351 )27 3py 1 TENTH BIENNIAL E.EPORT BOARD OF CURATORS \ Historical Society STATE OF IOWA, TO THE QOVERNOR. NOVEMBER 16, 1876. DES MOINES: B. P. CLARKSON, STATE PRINTER. 1876. 1875.] STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 33 THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE HISTOEY OF THE LOUISIANA PUECHASE. An Address delivered before the State Historical Society of low a^ at Iowa City ^ June 29th, 1874, on the occasion of their Seventeenth Annual Meeting. BY THE HON. HENRY CLAY DEAK. Gentlemen of the Iowa State Historical Society : — Less than a half century has passed since Iowa was one grand landscape of flow- ers, interspersed with a mere selvage of forests, diversified with beau- tiful streams of water, occupied by roaming tribes of Indians, and the wild beasts from which they drew their sustenance. To-day, Iowa is the granary of America, the very first in the rank of producers, grow- ing a larger combined amount of the cereals than any other State in the Union, excepting only Illinois, which was admitted as a State in the Union, while Iowa was yet a comparatively unexplored wilderness. History presents no parallel to the wonderful physical development and growth of your State — a growth w'hich is developing and a devel- opment still growing. Unicpie in its liistory which is the romance of a political philosophy that must ultimately govern the world, the mar- velous growth of Iowa is but the natural reflex of her history. The discovery of America marked a new era in the history of the world's physical existence. But infinite in its range of moral and in- tellectual culture and progress was the result of civilization and Lib- erty, the fairest, purest and most exalted of all of the daughters of religion. The right of property by discovery was abandoned in the higher doctrine that "The earth is the Lord's and the fullness thereof, and they that dwell therein." Only the great events in which truth and justice have been the arbiters, aro wortliy of record or remembrance among nations or men. The combinations of circumstances which gave to your State its high rank among civilized nations wears the air of ro- mance which is at best but a ieeble imitation of truth, for truth is Btranger than fiction. The couvulsious of the French government, our 5 34 STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [No. 24. ancient and most faithful ally, ffave to the Federal UnioQ the Louisiana Territory. The great spirit of Jefferson, with the wisdom and foresight of the philosopher and statesman, sought the extension of the area of free government, choosing rather to follow the spirit than the letter of the Constitution, to acquire half a continent dedicated to self govern- ment. The French revolution was the occasion, the missionary spirit of republican government was the cause, which made Iowa the garden of America. In the inception of the French revolution, the chief icon- oclasts scarcely dreamed of the compass, extent and magnitude of their work of destruction ; realizing still less of the magnificence of that superstructure of liberty, which failing in their own land, should be reared in the wilderness of an unexplored territory, nominally held by Fran«e, really occupied in common byjwild beasts and savages. Athe- ism, growing weary of the domination of church usurpation, i;nfitly enough, purporting to represent, govern and transmit the simple, just and universal religion of Christ, foolishly made war upon God, because too cowardly to assail the wrongs of the Hierarchy ; ridiculed the authen- ticity and genuineness of Divine lievelation, which is the only guaran- tee of free government and the equal rights of man. This Atheism was the fountain from which the French revolution in all its stages drew its sustenance. That which was called the church was a strange compound of the superstition, idolatry and ferocity of the old Paganism, mingled with the visionary metaphysics of the Pagan philosophers, the ceremonious formalities and gorgeous temple worship of the Jews, with the unnat- urally interwoven and grossly misappropriated doctrine of Moses and the prophets, of Christ and the Apostles, This church was the mis- tress of Kings and Emporers, Oligarchs and Aristocrats, who invoked its authority to enslave the masses, wlio worshipped at its shrine, and yielded abject submission to its commands. Voltaire, though not the first to assail, was beyond all comparison the ablest of all the assailants of the authority of the church. Ilis mode of attack was powerful and overwhelming. The object of his attack was a mistake, and therefore not enduring. Had he attacked the corruptions of the church, the Bible and Christianity would have been his invincible allies, whose conquest would have been enduring and eternal. But Voltaire chose otherwise; he attacked the Bible, ridiculed its teachings, scoffed at its authority, burlesqued in cynical ferocity its great author and His simple Apos- tles. The church was wounded in its vitals, but Christianity arose from the fire all the purer from its contact with the fiames. Fenelon, Bour- daloe, Massilon, Saurin, liossuet, yet live as the lights of the temple whose shekinah will burn in dazzling glory long after the fire of the sun has been quenched by weary ages. But Voltaire did his herculean task well. The corruptions of the church were held up to public scorn. Voltaire was the sovereign of French literature, the French Ben John- son of the drama; the Samuel Johnson of her criticism, inimitable