>' o • % ** ^ «> O • A V «X- r oY ^ \ %^ SMtk* %^ .-tfftft <*^ VV J *v /..j^i.% Aii&i-X c«*.^:>o >* r oV" • ^ A? « y o\? «*>> *•»•" v& V* » 1 \ • ^ a? • ' • A V *^ 'V. * • ; o %> - 4° . % ** .*A »Ai° *«„ .4? v v ..v «, rf J V t / /£££•, ' **,♦♦ ' ;Mk\ "V .^ J j>v ^ 4 o W /\. o " • , ^ ^ ->V^ V./ /jflfifv %«# :jsM£\ %.J CIRCULATE.] [published under authority of the national and JACKSON DEMOCRATIC ASSOCIATION COMMITTEE. GENERAL TAYLOR'S TWO FACES. Demflcvaiic paMi^, NoVionol com-.. LOOK UPON THIS PICTURE, AND THEN UPON THIS.'' The fact is not denied, even by his supporters, that General Taylor was nominated by the Whig Convention at Philadelphia solely on the ground of his availability. That he has no political principles, and is perfectly ignorant upon political matters, he humbly acknowledges. Therefore, the advocates of his election can represent him to be any thing they choose, as will best suit the different localities where they hope to gain adherents. But particularly on the subject of slavery and the Wilmot Proviso is he represented with two aspects to his face. At the North, he is repre- sented to be in favor of the Wilmot Proviso, because he has endorsed the article which appeared in the Cincinnati Signal, and avowed himself against the exercise of the veto power. At the South, his advocates contend that he is opposed to the Wilmot Proviso, and will certainly kill it with the veto, if elected, because he is a southern man and a slaveholder, and therefore identified with southern interests. It is important that this base fraud should be exposed, and the people of the United States informed of the cheat which the leaders of the Whig party in the different sections of the Union would palm upon them. Hence we have deemed it necessary to collect and exhibit in contrast the misrepresentations of the leaders of the Whig party, North and South, touching the position which General Taylor occupies with regard to slavery and the Wilmot Proviso. GENERAL TAYLOR'S NORTHERN FACE. GENERAL TAYLOR'S SOUTHERN FACE. "The non-slaveholding States should ask the "An eventful, thrilling, and highly dangerous crisis question: Will the man proposed (whether he live has been forced upon the country by locofoco dem- in a free or slave State) use his power for the ex- agogues, regardless of the sanctity of that Union, tension of slavery to territory where it does not ichich is so dear to every patriotic American citizen. now exist? On this point, what is General Tay- The Wilmot proviso, as it is called, has open- lor's power? No more, I answer, than yours, un- ed a fearful mine beneath the foundations of less he should exert it through his veto. Will he the sacred constitution. That mike may ex- do this? I answer, according to his pledges he plode at the hour of midnight, and forever cannot. He has said in his letter to Captain Alii- destroy the proudest fabric of human genius son: ' The personal opinions of the individual who and virtue. To avert this threatened evil, to ' may happen to occupy the Executive chair ought close the mighty chasm that begins to yawn be- ' not to control the action of Congress upon ques- tween the free and slave States, is a duty we owe ' tions of domestic policy, nor ought his objections to ourselves, to our posterity, to the memory of ' to be interposed where questions of constitutional the illustrious dead. How shall this be done? 'power have been settled by the various depart- " We must elect a man for President of the United ' ments of the Government, and acquiesced in by States who lives in our own sunny South; who is ' the people.' willing to peril all for the Constitution; who loves " If slavery is extended anywhere in territories, the South and HER CHERISHED INSTITIT- it must be done by act of Congress. Is it not a TIONS, and yet will do ample justice to the question of 'domestic policy ?' Clearly it is. Has North. And last, though not least, we must, to it not been settled that Congress has the constitu- ensure success, support a candidate for the Posi- tional power to prohibit slavery ? The Missouri dency, of such an overshadowing popularity, of a compromise, and various other similar exertions reputation that towers as the Himalaya mountains, of the power of Congress, recognized by every above all others. department of the