^. S' O .*^ •'*., .'«-• .3^ % ^^^ s^^ <^ > N C -<. ' ' (■ *> 0- c ^ ' ^^ -r. o^ s^'' ■'J;-^'"/=v- .^^ ,A^ ^ , ' .-'i .' -i ^ .0 c ^.,^' ::^' ^^" '-iU U* ,<\ as '■ •V? ■>;• » •■!. .0^ \^' .\.*?^^i=^^ ^^. % r- ^' o>' O \ • ... •?,. ^ « ' ^ * , ^. » » . ^ * •^i-. ■•% ^'^ X'^^'^ c*-- - .r> V - "^z ^ x^ -^^^ /.\-."..%;-"\>^..^o,.%^--X..^«,,%'> A^' O- -0 #• ^> •^ ;>^^ .^^" .0^ . s ^ ^z- v-^'' 0>' '■1^ •y- y' ^^'^.. ■i •;^ . o N o -i'"^ s- ,^^ -^t. .^ v- V 14 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE nnmanly and nnnational dependence, which is so glaring that it cannot fail to be apparent to even the most careless and superficial observer. All the world sees, or ought to see, that in a commercial, mechanical, manufactural, financial, and literary point of view, we are as helpless as babes; that, in comparison with the Free States, our agricultural resources have been greatly exaggerated, misunderstood and mis- managed ; and that, instead of cultivating among ourselves a wise policy, of mutual assistance and cooperation with respect to individuals, and of self-reliance with respect to the South at large, instead of giving coun- tenance and encouragement to the industrial enterprises projected among us, and instead of building up, aggrandizing and beautifying our own States, cities and towns, we have been spending our svibstance at the North, and are daily augmenting and strengthening the very power which now has us so completely under its thumb. It thus appears, in view of the preceding statistical facts and argu- ments, that the South, at one time the superior of the North in almost all the ennobling pursuits and conditions of life, has fallen far behind her competitor, and now ranks more as the dependency of a mother country than as the equal confederate of free and independent States. Following the order of our task, the next duty that devolves upon us is to trace out the causes which have conspired to bring about this impor- tant change, and to place on record the reasons, as we understand them, WHY THE NOKTH HAS StJEPASSED THE SOUTH. And now that we have come to the very heart and soul of our sub- ject, we feel no disposition to mince matters, but mean to speak plainly and to the point, without any equivocation, mental reservation, or secret evasion whatever. The son of a venerated parent, who, while he lived, was a considerate and merciful slaveholder, a native of the South, born and bred in North Carolina, of a family whose home has been in the valley of the Yadkin for nearly a century and a half, a Southerner by instinct and by all the influences of thought, habits and kindred, and with the desire and fixed purpose to reside permanently within the limits of the South, and with the expectation of dying there also — we feel that we have the right to express our opinion, however liumble or unimportant it may be, on any and everj question that affects the pub- lic good; and, so help us God, "sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish," we are determined to exercise that right with manly firmness, and without fear, favor or affection. And now to the point. In our opinion, an opinion which has been formed from data obtained by assiduous researches, and comparisons, from laborious investigation, logical reasoning, and earnest reflection, the causes which have impeded the progress and prosperity of the South, which have dwindled our commerce and other similar pursuits, into the FKEE AND THE SLA^TC STATES. 15 most contemptible insignificance ; sunk a large majority of our people in galling poverty and ignorance, rendered a small minority conceited and tyrannical, and driven the rest away from their homes ; entailed upon us a humiliating dependence on the Free States ; disgraced us in the recesses of our own souls, and brought us under reproach in the eyes of all civilized and enlightened nations — may all be traced to one common source, and there find solution in the most hateful and horrible word, that was ever incorporated iato the vocabulary of human economy — Slavery. Eeared amidst the institution of slavery, believing it to be wrong both in principle and in practice, and having seen and felt its evil influ- ences upon individuals, communities and states, we deem it a duty, no less than a privilege, to enter our protest against it, and, as a Southern man, to use all constitutional means and our most strenuous efibrts to overturn and abolish it. Our repugnance to slavery springs from no one-sided idea, or sickly sentimentality. "We have not been hasty in making up our mind on the subject ; we have jumped at no conclusions ; we have acted with perfect calmness and deliberation ; we have carefully considered, and examined the reasons for and against the institution, and have also taken into account the probable consequences of our decision. The more we investigate the matter, the deeper becomes the conviction that we are right ; and with this to impel and sustain us, we pursue our labor with love, with hope, and -with constantly renewing vigor. That we shall encounter opposition we consider as certain ; perhaps we may even be subjected to insult and violence. From the cruel and conceited defenders of slavery we could look for nothing less. But we shall shrink from no responsibility, and do nothing unbecoming a man; we know how to repel indignity, and if assaulted, shall not fail to make the blow recoil upon the aggressor's head. The road we have to travel may be a rough one, but no impediment shall cause us to falter in our course. The line of our duty is clearly defined, and it is our intention to follow it faithfully, or die in the attempt. But, thanks to heaven, we have no ominous forebodings of the result of the contest now pending between Liberty and Slavery in this confeder- acy. Though neither a prophet nor the son of a prophet, our vision is sufticiently penetrative to divine the future so far as to be able to see that the " peculiar institution " has but a short and, as heretofore, inglori- ous existence before it. Time, the righter of every wrong, is ripening events for the desired consummation of our labors and the fulfillment of our cherished hopes. Each revolving year brings nearer the inevitable crisis. The sooner it comes the better ; may lieaven, through our hum- ble efforts, hasten its advent. The first and most sacred duty of every Southerner, who has the honor 16 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE and the interest of his country at heart, is to declare himself an unquali- hed and uncompromising opponent of slavery. No conditional or half- way declaration wiU avail; no mere threatening demonstration will succeed. With those who desire to he instrumental in bringing about the triumph of liberty over slavery, there should be neither evasion, vacillation, nor equivocation. "We should listen to no modifying terms or compromises that may be proposed by the pi'oprietors of the unprofit- able and ungodly institution. ISTothing short of the complete abolition of slavery can save the South from falling into the vortex of utter ruin. Too long have we yielded a submissive obedience to the tyrannical domi- nation of an inflated oligarchy ; too long have we tolerated their arrogance and self-conceit; too long have we submitted to their unjust and savage exactions. Let us now wrest from them the sceptre of power, estab- lish liberty and equal rights throughout the land, and henceforth and forever guard our legislative halls from the pollutions and usurpa- tions of pro-slavery demagogues. We have stated, in a cursory manner, the reasons, as we understand them, why the North has surpassed the South, and have endeavored to show, we think successfully, that the highest future welfare of the South can be attained only by the speedy abolition of slavery. We will not, however, rest the case exclusively on our own arguments, but will again appeal to incontrovertible facts and statistics to sustain us in our conclu- sions. But before we do so, we desire to fortify ourself against a charge that is too frequently made by careless and superficial readers. We allude to the objections so often urged against the use of tabular state- ments and statistical facts. It is worthy of note, however, that those objections never come from thorough scholars or profound thinkers. Among the majority of mankind, the science of statistics is only begin- ning to be appreciated ; when well understood, it will be recognized as one of the most important branches of knowledge, and, as a matter of course, be introduced and taught as an indispensable element of practical education in all our principal institutions of learning. One of the most vigorous and popular transatlantic writers of the day, Wm. C. Taylor, LL.D., of Dublin, says : " The cultivation of statistics must be the source of all future improvemeut in the science of political economy, because it is to the table of the statistician that the economist must look for his facts; and all speculations not founded upon facts, though they may be admired and applauded when first propounded, will, in the end, assuredly be forgotten. Statistical science may almost be regarded as the creation of this age. The word statistics was invented in the middle of the last century by a German professor,* to express a summary view of the physical, moral, and social condition of States ; he justly remarked, that a numerical statement of the extent, density of population, imports, exports, revenues, etc., of a country, more perfectly explained its social condition than general statements, however graphic or however accurate. When such statements began to be collected, and exhibited in a popular form, it was soon discovered that the political and economical sciences were likely ♦ Achenwall, a native of Ell)i[itr, I'l-iissia. U.mi. 171 J, il.i.->l i,i>:i. FEEE AND THE SLATE STATES. 