in history, without comparison in versatility. His keen double-edged sword spared neither monarch nor bishop. The champion of neither doctrine, sentiments, or establishment, he made general war upon all existing things. The torch of his incendiary pen was applied to man- sions, palaces, libraries, and museums; to religion, philosophy and his- tory, indiscriminately. But in the train of the conflagration he left 1875.] STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 85 neither cottage nor tent in which the weary houseless traveler might tind shelter from the storm, or rest to his limhs. Volney and Rosseau, each as torch bearers of the great chief, did their minor work with alacrity and suavity, without his ferocity and without his power. Voltaire had been the companion of the German infidel King Fred- erick. The companion and at the same time his menial, he surrendered his own manliood for the sovereign patronage. The superior sagacity and powers of the German monarch gave to Voltaire audacity in his attack upon the French hierarchy. But the P"'rench hierarchy was the corner stone of the French monarchy. The feudal system was its cita- del. The church, the military and royalty, were the trinity of tyrants, who must stand or fall together. Under the ferocious attack of Vol- taire a skepticism spread everywhere through the French Empire. The people, who had no voice in the government, yet by nature born of God and ordained to self-government, combined in secret societies for self-improvement, self-government, and the protection of their families, and the right to enjoy life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. These societies spread, grew in numbers, knowledge and power, until there was a government within the government stronger than the govern- ment itself. The profligacy of the French court, the corruptions of the church, the overbearing exactions of the feudal lords, growing with enormous power, enforced their mandate with an army, cruel and remorseless in the execution of the will of the court, and exhausting the resources of the industry of the country. The lords temporal and lords spiritual, were also lords of the soil, but were exempt from taxation. The dan- gerous experiment of freeing any class of property or of men from tax- ation was fully tested in France. The universal skepticism of Voltaire was followed by the univeral license of Rousseau, which infused into the mind of the French people a strange contempt for personal respon- sibility to law. The French people were divided into two most dangerous and un- reasonable parties: the royal party, who were advocates of government without liberty, upon the one hand; the revolutionary party, who de- clared for liberty without restraint or government, upon the other hand. The conflict of authority was felt in every part of the P^mpire, The State's General was as.sembled to eflect a compromise, and to secure to the people by law what they declared their rights l)y nature. The dif- ferences were too great to ))e settled amica1)ly. The king claimed ab- solute power to rule by authority of (4od. The ]>eople asserted the right to self government by nature, which is but the empire of (Jod. The contest was fully inaugurated; jiropositions for settlement only lengthened the time, but couM not change the result; only an appeal to the God of battles could settle a conflict in which nature and (iod were respectively invoked as authority. Long continued power grasped by the great hands of strength is soon transferred to the hands of weak men who are Vjorn in, buy or bribe their way to place and power. This is ever so in governments. Immediately after our own revolution, Washington complained of the exceeding mediocre of Congress as compared with the giants who led the van of the great struggle. The great men of the second j)eriod of the American government did not appear until the second war with Great 13ritan developed Clay, Web- 36 STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [No. 24. ster and Calhoun. The third great American conflict developed Doug- las, Lincoln, Toombs, Alexander and Thaddeus Stevens, Seward, Chase and Sumner, with scattered great names here and there; Randolph, Pickney and Black. In times like these mere office holding dwarfs a great part of our public men, and office seeking dwarfs or corrupts the remainder; so it was in the revolution, so it will ever be. With the elements of conflict all in subdued commotion, there was no great leader in France to crystalize the opposition, nor was one de- manded until the aggression ot Louis drove the ruined peo])]e together; then the leader came forth — the great Mirabeau, son of Victor de Mi- rabeau. By lineage eccentric, extravagant and versatile, by birth de- formed, the small-pox made him even more hideous in his childhood. Mirabeau had been driven from home, made misei-able by the separation of his parents, to school. From school he was arrested under sealed lettrescle cachet by the application of his unnatural father. His life for years was spent under the arbitrary arrests of the government by the connivance of his father, who was fond of calling himself " the friend of man." Mirabeau was the natural ofi'spring of oppression. The causes of the revolution were the aggregation of his own wrongs, and his attack upon the government was the simple defense of his own rights. The people had been driven mad by oppression ; their prop- erty had been squandered upon the voluptuousness, vices and cruelty of