening of the 6th, there was a stirring bivouac at the Cowpens. A wealthy English Tory, named Saunders, resided there, who reared large numbers of cattle, having many pens in which he had his stock, hence the derivation of Cowpens. Saunders was at the time in bed, feigning sickness, from which he was unceremoniously pulled out and treated pretty roughly. He was ordered to tell what time Ferguson had passed that place, to which he de- 196 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY clared that he had not passed at all ; that if his word could not be tai^en there was plenty of torch pine in the house, which they could examine for themselves and further, if they could find any track or sign of an army they might hang him or do whatever they pleased with him. The old Tory had spoken the truth fully. Search was made but no signs of an army passing there could be found. Several of his cattle were at once shot down and slaughtered fur the supply of the hungry soldiers, and in a few houi-s the army was well supplied with cooked beef, which was to support and strengthen them in the per- formance of a glorious work in store for them on the fol- lowing day. About fifty acres of corn, which been planted near by, was harvested in about ten minutes, and soon fed to the weary horses. It appears that the Whigs on their way to Cowpens passed near where several large bodies of Tories were as- sembled ; one numbering about six hundred, at Major Gibbs'* al:)Out four miles to the right. Says Draper, " The only account we have of this enterprise is preserved in Ensign Campbell's dairy : ' On passing near the Cowpens, we heard of a large body of Tories about eight miles dis- tant, and although the main enterprise was not to be de- layed a single moment, a party of eighty volunteers, un- der Ensign Robert Campbell, was dispatched in pursuit of them during the night. They had, however, removed be- fore the mountaineers came to the place, and who, after riding all night, came up with the main body the next day.' " Ensign Campbell further adds, " That a similar ex- pedition was conducted by Captain Colvill, with no better success, but without causing delay." Having arrived within full view of King's Mountain, *The writer has tried in vain to learn the whereabouts of the ancient homestead of Maj. Zachariah Gibbs. He has examined the records at the office of the Clerk of Court at Spartanburg, but the name does not appear, nor does it appear in census of 1790. From the description of the locality Major Gibbs must have resided in the vicinity of Martins- ville or Cash's store. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 197 the most important duty devolving- ou Colonel Campbell, the commander of the expedition, was to find out the ex- act location and position of Ferguson. This he obtained from Joseph Keer, a cripple spy, at that time a member of Colonel Williams' command, at Colonel Williams camp at Flint Hill, on Cherry Mountain. Kerr had been sent to gain intelligence of Ferguson and found him temporarily encamped at Peter Quinns,' on the 6th of October, six or seven miles from King's Mountain. This being a region of Tories, Kerr was not suspected and found no difficulty in gaining access to Ferguson's camp. He was not sus- pected of being a spy, having been a cripple from infancy. He made anxious inquiries relative to taking protection and appeared gratified on learning the good news of the King's prospects in the future. Learning that Ferguson in- tended to march to King's Mountain the same afternoon, and managing by his good sense and natural shrewdness to make all the necessary observations, he quietly slipped off, making his way by a circuitous route to rejoin his com- mand, which he overtook at Cowpens. He at once com- municated the information he had obtained to the Whig chiefs. It was necessary, however, to keep posted with re- gard to the continued movements of Ferguson, and to gain further intelligence of his present position. Enoch Gihner, of South Fork, was proposed for this undertaking by Major Chronicle for, said he, " Gilmer can assume any cha racter that occasion may require; he could cry and laugh in the same breath, and all who saw it would be- lieve he was in earnest ; that he could act the part of a lu- natic so well that no one could discover him ; above all, he was a stranger to fear." Gilmer set out at once. He called at a house of a prominent Tory only a few miles in advance, and represented that he belonged to Ferguson's command and was waiting to join this officer on his sup- posed march from Den nard's Ford toNinety-Six. The Tory, not suspecting his true character, frankly told him all he knew and understood concerning Ferguson's movements and intentions ; that after he had crossed Broad River 198 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY at Dennai'd's Ford, he received a dispatch from Lord Corii- wallis, orderiiio- him to rejoin the main army at once; that the plan was to defeat the army of General Gates the second time and overrun and subdue North Carolina. Gilmer returned to the Cowpens the same eveninp; with this intellij^ence, but this did not ^ive to the Whig leaders the intelligence they were most anxious to find out concerning Ferguson's present plans and whereabouts. A council of war had in the meanwhile been held, all the newly joined officers participating except Williams. It was agreed that Colonel Campbell should remain in chief command. By nine o'clock, the men and horses refreshed, the command set out to find Ferguson. It was a very dark night and soon after they left a drizzly rain set in. The roads were pretty good, however, and they had guides acquainted with the country. But owing to the extreme darkness the pilots of Campbell's men lost their way and that corps became much confused and dispersed through the woods, so that when the morning light dawned the rear portion was not more than five miles from Cowpens. When the absence of the Virginians was discovered next morning, runners were sent in different directions till they were at length found, having taken a wrong road. They were quickly piloted to the main col- umn. Once reunited the command pressed forward un- commonly hard. It was the intention to cross Broad River at Tate's, since known as Deer's Ferr3^, but for fear that British troops might be stationed on the east side of the river to retard their progress, the troops bore down the stream to Cherokee Ford two and a half miles, where they crossed. Before crossing, however, Gilmer was sent for- ward about daylight to reconnoitre this ford and dis- cover, if possible, whether the enemy might not be way- laying, with the view of attacking the troops while they were crossing. In the meanwhile the men were ordered to keep their guns dvy, for it was yet raining. It was not long before Gilmer's familiar voice was heard singing "Barney Linn," a favorite song of that day, in the hollow OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 199 near by. This was suflHcieiit notice that the way was clear. Tt was about sunrise when the troops crossed the river. They had now marched about eio'hteen miles from Cowpens and were only about fifteen miles from Kind's Mountain. As soon as Broad River was crossed, Gilmer was again sent forward to make discoveries and dashed off at a full gallop, while the troops with the officers at the head, moved on in a slower gait. After traveling- some three miles they came to Ferguson's former encamp- ment, above Cherokee Ford. Here they halted for a short time to partake r>f a, snack, such as their wallets and saddle bags afforded. Some who were without food would pull corn along the roadside and cut the raw corn from the cob for sustenance. During the forenoon of the march the rain continued to fall so heavy that Colonels Campbell, Sevier and Cleveland concluded that it would be best to halt and refresh themselves, as the men were weary and the horses jaded. To this proposition Colonel Shelby, when apprised of the views of the other officers, would not consent, replying with an oath, "I will not stop until night if I have to follow Ferguson into Cornwallis' lines." The march was continued. The men could only keep their guns dry by wrapping their bags, blankets and hunting shirts around the locks. By noon, however, the rain had almost ceased to fall. After traveling about a mile from the proposed halt, the troops reached Solomon Beason's, who was said to be half Whig and half Loyalist, as occasion required. From him the^^ learned that Fer- guson was only eight miles in advance. At this place they also had the good fortune to capture two Tories, who, at the peril of their lives, were ordered to pilot them to Ferguson's camp on King's Mountain. When the Whigs had advanced five miles further, they reached the house of a Loyalist where some of Sevier's men called. The only information they could get was that Ferguson was not far away. As the soldiers left the house, however, the daughter of this Loyalist, who was in sympathy with the Whig cause, inquired: "How 200 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY many are there of you?" "Enough to whip Ferguson if we can find him," was the reply. "He is on that moun- tain," she said, pointing her hand to the eminence. After traveling- several miles further the officers saw the horse of Gilmer, the scout, fastened to a gate in front of a honse about three-fourths of a mile ahead. Colonel Campbell concluded to test the scout's ability to sustain his assumed character as a Tory. Providing himself with a. rope he and others put whip to their horses and rode at full speed up to the house, where they found Gilmer seated at the table partaking of a good meal and hurrahing for King George. Campbell caused him to be dragged from the house, and fixing a running noose, he threw it over Gihiier's neck, swearing he would hang him on the bow of the gate. Gilmer was marched up the road to be hung while the old woman and the girls were weeping and beg- ging for his life. Gilmer, after getting out of sight, began to laugh heartily and said : " Colonel, I found them such Loyal friends I couldn't help from giving them all a sympathizing smack." The infornmtion which Gilmer had gathered with refer- ence to Ferguson's numbers and axact position, was the most valuable that had been obtained up to this time. One of the girls just mentioned told him that she had been to Ferguson's camp that morning with some chickens; that he was only three miles away and was posted on a ridge between two branches, where some deer hunters had had a camp the fall before. Major Chronicle and Captain Mattocks said they knew the place pre- cisely; that the camp referred to where Ferguson had taken post was theirs, and that it was a spur of King's Mountain. — ^ The officers now came together for consultation again, and agreed upon a plan of attack, which was to surround Ferguson's camp on the hill and destro3' him there. The plan was freely communicated to the men for their encour- agement, assuring them that by this course of action, they would all the while be shooting up hill and there OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 201 would be no danger of hurting their comrades on the other side, and that the British would likely overshoot, in shooting at them down the mountain. When within a short distance of the battlefield Col. William Graham was overtaken by a messenger, who informed him that his wife was at the point of death. With Campbell's advice he left at once. The next ranking officer was Colonel Hambright, but as Hambright was an old man, his command was given to Major Chronicle. The patriotic old Dutchman took no offense, as Major Chronicle was better acquainted with the ground over which the battle was to be fought. When within about two miles of the battle field, the Whigs captured a lad named James Ponder, a youth of some fourteen years of age. Colonel Hambright, knowing that this lad had relatives in Ferguson's camp, caused him to be searched. On his person was found a dispatch from Ferguson to Cornwallis, informing him of his situat- ion and imploring his assistance at once. Ponder, on being questioned in regard to Ferguson's dress, said that he was the best uniformed man in camp, but that he wore a checked shirt over it. Colonel Hambright, who was a German, laughed and said: '' Poys, hear dot, shoot for the man mit the pig shirt." When within one mile of Ferguson's camp the troops met George Watkins, a Whig prisoner, whom Ferguson had just released. He was able to give the very latest information, with the positive assurance that Ferguson still occupied his position on the mountain. A brief halt was here made. Up to this time the men had not been riding in order, but now they were drawn up in two lines two men deep. The officers again agreed to surround the mountain and to do this successfully the men, after they had formed two lines were divided, Colonel Campbell leading the right line and Colonel Cleveland the left. Major Winston was detached with a portion of the Wilkes and Surry troops to make a detour south of the quarry road in order to gain Ferguson's right and cut off his retreat if necessary. While these movements were 202 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY taking- place no talking was allowed. I'he marches of the different lines were made as noiselessly as possible. It was about three o'clock in the afternoon when the Whigs neared Ferguson's camp. The rain had ceased and a stiff breeze was blowing. Says Draper: " In the rear of trees and bushes on the east side of King's Creek, a little above where the quarry road passes that stream, the mountaineers arrived." They were ordered to, first, "dismount and tie horses," next, to ''take off and tie up great coats and blankets, &c., &c., to your saddles." A few men were selected to take charge of the horses. Then came the final order, " Fresh prime your guns, and every man go into battle firmly resolved to fight till he clies.^' OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 203 CHAPTER XXVI BATTLE AND VICTORY AT KING'S MOUNTAIN, OCTOBER 7, 1780.— DEATH OF FERGUSON.— DETAILS OF THE SURRENDER.— INTERESTING INCIDENTS.— THE WHIGS RETRACE THEIR MARCH WITH PRISONERS FROM KING'S MOUNTAIN TO NORTH CAROLINA, RESTING FOR A TIME AT GILBERTTOWN.— EXECUTION OF COLONEIv MILLS AND OTHERS AT BICKERSTAFF'S.— MARCH CONTINUED. AS the battle of Kiiij^'s Mountain was the end of the bold and darino; Ferguson, and also the end of his plunderiuo- and maraudino; expeditions, this narrative would not be complete without a brief history of this brilliant engap:ement and victory for American Liberty. It is impossible, as already intimated, to present any- thing more than an outline, following as we are doing, in the line of other writers, but for a fuller and more com- prehensive account of this battle and of the many little interesting incidents connected therewith, the reader is referred to that splendid work, "King's Mountain and Its Heroes," by the Hon. Lyman C. Draper, who spent more than twenty years with tireless energy and industry in getting up a work perfect in all its parts, evincing a re- search hitherto unsurpassed by any American writer of Revolutionary history. " Ferguson," says a writer, " was on King's Mountain in his lair like a wild beast that had been brought to bay." He showed no signs of fear. His little army was drawn up along the crest of o ne o f the lateraT spurs of King's Mountain, which extends in length about sixteen miles in a northeast and southwest course. While the main range is in North Carolina, the battle ground now famous and sacred in the annals of our history, was in York County, South Carolina, about one and a 204 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY haU' miles south of the North Carolina line, and about six milts froritthe^pmnacle of Kind's Mountain. This hill or stony ridge was about sixty feet above the level of the surroundino; country. It was about six hundred 3'ards lono- and about two hundred and fifty yards wide from one base across to the other; or from sixty to one hun- dred and twenty yards wide on the top. The Mountain tapered rather to the southeast. Ferguson's forces con- sisted of about eleven hundred and twenty-fiv^e and were made up of Provincials and Loyal militia, usually called Tories. The Provincials or Rangers, as they are called by Tarletou in his Memoirs, numbered only about one hundred, and were made up from other Provincial bodies, the King-'s American Regiment, raised in and around New York, the Queen's Rangers and the New Jersey Vol- unteers. These troops wore scarlet coats. They were well trained and disciplined and well armed with muskets and bayonets, the use of which the\' fully understood. The Loyal militia had been recruited from both North and South Carolina. Many of them were from the same insurgent element that resided in the region of Ninety-Six, and whose conduct at the breaking out of the Revolution has been described in former chapters. They were drilled and disciplined as far as their personal character would permit. Many of them had guns without bayonets. Ferguson, to meet this deficiency, provided each with a long knife made by the blacksmiths of the country, the butt end of the handle of which was filed the proper size to insert snugly in the muzzle of the rifle, with a shoulder or button two inches or more from the end, so that it would answer in place of the bayonet. The two armies were about equal in numbers, the ad- vantage being in favor of Ferguson, who had chosen his ground of defense; his men being well rested and fed. Neither had artillery or cavab-y. It was a contest of the bayonet and musket on one hand and the Deckard rifle on the other. It is useless to contrast the two armies and the motives OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 205 which had prompted each to take part iu this eiioage- ment. While the reo'ular British soldiers, few as they numbered on this occasion, fouo-ht for the honor of their King, but a small number of the Tories were conscien- tious in takino; part with them, against the cause of the Patriots. It was either disappointment, ambition, fear of punishment, or opportunity to plunder, that caused them to enlist under Ferguson's bannelTj " No noble sentiment was found in their hearts," says a writer, " and they felt the disgrace of taking up arms in behalf of oppression and wrong." The Whigs, on the other hand, fought for freedom, and to prevent the invasion of their peaceful homes, which had been threatened. They had firmly implanted in their bos- oms principles of religious liberty and independence. They were prompted by no mercenary motive; unlike the great armies of Napoleon in Egypt, they had no Pyra- mids to look down on them to incite them to glory ; no Forty Centuries of battle to provoke them to emulation. Being out in an open and lonely wilderness, they had no maiden hands to crown them as victors ; no applauding thousands waiting to honor them as survivors of a vic- torious battle for Liberty ; no titles of nobility or badges of knighthood to animate them. They were simply fighting for their country's cause; for their homes and firesides and for the dear ones they had left behind them. The great Spectator of the occasion was the God of bat- tles, who had already heard and recorded in Heaven, the prayer of the Pioneer Missionary in the Watauga Settle- ments. The answer, we shall see, came through fire and smoke on King's Mountain. The battle was well planned on the part of the Whig commanders. Their forces were drawn up at the south- western end of the Mountain, where the slope was gentle, and the army was divided into two corps, which moved off in dific'rent directions to surround Ferguson and his armj'. Says Draper : "Tampbell was to lead his Virgin- ians across the southern end of the rida-e and southeast 206 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORV side, which £>helbv debiguated as tlie culuiuii of the ri^'ht- center ; then Sevier's regiment, McDowell's and Winston's battalions, were to form a column on the rioht wiutr, northeast of Campbell and in the order named, nnder the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Sevier. Of these, Wins- ton, it will be remembered, made a detour some distance to the south of Ferguson in order the more promptly to gain the position assigned him and perad venture lend a helping hand in retarding the enemy, should they con- clude that a hasty retreat was the better part of valor. Shelby's regiment was to take position on the left of. the mountain, directly opposite to Campbell, and forjn the left center, Campbell's left and Shelby's right coming together; and beyond Shelby were respectively Williams' command, including Brandon, Hammond and Candler; then the South Carolinians under Lacy, Bathoi'ne and Steen, with the remainder of the Wilkes and Surry men nnder Cleveland, together with the Lincoln ti'oops under ('hronicle and Hambright, all under the direction of Colonel Cleveland. By this disposition the patriot force was ar- ranged in four columns, two on either side of the moun- tain, led respectively by Colonels Campbell and Sevier on the right, and Cleveland and Shelby on the left. It is reasonable to presume that as Winston had been detached when a mile away to gain his assigned position on the right, that Hambright and Chronicle were also early or- dered to gain the extreme left portion of the mountain so that the two parties should meet each other and thus en- compass the enemy on that end of the ridge." While these movements weie taking place and the Whig forces were gathering around Ferguson, this officer viewed them with firmness and courage, but not with confidence and indifference. His last dispatch to (yornwallis, com- mitted to the care of John Ponder, who was captured, in- dicated his apprehension of defeat. Shelby and Cam])bell, being on the opposite sides of the mountain, began the attack. As soon as the approach of the Americans was discovered by Ferguson, he caused the OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 207 drum to beat to arms in his camp. His shrill whistle was heard all around. His men were soon in line of battle. Says Draper: " Orders had been oiven to the ri^ht and left wind's, that when the center columns were ready for the attack they were to give the signal by raisino; a regular frontier warhoop after the Indian style, and rush forward, doing the enemy all the injury possible, and the others, heariug the battle shout and the reports of the rifles, were to follow suit." The tirst firing of the enemy was on Shelby's column on the north side of the mountain. Shelby's men were not yet in position and it was with difficulty that this officer could restrain his men from returning it until the proper time. " Press on to your places," he cried, " and your fire will not be lost." Before Shelby's men got into position, however, Campbell had wheeled his men into line. He ex- claimed at the top of his voice, " Here they are my boys ; Shout like h — 1 and fight like devils." The Indian war whoop reverberated all around and the battle was begun. Campbell's line in pressing forward was delayed in its march about ten minutes by a swampy marsh in front. Shelby's men received the first bayonet charge' from the enemy. They were driven down the hill for a short dis- tance, but quickly reloading, they poured a galling fire, into the British ranks, which drove them up the hill again. The trees which retarded the charge of the British Ran- gers down the hill, afforded protection to the riflemen in their advance up hill. From behind these, they took steady aim, each ball doing its deathly work, as the crest of the mountain was bare and the British, when in column, were unprotected. Harry Lee said of King's Mountain, " It was more assailable by the rifle than defensible with the bayonet." The battle now raged with fury from every side of the mountain. "As the coil drew nearer, Ferguson dashing from one side to another to rally his men or lead a charge, was typical of Satan when he cried, " Which way I flv is hell." 208 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY The rattle of musketry, the keen cracks of the rifles, the daring charges made by the assailants with their yells and whoops, the groans of the dying, doubtless made a dis- cordant noise around this little mountain, which can be better imagined than described. Many heroic and daring deeds are recorded by Di'aper, which time and space will not allow us to reproduce. Hand to hand conflicts and splendid shots occurred on every side. The Whigs as they advanced up the mountain leaped from rock to rock for shelter. The trees were peeled with bullets intended for the men behind them ; the wounded were scrambling away for safety, whilst the dead were lying all around. But in the midst of all this the coil drew nearer still. " As the British bayonets drove the men down one side, the Whigs from the other shouted, 'The^' retreat,' and rushing to the British rear they poured in the bullets like hail on their backs." Every charge and countercharge upon the British Rangers and Tories caused their ranks to grow thinner and thinner. Colonel Sevier's command was the. first to reach the top of the mountain and hold its position. Sheltered as they were by the rocks around, they con- tinued to pour a destructive flre into the British ranks. The coil continued to get smaller and tighi;er around the crest of the mountain. vVt times both Whig and Tory would be making for the same rock. The counter- sign of the Whigs was "Buford" in remembrance of "Tarleton's quarter" to this officer and his command at the Waxhaws. When this Shibboleth was not given on demand up went the rifle to the shoulder, and he who was quickest was the survivor. The Whigs wore a white paper in their hats, while the Toties wore a pine top. The cloud of smoke was, however, too dense at times for these to be discerned. As the British and Tories were driven closer together, the columns of Shelby and Campbell united on the sum- mit of the mountain. Cleveland, Winston and McDowell led their men up the steep acclivity and were in the rear of OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 209 Ferg;uson'8 line which was facing the united columns of Campbell and Shelby. At last the British were so closely enveloped and the fire so hot from every quarter, that they were unable to renew the charoe. Two white flags were raised in token of sur- render, which Ferguson cut down with his sword. He was remonstrated with by one of his officers, but he swore he "would never surrender to such banditti." At length, being satisfied that all was lost, " Ferguson," says Draper, " with a few^ chosen friends made a desperate effort to break through the VVhig lines on the southeastern side of the mountain and escape." It had been announced to the Whigs beforehand that Ferguson wielded his sword in his left hand and that he wore a light or checked duster or hunting shirt over his uniform, called by Hambright, " the pig shirt." They were on the qui vive for him. " The intrepid British leader made a bold dash for life and freedom with his sword in his left hand, cutting and slashing till he had broken it." To pass through the Whig lines was an impossibility. He was first recognized by Gilliland, one of Sevier's men, who leveled aim on him, but his gun missed fire. Next Robert Young of the same corps fired and Ferguson tum- bled from the saddle. The small party which had resolved to follow consisted of about twenty — a cavalry detachment under Lieutenant Taylor. These, however, were picked off by the Whig marksmen as fast as they mounted. Driven to desperation, Ferguson attempted to make his escape with only two otficers, Colonel Vazey Husband and Major Daniel Plummer,* both of whom were killed. Ferguson was unconscious when he fell and lived only a few minutes. A number claimed the honor of having *Maj. Daniel Plummer, a Loyalist, lived between Fair Forest and Tyger, in Spartanburg County. He is represented as having been " honest and open," kind and considerate to all. His estate was con- fiscated. His faithful devotion to his commander (Ferguson) at King's Mountain, was worthy of a better cause. 210 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY shot this fallen chief. His body was pierced with seven or eio'ht wounds, and one through the head. White handkerchiefs were now seen displayed from the British ranks everywhere, but those who raised them simply became taro;ets for the infuriated Whio-s. " Buford ! " " Buford ! " " Tarleton's Quarters ! " "Tarle- ton's Quarters !" rang with fearful tones in the ears of the wretched survivors of the Rangers and Tories. " All order and organization were lost and the wretched beings stood like a herd of deer in a corral and were slaughtered in their tracks." In vain were the white handkerchiefs raised. The scene was too sad to contemplate; the cur- tain must fall. Major Evan Shelby shouted to the victims, "Throw down your arms! " This was instantly done. Shelby rushed forward and implored his men to shoot no more. Captain De Peyster, second in command, now displayed a white flag to Colonel Campbell, who came riding to the front. The tiring had almost ceased, but as stragglers, or those who were too weak to be in front, gained the crest of the hill, they emptied their rifles into the British ranks. Colonel Campbell cried out to his men. "For God's sake, quit!" "It is murder to shoot any more." Captain DePeys- ter, who was sitting on a gray horse, rode up to Colonel Campbell and expostulated with him. Referring to the firing on his flag, he said: "Its d d unfair." Colonel Campbell did not bandy words with him, but simply ordered him to dismount, and called out, "Officers, rank by your- selves— prisoners, take off your hats and sit down ! " The flags formed a continuous circle around the prisoners until finally, as the latter were brought closer together, they were four deep. The space occupied by the enemy at this time was about sixty yards in length and about forty in width. Colonel Campbell then proposed three cheers for Liberty. The hills resounded with huzzas and shouts of victory, which was a welcome and glad acclaim by the victorious Americans. Just here an unfortunate occurrence took place, which OP UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 211 is unpleasant to relate. Says Draper: "A small party of Loyal militia, retiirnint^ from forag'injj;, unacquainted with the surrender, happenino- to fire on the Rebels, the prisoners were immediately threatened with death it' the firin*>- should be repeated." It was about this time that Colonel Williams was mortally wounded. It is not posi- tively known whether he was struck by the foraging; party, which scampered off in the same direction from which it came, or whether he was shot by a ball from some of the prisoners, who, in a huddle, became exasperated that proper respect had not been paid to their flag. Colonel VVilliams was riding at the time toward the British encampment; wheeling around he said to William Moore: "I'm a gone man." Colonel Campbell was near at hand when the unfortunate event transpired. It is supposed that he-^peasoned that if this shot came from an outside party it was a precursor of the approach of Tarleton's men. If it came from the Tories, there was danger that they would spring a trap by shooting down the Whig leaders and make a desperate effort to escape, their arms being still in their hands. Campbell, acting upon the spur of the moment, resolved to quell what appeared to be a mutiny. He instantly ordered the men near him, the men of Williams' and Brandon's command, to fire upon the enemy. The order was obeyed. It is not known how many were killed by this volley. Joseph Hughes,* of Brandon's commands, said: "We killed about one hundred of them." It was an unfortunate and hasty affair, to say the least of it, and Colonel Camp- bell, it is said, deeply regretted the order he had given to fire upon an unresisting foe. The game being bagged, the arms were removed from the prisoners and strongly guarded in order that they might not be able in a moment of confusion to grasp them. * Joseph Hughes went from the section of Union County which was then a part of the Upper or Spartan District. 