Government, answers this ques- " Such a man is General Zachary Taylor. He tion in the affirmative. And all know that this lives in the South, and makes twelve hun- has been 'acquiesced in by the people.' dred bales of cotton on the banks of the i( Thus, then, it is clear, thai the people, if they tvish Mississippi. HIS INTERESTS, HIS FEEL- T*^\ u [General Taylor's Northern face.] to restrict slavery to its present limits, hare only to elect the proper men to Congress, and their will will be. law uncontrolled by that so much abused veto power." — Letter from Thomas Coricin, Senator from Ohio, to J. M. Clements. «' In this great emergency, I have felt strongly opposed to the election of a President with south- ern principles. As much as ever, more than ever, am I opposed to war and extension of slavery. I abhor the doctrine of availability; but, in this fearful crisis, I must vote for Taylor; and I vote for him, not because he is a warrior, but because, with him, there is the better, if not the only, pros- pect for continued peace. I vote for him, not be- cause he is the owner of slaves, but because, with him for President, (opposed as he is to the abuse of the veto power,) and with the independent representatives whom, if true to themselves, the people will choose, there is the best and the only chance of restricting slavery and curbing the slave power."!!! — Letter of Daniel P. King, Member of Congress from Massachusetts, to his Constituents. "*1s a northern Whig, desiring to prevent the ex- tension of slavery into any territory which we now possess, or which we may hereafter acquire, I greatly prefer the election of General Taylor to that of Gen- eral Cass. This restriction, if made at all, must be made by Congress. General Cass has pledged himself to the South, in order to secure their sup- port, to resist any attempt to restrict the extension of slavery. He denies the power of Congress under the Constitution to make any such restric- tion; and consequently, if he should be elected, he would veto any bill which Congress might pass to effect this important object. "General Taylor has pledged himself to leave the decision of this question to the legislative department of the Government, and he will not arrest the action of that department by the tyrannical exercise of the veto power. If, then, General Cass shall be elected, \yhile the policy of the Government will be such as to lead to lar{;e acquisitions of territory upon our southern borders, no restriction upon the ex- tension of slavery into such territory can be made by Congress, except by a two-thirds vote, over- riding a Presidential veto. This cannot be hoped ■for. The election of General Taylor, with tile pledges which he has given to the country, will leave to Congress full power to prevent the extension of this evil." "The election of General Taylor will introduce a safe American system of policy, calculated to promote the national welfare and happiness. The election of General Cass will build up the one-man power into a towering despotism, overpowering the action of Congress, and defeating the will and wishes of the people. The election of General Taylor will secure to the popular voice, as ex- pj ssod through its constitutional representatives, that just control over the administration of the Government, which, according to the trur theory of our Constitution, it should exercise. The elec- tion of General Cass will scenic the complete tri- umph of the. most ultra views of slavery piopa- gandists, while Congress will be deprived of all power to check the evil. The election of General Taylor will leave in the hands of the representa- tives of the people their just and cousiitul lonal power to exclude tliis evil from the territories which ^=r - [General Taylor's Southern face.] INGS ARE ALL WITH US. Throughout the northern and t\ee States he enjoys the unbounded confidence of the entire people. His patriotism, his genius, his undoubted honesty, and entire devotion to the Constitution and the Union, will ever secure him the support of a large majority in every portion of the United States. Who shall say that Genera! Taylor has not been raised up at this eventful crisis, by an all-wise and overruling Providence, to quench the fires of discord, and prevent the downfall of the Republic? "Where is another man in the slave States, who can receive, even a respectable vote at the North? If we elect General Taylor, his genius will enable him to guide our ship through the gathering storm; his honesty, his sterling integrity, will secure to us his best endeavors; his immense popularity will enable him to triumph over all opposition. Then, we ask, in all candor, who will oppose General Taylor?"