17 to gain the position of ph}-sical sciences ; that is to say, they were about to obtain records of observation, which would test the accuracy of recognized principles, and lead to the discovery of new modes of action. But the great object of this new science is to lead to the knowledge of human nature ; that is, to ascertain the gen- eral course of operation of man's mental and moral faculties, and to furnish us with a correct standard of judgment, by enabling us to determine the average amount of the past as a guide to the average probabilities of the future. This science is yet in its infancy, but has already produced the most beneficial effects. The accuracy of the tables of life have rendered the calculations of rates of insurance a matter of much greater certainty than they were heretofore ; the system of keeping the pub- lic accounts has been simplified and improved ; and finally, the experimental sci- ences of medicine and political economy, have been fixed on a firmer foundation than could be anticipated in the last century. Even in private life this science is likely to prove of immense advantage, by directing attention to the collection and registration of facts, and thus preventing the formation of hasty judgments and erroneous conclusions." The compiler, or rather the superintendent of the seventh United States census, Prof. De Bow, a gentleman of more than ordinary indus- try and practical learning, who, in his excellent Eeview, has, from time to time, displayed much commendable zeal in his efforts to develop the industrial resources of the Southern and Southwestern States, and who is, perhaps, the greatest statistician in the country, says : " Statistics are far from being the barren array of figures ingeniously and labo- riously combined into columns and tables, which many persons are apt to suppose them. They constitute rather the ledger of a nation, in which, like the merchant in his books, the citizen can read, at one view, all of the results of a year or of a period of years, as compared with other periods, and deduce the profit or the loss which has been made, in morals, education, wealth or power." The present John Jay, of Few York (it is hoped that the city may never be without a John Jay), in a most ingenious and masterly pre- sentation of "The Statistics of American Agriculture," recently made in the form of an address before the American Geographical and Sta- tistical Society, says : "In England, the labors of the Statistical Society, whose elaborate and most valuable publications enrich our library, through the courtesy of the British govern- ment, have aroused the attention of the people and of Parliament to the truth, that the science of politics finds in the statistical element its most solid foundation." Impressed with a sense of the propriety of introducing, in this as well as in the succeeding chapters of our work, a number of tabular statements exhibiting the comparative growth and prosperity of the free and slave States, we have deemed it eminently proper to adduce the testimony of these distinguished authors in support of the claims which official facts and accurate statistics lay to our consideration. And here we may remark, that the statistics which we propose to offer, like those already given, have been obtained from official sources, and may, therefore, be relied on as correct. The object we have in view m making a free use of facts and figures, if not already apparent, will soon be understood. It is not so much in its moral and religious aspects that we propose to discuss the question of slavery, as in it« 18 COMPAKISONS BETWEEN THE oDcial and political character and influences. To say nothing of tlie sit and the shame of slavery, we helieve it is a most expensive and unprofit- able institution ; and if our brethren of the South will but throw aside their unfounded prejudices and preconceived opinions, and give us a fair and patient hearing, we feel confident that we can bring them to the same conclusion. Indeed, we believe we shall be enabled — not alone by our own contributions, but with the aid of incontestable facts and arguments which we shall inti-oduce from other sources — to convince all true-hearted, candid and intelligent Southerners, who may chance to read our book (and we hope their name may be legion), that slavery, and nothing but slavery, has retarded the progress and prosperity of onr portion of the Union ; depopulated and impoverished our cities by forcing the more industrious and enterprising natives of the soil to emi- grate to the free States ; brought our domain under a sparse and inert population by preventing foreign immigration ; made us tributary to the North, and reduced us to the humiliating condition of mere provincial subjects in fact, though not in name. "We believe, moreover, that every patriotic Southerner thus convinced will feel it a duty he owes to him- self, to his country, and to his God, to become a thorough, inflexible, practical Abolitionist. So mote it be ! Now to our figures. Few persons have an adequate idea of the im- portant part the cardinal numbers are now playing in the cause of liberty. They are working wonders in the South. Intelligent business men, from the Chesapeake to the Rio Grande, are beginning to see that slavery, even in a mercenary point of view, is impolitic, because it is unprofitable. Those unique, mysterious little Arabic sentinels on the watch-towers of political economy, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 0, have joined forces, allied themselves to the powers of freedom, and are hemming in and combating slavery with the most signal success. If let alone, we have no doubt the digits themselves would soon terminate the existence of human slavery ; but we do not mean to let them alone ; they must not have all the honor of annihilating the monstrous iniquity. "We want to become an auxiliary in the good work, and facilitate it. The libera- tion of six millions of non-slaveholding whites from the second degree of slavery, and of three millions of miserable kidnapped negroes from the first degree, cannot be accomplished too soon. That it was not ac- complished many years ago is our misfortune. It now behooves us to take a bold and determined stand in defence of the alienable rights of ourselves and of our fellow men, and to avenge the multiplicity of wrongs, social and political, which we have suffered at the hands of a most selfish and domineering oligarchy. It is madness to delay. "We cannot be too hasty in carrying out our designs. Precipitance in this inattcf is an utter impossibility. Now is the time for action ; let us work. FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 19 By taking a sort of inventory of the agricultural products of the free and slave States in 1850, we now propose to correct a most extraordi- nary and mischievous error into which the people of the South have unconsciously fallen. Agriculture, it is well known, is the sole boast of the South ; and, strange to say, many pro-slavery Southerners who, in our latitude, pass for intelligent men, are so puffed up with the idea of our importance in this respect, that they speak of the North as a sterile region, unfit for cultivation, and quite dependent on the South for the necessaries of life ! Such gross, rampant ignorance deserves no audience. AVe can prove that the North produces greater quantities of breadstuffs than the South. Figures shall show the facts. Properly, the South has nothing left to boast of; the North has surpassed her in everything, and is going further and further ahead of her every day. "We ask the reader's careful attention to the following tables, which we have pre- pared at no little cost of time and trouble, and which, when duly con- sidered in connection with the foregoing and subsequent portions of our work, will, we believe, carry conviction to the mind that the down- ward tendency of the South can be arrested only by the abolition of slavery. I 20 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE T.AJBLE 1. AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE FREE STATES — 1850. California Connecticut . . . Illinois Indiana Iowa Maine Blassachusetts.. Michigan New Hampshire. New Jersey. . . New York Ohio Pennsylvania. . . Rhode Island. . . Vermont Wisconsin Wheat, busliels. 17,228 41,762 9,414,575 6,214,453 1,530,531 296,259 31,211 4,925,889 185,658 1,601,190 13,121,493 14,487,351 15,367,691 49 535,955 4,286,131 Oats, bushels. ] Indian rorn, bushels. 1,258,733 i 10,087,241 5,655,014 1,524,345 2,181,037 1,16.5,146 2,866,056 973,381 3,378,063 26,552,814 13,472,742 21,538.156 215,282 2,307,734 3,414,672 12,236 1,935,043 57,646,934 52,964,36:3 8,656,799 1,750,056 2,345,490 5,641,420 1,573,670 8,759,704 17,858,400 59,078,695 19,835,214 539,201 2,032,396 1,983,979 72,157,486 |96,590,371 242,613,650 59,033,170 Pot.itoes, (1. and S.) bushels. 10,292 2,689,805 2,672.294 2,285,048 282,363 8,436,040 3,535,384 2,361,074 4,807,in9 3,715,251 15,408,997 5,245,760 6,082,904 651,029 4,951,014 1,402,956 Rye, bushels. 600,893 83,364 78,792 19,916 102,916 481,021 105,871 183,117 1,255,578 4,14^182 425,918 4,805,160 26,409 176,233 81,253 12,574,623 AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE SLAVE STATES — 1S50. Alabama .. 294,044 Arkansas 199,689 Delaware 482,511 Florida 1,027 Georgia 1,088,534 Kentucky 2,142,822 Louisiana 417 Maryland 4,494,680 Mississippi 137,990 Missouri ' 2,981,652 North Carolina ! 2,130,102 South Carolina I 1,066,277 Tennessee I 1,619,386 Texas 41,729 Virginia 11,212,616 Oats, bushels. 2,965,696 656,183 604,513 66,586 3,820,044 8,201,311 89,637 2,242,151 1.503,288 5,278,079 4,052,078 2,322,155 7,703,086 199,017 10,179,144 Indian Corn, bushels. 28,754,048 8,893,989 8,145,542 1,996,809 80,030,099 53,672,591 10,266,373 10,749,858 22,446,552 36,214,537 27,941,0.51 16,271,454 52,276,223 6,028,876 35,254,319 Potatoes, (I. and S.; bushels. 5,721,205 981,931 805,985 765,054 7,213,807 2,490,666 1,524,085 978,932 5,008 277 1,274,511 5,716,027 4,473,960 3,845,500 1,426,803 3,130,567 , 27,904,476 49,882,979 348,992,282 44,847,420 Rye, bushels. 17,261 8,047 8,066 1,152 53,760 415,078 475 226,014 9,606 44.268 229,563 43,790 89,137 3,108 458,980 I 1,608,240 FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 21 TJsJBH.lEl 3. AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE FREE STATES — 1850. STATE.S. Biickwlieat, busliels. Beans & Peas, bushels. floT. & Grass Seeds, bush. Flaxseed, bushels. Value of Gar- den Products. Value of Or- chard Prod'ts. California Connecticut. . . Illinois Indiana Iowa Maine Massachusetts Michigan . . . N. Hampshire^. New Jersey . .*. New York Ohio Pennsylvania. Rhode Island.. Vermont Wisconsin 229,297 184,509 149,740 52,516 104,523 105,895 472,917 65,265 878,9;^ 3,183,955 638,060 2,193,692 1,245 209,619 79,878 2,292 19,090 82,814 35,773 4,475 205,541 43,7u9 74,254 70,856 14,174 741,546 60,168 55,231 6,846 104,ft49 20,657 80,469 17,807 30,271 2,438 18,311 6,087 26,274 8,900 91,331 184,715 140,501 178,943 6,036 15,696 5,486 703 10,787 36,888 1,959 580 72 519 1S9 16,525 57,963 188,880 41,728 ""939 1,191 $75,275 196,874 127,494 72,864 8,848 122,.387 600,020 14,738 56,810 475,242 912,047 214,004 688,714 98,298 18,858 32,142 $17,700 175,118 446,049 324,940 8,484 842,865 463,995 132,650 248,560 607,268 1,761,950 695,921 723,389 63,994 315,255 4,823 8,550,245 1,542,295 762,266 358,923 $3,714,605 $6,882,914 AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OP THE SLAVE STATES — 1850. STATES. Buckwhe.it, bu.shels. Beans & Peas, bushels. Clov. & Grass Seeds, bush. Flaxseed, bushels. Value of Gar- den Products. Value of Or- chard Prod'ts. Alabama Arkansas Delaware Florida Georgia Kentucky .... Louisiana Maryland Mississippi .... Missouri N. Carolina.. . S, Carolina . . . Tennessee .... Texas Virginia 848 175 8,615 56 250 16,097 3 103,671 1,121 23,641 16,704 283 19,427 59 214,898 892,701 286,738 4,120 185,359 1,142,011 202,574 161,7.32 12,816 1,072,757 46,017 1,584,252 1,026,900 869,-321 179,3.51 521,579 685 526 8,928 2 560 24,711 99 17,778 617 4,965 1,851 406 14,214 10 53,155 69 321 904 '"'622 75,801 2,446 26 13,696 88,196 55 18,904 26 52,818 $84,821 17,150 12,714 8,721 76,500 803,120 148,329 200,869 46,250 99,454 89,462 47,286 97,183 12,354 183,047 $15,408 40,141 46,574 1,2S0 92,776 106,230 22,259 164,051 50,405 514,711 84,343 ai,108 52,894 12,505 177,137 405,857 7,687,227 128,517 203,484 $1,877,260 1 $1,355,827 22 COMPAEISONS BETWEEN THE EEOAPITULATIOI?' — FEEE STATES. Wheat 72,157,486 bushels @ 150 $108,236,229 Oata 96,590.371 " " 40 38,636,148 Indian Corn 242,618,650 " " 60 145,571,190 Potatoes (I. & S.) 59,033,170 " " 38 22,432,604 Rye 12,574,623 " " 100 12,574,623 Barley 5,002,013 " " 90 4,501,811 Buckwheat 8,550,245 " " 50 4,275,122 Beans and Peas 1,542,295 " " 175 2,699,015 Clover and Grass Seeds... 762,265 " " 3 00 2,286,795 Flaxseeds 358,923 " " 125 448,647 Garden Products 3,714,605 Orchard Products 6,332,914 Total 499,190,041 bushels, valued as above, at . . $351,709,703 EEOAPITULATIOJT — SLATE STATES. Wheat 27,904,476 bushels @ 150 $41,856,714 Oats 49,882,799 " " 40 19,953,191 Indian Corn 348,992,282 " " 60 209,395,369 Potatoes (I. & S.) 44,847,420 " " 38 17,042,019 Rye 1,608,240 " " 100 1,608,240 Barley 161,907 " " 90 145,716 Buckwheat 405,357 " '• 50 202,678 Beans aud Peas 7,637,227 " " 175 13,305,147 Clover and Grass Seeds... 