kings. Their children had been fed to armies as lambs of the flock are fed to ravenous wolves, to gratify revenge and minister to ambition. The church was the jackal of kings and armies to hunt down their prey. Endurance had wasted its powers. Human nature could bear up no longer against the combinations of the lust of power, the tyranny of kings, the oppression of the nobility, the hypocrisy of the church and the despotism of armies. The condition of France was only difierent from that of an oriental despotism, as a reality is difterent from a sham which conceals a wrong inflicted only difterent in pretense. France had no real representation. Her elections were controlled by violence and fraud. There was no trial by jury, nor any fair administration of justice. Letlres de cachet destroyed the security of the liberty of the person, without regard to age or sex. The old feudal laws of remorseless execution still held the tenantry as slaves. " The predial serfs of Champagne were counted with the cattle on the estates." The nobility and clergy were exempt from taxation. Upon the farniers and laborers, with the untitled people, were laid all the burdens of church and state. General suftering pre- vailed ; the church, the court, and the armies absorbed the money. Taxes were the only share had by the people in the government. The government ought to have been overthrown an age before. But to a people long inured to oppression, it required education to make them free. They first lose their liberty, and endure until custom and en- durance destroy their love of liberty, then generations follow who have lost even the knowledge of liberty. Mirabeau came opportunely. He denounced the king, and Avas therefore called a rebel. He hurled anathemas at the corruptions of the church, and demanded the confiscations of vast estates, wrested from the people, and was therefore denounced as an infidel and repudiator 1875.] STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 37 of vested rights. When tlie king threatened the personal safety of the members of the convention, jNIirabeau moved that the viohation of the personal safety of any of the members of that body should be ac- counted worthy of death, and met the throne at the threshold of its power to defy it, and but for tlie graceful submisson- of the king, Mira- beau would have been an outlaw. And so it was and is, and ever shall be, that men long treated as outlaws become outlaws. Why should it be otherwise? Men owe no allegiance to government which offers . them no protection. Such is the nature of the contract. Our allegi- f ance is thus founded. " We love God because lie iirst loved us." The magazine, dry and well filled with powder, was carefully j)laced beneath the French throne. Mariabeau went forth with a toiuli and applied it. The explosion was that of a volcano heaving up its burn- ing lava only to explode again and again and again, until tlirone, government, church, state and liberty were alike enveloped in its llames. The eloquence of Mirabeau, strange compound of the divine and infer- nal, struck down the feudal system. The divine right of kings and special privileges of the nobility fell at the same blow. At the command of his voice feudal parchments were strewn over the House of the Gen- eral Convention by feudal lords, who sought security for their lives in the surrender of the estates upon which servants were kept poor and starving. Lords surrendered their immemorial privileges. The church gladly gave up its property and relinquished her titles in consideration y for their safety. The king surrendered his prerogatives, and the people secured their natural right to religious liberty. All this without the shedding of blood. What Mirabeau would have done with life pro- longed, death has left a mistery. The loss of Mirabeau, the orator of the Christian era, gave assurance to the nobility, inspired the king with fresh courage, and left the people without a leader given to command. After Mirabeau came Danton, Marat, and Robespierre, the triune fiends of tliC revolution. The first, of coarse eloquence, courage, and cruelty, hurried on by his own passions to the guillotine, already clotted Avith the blood of his victims, innocent and guilty; old men and beau- tiful maidens, alike the victims of his sanguinary cruelty. Marat, the empyric, who readily changed his vocation of murder by medicines, to murder by law; a wild beast let loose upon society, clothed with official power, came to his end by the well directed dagger of Charlotte Corday. Robespierre, who had led Louis to the block ; the learned idiot, the hypocritical monster, wHo paraded his condescending discovery that God has some limited share in the governments of men, carried on this murderous crusade against law, order, religious liberty, and Inunan rights, until the retributive justice of God arrcsteil his munlerous career, and mingled his base, wicked blood witli that of the tens of thousands who had perished by his murderous hand. The Convention, whieli first assembled to assure to tlie people their natural rights and to secure liberty, was now an assembly of the representative assassins of Europe, establishing law for the ratification of murder, rapine and robbery. Then came Bonaparte to disj)erse the Convention. He upon whom eulogies and denunciation, poetry and riietoric, criticism ami essays, the decrees of sovereign councils, the anathemas, of churches, and gg STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [No. 24. combination