— Alabama Whig. " We rejoice at the selection, because we feel that under such leaders victory is certain — because we feel that the interests of the country will be protected by him who has declared that his sole aim will be the country's good — because we feel assured that our rights as Southern men may safely be trusted to one, who is himself a Southern man and a slaveholder. " — Florida Jldverli&er. General Taylor and the Wilmot Proviso. The Matagorda (Texas) Tribune, on the 23d of May, has the following emphatic paragraph with respect to General Taylor and the expected bene- fits of his election : " If elected, our institutions — we speak out — slavery, will be under the protection of his eagle eye and his giant arm. Who does not know that that institution is in some shape or other under daily discussion in Congress, and that at this mo- ment the Southern members are ill at ease in con- sequence of new and fearful movements being made in relation to it? The old Nestor of the South, Mr. Calhoun, warns us that we are ap- proaching a crisis pregnant with danger, and that before long we will have to toe the mark." " We know that, in this great paramount and LEADING QUESTION of the RIGHTS of the SOUTH, he [Gen. Taylor] is of us, he is WITH US, and he is FOR US!" — Resolution of a Taylor meeting in Charleston, South Carolina. " In regard to -the conversation had with Gen- eral Taylor, I have to say, we did not talk on the tariff — we did on the war. He expressed himself IN FAVOR OF THE WAR; HE SAID HE WAS DECIDEDLY IN FAVOR OF PROSE- CUTING IT VIGOROUSLY, till they should yield an honorable peace; HE WAS FOR IN- DEMNITY CERTAIN, AND THAT TERRI- TORIAL; was not wedded to any line particularly, but thought perhaps, as a kind of compromise with the Wilmot proviso men, we had better go up to 32 degrees, making the Rio Grande the west- ern boundary up to that decree; and said THE SOUTH SHOULD NEVER AGREE TO THE PROVISIONS OP THE WILMOT PROVISO; although he did not believe there ever would be sla- very there, yet if the country was acquire d, the citi- zens should be left free on that subject. H E S A 1 9 ALL MEXICO WILL EVENTUALLY COME ,i Exchange Peaoody Inst, of Balto. [General Taylor's Northern face.] [General Taylor's Southern face.] belong to the United States. "—Letter of Caleb B. INTO OUR GOVERNMENT BY DEGREES- Smith, Member of Congress from Indiana, to his Whig THAT IT CANNOT BE AVOIDED. On the* constituents, dated June 30, 1848. subject of politics, he said he was no politician ; had " Again, it is said General Taylor is in favor of f»?en three-fourths of his life in the&rmy; dev'oted introducing slavery into newly acquired territory. ,! ls . tlme an( * m ' n( * t0 tnat service, and paid but In April, 1847, the editor of the Cincinnati S-gn'al Imle attent 'o» to anything else."— Statement from sent to General Taylor an editorial article, in which one °f the Committe e of the Mississippi Legislature ap- is the following: pointed to invite General Taylor to visit that State. " ' The American people are about to assume the In a letter to the editor of the Tuscaloosa (Ala- « responsibility of framing the institutions of the bama) Monitor, General Taylor himself avows * Pacific States. We have no fears for the issue, that he has endorsed all the remarks of the Gin- ' if the arena of debate is the assemblies of the peo- cinnati Signal, to the effect that he would not veto * pie and their representative halls. The extension the Wilmot proviso. He says: * over the continent beyond the Rio Grande of the "l" reply to your remarks concerning a letter 'ordinance of 1787, is an object too high and ptrma- which I addressed some time since to the editor 4 nent to be baffled by Presidential vetoes.' of the Cincinnati Signal, I have no hesitation in "The intelligent reader will remember that the stating that it was not my intention in that corn- ordinance of 1787 