123,517 " " 3 00 370,551 Flaxseeds 203,484 " " 125 254.355 Garden Products 1,377,260 Orchard Products 1,355,827 . Total 481,766,889 bushels, valued as above, at. . $306,927,067 TOTAL DIFFEEEXOE — BUSHEL-MEASUEE PEODXJCTS. Bushels. Value. Free States 499,190,041 $351,709,703 Slave States 481,766,889 306,927,067 Balance in bushels 17,423,152 Difference in value $44,782,63G So mucli for the boasted agricultural superiority of the South ! Mark well the balance in bushels, and the difference in value ! Is either in favor of the South ? No 1 Are both in favor of the North ? Yes ! Here we have unquestionable proof tliat of all the biashel-measure pr.i- ducts of the nation, the free States produce far more than one-half ; ami it is worthy of particular mention, that the excess of NortTiern products is of the most valuable hind. The account shows a balance against the South, in favor of the North, of seventeen million four hundred and twenty-three thousand one hundred and fifty -two hushels, and a difference in value oi forty -four million seven hundred and eighty -two thousand nix hundred and thirty-six dollars. , Please bear these facts in mind, for, in order to show positively how the free and slave States do stand upon the great and important subject of rural economy, we intend to take an ac- count of all the other products of the soil, of the live-stock upon farms, of the animals slaughtered, and, in fact, of every item of husbandry of FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 23 the two sections ; and if, in bringing our tabular exercises to a close, we find slavery gaining upon freedom — a thing it has never yet been known to do — we shall, as a matter of course, see that the above amount is transferred to the credit of the side to which it of right belongs. In making up these tables we have two objects in view ; the first is to open the eyes of the non-slaveholders of the South, to the system of de- ception, that has been so long practised upon them, and the second is to show slaveholders themselves — we have reference only to those who are not too perverse, or ignorant, to perceive naked truths — that free labor is far more respectable, profitable, and productive, than slave labor. In the South, unfortunately, no kind of labor is either free or respectable. Every white man who is under the necessity of earning his bread, by the sweat of his brow, or by manual labor, in any capacity, no matter how unassuming in deportment, or exemplary in morals, is treated as if he were a loathsome beast, and shunned with disdain. His soul maybe the very seat of honor and integrity, yet without slaves — himself a slave — he is accounted as nobody, and would be deemed intolerably presump- tuous, if he dared to open his mouth, even so wide as to give faint utter- ance to a three-lettered monosyllable, like yea or nay, in the presence of an august knight of the whip and the lash. There are few Southerners who will not be astonished at the disclo- sures of these statistical comparisons, between the free and the slave States. That the astonishment of the more intelligent and patriotic non-slaveholders will be mingled with indignation, is no more than we anticipate. We confess our own surprise, and deep chagrin, at the result of our investigations. Until we examined into the matter, we thought and hoped the South was really ahead of the North in one particular, that of agriculture ; but our thoughts have been changed, and our hopes frustrated, for instead of finding ourselves the possessors of a single ad- vantage, we behold our dear native South stripped of every laurel, and sinking deeper and deeper in the depths of poverty and shame ; while, at the same time, we see the North, our successful rival, extracting and absorbing the few elements' of wealth yet remaining among us, and rising higher and higher in the scale of fame, fortune, and invulnerable power. Thus our disappointment gives way to a feeling of intense mortification, and our soul involuntarily, but justly, we believe, cries out for retribution against the treacherous slaveholding legislators, who have so basely and unpatriotically neglected the interests of their poor white constituents and bargained away the rights of posterity. Notwith- standing the fact that the white non-slaveholders of the South are in the majority, as six to one, they have never yet had any uncontrolled part or lot in framing the laws under which they live. There is no legisla- tion except for the benefit of slavery, and slaveholders. As a general rule, poor white persons are regarded with less esteem and attention 2i OOMPAKISONS BETWEEN THE than negroes, axid though the condition of the latter is wretched beyond description, vast numbers of the former are infinitely worse off. • A cun- ningly devised mockery of freedom is guaranteed to them, and that is all. To all intents and purposes they are disfranchised, and outlawed, and the only privilege extended to them, is a shallow and circumscribed partici- pation in the political movements that usher slaveholders into office. We have not breathed away nine and twenty years in the South, without becoming acquainted with the demagogical manffiuverings of the oligarchy. Their intrigues and tricks of legerdemain are as familiar to us as household words ; in vain might the world be ransacked for a more precious junto of flatterers and cajolers. It is amusing to ignorance, amazing to credulity, and insulting to intelligence, to hear them in their blustering efforts to mystify and pervert the sacred principles of liberty, and turn the curse of slavery into a blessing. To the illiterate poor whites — made poor and ignorant by the system of slavery — they hold out the idea that slavery is the very bulwark of our liberties, and the foundation of American independence ! For hours at a time, day after day, will they expatiate upon the inexpressible beauties and excellences of this great free and independent nation ; and finally with the most extravagant gesticulations and rhetorical flourishes, con- clude their nonsensical ravings, by attributing all the glory and pro- sperity of the country, from Maine to Texas, and from Georgia to Cali- fornia, to the "invaluable institutions of the South!" On the part of the intelligent listener, who cherishes a high regard for truth and jus- tice, it requires no small degree of patience and forbearance to rest quietly under the incoherent, truth-murdering declamations of these subtle-tongued champions of slavery. The lords of the lash are not only absolute masters of the blacks, who are bought and sold, and driven about like so many cattle, but they are also the oracles and arbiters of all non-slaveholding whites, whose free- dom is merely nominal, and whose unparalleled illiteracy and degrada- tion is purposely and fiendishly perpetuated. How little the " poor wliite trash," the great majority of the Southern people, know of the real condition of the country, is, indeed, sadly astonishing. The truth is, they know nothing of public measures, and little of private affairs, except what their imperious masters, the slave-drivers, condescend to tell, and that is but precious little, and even that little, always garbled and one- sided, is never told except in public harangues ; for the haughty cava- liers of shackles and handcuff's will not degrade themselves by holding private converse with those who have neither dimes nor hereditary rights in human flesh. Whenever it pleases, and to the extent it pleases, a slaveholder to become communicative, poor whites may hear with fear and trembling, but not speak. They must be as mum as dumb brutes, and stand in awe FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 25 of their august superiors, or be crushed with stern rebukes, cruel oppressions, or downright violence. If they dare to think for them- selves, their thoughts must be forever concealed. The expression of any sentiment at all conflicting with the gospel of slavery, dooms them at once in the community in which they live, and then, whether willing or unwilling, they are obliged to become heroes, martyrs, or exiles. They may thirst for knowledge, but there is no Moses among tliem to smite it out of the rocks of Iloreb. The black veil, tlu-ough whoso almost impenetrable meshes light seldom gleams, has long been pendant over their eyes, and there, with fiendish jealousy, slaveholding officials sedulously guj^rd it. Non-slaveholders are not only kept in ignorance of what is transpiring at the North, but they are continually mis- informed of what is going on even in the South. Never were the poorer classes of a people, and those classes so largely in the majority, and all inhabiting the same country, so basely duped, so adroitly swindled or so unpardonably outraged. It is expected that the stupid and sequacious masses, the white victims of slavery, will believe, and, as a general thing, they do believe, what- ever the slaveholders tell them ; and thus it is that they are cajoled into the notion that they are the freest, happiest, and most intelligent people in the world, and are taught to look witli prejudice and disap-v probation upon every new principle or progressive movement. Thus it is, that the South, woefully inert and inventionless, has lagged behind the North, and is now weltering in the cesspool of ignorance and degradation. We have already intimated that the opinion is prevalent throughout the South that the free States are quite sterile and unproductive, and that they are mainly dependent on us for breadstuffs and other provi- sions. So far astlic cereals, fruits, garden vegetables and esculent roots are concerned, we have, in the preceding tables, shown the utter falsity of tliis opinion ; and we now propose to show that it is equally erro- neous in other particulars, and very far from the truth in the general reckoning. We can prove, and we intend to prove, from facts in our pos- session, tliat the hay crop of the free States is worth considerably more in dollars and cents than all the cotton, tobacco, rice, hay and hemp produced in the fifteen slave States. This statement may strike some of our readers with amazement, and others may, for the moment, regard it as quite incredible ; but it is true, nevertheless, and we shall soon pro- ceed to confirm it. The single free State of New York produces more than three times the quantity of hay that is produced in all the slave States. Ohio produces a larger number of tons than all the Southern and Southwestern States, and so does Pennsylvania. Vermont, little and unpretending as she is, does the same thing, with the exception of Virginia. Look at the facts as presented in the tables, and le<. your own eyes, physical and intellectual, confirm you in the trutli. 