212 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY Accouuts differ as to vvhoui Ue Peyster delivered his sword. One account states to Colonel Campbell, while anotlier says it was to Maj. Evan Shelby. Most of the officers surrendered their swords to Camp- bell, who was stalkino- around amonp; the enemy in his shirt sleeves, with his collar open. From his unmilitary plio:ht, it was hard at first to make the British officers believe that he was the commander of the Whig forces at that place. Ferguson was buried near where he fell. He was enclosed in a beef's hide and buried in a hole made in a ravine. He was despised by the Whigs whom he had wronged and their cravings for revenge was insatiable. His personal effects were distribut<^d among the officers. His sword was given either to Cleveland or Sevier — prob- ably to the latter. His horse, b}' common consent, was given to Cleveland, who had lost his in battle. His official correspondence and papers vvei-e taken charge of by ('olonel Campbell. His silver whistle dropped from his pocket in his last desperate effort to escape. It was picked up by a Tory named Powell, who lived in Caldwell County, N. C. It was preserved by the family until 1832, when it fell into other hands. So great was the curiosity of the Whig soldiers to see the dead body of Ferguson, that many of the wounded soldiers had their friends to convey them to the spot that they might gaze upon it. Ferguson had two witnesses with him ; one a red- haired woman whose name was "Virginia Sal," who was killed ; and another whose name was " Virginia Paul," who appeared indifferent as to his fate. The battle lasted only about fifty minutes, certainly not more than an hour. Not one of the enemy on the hill escaped after the battle opened up. A forajring party went out the same mornino, consisting of about two hundred, which did not return. The loss of the enemy, in killed and wounded, were heavy. According to the most trustworthy information, OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 213 the casualties in Ferguson's corps, the Rang;ers, were thirty killed, twentj-eifj-ht wounded and fifty-seven pris- oners. The loss of the Toi'ies was one hundred and twenty-seven killed, one hundred and twenty-five wounded and seven hundred and six prisoners — total, one thousand and sixteen (1016). The American loss was twenty-eight killed and sixty-two wounded. Amono- the prominent that were killed, were Col. James Williams, of South CaroUna ; Major Chronicle and Cap- tain Mattocks, of Lincoln County, North (Carolina; Captain Edmondson, of Virginia. Among those that were wounded were Lieutenant-Colonel Hambright, Cap- tain Sevier, Captain Moses Shelby, Captain Epsey and others. Amidst the natural rocky defenses along the crest of the mountain, where many of the Tories had sought shelter, some twenty or more of their bodies were found jammed together. Most of these were shot through the head as if their death had been the deliberate work of massacre. Dr. Johnson, of P'erguson's corps, it is said, acted the part of the good Samaritan after the battle was over by rendering every possible attention to the wounded both of the Whigs and Provincials, while the wounded of the Tories were left pretty much to their fate. It has been observed that rarely, if ever, did a body of eighteen hundred men come into conflict with so little provisions to supply their wants. The Americans in their hasty pursuit had provided themselves with almost nothing, while Ferguson had been improvident in supply- ing his armv- It was for this reason, no doubt, that the foraging party of two hundred already referred to, had been sent out by Ferguson. We who witnessed and survived the scenes of other con- flicts at a later day in the history of our country, can fully realize how awful must have been the scenes at King's Mountain after the carnage of the dreadful day — the piteous groans of the wounded and the constant cry 214 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY throughout the nio^ht succeeding the battle for Water! Water ! It is recorded that in the hurry, confusion and exhaus- tion of the Whigs, these cries that were emanating from the Tories were but little heeded. While many hearts were touched, others were hardened. In the eyes of the Whigs, the Tories had brought upon themselves their wretched condition. They believed it a righteous retri- bution from Heaven, for opposing their countrymen in their efforts to throw off the chains of political bondage which had been forged by the oppression of the British Government. During the long night, the wear}' Whigs guarded by turns the prisoners and cared for their own wounded. They were keeping at the same time a close watch lest Tarleton should unexpectedly dash upon them. " It was a night," sa.ys Draper, " of care, anxiety and suffering vividly remembered and feelingly rehearsed as long as any of the actors were permitted to survive." The reader is referred to " King's Mountain and Its Heroes " for an account of many little particulars and battle incidents connected with this contest for freedom and independence. After a night of confusion and only a partial repose for the Whigs, they were ready by ten o'clock to commence a tedious march, encumbered by their wounded and about six hundred prisoners. Much of the morning had been consumed in preparing litters to convey the wounded. Rumors were prevalent that Tarleton 's cavalry were pressing on, and while it was only a rumor brought in by the people of the surrounding country, the Whigs deemed it wise to waste no time. " When the army marched at ten o'clock in the fore- noon, Colonel Campbell remained behind with a party of men to bury their unfortunate countrymen." Two large pits were dug upon a small elevation some eighty or a hundred yards southeast of Ferguson's headquarters, where the slain were placed side by side with blankets spread over them. The British dead were placed in one pit OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 215 and the Tories in the other. They had but a very shallow coverinji:, however, for vsoon the wolves and vultures of the surrounding country were attracted to the places of interment by the smell of flesh and blood. Some were overlooked and were unburied. The rest were scratched out of their resting places by these scavengers of the wilderness. After the army had marched some twelve miles from the battle ground it encamped that night near the eastern bank of Broad River and a little north of Buffalo Creek. The Whigs had reached a good camping ground at a deserted plantation of a Tory whose name was Walden or Foudren. Happily they found a sweet potato patch which supplied the whole army. The patriots were joined during the evening by Colonel Campbell and party and also by the footmen whom they had left at the ford of Green River, and who had made fine progress in fol- lowing the footsteps of the mounted advance. These had, fortunately, secured a few beef cattle on the way, which went far towards supplying with food the almost famished Whigs. The army continued its march, reaching on Wednesday, 11th, Colonel John Walker's place, who resided some five miles west of Gilberttown, on the east side of Cane Creek. While on the way to this place, the army marched through Gilberttown and rested awhile. Says Draper : " The prisoners were placed in a pen in which Ferguson, when stationed there, had confined captured Whigs, when the British had full sway in that quarter. A Tory woman there was asked what the leaders were going to do with their rebel prisoners in the bull pen. "We are going," she tai'tly replied, "to hang all the d d old rebels and take their noses and scrape their tongues and let them go." The same woman now visited the same pen and saw her husband among the prisoners captured at King's Mountain. " What are you soldiers going to do with these poor fellows ? " said she to James Gray with eyes 216 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY filled with tears. " We are going to hang all the d d old Tories," said he. " take their wives, scrape their tongnes and let them go." This retort in her own coarse language, caused her to go quietly away. The country aruund Walker's was so thinly settled, it having been plundered for two months, provisions could not be obtained for love or money. Not the prisoners only, but the whole army came, in the language of Thomas Young in his narrative, " near starving to death." The army, therefore, moved to Bickerstaff's or Bigger- staff's Old Fields, since known as Burnt Chimneys, (now Forest City) which is some nine miles northeast of the present town of Ruthfordton, N. C. While encamped here. Colonel Campbell issued a general order deploring the many desertions from the army and appealing to the officers to exert themselves in suppress- ing the degrading habit of plundering indiscriminately, both Whig and Tory families by soldiers " who issue out of camp, etc." He further ordered that none of the troops be discharged until the prisonei's were transferred to a proper guard: the sequel proved that some of the pris- oners were to be disposed of in a manner not antici- pated when this order, just issued, was made known to the army. We come now to the closing of what appears to be the most sickening of the many scenes that overshadowed the British-Tory defeat at King's Mountain. It appears that while the army was encamped at I5ickerstaff's the officers of the two Carolinas united in presenting a com- plaint, "that there were, among the prisoners, a number who were robbers, house burners, parole breakers and assassins." Colonel Campbell, on the strength of these reports, was induced to order a court of inquiry. "The CaroHna officers urged," says Draper, "that if these men should escape, exasperated as they now were by the conse- quence of their humiliating defeat, they would commit other enormities worse than their former ones." We have shown in a former chapter that the British leaders OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 217 at Aujjjusta and Ninety-Six, in a high-handed and sum- mary manner, hung- not a few of the captured patriots; the same was done at (Camden. The time had now arrived to adopt a severe retahatory measure that would have a healthful influence on the Loyalists and put an end to their atrocities. A copy of the law of North Carolina was obtained, which authorized "two magistrates to summon a jury, and forthwith to try, and if found guilty, to execute persons who had violated its precepts." This law, which pro- vided for capital punishment, had reference to those guilty of murder, arson, house-breaking, riots, etc. As most of the North Carolina officers were magistrates at home the court martial was technically a civil one, com- posed as it was, of field officers and captains. The jury was also composed of twelve officers. The court was con- ducted in an orderly manner; the witnesses were called in each case and examined; the consequence was that "thirty-six men were tried and found guilty of house- breaking, killing the men, turning the women and children out of doors and burning the house." The trial was brought to a close about nightfall. A suitable oak was selected, and upon a projecting limb the executions were to take place. Only nine were execu- ted. Their names were Col. Ambrose Mills, Capt. James Chitwood, Captain Wilson, Capt. Walter Gilkey, Captain Grimes, Lieutenant Lafferty, John McFall, John Biddy, and Augustine Hobbs. All the rest were pardoned, except one Isaac Baldwin, who made his escape in the darkness of the night. The pardoning power seems to have been exercised by Colonel Shelby, who was a magistrate at home. Says Draper: "While all eyes w^ere dii'ected to Baldwin and his companions, pinioned and awaiting the call of the executioner, a brother of Baldwin's, a mere lad, approached, apparently in sincere affection, to take his parting leave. He threw his arms around his brother and set up a most piteous screaming and lamentation, as if lie were going into convulsions, or his heart would breal^ 218 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY with sorrow. While all were witnessing- this touching- scene, the youth managed to cut the cords which bound his brother, he darted away, breaking through a line of soldiers and easily escaping under the cover of darkness into the surrounding forest." The unfortunate condemned were to swing off three at a time. It is stated upon the authority of Allaire, a British officer, that Mills, Wilson and Chitwood, died like Romans. Among those who were condemned and not executed was James Crawford, who with Samuel Cham- bers, an inexperienced youth, deserted the over-mountain men, while at Bald or Yellow mountain on their outward march, and gave Ferguson the first information of the storm that was gathering to overwhelm him. Captain Grimes, one of the executed, had been a leader of a party of Tory horse thieves and highwaymen in East Tennessee, where some of his band were taken and hung. He had fled to escape the same punishment that overtook him in the end. During the same night of the execution, one of the reprieved Tories, with a heart full of gratitude to Colonel Shelby, went to this officer and made this revelation : "You have saved my life," said he, "and I will tell yon a secret. Tarleton will be here in the morning- — a woman has brought the news." The Whig leaders, upon receiv- ing this information, deemed it prudent not to risk another engagement, but to retire with the prisoners to a place of safety. The camp was instantly aroused and every preparation was made for an early start next morning, which took place at five o'clock. The poor Loyalists were left still swinging to the sturdy oak, which was known for years afterwards as the Gallows Oak. As soon as the Whigs were gone, Mrs. Martha Bickerstaff, wife of Capt. Aaron Bickerstaff, who had served under Ferguson and was mortally wounded at King's Mountain, with the assistance of an old farmer near by, cut the bodies down; eight of them were buried in a shallow trench some two feet deep, while the remains OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 219 of Captain Chitwood were conveyed by his friends on a blanket to a graveyard about a half mile away. In the year 1855, a party of road workers concluded to exhume the remains of Cclonel Mills and his companions, as the place of burial was well known ; only four of the graves were examioed. The bones crumbled on exposure. Several articles were found in a good state of preservation: a butcher knife, a small brass chain about five inches in length, a large musket flint, thumb lancet and other articles. Most of these were, a few years ago, in the hands of the late M. O. Dickinson, Esq., of Rutherfordton, N. C. We cannot further pursue the army of Colonel Campbell in detail, having alread^^ devoted so much space to the battle of King's Mountain. The army continued its march to the Catawba River, at Island Ford, where the stream w^as forded breast deep. They bivouacked on the western bank of the river at Quaker Meadows, already mentioned as the home of Major McDowell. Here the half-starved men obtained provi- sions, and were fed and rested. V^y the 16th of October the army had reached the head of the Yadkin. By the 18th it had reached Wilkes Court House. Some of the wounded Americans were left in Burke County, eight or twelve miles above Morganton, and committed to the care of Dr. Dodson, who had some eighteen under his care at one time. About the 20th of October the command of Colonels Sevier and Lacy branched off. By the 24th the official reports of the battle of King's Mountain was made out and signed by Colonels Campbell, Shelby and Cleveland. * By the 26th, while the army was encamped at Bethabara, near Salem, N. C, Colonels Campbell and Cleveland repaired to the headquarters of General Gates, at Hills- boro, to consult as to what disposition should be made of the prisoners, while Colonel Cleveland was left in com- :;:• ggg Wheeler's History of North Carolina, Part II, Page 104. 220 COLONIAL AND KKVOLUTIONAKY HISTORY mand of the troops and prisoners. Most of the British officers were paroled. It was intended to send the pris- oners to secure reg-ions in Vir<2;inia, but a great many escaped, includino- the officer, Allaire. Says Draper in ref- erence to the prisoners: " Prior to the 7th of November, one hundred and eig-hty-eight who were inhabitants of the western country of North Carolina, were taken out of Colonel Armstrong's charge by the civil authorities and bound over inferentially for their appearance in court or for good behavior; some were dismissed; some paroled; but most of them enlisted ; some in the three months militia service, others in the North Carolina continentals and others still in the ten-months' men, under Sumter." Colonel Armstrong, under whose care the prisoners had been placed, was made to answer for his conduct by Gen- eral Gates and for the injury done to the American cause. The remaining prisoners, amounting to about one hun- dred, were then marched under a strong guard to Hills- boro. A large portion of the mountaineers who had volun- teered for the expedition, returned home, while many joined the American army, south, under General Gates, who was in a short time afterwards superseded by Gen- eral (jreene. Thus ended the great and glorious expedition and battle of King's Mountain, a victory of which the historian, Ban- roff, said, ''Was like the rising of Concord, and in its effects like the success at Bennington," and changed the aspects of war. The Loyalists no longer dared to rise. It fired the patriots of the two Carolinas with fresh zeal. The fragments of the defeated and scattered American army now came together and organized. "That memorable victory," Jefferson declared, "was the joyful annunciation of that turn of the tide of success which terminated the Kevolutionary War with the seal of independence." OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 221 CHAPTER XXVII. SKETCHES OF THE PROMINENT HEROES IN THE SCENES AT KING'S MOUNTAIN. GENERAL WILLIAM CAMPBELL WAS born iti western Vii-oinia, Augusta County, in 1754. He was a son of Charles Campbell, of Irish birth, a prominent man in his day and time, who died in 1767, leavino- the care of his wife and four daugh- ters to his son William. Soon after this William, when only about twentj'-two years of a^-e, migrated with the family to a fine tract of land called Aspenvale, near Abinfi:don, Virginia. In 1773 he was appointed one of the earliest judges of Fincastle County, and in 1774 a militia captain. Soon after this he participated in the Indian war against the Shawneea, being a part of Colonel Christian's regiment, which was a part of the forces of Lord Dunmore. He early espoused the American cause. In 177o, he, with his hunting-shirt riflemen, formed a part of the first Virginia regiment, under the command of Col. Patrick Henry. It was not long after this that he married Miss Eliza- beth Henry, a sister of the famous Patrick Henry. Troubles on the borders in 1776 caused him to resign and return to his home. In January, 1777, Washington County was organized. Colonel Campbell was continued a member of the justice's court and was at the same time made Lieutenant-Colonel of the militia in a reo-iment commanded by Evan Shelby. In 1777 he was appointed a commissioner to run the boundary line between the Cherokees and Virginia. In 1779 he was engaged in suppressing a partial uprising of the Tories in Montgomery County. In April, 1780, he was promoted to the full rank of colonel in place of Col. 222 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY Evan Shelby, whose residence was now determined to be in North Carolina. The same year he served a term in the Virginia House of Delegates. Soon after he returned home he eng-ao-ed large bodies of Tories, who, at the insti- gation of British officers, were endeavoring to seize the lead mines near Wytheville ; returning from this expedi- tion he led four hundred brave riflemen from Washington County to meet Ferguson and his command of united rangers and Tories who were advancing in the direction of his section of the country. This expedition and the final overthrow of Ferguson has been briefly related. Too ranch praise cannot be accorded to the memory of the " Hero of King's Mountain "for his gallant bearing in the campaign generally, and especially for his conduct in battle. Hurrying home after the battle of King's Mountain, he found the Cherokees at work on the border. Raising additional troops he marched to the assistance of Col. Arthur Campbell. Colonel Shelby and Major Martin, who had preceded him to quell this insurrection. The Chero- kees were pursued, many of their warriors killed and their settlements desolated. On the thirteenth of January, 1781, General Greene wrote to Col. William Campbell reminding him of the glory he had already acquired, and urging him to "bring without delay one thousand good volunteers from over the mountains." Notwithstanding the fact that the troubles in his own country with the Indians and Tories were not yet settled. Colonel Campbell raised over a hun- dred of his picked riflemen and moved forward on the twenty-fifth to the assistance of General Greene. Others joined him on the way and when he reached the ai-my of General Greene, which was about the second of March, he had a command of about four hundred. He fonght gal- lantly in the battle of Guilford and his services in the campaign are conspicuously recorded. Returning home after the battle of Guilford, he was again chosen to repre- sent Washington County in the Virginia House of Dele- OF UPPER SOUTH CAEOLINA. 223 g;ates. He served on important committees with Patrick Henry and others. By this body he was created a Briga- dier-General of the militia, to serve under Marquis De LaFayette, then commaRdinjr in Virginia. He at once repaired to LaFayette's camp for service. He became a favorite of this gallant nobleman, who appointed him to command a brigade of light infantry and cavalry. His career, however, in this campaign was destined to be short. He was taken with a complaint in his breast and after a few days illness expired, August 22d, 1781, in his thirty-sixth year. General LaFayette issued a general order announcing the sad event and characterizing Colo- nel Campbell as "an officer whose services must have endeared him to every citizen, and in particular to every American soldier. The glory which General Campbell acquired in the battles of King's Mountain and Guilford Court House will do his memory an everlasting honor, and insure him a high rank among the defenders of liberty in the American cause." The remains of General Campbell were at first interred at Rocky Mills, in Hanover County, Virginia. Here they reposed until 1823, when his rela- tives had them removed to his old Aspenvale homestead on the Holston, in southwest Virginia, to rest beside his mother, Httle son and other relatives. His widow, a son and a daughter survived him. The widow subsequently united in marriage to Gen. William Russell ; the son died young; the daughter Sarah, became the wife of Gen. Francis Preston and mother of Hon. William C. Preston, Gen. John S. Preston and Col. Thomas L. Preston. Gen- eral Campbell's widow lived until 1825, to the age of about eighty years, and the daughter, Mrs. Preston, lived until 1846, to the age of about seventy years. The name of William Campbell should never be forgotten by the rising generations of our country. Says a writer, " Whenever the story of King's Mountain and Guilford is read and the services of their heroes fully appreciated, it will be found that William Campbell has 'purpled o'er his name with deathless glory.' " 224 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY COLONEL BENJAMIN CLEVELAND. The Clevelands, it is said, were au ancient family deriv- ing' their name from a tract of country in the north Ridino- of Yorkshire, England, still called Cleveland. In his- tory there are two Alexander Clevelands mentioned. The junior of this name was father of John Cleveland, who was the father of Benjamin, the subject of this sketch. John Cleveland early migrated to Viroinia and married a Miss Martha Coffee. He settled on the famous Bull Run, in Prince William County. It was here that Benja- min Cleveland was born on the 26th of May, 1738. His early educational advantages appear to have been limited. Much of his early life was spent in hunting. It is said by a writer, that he, "like Daniel Boone, had an unconquerable aversion to the tame drudgery of farm life.'' His favorite resort in earl}' youth was in the wilder- ness where he secured pelts and furs, which found a ready market. He was also fond of hunting deer by torch light, commonly called fire hunting. In early manhood he married Miss Mary Graves, of Orange County. It is said that he participated in the French and Indians wars, but this is not proven in history, and that his mar- riage did not tame him. He was fond of horse racing, gaming and other wild sports common on the frontiers. During harvest times the neighbors would be invited. A fiddler and plenty of hquor were provided, and the day's work usually ended in a debauch. To brake away from these habits and associations, Ben- jamin Cleveland moved with his family to Roaring Creek, in Wilkes County, North Carolina. Here he opened up a farm and devoted much of his attention to stock raising and hunting. In 1772, in company with a party of friends, he set out to Kentucky in quest of Daniel Boone. On the way he and his friends were captured and deprived of their horses, guns, ammunition and shoes. In this pit- iful and almost starving condition they returned home. Several months after this Cleveland raised a select party and visited the Cherokee country and recovered the OP UPPER SOTJTH CAROLINA. 225 stolen horses. In this he was aided by a friendly chief, Bio- Bear, who furnished him an escort to visit the several towns and assist in recoverint>- the stolen property. He early espoused the patriotic cause and on the first of September, 1775, was appointed an ensign in the sec- ond North Carolina reoiment, under the command of Col. Robert Howe. This honor, however, he declined, prefer- ing rather to serve with the militia from his own locality. Durino- 1775 Cleveland's neighbors had occasion to go to Cross Creek to purchase their supplies of iron, sugar and salt, and other necessaries. They were com- pelled before they could buy or sell to take the oath of allegiance to the King. Cleveland, hearing of these acts of tyranny, swore that he would dislodge those Scotch scoun- drels at Cross Creek. He raised a select party of riflemen and marching down upon them soon scattered them. He scoured the country, captured several of the outlaws, one of whom he executed. The name of this party was Jack- son, who had set fire to the home and store house with merchandise of one Ransom Sunderland. In the campaign of Colonels Williamson and Ruther- ford against the Cherokee Indians, in 1776, Cleveland, as captain of a company in the Surry Regiment served gal- lantly, sharing all the hardships and privations which the soldiers had to undergo. In 1777, Captain Cleveland again led his company to the Watauga settlements against the yet troublesome Cherokees, where he served at Carter's Fort until a treaty of peace was concluded in July of that year. In 1778, the new County of Wilkes, North Carolina, was organized. Cleveland was placed at the head of the commission of justices and was made colonel of the mili- tia. In the fall of this year he was chosen to represent his count\' in the Legislature of North Carolina. * In 1778, when the Britsh forces invaded Georgia, Colo- nel Cleveland served in this campaign, his regiment being * See Wheeler's History of North Carolina, Wilkes County, page 468. 226 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY a part of General Rutherford's command. Retm-ning home from this service he was elected to represent his county in the State Senate, In the summer of 1780 he was actively engaged in sup- pressing the Tories at different places; first in marching against the Tories assembled at Ramsour's Mill, arriving there shortly after their defeat ; second, in chasing Colo- nel Bryan's forces from the State, and finally in scouring the region of New River, checking the Tory rising in that region. In some instauces some of their notorious leaders and outlaws were hanged. The distinguished services of Colonel Cleveland in the famous King's Mountain campaign have already been noticed. Just before the opening up of the battle of King's Mountain he delivered an address to the troops in plain, unvarnished language, which did much to inspire their courage and patriotism on this occasion, and doubt- less added greatly to the triumphant success of the Amer- can cause. Draper, in his biography of Cleveland, gives an ex- tended account of a narrow escape by him not long after the King's Mountain expedition. It appears that on one occasion he captured two Tory outlaws, Jones and Carl, and hung them. Soon afterwards and whilst all alone, he was captured by a gang of Tories. His life hung on a thread. His name and influence was worth everything to the Tories, who decided before they executed him to require him to write passes for them, certifying that ea.ch was a good Whig, to be used when in close quarters. Cleveland was a very poor scribe and wrote passes very slowly, believing they would kill him as soon as he fin- ished this work. While he was thus engaged a party of Whigs came up, under the command of his brother, Capt. Robert Cleveland, and he was fortunately recaptured. Riddle, who commanded the Tor^^ company which cap- tured Cleveland, was afterwards captured with his son and another follower and carried before Cleveland, and by OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 227 his orders all three of them were hun^ near the preseut town of Wilkesboro, North Carolina. It is said of Cleveland that while in many instances he resorted to the severest measures of punishment ao:ainst the outrages and maraudino-s of the Tories, he yet exer- cised a commandino' influence over them and caused some of them to abandon their Tory associations and unite under his standard. Says a writer, "Cleveland was liter- ally all things to all people." By his severities "he awed and intimidated not a few, restraining them from lapsing into Tory abominations; by his kindness, forbearance and even tenderness, winning over many to the glorious cause he loved so well." Cleveland's last military service was in the autumn of 1781. He performed a three months tour of duty on the Little Pee Dee, in South Carolina. His command of mountaineers routed the Tory detachments. After this was accomplished he returned home. At the close of the war Cleveland lost his handsome plantation, called "Round About," by reason of a de- fective title. His attention had been attracted to a beautiful country in the Cherokee Nation, while partici- pating in the expedition of Colonels Williamson and Eutherford against the Cherokees in 1776. Though the the Indian title was not yet extinguished he resolved to become among the first squatters of that country. He visited the Tugaloo Valley in 1784, and selected for his future home a magnificent body of land lying between the Tugaloo River and Chauga Creek, in the present County of Oconee, S. C. To this place Cleveland re- moved about the year 1785 or 1786. To the history of Col. Ben Cleveland's life after his removal to the Tugaloo, much is due to his biography by Governor Perry in his "Sketches of Eminent States- men." It was not long after his removal to his new home until his services were called into requisition. When the new "County Court Act," of which Judge Pendleton was the author, went into force Col. Benjamin Cleveland, 228 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY Gen. Andrew Pickens and Gen. Robert Anderson were appointed judo'es of the court for Pendleton County. Colonel Cleveland was no lawyer, thouo-h a ^'ood judge of right from wrong. He had a contempt for the techni- calities of law and its delays. He was fair in the admin- istration of justice, and after hearing the evidence his mind was quickly made up. He did not consult books, but decided according to his sense of justice and right. It is stated by Governor Perry that Colonel Cleveland grew very corpulent during the latter days of his life, weighing some four or five hundred pounds. It is further stated by this eminent writer, that his (Perry's) father, visited him one bitter cold morning and found him sit- ting in his piazza with nothing on but a thin calico gown, and that his legs were of a purple color. Mr. Perry said to him, "This is a very cold morning. Colonel Cleveland." "No," replied the colonel. "It's a very fine morning, and I have come out to enjoy the fresh morning air." It is further related by him that by reason of his fleshiness, he would while sitting on the bench take a snooze, while the lawyers were rendering their arguments, and would sometimes snore so loud as to interrupt the proceedings of the court. Governor Perry gives an interesting account of the descendants of Col. Benjamin Cleveland. Two brothers, John and Robert, and one sister are named. John Cleveland was a Baptist preacher of good standing, influ- ence and ability. He was pastor of a church on Chauga River, in Oconee County. In referring to the " General History of the Baptist Denomination of America," pub- lished in Boston, in 1813, a copy of which is in possession of the writer, his name appears as pastor of Chauga Church, Sarepter Association. Membership, 265, founded 1783. The sister referred to, married a Mr. Franklin, brother of Governor Franklin, of North Carolina. Robert Cleveland, brother of Col. Benjamin Cleveland, was a soldier of the Revolution and was a captain in his brother's regiment at King's Mountain. He was the OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 229 father of Capt. Jeremiah Cleveland, of Greenville, South Carolina, and of Jesse ('leveland, one of Spartanburg's early and most successful merchants, who was the father of the late John atid Dr. Robert E. Cleveland, the latter the father of the present Dr. Jesse and John B. Cleveland, Esq. The remains of Colonel Cleveland were buried on his farm which belonj^ed, in 1887, to Dr. William Earle. Governor Perry states that he visited, when a boy, the p;rave of this immortal hero. It was much neolected, brambles, briers and bushes having grown up around it. Some years afterwards some one built a square pen around it of pine saplings, which soon rotted down. A few year ago, under the leadership of one of his descend- ants, Vanoy Cleveland, Esq., a handsome monument was placed over the last resting place of Colonel Cleveland by his relatives. It has been truly said of Colonel Cleveland, that he " was one of nature's great men— great in every respect, great in person, great in heart and great in mind. He was honest, truthful and honorable, and discharged his duties frankly and fearlessly. He was a man of extraor- dinary judgment, good sense and practical wisdom." Let his name and glory stand among the memories of other heroes that are being perpetuated. COLONEL JOHN SEVIER. Son of Valentine and Joanna Sevier, was born in the village of New Market, Rockingham county, in the Val- ley of Virginia, on the twenty-third day of September, 1745. After the Indian war of 1755, the family removed for safety to where John was placed at school. He was afterwards sent to school at Staunton, and while there was accidentally saved from drowning in a mill-race by the heroic efforts of two young ladies, one of whom became the wife of George Matthews, a colonel of the Revolution and Governor of Georgia. In early life, John Sevier was engaged with his father in trade and at 230 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY the at^e of seventeen he married a Miss Sarah Hawkins. He opened up a farm, engaged in merchandising and occasionally participated in excursions against the Indians. On one occasion he and his companions nar- rowly escaped an ambuscade which had been set for them. Late in 1773, John Sevier removed his family to the Holston country (now East Tennessee) within a few miles of the Shelbys. Before his removal from Virginia, he was commissioned a captain, by Lord Duumore. The wife of John Sevier being delicate, she never moved from Virginia, and died there soon after the birth of her sixth child. John Sevier was at Watauga Fort when attacked by the Indians in July, 1776. A large number of people had gathered there and at daybreak, when the women were outside milking the cows, a large body of Cherokees fired on the milkers, but fortunately they all escaped to the fort, the gates having been thrown oj^en for their reception. Among the girls who were engaged in milking was a Miss Catherine Sherrill. It seems that the gates were accidentally shut against her before she reached the fort. She was equal to the emergency, however. She threw her bonnet over the pickets and climbed over herself and fell into the arms of John Sevier, who subsequently became her husband. The attack on the fort was successfully' resisted. We have shown that John Sevier was among the first in the defense of the settlements on the Watauga and Nolachuckey. He was elected clerk of the first self-consti- tuted court in 1775, and in 1776 was chosen one of the representatives of the united settlements to the North Carolina Convention, at Halifax. During this session he secured the establishment of the district of Washington. After his return he served in Christian's expedition against the Cherokees, at the head of a spirited company of riflemen. He remained in the service until the treaty of Holston, at Long Island, July, 1777. In the fall of this year he was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel of Wash- OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 231 ingtoD County. His principal duty from 1777 to 1779 was to ffuard with vigilance the Tories, Indians and horse thieves that infested the country. During- the year 1780 he participated in the expedition against Ferguson. His gallant services at King's Moun- tain have already been noticed and cannot be too highly extolled. In December of the same year he defeated the Cherokees at Boyd's Creek, killing thirteen and taking all their baggage. After this he joined Col. Arthur Campbell in an expedition against the hostile towns. In February, 1781, he was made a full colonel. In March of this year he led a successful expedition against the middle Cherokee settlements, killing about thirty of their warriors, capturing some prisoners, burning six towns and bringing away about two hundred horses. In the autumn of this year be served under Generals Greene and Marion in South Carolina. In November, 1784, he was appointed Bregadier-General, which honor he declined, because of his leadership in the proposed republic of Frank- lin, or, as Wheeler has it, Frankland. During the period of its existence he was made its Governor and principal defender. He was apprehended by the North Carolina authorities, headed by Governor Tipton, and carried to the court at Morgantown under the charge of rebellion. He was rescued by a party of his friends. He bore the sobriquet of " Nolachuckey Jack" at home. Returning home from Morgantown he led a campaign against the Indians. The peoyjle of East Tennessee being divided in sentiment, the State of Frankland ceased to exist, after a storm.y career of about four years. In 1789 General Sevier was chosen a representative to the Legislature of North Carolina, when an act of obliv- ion was passed. He was thereupon reinstated Brigadier- General. In 1790-1 he was elected to represent the Fast Tennes- see district of North Carolina in Congress, and when Ten- nessee was organized into a territory he was appointed by President Washington a Brigadier-General of the mili- 232 COLONIAL AND liEVOLUTlONARY HISTORY tia. He continued to protect the frontier settlements, carrying; on the Hi^htower campaign against the Chero- kees in 1793. In 1798 he was made a general in tlie pro- visional army of the United States. On the organization of the State Government of Tennessee, in 1796, Gen. John Sevier was chosen its first governor and continued in this office until 1801. In 1802 he served as commissioner to run the boundary line between Tennessee and Virginia. He was again chosen governor from 1803 to 1809 and then served a term in the State Senate. In 1811 he was again chosen to a seat in Congress, and served on the committee on military affairs until 1815, when he vvas appointed by President Madison one of the commis- sioners to ascertain the boundary of the Creek territory, and died while on this service, near Fort Decatur, Ala- bama, September 24ch, 1815, at the advanced age of seventy years. " General Sevier,'' said the distinguished Hugh L. White, who had served under him, "vvas considered in his day among the most gallant, patriotic and useful men in the country in which he lived." For a long number of years his remains rested in a neglected and almost forgotten grave, with no stone to point to the sacred spot. Not many years ago, however, they were removed to the court house grounds in Knoxville, Tennessee, where a handsome monument with appropriate inscriptions, marks their final resting place. * In another part of this work will be found a sketch of Col. Isaac Shelby and also Col. James WiUiams, of South Carolina.