referred to, is that by which munication to express an opinion either in con- slavery was forever excluded from the Northwest- currence with, or in opposition to, any of the ern Territory, and that the Wilmot proviso isalmost views embraced in the editorial article to which it an exact copy. In General Taylor's reply to the refers. The letter itself, like most other letters of letter enclosing the editorial from which the above m, "e on unofficial matters, which have found their extract is taken, he uses the following language: way into the newspapers, was not intended for "' I trust you will pardon me for thus briefly publication, but simply written as a matter of * replying to you, which I do with a high opinion courtesy, in answer to one which I had received 'and APPROVAL of the sentiments "and views from the gentleman in question. * * * It was * emlnaced in your editorial.' simply my desire, on that occasion, as has been "NotonlyhasGeneralTayloruniformlyavowed m y custom uniformly through life, to express my himself a Whig, but he authorized the Louisiana respect for opinions which! believed to be non- delegation in the Convention to say that he deemed estly entertained, and as long as thus held, my ' the welfare of our country requires a change of approval of his maintaining them." ' men and measures, in order to arrest the down- "The charge carries such absurdity on its very ward tendency of onr nat.onal affairs.' f ace , as not to deserve a serious refutation. Gen- Bestdes the endorsement of his Whig neigh- eral Taylor, a southern man, the destiny of himself bors, many ot the most prommentand distinguished and his children identified with th'w of the Whigs m different portions of the coumry testify South, his immense wealth CONSISTING IN to Ins devotion ho the principles of the Whig party. SLAVES, and land which has to be CULTIVA- Hon i.l homas Corwin, of Ohio, says: TED BY SLAVES TO RENDER IT V4LUA- t General Taylor was opposed to the annexa- BLE— he an enemy to the South ! he in favor ofpros- „", lexas - trating southern rights and interests! The very Is opposed to any further extension of our quintessence of absurdity ! THEY MIGHT AS territory at present and probably for all time to WELL SAY THAT GENERAL TAYLOR IS C »Tt. -ik u , u , , , • - A FREK NEGRO ! They uwuld be believed just that although a slaveholder, he considers about as soon, and exhibitfully as much reason and slavery an evil, and does not deem it right to ex- truth in making the charge."— Marion (Mabama) tend or increase it. Review, a Taylor paper. * lhat he always deemed the Mexican war u ni ■ ti n ■ ^ 'impolitic and without justification. rfi'Z^T ? rf ' , P -Tre^^ " ' And that on all oiher doctrines of the Whisr 1, T t / i "" f ^'°T *l ** "^ C T? " 'party, his principles are coincident with ours.' " n"n7 i ,. f - S ° U,h ' ^i**" ™f " 16 -Richmond (Indiana) Palladia,, July 4, 1848. ^^ti^^nSS^S^tSSi ' We have no fears for the issue, if the arena THE QUESTION OF THE WILMOT PRO. of the debate is the assemblies of the people and V1SO, AND REPUDIATED A RESOLUTION 'their representative halls. The extension over the ADOPTING THAT DOCTRINE AT O.NCE ' continent beyond the Rio Grande of the ordinance of BY AN OVERWHELMING MATORITY ' 1787, is an object loo high and permanent to be baffled IT WOULD NOT TOUCH THE UNCLEAN by Presidential vetoes. All that we ask of the incum- THING. Howdiffere.it this generous and natri- * • tV^f h ' sllest (,ffine undei " the Constitution, otic action from the dangerous sectional fanaticism ^ is to hold his hand, to bow to the will of the people of the Democratic Convention. It will be reeol- as promulgated in legislative forms, and restrain lected that a resolution was introduced there by th fl^*ee««ve action in its appropriate channels! 1 Mr. Yancey to repudiate the proviso, which the 10 this article, setting forth the editor of the Convention refused to do, by a vote of 216 to 36 Signal s ■views, General Taylor, on the 18th of This vote aimed a death blow to the rights of the May, 1847, responded in his usual frank and con- South, and its effect has been to cast gloom and Cise manner, with the following closing remark: dismay in the hearts of those who struggle for the ^ # I trust youwilt pardon me for thus briefly reply- preservation of nur glorious Union. Doubts and .nf/m"^^ W M&JJ&S£ th Ji *5B* "> )ini " n " nd fears began to overwhelm the public mind, lest 'DECIDED APPROVAL OF THE SENTI- even the Whigs, the great conservative parly of [General Taylor's Northern face.] [General Taylor's Southern face.] 