of armies, were showei-ed with indiscrimination, came to give relief to the people from the horrors they had visited upon them- selves. A foreigner, who had cultivated the ambition and love of lib- erty of his Roman ancestry; a stranger, wandering from the military schools of France in shabby clothing, hungry and careworn, he had worked his way into the army, from the army to victory. He won his first laurels in the home of his fathers ; he overran Italy with the soldiers who had been holding France in terror for a full decade, and utilized in conquest the elements which had made Paris hideous with anarchy. From Italy to Africa his sunburnt soldiers bore the colors of the land of Charlemange to the tomb of the Pharaohs, and were in- spired with the sublime suggestion of their leader that forty centuries looked down from the summits of the pyramids to witness their prow- ess and approve their valor. From Egypt, IMajjoleon returned to France, first a soldier of fortune, then first consul holding the destiny of France in his grasp, with the thrones and dynasties of Europe trembling at his tread. Napoleon was at heart a friend to civil and religious liberty. So had he been reared. Great, broad, deep, and profound, he instinctively despised the narrow views and absurd theories of the monarchists claiming authority of God to govern the people, and condemned the mysterious mummeries and senseless trappings of the church and the court. Like Mirabeau and Jeflersou, Napoleon was a sloven who would in undressing toss his hat in one corner of the room and his boots in another. To such a man, always expressing his contempt for fops and dandies, the popinjays who hang around courts would have no attractions. Napoleon feared for the destiny of the French people. Their educa- tion had made the monarchy and hierarchy part of their existence. 'Ihe well doing people could see no safety outside of the monarchy. The religious people could hope for salvation only through the estab- lishment of the church. Dark and gloomy as were the storms passing over the land, far above the storm, immortality and eternal life glowed tlirougli the black bosom of the clouds, and the hopes of their children and ilie homes of their fathers shone out clear as the sunlight and beau- tiful as perpetual spring, beckoning them upward and onv/ard to realms of liglit. The kingdom of France was no longer. The republic of France was reeling tu and fro like a drunken man. All Europe dreaded the rev- oluiiunary lieresies of the National xlssembly far more than they dread- ed tlie huiiible massacres of the revolution ; for all despotisms are tem- ples reared upon human slavery and cemented with blood, whose richest music are the groans, sighs and agonies of oppression and its conse- quent sutfering. Napoleon trembled for the French colonies, French possessions, and French dependencies, especially those of America. The Uanadas in the nortli had been wrested from France by England Willi the aid of the colonies. San Domingo had never added to either the wealth or the glory of the French people, who of all civilized people are the least cosmopoli- tan in their habit. Their devotion is their mountains, valleys, sea home of J^ ranee. France had never reproduced her own greatness in America, as the kingdom of great Hritian has done in her colonies. Bonaparte dreaded the necessity of the transportation of armies to the 1875.] STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 39 western shores of the Atlantic. His experience in Egypt had been un- favorable to sea fighting, and Bonaparte was eminently a hero of land rather than sea forces. The necessity of the defence of the great Mis- sissippi country was exceedingly probable, with the Canadas in the north. Her possessions in tlie West India Islands would aliord the British a stronghold in the south. Tlie relations of France to Spain were equally delicate. Even then there was a contemplated alliance between Great Britian and Spain against the Frencli, and Spain held Mexico, with all of Spanish America, Cuba, and Florida. The hope of regaining the colonies had not yet lost its hold upon Jiritish ambition. To hold the Louisiana Territory in the conflicts of the Napoleonic wars, then fully planned in the great ambition of the first Consul, was deemed ])roblematic. The French people knew of the Mississippi country not more than the recent generation know of the unexplored mountains of the moon. The very recollection of the Mississippi was naturally enougli associated with John Law's Mississippi bubble, which had burst in ruin over the heads of the French people but little more than half a century before. The Mexicans, Americans, Spaniards, British or French had no conception of the extent, wealth and resources of this wonderful country. But Napoleon finally concluded to strip for the contest and conquest of the most enlightened continent of the globe, and throw oft' every weight, and placed in market a territory of greater extent and magnificence than all the coveted kingdoms of Europe, dis- tributed among his kindreds. No people ever enjoyed religious liberty, who did not first secure civil liberty, to protect it. The rights of conscience, sacred in them- selves, are ripened by culture, and naturally seek their own deteuce. He who hath not a cultivated conscience, which comes of a cultivated mind, will care little for the rights of conscience. The colonization of North America was the re-peopleing of another Eden with societies well lettered and