2 20 COMPAKISONS BETWEEN THE And yet, forsooth, the slaveholding oligarchy would whip us into the belief that agriculture is not one of the leading and lucrative pursuits of the free States, that the soil there is an uninterrupted barren waste, and that our Northern brethren, having the advantage in nothing except wealth, population, inland and foreign commerce, manufactures, mechan- ism, inventions, literature, the arts and sciences, and their concomitant branches of profitable industry — miserable objects of charity ! — are de- I'endent on us for the necessaries of life. Next to Virginia, Maryland is the greatest Southern hay-producing State ; and yet, it is the opinion of several of the most extensive hay and grain dealers in Baltimore, with whom we have conversed on the subject, that the domestic crop is scarcely equal to one-third|the demand, and that the balance required for home consumption, about two-thirds, is chiefly brouglit from New York, Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. At this rate, Maryland receives and consumes not less than three hun- dred and fifteen thousand tons of Northern hay every year; and this, as we are informed by the dealers above-mentioned, at an average cost to the last purchaser, by the time it is stowed in the mow, of at least twenty-five dollars per ton ; it would thus appear that this most popular and valuable provender, one of the staple commodities of the North, commands a market in a single slave State, to the amount of seven mil- lion eight hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars per annum. In this same State of Maryland, less than one million of dollars' worth of cotton finds a market, the whole number of bales sold here in 1850 amounting to only twenty-three thousand three hundred and twenty- five, valued at seven hundred and forty-six thousand four hundred dollars. Briefly, then, and in round numbers, we may state the case thus : Maryland buys annually seven millions of dollars' worth of hay from the North, and one million of dollars' worth of cotton from the South. Let slaveholders and their fawning defenders read, ponder and compare. The exact quantities of Nortliern hay, rye, and buckwheat flour, Irish potatoes, fruits, clover and grass seeds, and other products of the soil, received and consumed in all the slaveholding States, we have no means of ascertaining ; but for all practical purposes, we can arrive sufficiently near to the amount by inference from the above data, and from what we see with our eyes and hear with our ears wherever we go. Food from the North for man or for beast, or for both, is for sale in every market in the South. Even in the most insignificant little villages in the interior of the slave States, where books, newspapers and other mediums of intelligence are unknown, where the poor whites and the negroes arc alike bowed down in heathenish ignorance and barbarism, and where the news is received but once a week, and then only in a Northern-built stage-coach, drawn by horses in Northern harness, in ^ FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 27 cluirgc of a driver dressed ca2)-a-2n6 in Northern habiliments, and with a Nortliern whip in his hand — the agricnltural products of the North, eitlier crude, prepared, pickled or preserved, are ever to be found. JSIortifying as the acknowledgment of the fact is to us, it is our un- biased opinion — an opinion w'hich will, we believe, be indorsed by every intelligent person who goes into a careful examination and comparison of all the facts in the case — that the profits arising to the North from the sale of provender and provisions to the South, are far greater than those arising to the South from the sale of cotton, tobacco and bread- stutf-i to the North. It follows, then, that the agricultural interests of the xNorth being not only equal but actually superior to those of the South, the hundreds of millions of dollars which the commerce and manufactures of the former annually yield, is just so nmch clear and independent gain over the latter. It follows, also, from a corresponding train or system of deduction, and with all the foregoing facts in view, that the difference between freedom and slavery is simply the difference between sense and nonsense, wisdom and folly, good and evil, right and wrong. Any observant American, from whatever point of the compass he may hail, who will take the trouble to pass though the Southern mar- kets, both great and small, as we have done, and inquire where this article, that and the other came from, will be utterly astonished at the variety and quantity of Northern agricultural productions kept for sale. And this state of things is growing worse and worse every year. Ex- clusively agricultural as the South is in her industrial pursuits, she is barely able to support her sparse and degenerate population. Her men and her domestic' animals, both dwarfed into shabby objects of com- miseration under the blighting effects of slavery, are constantly feeding on the multifarious products of Northern soil. And if the whole truth must be told, v.-e may here add, that these products, like all other arti- cles of merchandise purchased at the North, are generally bought on credit, and, in a great number of instances, by far too many, never paid for — not, as a general rule, because the purchasers are dishonest or un- willing to pay, but because they are impoverished and depressed by the retrogressive and deadening operations of slavery, that most unprofit- able and pernicious institution under which they live. To show how well we are sustained in our remarks on hay and other special products of the soil, as well as to give circulation to other facts of equal significance, we quote a single passage from an address by Paul C. Cameron, before the Agricultural Society of Orange County, North Carolina. This production is, in the main, so powerfully conceived, so correct and plausible in its statements and conclusions, and so well cal- culated, though, perhaps, not intended, to arouse the old North State to a sense of her natural greatness and acquired shame, that we could wish 28 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE to see it published in pamphlet form, and circulated throughout the length and breadth of that unfortunate and degraded heritage of slavery. Mr. Cameron says : " I know not when I have been more humiliated, as a North C;irolina farmer, than when, a few weeks ago, at a railroad depot at the very doors of our State capital, I saw wagons drawn by Kentucky mules, loading with Northern hay, for the supply not only of the town, but to be taken to the country. Such a sight at the capital of a State whose population is almost exclusively devoted to agriculture, is a most humiliating exhibition. Let us cease to use everything, as far as it is prac- ticable, that is not the product of our own soil and workshops — not an axe, or a broom, or bucket, from Connecticut. By every consideration of self-preservation, we are called to make better efforts to expel the Northern grocer from the State with his butter, and the Ohio and Kentucky horse, mule and hog driver, from our county at least. It is a reproach on us as farmers, and no little deduction from our wealth, that we suffer the population of our towns and villages to supply them- selves with butter from another Orange County in New York." "We have promised to prove that the hay crop of the free States is VForth considerably more than all the cotton, tobacco, rice, hay and hemp produced in the fifteen slave States. The compilers of the last census, as we learn from Prof. De Bow, the able and courteous superintendent, in making up the hay-tables, allowed two thousand two hundred and forty pounds to the ton. The price per ton at which we should estimate its value has puzzled us to some extent. Dealers in the article at Balti- more think it will average twenty-five dollars, in their market. Four or five mouths ago they sold it at thirty dollars per ton. At the very time we write, though there is less activity in the article than usual, we learn, from an examination of sundry prices-current and commercial journals, that hay is selling in Savannah at $33 per ton ; in Mobile and New Orleans at $26; in Charleston at $25; in Louisville at $24; and in Cincinnati at $23. The average of these prices is twenty-six dollars sixteen and ttco-third cents ; and we suppose it would be fair to employ the figures which would indicate this amount, the net value of a single ton, in calculating the total market value of the entire crop. Were we to do this — and, with the foregoing facts in view, we submit to intelli- gent men whether we would not be justifiable in doing it — the hay crop of the free States, 12,690,982 tons, in 1850, would amount in valuation to the enormous sum of $331,081,695 — more than four times the value of all the cotton produced in the United States during the same period ! But we shall not make the calculation at what we have found to be the average value per ton throughout the country. What rate, then, shall be agreed upon as a basis of comparison between the value of the hay crop of the North and that of the South, and as a means of testing the truth of our declaration — that the former exceeds the aggregate value of all the cotton, tobacco, rice, hay and hemp produced in the fif- teen slave States? Suppose we take $13 08 J— just half the average value — as the multiplier in this arithmetical exercise. This we can well afi'ond to do; indeed, we might reduce the amount per ton to much lesa FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 29 than half the average vahie, and still have a large margin left for tri- umphant demonstration. It is not our purpose, however, to make an overwhelming display of the incomparable greatness of the free States. In estimating the value of the various agricultural products of the two great sections of the country, we have been guided by prices emanating from the Bureau of Agriculture in AYasliington ; and in a catalogue of those prices now before us, we perceive that the average value of hay throughout the nation is supposed to be not more than half a cent per pound — $11 20 per ton — which, as we have seen above, is considerably less than half the present market value; — and this, too, in the face of the fact that prices generally rule higher than they do just now. It will be admitted on all sides, however, that the prices fixed upon by the Bureau of Agriculture, taken as a whole, are as fair for one section of the country as for the other, and that we cannot blamelessly deviate from them in one particular without deviating from them in another. Eleven dollars and twenty cents ($11 20) per ton shall therefore be the price; and, not- withstanding these greatly reduced figures, we now renew, with an addendum, our declaration and promise, that — We can prove, and wo shall now 2^roceed to prove, that the annual My crop of the free States is Korth considerably more in dollars and cents than all the cotton, tolacco, rice, hay, hemp, and cane sugar annually produced in the fifteen slave States. HAY CROP OF THE FREE STATES 1850. 