'MENTS AND VIEWS EMBRACED IN the Union, ALSO MIGHT BE INFECTED •YOUR EDITORIAL!' WITH THIS HERESY, and have yielded to "Could anything be plainer or more explicit the 'progressive' notions of the Locofocoism of than the General's reply to the foregoing extract the age. Thanks to a kind Providence, which has from the article enclosed to him? Have we not an always watched over our beloved fend , a party still assurance, from his 'decided approval of the exists determined to regard the '■compromises of the sentiments and views embraced in' the above Constitution,' &c, and those just and equal rights extract, that should Congress pass a law extend- to all sections, without which our glorious Union ing the ordinance of 1787 over neic territory, orter- cannot exist one moment. THEY HAVE MET rUory acquired from Mexico, he would not arrest THIS INCENDIARY AND DESTRUCTIVE by veto? PRINCIPLE AS WHIGS— in the old Whig " When the question is narrowed down to a spirit of enlightened patriotism of the patriotic choice between Taylor and Cass upon the ques- fathers, and on which the party is founded. tion of slavery-extension, it would seem to us that THEY DARED TO STAND UP'AND MEET no one can hesitate long in declaring his prefer- THIS FIREBRAND OF UNPRINCIPLED ences. There is certainly more to hope by the FACTIONISTS boldly (as the Democratic Con- friends of freedom, from the southern man with vention did not) — to meet it as men aware of their liberal principles, than there is from the " north- duties, like their great leader at Buena Vista, ern man with southern principles." While Gen- 'asking no favors and shrinking from no respon- eral Taylor says, that the ' personal opinions of sibilities' — to cast it out of their Convention in the ' the individual who may happen to occupy the letth of these infuriated fanatics, and to declare that ' Executive chair ought not to control the action it was no part, and should be no part, of the Whig • of Congress upon questions of domestic policy, creed. This the Democratic Convention would •nor ought his objections to be interposed when not do. We congratulate the South — we congratu- « questions of constitutional power have been late the southern men, who have never appealed • settled by the various departments of the Gov to the fidelity, honor, patriotism, and generosity, • ernment, and acquiesced in by the people,' Gen- of their northern Whig brethren in vain. We eral Cass claims that Congress has no right to congratulate the Union that there is still one great legislate upon such questions of ' domestic policy,' patriotic party which is determined to resist the and, consequently, planting himself upon the plat- mad and malign influence, which, if unchecked, form of his 'political faith' as laid down by the would soon leave of its sacred rights but the Baltimore Convention, he would feel bound to name." — Alabama Journal. veto any measure, should it pass both Houses of << The subjects of a tariff, bank, and internal im- Congress, regulating the institution of slavery in p r0 vements, are dwarfed into insignificant dimen- anv territory that may be acquired." — Maumee s j ns when compared with the great and over- man) River Times, July 1, 1848. shadowing one which an unprincipled northern "That General Taylor will be found as true a and northwestern Democracy has dared to throw Whig, in the general application of Whig prin- before the people, [alluding to the free territory ciples as the Whig party could desire or expect, principle]. It is of vital consequence that the we hold to be established by his Allison letter, South should march up to this question. By and by the "statement" of the Louisiana delega- birth, education, sentiment, feeling, associa- tion. And we understand the former also as con- tion, and interest, General Taylor is one of veying a pledge that on the one great question of us. The South may wellanswerthe North through principle which most divides and agitates the coun- him, and redeem the pledge it has made to support trv — the extension of slavery over territory now no man who is not of us or with us." — Charleston' free — he will not seek to interfere with the action (S. C. ) Courier. of Congress. That is a great point gained. This t^ Q ne re ason why the South should sustain Taylor is an arrangement with which we can bo satis- f or t i, e Presidency with great unanimity is, because fied." — .