* Soon after the fall of the latter on the battle field of King's Mountain, he was carried into the British ■■Under a government appointment to Oklahoma Territory, the writer had the pleasure of visiting this monument -while passing through Knoxville, Tennessee. * ^ee Musgrove's expedition and battle, OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLIiNA. 233 lines and placed under the care of the British surgeon, Dr. Johnson, of whom it is said that he did all the service he could to Whigs and Provincials alike. When the army took up its line of march the following day, the wounded were placed on horse litters and the teiiderest care was taken of the heroic Colonel Williams. Says Draper: " In the early part of the afternoon, when about three miles south-west of the battle ground, on the route towards Deer's Ferry on Broad River, the little guard having him in charge, discovering that life was fast ebbing away, stopped on the road-side at Jacob Randall's place, since the homestead of Abraham Hardin, where he quietly breathed his last. His death was a matter of sincere grief to the whole army. His friends resolved at first to carry his remains to his old home, near Little River in Laurens County, but soon after changed this determina- tion. Marching some twelve miles from the battlefield, they encamped that night near the eastern bank of Broad River and a little north of Buffalo Creek on the road leading to North (Carolina, and within two miles of Camp's Creek. Here, at the deserted plantation of Wal- dron or Foundron, they found a good camping ground." As no suitable conveyance could be found, the next morn- ing the friends of Colonel Williams concluded to bury his remains near by. They were accordingly interred with the honors of war between the Whig camp and the river, a little above the the mouth of Buffalo Creek, on a plant- ation that afterwards belonged to Capt. J. B. Mintz. Repeated efforts were made by different ones, and by the descendants of Colonel Williams years after, to locate this sacred spot, but without success. Many years after- wards Captain Mintz employed some men to shrub off the •iTound where the long forgotten grave was supposed to be, and sure enough a grave was discovered with a head and foot stone of a different kind of rock from any to be found near by. This is unquestionably the last resting place of Colonel Williams. It is an irreparable shame to our American Republic that the last resting places of many 234 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTOHY of her heroes have been neg'lected and forgotten. Be this as it may, their memories and f^lorious deeds will be pre- served and perpetuated throuo^h lonoj succeeding- a.t!;es. Time would fail us to present sketches in detail of Col. Charles McDowell, Lieut. -Cols. Frederick Hambright, Benjamin Herndon. Edward Lacy and Majs. Joseph Win- ston, William Chronicle, Even Shelby, Jr., Joseph McDow- ell, and many of the list of devoted patriots of Kino's Mountain, whose names have been preserved and whose valorous services, toojether with those whose names are not given to us, will be forever preserved and perpetuated in the annals of our countrv's historv. BRITISH AND LOYALISTS LEADERS. Colonel Patrick Ferguson, commander of the British and Loyalists forces at King's Mountain, was no ordinary man. He was a finished soldier and his bearing through- out his military career proved him as brave as a lion. He was a Scotchman by birth and son of James Ferguson, an eminent Judge, Lord of Sessions and Justi- ciary. He was a nephew of a great nobleman whose name was Patrick Murry (Lord EUbank), a man of eminent literary talents who was deennd by other writers and con- temporary sages equal to the best authors of the Scottish Augustan age. Patrick Ferguson early acquired an education, possessing as he did, a vigorous mind and brilliant parts. At the age of eighteen he entered the army in the German war and was distinguished by his cool and determined courage. It is said that he early displayed inventive genius, sound judgment and intrepid heroism, and all the essential qualifications which con- stitute the successful soldier. He was the inventor of a new species of rifle that could load at the breach and fii-e seven times a minute with accuracy' and precision. He participated in the battle of Brandywine in 1777, and used with his corps his invention with fatal effect. In 1779 he distinguished himself on the North River, and was sent soon after to aid General Clinton in the OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 285 South. He rendered signal service in tbe reduction of Ciiarleston, May, 1780, and received complimentary notice in the dispatches of his Commander-in-Chief. He was pleasant and conciliatory in manner, and was well calcu- lated to gain friendi;'.- It was for this reason, after the fall of Charleston, that he was dispatched to the district of Ninety-Six, to win the inhabitants to the British cause. The record is that he displayed much tact and judgment. He published an address to the inhabitants in which he said, " We come not to make war upon women and children, but to give them money and relieve their dis- tresses." In another place we have stated the circum- stances of his fall at King's Mountain. It seems that Providence assigned to him a sad fate. His talents, patriotism and devotion to his King and superiors were worthy of a better cause. (■APTAiN Abraham De Peyster was second in com- mand at King's Mountain, and surrendered the army after the fall of Ferguson. He was born in New York in 1753. He descended, it is said, from an ancnent and influ- ential family. He entered the Royal service as Captain in the New York Volunteers ; served in the seige of Charleston, at Musgrove's Mill and in Ferguson's operations during the summer and autumn of 1780— distinguishing himself at King's Mountain, where his life was saved b^^ a doub- loon* in his vest pocket, which stopped a rifle ball, though the coin was bent by its force. He retired on half pay to New Brunswick, where he was treasurer and colonel in the militia, dying about 1798. He is represented as a brave, vigilant and enterprising officer. Colonel Ambrose Mills, who was captured at King's Mountain and executed at Bickerstaffs, was born in Eng- land about 1722, and while yet young, was taken to Maryland. He married Miss Mourning Stone, and first ••A Spanish or Portugese coiu, of tbe value of from $15 to $60. — Webster' 236 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY settled on James River. Afterwards he removed to the frontiers of South Oarolina, where his wife was murdered by the Indians during the Indian War of 1755 to 1761, leaving an only son William. He subsequently married Miss Annie Brown, a native of the present region of Ches- ter, South Carolina, a sister to the wife of Col. Thomas Fletchall, whose character as a Loyalist and whose resi- dence on Fair Forest region has been already mentioned. Colonel Mills by his second marriage had tiiree sons and three daughters. In 1765, he settled on Green River, in the present county of Polk. North Carolina. In 1776, he served against the Cherokee Indians. He appears to have been all right until 1778, when he united with the notorious David Fanning in raising a corps of five hundred men, the object of which was to join the Royal standard at St. Augustine. One of the party betrayed their plans. Mills and sixteen others were apprehended and taken to Salis- bury, where they were placed in jail. Fanning with a small party endeavored to rescue him on the way, but their efforts were unavailing. Mills, after a time, was released. He joined Ferguson when he visited his region in 1780. He fought at Earle's Ford and at King's Moun- tain. "Viewed a century afterwards," says Draper, " he was too severely dealt with at Bickerstaffs." His execu- tion was doubtless, to a great extent, intended as a retal- iatory measure. He was, when well advanced in years, at the head of a lawless, plundering and marauding band of Tories, and was by his execution made, in the heat of passion, to suffer for all. In private life there is not a. blot on record against his character as a man, or his integrity as a gentleman. In his efforts to repel the Indians in 1776, who were aroused against the whites by the British Agents, Stewart and ('ameron, he appears at first to have sided with the patriots. His descendants are among the ablest and most respect- able citizens in the South and Southwest. Allaire in his diary says, in referring to the executions at Bickerstaffs, fhat " Mills, Chitwood and Wilson died like Romans." OP UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 23t CHAPTER XXVIII CORNWALUS GROWS ALARMED FOR HIS SAFETY AFTER THE OVERTHROW AT KING'S MOUNTAIN.— ABANDONS WHILE AT CHARLOTTE FURTHER INVASION OF NORTH CAROLINA.— RETURNS TO SOUTH CAROLINA AND ESTAB- LISHES CAMP AT WINNSBORO.— BATTLE OF FISH DAM ON BROAD RIVER. THE victory and final overthrow of Fero-uson at King's Mountain was a great blow to the British interests in the Carolinas. We have already stated that before and during the engagement at that place, Corn- wallis was stationed with his army at Charlotte, North Carolina, having marched to that place after his victory over General Gates at Camden, on the 16th of August, 1780. Before leaving the latter place, he left behind him a small force, detachments from which were constantly annoyed by a considerable body of militia from North and South Carolina, under the command of Generals Davidson and Sumter, who took post in the vicinity. Among those who were most successful in intercepting the enemy's foraging parties and convoys, was Major Davie, whose command had been greatly recruited by vol- unteers from the lower country. It is recorded that not- withstanding the enemy's recent victory in that locality, their position was still one of uneasiness and exposure. The American riflemen would frequently penetrate the British camp and make sure of their object from behind trees. They dared not leave their encampment, even for a few hundred yards. These deeds of daring and this harrassing of the enemy's forces, as well as the recent victory at King's Mountain, caused Cornwallis to grow alarmed for his safety. Believ- 238 COLONIAL AND UKVOLUTIONARY HISTORY ino- he had aheady subjugated South Carolina to British authoirty, he had commenced the invasion of North Car- ohna to accomphsh the same end. The sudden and unex- pected turn of events, however, made him apprehensive lest he mio-ht share the fate of his subordinate, Ferguson. His position became the more critical by reason of the fact, that the Loyalists no lono^er manifested the same zeal to join his standard, and he found himself with a feeble army in the midst of a hostile and a sterile coun- try. Seeino' that a forward movement would but further increase the embarrassments that were surrounding- him. he resolved to relinquish further invasion of North Carolina, where the public inind was orowing more decid- edly in favor of the patriot cause, and return to South Carolina. Accordingly he abandoned Charlotte, re- passed the Catawba River and took post at Winnsboro, South Carolina. On his way to this place he was annoyed by the Whig forces, who took several of his wagons loaded with stores. It is said that the Whig troopers would ride up singly, within gunshot of his army, and discharge their pieces and make good their escape. The panic which had been caused by the reduction of the Continental army at Charleston under Lincoln and the defeat of Gates at Camden, began to wear off. The overthrow of Ferguson and the retreat of Cornwallis from Charlotte placed the American situation in a different light. The Whigs hastened in great multitudes to place themselves under the standards of their most daring chiefs, Marion and Sumter. The former scoured the lower, while the latter scoured the upper, portion of South Carolina. Cornwallis, having taken a stand at Winnsboro, a chain of British posts were established, consisting of George- town, Camden, Winnsboro, Ninety-six and Augusta. Within this circle was an interior chain consisting of Fort Watson, on the road to Camden, Mott's House and Granby on the Congaree. Inside of these were Dorchester and Orangeburg, which were fortified as posts of rest and OF UPPER SOUTH~CAROLINA. 239 deposit on the lines of communication between the points mentioned. These posts were all Judiciously chosen by the British commander, both for covering the country and obtaining supplies from the confiscated and seques- tered estates of the Whigs in the vicinity. The total numbers occupying these different points amounted to about five thousand. Let us go back a few months and examine the state of affairs, just before the changes which we have men- tioned. After the battle of Camden, Marion performed the brilliant exploit of recapturing the prisoners taken at Gates' defeat. After this, he was obliged to dismiss a large portion of his followers and retire to his secret hiding place in the almost impenetrable swamps. Sum- ter also, after the surprise and dispersion of his command at Fishing Creek (in Sumter county), fell back with the wreck of that fatal day, to secure regions in the mountains. But no sooner had Cornwallis turned his face to South Carolina and the American army put in motion, than these brave leaders emerged from their several retreats and renewed their bold and harrassing enter- prises against the British forces and their Tory adherents. To counteract these and and to save his army from ultimate defeat was a matter which doubtless occupied the attention of Cornwallis. Tarleton's former successes against Sumter pointed him out as the proper officer to ferret out and destroy Marion. In this undertaking, however, he was doomed to disappointment. Indeed it ma3' be observed here, that after the affair at Fishing Creek the star of Tarleton began to decline. He never afterwards performed any important services in South Carolina. Mai'ion eluded and baflled all his plans and maneuvers to bring him into action, and remained in possession of the disputed country. Cornwallis, finding that Tarleton could make no head- way against Marion, recalled him to confront his old adver- sary, now within twenty-eight miles of the British camp at 240 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY Winnsborc* Sumter's forces bad coDsiderably increased in numbers, h a vin<^ formed a junction with the commands under Colonels Taylor, Winn, Middleton, Lacy, Bratton, Thomas, Hill and a number of Whiti;s from Georgia under Colonels Clarke and Tvvioo's. Bein^ now at the head of an imposing- commaud, he, it appears, lay encamped too lono- at Fish Dam on Broad River. The daring measure of Sumter in approaching- so near the British encamp- ment suggested the enterprise to Cornwallis of surprising him in his camp before the arrival of Tarleton. Such was the importance of securing Sumter in person, that an officer and five dragoons were specially charged to force their way to his tent and take him dead or alive. The exi)edition was placed under the command of Col- olnel Wemyss, who obtained for his guide a young Loyalist whose name was Sealey, who had been dis- charged from confinement in Sumter's camp the day before and who knew exactly the position of Sumter's tent, which stood beside the main road crossing the en- campment. Fortunately, General Sumter was on the alert, having remained in camp so long at this place he was anticipating a surprise. He had given unusual- strength to his advance guard, which was placed under the command of Col. Thomas Taylor. In order that he might be able to see the approach of the enemy, Colonel Taylor caused a number of fires to be lighted in his front. At a short distance behind these, his men were arranged and concealed. Sure enough, as expected, the enemy approached. The videttes and pickets did their duty and by the time the enemy's forces had reached the fire-lights, Taylor's men were under arms ready to receive them. They instantly poured a well-directed and murderous fire into their ranks, which prostrated twenty-three of them, including Colonel Wemyss, their comman- der. The rest immediately recoiled and retreated one hundred yards— in front of the fires — before they ■•■'See Johnson's Life of Greene, Vol. I, page 315. OF~UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 241 could be rallied. Here the iufaiitiy dismouuted and advanced again with fixed bayonets on Taylor's men, who had no bayonets. The latter were ordered to retire and form under the cover of a rail fence in the rear The order was executed with j3recision. A well directed fire from this position caused the enemy to stagger and draw off. The fact is recorded, singular as it may appear, that at the instant the enemy retreated, Taylor's men that had repelled them, broke and fled also, their flight being concealed by the darkness of the night. But had this been known to the enemy, it would have been of no avail to them, as Sumter's army was already under arms awaiting their approach. On the morning after this affair, the fact was revealed that the enemy had fled precipitately after the last en- counter with Taylor's men. Colonel Wemyss was found next morning shot through both thighs. He had recently returned from an expedition against the Whigs on Black River and the Pee Dee, where he had acted under the orders of Cornwallis. Though it was believed that he had super- intended the execution of Mr. AdamCusack (who was hung) and had in his pocket a memorandum of several houses burned by his command, still he received every consider- ation as a prisoner of war at the hands of Sumter. A singular fate happened to Sealey, who guided the British to Sumter's camp at night. He died of a sabre wound inflicted by his own men. It occurred in this way: After conducting the small party that had been selected to penetrate Sumter's tent, he forgot that the presence of the party whom he accompanied was necessary to pre- vent his being mistaken by his homespun clothing for an American. He thus met the fate that be deserved. The soldierly conduct of Colonel Taylor was the decisive cause of the repulse of the British in this engage- ment. Had it not been for the obscurity of the night which rendered it impossible for Sumter's whole command to become engaged, this affair would have been fatal to 242 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY the British party. Not more than one hundred and fifty of the Americans were engaged. The battle at Fish Dam, on Broad Biver, which occurred in the night time, was on the 12th of November, 1780, only one week before the battle of Blackstock's, an account of which will be given in the next chaT3ter. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 243 CHAPTER XXIX. BATTLE OF BLACKSTOCK'S, NOVEMBER 20, 1780. AT the time of the battle at Fish Dam, which we have just related, and for several days afterwards, Sum- ter was entirely ig-norant of the near approach of Tarletou from the lower country, where the latter had ^'one in pur- suit of Marion. He had. it seems, do apprehension what- ever for his own safety, notwithstanding Cornwallis' superiority in infantry. Beino- unencumbered with bag- gage he knew that at any moment he could retreat with superior swiftness. Says a writer,* "his men wanted no covering but the heavens and were satisfied to subsist on the coarsest diet. Provided with their own horses and intimately acquainted with all the roads, streams and recesses of the country, they could move with the speed of the Arab; and when pressed, disperse and retire to to meet again at some place of rendezvous assigned by their commander." Sumter received information that a large quantity of provisions for the British army were deposited at Sum- mer's Mill, under a small guard, and also that a party of British militia or Tories, were stationed at Captain Faust's, on the waters of (probably) the Enoree. To break up that station and to capture the stores at Sum- mer's Mill was a matter of great importance with Sum- ter, inasmuch as his men were poorly supplied, not only with food but with every comfort. He detached Col. Thomas Taylor, of South Carolina, and Colonel Candler, of Georgia, with wagons and a small force to proceed at once down the country to Summer's Mill, with orders to get possession of and bring aw^ay or destroy the prison- * See Johnson's Life of Greene, Vol. I, page 317. 244 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY ei's, as circumstances raij>ht require. "'At the same time," says Colonel Hammond, "Lieutenant-Colonel Williamson, of Clarke's regiment of Georgia,, and Major S. Hammond were detached towards Captain Faust's to attack and if possible brea.k up that station." It appears that these detachments were ordered, after they had performed the duties assigned them, to rejoin Sumter at Blackstock's, to which point he had decided to move his army. While the detachments were absent and Sumter was on his march from Fish Dam to Blackstock's he received the first intelligence of the near approach of Tarleton. This, it is said, was communicated to him by a Mrs. Dilliard,* who liv^ed on the south side of Enoree River, (now) in Laurens County, and on the route of Tarleton's march to Blackstock's. Tarleton, in his "Campaigns," states that "A woman on horseback had viewed the line of march from a wood near, and by a nearer road had given intelligence" to Sumter. It seems that the latter up to this time had been falling back very leisurely, intending as much as possible, to hang upon the skirts of Cornwallis and hold him in check. In the biography of Colonel Taylor tit is stated that Taylor discovered the approach of Tarleton about fifteen miles from Blackstock's and sent expresses to inform Sumter of his approach. The latter had, however, already gained intelligence, whether from Mrs. Dilliard or otherwise we are not informed. He halted before he reached Blackstock's, not only to refresh his men but to give Tajdor's detachment time to rejoin him. His delay, how- ever, had to be short. It was necessary that he should make as hasty a retreat as possible, in order to throw •■■See foot note, Draper's "King's Mountain," page 74. It has been claimed that it was Mrs. Dillard instead of Mrs. Thomas that gave the timely warning of the Bridsh advance on Cedar Spring. (See John- son's Tradition's, page 518). Tiiis is a mistake, however, according to the testimony of Major Mcjuiikiii (son-in-law of Mrs. Thomas) and others. tSee Johnson's Traditions, page 536. OF UPPPJR SOUTH CAROLINA. 245 the rapid Tyj>er between himself and his adversary. He learned that Tarleton, who was hurrvino; forward to over- take him, had both cavah\y and artillery, and being des- titute of both, and having only a short time before been defeated by that officer at Fishing Creek, he fully appre- ciated the critical situation. Williamson, who with Colonel Hammond had been sent to surprise and capture the enemy at Captain Faust's, failed in the enterprise in consequence of their hasty removal from that place. He, with his little command, rejoined Sumter the day before the battle at Blackstock's. Sumter, however, was unwilling to beat a hasty retreat across the Tyger before his missing detachment under Tajdor and Candler might have time to rejoin him. He was now within a half mile of Blackstock's house and was anxiously awaiting the arrival of this detach- ment. His suspense was happily removed. Says Colonel Hammond, "the horses and men were fed hastily, the line of march was resumed and when Blackstock's house was in view, our rear videttes fired at the advancing cavalry of the enemy. Colonels Taylor and Candler at this moment, drove in with their wagons loaded with flour, &c., passed our rear guard and entered the open field at Blackstock's.* At the next moment Tarleton's legion charged our rear guard, but Taylor and his escort were safe." This was indeed a trying hour for Sumter. Tarleton's -■■Among the parties -who composed Colonel Taylor's detachment was William White, husband of one of the heroines of Mrs. Ellett's "Women of the Revolution," (see vol. iii, page 290). White on this occasion drove a -wagon loaded with flour. It appears that the understanding between Taylor and Sumter was for the latter to remain at the place where they parted until Tayljr's return. Sumter, hearing that Tarleton was rapidly advancing to attack him, fell back to Black- stock's in order to secure a more advantageous position. Taylor knew nothing of Tarleton's approach and when he returned to the place where he was to rejoin Sumter, not finding him he was not a little dis- pleased. His men being very hungry he allowed two or three hogs to be cleaned and some of the flour made into bread. They were en- 246 COLONIAL AND IJEVOLUTIONAKY HISTORY unexpected return had exposed his command to imminent danger. It was impossible for him to make a successful retreat across the river. He must now fight with a ven- geance and determination, or suffer his army to be totally destroyed. But the "Game Cock" of the Revolution was not the man to be cowed by the dan- gers which were about to surround him. Tarleton was in his rear and the river was in his front. He lost not a moment in getting his men in line for action. In the per- formance of this hurried task, he was ably and actively assisted by Maj. James Jackson, of Georgia, who acted as a volunteer aid and brigade major for his army. In the biographical sketch of Col. Thomas Taylor, already referred to, it is stated that Taylor sent two detachments of his men to watch and retard the approach of Tarleton. The first was ordered to fire on the enemy as soon as they came within gunshot; then to retreat and occupy another hill on Tarleton's route. The second was to do the same, and thus to continue their fire alternately, from one hill top to another. By this means Tarleton was checked at every elevation in the road and Sumter noti- fied of his position and strength. The two detachments sustained each other in their alternate movements. Thus gaged in baking bread, "Johnny Cake" fashion, on a piece of pine bark at the moment when Sergeants Ben Rowan and Ben Hannah, who had been sent out by Sumter to reconoitre, rode up in great haste and informed them that Tarleton was approaching near by. There was a general hurly-burly. The hogs and dough were thrown into the wagon uncooked, and William White drove the wagon at a full gallop until he reached Sumter at Blackstock's. As he turned the corner of a little stable the firing commenced and a ball passed through the sleeve of his hunting shirt. White, as soon as he carried his wagon to the rear, returned with James Wylie to the iight, with three balls in his mouth, to have them ready. While the battle was going on, Wylie par- tially parried a blow dealt upon a Whig by one of Tartleton's dragoons. A friend near him shot the dragoon and Wylie seized his sword, which he took home with him. Afterwards he presented it to his son Peter, who, when a captain in command of a company, wore it, and years afterwards carried it with him to the Florida war. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 247 was Sumter enabled to choose his position and ^et his men into line before Tarleton could come up. The men were admonished to keep cool and ordered to reserve their fire until it could be effectual on their foes. Blackstock's house stood on the southwest bank of Tyger (or Tioer as it is called in some of the old books) River, and near the ford of the same name — the crossing of the old Blackstock road, the location of which has been described in a former chapter. It was with reference to the favorable crossing- at this place that Sumter had decided to move with his army. There were at that time no bridges and but few safe fordings on the Tyger. The ground about the Blackstock buildings afforded a posi- tion highly favorable for drawing up a small force in order of battle. Botta says that " the position of the Americans was formidably strong; ib was covered in front by the river, log houses and palisades, and upon the two flanks b^^ inaccessible mountains or narrow and difficult defiles."* Colonel Hammond, who participated in the battle, states that " in front of the buildings a small branch of the Tyger River passed through the field, mar- gined by small bushes, but not obstructing the view of the British movements from the hill. This water course formed a half moon with its concavity toward the enemy and the ridge corresponded with this shape of the branch. Sumter had the houses filled with his troops, and these with a strong, new fence on each side of the road, afforded a tolerable cover for his men. The rest were posted on the ridge from one hundred to one hundred and fifty yards west of the branch or ravine. In this position the British commander found Sumter when ready to advance upon him. t In "Johnson's Life of Greene," (page 318), it is stated that Tarleton's command consisted of his legion, a battal- lion of the Tlst and a detachment of the 63d regiments ; •See Botta's " American War," Vol. II, page 311. t See JohnfjQp'^ Traditions, page 324. 