12,690,982 tons fe $11 20 $142,138,998 SUNDRY PRODUCTS OF THE SLAVE STATES— 1850, Cotton 2.445,779 bales® $32 GO $78,264,928 Tobacco 185,023.906 lbs. " 10 18,502,390 Eice (rough) 215,313,407 lbs. " 4 8,612,539 Hay 1,137,784 tons " 11 20 12,743,180 Hemp 34,673 tons " 112 00 3,883,376 CaneSugar 237,133,000 lbs. " 7 16,599,310 Total.... $138,605,723 RECAPITULATION, Hay crop of the free States $142,138,908 Sundry products of the slave States 138,605,723 Balance in favor of the free States $3,533,275 There is the account ; look at it, and let it stand in attestation of the exalted virtues and surpassing powers of freedom. Scan it well. Mes- sieurs lords of the lash, and learn from it new lessons of the utter ineffi- ciency, and despicable imbecility of slavery. Examine it minutely, liberty-loving patriots of the North, and behold in it additional evidences of the beauty, grandeur, and superexcellence of free institutions. Trea- sure it up in your minds, outraged friends and non -slaveholders of the 30 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE South, and let the recollection of it arouse you to an inflexible determi- nation to extirpate the monstrous enemy that stalks abroad in your land, and to recover the inalienable rights and liberties, which have been filched from you by an unscrupulous oligarchy. In deference to truth, decency and good sense, it is to be hoped that the enemies of free institutions will never more have the effrontery to open their mouths in extolling the agricultural achievements of slave labor. Especially is it desirable, that, as a simple act of justice to a grossly deceived populace, they may cease their stale and senseless harangues on the importance of cotton. The value of cotton to the South, to the North, to the nation, and to the world, has been so grossly exaggerated, and so extensive have been the evils which have resulted in consequence of the extraordinary misrepresentations concerning it, that we should feel constrained to reproach ourself for remissness of duty, if we failed to make an attempt to explode the popular error. The figures above shov/ what it is, and what it is not. Eecur to them, and learn the facts. So hyperbolically has the importance of cotton been magnified by cer- tain pro-slavery politicians of the South, that the person who would give credence to all their fustian and bombast, would be under tlie necessity of believing that the very existence of almost everything, in the heaven above, in the earth beneath, and in the water under the earth, depended on it. The truth is, however, that the cotton crop is of but comparatively little value to the South. New England and Old England, by their superior enterprise and sagacity, turn it chiefly to their own advantage. It is carried in their ships, spun in their factories, woven in their looms, insured in their offices, returned again in their own vessels, and, with double freight and cost of manufacturing added, imrcliased by the South at a liigh premium. Of all tlie parties engaged or interested in its transportation and manufacture, the South is the only one that does not make a profit. Nor does she, as a general thing, make a decent profit by producing it. We are credibly informed that many of the farmers in tlie immediate vicinity of Baltimore, where Ave now write, have turned their attention exclusively to hay, and that from one acre they frequently gather two tons, for which they receive fifty dollars. Let us now inquire how many dollars may be expected from an acre planted in cotton. Mr. Cameron, from wliose able address before the Agricultural Society of Orange County, North Carolina, we have already gleaned some interest- ing particulars, informs us, that the cotton planters in his part of the country, " liave contented themselves with a crop yielding only ten or twelve dollars per acre,'' and that " the summing up of a large surface gives but a living result." An intelligent resident of the Palmetto Sfate, writing in l)c Bow's Review, not long since, advances the opinion FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 31 that the cotton planters of South Carolina are not realizing more than one per cent, on the amount of capital they have invested. While in Virginia, very recently, an elderly slaveholder, whose religious walk and conversation had recommended and promoted him to an eldership in the Presbyterian church, and who supports himself and family by raising negroes and tobacco, told us that, for the last eight or ten years, aside from the increase of his human chattels, he felt quite confident Tie had not cleared as much even as one per cent, per annum on the amount of his investment. The real and personal property of this aged Christian consists chiefly in a large tract of land and about thirty negroes, most of whom, according to his own confession, are more expensive than profitable. The proceeds arising from the sale of the tobacco they produce, are all absorbed in the purchase of meat and bread for home consump- tion, and when the crop is stunted by drought, frost, or otherwise cut short, one of the negroes must be sold to raise funds for the support of tlie others. Such are the agricultural achievements of slave labor ; such are the results of " the sum of all villainies." The diabolical institution subsists on its own flesh. At one time children are sold to procure food for the parents, at another, parents are sold to procure food for the children. Within its pestilential atmosphere, nothing succeeds ; pro- gress and prosperity are unknown ; inanition and slothfulness ensue ; everything becomes dull, dismal and unprofitable ; wretchedness and desolation stand or lie in bold relief througliout the land ; an aspect of most melancholy inactivity and dilapidation broods over every city and town; ignorance and prejudice sit enthroned over the minds of the peo- ple; usurping despots wield the sceptre of power; everywhere, and in everything, between Delaware Bay and the Gulf of Mexico, are tlie multitudinous evils of slavery apparent. The soil itself soon sickens and dies beneath the unnatural tread of the slave. Hear what the Hon. 0. C. Clay, of Alabama, has to say upon the subject. His testimony is eminently suggestive, well-timed, and truthful ; and we heartily commend it to the careful consideration of every spirited Southron who loves his country, and desires to see it rescued from the fatal grasp of " the mother of harlots." Says he : " I can show you, witli sorrow, in the older portions of Alabama, and in my native county of Madison, the sad memorials of the artless and exhausting culture of cotton. Our small planters, after taking the cream off their lands, unable to res- tore them by rest, manures, or otherwise, are going further West and South, in search of other virgin 'ands, which they may and will despoil and impoverish in like manner. Our wealthier planters, with greater means and uo more skill, are bu3-ing out their poorer neighbors, extending their plantations, and adding to their slave force. The wealthy few, who are able to live on smaller profits, and to give their blasted fields some "rest, are thus pushing off the many who are merely inde- pendent. Of the $20,000,000 annually realized from the sales of the cotton crop of Alabama, nearly all not expended in supporting the producers, is re-invested in land and negroes. Thus the white population has decreased and the slave increased almost pari passit in several counties of our State. In 1825, Madison county cast about 3,000 votes ; now, she cannot cast exceeding 2,300. In traversing that 32 COilPARISONS BETWEEN THE count}-, one will discover numerous farm-houses, once the abode of industrious and intelligent freemen, now occupied by slaves, or tenautless, deserted and dilapi- dated ; he will observe fields, once fertile, now unfenced, abandoned and covered with those evil harbingers, fox-tail and broomsedge ; he will see the moss growing on the moldering walls of once thrifty villages, and will find ' one only master grasps the whole domain,' that once "furnished happy homes for a dozen white families. Indeed, a country in its infancj', where fifty years ago scarce a forest tree had been felled by the axe of the pioneer, is already exhibiting the painful signs of senility and decay, apparent in Virginia and the Carolinas." Some one has said that " an honest confession is good for the soul," and if the adage be true, as we have no doubt it is, we think Mr. 0. 0. Clay is entitled to a quiet conscience on one score at least. In the extract quoted above, he gives us a graphic description of the ruinous operations and influences of Slavery in the Southwest ; and we, as a native of Carolina, and a traveller through Virginia, are ready to bear testimony to the fitness of his remarks when he referred to those States as examples of senility and decay. With equal propriety, however, he might have stopped nearer home for a subject of comparison. Either of the States bordering upon Alabama, or, indeed, any other slave States, would have answered his purpose quite as well as Virginia and the Carolinas. Wherever slavery exists there he may find parallels to the destruction that is sweeping with such deadly influence over his own unfortunate State. As for exami)les of vigorous, industrious and thrifty communities, tliey can be found anywhere beyond the Upas-shadow of slavery — nowhere else. New York and Massachusetts, which, by nature, are confessedly far inferior to Virginia and the Carolinas, have by the more liberal and equit- able policy which they have pursued, in substituting liberty for slavery, attained a degree of eminence and prosperity altogether unknown in the slave States. Amidst all the hyperbole and cajolery of slave-driving politicians who, as we have already seen, are " the books, the arts, the academies, that sliow, contain and govern all the South," we are rejoiced to see that Mr. Clay, Mr. Cameron, and a few others, have had the boldness and honesty to step forward and proclaim the truth. All such frank admis- sions are to be hailed as good omens for the South. Nothing good can rome from any attempt to conceal the unconcealable evidences of poverty and desolation everywhere trailing in the wake of slavery. Let the truth be told on all occasions, of the North as well as of the South, and the people will soon begin to discover the egregiousness of their errors, to draw just comparisons, to inquire into cause and efiect, and to adopt the more utile measures, manners and customs of their wiser contemporaries. In willfully traducing and decrying everything North of Mason and Dixon's line, and in excessively magnifying the importance of every- thing South of it, the oligarchy have, in the eyes of all liberal and in- FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 33 telligent ineu, only made au exhibitiun of their uncommon folly and dishonesty. For a long time, it is trne, they have succeeded in deceiv- ing the people, in keeping them humbled in the murky sloughs of poverty and ignorance, and in instilling into their untutored minds pas- sions and prejudices expressly calculated to strengthen and protect the accursed institution of slavery ; but, thanks to heaven, their inglorious reign is fast drawing to a close ; with irresistible brilliancy, and in spite of the interdict of tyrants, light from the pure fountain of knowledge is now streaming over the dark places of our land, and, ere long — mark onr words — there will ascend from Delaware, and from Texas, and from all the intermediate States, a huzza for Freedom and for Equal Eights, that will utterly confound the friends of despotism, set at defiance the authority of usurpers, and carry consternation to the heart of every slavery-propagandist. To undeceive the people of the South, to bring them to a knowledge of the inferior and disreputable position which they occupy as a com- ponent part of the Union, and to give prominence and popularity to those plans which, if adopted, will elevate us to an equality, socially, morally, intellectually, industrially, politically, and financially, with the most flourishing and refined nation in the world, and, if possible, to place us in the van of even that, is the object of tliis work. Slave- holders, either from ignorance or from a willful disposition to propagate error, contend that the South has nothing to be ashamed of, that slavery has proved a blessing to her, and that her superiority over the North in an agricultural point of view, makes amends for all her short-comings in other respects. On the other hand, we contend that many years of continual blushing and severe penance would not suffice to cancel or annul the shame and disgrace that justly attaches to the