\*"/•-?' Ve Idonol behevehatht de- of Congress, (eve* ,f 1t be another ordi.v^ce sues or approves Us extension H,s declared senti- l.kf. that which perpetuated freedom .n the SLr a £™"V hat . fe ^illnarer, in ; n t,ons - seUled b Y Precedent, General Taylor pledges Poll'' u 7; r S ^ t° m,nUan ^ °J ¥'• hi "^f to approve. The Nathan Dane ordinance, lates SS T?! " ^ ,?e ° P >.° f r hC fiee Cf tric »"g ^very from obtaining a foothold in the States hok to their representees! "^-Letter of Northwest Territory, is a precedent General Tay SZ' M S { ^"""^"'"gwmber of Congress lor, if disposed, could not get over, were Confess from Massachusetts, to his constituents. to pass an act restricting slavery from California " Washington, March 1, 1848. and New Mexico. Beyond all question, when Con- "Gemtlemek: Since writing my- letter of ves- C^f Passes such an act, he icill approve it."— New terday, 1 have referred to the ' Signal correspond- Fflr * % r ^' ence,' and find it, on the point herein referred to, " Let them ponder these things well. Let them ■ e T l,Vpn VS ''t ,i o- , m learn-as they will learn, if they will not fee deaf . I he editor of the Signal says: ' The exten- and blind to the truth— that General Taylor is a S.on over the continent beyond the Rio Grande of Whig in principle, is in favor of peace, opposed to Hie ordinance of 1,87, is an object too high and all war, believes slavery to be a curse, to the country permanent to be baffled by Presidential vetoes, and desires its extermination, and is opposed to the All mat we ask of the incumbent of the highest further extension of slave territory. When they shall t omce, under the Constitution, is to hold his hand, learn these things, we believe that no man who ( to how to the will of the people, as promulgated truly loves the Whig party, and who believes its in legislative forms, and restrain the Execu- success essential to our safety and prosperity can live action in its appropriate channels.' General for a moment hesitate to believe his duty calls Mm layior, in reply, expresses his 'high opinion and to give him his ardent and zealous support "— approval of the sentiments and views embraced in Boston Mas. 'your (his) editorials.' ... ai , , "Yours, &c. A STPWA«T " And the itfMas further supports its position by T . , , ' . M , ,oll!,,VM1, publishing the following: ' bmk\£7Jkff%hlf7J^ V t d an f unscr , u P u - " Colo » el Mnaon, of Upper Piqua, Ohio, who Colr?lfJp*) Slewort t member of was selected by the Whigs of Miami, as their d'el- S^rv?trM;-"' >M( ' Sfl, ' ,, ?f' ,, '' ,e esnle l0 the Conven.ion-a staunch, undoubted kfat Ltar^ ^elUgencer, m ivhich paper Whig-who has in a long life devoted to the cause, J """* done it great service— a delegate to Harrisburg in "General Taylor is, as we believe, ri°-ht on 1839 ' and t0 Baltimore in 1844, and who lias every question, except possibly the slavery ques- known General Taylor long and intimately, writ- tion, and even on that his views practically are safe fen a lec,er °efore 1|S > 'hat he is all that we could even for ns. He is a Whig of the Clay school desire upon this very point. He writes that he and, if elected, will undoubtedly surround himself has heard him declare, with much force, that he with a good Whig Cabinet, and his administra- re ? arued slavery as a great evil to the country, and tion ivilt be conducted on the genuine Whig platform expresse d a strong hope that the time might arrive He has never been ashamed to ask and follow wfi en we could get rid of it altogether; and Colonel counsel in military affairs, where he has felt most Jn!l >ison declares his firmest conviction, thai Gen- at home, and in politics, respecting which he does e ' 11 ' Taylor l H the last man to counUnana its being Hot profess to have so thorough a knowledge as txlmd *& i0 an V ««« territory thai may be brought into our experienced statesmen, he will probably be llie ^" !on -' Colonel Johnson speaks, be it