24:8 COLOiXIAL AND KEVOLUTIONARY HISTORY with a lieutenant's command of Royal artillery and one field piece. Of this force about four hundred were mounted. With these he pressed forward to overtake and retard iSumter before he should have time to cross the river and escape. Sumter intended only to make a temporary stand. Not doubting" but that the whole force of the enemy was upon him, he resolved, as the day was fast declining-, to main- tain his ground during the day and escape under cover of the night across the Tyger and disperse. It was not long, however, before he discovered that only a part of the British force had come up. He, therefore, very judic- iously resolved to commence the attack at once and cut up his enemy in detail. Tarleton, supposing that he had his game bagged, immediately on his arriving secured an elevated piece of gi'ound in front of Sumter's position and across the stream referred to. Here he dismounted his men to rest themselves and horses, and to await the arrival of his artillery and infantry, in order that he might commence the attack with better advantage. Sumter seized this critical moment and began the attack at once. His men descended from the heights and poured in a well-directed fire upon Parleton's men, who were now compelled to take to their arms at once. Sumter's men were met by the bayonet, and being armed only with rifles were forced to retire. The British advanced, but were met by a reserve of rifles, which brought many of them to the ground and threw the rest in confusion. Tarleton, seeing his danger, made a desperate effort to (ihange the situation by ordering his men to charge di- rectly up the hill. This broughtthem within close rifle shot of Sumter's men, who stood firm. The Biitish ranks were thinned by the deadly rifle. During this encounter the Blackstock buildings were about one-fourth of a. mile or less to the right of the British position and northeast of the same. Tarleton decided to attack this point. Says Johnson, "drawing off his whole corps he then wheeled upon the American left towards Blackstock's house, OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 249 where the ground was not so precipitious, and a better footing was afforded for the horses. Here the Georgians were posted under Clarke* and Twiggs, and their little corps of about oue hundred and fifty men displayed the courage of veterans, but the pressure of Tarleton's whole force was too much for them to withstand, and at this point was gained the only semblance of advantage on the side of the enemy. The left gave way, but the timely interposition of the reserve under Col. Richard Winn, and the enfilading fire from the house in which a company bad been posted, soon restored the fortunes of the day, and the officer who in the face of the world had boasted of a victory, actually ran away and was pursued, and as the Americans say, was saved by the darkness of the night." t Just before this last encounter on the American left, the approach of the British infantry was observed from the American position. General Sumter, says Colonel Ham- mond, ordered Colonel Clarke to take one hundred good men, pass the enemy's right, then forming in the field and in cover of the woods, attack and cut off, if practicable, the horses there piqueted, and further to attack an armory of the enemy in the rear and divert their atten- tion as much as possible. This order was promptly obeyed by Colonel Clarke and Col. Candler, of Georgia, who just coming in with Colonel Taylor from the Sum- mer's Mill expedition, volunteered on that service, as did also Major Hammond with bis command. When the British retreat was finally ordered from before the Black- stock houses, Clarke and Hammond attacked the infan- try in the rear and took a part of their horses, but the whole retreating British force coming up they, were com- '■According to Colonel Hammond's account Colonel Clarke was not personally engaged in the last encounter, but had already, in compli- ance with his orders moved around the enemy's left, to attack the Brit- ish infantry in the rear. t See Johnson's Life of Greene, page 319. 250 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HJSTORY pelled to retire, and only carried off a few infantry horses and cut others loose. It was now dark, and (Clarke being in doubt as to Sumter's situation, retreated before the British until next morning*.* William Gilmore Simmssays that "Tarleton fled, leaving two hundred men upon the field of battle." t Tarleton, in his "Campaigns," asserts that "from the time the left yielded, the Americans began to disperse, and nothing but the approach of night prevented the pur- suit." This could not have been, since it is proven beyond a question of doubt, that the Americans pos- sessed themselves of all his wounded and many of his horses. The fact is proven that Tarleton, after his retreat, never halted until he joined the residue of his corps two miles distant. Here he encamped for the night. The Americans accompHshed all they fought for. Being destitute of cavalry and artillery they could not venture from their heights, but they made a safe crossing over the river, after which they, according to a previous under- standing, dispersed for security among their friends in different sections. General Sumter was severely wounded in the breast and was taken from the field. The com- mand of his army was then assumed by Colonel Twiggs, of Georgia,! who after taking possession of the battlefield and having the rolls called and collecting and caring for the wounded, ordered the little army to take up its line of march and cross over the Tyger River. Here it encamped for the night, to resume its march the following day up (what is now) the old Blackstock road. Tarleton, who has already been quoted, virtually acknowledges his abandonment of the battlefield by the statement "that before thej' (the Americans) left the * See Johnson's Ttaditions, page 525. t See Simms " History of South Carolina," page 195. + See Johnson's Traditions, page 525. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 251 ground they paid the most humane attention to the wounded of the enemy." We have ah-eady stated that Clarke, who was plying in Tarleton's rear during the engagement, retreated before his forces until next morning. According to Colonel Ham- mond's statement he did not extricate himself from this retreat in the dark until he came in sight of the camp fires of an advancing reinforcement to Tarleton. Here he wheeled from the main road, crossed the Tyger River,'and rejoined Sumter about noon the next day. According to the most authentic information the Brit- ish forces amounted to about four hundred, with three hundred more in the rear with their artillery.* The Amer- ican forces amounted to about four hundred and twenty, certainly not exceeding five hundred. Colonel Hammond states, however, that Sumter had about five hundred and sixty men in this action, exclusive of the main and horse guards. About forty of this number are reported to have run away and were over the Tyger River before the bat- tle ended, t The American account of the British loss in this engage- ment is killed ninety-two, and wounded one hundred. Tarleton, however, only acknowledges a loss of about fifty. Among the prominent killed on the British side were Major Money and Lieutenants Gibson and Cope.t- Ramsay states "that the British loss was considerable." They never reached the American lines with the bayonet on account of the elevated position of the latter. The British soldiers fired over the heads of their enemy. The American loss was very slight, only three killed and three wounded. Among the latter was Colonel Sumter, as already noticed. Colonel Clarke with his isolated force. ■■'■ See Johnson's Life of Greene, page 320. t See Johnson's Traditions, page 526. + See Ramsey's History of South Carolina, page 221, 252 COLONIAL AND EEVOLUTIONAEY HISTORY had only two men killed and a few wounded, but not badly — they were taken off in safety. Colonel Tarleton in his narrative states, that he cut up the American rear-guard and carried off fifty prison- ers. This is explained in Johnson's "Life of Greene" as follows: Colonel Thomas Taylor, in the expedition already referred to, "having made prisoners ot a few maimed men and boys driving carriages and supposed to have passed through the enemy's camp, or to be able otherwise to convey intelligence, he had them loaded with provisions (doubtless, those captured at Summer's Mill) and was proceeding with them to rejoin Sumter when he found himself pursued b^'^ a party of dragoons. Taylor's party escaped easily by the fleetness of their horses, but the prisoners were left behind, and as the British dragoons passed these unhappy wretches in pursuit of Taylor, they amused themselves with hewing them down from their horses. This was the rear-guard that was 'cut to pieces.' As to the fifty prisoners, the high-minded colo- nel had read of the triumphs of a Roman Emperor over the ocean, and had gathered on his return a few unarmed rustics, many of them Loyalists, to grace his entry into camp." Sumter's wound was very severe, the ball passing- through the right breast near the shoulder. He was car- ried on an uncomfortable litter, continuing with his troops until the latter passed Burwick's Iron Works. Here the command was divided. Sumter, suspended between two horses and guarded by one hundred faithful followers, was conveyed to the mountains of North Caro- lina. Twiggs, Clarke, Candler and their persevering- Georgians turned westward, taking their course along the foot of the mountains to annoy the enemy in another quarter. The rest of Sumter's force separating into small parties retired to places of security, ready to reas- semble whenever their country's service required it. The writer is informed by Capt. Charles A. Barry that Sumter's principal scout at Blackstock's and other places OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 253 was Robiu Hanna, of York County, who marrierl a daughter of Charles Moore, of Spartan bur^- County. The battle of Blackstock's was fought while General Gates was still commanding" the Department of the South, his headquarters being at this time at Charlotte, North Carolina. He was relieved only a few days afterwards by General Greene. Sumter appears to have acted entirely independent of the orders of Gates, and history gives the latter no credit whatever, for the brilliant achievements of the former. GENERAL THOMAS SUMTER, the "hero of Blackstocks " and other hard fought con- tests, was born in 1734. History does not state where he was born, but a native of Sumter County informed the writer that he was born in Caldwell County, North Caro- lina, near the foot of the Blue Ridge Mountains. Nothing can now be obtained of his family connections, early training or education. His name is spelled Sumpter by Judge Johnson and other older writers of Revolutionary history. Governor Perry, in his sketch of General Sumter, says that he was a farmer and planter, and that his early edu- cation was limited. Before the Revolutionary war he was colonel of a mili- tary regiment. As the population of the country was rather sparse in his day, the military districts covered a considerable space of country. It was in this way that Sumter first acquired his military reputation. The Pro- vincial Congress of South Carolina appointed him, in 1776, lieutenant-colonel of the second regiment of rifle- men. He does not figure prominently in the State, how- ever, until after the fall of Charleston, in 1780, when the State was overrun by the British troops. It was then that Sumter, Marion and a few other brave partisans took the field, while others equally as patriotic, seeing at that time no hope for the recovery of South Carolina from the royal grasp, sought British protection. Colonel Sum- 254 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY ter, beiny his boldness he acquired the sobriquet of "the Game Cock of Carolina." General Sumter had two sons, both of whom were members of Congress. One it is said had some foreign mission and married a French lady. The other com- manded a company in the regiment of General Butler, in Mexico. One of his grandsons was also a member of 256 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY CoDgress about 1832, aud waw a great " fire-eater." General Sumter, it is stated, lies iu a neglected and for- gotten grave. His memory and noble deeds will, how- ever, live in spite of this. COLONEL RICHARD WINN. In referring to the prominent heroes of the battle of Blackstock's it would be unfair to fail to notice the ser_ vices of Colonel (afterwards General) Winn. Richard Winn, who resided in Fairfield County, South Carolina, was a native of Virginia. He was commissioned first lieutenant of the South Rangers in June, 1775, and served in Thompson's campaign, in the winter of this year against the Insurgents or Tories, an account of which is given elsewhere. He was one of the partj' who captured Colonel Fletchall in the hollow tree, on the banks of Fair Forest, in the present County of Spartan- burg.* He was with Thompson on Sullivan's Island and performed distinguished services in the battle of Fort Sullivan (afterwards Fort Moultrie). He afterwards defended Fort Mcintosh, on the north side of Satilla, but after gallantly defending this post for three days against Major-General Duval, he was compelled to capitulate. Returning to his home in Fairfield he raised a regiment of refugees and was ver^^ soon in the field. At the battle of Hanging Rock the British regulars under Colonel Fraser were defeated, which was largely due to his con- duct and courage. In this battle he was severely wounded and borne from the field. Upon his recovery, Colonel Winn continued to render valuable aid to General Sumter, participating, as we have already said, in the battle of Blackstock's. We are unable to state in full his valuable services to the State during the Revolution. He acted in concert with such immortal heroes as WilHam Butler, Col. William Bratton, of York County, Captain McClure, of Chester, * See Johnson's Traditions, page 334 ; also Drayton's Memoirs. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 257 and many others during, that time. After peace he was elected Brif»:adier-General by the Leo;is]ature and subse- quently Major-General. He filled various civil offices in the State, and was for several years a member of Con- gress. In 1812 he removed to Tennessee and died shortly afterwards. The present town of Winnsboro was named in honor of his memory. He was an uncle of the late Dr. John Winsmith and P^lihu Smith, of Spartanburo- County. 258 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY CHAPTER XXX GENERAL GREENE RELIEVES GENERAL GATES AND AS- SUMES COMMAND OF THE SOUTHERN DEPARTMENT.— CONDITION, NUMBERS, &C., OF THE SOUTHERN ARMY.— THE ARMY IS DIVIDED.— GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN ASSUMES COMMAND OF ALL FORCES IN UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA.— GENERAL GATES RETURNS HOME. ON the 5th day of October, 1780, Cono-ress passed a resolution, authorizino- General Washington to ap- point an officer to the command of the Southern army, in place of General Gates, until a Court of Inquiry could be held as to the conduct of the latter. In compliance with this order. General Washington appointed Gen, Nathaniel Greene, on the 22d of the month referred to. Soon after this. General Greene repaired to Philadelphia to inform himself of the force and condition of the Southern army, and to make such arrangements for its present and future wants as were necessary. The information thus gained by General Greene was anything but encouraging. To General Knox, he wrote that the Southern army was " rather a shadow than a substance, having only an imaginary existence."* On the fatal day of Gates' recent defeat, horses, baggage, stores and everything had gone by the board. General Greene received but little aid from Congress. The only support was the annexing of Delaware and Maryland to his de- partment. He was barely furnished with enough money to bear the expenses of the journey. Governor Reed, of Pennsylvania, however, supplied him with arms from the depot of that State, and even with wagons to convey them. Liberal promises were made him from the depart- ■■■■ See original order, "Johnson's Life of Greene." OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 259 ments of each of the several States. The same power was conferred on him by Cono-ress as ou General Gates to draw from the States in his department men and money and to make impressments for the subsistence of the troops whenever necessity required it. On the 23d of November, General Greene set out upon his journey to the South, accompanied by Baron Steuben and two of his aids. Colonel Morris and Major Burnet. His journey was only interrupted by a short halt at the seat of government of each State for the purpose of investigat- ing their resources. On his way he arranged to have es- tablished, at different points, magazines and depots of stores and arms. On the 4th day of December, General Greene reached the headquarteis of General Gates at Charlotte, and took command of the army. He conducted himself with great delicacy toward his unfortunate predeces- sor, using every effort to console his feelings and preserve respect for him in the minds of the army. It was impos- sible at this time, to hold the Court of Inquiry into the conduct of General Gates at Camden, as ordered by Con- gress, because there were not enough Generals and field officers in the army, not present at the battle of Camden, to constitute the court. Those who were in that battle would have been needed as witnesses and if not, would, perhaps, from their personal knowledge of the facts, have been one-sided in their verdict. Besides, General Gates had recently lost an only son, and the present state of his feehngs disqualified him from entering upon the task of defense. It was rather regarded as a case of mis- fortune than otherwise. The order of Congress was sub- sequently revoked. The first cheering event that took place, after Greene assumed command, was the capture of Rugley's command at Clermont, by Col. WilHam Washington. Nearly every school hoy, in ante-bellum days,, has read the story and seen the picture of a pine log mounted on wagon wheels in imitation of a field piece. A number of prisoners, a 260 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY o-ood supply of refreshments and tniiuitious of war was the result of this successful enterprise. The army, when General Greene assumed command, did not amount to more than eleven hundred regulars in all, and they were so rago-ed that not more than eight hun. dred could be mustered for duty. Such was the naked condition of Colonel Washington's command, that it was ordered, for a time, to Virginia. General Greene at once devoted himself to the duty of obtaining every means of subsistence for the army. The country around him was so poor that supplies could not be obtained for more than a week longer, and subsistence could not be brought from a distance for want of transportation. It was nec- essary, therefore, that he move his army to another sec- tion of the country. The region selected was on the Pee Dee River. This was at the head of boat navigation. It was a very fertile CO untr3" and had never been visited by an army of any size. General Kosciusko was dis- patched with a single guide to examine the country and select a position. Greene, in the meanwhile, gave atten- tion to a plan for combining the commissariat and quartermaster generals' departments throughout the country. At the head of these was placed Major Davie, who entered at once upon the duties of his office. While these arrangements were being made. General Greene received the intelligence of the departure of the British (ieneral, Leslie, from the Chesapeake Bay, and also of a large embarkation of troops from New York. The destination of these were not known, but it was believed to be either for Charleston or Norfolk. Greene fully realized the situation. If the destination was Charleston, he was in danger of the torrent that w^ould press from this place northwardly. If from Norfolk, he was still in danger of being cut off from his resources in Virginia, and possibly of being hemmed and crushed between this army and the force under Cornwallis, at this time at Winnsboro, S. C. In any event, it was evident that North Carolina was to become the scene of future OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 261 hostilities in the South, and it was absolutely necessary that General Greene should combine all the resources within his reach, so as to act with a full knowledge of the means of subsistence and transportation which every section could furnish him. On the 20th of December, General Greene's army left their huts at Charlotte, for their destination on the Pee Dee. On the march they were commanded by General Isaac Huger. The main army reached their encampment on the 26th of the same month, and were soon after- wards joined by their commander. But as our narrative is only intended to be confined to the military operations in the upper portion of South Carolina, we must now leave General Greene, to direct our attention to other qarters. We now introduce to our readers. General Daniel Morgan, who was destined to control military operations of the American forces in the upper part of South Carolina. It has been stated in '• Botta's American War," (vol. ii, pao'e 312) that General Greene was accompanied by Colonel Morgan when he came South. This is a mis- take.* Genei'al Morgan reached the camp of General Gates, then at Hillsborough, N. Cmore than two months earlier than General Greene. General Morgan had reaped a rich harvest of laurels at Quebec and Saratoga. He brought a few young men with him, emulous to serve under him. Although General Gates had neglected to officially notice the distinguished services of Arnold and Morgan in his report of the battle of Saratoga, he now, io the hour of his misfortune, paid to General Morgan every attention due to him. Immediately on his arrival, Gates ordered four companies to be drafted from the dif- ferent regiments composing his army, and to be equipped as light infantry. These were to form a partisan corps to serve under Morgan. Colonel Washington's cavalry, See " Johuson's Life of Greene," Vol. I. 262 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONAKY HISTOKY composed of about seventy men, was also added to Morgan's command, to which was also added a small corps of riflemea, about sixty in number, under the leadership of Major Rose. General Gates was also enabled to furnish Morgan's command with a good sup- ply of clothing' which had been recently provided by the Government of North Carolina. When General Greene reached the army of General Gates at Cdarlotte, the latter had only recently advanced from Hillsborough. Morgan, with his command, had marched a day ahead of the main army and passing- onward, had taken post in the neighborhood of Camden, S. C, and occupied the ground which was the scene of General Gates' disaster, on the 16th of August. He was here when General Greene assumed command of the Southern department and in due time received from the new commander, the following letter: ^^ General Morgan, soon after the receipt of this letter from General Greene, set out upon his mission. The route he pursued led him across the (^atawba at Biggins' Ferry, below the mouth of Little Catawba, and across the Broad River above the mouth of Pacolet. On the banks of the Pacolet he took position, on the 25th of December, and was soon after joined by 220 mounted militia from North and South Carolina. In Bottas' "American War" it is stated that General Greene was blamed by many military critics for dividing his army into two military forces so far apart ; that had ^ "Camp Charlotte, Dec. i6, 1780. "You are hereby appointed to the command of a corps ot light infantry of three hundred and twenty men detached from the Mary- land line, a detachment of Virginia miiitia of two hundred men and Colonel Washington's regiment of light horse, amounting to from sixty to one hundred men. With these troops you will proceed to the west side of the Catawba River, where you will be joined by a body of volunteer militia, under the command of General Davidson of this State, and by the militia lately under the command of General Sumter. This force and such others .as may join you from Georgia, you will employ against the enemy on the west side of the Catawba, either OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 2G3 the British pushed rapidly forward, they might have thrown themselves between the corps of Greene and Mor- gan and crushed both without difficulty. In explanation of this, we quote the following summary, whi^li was gathered from General Greene's correspond- ence as communicated to friends from time to time : " 1 am here," said the General, "in my camp of repose, im- provhig the discipline and spirits of my men, and the opportunity for looking about me. I am well satisfied with the movement, for it has answered thus far, all the purposes for which I intended it. It makes the most of my inferior force, for it compels my adversary to divide his and holds him in doubt as to his own line of conduct. He cannot leave Morgan behind him to come at me, or his posts at Ninety-Six or Augusta would be exposed. And he cannot chase Morgan far, or prosecute his views upon Virginia while I am here with the whole countiy open before me. I am as near Charleston as he is, and as near Hillsborough as T was at Charlotte, so that I am in no danger of being cut off from my reinforcements while an uncertainty as to my future designs has made it nec- essary to leave a large detachnient of the enemy's late reinforcements in Charleston," &c. General Gates, as soon as he was relieved by General Greene, turned his steps northward. It is due to him to state that while encamped at Charlotte, he applied him- self with zeal in reorganizing, re-equipping and reinforcing his army for the coming campaign. The season at that time was too bad, in his judgment, oflFensively or defensively as your own prudence and discretion may direct — acting with caution and avoiding surprises by every possible precaution. For the present I give you entire command of that quarter, and do hereby require all officers and soldiers engaged in the American cause to be subject to your orders and command. "The object of this department is to give protection to that part of the country and spirit up the people, to annoy the enemy in that quarter, to collect the provisions and forage out of their way, which vou will have formed into a number of small magazines in the rear of the position you may think proper to take. You will prevent plunder- 264 COLONIAL AND KEVOLUTIONARY HISTORY to renew hostilities, although it will be noticed that Gen- eral Greene began military operations within fifteen days after his arrival. It appeared from the renewed energies of General Gates, that fortune was about to smile upon him anew, when General Greene arrived at camp. " He evinced,'' says a writer, "in this conjuncture, that coun- try was dearer to him than power or glory. He sup- ported so unpleasant an incident with such constancy that he did not betray a single mark of discontent." When he passed through Richmond on returning to his own province, the Assembly of Virginia sent a deputation to compliment him. It gave him assurance that the remembrance of his glorious achievements could not be effaced by any misfortune ; oraying him to be persuaded that the Virginians in particular, would never neglect any occasion to manifest the gratitude they bore him, as members of the American Union. The military career of Gen. Horatio Gates, however, was ended. A biographical sketch of him appears in one of the volumes of " Washington and his Generals," pre- pared by the eminent writer, J. T. Headley. His traits of character are very unfavorably commented upon by this writer. In a short time after his success at Saratoga, he was associated with Conway and Mifflin in a miserable conspiracy to have General Washington superceded by himself as Commander-in-Chief of the American armies- He neglected, as we have said, to notice Arnold and ing as much as possible, and be as careful of your provisions and for- age as may be, and giving receipts for whatever you take, to all such as are friends to the Independence of America. "Should the enemy move in force towards the Pee Dee, where the army will take a position, 30U will move in such a direction as to enable you to join me if necessary, or fall upon the flank or into the rear of the enemy, as occasion may require. You will spare no pains to get intel- ligence of the enemy's situation, and keep me constantly advised of both your and their movements. You will appoint for the time being, a commissary, a quarter master and a forage master, who will follow your instructions in their respective lines. Confiding in your abilities and activity, I entrust you with this command, persuaded, &c." OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 265 Morgan in his official report of the capture of Buroovue and his army. His military olory and renown were of short duration, bein<^ overshadowed by his Southern misfortunes. To use the phrase as expi-essed by another, his "Northern laurels were turned into southern willows'" 266 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY CHAPTER XXXI THE WHIGS IN SOUTH CAROLINA THROW OFF BRITISH PROTECTION AND RALLY UNDER COLONEL ANDREW PICKENS.— COLONEL WASHINGTON ATTACKS AND RE- PULSES A BODY OF LOYALISTS AT HAMMOND'S STORE.— MORGAN'S PERMANENT STAND ON THE PACOLET ALARMS CORNWALLIS FOR THE SAFETY OF NINETY- SIX.— HE DETACHES TARLETON TO PUSH HIS ADVER- SARY TO THE UTMOST.— MORGAN'S REASONS FOR FIGHTING.— TARLETON AND CORNWALLIS AGREE TO MARCH PARALLEL TO EACH OTHER, THE FORMER ON THE WEST SIDE, THE LATTER ON THE EAST SIDE OF BROAD RIVER.— CORNWALLIS' FAILURE TO MOVE AND REASONS THEREFOR. IN the preceding chapter we left General Morgan on the banks of the Pacolet, where as already stated, he took post on the 25th of December, 1780. The state of affairs in upper South ('arolina at this time were such as made the entrance of (leneral Morgan and his army into this section highly favorable to the success of the American cause. It will be lemembered that after the fall of Charleston, the Whigs had been obliged to submit and give their jjaroles to remain inactive in South Carolina by the official proclamation of the British authorities, they having been declared subjugated. The Whigs became convinced by the oppression and arbitrary conduct of the enemy that the pi'omised protection to themselves, their families and property, already disregarded would not be longer afforded. There u^as a general inclination to resume arms once more. A leader was all that was necessary to arouse them to action. That person proved to be Gen. Andrew Pickens, who, among the rest of the Whigs in South Carolina, had been compelled to submit. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 267 But now the time had come when submission and for- bearance "ceased to be a viitue." Biicklinj^ on the sword, Oeneral Pickens i-esolved to lead the way in excit- ino' the well affected to the American cause to hazard all and rally once more in defense of Liberty. His boldness and determination to resist British oppression and ont- rajie, soon brought to his side C(donels Clarke and Twigo-s, who after the battle of Blackstock's had kept together a small body of their followers, and movino- in rear of the Whig- settlements towards Georgia, present J a favorable opportunity to the inhabitants to unite with their commands. General Pickens and Colonel McCall were soon at the head of about one hundred faithful followers. Sending, . ._i_ their families and slaves over the mountains for security^ i^'^ they proceeded at once to join Morgan. Hundreds of Ci9_ others were ready to follow their example and had only been waiting a favorable opportunity to effect their pur- pose. The Whigs of Mecklenburg, North Carolina, had also begun to assemble and General Davidson, having collected about one hundred and twenty men, marched them to Morgan's camp. Returning to hasten on five hundred moie who were collecting, this gallant officer lost the opportunity of participating in the battle of Cowpens. On the second day after Morgan's arrival on the Paco- let, an opportunity for an enterprise against the enemy presented itself, which was promptly embraced. A body of Loyalists sent to check the feeling of disaffection Awhich was growing everywhere, had advanced from the banks of the Savannah to Fair Forest Creek, and ha,d commenced their depredations upon the inhabitants along that stream. Their number was reported to be about two hundred and fifty, and their distance from Morgan's camp was twenty-five miles, and in the direc- tion of Ninety-Six. Says a writer, " ("olonel Washington with his cavalry, s<^venty-five in number, but of very superior quality, and two hundred mounted militia under 268 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY Colonel McCall, were dispatched to dislodge this body oi Loyalists. The latter receivino" intelligence of the approach of Washington, retreated about twenty-five miles to a place called Hammond's Store, where, being covered as they supposed on their right by Cornwallis at Winnsborongh, and on their left by the post at Ninety- Six, they halted in mistaken security. Washington pressed the pursuit with such diligence that he overtook them early the next day after a march of forty miles and instantly ordered a charge. It was a flight and not a conflict that ensued, and we regret to state that the killed and wounded were reported at one hundred and fifty and the prisoners at forty. Such were the bloody sacrifices at that time offered upon the shrine of civil discord. Posterity will never conceive an adequate idea of the dreadful state of society then prevailing in that unhappy country. Yet let not unmerited censure fall on the officers. Men who had been in the habit of giving no quarters expected none, and in their flight the unerring rifle brought many to the ground. Colonel Washington was now in great danger, having advanced very far between the enemy's posts, yet he could not let a favorable opportunity which was at hand escape him, though it brought him still nearer the enemy. At a place called Williams, General Cunningham was at this time posted with about one hundred and fifty men in a stockade fort, which without the aid of artillery, could only be carried by sui-prise. To this place Colonel Hayes, at the head of a detachment of infantry, and Cornet Sim- mons, at the head of a body of cavalry, were sent. Cun- ningham got wind of their approach, however, and made a, precipitate retreat as the Americans came in view of the fort. A few of the British party were killed, others captured and the fort destroyed. General Morgan, hearing that Colonel Washington had penetrated so far between the enera^-'s posts, became some- what excited for his safety. He advanced his whole force OP UPPER SOTJTH CAROLINA. 269 for some miles to cover and pi'oteet him ou his return to camp. Colonel Washington's detachment reached the main army, however, in safety. General Morgan resumed his post on the north bank of the Pacolet, in the neigh- borhood of Grindel Shoals, in Union County,* shifting his camp every night to guard against surprise. Morgan's advance and Washington's daring enterprise and their effects upon popular sentiment soon began to be sensibly felt by Lord Cornwallis and the British authorities. It has been suggested that the reason for not adopting at once stringent measures to drive back Morgan, or destroy him, was for the purpose, as the sequel proved, of entrapping him. As soon, however, as it appeared that he had permanently established himself on the banks of the Pacolet with a view of embodying the neighboring Whigs preparatory to important movements in the future, Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton was dispatched by Cornwallis with orders, as he expressed himself, " to push Morgan to the utmost." At the time General Greene divided his army on his advance into South Carolina, Cornwallis had been for sometime preparing to prosecute his designs upon Vii-- gina. This officer, "who had recently arrived at Charles- ton with his army, was now on his way to Camden, at which point his Lordship informs us he intended to hold Greene in check and observe his future movements. Corn- wallis, however, was expecting reinforcements from Les- lie upon the arrival of which depended his getting ready to march upon Virginia. But the unexpected arrival of Morgan on the banks of the Pacolet and upon his flank caused him to change his plans. His future movements now depended upon those of his adversary. The posts at Ninety-Six and Camden were the British strongholds and had kept South Carolina in awe, and while Morgan's movements threatened the former the * The precise place of Morgan's camp is said to be where the pres- ent residence of Mrs. Dr. Thomas Littlejohn now stands. 