South in conse- quence of slavery — the direst evil that e'er befell the land — that the South bears nothing like even a respectable approximation to the North in navigation, commerce or manufactures, and that, contrary to the opinion entertained by ninety -nine hundredths of her people, she is far behind the free States in the only thing of which she has ever dared to boast — agriculture. We submit the question to the arbi- tration of figures, which, it is said, do not lie. With regard to the bushel-measure ])roducts of the soil, of which we have already taken an inventory, we have seen that there is a balance against the South in favor of the North of seventeen million four hundred and twenty-three thousand one hundred and fifty-tvio lusheh, and a difference in the value of the same, also in favor of the North, oi forty -four million seven hun- dred a)id eighty -two thousand six hundred and thirty-six dollars. It is certainly a most novel kind of agricultural superiority that the South claims on that score ! Our attention shall now be directed to the twelve princijjal pound- 2* 34 COMPAEISONS BKTWEEN THE measure products of the free and of the slave States — Tiay, cotton^ but- ter and cheese, tobacco, cane-sttgar, wool, rice, Jiemp, maple sugar, bees- wax and honey, flax, and hops — and in taking an account of them, we shall, in order to show the exact quantity produced in each State, and for the convenience of future reference, pursue the same plan as that adopted in the preceding tables. Whether slavery will appear to better advantage on the scales than it did in the half-bushel, remains to be seen. It is possible that the rickety monster may make a better sjiow on a new track; but if it makes a more ridiculous display, we shall nut be surprised. A careful examination of its precedents, has taught us the folly of expecting anything good to issue from it in any manner what- ever. It has no disposition to emulate the magnanimity of its betters, and as for a laudable ambition to excel, that is a characteristic altogether foreign to its nature. Languor and inertia are the insalutary viands upon which it delights to satiate its morbid appetite ; and "from bad to worse" is the ill-omened motto under which, in all its feeble eftbrts and achievements, it ekes out a most miserable and deleterious exist- ence. COMPARISONS BiaWEEN THE 35 AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE FREE STATES — 1850. California Connecticut. . , Illinois Indiana Iowa Maine Massacliusetts Michigan ... N. Uampsliire. New .Jersey .. New York. . . . Ohio Pennsylvania Rhode Island. Vermont V/iseousin Hay, tons. Hemp, tons Hops, lbs. 1- 12,690,982 4 150 44 554 3,551 92,796 8,242 40,120 121,595 10,663 257,174 2,133 2,536,299 63,731 22,088 277 288,023 15,930 Fl:ix, lbs. 17,928 160,063 584,469 62,660 17,081 1,162 7,152 7,652 182,965 940,577 446,932 530,307 85 20,852 68,393 3,463,176 ! 3,048,278 Maple Sugar, lbs. 60,796 248,904 2,921,192 78,407 93,542 795,525 2,439,794 1,298,863 2,197 10,357,484 4,588.209 2,326,525 28 6,849,357 610,976 32,161,799 Tobacco, lbs. 1,000 1,267,624 841,394 1,044,620 6,041 138,246 1,245 50 310 83,189 10,454,449 912,651 1,268 14,752,087 T^BLE 6. AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE SLAVE STATES— 1850. STATICS. Hay, tons. Hemp, tons. Hops, lbs. Flax, lbs. Maple Sugar, lbs. ' Tobacco, lbs. Alabama . ... Arkansas Delaware Florida Georgia Kentucky . . . Louisiana Maryland Mississippi Missouri North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Texas Virginia 32,685 3,976 30,159 2,510 23,449 113,747 25,752 157,956 12,504 116,925 145,653 20,925 74,091 8,354 369,093 i5 ' 17,787 63 7 16,028 39 " 595 "139 276 157 848 14 261 4,309 125 1,870 473 4,130 9,246 26 ' 1,032 7 11,506 3,921 12 291 17,174 50 5,387 2,100,116 ■ 35.686 665 627,160 593,796 333 368,131 1,048 1,000,450 643 9,380 50 437,405 255 47,740 178,910 27,932 200 158,557 1,227,665 164,990 218,936 998,614 423,924 55,501,196 26,878 21,407,497 49,900 17,113,784 11,984,780 74,285 20,148,932 66,897 56,803,227 ! 1,137,784 34,673 33,780 4,768,198 2,088,637 185,023,906 36 FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. T'^BLIi; G — Coiatinued. AGllICULTURAL PRODUCTS OP THE SLAVE STATES — 1850. STATES. Alabama Arkansas Delaware Florida Georgia Kentucky Louisiana Maryland Mississii>iii, Missouri Nortli Carolina touth Carolina. Teunessee . . . . Texas Virginia Conon, bales of -iUU lbs 504,429 C5,344 45,131 499,091 758 1TS,T37 484,292 50,545 300,901 194,5.32 58,072 3,947 2,445,779 Cane Sugar, bhds. of l.WJO lbs. 87 2,750 846 10 226,001 77 3 7,351 237,133 Rough Kice, lbs. 2,812,252 63,179 1,075,090 38,950,091 5,688 4,425,-349 2,719,856 700 5,465,808 159,930,613 258,854 88,203 17,154 215,313,497 ANIMAL PRODUCTS OF THE FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES— 1850. ANIMAI PRODUCTS OF THE STATE.5-1850. FREE ANIMAL PRODUCTS OF THE STAT E.S— 1850. SLAVE STATICS. Wool, lbs. liuttcr and Cheese, Ib.s. P.eeswax & Honey, lbs. STATE.5. \\'ool, lbs. Rutter and Cheese, lbs. Beeswax & Honey, lbs. California.. 5,520 855 Alabama.. 657,118 4,040,22.3 897,021 Connecticut 497,454 11,861.896 93,304 Arkansas.. 182,595 1,884,-327 192,338 Illinois. . . 2,15ii,113 13,804,768 869,444 Delaware. . 57,768 1,058,495 41,248 Indiana. . . 2,610,287 13,506,099 9.35,329 Florida.... 23,247 389,513 18,971 Iowa 873,898 2,881,028 821,711 Georgia. . . 990,019 4,687,535 732,514 Maine 1 ,304,034 11,678,265 189,618 Kentucky., 2,297,433 10,161,477 1,158,019 Mass 5--o,186 15,1.59,512 59,508 Louisiana.. 109,897 685,026 96,701 MiehiRan 2,0-l.",,283 8,077,390 859,232 Maryland . 477,4;« 3,810,185 74,802 New llamp. l,l(ts,476 10,173,619 117,140 Mississippi. 559,619 4,367,425 897,460 New Jc'sey 37."),39C. 9,852,960 156,694 Missouri. . . 1,627,104 8,0-37,931 1,328,972 New \ork. 10,071,301 129,.'J07,507 1,755,830 N. Carolina 970,738 4,242,211 512,289 Otno 1.',196,.371 55,268,921 804,275 S. Carolina 487,233 2,986,820 216,281 Penn 4,4--l,570 42,383,452 809.509 Tennessee. 1,864,378 8,817,266 1,036,572 Rhode I.-i... 129,692 1,312,178 6,347 Texas 131,917 2,440,199 380,825 Vermont . . 3,4(10,717 20,S58,S14 249,422 Virginia.. . 2,860,705 11,525,651 880,767 ■\\iscousiu.. 253,903 4,034,033 131,005 •39,647,211 849,S60,T88 1 6,683,868 12,797,329 '68,684,224 7^9U,760 FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATKS. 37 KECAPITDLATION — FREE STATES. flay 28,427,799,680 lbs. @ 1-2 c $142,138,998 Hemp 443,520 " " 5" 22,176 Hops 3,463,176 " " 15 " 519,476 Flax 3,048,278 " " 10" 304,827 Maple Sugar 32,161,799 " " 8" 2,672,943 Tobacco 14,762,087 " " 10" 1,475,208 Wool 39,647,211 " " 36" 13,676,523 Butter and Cheese 349,860,783 " " 15" 52,479,117 Beeswax and Honey 6,888,308 " " 15" 1,033,255 Total 28,878,064,902 lbs., valued as above, $214,422,523 RECAPITULATION — SLATE STATES. Hay 2,548,636,160 lbs. @ 1-2 c $12,743,180 Hemp 77,667,520 " " 5" 3,883,376 Hops 33,780 " " 15" 5,007 Flax 4,766,198 " " 10 " 470,619 Maple Sugar 2,088,687 " " 8" 167,094 Tobacco 185,023,906 " " 10" 18,502,390 Wool 12,797,329 " " 35" 4^479,065 Butter and Cheese 68,634,224 " " 15" 10,295,133 Beeswax and Honey 7,964,700 " " 15" 1,194,714 Cotton 978,311,600 " " 8 " 78,264,928 CaneSugar 237,133,000 " " 7" 16,599,310 Rice (rough) 215,313,497 " " 4" 8,612,539 Total 4,338,370,661 lbs., valued as above, at $155,223,415 TOTAL DIFFERENCE — POUND-MEASURE PRODUCTS. Pounds. Value. Free States 28,878,064,902 $214,422,523 Slave States 4,338,370,661 155,223,415 Balance in pounds 24,539,694,241 Difference in value, $59,199,108 Both quantity and value again in favor of the North ! Behold also the enormousness of the difference ! In this comparison with the South, neither hundreds, thousands, nor millions, according to the regular method of computation, are sufficient to exhibit the excess of the pound- measure products of the North. Recourse must be had to an almost inconceivable number ; billions must be called into play ; and there are the figures telling us, with unmistakable emphasis and distinctness, that, in this department of agriculture, as in every other, the North is vastly the superior of the South — the figures sliowing a total balance in favor of the former of twenty-four iillion Jive hundred and thirty-nine million six hundred and ninety -four thousand two hundred and forty-one 2>ounds, valued s-i fifty -nine million one hundred and ninety-nine thousand one hundred and eight dollars And yet the North, as we are unblushingly told by the fire-eating politicians of the South, is a poor, God-forsaken country, bleak, inhospitable, and unproductive ! What next ? Is it necessary to adduce other facts in order to prove that the rural wealth of the free States is far greater than that of the slave States? Shall we make a further demonstration of the fertility of northern soil, or bring foi'ward new evidences of the inefficient and 38 COMPAEISONS BETWEEN THE desolating system of terra-culture in the South ? Will nothing less than " conlinnations strong as proofs of holy writ," suffice to convince the South that she is standing in her own light, and ruining both body and soul by the retention of slavery ? Whatever duty and expedience re- quire to be done, we are willing to do. Additional proofs are at hand. Slaveholders and slave-breeders shall be convinced, confuted, convicted, and converted. They shall, in their hearts and conscience.?, if not with their tongues and pens, bear testimony to the triumphant achieve- ments of Free Laboi*. In the two tables which immediately follow these remarks, they shall see how much more vigorous and fruitful tlie soil is wheu under the prudent management of free white husbandmen, than it is when under the rude and nature-murdering tillage of enslaved negroes; and in two subsequent tables they sliall find that the live stock, slaughtered animals, farms, and farming implements and machin- ery, in the free States, are worth at least one thousand million of dol- lars more than the market value of the same in the slave States ! In the face, however, of all these most significant and incontrovertible fact.?, the oligarchy have the unparalleled audacity to tell us that the South is the greatest agricultural country in the world, and that tho North is a dreary waste, unfit for cultivation, and quite dependent on us for the necessaries of life. How preposterously false all such babble is, the following tables will show : T ^ B Xi K 8. ACTUAL CROPS PER ACRE ON THE AVEUA.GE IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES— 1850. ACTUAL CROP.