lemem- governed, to a great extent, by the opinion of Dered > fro . m his own persona! knowledge, and after those whom he may select for his counsellors "— an acquaintance of over thirty years." ipringfuld {Massachusetts) Gazette. erly enough Beparated from their southern col- slaver V- rfs'L7;-r l '7, Ki,1 " le 'l l ''' S ' i, 7" f ^ V r' y;6 " < " s "Cak Free Terr.touv Men- s.pport Taylor? Mr • southern colleague, hive demanded no such -This question is honestly asked bv many. It pledges from our candidate, and rather, on the con- only requires us to take facte as they exist, to de- [General Taylor's Northern face.] cide upon it with satisfaction. If the cause of free Mr. Stephens was assailed in the House by the territory stands any better chance by electing Gen- harpies of the Administration, who created a pro- eral Taylor than by electing Lewis Cass to the digious uproar when he moved that the bill belaid Presidency, it is of course our duty (we mean the upon the table. But, although an invalid, he is of friends of free territory) to give him our support, as i nyielding materials as any man in Congress, What are he facts? We take the issue as it is and goes ahead in his purposes, even if Mr. Polk presented between Cass and Taylor, as the elec- and his entire army of satellites lie in his path, tion of a third candidate is out of the question. Eight southern Taylor Whigs voted to put the bill How, then, does Taylor stand? upon the table — thus performing a better service "If there is any reliance to be placed in his words, for free soil than the whole troop of political mal- he will not interfere with the legislation of Congress contents in the North seem in a way to accom- vpon the question of slavery extension. He leaves plish, so long as in their present position." this matter with the people. Can we ask more of " We have said expressly , over and over again, any man who may fill the Presidential chair? We that the time was coming, and at no distant day, may also refer to his reply to the 'Signal' letter, when the whole North would plant herself on the in which he gives his 'decided approval of the ground 'no slavery,' and stand to it to a man. views and sentiments' contained therein, which We do not, however, at present, see that matters were strongly in favor of free territory." — Jtfassil- are ripe for this. When they are, our correspond- lon (Ohio) Telegraph. ent may count on our support. At present, we _,,„,,. . ■ , _ T TT . feel that the great Whis party are certain to come The following is from the New Hampshire ilUo power, with General Taylor at then- head; and Statesman, a violent Taylor Whig paper: we have a! , confide nce, that the moment Con- " Defeat of the 'Compromise' Bill. — In an- gress shall pass a law to circumscribe the ' unmit- other column will be found a somewhat full account i^ated curse' within the limits of the Constitution, of the proceedings in both branches of Congress as interpreted by Daniel Webster and other of our upon the compromise bill; from which it will be soundest northern men, that moment such a bill seen that every Whig from the fvee States who toill receive Taylor's signature. Convince us that was in the House of Representatives when it was it will not, and we will pull down his name from acted upon in that branch, voted to lay it upon the our paper. table — that is, voted to kill the bill. This sum- " What, we say again, then, does our friend, 'A raary and unanimous action on the part of the Freeman,' want, that we cannot give him? Does Whigs has shockingly disappointed these political he want any stronger opposition to slavery? But croakers — fault-finding abolitionists and bolting where will he find it, asserted over and overagain, Whigs — who, doubt'ess, would have preferred than in our columns long before the Buffalo Con- they should act otherwise. Never was the wind vention ? And we say now, that we are ready for more completely taken out of the sails of these any and all movements, just and proper, to con- croakers than upon this occasion. Since the nom- fine the evil within limits dictated by right. But ination of General Taylor by the Whig National we think there is a power already working for this Convention, they have daily charged the Whigs end. and a spirit making for this end, and that with