270 COLONIAL AND KEVOLUTIONARY HISTORY position of Greene was looking towards the latter. This being the case, Cornwallis became uneasy for his safety. He had intended to leave these places to their own pro- tection and to the Loyalists of the surrounding country. These places were well supplied with munitions, provis- ions, &c. Lord Cornwallis therefore determined to divide his force, one detachment under Tarleton to press forward and destro\' Morgan, or drive him out of the State, while he with the remainder of his force was to move forward and cut off his retreat. Leslie, who had not yet united with him, was directed to march up the east side of the Catawba River to effectually prevent Greene from going in case of necessity to Morgan's support. VA^e will see further on that ail this well arranged plan was inter- rupted by the unexpected battle of Cowpens. Cornwallis' army at this time amounted to between three and four thousand, some of whom were well trained and discip- lined. It lay between the Broad and Catawba Rivers, the main body with Cornwallis being at VViimsborough while Tarleton was posted a short distance in advance, having lately returned from the pursuit of Sumter to Blackstock's. Morgan's advance to the Pacolet, as alread}^ stated, greatly excited the fears of Cornwallis for the safety of Ninety-Six. He had already heard that the Whigs in that and other sections, who had taken British protec- tion, were rallying under Pickens and others to take the field against him. On the first of January, Tarleton received orders from the British commander to strike across the country and throw himself between Morgan and the post at Ninety-Six. Hei'e he remained for a day or two, when he was joined by his baggage and reinforce- ments. His whole force now amounted to about eleven hundred men, five hundred and fifty of whom were a strong legion, who had met with unvarying success in every part of the State, trium})liing over all bodies of troops they had encountered. He had two field pieces, OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 271 which were supported by a detachment of Royal artillery. The residue of his army was composed of the seventh regiment of two hundred men, the first battalion and the light infantry of the seventy-first, the dragoons of the seventeenth, and some Loyalists. With this force he was now prepared to obey the orders of his commander, " to push his adversary to the utmost." It had been concerted between Cornwallis and Tarleton that the former was to move northwardly on the east side of Broad River, (through the present County of York), as far as King's Mountain, in order to cut off the retreat of Morgan, who, it was believed, would be compelled to surrender or retreat hastily across the mountains. Morgan's bold stand and resolution to fight does not seem to have entered the minds of either Corn- wallis or Tarleton. On the 12th of January Tarleton marched to attack Morgan. The latter, hearing that he had already crossed the Enoree, at Musgrove's Mill, fell back to Burr's Mills on Thickety Creek, where he wrote to Greene, the letter bearing the date January 15th.* It was at this time, as we will show further on, entirely within the power of Mor- gan to have evaded an engagement with Tarleton. Lee, in his Memoirs, states that Morgan's decision to fight him "grew out of irritation of temper." This was not the case, however. The letter referred to furnished ample reasons which induced him to fight. Sumter, refusing to recognize his authority, had interfered with his collecting his magazines in the rear, which would have been indis- •■■See copy of original letter, Johnson's " Life of Greene," vol. 2, page 371. The writer has been at a loss to know just where stood the old site of Burr's Mills on Thickety Creek. Some of the older citizens think it was the old Boise or Bise Mill, which stood on Little Thickety, a short distance above the Air Line Railroad, at the crossing of the Green River road. It was afterwards known as Otterson's Mill. Later as the Garrison or " Apple Jack " Turner Mill. Others think Burr's Mill stood on Big Thickety, near the site of the Dawkin's Mill, in upper Union County. 272 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY spensable to a rapid retreat to the inoiuitains. The vast consumption of forao-e, necessary for tlie militia horses, made it impossible for him to maintain his present posi- tion ; to return without a. battle before the enemy would be injurious to the American cause, and especially so since Tarleton's forces were numerically speaking very little superior to his own. On account of Colonel Wash- ington's recent success against the Loyalists at Ham- mond's Store, Morgan's men were clamorous to be led against Tarleton. Morgan accordingly marched with his armj'^ from Burr's Mills on the afternoon of the 15th, and reached the banks of the I^acolet at Giindel Shoals, in Union County, about the same hour that Tarleton arrived from the opposite side. The latter did not leave Morgan long to deliberate. The Pacolet is a small stream and fordable in many places. On the same even- ing Tarleton put his army in motion up the stream,* thus indicating an intention of crossing above Morgan's posi- tion and placing the latter between himself and Corn- wallis. Morgan, for fear of being entrapped, made a corresponding movement up the stream. Tarleton detecting this, silently decamped in the night, descended to a crossing at Easterling's Ford, afew' miles below, and made good the passage of the river before daylight on tlie morning of the sixteenth. Morgan had in the mean- W'hile moved off precipitately, regaining before night his former position on Thickety Creek, and by nightfall his position at Cowpens. Tai'leton halted and encamped for the night on the ground that the Americans had aban- doned, resuming his march at three o'clock on the morn- ing of tiie seventeenth, intending to overtake Moi<>an and embarrass his progress by hanging upon his rear until he could form a junction with the main armj' under Coru- wallis. Tarleton had been on the maich live hours when * Morgan in his official account states that his scouts followed close behind Tarleton in his movements and kept him well posted. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 273 he name in si^cht of Moro;an drawn up in line of battle at the Cowpens, at eioht o'clock in the inornino-. Up to this time Tarleton had been laborinp; under the impression that Cornwallis was makino- a parallel move- ment to his on the east side of Broad River. It had been concerted, as already intimated, between these officers that Cornwallis should commence his march a few days before Tai-leton ; that by marching on the east side of Broad as far as Kinj^'s Mountain, Morgan would be cut off from retreat and compelled to fight or surrender, or, as we have said, to flee across the mountains for safety. It turned out, however, that (/oruwallis failed to make the contemplated corresponding movement, without hav- ing notified Tarleton of his change of plans. The reasons assigned for what appeared to be a neglect of duty on the part of Cornwallis may be summed up as follows: The force remaining with him did not, according to his account, much exceed that detached under Tarleton ; and second, the expected reinforcements under Leslie,which were ordered to cross from the east side of the Catawba River and join him on his route to King's Mountain had not yet arrived. Had General Leslie with his cammand marched directly from Charleston via the Congaree, he would have been up with Cornwallis. Instead of this, however, his route lay by Camden, where he was expected to counteract any movement that General Greene mijiht make from the Pee Dee. In his march to Cornwallis, Leslie consumed several days in the swamps and on the 16th (the day be- fore the battle of Cowpens) Cornwallis had advanced no further than Turkey Creek, (in York County). twenty-five miles southeast of Morgan's position at Cowpens. Had he pressed as many miles northeast he might have ])re- vented the junction of Greene and Morgan, which took place a few days later. But may there not have been other reasons why Corn- wallis did not boldly advance to cover Morgan's flank, and, if possible, to cut off his retreat. We have stated that his route lay by the ominous King's Mountain. 274 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY Did he not have some reason to fear that the same over- mountain warriors that had overtaken and destroyed P"'erguson at this place, only a few months before, mi^ht, like a fire burst from earth as it were, fall upon and destroy him. The truth about it is that Cornwallis was not rash but dehberate. He knew the dangers that were about to entrap him. He knew that the reinforcements which were constantly flockino' in upon Morgan, might cause him to have the audacity to strike at the army before Leslie's reinforcements should come up, and he knew further, that the Whigs of Mecklenburg were em- bodying under Colonel Davidson and that he might be confronted by these, which would make his position perilous, as General Greene and his army were only about one hundred miles on his right. His conclusion was wisely made, for the official correspondence of the day proves that Greene contemplated striking at both Cornwallis and Leslie's corps in their detached and divided situations. With these observations, let us, in the succeeding chap- ter present the details of the battle which was the begin- ning of series of events which culminated in the surrender of Cornwallis at York town. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 275 CHAPTER XXXII. BATTLE OF COWPENS, JANUARY 17, i-jSi. DURING the trying times of the Revolution in Upper South Carolina and at the particular period which we have just mentioned, no military event took place which appeared to be more peculiarly the subject of a special Provideuce than the battle and victorj^ at Cow- pens. Had relio'ion, poetry, oratory and all the sacred and refined influences combined and concurred in address- ing the Supreme Being as the God of battles, for a vic- tory for the American arms, a more satisfactory answer and result could not have been brought about. Certain it is, that it must have been the interposition of Provi- idence, since General Morgan has been severely censured for his choi(;e of ground and for risking a battle under what appeared to be the most adverse cir- cumstances. At that time an open woodland, possessing nothing to recommend it but a trifling elevation, and Broad River winding around his left and parallel to his rear at a distance of about five miles, so as to cut off all retreat in case of misfortune, the ground selected by Morgan to meet his adversary presented little or no advantages in his favor. Charged with irritation of tem- per, extraordinary indiscretion and imprudence in leaving his wings exposed to a superior cavalry and a more numerous infantry, w-e find the following paragraph on record as written by Morgan himself, which is but a brief justification of the extraordinary boldness and originality of design which he displayed in his determination to engage his adversary: " I would not," said the General, "have had a swamp in the view of my militia for any consideration. They would have niade for it, and nothing could have detained them from it. As to covering my wings, I knew my adversary and was perfectly sure I should 276 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY have nothing- but downright fighting-. As to retreat, it was the very thing I wished to cut off all hope of. I would have thanked Tarleton had he surrounded me with his cavalry. It would have been better than placing my own men in the rear to shoot down all those who broke fr-om the ranks. When men are forced to fight, they will sell their lives dearly, and I knew that the dread of Tarleton's cavalry would give due weight to the pro- tection of my bayonets and keep my troops from break- ing, as Buford's regiment did. Had I crossed the river, one-half of the militia would immediately have abandoned me." If we will inquire into all the facts, we will see that there was an imperative necessity for Morgan to fight at Cowpens. It has already been stated that Tarleton occupied the ground abandoned by Morgan on the morning of the 16th. This made the distance between them only about twelve or fifteen miles. Further, the British drngoons had been hanging upon Morgan's rear during the day of the 16th, for the purpose of impeding his march, and Morgan knew that the moment he de- camped at Cowpens, intelligence would at once be com- municated to the British commander, and the forces of the latter would at once be set in motion to overtake him. This, probably, would have been done before he was clearly over the river, and his troops, fatigued and dispirited by retreat and desertions, under the disadvan tages of forming in the faceof a superior enemy on ground chosen by the latter, might have behaved vpry differently from what they did under other circumstances, on the immortal field of Cowpens. The battle of Cowpens was fought withm the limits of the present County of Spartanburg, about eight miles north of Cowpens Station, on the Southern Railroad, and near, and rather between, the junction of the main road from Spartanburg City via Cherokee Spi-ings and the Green River Road, just below J. H. Ezell's store. It will be remembered that we stated in the beginning of this OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 277 narrative, that there were two classes of persons who first moved into our np-(^ountry in advance of civilization. One were the traders with the Indians, and the other the Cowpens' men, who were eno-ag-ed in following and araz- ino- heids of cattle, which when necessary were penned or enclosed here and there, in what was then a vast and un- interrupted wilderness. In referrino- to the battle field of Cowpens, Johnson says : "The place of this memorable event has now lost its name, but no American will reflect with indifference on the possibility of its identity ever becomino- doubtful. The followino- remarks may direct the researches of some future traveler or historian. At the first settlement of the country, it was a place of con- siderable notoriety from a trading path with the Chero- kees wliich passed by it. In the early grants of land in that neighborhood, it was distinguished by the epithet of " Hannah's Cowpens," being the grazing establishment o^ a man by the name of Hannah." The writer has often traveled over the main road through the old battle ground and has taken some pains to inspect it. What has been described by several writers as eminences on the battle field, where the different lines were formed, are nothing more than ndges scarcely noticeable. The main road leading to Gaffney City, between Ezell's store, half a mile above the old monument and the Bobby Scruggs place, about the same distance below, between which points the battle was fought, is in fact so level that if ties were properly placed and rails spiked down, a train of cars could run over them with scarcely any grading. The only rising ground of any note 07i the whole field is a little eminence a short distance in the rear of the ridge, where the main line was formed. This is of sufficient height to cover a man on horse- back placed in the rear of it. Behind this, as we will presently show, is the place where Colonel Washington remained concealed for a time with his cavalr}'. We have examined several accounts of this remarkable battle and victory, as presented by different writers, and 278 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY while some of them are conflicting;, we have found none which we think more reliable than that ^iven in John- son's "Life of Greene," and this we have adopted as the ground-work of our present narrative. Unfortunately for us, at ])resent, all the accounts of the battle of Cow- pens which we And only deal in o-enei-al facts, whilst the little interestino; particulars and incidents, such as we find preserved in connection with the battle of King's Mountain, are lost in tradition. In order that the reader may better understand the dis- position of Morgan's forces, we will state thai the forests at that time were more open, and the elevations and depressions were more easily seen, than at present, as the old battle ground is now covered with a thick, scrubby growth of blackjack and other timber, with here and there an occasional tall pine or oak of ancient appear- ance. Morgan selected his ground on a ridge gently ascending for about three hundred and fifty yards. On the crest of this ridge were posted his best disciplined troops, composed of two hundred and ninety Maryland regulars, and in line on their right, two companies of Virginia militia under Triplet and Tate, and a company of Georgians, about one hundred and forty in number, making his rear line consist of about 430 men. This was commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Howard, of Maryland. One hundred and fifty 3'ards in front of this line the main body of the militia were posted in open order under Col. Andrew Pickens,, These were composed of North and South Carolinians, and the number, as given by Judge Johnson, is 270. Judge Schenck, however, in his recent work, states that the number was greater than this, because the Mecklenburg militia numbered 150, and per- haps only one-half or 95 of McDowell's men were detailed as sharpshooters in the front. Judge Schenck puts down the number at 315, which he says is approximately correct. We have ali-eady stated that the South Caroli- nians who had recently enlisted under the banner of Colo- nel Pickens w'ere, foi- the most part, citizens, who, after OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 279 the State had been overrun and overawed by British au- thority, had taken British protection, but could now no longer bear the oppression that was being heaped upon them and see their country backed up, as it was, by British bayo- nets, run over by a Tory mob. Determined no longer to sub- mit to this indignation, they resolved once more to enlist in the cause of freedom. They fought figuratively, says Judge Johnson, at the battle of Cowpens with " halters around their necks." In advance of Colonel Pickens' line, about one hundred and fifty yards, were posted 150 picked men, extending in loose order along the whole front ; the right being in com- mand of Colonel Cunningham, while the left was com- manded by Major McDowell,* both excellent appointments. General Morgan in his account states that Brannon and Thomas t were posted on McDowell's right, while Hayes and McCall were on Cunningham's left. These commands were, therefore, near together. It is also stated that Hops and Buchannon, of the Auousta riflemen, supported the right of this line. The front line of riflemen were instructed to " mark the epaulette men " as the British approached. Behind the eminence referred to, in rear of main line was posted the American reserve, which con- sisted of Washington's and McCall's cavalry, 125 in number, a position highly advantageous, as they were near enough to render the most prompt assistance, yet secure at the same time from the enemy's artillery. * Judge Johnson speaks of Major McDowell as being from South Carolina. Judge Schenck, in ibis recent work, severely criticises this statement and says that the person referred to, was Major Joseph McDowell, of Burke County, N. C. It should be remembered by the reader that Judge Johnson published his two volumes, "Life of Greene, "in 1822, while Judge Schenck published his work, '' North Carolina," in 1889, sixty-seven years later. While a typograph- ical error may have crept into Judge Johnson's narrative, it is absurd to insinuate that this eminent writer did not know what State each prominent officer represented on that memorable occasion. Says Judge Schenck : "It is the fault of history to give too much promi- nence to commanders and ignore the men who died or foiight to make 280 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY The orders ^iven to the front line of sharpshooters were to protect themselves, as much as possible, by trees, to fire from a rest and not to deliver their fire until the enemy was within fifty yards; after the first fire they were to fall back, loadino; and firing until they came to the second line under Pickens, when they were to fall in with the line of militiamen which would consist, when these orders were executed, of about 450 men. The order to the militia, or second line, was to deliver two deliberate charges at the distance of fifty yards, and then retire and take their post on the left of the reo;ulars, which was the first or main line. If charged by cavalry every third man was to fire and two remain in reserve — lest the cavalry should continue to advance after the first fire — to be used if they wheeled to retire. The orders extended to the main line under Howard were to fire low and deliberately and not to be alarmed by the retreat of the milHia— the orders as given to the lat- ter being detailed to them. They were admonished not to break on any account and if forced to retire, to rally on the eminence in their rear, where they were assured the enemy could not injure them. Early in the morning the baggage of the American army was sent several miles to the rear under a suitable escort, where they were ordered to halt. The horses of the volun- teer militiamen were secured to the boughs of trees at a convenient distance in rear of the reserves. Every them great, and in that way the truth is confounded. Col. Andrew Pickens, by mere accident, outranked Major McDowell, and being in command and from South Carolina, her historians are ever ready to ascribe all the glory of Cowpens to that State, etc." This is an unfair accusation and reflects unjustly on the memory of Judge Johnson. t Colonels Brannon and Thomas were from the Spartanburg section of South Carolina. Col. John Thomas, Jr. the person referred to here, succeeded his father about the year 1780, as colonel ol the famous Spartan regiment. Brannon did not probably rank higher than a captain. A notice of him will appear in another place. The com- mands of these officers, if any at all, were necessarily small. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 281 arrauoemeut beiug- completed, the men were ordered to "ease their joints," that is, they were to assume a comfor- table attitude, without quittiuo- their ranks, until the enemy came in sight. All were in good spirits and full of confidence. General Morgan, in his account, states that one of his scouts informed him about an hour before day, that the enemy had advanced within five miles of his encampment and that on this information he had made the necessary dispositions. When these had been made, it is said that he went along the lines encouraging his men and exhort- ing them to stand firm, as the\^ were about to gain a great victory. We have already stated that Tarleton left his place of encampment at three o'clock, a., m., and did not come up with Morgan until eight a. m., having been five hours on the way. He simply followed the route Morgan had taken, which is now known as the old Green river road, which runs via the Big Sam Littlejohn place, Thickety station and Macedonia church. The American army looked calmly on while the enemy formed his line of battle at a distance of about 400 yards. The position of the British line may be better under- stood by the account which Tarleton gives, as follows: "The light infantry were ordered to file to the right until they were equal to the flank of the American front line; the Legion infantry were added to their left, and, under the fire of a three-pounder, this part of the British troops were instructed to £idvance within three hundred yards of the enemy. This situation being acquired, the 7th regi- ment was commanded to form on the left of the Legion infantry and the other three-pounder was given to the right division of the 7th; a captain with fifty dragoons was jjlaced on each flank of the (-orps which formed the British front line to protect their own and threaten the flanks of the enemy ; the first battalion of the 71st was desired to extend a little to the left of the second regi- ment and to remain a hundred and fift^ vards in the rear. 282 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY This body of infantry, and near to one hundred cavah'y, composed the reserve." It will be seen therefore that the British line was co-ex- tensive and parallel with that of the American, and further, that the position of the two pieces of artillery were equally distant from each other and from the extremity of each wino', dividing' the line into thirds. Tarleton states that his reserve consisted of the seventy-first, and two hundred dra^'oons. It is further stated that the residue of the dragoons covered the two win^s, ^ivin^* a squadron of fifty -two each. The attack was made by Tarleton sooner than he intended, and he has been char^i^ed with impatience in commencing- the attack. This is a mistake, however, as has been shown. It happened in this way : Advancing to reconnoitre the line of skirmishers under McDowell and Cunningham, and to distinguish satisfactorily the Amer- ican order of battle, he approached too near the former, who resisted his further advance with a few rifle cracks. Seeing he could advance no further he ordered the cavalry to advance and drive them in. Says Johnson, 'on the advance of the cavalry the American parties retreated and fell into the first line* and were thus pre- cluded from performing the service for which they were most probably assigned to this advanced position. But they performed another which, in the sequel, answered a purpose nearly as beneficial. They gave the cavalry a few discharges, which made them tremble, for at least that day, at the deadly ai'n of the American riflemen." The disposition of the enemy being complete he marched steadily forward to encounter the line of the militia under Pickens. The latter maintained perfect coolness until he arrived at the distance which had been assigned for them to discharge their pieces. The account says that they *In the arrangement of the order of the battle which we have given this was the second line ; the skirmish line under McDowell and Cun- ningham consisting of the first line. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 283 did it with unerriog aim. It was, says a writer, "the niao'iianinious confession of a j^allant officer of the Mary- land line who fou<>'ht on that day, that here the battle was gained." The killed and wounded of the commissioned and non-commissioned officers who lay on the field of battle where the fire of the riflemen was delivered, a,nd the high proportion which the killed and wounded of this description bore to the whole number, sufficiently justi- fied the assertion. As soon as the militia had delivered their fire they broke from the line. The enemy rent the air with their shouts and quickened their advance forward. The want of officers, however, was soon discovered by the confusion which ensued in their ranks. Immediately after the militia had cleared away from before the main line of regulars under Howard, the latter commenced their fire and for half an hour or more kept it up with coolness and constancy. The British in their advance halted frequently to restore order. Their advance was attended with so much hesitation that Tarleton ordered up the seventy-first regiment into line on his left, while a portion of his cavalry made a sweep on the American right. Howard, seeing this movement, realized the necessity of at once covering his flank" He naturally cast his eyes to his reserve under Washing- ton as the most natural means of counteracting it. Washington was at this time, however, actively en- gaged on the American left, where duty had called him. It appears that as the right of the line of militia had to traverse the whole front of the main line of regulars they were much exposed, and their retreat was closely followed by Tarleton 's cavalry. It was at this moment that Washington flew to their assistance, and repulsing the enemy, enabled the militia to regain the tranquility neces- sary for returning to a state of order. Apprehensive that the reserve could not be brought up in time to defend his exposed flank, Morgan dispatched an order to the militia, which had already formed on the 284 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY right of the main line, to fall back from their right so as to form at right angles with his main Hne and repel the enemy's advance upon his right flank.* To excute this order with precision and dispatch, he at the same time, ordered his main line to face the right about and wheel on their left. The first ])art of the order (to face about sim ply) was executed with coolness and precision. Says Jonhson : " At this point of time it was that fortune ever hovering over fields of battle, played off that celebrated freak, which at first threatened destruction to the Ameri- can arms, but in a moment after crowned them with the most signal success. Seeing the movement of the right of their line, and supposing that this was a state of things which required a retreat to the eminence in their rear, the whole American line faced about and began to move rather in a quickening step, but in pei-fect order, towards their intended second position. Howard, presuming that the order must have emanated frotn the commander, made no opposition, but gave his whole attention to the pre- servation of discipline and the encouragement of his men. Morgan, also, under the impression that the mov^ement was made under the order of Howard, and thinking favorably of it under existing circumstances, rode along the rear of the line, reminding the officers to halt and face as soon as they reached their ground. But just at this crisis they were accosted by another officei* and theii" attention was drawn to some facts which ])i'oduced an immediate change of measures. This officer was a mes- senger from Colonel Washington, who having beeu carried *In the sketch oi John Eager Howard, published iu the "National Portrait Gallery," it was stated that it was Hoivard and not Morgan who gave the order to the right company to change its front and pro- tect his flank ; and it was Howard who afterwards ordered the charge with the bayonets upon his own responsibility. We give his own language; " Seeing my right flank exposed to the enemy, I attempted to charge the front of Wallace's company (Virginia Regulars); and in doing so, some confusion ensued, and first a part and then the whole of the company commenced a retreat. The officers along the line see- ing this, supposing that orders had been given for a retreat, faced their OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 285 in pursuing the enemy's cavalry some distance in advance of the American line, loand the right flank wholly exposed to him and had a fair view of the confusion existing in their ranks. This message was received by Morgan while the Ameri- can line was falling back to the eminence in the rear. "They are coming like a mob, give them a fire and I'll charge them," was the message delivered. The messenger instantly galloped back to regain his command. At this instant Pickens, who had rallied and restored order among his men, appeared at the top of the ridge, or emi- nence as it is called, to which the main line was approach- ing. As soon as the American regulars reached the objective point the order flew from right to left. " P'ace about, give them one fire and the victory will be ours." This order was promptly obeyed. Pickens' militia had by this time united with the main line. The enemy were now within thirty yards, tumuituously shouting and rapidly advancing. Says a writer: ''Scarcely a man of the Amer- icans raised his gun to his shoulder; when their fire was delivered they were in an attitude for using the bayonet and the terrible ixis de rliarge in a few steps brought them to that crisis which ever terminates in victory or defeat. The bayonets of the two armies were interlocked. The enemy threw down their arms and fell upon their faces. Happy was it for the honor of the American arms that the soldiers found before them only a prostrate enemy. These were the men, and this the commander (Tarieton), men about and moved off. Morgan, who mostly had been with the militia, quickly rode up to me and expressed apprehension of the event ; but I soon removed his fears by pointing to the line and observ- ing that men were not beaten who retreated in that order. He then ordered me to keep with the men until we came to the rising ground, near Washington's horse ; and he rode forward to fix the proper place for us to halt and face about. In a minute we had a perfect line. The enemy were now very near us. Our own men commenced a very destructive fire, which they little expected, and a few rounds occasioned great disorder in their ranks. When in this confusion I ordered a charge with the bayonet, which order was obeyed with great alacricy." 286 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY who had massacred the troops under Buford and "Tarle- ton's quarter" had already run from ri«^ht to left. But Howard (and humanity seems identified with the name), anxiously exclaiming, " Give them quarters," soon had the pleasure to see that an American soldier could not shed the blood of a conquered enemy. The work on the battlefield was not yet completed. The seventy-first regiment had got on Howard's right and the British dragoons were also approaching the same point. Washington had his hands full with the artillery in front and the cavalrj' of the enemy's wing. Morgan was prompt in the execution of his orders. Sending one company forward to assist Washington, and leaving these in charge of the prisoners, he wheeled the right bat- talion upon the seventy-first. The affair here became animated. In vain did Tarleton urge his men forward. They co ild not resist the effective shots of Pickens' marksmen who were now upon him. Those who were not killed or wounded on the ground, soon broke and fled. The British artillery stood by their pieces with a com- mendable devotion. Having been thrown in the rear by the advance of the British line, and at last abandoned by the British dragoons, they resolved to surrender their guns only with their lives.