independent in their modes of thought, which begat a keen consciousness — convictions for which their fathers suftered death in Europe, and in defence of which they imperilled their lives upon the altar of liberty and poured out their blood like water spilled upon the ground. The American colonies were penal i)risons for certain criminals of the parent government in Europe. But the crimes for which they were transported were those bold, divine virtues of too pure and of too rich aiul rank a growth to flourish on the soil of a despotisjn, under the shadow of tiirones. The crime of "worshiping God according to the dictates of their conscience ;" the crime of "obeying God rather than man ;" the crime of rejecting the doctrine of the "divine right of Kings ;" the crime of despising "base submission to unjust laws ;" the crime of rcKisting the slavish doctrine of "passive obedience ;" the crime of refusing to join in throne worship — king worship — man worship or hero worship. Breasting the billows of the ocean and keeping time to the music of its storms, witli their songs of liberty and religion, these brave people, banished by government, or exiling themselves to the protection of heaven, under the guaranty of their natural rights, came to jieople and cultivate a continent. They (contemplated with faith, patience, and fortitude, the ultimate establishment of an enlighteneil republican gov- ernment; a special corporation under tiie government of nature and of 40 STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [No. 24. God, under the supreme law of our being, that all men are born free and equal, and have certain inalienable rights. They adopted these maxims, clear as the sun, beautiful as the firmament, and enduring as the Deity ; an essential element of the manhood of man ; an immortality which shall glow with splendor long after the fire of the sun has died out, and "the elements have melted with fervent heat." "All the just powers of government are derived from the consent of governed." "Resistance to tyrants is obe- dience to God." "Equal and exact justice to all men and especial privi- leges to none." "All power is inherent in the people." These people were scattered over the ocean frontier of a continent, surrounded by savages, attacked at their labor by wild beasts, and tread- ing through a wilderness of venomous serpents, in an atmosphere pois- oned with malaria, the rich outgrowth of a virgin soil which had never been disturbed by the plow. With what heroism these bold, brave men cast their eyes backward through a dense wilderness of thrones, prisons, armies, spies, stakes, and gibbets, which had purified liberty, and trained heroes, martyrs, and philosophers to educate and lead mankind to this grandest, ultimate glorious destiny ! The graves of their persecuted ancesti-y in foreign lands became sacred as memorials of duty, and were remembered as vestibules through which they traveled darkly into the temple of light. Their wild hamlets were schools where the children were taught that all men of right ought to be, and of a moral necessity would ultimately be, free and govern themselves. America was, from its discovery, the land of prisoners. Christopher Columbus threw the light of the world upon a new continent only to expiate his crime of discovery in a loathsome prison. William Penn came with his friendly, peaceful followers to secure his release from imprisonment for his devotion to principles inimical to tyrants — the son of an admiral, yet the follower of Christ, and the teacher o^ broth- erly love, came to America to teach savages by example, " Peace on earth, and good will to men." A colony reared upon such a founda- tion and administering the government upon such principles, educated her people to love liberty, enjoy liberty, and cultivate its knowledge, and were schooled to the hardy virtues of freedom which were inter- woven in the subtle M'eb of society. Republican government grew naturally among such a people, who were unconsciously freeing their limbs from the fetters never to be en- slaved again. Driven by proscription from the cruelties of Old Eng- land, the first settlers of New England were devoted to religion, wbere they fled to enjoy it; and however the narrow-minded exclusiveness of the religious bigotry from which they suflered failed to teach them toleration to others, yet the ancestry who gave to the world Franklin, the Adamses, Samuel and Jolin Hancock, Warren, the Edwardses, Websters, and Fisher Ames, were the nucleus of a self-government which inured immensely to the ultimate independence of the colonies. The Ilugenots, driven in exile througli Europe, found a resting place in South Carolina, and founded the southern outposts of liberty in the colonies. Through persecution and pain, torture and privation, these cultivated Christian people were driven over every country in Europe in search of safety, until the winds of the ocean drove them to the 1875.] STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 4| Caroliiias. Tempest-tossed in tlie revolutions of Europe, tliey found an asylum beyond the reach of the minions of courts, the inossibilities of free government among men. I am not old — yet I am older than the railroad and magnetic tele- graph; older than your state. I have seen but little, yet have I seen the triumph of the republican system in America — it will yet triumph in Europe. I have heard evil prophecies of the government, and each party and statesman is restive lest the government should