-? PT.R ACRE ON Tllj.; AVKRAOK IN THE I'JtKK ST AT K.S— 1 SiO. ACTUAL CROPS PER ACRE ON THE AVERAGE IN THE SLAVE STATES-1S50. STATES. B 5 c (£■1 85 115 100 100 120 170 140 220 ioo '75 100 178 STATES. Alabama . . Arkansas... Delaware. . Floriiia. .. Georgia . . . Kentucky.. Louisiana.. Slaryland.. Mississippi. Missouri... N. Carolina S. Carolina Tennessee. Texas A'irginia. . . .2 >. CS '7 11 is 15 '7 "5 p" 15 22 20 io 24 10 23 18 34 17 11 21 20 18 Connecticut Illinois ... Indiana .. Iowa Maine Mass Michigan . . New Hanip. New Jersey New York.. Ohio Penn Rhode Is. . . Vermont. . . Wisconsin . ii i-i 14 10 10 10 11 11 12 12 15 18 14 21 29 20 30 20 20 yo 20 25 21 SO 35 14 18 13 IT 25 20 40 38 83 32 27 81 32 SO 88 2T 30 20 32 80 5 ii 15 5 S is 9 11 7 8 7 15 T T21 12 18 20 is 18 2i 12 26 10 12 19 is 60 "lV5 125 130 '"75 105 110 65 70 120 250 75 161 825 107 436 1,503 199 63 275 1,560 FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 39 RKOAPITULATION OF ACTUAL CROPS PER ACRE ON THE AVERAGE 1850. FREE STATES. Wheat 12 bushels per acre. Oats 27 " " Uvc 18 " " Indian Corn 31 " " Irish Potatoes 125 " " SLAVE STATES. Wheat 9 bushels per acre. Oats 17 " " Rye 11 " " Indian Coin 20 " " Irish I'otalocs 113 " " What an obvious contrast between the vigor of Liberty and the impotence of Slavery ? What an unanswerable argument in favor of free labor ! Add up the two columns of figures above, and what is the result? Two hundred and thirteen busliels as the products of five acres in the Nortli, and only one hundred and seventy bushels as the products of five acres in the South. Look at each item separately, and you will find that the average crop per acre of every article enumerated is }j;reater in the free States than it is in the slave States. Examine the table at large, and you will perceive that Avhile Massachusetts I'-roduces sixteen bushels of wheat to the acre, Virginia produces only seven; that Pennsylvania produces fifteen and Georgia only five: that while Iowa produces thirty-six bushels of oats to the acre, Mississippi produces only twelve ; that Rhode Island produces thirty, and North Carolina only ten ; that while Ohio produces twenty-five bushels of rye to tlie acre, Kentucky produces only eleven ; that Vermont produces twenty, and Tennessee only seven : that while Connecticut ])roduces forty bushels of Indian corn to the acre, Texas produces only twenty ; that New Jersey produces thirty-three, and South Carolina only eleven ; that while New llami)shire produces two hundred and twenty bushels of Irish potatoes to the acre, Maryland produces only seventy -five ; that Michigan ])roduces one hundred and forty, and Alabama only sixty. Now for other beauties of slavery in another table. 40 COMPAKISONS BETWEEN THE T ^ B L E VALUE OP FARMS AND DOMESTIC ANIMALS IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES— 1850. VALUE OF FARMS AND DOMESTIC ANI- VALUE 01'' FARMS AND DOME.STIC ANI- MALS IN THE FREE STATES— 1850. 1 MALS IN THE SLAVE STATES— 1850. Cash Value of Cash Value of States. Value of vajueoi Live Mock. ^/-"'■"'''^ Slaughtered. Farms, Farm- ing Imp., and Machinery. States. Value of Live Stock. Animals Slaughtered. Faim.s, tarm- inpr Imp., a;id Machinery Cal.... $3,851,058 $107,173 $3,977,524 Ala.. . . $21,690,112 $4,823,485 $69,448,887 Conn.. 7,407,490 2,202,266 74,618,963 Ark. . 6,047,969 1,163,313 16,866,541 Illinois 24,209,253 4,972,286 102,5:58,851 Del.... 1,849,281 373,665 19,390,310 Ind. .. 22,478,555 6,567,935 143,089,617 Florida 2,880,053 514,685 6,981,904 Iowa.. 8,689,275 821,164 17,830,436 Ga.... 25,728,416 6,339,762 101,647,595 Maine. 9,705,726 1,646,773 57,146,305 Ky.... 29,001,436 6,462,598 160,190,299 Mass. . 9,647,710 2,500,924 112,285,931 La. . . . 11,152,275 1,458,990 87,391,330 Mich.. 8,008,734 1,323,327 54,763,817 Md.. .. 7,997,634 1,954,800 89,641,988 N. H... 8,871,901 1,522,873 57,560,122 Miss. .. 19,403,602 1 3,636,582 60,501,561 N.J... 10,679,291 2,638,552 124,663,014 Mo. . . . 19,887,580 3,367,100 67,207,068 N. Y.... 73,570,499 13,573,883 576,631,568 N. C... 17,717,647 5,707,866 71,823,298 Ohio . . 44,121,741 7,439,243 371,509,188 S. C... 15,060,015 3,502,637 86,568,038 I'eiin. . 41,500,053 8,219,848 422,598,640 Tenn. . 29,978,016 0,401,765 103,211,422 R. I. . 1,532,637 667,480 17,508,003 Texas . 10,412,927 I 1,116,137 18,701.712 Vt 12,64;5,223 1,801,336 66,106,509 Va. . . . 33,656,059 j 7,502,986 223,423,815 Wis. . . 4,897,385. 920,178 30,170,181 1 $286,876,541 $56,990,287 1 $2,233,058,619 $253,723,6S7'$54,3S8,377l$l,183,995,274 RECAPITULATION — FREE STATES. Value of live Stock $286,376,541 Value of Animals slaughtered 56,990,231 Value of Farms, Farmiug-Implements and Machinery .2,233,058,619 Total $2,576,425,397 RECAPITULATION — SLAVE STATES. Value of Live Stock $253,723,687 Value of Animals slaughtered 54,388,377 Value of Farms, Farming-Implements and Machinery 1,183,995,274 Total $1,492,107,333 DIFFERENCE IN VALUE FARMS AND DOMESTIC ANIMALS. Free States $2,576,425,397 Slave States 1,492,107,338 Balance in favor of the Free States $1,084,318,059 FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 41 By adding to this last balance in favor of the free States the differ- ences in value which we found in their favor in our account of the bushel-and-pound-measure products, we shall have a very correct idea of the extent to which t'le undivided agricultural interests of the free States preponderate over those of the slave States. Let us add the differences together, and see what will be the result. BALAXCES — ALL IN FAVOR OF THE NORTH. Difference in the value of bushel-measure products $44,782,636 Difference in the value of pound-measure products 59,199,108 Difference in the value of farms and domestic animals 1,084,318,059 Balance in favor of the Free States 11,188,299,803 No figures of rhetoric can add emphasis or significance to these figures of arithmetic. They demonstrate conclusively the great moral triumph of Liberty over Slavery. They show unequivocally, in spite of all the blarney and boasting of slaveholding politicians, that the entire value of all the agricultural interests of the free States is very nearly twice as great as the entire value of all the agricultural interests of the slave States — the value of those interests in the former being twenty-five hundred million of dollars, that of those in the latter only fourteen hundred million, leaving a balance in favor of the free State.'- of one Mllion one hundred and eighty-eight million two hundred and ninety -nine thousand eight hzmdred and three dollars! That is what we call a full, fair and complete vindication of Free Labor. "Would we not be correct in calling it a total eclipse of the Black Orb ? It will be observed that we have omitted the Territories and the District of Columbia in all the preceding tables. "We did this purposely. Our object was to draw an equitable comparison between the value of free and slave labor in the thirty-one sovereign States, where the two systems, comparatively unaffected by the wrangling of politicians, and, as a matter of course, free from the interference of the general govern- ment, have had the fullest opportunities to exert their influence, to exhibit their virtues, and to commend themselves to the sober judgment of enlightened and discriminating minds. Had we counted the Territo- ries on the side of the North, and the District of Columbia on the side of the South, the result would have been still greater in behalf of free labor. Though " the sum of all villainies " has but a mere nominal existence in Delaware and Maryland, we have invariably counted those States on the side of the South ; and the consequence is, that, in many particulars, the hopeless fortunes of slavery have been propped up and sustained by an imposing array of figures which of right ought to be regarded as the property of freedom. But we like to be generous to an unfortunate foe, and would utterly disdain the use of any unfair means of attack or defence. 4:2 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE We shall take no undue advantage of slavery. It shall have a fair truJ, and be judged according to its deserts. Already has it been weighed in the balance, and found wanting ; it has been measured in the half-bushel, and found wanting; it has been apprized in the field, and found wanting. "Whatever redeeming traits or qualities it may possess, if any, shall be brought to light by subjecting it to other tests. It was our desire and intention to furnish a correct table of the gallon- measure products of the several States of the Union ; but we have not been successful in our attempts to procure the necessaiy statistics. Enough is known, however, to satisfy us that tlie value of the milk, wine, ardent spirits, malt liquors, fluids, oils, and molasses, annually produced and sold in the free States, is at least fifty million of dollars grea ior than the value of the same articles annually produced and sold in the slave States. Of sweet milk alone, it is estimated that the monthly sales in three Northern cities, New York, Philadelphia and Boston, amount to a larger sum than the marketable value of all the rosin, tar, pitch, and tur- pentine, annually produced in the Southern States. Our efforts to obtain reliable information respecting another very im- portant branch of profitable industry, the lumber business, have also proved unavailing ; and we are left to conjecture as to the amount of revenue annually derived from it in the two grand divisions of our cimntry. The person whose curiosity prompts him to take an account of the immense piles of Northern lumber now lying on the wharves and houseless lots in Baltimore, Eichmond, and other slaveholding cities, will not, we imagine, form a very flattering opinion of the products of Southern forests. Let it be remembered that nearly all the clippers, steamers, and small craft, are built at the North ; that large cargoes of Easteru lumber are exported to foreign countries; that nine-tenths of the wooden-ware used in the Southern States is manufactured in New Eng- land ; that, in outrageous disregard of the natural rights and claims of Southern mechanics, the markets of the South are forever filled with Northern furniture, vehicles, axe-helves, walking-canes, yard-sticks, clothes-pins and pen-holders ; that the extraordinary number of factories, steam-engines, forges and machine-shops in the free States, require an extraordinary quantity of cord-wood : that a large majority of the mag- nificent edifices and other structures, both private and public, in which timber, in its various forms, is extensively used, are to be found in the free States -we say, let all these things be remembered, and the truth will at once flash across the mind that the forests of the North are a source of fiir greater income than those of the South. The difference is simply this : At the Nortli everything is turned to advantage. When a tree is cut down, the main body is sold or used for luniber, railing, or paling, the stump for matches or slioepegs,the knees for ship-building and the branches for' fuel. At the South everything is either neglected or nismanaged. FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 43 Whole forests are felled by the ruthless hand of slavery, the trees are cut into logs, rolled into heaps, covered with the limbs and brush, and then burned on the identical soil that gave them birth. The land itself next falls a prey to the fell destroyer, and that which was once a beautiful, fertile, and luxuriant woodland, is soon despoiled of all its treasures, and converted into an eye-oifending desert. Were we to go beneath the soil and collect all the mineral and lapida- rious wealth of the free States, we should find it so much greater than the corresponding wealth of the slave States, that no ordinary combina- tion of figures would suffice to express the difference. To say nothing of tlie gold and quicksilver of California, the iron and coal of Pennsylvania, the copper of Michigan, the lead of Illinois, or the salt of New York, the marMe and free-stone quarries of New England are^ incrediile as it may ^eem to those unacquainted with the facts, far more important sources of revenue than all the subterranean deposits of the slave States. From the most reliable statistics within our reach, we are led to the inference that tlie total value of all the precious metals, rocks, minerals and medicinal waters, annually extracted from the bowels of the free States, is not less than eighty-five million of dollars ; the whole value of the same substances annually brought up from beneath the surface of the slave States does not exceed twelve millions. In