* They were mostl,y killed or wounded by the time that Tarleton and a number of mounted officers and all that remained to him of his cavalry, amounting in all to about fifty, had arrived to support them. It was here that the memorable conflict occurred in which Washing- * Says Howard further : " As their line advanced, I observed their artillery a short distance in front and called to Captain Ewing, who was near me, to take it. Captain Anderson (now General Andersoh of Montgomery county, Maryland) hearing the order, also pushed for the same object ; and both being emulous for the prize kept pace until near the first piece, where Anderson, by putting the end of his spon- toon forward into' the ground made along leap, which brought him upon the gun and gave him the honor of the prize. My attention was now drawn to an altercation of some of the men with an artilleryman who appeared to make it a point of honor not to surrender his match," OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 287 ton SO narrowly escaped and has been briefly described thus : " Whilst Washington was enoaged with the artil- lerists Colonel Tai'leton, at the head of all the cavalry who could follow him, hastened to their relief. Washino;- ton perceivinjj- his approach ordered his men to charge and dashed forward himself.* Tarleton prudently com- manded a retreat. Being of course in the rear of his men and lookino- behind he could see that Washinoton was very near him, full thirty' yards ahead of his troops. Attended by two of his others he advanced to meet Washington. One of his otficers led ; parrying a blow aimed at him by Washington, the sword of the latter proved of inferior temper and broke midway. The next effort must have brought Washington to the ground. But a little henchmai], not foutteen years old, who was devoted to his master and carried no other weapon but a pistol at his saddle bow, had pressed forward to share or avert the danger that threatened his beloved colonel, and arrived in time to discharge the contents of his pis- tol into the shoulder that brandished the sword over Washington's head. It fell powerless, but the other offi- cer had already raised his sword to inflict the wound when Sergeant-Major Perry reached the side of his com- mander, just in time to receive the sword arm of the offi- cer upon his extended weapon. The weapon also broke this blow, but Colonel Tarleton in the meantime was securely aiming another from his pistol. The noble ani- ■ Dr. James H. Carlisle, President of Wofford College, S. C, in a letter to the writer, Feb. 28, 1893, transmits a passage from Dr. G. G. Smith's " History of Methodism in Georgia," which is as follows : " Rev. Samuel Cowls came from Virginia to Georgia in 1796. He had been a dragoon with Washington's Light Horse. In the battle of Cowpens, he swept down, with uplifted sabre, tipon a British trooper, whom he disarmed and was about to cut down. The trooper gave him the Masonic sign of distress and he spared his life. Years after he met his old foe, in Thomas Dorley, a brother in arms, in the South Carolina Conference." p^ ^cv Smith's History, page 71. ' ' 288 (COLONIAL AND UKVOLUTIONARY HISTORY inal that bore Washinj>:toii was destined to receive the ball that had rather discourteously been aimed at his rider. Poor Perry's destiny was bound up with that of his commander, for at the battle of Eutaw when the lat- ter was made prisoner, Perry by the same discharg:e fell under five wounds. We believe he never recovered from them. It is said that during the hottest part of the engage- ment at Cowpens, the troops were greatly inspired by General Morgan, who rode in front of the militia as they were returning to action, and said: "Boys, form; old Morgan never was beaten in his life." The bloody scenes were now ended. The engagement with the seventy-first, on the extreme light of the Amer- icans, was spirited but of short duration. Be it said to the credit of the soldiers belonging to this com- mand, that they exhibited a firm countenance and order to the last. Resistance was in vain with them, however, when the calvary had abandoned them and the whole weight of the American army was upon them. They laid down their aruis and their commander, McArthur, sur- rendered his sword to Colonel Pickens.* Colonel Tarleton takes credit upon himself for perform- ing two gallant feats upon this occasion. One was for repulsing Washington's whole command with fifty of his dragoons and fourteen mounted otficers, the circumstance just related. The other for dispersing an American party which had seized upon his baggage. This was a ludricous incident. It is related by Tarle- * Says Howard further, in his account of this stage of the action : " In the pursuit, I was led to the right, in among the 71st, who were broken into squads ; and as I called to them to surrender, they laid down their arms and the officers delivered up their swords. Captain Duncanson, of the 71st grenadiers, gave me his sword and stood by me. Upon getting on my horse, I found him pulling at my saddle, and he nearly unhorsed me. I expressed my displeasure and asked what he vpas about. The explanation was that they had orders to give no quarter, and they did not expect any, and as my men were coming up he was OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 289 ton that an American party preceded the fli|o-ht of the enemy and took possession of his bag-oao-e. This is a mistal^e. Colonel Tarleton had in his train a party of about fifty Loyalists, good woodsmen and excellent work- men, but great plunderers and scoundrels. So says a writer. They had been employed by the British com- mander as spies and expresses. Having moved off at a convenient distance during the battle, and finding the baggage of the British army abandoned during the action, they very laudably entered upon the work of sav- icg what they could of the officers' effects for their own use. Hearing the tramping of Tarleton's horses return- ing, they became alarmed and took to the woods. This movement, as the British came up, caused the latter to believe that they were a part of Morgan's army. As soon as they discovered the mistake, however, the indig- nant dragoons let loose their wi'ath upon all who were not fortunate enough to make good their retreat. Some of this party secured themselves from the sword by the body of a wagon. We have already given in a former chapter the relative strength of the two armies. The British loss amounted to about one hundred and fifty killed, and two hundred wounded, and about five hundred prisoners,* according to the account published at the time. These numbers may, however, be some what overdrawn. In the official corre- spondence between Clinton and Cornwallis, the latter admits of a loss of seven hundred and eighty -four men afraid they would use him ill. I admitted his excuse, and put him under the care of the serj^eant. 1 had messages from him years after- wards expressing his obligation for having saved his life." It is further stated, that " at one time Howard had in his hands seven swords of officers, who had surrendered to him personally whilst he was in amongst the 71st." * A number of negro slaves were also captured which were returned to their original owners. 290 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY between January 15th and February 1st. The American loss as reported was only eleveu killed and sixty-one wounded. Never was a victory more complete. Says a writer: "Not a corps retired from the field under com- mand except a few cavalry who accompaoied Tarletou. " These did not amount to more than one hundred and seventy-five all told. Washington pursued the flying enemy," says a writer, "until the declining sun and his panting- horses warned him to retrace his steps and join his commander. On his return he drove before him near one hundred straggling prisoners collected on his route." Asaresult of the victory, two field pieces (four pounders), eight hundred muskets, two stand of colors, thirty-five bag- gage wagons and one hundred dragoon horses, fell into the hands of the Americans. The two pieces captured, called the " grasshoppers," had a special history. They were first captured at Saratoga. Afterwards thej' were recap- tured on the same field, falling into the hands of General Greene after the battle ofCowpens. They were retaken by Cornwallis at the battle of Guilford C. H. They were finally surrendered at Yorktown. Like the battle of King's Mountain, the engagement at Cowpens lasted about fifty minutes. Of the killed and wounded on the British side at least one-tenth were offi- cers. Ten officers were found in the front of the ground where the militia had been formed in line. They were the "epaulette men," who had been specially marked in the beginning of the battle. It was the fall of these which produced such confusion in the British ranks, the men as they advanced receiving no orders — every man advancing at his own will. The battle of Cowpens was one of the most extraordi- nary battles of the whole Revolution. Ramsay states "that the glory and importance of this battle resounded from one end of the nation to the other." For the victory at Cowpens the Congress of the United States voted public thanks to General Morgan and pre- sented him with a medal of gold. Colonels Washington OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 291 and Howard received medals of silver, and Colonel Pickens a sword.* The history of the battle of Cowpens would not be complete without a brief notice of the prominent heroes who participated in that enftag,emeut. We are sorry that we are unable to present a reo-ister of the entire forces of General Moro-an's army. Thf^ir names and memories deserve to be perpetuated in the annals of our country's history. >^ ^ GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN, fjl/ui was born/1 n Buck's County, Pennsylvania, during the year 1775. We know little of his birth, or educa- tion, or early training-. He is said to have been a wao'oner in General Braddock's army, and shared in his defeat in 1754. He emigrated to Viroinia in 1755, and was employed as an overseer by Daniel Burrel, Esq., then in Shenendoah, now Clarke County, Virginia, At the beoinnino- of the Revolution he enlisted in his country's cause. He was with General Montgomery at Quebec, and with General Gates at Saratoga. He was commissioned a Brigadier-General and joined the army of the South only a short time before General Gates was relieved by General Greene. After Greene took command, Morgan was de- tached, as we have already shown, to raise troops in the western portions of North and South Carolina. After various maneuverings he met Colonel Tarleton at Cow- pens, January 17, 1781, and, gained the brilliant victory just narrated, for which Congress presented him with a gold medab Being compelled to continue his retreat he • : / , i.oA^' . -"^ fb, ■• At the one hundredth anniversary of the battle of Cowpens, and the unveiling of the Morgan statue, "at Spartanburg on the inh of May, i88i, Col. S. V. Pickens, of Charleston, a descendant of Col_ Andrew Pickens, wore in the street parade the sword of his illustrious ancestor referred to above. The writer had the pleasure of examining it. It has a silver hilt and is highly ornamented. The scabbard is leather. It is now, so we are informed, in the hands of Mrs. Francis W. Pickens, Edgefield, S. C." 292 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY united liis army with the advance forces of General Greene, on the east bank of the (yatawba. After his army had united with the main division of General Greene's army at Greensborough, he was seized with a severe attack of rheumatism, which compelled him to retire from the service. He returned to iiis farm in Yir. o'inia. where he remained until the war was over. During the whiskey troubles in 1794, in Pennsylvania, he was appointed by President Washington to raise troops and put down the Insurgents. He remained among them for several months. After the difficultj^ was settled, he was ordered to withdraw his troops and return to his home, and soon after became an aspirant for polit- ical honors. He was defeated in his first race for Con. gress, but after a second trial, was elected and served as a member of Congress from 1797 to 1799. His health failing he declined re-election. He died at Winchester, Virginia, July 6, 1802. First and last he was a brave and chivalric gentleman and soldier. In early life he is represented as being wild and reckless, but in the end he died a Christian. The following is a copy from his tombstone in the Bap- tist churchyard, Winchester, Virginia. The words are placed thus on tombstone : " Major General Daniai. Morgan Departed this life On July 6th 1802 In the 67th year of his age. Patriotism & valor were the prominent Features of his character And The Honorable services he rendered To his Country During the Revolutionar}^ War Crown him with glory & will remain In the hearts of his CountrN-men A perpetual Monument To his Memory " OF UPPER SOUTH CAROONA. 293 JOHN EAGER HOWARD was born in Baltimore County, Marylaud, June 4tli, 1752, and died there October 12th, 1827. He was well connected and educated ; joined the American army at the beo:inning- of the Revolution ; was at the battl* s of White Plains, Monmouth and Germantown. In 1780 he was made lieutenant of the reoiment of Maryland Reii;u- lars which belonged to the army of the South. Lieu- tenant-Colonel Howard fought at the battle of Camden under General Gates, and in 1780 was assigned by Gen- eral Greene to Morgan's command. The gallantry which he displayed at Cowpens has already been narrated. It is claimed that the bayonet charge of his regiment secured the victory on that memorable occasion. At one time he held seven swords in his hands which were surren- dered to him.* He greatly aided General Greene in his retreat from Guilford C. H., March 15rh, 1781. At Hob- kirk's Hill he succeeded to the command of the second Maryland regiment. At Eutaw Springs, where his com- mand was reduced to thirty, he was the only surviving officer and made a final charge and was wounded. This was the end of his military career during the Revolution, From 1789 to 1792 he was Governor of Maryland, and fi'om 1796 to 1803, he was United States Senator from that State. In 1796 he was offered a seat in Washing- ton's Cabinet but declined. In 1798, he was appointed a Major-General by President Washington in anticipation of a war with France. In 1814, during the panic in Baltimore and subsequent to the capture of Washington by the British forces, he prepared to take the field and was opposed to any capit- ulation. In 1816, he was the candidate of the Federal party for Vice-President. His wife, Margaret, was a daughter of Chief Justice Henjamin Chew. He entertained LaFayette at his beautiful mansion, " Belle vedere," near Baltimore, in 1824, only three years prior to his death. * See Sketch of J. E. Howard, Appleton's Cyclopedia. 294 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY COLONEL WILLIAM WASHINGTON, a kinsman of George Washington, was born in Stafford County, Virginia, February 28th, 1752. He was a son of , (\ 5^ Barley Washington. But little is known of his early life. W^^'^ Mt isliaid that he was educated for the Christian ministry, i)ut at the springing of the Revolution he espoused the Patriot cause, and received a captain's commission early in the war and belonged to the third regiment of the Vir- ginia line. While in this capacity he acquitted himself with great credit, and was severely wounded at the battle of Long Island. At Trenton (December, 1776) he led a charge on the enemy's batteries, capturing the enemy's guns. He was again wounded on this occasion. In 1778 he was transferred to the dragoons and assigned to the regiment of Lieutenant-Colonel George Baylor. In 1779 he joined the [Southern army under Gen. Benjamin Lincoln, was promoted to the command of the regiment, with rank of Lieutenant-Colonel 23d March, 1780. Soon after this he defeated Colonel Tarleton at Rantowl's. He with Colonel White were surprised a few weeks after- wards at Monk's Corner and Dennard's Ferry. It was in 1780 that Washington, then attached to Morgan's command, resorted to the stratagem of the painted pine log—" The Quaker Gun " — reducing as he did the post of Colonel Rudgeley and receiving the surrender of the latter with one hundred men. We have already narrated the successful charge which Colonel Washington made at Cowpens at a very critical moment. For this conduct Congress presented him with a handsome sword. In this battle he had a personal en- counter with Tarleton, the circumstances of which we have already given. With Howard and Lee he was chosen by General Greene to harrass the enemy on his memorable retreat. He took a very active part in the battle at Guilford Court House. At the battle of Hobkirk's Hill he charged the enemy, secured many prisoners and saved the artillery from cap- ture. At the close of the engagement he succeeded in OF UPPER SOTITH CAROLINA. 295 drawiuo Major Coffin, the commander of the British cavalry, in ambush and he dispersed them and caused a number to be captured. At Eutaw Springs, after the most heroic efforts, he was unhorsed, and while attempting- to disengage himself, was wouniled and captured. This ended his military career. Ill 1782 he married a Mrs. Elliott, of Charleston, and moved to his residence near the city. He was afterwards elected to the South Carolina Legislature, and was strongly solicited to run for Governor, but declined " be- cause he could not make a speech." In 1798, when hostilities were threatened between France and the United States, General Washington recommended the appointment of his kinsman for Brigadier-General, which was made on the 19th of July, 1798. General Washington, in a letter to the Secretary of War, sug- gested that General William Washington be assigned as military director of the affairs of Georgia and South Carolina. William Washington lived in retired life until 1810. He died at his residence near Charleston on March 10th of this year, his wife, a son and daughter surviving him. His biographer says that "he was modest without timidity, generous without extravagance, brave without rashness, disinterested without austerity." Colonel (afterwards General) Andrew Pickens was born in Buck's County, Pennsylvania, September 19th, 1737. His parents were of Huguenot descent, and removed in 1752 to the Waxhaw settlement, in Lancaster County, South Carolina. Colonel Pickens' first public service was in Grant's expedition against the Cherokees, in 1761. After this he moved to Long Cane settlement, in the present County of Anderson. At the beginning of the Revolution Andrew Pickens was made Captain- in the militia, and rose, by promotion, 296 COLONfAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY until he was made Brigadier-General. He kept the field at the head of a partisan corps, after the State had been overrun by the British, and in February, 1779, with four hundred men, he defeated a party of seven hundred men under Colonel Boyd, at Kettle Creek. At Stono, June 20th of the same year, whilst he was coverino- the retreat of the American forces, his horse was killed from undei- him. Durino' the same year he inflicted a severe defeat on the Cherokees at Tanasee. At the battle of Cowpens his conduct should never be forgotten. He commanded the militia, as we have alread v shown. These he rallied and brought into action a second time after his ranks had been broken and com- pelled to retreat. For this service Congress gave him a sword. He next invested the British forts at Augusta, Georgia (an account of which is giveu in this work), which suT-rendered after a two week's seige. After participating in an unsuccessful seige at Ninety- Six, under General Greene, he followed the reti-eating army towards the coast and participated in the battle of Eutaw Springs. In this engagement he was struck by a bullet, which, but for the buckle of his sword-belt, would have inflicted a mortal wound. In 1782 h<^ made a successful campaign against the Cherokees in Georgia,, and for this service he obtained a valuable cession of territory in that State. In 1765 Andrew Pickens married Miss Rebecca Calhoun, in the present region of Abbeville County. In Mrs. Ellet's " Women of the Revolution " we learn that this wedding- was an epoch in the social history of that section. The bride was specially noted for her beauty and accomplivsh- ments. The ha))py pair settled on the Keowee River, in what was afterwards known as the old Pendleton District, now Pickens County. From the close of the war till 1793 General Pickens was a member of the South Carolina Legislature. He was the first person from his district elected to the United States Congress, and served in that OF UPPEU SOUTH CAIfOLINA. 297 body from the 2d of December, 1793, till the 3d of March, 1795.* General Pickens was a member of the first South Caro- lina Constitutional Convention after the Revolution, and was made Major-General of the South Carolina militia in 1795. He served aj^ain in the State Leoislature from 1801 to 1812. In several instances he was a commissioner to form treaties with the Indians. By the treaty of Hopewell he obtained from the Cherokees a part of the northwestern territory of South Carolina. General Andrew Pickens died at Pendleton, South Caro- lina, on the 17th of August, 1817. He is said to have been remarkable for his simplicity, decision and prudence. He was scrupulous in the per- formance of every duty. He was a self-denying and a brave soldier and a pure patriot. He left behind him a highly respectable posterity. Governor Francis Wilkerson Pickens, who died in Edge- field, South Carolina, in 1869, and whose history is well known to the people of South Carolina, was a grandson. *The late Rev. John G. Landrum once informed the writer that Gen- eral Pickens, on his way to Congress, passed through the present County of Spartanburg. He traveled on horseback, in full military uniform, with his servant in livery also on horseback, about ten paces -/I behind him. This fact was related to Mr. Landrum by the older.^ ' citizens of the country, who saw General Pickens on his way to 'Con- gress, then in session in Philadelphia on New York. 298 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY CHAPTER XXXIII. MORGAN RESOLVES TO RESUME HIS MARCH IMMEDIATELY AFTER THE BATTLE OF COWPENS.— LEAVES PICKENS TO CARE FOR THE WOUNDED.— PRISONERS SENT TO CHAR- LOTTESVILLE, VA.— MOVEMENTS OF THE ARMY OF CORN- WALLIS.— MORGAN CROSSES SHERRILL'S FORD ON CATAWBA RIVER.— CORNWALLIS FOLLOWS.— RAPID RISE OF THE STREAM PREVENTS HIS CROSSING.— GENERAL GREENE LEAVES HIS ARMY ON THE PEE DEE AND JOINS MORGAN ON THE CATAWBA AND ASSUMES COMMAND.— MORGAN RETREATS TO THE YADKIN.— GENERAL GREENE REMAINS BEHIND TO COLLECT MILITIA.— CORN- WALLIS CROSSES THE CATAWBA.— FALL OF DAVIDSON. TWO WINGS OF AMERICANS UNITE AT GUILFORD C. H.— RETREAT ACROSS THE DAN.— CORNWALLIS OUTSTRIPPED IN THE RACE. THE brilliant success of General Morgan on the field of Cowpeiis did not lull or dazzle him into an iniaoined security. He knew that when Cornwallis received intel- ligence of Tarleton's ai)nihilation, he would attempt to head off his retreat. The camp of this officer on Turkey Creek (in York County) being only twenty-five or thirty miles away, Morgan knew that it would require only five or six hours for Tarleton and his flying cavalry to reach it. Morgan knew, too, that the army of Cornwallis was under marching orders and to elude his grasp was a matter of great importance to him in the circumstar-ces. It was not yet noon when the battle ended. Morgan resolved, after refreshing his men and prisoners, to put his arm^^ in motion at once. Colonel Pickens, with a detach- ment of mounted militia, was left upon the field to bury the dead and provide foi' the comfort of the wounded of both armies. It is said that this brave and benevolent man performed this duty faithfully and humanely. Suffl- OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 299 cient tents were procured from the enemy's wagons which had been captured. The Americans had none. Other comforts were drawn from the same source. Those of the enemy's wagons which could not be carried away were burned. Colonel Pickens, after performing the duty assigned him, and placing a safe guard and a yellow flag over the wounded, departed and rejoined his commander on the following day. Morgan's army crossed the lower Island Ford* the same afternoon and encamped several miles beyond the river. Early on the morning of the 18th he resumed his march, going north, towards Gilberttovvn, pursuing the same line of retreat as had been formerly traveled by the King's Mountain men. Scouts were sent out in the morning in the direction in which (vornwallis was expected to approach. Morgan was delighted on the return of those to learn that not only had Cornwallis not .yet moved, but that there were no signs of his moving. At Gilberttown, three miles from Rutherfordton, Morgan detached the greater portion of his militia and a part of Colonel Washington's cavalry as a guard to the prisoners. This detachment took the Cane Creek road, towards Morganton, crossing the Catawba at Island Ford. Here Washington's cavalry turned the prisoners over to Colo- nel Pickens and rejoined General Morgan's army, which crossed the Catawba at Sherrill's Ford, eight or nine miles lower down the stream. On the east bank of Island Ford, Major Hyrne, the commissary of prisoners, receved six hundred prisoners from Colonel Pickens. These were carried by an upper route to Charlottesville, Virginia, where prisoners were usually kept at that time. Let us now return to the movements of the British army. Cornwallis was lestiug quietly in his camp on Turkey Creek, waiting, as his lordship informs us, for Leslie to reach him. Says a writer: "When the night * In the present plantation of oJd Mr. John Camp. 300 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY gathered around his camp, the sound of the cavah'v ap- proaching- at rapid gait was heard, the weary sentinel challenged the advance, the countersign was exchanged and then the news was broken : ' Tarleton is defeated and his corps is destroyed.' " It is said that the revelry of the camp ended. Orief and dismay were written on every countenance. Guards were doubled and parties were sent to gather more tidings of the battle. So dumbfounded was Cornwallis, that he scarcely knew what course to pursue. Reason would have dictated to him to move at once to cut off, if possible, Morgan's junction with Greene, but he did nothing for a whole day, and that da3' Mor- gan and his prisoners were out of reach. Had he pressed forward at once with one thousand infantry and a few pieces of artillery, with orders for his scattered cavalry to follow, "it is," says Johnson, "unquestionable that he must have overtaken General Morgan at Ramsour's Mill, where their roads united and crossed the south fork of the Catawba." His baggage was in no danger, as he could have left a sufficient guard behind to take care of it, while the army of General Leslie was only a short distance away. In war, days are years. The loss of the 18th, the precious and irretrievable day to Corn- wallis, was forever gone to him, and Morgan made good use of the advantage he had thus gained. Cornwallis did not leave his encampment until the 19th — two days after the battle. He moved north, taking all his cumber- ous baggage with him, with orders to his cavalry to return to his camp every night. He marched up the east bank of Broad River, crossing Buffalo and King's creeks to the second or Little Broad River, where, hearing that Morgan had gone east, he turned to the north-east until he came to the old Flint Hill road, which Morgan had ti-aveled, and thence down said road to Ramsour's Mill, on the 25th of January, 1781. Morgan, at this time, was on the north bank of the Catawba, at Sherrill's Ford, twenty-five miles away. It is a common error in the histories of our country to attribute the escape of Mor- OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 301 gan to the sudden rise of the Catawba River, for though the rain did descend in torrents on the 26th, still Morgan had the advantage of a whole day's march. Morgan, hearing that Coruwallis had reached Ramsour's Mill, took advantage of the sudden rise of the Catawba in order to give his men a day's rest and enable the Ameiican guard in charge of the prisoners to get out of reach, for Morgan was anxious to secure evei'y one of them to exchange for the troops of the Continental line, taken at the sui-render of Lincoln at Charleston, then languishing in the prison ships at that place. Cornwallis, having lost the 17th and 18th, was six days in reaching Ramsour's Mill. By a direct route he could have reached that place in two days, and thus intercepted the retreat of Morgan. At Ramsour's Mill he remained two days, thus giving further advantage to his adversary to outstrip him in the race. "On the 25th of January, the day that Cornwallis reached Ramsour's Mill, the news of Morgan's victory reached General Greene at his camp on the Pee Dee. His little army was immediately ordered to prepare to march to the assistance of Morgan. The troops were poorly clad and the winter was cold, but they received the orders of their commander with cheerfulness and confidence. The 25th, 26th and 27th of January were spent in energetic preparations for the march, and the most minute orders were given as to every detail before General Greene would consent to leave." Having made every necessary arrangement for the re- treat of his array, General Greene did what has been deemed by Johnson and others one of the most impru- dent acts of his life. " With only a guide, an aide and a sergeant's guard of cavalry he struck across the coun- try to join Morgan and aid him in his arduous opera- tions." He traveled from Hicks' Ford, on the Pee Dee, to Beaty's Ford, on the Catawba, a distance of about one hundred and twent^'-five miles, in two days.* He reached *See Johnson's L,ife of Greene, vol. i, page 403. 302 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY Moi'o-an at Slierriirs Ford on the 30th, and assumed command of his forces. Cornwallis' forces were at this time on the other side of the Catawba, and about eighteen miles below that point. All the fords of the river below, as far down as Charlotte, were o:uarded by the militia under General Davidson. Cornwallis was only waitino- for an opportunity to force a passage. The river was at this time very hi<2-h, and the two armies lay in perfect se- curity from each other, thoujj'h not many miles distant. By the 31st the waters of the swollen stream began to recede. Notwithstanding the fords of the Catawba were numer- ous, Davidson kept a vigilant watch. He had under him only about five hundred volunteers and three hundred mounted riflemen, which served as a corps of oberserva- tion along the eastern bank of the stream. The British commander had so masked his intentions, that it was im- possible to know just where he would attempt his first crossing. As soon as it was ascertained, however, that the Catawba was falling, and that Cornwallis was making his dispositions to cross, Morgan began his retreat. He moved off in silence on the evening of the 31st, and press- ing his retreat that night and all of the next day, he gained a full day's march on his adversary. Before we proceed further, let us take special notice of some of the dispositions which Cornwallis made prior to his crossing the Catawba, and his pursuit of his adversary. An error has crept into history that this officer, before leaving his camp on Turkey Creek, set fire to and burnt up all of his heavy baggage, first setting the example by burning his own. This has been furnished as an excuse for his loss of the 18th, a day which he never regained. It is, however, a mistake. It was at Ramsour's Mill that he destroyed his baggage six days after the commencement of his march. He spent two whole days in this work and the collection of provisions and did not resume his march until the 28th.* It was during the march of Cornwallis ■•■■'See Johnson's vol. i, page 3S9. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 303 from Ramsour's Mill that the swell of the waters of the o'reat Catawba took place, and not on the night of the dcnj that Moro-an crossed that river. The swell of the stream occurred on the night of the 29th. But to return to the progress of events. When General Greene left his army on the Pee Dee, their orders were to cross that river, then to proceed up the stream, and with all possible dispatch reach Salisbury in order to form a^ junction with the army of General Morgan. Having placed himself at the head of Morgan's troops, he lingered behind after the departure of the latter from the banks of the Catawba, with a view of collecting and bringing off the militia of General Davidson as «oon as the enemy had effected the passage of the river; and for this purpose he issued orders for them to repair, as soon as that event should take place, to a place six miles in advance of Tar- rant's Tavern, and about sixteen miles in advance on the road to Salisbury. To this place he repaired in person to await their arrival^ and at this place, as we will presently show, he came very near terminating his military career. The British army crossed the Catawba at two points. With his main army Cornwallis crossed at McGowen's (called Cowen's by some writers) Ford. It was fortunate for him that he attempted this passage at night. Sa^^s a writer : " The apj)alling prospect of a stream five hun- dred yards in width, foaming among the rocks, and frequently overturning men and horses in its course, might have shaken the stoutest heart. Nor would the aim of the riflemen then have been distracted by the shades of the night, or the men themselves been directed by nothing but the voices of the British officers, the increased noise of the current, or the mutual exhortation of the British soldiers. Placed among the trees and bushes that lined the banks, secure must have been the aim of the militia- men against a body of men plunged up to their waists, moving slowly, and supporting themselves against the swift waters of the stream, endeavoring to preserve their arms from the spray. A singular instance of good for- 304 COLONIAL AND RKVOLUTIONARY HISTOKY tune attended the British commander. In the midst of the stream the guide, who had been emploj^ed to pilot him across, got alarmed and fled away. The advance of Cornwallis' forces took the wrong course, and escaped the danger that awaited them." Says Johnson, " Davidson had posted his men so as to receive the enemy at the point where they well knew the course of the ford would lead them to the eastern bank. Upon losing their guide, the enemy deviated from the ford, waded through water somewhat deeper, but approached a point where they were not expected. The darkness of the night and the noise of the waters prevented this deviation from being discovered until the enemy approached the margin of the river; and as Davidson led off his men to take a position in their front, it brought him between the light of the fires and the advancing column. A well directed volley from them put an end to his existence as he mounted his horse." Thus fell a noble, brave and tried patiiot. His loss was universally deplored. His men soon dispersed after his fall, though not without inflicting a severe injury to the enemy. A number of them were killed, including Colonel Hall, of the British guards, whose loss was much regretted by his companions in arms. We have already stated that the enemy effected a cross- ing of the Catawba at two different points. At Beaty's Ford, higher up the stream. Colonels Tarleton and Web- ster crossed with a strong detachment. Finding that ford unguarded, it was passed without loss or de\aj. At Tarrant Tavern, ten miles distant from McGowen's Ford, the roads from the different fords come together. While many of the militiamen, after the fall of their commander, were making their way to their homes, others were moving forward to join General Greene at the appointed place of rendezvous, which was six miles from Tarrant's, and in the same direction the American array were moving. When the militiamen reached Tar- rant's, thinking themselves secure, they halted to take OP"' UPPER SOTJTH CAROLINA. 305 refreshments. Tarleton, soon after he crossed the stream, got wind that the party had assembled at Tarrant's. He resolved at once to sti'ike at it. The militiamen num- bered only about one hundred, and the officer in com- mand of the same did not take the proper precaution to put out videttes to guard against surprise. Tarleton's attack was unlooked for. The militia, mounting their horses, quickly fled to the woods, after dehvering one tire. Says a writer : ' A few victims remained to greet the English broadsword. There were a small number of old men and boys, either not mounted, or badly mounted, who sought security in imploring mercy on the strength of their gray hairs or their youth. Seven of them were wantonly sacrificed, and that number is boastingly swelled in ' Tarleton's Campaigns ' to the number of fifty. Dearly did the Loyalists afterward pay for the blood of these men.'' After this exploit Colonel Tarleton leisurely retired to the main army, little dreaming that a coveted prize, General Greene and his suite, were only a few miles ahead of him and unguarded. Twenty horsemen could easily have captured him. General Greene, learning of the fall of Davidson and the dispersion of the militia, proceeded to Salisbury. On his arrival at Steel's tavern, in that town, he exhibited signs of hunger and exposure. His dress was deranged and his limbs were stiffened. To the enquiries of Di'. Read, who received him on his alighting, he could not refrain from answering: " Yes, fatigued, hun- gry, alone and penniless." This reply was overheard b}'' Mrs. Read. When seated to a comfortable breakfast, she presented herself in the room, closed the door behind her and exhibited a small bag of specie in each hand. " Take these," said she, ''for you will want them, and I can do without them," This favor was too delicate and touch- ing to be declined and was afterwards amply repaid. General Greene had not more than finished his meal when he was admonished to hasten away on account of the numbers and hostility of the Loyalists who sur- 306 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY rounded him. He hastened at once to rejoin his army, then crossing the Yadkin River. But we are admonished that we are <^ettino; too far away from the scenes of our narrative. We can only give an outline of General Greene's fui-ther movements. General Morgan, after leaving the Catawba, made directly to Trading Ford, on the Yadkin, reaching that place by the 3d of February-. Lord Cornwallis now made a desperate effort to retrieve what he had lost by a previous want of decision. A second conflagration of wagons and baggage announced his intention to resume his march. This enabled him to double his teams and mount more infantr3^ Leaving the Catawba about the 1st of February, he attempted to overtake Morgan before he crossed the Yadkin. The incessant rains which drenched the army of General Morgan all through the first, only quickened his movements. General Greene knew that in two days the river would rise past fording. Cornwallis made but little progress on the fii"st, owing to a narrow and bad road which he traveled from Mc- Go wen's (or Cowen's) Ford. Adding General O'Hara with his mounted infantr^^ to his cavalry, he ordered them to push forward and overtake Morgan before he crossed Trading Ford. The latter, however, was too sagacious for him. Only a few wagons were left behind stuck in the mud. These were guarded by some Ameri- can militia who skirmished with the approaching cavalry of O'Hara. Two militiamen were killed, while twelve or more of the enemy were slain on the ground. Morgan transferred his army across the river on boats which had been previously collected, while his cavalry forded the stream. It was General Greene's foresight on his way South that caused these boats to be in place. As soon as the army was safely over, all the boats for miles up and down the river were secured. Morgan now viewed complacently the swelling stream between him and Cornwallis and gave his troops a much needed rest. ISo chagrined was O'Hara that Moi'gan had eluded his OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 807 grasp, that he opened up a furious caunonade on the American troops across the river. Moro-an had none to reply. The two little three-pounders, "grasshoppers," captured at ('owpens, had been sent back with the prison- ers. During this cannonade (General Greene established his headquarters in a cabin not far from the river. Here, while issuinghis orders and conducting his letters of corre- spondence, a cannon ball struck the roof of his cabin and shattered it to pieces. It is said that the General wrote on and seemed to notice nothing but his dispatches. O'Hara, after cannonading across the stream, returned to Salisbury, where General Cornwallis was awaiting him. Cornwallis discovered that he could cross at Shallow Ford, a few miles above Trading Ford. He put his army in motion on the fifth, and crossed at that point on the evening of the sixth. General Greene moved from Trading Ford on the even- ing of the fourth, and marched directly to Guilford C. H., where he formed a junction with his army under General Huger, on the 10th of February, It will be remembered that General Huger had marched from the Pee Dee sec- tion by order of General Greene. It is an error in history to state that it was " a race" between Greene and Corn- wallis to this place. The former was master of his own movements and it was at that time that he selected the celebrated position (Guilford C. H.) as a fighting ground for a battle, which took place a month later. After call- ing a council of war it was unanimously decided that the army should retreat across the Dan River. The returns of General Greene's army show that he had at this time, rank and file of all arms, only 2,036 men; of these 1,426 were regulars. The force of Cornwallis amounted to about three thousand. General Greene, having decided upon a further retreat, put his army in motion about the 12th. Cornwallis' army at this time was at or near Salem. It was unfortu- nate for General Greene that General Morgan at this time became disabled. He was stricken down with a 308 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY severe attack of rheumatism, contracted in his recent retreat by exposure to wet and cold. He had in former years suffered from this painful malady. With the assist- ance of a few friends he was cai-ried to his home in western VirginiOu General Greene's objective point was Irwin's Ferry, on the Dan River, seventy miles from Guilford C. H. Colonel Carrinoton was sent forward to secure all the boats and make every necessary preparation for the ai'my to ci*oss. General Gi'eene formed a lioht corps consisting' of some of his best infantry, under Lieutenant-r.olonel Howard, who were to take post between the retreating' and advanc- ino- army, to hover on the skirts of the latter and retard in every way the enemy's prosrress, while Greene with the main army hastened towards the Dan, which stream he successfully crossed with his entire forces by the 15th of February. Thus ended the memorable retreat of General Greene, whi(th not only met with the appreciation of the friends of the Revolution, but has at all times commanded the admiration of the entire civilized woild. Here was dis- played military tact, genius and strate'»:y, under the most tryinji; self-sacrifices, huno-er, and deprivation ever re- corded in the pages of American history. Following the battle of ('owpens, and being so inti- mately blended with the same, an account of the one in this work would not be complete without a brief narra- tive of the other. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 309 CHAPTER XXXIV. GENERAL REVIEW OF MILITARY OPERATIONS IN NORTH AND SOUTH CAROLINA.— CORNWALLIS REPAIRS TO HILLSBOROUGH AND ERECTS A ROYAL STANDARD.— INVITES THE INHABITANTS TO JOIN HIM —GENERAL GREENE RECROSSES THE DAN AND MARCHES TO GUIL- FORD C. H.— BATTLE OF GUILFORD.— ITS EFFECTS.— GENERAL GREENE RETIRES TO SPEEDWELL'S IRON WORKS.— CORNWALLIS RETREATS TO WILMINGTON.— GREENE PURSUES TO RAMSEY'S MILL.— THE TWO ARMIES TURN BACK TO BACK.— CORNWALLIS MARCHES TO VIRGINIA.— GREENE RETURNS TO SOUTH CAROLINA. —CAPTURE OF FORT WATSON.— BATTLE OF HOBKIRK.- RETRE.AT OF LORD RAWDEN.— FALL OF ORANGEBURG, FORTE MOTTE AND GRANBY.— SEIGE AND FALL OF AUGUSTA. IN oi'df^r to ^ive the reader a proper chain of the iui port- ant military events followino- those which we have already narrated, and those which we propose to present in the succeeding- chapters as happenin^-in the upper part of our State, it will be necessary to review briefly, some of the important military operations both in North and South Carolina, which occurred during; the remainder of the year 1781. These, for the most part, ended the inter- esting- Revolutionary events in the States referred to. Before we proceed further, let us return to South Caro- lina and view the state of affairs during; the memorable retreat of General Greene, an account of which is given in the preceding chapter. During this time the distin- guished partisans. Generals Marion and Sumter, were at work in their daring enterprises, maintaining, as they did, a show of American authority in the State. Since Corn- wallis had left the State the Whigs were gathering every- where. Surrounded as they were by enemies, thev kept the j;. 310 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY field to auimate the Whig, inhabitants to deeds of valor. Sumter, though not yet recovered from his wound re- ceived at Blackstock's, assumed authority in the western portion of the State. He was ably assisted by €alonel -^-^ Pickens with his brigade, which had recently returned ' from North Carolina and operated between Ninety-Six and Augusta. Sumter was also ably supported by Colo- nels Neil, Lacy, Hill, Winn, Bratton, Brandon and others. Marion's field of operations was confined to the east- ern portion of South Carclina and does not belong prop- erly to this narrative, which is intended only to record the military events in upper South Carolina. VVe will further add that Marion was ably sui)ported by Colonels Peter and Hugh Horry, and James Postel, Lieutenant- Colonel John Baxtijr and Majors John Postel and James. During the time that Marion and Sumter were at work in South Carolina, the scenes in North Carolina were no less stirring. Cornvvallis being compelled to relinquish further pursuit of General Greene, after the latter 's retreat across the Dan, now meditated upon the course he was to pursue. Being master of North Carolina, he decided to remain in that State and work to enlist the Loyal- ists in the name of the King. With this intent he quitted the banks of the Dan and repaired to Hillsborough; where, having erected the Royal standard, he issued a flaming proclamation, inviting the inhabitants to form themselves into regular companies. These efforts, how- ever, did not meet with the success he had hoped for. The long domination of the Whig elements and the horri- ble enormities committed by the Royal troops in different parts of the American continent, had given birth to a sentiment of another cast. Towards the middle of March, General Greene, having received reinforcements, resolved to inarch at once on his enemy. Accordingly, he recrossed the Dan and pushed forward with all his troops and took post at Guilford Court House. His army amounted to about 5,668 men,* * See Schneck's " North Carolina," page 312. OF UPPER SOUTH CAKOLINA. 311 the greater part of which were militia from Virg;inia and North Carolina; while the remainder were reoulars from Virginia, Maryland and Delaware. The English, ineludiug the Hessians, amounted to 2,400 soldiers.* After various maneuverings the two armies confronted each other on the great road which leads from Salisbury to Guilford. This was on the 15th of March. We cannot give the details of the battle here. The ground was chosen by General Greene. The forces of General Greene were supe- rior in numbers and those of Cornwallis superior in discip- line. As soon as the action opened up, which was about 1 o'clock and lasted about two hours, the American mili- tia did not stand firm, otherwise the result would not have been doubtful. A large per cent, of the militia organizations, however, had been enlisted only a short time, perhaps less than a month. The raw recruits behaved badly, broke line and fled. This caused aeon- fusion. Those of Greene's forces, who had been well drilled and trained, fought hard, but they were eventually driven from the field, and forced to retreat for several miles. The British loss, in killed, wounded and missing, according to Cornwallis' official report, was l,059,t while the American loss, in killed and wounded, was only about three hundred. Although the battle of Guilford Court House cannot be claimed as an American victory, yet the reader will pardon the deviation here when we present a paragraph of Senator Benton's eulogy on the character of Nathaniel Bacon, who was a soldier under General Greene. Incommenting upon the battle of Guilford, this eminent statesman said : " The philosophy of history has not 3^et laid hold of the battle of Guilford, its consequen- ces and effects. That battle made the capture of Yorktoivn. * * * * It broke up the plan of Cornwallis in the South and changed the plan of Washington in the North. Corn- wallis was to subdue the Southern States and was doing •■ See Botta's " American War," page 323. t See Schneck's " North Carolina," page 380. 312 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY it until Greene turned upon him at Guilford. Washington was occupied with Sir Henry Clinton, then in New York, with 12,000 British troops. He had formed the heroic design to capture Clinton and his army, the French fleet co-operating in that city, and thereby putting an end to the war. All his preparations were going on to that grand consummation, when he got the news of the battle of Guilford, the retreat of (^ornwallis to Wilmington, his inability to keep the field in the South, and his return northward through the lower part of Virginia. He saw his advantage, an easy prey, and the same result, if suc- cessful. Cornwallis or Clinton, either of them captured, would put an end to the war. Washington changed his plan, deceived Clinton, moved rapidly upon the weaker General, captured him and his 7,000 men and ended the Revolutionary War. The battle of Guilford put that capture into Washington's hands; and thus Guilford and Yorktown became connected. * * * The lesser event was father to the greater.* General Greene's camp was at "Speedwell's Iron Works," to which place he retired on the morning of the 16th of March, 1781. Here he remained until the 20th of the same month, endeavoring to repair the disorder and derangement always incident to a fierce and sanguin- ary battle. In a letter to Colonel Lee at this time he says : " I mean to fight the enemy again, and wish you to have your Legion and rifiemen ready at the shortest notice. Lord Cornwallis must be soundly beaten before he will release his stronghold." No one understood the temper and resolution of General Greene better than Cornwallis. He therefore determined not to risk another engagement, but to retreat. Leaving the American wounded at Guil- ford Court House and those of his own, who could not be transported at New Garden Meeting House, he took up his line of retreat, using every artifice to avoid any *See " Thirty Years View," United States Senate, bj' Thomas Benton, page 115. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 313 further engagement. Profiting; from the unpleasant experience he had reahzed in his pursuit of General Greene to the Dan, he now determined to keep a stream between him and his pursuer. As soon as Lord Cornwallls began his retreat, General Greene put his army in motion to overtake him. After leaving his camp at Speedwell's Iron Works, on Trouble- some Creek, he crossed Cross Creek and Buffalo Creek and continued the pursuit as far as Ramsey's Mill, some sixty miles from his starting point. He had expected to over- take and engage his adversary at Buffalo Creek. Says Johnson, "Such was the eagerness with which the pursuit was pressed that many of the American troops exerted themselves beyond their strength and fainted on the road." General Greene, for various reasons, was compelled to abandon the further pursuit of Cornwallis. The term of enlistment of many of the militia, both from North Carolina and Virginia, had already expired, and these now turned their faces homeward, thus lessening the numbers of Greene's army. The further pursuit was through a region of Tories, who would have kept Corn- wallis thoroughly posted as to Greene's strength and movements. Besides this, an inspection of his army re- vealed the fact that he was growing short of ammunition. The irregular troops had recklessly traded powder and shot, which were the best articles for procuring meat and bread. There were still other reasons why Greene did not pur- sue Cornwallis. His route to overtake him lay through a dreary region, which had been already traversed by the army of Cornwalhs, and could afford no supplies. Such being the case he wisely determined, as the sequel proved, to cast his eyes in another direction, and to decide on the next course to be pursued. On the day after the battle of Guilford, Colonel Wade Hampton* arrived in the American camp, and gave iutel- *Grandfather of present ex Senator Wade Hampton. 314 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY li<»ence that could be relied upon respecting the positious and strength of the enemy's forces in South Carolina. This intelligence, it is said, caused General Greene to de- cide at once on his future movements. But before entering upon another campaign, General Greene deemed it proper to give a short rest to his arm.y, preparatory to a new movement, and also to recruit and collect supplies, as his march lay for the most part through a barren and swampy country. On the 6th day of April, the day before Cornwallis reached Wilmington, General Greene renewed his march, but now in a different direction. The two armies were now back to back. The facj of General Greene was turned to South Carolina, where, in less than one year, he was to end a military career that was to make his name for all time glorious, while that of Cornwallis was turned to Vii-- ginia, where, in a few mouths, he was to end a course less glorious at Yoi'ktown. Continuing his march General Greene crossed at Mark's Ferry, on the Yadkin; then south, crossing Rocky River and Lynch's Creek, to Camden, South Carolina. General Greene's advance into South Carolina was preceded by Lieutenant-Colonel Lee,* who penetrated thi-ough the country, and in eight days effected a junction with Gen- eral Marion, on the San tee. This not only surprised, but alarmed the British. To secure the provisions that grew on the fertile banks of the San tee and C'ongaree, the Brit- ish had ei-ected a chain of posts in their vicinity, reaching back in the direction of Georgetown. One of the most im- portant of these was Fort Watson, near Wright's Bluff. This was a stockade fort, built on an eminence thirty or forty feet high, said to have been originally an Indian mound. This was closely invested on the 15th of April by about eighty men under General Marion and a number of mounted Continentals under Lieutenant-Colonel Lee. The garrison consisted of about one hundred and four- *Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Lee, father of General Robert E. Lee, Confederate States army. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 315 teen raeu, under Lieutenant McKay of the British regular troops. Had Marion possessed even one piece of artillery, the task of capturino- the fort would have been small. As it was, neither side had any other means of attack or de- fense but muskets. The steep side of the fort and palisades in front forbade an attempt at stoi*mina- it. The Americans cut off the garrison from Scott's Lake, which supplied it with water. This was overcome on the part of the garrison, however, by sinking a well inside of the fort. Another stratagem was resorted to. A short distance from the fort there grew wood in abundance. This was cut down, and through the night the men carried the heavy timbers on their shoulders and placed them cross-wise. When morning came the besieged men were astonished. The fatal effect of a shower of balls an- nounced to them that their stronghold was commanded by a superior work. Nothing now remained but to sur- render, and a capitulation was at once concluded. Camden, during the Revolution, was a little village, located, as now, on a plain, covered on the south and east sides by the Wateree and a creek which enters into that river. It was here that Lord Rawdon was posted during the spring of 1781. The position was a strong one. It was defended on the noith.and west by six strong re- doubts. Greene, upon his arrival at Camden, finding the post impregnable, took a strong position at Hobkirk's Hill, about one mile and a half north of Camden, intend- ing, if possible, to allure the garrison out of their lines. In this he succeeded. We have not time or space to give the details of the battle of Ilobkirk. Lord Rawdon armed his musicians, drummers, and everything that could carry a firearm, and with great spirit sallied out to attack Greene on the 25th of April. An engagement ensued. It is stated by Botta and others, that Greene was surprised, while it is firmly denied by Johnson and others. At first victory seemed to incline to the Americans, but in the progress of 316 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY the battle the tide turned. It is said that Greene had placed in his center the Maryland reojulars, which had stood SO firm at Cowpens and Guilford. For some reason unexplained, this veteran oro-anization gave way at the beginning of the action. Lieutenant-Colonel Wash- ington was ordered to turn the right of the British flank, and to charge their rear. So confident was he of Greene's success that he divided his command into small parties and placed them in secret positions which he thought most favorable foi- attacking the retreating fugitives of Rawdon's army. At one tiuie he had captured nearly two hundred, but released the greatest part of them on seeing the American Army retreat. The American forces, as we have said, consisted of about seven hundred ; the British of about eight hundred. The American loss in killed, wounded and missing, was about two hundred. The British loss was smaller. Gen- eral Greene retreated in good order with his baggage, artillery, &c., to Sanders' Creek, about four miles distant. In the evening after the battle Lieutenant-Colonel Wash- ington, with fifty mounted cavalry advanced within a mile of the British camp. It appears that Lord Rawdon left Captain Coffin on the battlefield with his cavalry and some mounted infantry. Washington receiving this in- telligence resolved to gain some advantage from it. Re- tiring with his cavalry into a thicket on the roadside, he pushed forward a small detachment, with orders to ap- proach within a short distance of the enemy's position. The stratagem took effect. Coffin's whole command pur- sued, and having reached the hiding place of Washing- ton's men, the whole command was attacked. Those who were not cut to pieces were compelled to fly for safety. The consequence was that the day actually terminated with the field of Hobkirk in the hands of the Americans. Very soon after the action of the 25th at Hobkirk, Gen- eral Greene, knowing that the garrison at Cainden could not subsist very long without fresh supplies from Charles- OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 317 ton, detached a reinforcement to General Marion on the Nelson's Ferrj^ road. General Greene remained at his camp the whole of the 26th and until the afternoon of the 27th, hopino- that Rawdon, emboldened by his success, would make another attack. But the latter had been too severely used up to venture another experiment so far from his stronghold. The American commander retired five miles further, to Rugley's Mill, on the 27th, the depot of his baggage and stores. After this, on the 3d of May, he crossed the Wateree and took occasionally such positions as would prevent succor going into the town of Camden. On the 7th of May Rawdon received reinforcement by the arrival of a detachment under Colonel Watson. With this addi- tion to his force he sallied out for several miles in the direction of General Greene's encampment, for the pur- pose of drawing him into an engagement, butfindinsr this impossible, he decided after three days to break up his en- campment and evacuate the town of Caniden. On the 10th, after burning the jail, mills and many private dwellings, he retired with his whole arm}" south of the Santee, leaving about thirty of his wounded and as many Americans, who had been captured by him after the action at Hobkirk on the 25th. The evacuation of Camden was a necessary step for Lord Rawdon. The position of General Greene at Rugley's Mill prevented succor from reaching him from that quarter, and the capture of Fort Watson had cut off his line of communication with Charleston. Many of the Loyalist families accompanied Lord Raw- don on his departure. They chose this course rather than remain to fall into the hands of their exasperated country- men. These families, it is said, were cruelly neglected after they reached Charleston. Having no houses pro- vided for them they constructed a lot of huts outside of the works. This was called Eawdontown. Many women and children who had lived in comfort at their homes 318 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORV perished in these huts which were a reproach to British authorities. In the fall of Camden Lord Rawdon lost not only this post, but the country and the confidence of the Tories. The Whigs everywhere were animated and the British alarmed. General Greene's ranks beo-an to swell. On the day after the evacuation of Camden the post at Orange- burg, consisting of seventy British militia and twelve regulars, surrendered to General Sumter. The next day Fort Motte, on the Congaree, capitulated under circum- stances peculiarly interesting. After the fall of Fort Wat- son, General Marion and Lieutenant-Colonel Lee crossed the Santee and moved up to this post, where they arrived on the 8th of May. The old site of this fort is south of the ('ougaree River, and only a short distance west of the South Carolina railroad. The garrison consisted of one hundred and sixty-five men, commanded by Lieutenant McPherson. The residence of Mrs. Motte stood in the center of the fort. It seems that the firing of this was necessary to bring about the capitulation of the fort. Mrs. Motte was consulted. When informed of what was necessary for the reduction of the fort, she presented the besiegers with a quiver of African arrows to be employed for that purpose. Skewers, armed with combustible materials, were also used with more effect. The experiment proved successful. Mrs Motte was overjoyed to witness the reduction of the post, though her private property was sacrificed. Lord Ravydon, upon his arrival at Nelson's Ferry, on the Santee, hearing that all these posts had capitulated, marched directly to Eutaw Springs, after blowing up his fortifications and destroying many of his stores at Nel- son's Ferry. A few days later the British garrison at Granby. about twenty-five miles higher up the Congaree, and only a few miles from the present city of Columbia, capitulated. This post was commanded by an officer named Maxwell, who is represented as having been a notorious plunderer. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 319 He surrendered on the first summons by Lee, who already had him in a measure within his orasp. Only two important Biitish posts now remained com- manding; the upper part of South Carolina, viz: Augusta and Ninety-Six. Let us first give our attention to the former place. The defenses immediately around Augusta consisted of two forts, Cornwallis and Grierson. The former was commanded by Colonel Brown, and the latter, rJLL Colonel Grierson. Lower down .the Savaunah River a/d-ol few miles was Fort Gaipiji. ^^=^/cU^^^ <^ Pickens, who had been recently created a Brigadier, was ^ \\ ordered by General Greene to collect and enlist in his ^'^^^ command the Whig elements in upper Carolina, concen- trate before Augusta, looking to the reduction of that post, and to cut off all communication between Augusta and Ninety-Six. Lieutenant-Colonel Lee with his legion was also ordered, after the f;ill of Granby, to join Pickens at Augusta. The distance between those points was about one hundred miles. Lee's legion had been recently recruited by the addition of Colonel Eaton's command of two hundred North Carolina militia. Says Johnson : " Among those who hastened into action upon the approach of the American army (into South Carolina) was Colonel Clarke of Georgia. His followers im- mediately gathered around him and he found himself at the head of a party sufficient to invest Augusta, as soon as Pickens was able to hold in check the garrison at Ninety-Six." Clarke's approach to Augusta was sudden and unex- pected. It was the custom of the British authorities to ser»d annually presents to the Cherokee Indians. Several boats loaded with these annual presents were on their way up the Savannah River. Clarke heard of these boats and before they could make good their retreat he waylaid them. The stream, though deep, is narrow and Clarke's riflemen among the trees along the banks would soon have swept the deck of any boat not provided against attack. Unable to ascend or descend, these boats took 320 COLONIAL AND KEVOLUTIONARY HISTORY shelter under Fort Ojitpri i ; and Colonel Clarke was care- fully o-uardinp,- this invaluable prize when he was joined some days afterwards by Lee. Immediately upon Lee's ^i'''iv£^J^a^^^i^ complimented with the task of capturino- Fort (j^i^ftiLThis was on the 21st of May. Lee captured the post by stratagem as it were. Appearing before it with a small force, the garri- son sallied out to engage it, when Captain Rudolph, of Lee's legion, who was concealed with a larger force, rushed into the fort and captured it. All those outside were taken prisonei's. Bj^ the fall of this fort there were captured one hundred and twenty-six prisoners of all descriptions, including seventy commissioned officers and privates in the regular service, besides the boats on the stream with their loaded cargoes. The American casualties were small, only twelve wounded. The capture of these boats was a valuable acquisition to the American cause. They were loaded with a quantity of clothing, blankets, small arms, ruin, salt, and other useful and much-needed ai'ticles of which the American army had long been deprived. There was also a good supply of ammunition and some articles of militar^^ equipment. Notwithstanding, the command of General Pickens, rep- resenting the States of Georgia and South Carolina, were in a naked and destitute condition, yet the distribution of these articles exhibited the characters of Pickens and Greene transformed in a light that was honorable to both. Pickens, with modesty, begged of General Greene that his men be allowed to share, in their destitute condition, a part of the boot^^ captured. Greene, in reply, author- ized him to divide the same according to his sense of jus- tice and the good of the service. Pickens set aside the military stores for public service, and loaded thirteen wagons with rum, salt, sugar, medicines, &c., for the main army. He divided the clothing into three equal parts, assigning one lot to Georgia, another to South Carolina and the third to the Continental troops. The OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 321 fowling pieces were distributed among the militia on con- dition that they would remain in the army for specific Fort C*iip?n being (?aptured, two forts still remained in the hands of the British, viz: Grierson and Cornwallis. General Pickens decided to attack Grierson first and carry it by storm. The plan was for General Pickens to make the attack on the north and west, while Major Eaton and his battalion and Colonel Clarke at the head of the militia, were to pass down the north side of the lagoon and approach the fort from the south. Lieuten- ant-Colonel Lee was to march down the lagoon parallel with Eaton and be ready to support the attack if neces- sary, and at the same time to hold Brown in check and prevent him from rendering any assistance to Grierson. The cavalry of Eggleston were ordered to draw near P^ort Cornwallis, but to keep concealed in the wood, ready to fall upon the rear of Colonel Brown should he attempt to march to the assistance of Grierson. The orders were promptly carried out. The garrison at Fort Grierson Avere soon overpowered. Colonel Grier- son, galled by the fire from the American batteries, decided to evacuate the fort and retreat to Fort Cornwallis. He suddenly issued from the rear of the fort and attempted to retreat under cover of the river bank. The North Carolina troops and Colonel Clarke's men, perceiving the motive of Grierson, pressed forward to the river bank to intercept him. A lively action ensued. The British party with the exception of a very few, were either killed, wounded, or captured. It has been asserted by Lee that Grierson was killed in cold blood by some of his personal enemies among the Georgians. Besides Grier- son, a major and thirty odd men were killed, while a lieutenant-colonel and over forty men were made prisoners. By the capture of Fort Griei-son the Americans had the good fortune to take two field pieces and some small arms. Colonel Brown perceiving the fall of Fort Grierson, 322 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY withdrew within the walls of his fort and at once set to work to strengthen in every way his position. In the attack on Fort Griei'son the American loss was small, only a few killed and wounded, but among the former was a life valuable to the American cause. This was Mtijor Pinketham of North Carolina. He had onl3' been a few weeks with the light corps and fell gallantly at the head of his battalion in the moment of victory, Pickens now directed his attention to Fort Cornwallis and piessed Mie seige with diligence and activity. Strong earthworks were erected on the south side until the paral- lels were very near the fort. Brown left nothing undone to protect his position. He was brave and obstinate and fur two nights made reckless sallies on the besiegers, but was driven back by the accuracy of the American marksmen. General Pickens, under the advice of Lientenant-Colonel Lee, erected what is known as the Maham Tower. This was made by collecting logs and notching them together in a penshape and tilling in them with stone and earth. Being built behind a house it was not discov- ered by [irovvn until it was nearly completed, whicli waw late on the second day. Brown at once mounted two of his best pieces and endeavored to knock it down, but his efforts were unavailing. An American six-pounder was placed on the lofty top of the tower and soon made sad havoc with everthing inside the fort, even uncovering the magazine. Although the situation was now almost hope- less for Brown, still he determined to continue a stub- born resistance. On the night of the 25th he made another desperate assault, which was bravely met by the miUtia and Rudolph's company of the legion. Pickens still pressed the siege with energy and determi- nation. The troops were in the highest of spirits and eager for the assault. In another part of this work we have referred to Brown in the beginning of the Revolu- tion as being of " tar and feather memory." In another place we have also mentioned his cruelties in putting to OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 323 death American prisoners. The Georgia militia were intendinji' to have a bloody revenue as soon as Brown was captured. He had lianoed thirteen of their number with remorseless cruelty. Genernl Pickens, wishino- to avoid a scene of slaughter, sent a final demand to Urown to surrender.