being false to their free-soil professions — with power and that spirit are the body and spirit of the deserting the doctrine laid down in the ordinance Whig party- This party has ever been for jus- of 1787 — of being recreant to liberty, and doomed tice and truth; it is for that now; and the instant to everlasting disgrace! How utterly unjust these the time comes to cut the head from the monster, assertions are, is proved by the decisive action of the whigs will do it. Does 'A Freeman' want the Whigs, when the time for action came. more? " And the motion to lay the bill upon the table "Or is it, after all, that he does not believe that, came from a southern Whig, too — Mr. Stephens, with General Tfc'yor, we can do this? and does he of Georgia — upon whom is poured, in copious think we are deceived in General Taylor?" — .A'eto measure, the indignation of the organ of Mr. Polk. Haven Journal. It appears, from the preceding extracts, that the northern Whigs are endeavoring to persuade their followers to believe that General Taylor will not veto the Wilmot Proviso, on the ground that he has assented to the doctrines of the article published in the Cincinnati Signal, and that he has, in his letter to Captain Allison, promised not to exercise the veto power. On the other hand, his partisans at the South allege that he will veto the Wilmot Proviso, assigning as the reason that he lives in a slave State, and that his interests are identified with the slave interest. And he has himself, in his letter to the Tuscaloosa Monitor, disclaimed any intention to endorse the article in the Signal. Now, what will he do? Will he disappoint and deceive the North or the South? If elected President, he must do one or the other. Which will he do? Is not General Taylor's course in reference to the Wilmot Proviso, in the event of his election to the Presidency, extremely uncertain? The .people of the South may expect, from the fact that he lives in a slave State, and is himself a slaveholder, that he will be devoted to their interests, and consequently will be opposed to, and will 8 prevent by his ?eto the application of the Wilmot Proviso to the new territory acquired from Mexico. But can they rely upon a fact of that kind ? For the sake of attaining the Presidency, the summit of human ambition, would he not agree to sacrifice his interests as a slaveholder? Is not his conduct with regard to the Wilmot Proviso contradictory? Did he not, in substance, approve of it in his Signal letter? And did he not, in his letter to the Tuscaloosa Monitor, deny that he had thus approved it? What is his opinion upon that important question? IS GENERAL TAYLOR FOR OR AGAINST THE WILMOT PROVISO? These questions are worthy of the serious consideration of southern men. And have the people of the free States any certain pledge from General Taylor that he will carry out their views with regard to the Wilmot Proviso ? His Allison letter does not absolutely pledge him against the use of the veto. Will he not think that the Wilmot Proviso is one of the cases in which it would be proper to use the veto ? And will not his interest as a slaveholder, and his connection with slaveholders, induce him to use the veto in that particular instance? In short, have the people of the free or slave States any positive assurance of what General Taylor will do with regard to this great question? His partisans of the S mill say he will v< to the Wilmot Proviso, ami his partisans of the North are equally c mfident that he will not. Mow, one o/the other MUST BE DECEIVED. Who are to be deceived, you of the North, or you of the South? Is any man worthy of the suffrages of the Ameri- can people for the great and exalted office of the Presidency, who stands in this equivocal position in regard to a question of domestic policy, the agitation of which may shake this Union to its foundations ? Washington, August, 1848. W4 Q> *J VV .<* / W • IV- ^ v .•JJoL'* ^ a0 vv V-Ql 'oK ^ °* ■•CT^»» J. ^ ; ^X \ **>^ ♦To' .,o- *• *> c> v " v * .— ' *o *■•'«♦ .... " .** .... °*. :• > v ^ •*«&* «f ^ •: t> - u ■ *J C°*/i^.*°o ^ ^^ .•ater., v^ /*«*•• °o VV J «>^ vv **** t^^ft oWAfflSS* A^^ °o :. ^ ^ ^v^-. ^ ^ **ffi«fe**. ^ ^* •: ^9 ^*V »^W; a v "V ^". ^O, A^ 0«V % ^a, *^ e.'s^rv o t^^^vNS 1 '• A y O J .;* / % "W^ A ^ ^ -^ .♦ . t , . *?•_