* Negotia- tions followed, which resulted in the capitulation of the fort and garrison, the 5th of June, 1781. The terms were as follows : The officers and soldiers who were sur- rendered were to be conducted to such places the com- mander-in-chief of the Americans might designate. The officers were to be indulged on paroles. At the appointed time the garrison, which consisted of between three and four hundred, marched out. It was necessary to take special precaution to prevent Brown from being mobbed by the infuriated Georgians. He was kept at Lieutenant-Colonel Lee's headquarters until the next day, when he was sent down the river to Savannah as a paroled prisoner, under the care of Captain Armstrong. On the 6th of June, Lee recrossed the Savannah River, with a valuable accession of artillery, and hastened to join Greene, who was then laying siege to Ninety-Six. He reached him on the 8th. General Pickens, aft^r securing the baggage, followed on the same day — the 8th. Lord Rawdon, who was in Charleston, heard with con- sternation of the fall of Augusta. He was at that time impatiently waiting for reinforcements to march to the assistance of Ninety-Six. These reinforcements landed on the 3d of June and on the 7th His Lordship set out for Ninety Six, with three Irish regiments just arrived. On his way he was joined by some other troops from Monk's Corner, giving him a total of 2,000 men. We will see the result in the next chapter. *See letters of correspondence. Gibb's Documentary Historj' of South Carolina, 1780-82, pages 82 to 86. 324 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY CHAPTER XXXV. SIEGE OF NINETY-SIX.— ADVANCE OF RAWDON.— RETREAT OF GENERAL GREENE TO TIM'S ORDINARY.— RAWDON ABANDONS THE POST AT NINETY-SIX AND RETREATS TO GRANBY, ON THE CONGAREE.— STEWART MARCHES FROM ORANGEBURG TO MEET HIM.— GENERAL GREENE ADVANCES TO GRANBY^— RAWDON RETREATS.— EXECU- TION OF HAYNE.— RAWDON LEAVES SOUTH CAROLINA.— EUTAW SPRINGS NOTICED.— OTHER INCIDENTS, &c. AFTER the fall of Augusta the British had only two strongholds in South Carolina, viz : Ninety-Six and Charleston. The fall of the posts of Camden, Orano-eburo-, Fort Motte and Granby occurred in rapid succession, on the lOth, nth, 12th and 15th of May, 1781. General Greene's attention after this was turned to the reduction of Ninety-Six. Accordinoly, on the 17th (the da}^ after Colonel Lee was dispatched to Augusta) he took up his line of March for Ninety-Six, moving up the north side of the Saluda, reaching that place on the 22d. By the fall of the four forts referred to, he had acquired a respectable amount of ammunition, provisions and small arms. General Sumter was left in command of all the country recently recovered from the enemy. He was enjoined especially to watch the movements of the enemy, to keep General Greene posted as to the same, and to prevent, if possible, any relief being sent from Charleston to Ninety- Six. He was to continue to i-ecr^iit his command, and collect stores for the maintenance of the army. To General Marion was committed the care of reducing and holding in subjection the post of Georgetown and the Tory settlements to the North of it. The village of Cambridge, or as it was called in that day, the post of Ninety-Six, was the district site where OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 325 courts were held for Ninety-Six District, wliicli comprised, as we have before stated, the present counties of Edge- field, Abbeville, Newberry, Laurens, Union and Spartan- burg. The proper name of the place was (Jambridi>e — the mctrf)polis or county town of Ninety-Six District. There are several traditions with rei>'ard to thn origin of the name Ninety-Six. One is that it is just ninety-six miles each way from this point to Charleston and the site of old Prince George, in Oconee County, and that this fact was first discovered by an Indian woman who had been charged with the delivery of an important message fi-oin the English troops at Fort Prince George to the official authorities in Charleston. Johnson says that the name "Ninety-Six" was adopted by the ancient inhabitants of that section, whointended it " as a fanciful allusion to the uniform excellence of the soil " in that neighborhood. The two numbers (9 and 6) which compose its name, viewed on any side, will express the same quantity. We have shown clearly in the beginning chapters of our Revolutionary history, in this brief narrative, that this place derives some celebrity in the annals of our country's history, from its having been the scene of the first conflict in the South during the Revolution. By reference to for- mer chapters, it will be noticed that at this place com- menced, in 1775, that dreadful conflict between Whig and Tory, called then Patriot and Insurgent, which well nigh ruined that country. One reason why the hostile parties had been invited to this place was that it had been surrounded with a stockade, built years before as a defence against the Indians, whose country was then not far off. This stockade was still re- maining, and very soon after the British got possession of Charleston they placed a ganison there, and made it a principal point in their outer military posts. It enabled them to keep up a communication with the Cherokees, with whom they remained friendly, and to hold the Whigs west and north of the place somewhat in check, while, as 326 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTOKY we will see, it afforded oTeat protection to the Loyalists iu that immediate section. At the time that General Greene sat down against Ninety-Six this post was commanded by Colonel Cruger, with a garrison of five hundred and fifty men, all of whom were Americans by birth, and mostly from New York and New Jersey. Some of them, however, had been enlisted and organized in the neighborhood by a Colonel King. These are all represented as being desperate men, and marksmen of the first order. Cruger is represented as a man of talents, and his cor- respondence proves him to be a gentleman in deportment. The siege of Ninety-Six was one of the most animated of the American war. It proved, from accidental circum- stances, to be an unfortunate one for General Greene. Lord Rawdon had given orders to Cruger, before leaving Camden, to evacuate that post in order to concentrate his strength below, sufficient to assume aggressive opera- tions and maintain his ascendancy on the coast. This order was communicated in two ways, first by Charles- ton and Savannah, and second, directly across the coun- try. Both dispatches were intercepted, and consequently Cruger failed to receive them. Otherwise, Greene would have been saved the necessity of his western march to Ninety-Six, and would have found himself, without a struggle, master of all upper South Carolina, It is probable too that Cruger, after leaving Ninety -Six and attempting to unite with Brown at Augusta (for such were his orders), would have been captured or routed by the combined forces of Pickens, Lee and Clark. Hav- ing no cavalry and in an open country he would have been placed at a very great disadvantage. On the approach of Greene to Ninety-Six, Cruger lost no time in preparing for self-defense. Pressing into ser- vice all the able-bodied slaves in the surrounding neigh- borhood, he soon completed a ditch around his stockade, throwing the earth upon it and making it of parapet heighth. This he secured within by transverses and OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 327 coverts in order to facilitate a safe communication be- tween all his points of defense. The main ditch was secured by an abbatis in front. Block-houses of notched logs were also constructed at convenient points uirhiti the stockade. Besides this, Cruder constructed a respectable battery of star shape* with sixteen salient and returning angles, which communicated with the stockade. This battery was defeuded by three pieces of artillery on wheel carriages, which could be moved from one point to another. On the north of the village is a small stream from which the garrison was supplied with water. The county goal built of brick (the same that was defended against the Insurgents in 1775) stood inside of the stock- ade and commanded the valley next to the old village of Cambridge. [See accompanying map.] On the opposite side of the valley, and within reach of the fire from the jail, was a strong stockade with two block-houses. This was intended to cover communications from that <]uarter. A covert way led from the town to the stream. It is said that when Greene first examined these defenses he apprehended the failure of the enterprise. He determined, however, not to let this doubt deter him from undertaking the design. He broke ground on the 23d of May and by the 3d of June he had completed his third parallel. The engineer of the American army was the celebrated Polish exile, Kosciusko, who on a dark and rainy night, the 22d, accompanied by General Greene and Captain Pendleton, his aide, made an entire circuit around the enemy's fortifications and planned the work which the besiegers attempted to execute. By the time the parallel was completed a mine directed against the star battery was commenced. This work was protected by a few pieces of artillery near by and was pursued by the besiegers both day and night without intermission. In spite of occasional sallies from the fort to repel the besiegers, the American works steadily advanced. *The old star shape fort of Ninety-Six is still distinctly recognized to the present day by all visitors to that place. 328 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY As soon as the American fortifications, parallel with the fort, were completed the garrison was summoned to sur- render. This proposition was defiautly refused. The siege went on. A fierce strife followed everj- step of pro- gress the Americans made. Not a uight passed without the loss of life on both sides. With proper time to com- plete all the plans of Kosciusko, the capture of the fort was only a matter of time. General Greene's forces, how- ever, were inadequate. He had been promised recruits from Virginia, which failed to arrive. Many of the Caro- lina troops were below actively engaged in holding Raw- don in check. Cruger was very much aided from without by a marauding force of Loyalists under Captain Cun- ningham, who were well mounted and had dispersed themselves in small bodies all over the country for the purpose of waylaying recruits or supplies that might be going to General Greene's camp. The Americans succeeded in completing the third paral- lel and from wooden towers which had been erected, the British artillerists were driven away from their guns by the American marksmen. Various means were resorted to for reduction of the fort. The experiment of Fort Motte was tried. Burning arrows were thrown to fire the houses inside, but Cruger freed himself from this dan- ger by tearing: the roofs from his houses. The work of the besiegers was so near completion that it did not appear that the besieged could hold out more than four days longer. Besides the towers referred to, one of which was within thirty yards of the enemy's ditch, the besiegers had sev- eral batteries of cannon within one hundred and forty 3^ards. One of these so completely commanded the " star " that the garrison were compelled to shelter them- selves behind bags of sand, which were thrown up for ])rotection. Embrasures were left in these for the employ- ment of cannon at night. Thus it was for ten days the besieged and the besiegers watched each other. During this time not a man on BIHDS EVE VICWOF rO/?r M(M£T/-S/X. \\AVESUD\A/rrH /^MERICAlAG . ^qo^img west. n ndJlndu CAMMIMI hi\GH\A/Ay. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 329 either aide could show his head without incurring the risk of beino' shot down. It is simply astonishing how the p;arrison stood the American fire, suffered so long, and maintained at the same time a defense, which, says a writer, "reflects the highest honor on its commander." His resolution, as we will see, was strengthened by advices which he had received from without; otherwise he might have surrendered. Lord Rawdon, having received intelligence of the siege of Ninety-Six, determined to march at once to its relief. He had just been reinforced by three regiments from Ire- land and with these, together with other troops which joined him at Monk's Corner on the way, he had under him a force of about two thousand. But how was the intelligence of his march communi- cated to Cruger? It is said that a woman was the instru- ment employed. A daughter of a Whig patriot was residing in the neighborhood, and was allowed to visit the camp of General Greene under some trifling pretext. It turned out, however, that she was in love with a Brit- ish officer and the ties of love proved stronger than rela- tionship. In the opportunities that had thus been afforded her to visit the American camp, she artfully managed to apprise the garrison that she had a commu- nication from Lord Rawdon. A young Loyalist received it from her lips at a farm house, and attiring himself as a farmer, he rode into the American camp, representing him- self as a friend. After moving around among the troops and at last coming near the front line, he spurred his horse to a fearful speed and dashed through the tire of sentinels and pickets into the open space between the contending lines, when he took from his pocket a letter. This he held in view of the besieged. Rushing for the front gates, which were swung open to receive him, he was at the next moment inside the fort, where he was given a joyful wel- come. In a few minutes more shouts of triumph went up inside the fort. This circumstance made it necessary for General Greene 330 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY to abandon the sieoe or endeavor to carry the place at once by stoi-ni. On the 18th he set to work to execute the latter plan, and by midday the different detachments were all ready. Lieutenant Duval, with a command of Marylanders, and Lieutenant Selden, with a command of Virginians, were stationed in front of the star battery. Close by them followed a party furnished with hooks on the ends of staves. Near by were the first Maryland and first Vir«:ina- retiirMeni;s. These were mai-ched under cover of the api)roaches within a few 3'ards of the enemy's ditch. General Greene, before he made the attack, ordered the sharpshooters from the I'ifle towers and advanced works to be manned so as to clear at once the parapets of the oarrison. On the American rij>ht, against the stockade fort, was Major Randolph, of Lee's leoion, and Kirkwood with the remains of the Delawtire regiment, to lead the forlorn hope in that quarter. Duval and Selden were ordered to eleai' away the abbatis in their front, and drive off the enemy on the sides of the angle, and open the way for the men detailed to pull down the sandbags. A discharge of a cannon at noon was the signal for the parties to begin the attack. Says Sims: "A blaze of artillery and small arms covered the forlorn hope in its smoke. Under its shade this gallant band leapt into the ditch and commenced the work assigned them ; but the enemy was prepared for them and met the assault with valor and determination. Bayonets and pikes bristled above the parapet, and from the loopholes in the sand- bags poured an incessant stream of fire, which swept the slender ranks of the assailants. The form of the redoubt gave the enemy complete command of the ditch, and their coolness and the comparative safety of their cover, enabled them to use it with complete success." It is stated that the fire from opposite sections of the redoubt mowed down the brave Americans with a dread- ful havoc. Duval and Selden both fell severely wounded, while their men lay bleeding and dead ai'ound them. But the strife was kept up for nearly three quarters of an hour. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 331 The assailants seemed determined upon no other issue than victory or death. At last, General Greene seeino- the utter failure of the attack, ordered a retreat. In the midst of a "allino; fire from the garrison, the assailants brought awaj many of their wounded. On the left Colonel Lee's legion found no difficulty in getting into the stockade. It had been evacuated the night previous, but the movement was so silent that it was not discovered. Thus end^d the bloody and spirited affair, which Johnson says for the number engaged, there was as much bravery displayed as was ever exhibited by man. The American loss was very serious. There were near foity killed and wounded, including some valuable officers. While no truce was proposed by General Greene for the purpose of burying the dead (this ceremonial by custom belonging to the victor), a proposal through the Adjutant-General was submitted for both parties to be mutually permitted to pass in security between the lines for the purpose of burying the dead. To this proposi- tion Cruger made the following polite answer : "Major- General Greene may, with the fullest confidence, rely on every attention which humanity can dictate being paid to those men of the American army whom the fortune of war has thrown into our hands. The killed of your array yesterday, within our abbatis shall be immediately sent to 3'ou to be buried." It has already been stated that it became indispensa- ble with General Greene on the day of the assault to decide whether he would advance and fight Lord Rawdon, w^ho was approaching at no great distance, or raise the siege and retreat. To be prepared for either alternative, he sent off his heavy baggage across the Saluda at Island Ford. This route led to his depots of supplies on the Catawba River. Lord Rawdon, with his force of not less than two thous- and, had been on the march since the 11th. He was press- ing with all possible speed to relieve the garrison. Marion, Washington and Sumter had been instructed to 332 COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY watch and impede his movements in the lower part of the State, but his numbers were too lar^e and compact for much headway to be made by these t>allant officers. Of Rawdon's force, there were perhaps not less than four hundred mounted men. Retreat now became indispensable for General Greene. Reluctantly, therefore, he resolved to raise the sieo-e and on the ni<>hT of the 19th, moved off across the Saluda on the track of his lvag<>a.i;e. Lord Rawdon had already reached Little Saluda and would soon be united with Crug'er. Sumter, with the cavalry of Washinoton and Lee, was moving- up within the fork of Saluda aiid Broad to form a junction with Greene's army. The influence of the late misfortune and retreat, however, was bad on Sumter and Marion. Manj^ were the desertions of the militia on this account. General Greene's retreat from Ninety-Six was pushed without intermission to Bush River, a distance of about twenty-two miles. On the 22d he halted to inform him- self of the movements of the enemy. He received intelli- gence that Lord Rawdon had entered Ninety-Six at 2 o'clock on the 21st. He immediately put his army in motion, crossed Enoree and Tyger Rivers, passing- through the present County of Union, and after crossing- Broad River, halted at Tim's Ordinary, eleven miles beyond Leslie's Ford, on Broad River. In Mrs. Fillet's " Women of the Revolution"* the story is told that soon after the seige of Ninety-Six, and after General Greene had crossed Broad River, he was vei-y anxious to send an order to General Sumter, then on the Wateree, to join him that they might attack Rawdon, who had divided his force. The country being filled with British and Tories, no one appeared willing to undertake this dangerous mission. At length a young girl, Emily Geigier, about eighteen years of age, appeared before General Greene and volunteered to convey this message. *See vol. ii, page 295. OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 333 He accordingly wrote a letter to General Sumter and gave it to her, at the same time communicating to her verbally its contents. Mounting on a switt horse, upon a side-saddle, she performed a part of the journey in safety. On the second day she was intercepted by llawdon's scouts, who suspected that she was coming from the direction of General Greene's army and was entrusted with some important message. Being shut up in a room, the officer in command sent for an old Tory matron to examine her. But, left alone for a moment, this heroic girl embraced the opportunity to tear up Gen- eral Greene's letter and swallow the same piece by piece. Nothing suspicious being found on her person, she was allowed to depart whither she said she was bound. By taking a circuitous route to avoid further detection, she soon reached General Sumter's camp in safety, where she told of her adventure and delivered the message. This was to order Sumter to join the main army at Orangeburg. This story is reproduced and illustrated in "Quacken- bos' School History of the United States."* The writer has seen no account of it anywhere else. He has exam- ined Ramsay, Johnson, Botta, Simms and others, and no mention is made of it whatever. It is stated by Miss Geiger's biographer, in Mrs. EUet's works, that this adventui'ous young lady afterwards married a rich planter on the Congaree. She lived until about 1827. Lord Rawdon remained at Ninety-Six until the 24th. Hearing from deserters that Greene's army was still at Bush River, he took with him troops of the garrison and the troops capable of sustaining fatigue — in all about two thousand — and made a vigorous effort to overtake the retreating American army. Greene, however, was out of his reach. Rawdon advanced no further than Duncan's Creek, a tributary of the Enoree River. He returned to Ninety-Six, knowing that as Greene was falling back in *See page 290. iV64: COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY the direction of bis reinforcements, he could accomplish nothing' by pursuing him. It is a singular coincidence that General Greene lay at this time encamped at the very spot (Tims Ordinary) from vvhicii Lord Cornvvallis commenced his career against Greene in South Carolina. A distressing scene followed Lord Rawdon's return to Ninety-Six. This officer felt it to be his imperative duty to abandon that post and concentrate his forces at a point lower down the State. This resolution was a sad announcement to the Loyalists families in the surroifnd- ing country. A day of retribution had overtaken them. Ninety-Six had long been their market, their seat of power, their source of wealth and influence to the surrounding country. Lord Rawdon called together the heads of prominent families and explained to them the necessity of abandoning the post that protected them. These people rather than be left to the mercy of the infuriated Whigs, resolved to abandon their beautiful country in the height of its luxuriance, endeared to them by a thousand tender asssociations, and follow the for- tunes of Rawdon's armj'. For eome days, it is said, the roads to Ninety-Six were lined with unhappy calvacades of women and children, wagons, stock and slaves, collect- ing- at that place, preparatory to a departure. With eyes streaming from grief, " how bitterly in their eais," says Sims, " at such a moment must have sounded the notes of that trumpet atid drum, which had beguiled them from the banners of their country to those of the invader." After the departure of Lord Rawdon from Ninety-Six, Cruger was left behind to cover the retreat of the Loyalist families. He commenced his march on the 8th of July, at the head of this large cavelcade of Tory families. Their journey is described as a distressing one, to every age, sex and condition. After leaching the tract of country in the lower part of the State to which they were ordered to retire— their "land of promise" — the rich estates of banished Whigs, they soon found that all OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 335 the remuneration and protection that had been promised them ended in a delusion. At lenoth, driven from their homes by the retnrnino- VVbios, they jrathered in ^reat numbers in the suburbs of the City of Charleston, and lodged in tents and formed a settlement, which, as we have already said in the spirit of burlHscpie and reproach, took the name of Rawdon Town. Here many perished miserably, while others moved to the British settlements on the islands. Others moved to Florida, at that time a part of the Spanish possessions, where their descendants still exist. Others resolved to return to their native homes. In Colonel Pickens, who commanded that section of country, they found a friend and protector, a man of kindness and benevolence. Lord Ravvdon, believino- that by the retreat and direc- tion General Greene had taken, he intended to abandon South Carolina, resolved to divide his army, with the in- tention of fixing- a detachment at Granby, on the Conga- ree. He soon found, however, that his adversaries were not disposed to give up South Carolina, a prize for which they had so long contended. Greene, on hearing that Lord Rawdon had marched with a part of his force to Congaree, now faced about to give him battle. Loi-d Rawdon, before leaving Ninety-Six, had received intelli- gence from Colonel Stewart that his detachment was on its way from Orangeburg to meet him at Granby, and would reach that place by the 3cl of July. The time was perfectly well calculated to form this junction before Gen- eral Greene, from his position at Tims Ordinary, could march to prevent it. General Greene, anticipating Rawdon's movement, marched a day's journey in the direction of Granby. This, in some measure, quieted the apprehensions of the coun- try that it was his purpose to abandon the State. At the Big Spring on Rocky Creek, in the present County of Fairfield, the American General passed two days of rest to-his army, but to him of anxious suspense. He had but little doubt that as soon as he advanced the enemv 386 COLONIAL AND KEVOLUTIONARY HISTORY would retreat, lu two days after reachinjj- Granby, on the Con^aree, hearing that Greene was advancing, Raw- don made an expeditious retreat to Orangeburg. This was a strong position. He had strong buildings on one side, little inferior to redoubts, and on the other side he was secured by the Edisto River. Greene pursued ^nd^ encamped within five miles of Orangeburg. Lord Raw- don, feeling secure in his position, would not venture out ; and General Greene was too weak to attack him in his stronghold with any prospect of success, notwithstand- ing he knew that Lord Rawdon's army was divided. Colonel Washington had intercepted a letter from Stew- art to Lord Rawdon, informing His Lordship that he was on the march to join him, but that he could not reach Granby before the 3d of July. Lee, who had hovered on the heels of Colonel Cruger on his retreat from Ninety-Six, informed General Greene that Rawdon had marched from that place with less than half of his force. In the course of Lee's movements in rear of Cruger, Captain Eggleston, of his legion, fell in with forty-nine British horsemen near Saluda, and took all but one of them prisoners. It was while the American army lay at Orangeburg that General Greene received advice that Cruger had evacuated Ninety-Six, and was then marching with the troops of that garrison, together with his calva- cade of Loyalists, through the forks of the Edisto, to unite with Rawdon at Orangeburg. Knowing that the north fork of the Edisto was not passable by an army without boats for thirty miles above and below the Brit- ish encampment, Genei'al Greene realized that he could not throw himself between the forces of Cruger and Raw- don with any prospect of preventing their junction, re- tired with his army to the high hills of the Santee. With the ending of the siege at Ninety-Six and General Greene's retreat to Tims Ordinary and his subsequent advance to Orangeburg ended his military operations in upper South Carolina, and here we must leave him, as our narrative is only intended to give the history of events of OF UPPER SOUTH CAROLINA. 337 the "' up-country." There are some points, however, of g;eneral interest, which we will briefly touch upon. We hope the reader will continue, throu(i,h other works, to fol- low General Greene to the end of his brilliant career in South Carolina. Nor are the military operations of Mar- ion, Sumter, Lee, Hampton, Pickens and their subordi- nates any the less worthy of investigation. Their daring exploits to resist the British invasion, and their effoi-ts to preserve the dignity of the State during the most trying- period of her history, should never be forgotten by the rising generations of our country. Lord Rawdon, driven from almost every post he had occupied, baffled in all his schemes and overwhelmed with vexation, became alarmed for the safety of his army. In the City of Charleston were quite a number of citizens who had taken the oath of allegiance to the king, with the understanding that they were to remain at their homes undisturbed. Upon this class Rawdon called to take up arms against their American brethren. Among the num- ber was Colonel Isaac Hayne, whose capture and execu- tion is recorded in the pages of the history of our State. Hayne, feeling that the British authorities had violated their part of the agreement, considered that he was, therefore, absolved from his part of the contract. Collect- ing a troop of horses he set out to enlist in the cause of his country. If he must fight at all he determined it must be for the cause he loved. He ranged the country, and after gaining some advantages, was defeated and cap- tured. He was carried to Charleston, hurriedly tried, and sentenced to death. In vain did General Greene, repre- senting the American authorities, the ladies of Charles- ton, the sister of the prisoner, and his children, implore the mercy of Rawdon. He was hanged on the 4th of August. He bore himself gallantly. Says Sims: "As- cending the fatal eminence of death he parted from his friends with the sinjple assurance that he would endeavor to show them "how an American should die." Sims further states, that, though it was not suffered to ap- 338 COLONIAL AND UKVOLUTIONARY HISTORY pear in the proceedings of his trial, Hayne was only a chosen sacrifice to the manes of Major Andre. Ver^' soon after the execution of Hayne, Lord Ravvdon, leavin(iisa foot note with reference to the opening of the Haniptc Graves, near Duncans, S. C, by \. M. Golden and others. This should ha been placed at the bottom of page 89, as it is a continuation of subject mat' contained in Professor Morrison's letter. K-/'^ ^^ ■^:'^'w.\^' ■y ■% ".wMSfi^* v^ ^-n"^ ,.^ " * . 'o .^1 '^r?^ -V .^'■'■s^. - i-^" s .^^ "^., 00^ '%. ^ " " ■^^^\ -^^ . ON C ^ <*^ .\V ,0 o^ s^ '" '/, <:. ■ '^ \y ^^ " ,■ '^' VVs^ .<\ ^ a"* r> / A. ,/^ '/^;D^s' -.J -' ^^^ ..^'«* '^^ f ^^mrt^j ,^^ 0^' ^ ■% r \\' o 0^ s^ -"^: *<■ •x^ 'A V aN •^0 A^' s ^ \InL' '' ^> \' ^ ' " ' I %. -^ * ^' '■■■ V ■'^ A^ ■^v * -^-^^ v>' ./>, /\^ ^, ^^''^., .% .^\^ V c> ■"o o" .-y \v^ ^d- c 0' 00^ .^• i: ^>-.^^ "^^ c^' 1^<^. 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