this respect to what is our poverty ascribable ? To the same cause that has impoverished and dis- lionored us in all other respects — the thriftless and degrading system ol human slavery. Nature has been kind to us in all tilings. The strata and substrata of the South are profusely enriched with gold and silver, and precious stones, and from the natural orifices and aqueducts in Virginia and North Carolina, flow the purest healing waters in the world. But of what avail is all this latent wealth ? Of what avail will it ever be, so long as slavery is permitted to play the dog in the manger ? To tliese queries there can be but one reply. Slavery must be throttled ; the South, so great and so glorious by nature, must be reclaimed from her infamy and degradation ; our cities, fields and forests, must be kept intact from the unsparing monster ; the various and ample resources of our vast domain, subterraneous as well as superficial, must be developed, and made to contribute to our pleasures and to the necessities of the world. A very significant chapter, and one particularly pertinent to many of the preceding pages, might be written on the Decline of Agriculture in tlie Slave States ; but as the press of other subjects admonishes us to be concise upon tins point, we shall present only a few of the more striking instances. In tlie first place, let us compare the crops of wheat and rye in Kentucky, in 1850, with tlie corresponding crops in the same State in 1840 — after which, we will apply a similar rule of comparison to two or three other slaveholding States. u COMPAEISONS BETWEEN THE KENTUCKY. Wheat, bus. Crop of 1840 4,803,152 " 1850 2,142,822 Rye, bus. 1,321,373 415,073 Decrease 2,G60,330 bus. Decrease 90G,300 bus. TENNESSEE. Wheat, bus. Crop of 1840 4,569,G92 " 1850 1,019,386 Tobacco, lbs. 29,550,432 20,148,932 Decrease 2,950,306 bus. Decrease 9,401,500 lbs. VIRGINIA. Rye, bus. Crop of 1840 1,482,799 " 1850 458,930 Tobacco, lbs. 75,347,106 56,803,227 Decrease 1,023,869 bus. Decrease 18,543,879 lbs Wheat, bus. Crop of 1840 838,052 " 1850 294,044 Decrease 544,008 bus. Rye, bus. 51,000 17,261 Decrease 33,739 bus. The story of these figures is too intelligible to require words of expla- nation ; we shall, therefore, drop this part of our subject, and proceed to compile a couple of tables that will exhibit on a single page the wealth, revenue and expenditure, of the several States of the confederacy. Let it be distinctly understood, however, that, in the compilation of these tables, three million two hundred and four thousand three hun- dred and thirteen negroes are valued as personal property, and credited to the Southern States as if they were so many horses and asses, or bridles and blankets — and that no monetary valuation whatever is placed on any creature, of any age, color, sex or condition, that bears tlie upright form of man in the free States. FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 45 'I? A. B L. E 1 O . WEALTH, REVENUE, AND EXPENDITURE OF THE FREE AND OF THE SLAVE STATES — 1S50. WKALT! , REVENUE, AND EXPENDITURE WEALTH, REVENUE, AND EXPENDITURE OF THE FRKE STATES-1S50. OF THE SLAVE STATES— 1850. Stales. Real and Fei^oiial Revenue. Expend! - States. Real and I'eisonMl Revenue. E>pi-ndi- F.ppeity. Properly. Cal $22,161,872 $366,825 $925,625 Ala. . . . $228,204,332 $658,976 $513,559 Conn.... 155,707,980 150,189 1:37,326 Ark. . . . 89,841,025 68,412 74,076 Illinois. 156,265,006 736,0:30 192 940 Del. . . . 18,855,863 Indiana 21)2,650,264 1,283,064 1,061,605 Florida. 23,198,734 60,619 55,234 Iowa. .. 2:5,714,638 139,681 131,6:31 Georgia 335,425,714 1,142,405 597,882 Maine.. 122,777,571 744,879 624,101 Ky 301,628,406 779,293 674,697 JIass... 57:3,:342,2S6 598,170 674,622 La 2:33,998,764 1,146,568 1,098,911 Mich . . 59,7s7,255 &4S,:326 4:31,91* Md 219,217,364 1,279,953 1,360,458 N. H. . 10:3,652,8:35 141,686 149,!S90 Miss 223,951,130 221,200 223,637 N. J.... 158,151,619 1:39,166 180,614 Mo 137,247,707 826,579 207,656 N. Y. . . 1,080,309,216 2,G9S,310 2,520,932 N. 0. . . 226,800,472 219,000 228,173 Ohio . . . 504,726,120 8,016,408 2,736,0*50 S. C. . . . 288,257,694 582,152 463,021 Penn. .. 729,144,998 7,716,552 6,876,480 Tenn. .. 207,454,704 502,126 623,625 R I.... 80,508,794 124,94^ 115,885 Texas . . 55,:362,:340 140,688 156,622 Vt 92,205,049 185,880 183,058 Va 391,646,438 1 1,265,744 1,272,382 ■\Vi3. . . . 42,056,595 135,155 136,096 $4,102,172,108 $18,725,211 $17,076,733 $2,936,090,737 j $8,843,715 $7,549,933 Entire Wealth of the Free States, $4,102,172,108 Entu-e Wealth of the Slave States, including Slaves, 2,936,090,737 Balance ia favor of the Free States, $1,166,081,371 What a towering monument to the beauty and glory of Free Labor ! What h-refragable evidence of the unequalled efficacy and grandeur of free institutions ! These figures are, indeed, too full of meaning to be passed by without comment. The two tables from which they are bor- rowed are at least a volume within themselves; and, after all the pains we have taken to compile them, we shall, perhaps, feel somewhat dis- appointed if the reader fails to avail himself of the important information they impart. Human life, in all ages, has been made up of a series of adventures and experiments, and even at this stage of the world's existence, we are, perhaps, almost as destitute of a perfect rule of action, secular or reli- gious, as were the erratic contemporaries of Noah. It is true, however, that we have made some progress in the right direction ; and as it seems to be the tendency of the world to correct itself, we may suppose that future generations will be enabled, by intuition, to discriminate between the true and the false, the good and the bad, and that with the develop- ment of this faculty of the mind, error and discord will begin to wane, 46 COMPAEISONS BETWEEN THE and finally cease to exist. Of all the experiments that have been tried by the people in America, slavery lias proved the most fatal ; and the sooner it is abolished the better it will be for us, for posterity, and for the world. One of the evils resulting from it, and that not the least, is apparent in the figures above. Indeed, the unprofitaMeness of slavery is a monstrous evil, when considered in all its bearings ; it makes us poor ; poverty makes us ignorant ; ignorance makes us wretched ; wretchedness makes us wicked, and wickedness leads to — the devil ! "IgQorance is the curse of God, Knowledge the wing wherewith we fly to heaven." Facts truly astounding are disclosed in the two last tables, and we could heartily wish that every intelligent American would conunit them to memory. The total value of all the real and personal property of the free States, with an area of only 012,597 square miles, is one billion one hundred and sixty-six million eighty-one thousand three hundred and seventy-one dollars greater than the total value of all the real and per- sonal property, including the price of 3,204,313 negroes, of the slave States, which have an area of 851,508 square miles/ But extraordinary as this difference is in favor of the North, it is much less than the true amount. On the authority of Southrons themselves, it is demonstrable beyond the jwssHility of refutation that the intriiuic value of all the property in the free States is more than three times greater than the intrinsic value of all the property in the slave States. James Madison, a Southern man, fourth President of the United States, a most correct thinker, and one of the greatest statesmen the country has produced, " thought it wrong to admit the idea that there could be property in men," and we indorse, to the fullest extent, this opinion of the profound editor of the Federalist. "We shall not recognize property in men ; the slaves of the South are not worth a groat in auy civilized community ; no man of genuine decency and refinement would hold them as property on any terms; in the eyes of all enlightened nations and individuals, tliey are men, not merchandise. Southern pro- slavery politicians, some of whom have not liesitated to buy and sell their own sons and daughters, boast that the slaves of the South are worth sixteen hundred million of dollars, and we have seen the amount estimated as high as two thousand million. Mr, De Bow, the Southern superintendent of the seventh census, informs us that the value of all the pi'operty in the slave States, real and personal, including slaves, was, in 1850, only $2,930,090,737; while, according to the same authority, the value of all the real and personal property in the free States, genuine property, property that is everywhere recognized as property, was, at the same time, $4,102,172,108. Now all we have to do in order to ascertain the i-cal value of all the property of the South , independent of FKEB AND THE SLAVE STATES. 47 cegroes, -whose value, if valuable at all, is of a local and precarious character, is to subtract from the sum total of Mr. De Bow's return of the entire wealth of the slave States the estimated value of the slaves themselves; and then, by deducting the difference from the intrinsic value of all the property in the free States, we shall have the exact amount of the overplus of wealth in the glorious land of free soil, free labor, free speech, free presses, and free schools. And now to the task. Entire Wealth of the Slave States, including Slaves, $2,936,090,737 Estimated Value of the Slaves, 1,000,000,000 True Wealth of the Slave States, : $1,33G,0'J0,737 True Wealth of the Free States, $4,102,172,108 True Wealth of the Slave States, I,330,0ij0,737 Balance in favor of the Free States, |2,7GG,0»1,371 There, friends of the South and of the North, you have the conclusion of the whole matter. Liberty and slavery are before you : choose which you will have; as for us, in the memorable language of the immortal Henry, we say, "give us liberty, or give us death !" In the great strug- gle for wealth that has been going on between the two rival systems of free and slave labor, the balance above exhibits the net profits of the former. The struggle on the one side has been calm, laudable, and emi- nently successful ; on the other, it has been attended by tumult, unutter- able cruelties and disgraceful failure. We have given the slave oligarchy every conceivable opportunity to vindicate their domestic policy, but for them to do it is a moral impossibility. Less than three-quarters of a century ago — say in 1789, for that was about the average time of the abolition of slavery in the Northern States — the South, with advantages in soil, climate, rivers, harbors, minerals, forests, and, indeed, almost every other natural resource, be- gan an even race with the North in all the important pursuits of life; and now, in the brief space of scarce three score years and ten, we find her completely distanced, enervated, dejected and dishonored. Slave- owners and slave-drivers are the sole authurs of her disgrace ; as they have sown, so let them reap. As we have seen above, a careful and correct inventory of all the real and personal^rop $3,933,535,520 of slavery ) Putative value of the slaves 1,600,000,000 Slaveholders' estimated net landed profits of emancipation $2,333,535,520 "What is the import of these figures? They are full of meaning. They proclaim themselves the financial intercessors for freedom, and, with that open-hearted liberality which is so characteristic of the sacred cause in wliose behalf tliey plead, they propose to pay you upward of three thousand nine hundred million of dollars for the very " property" which yoa, in all the extravagance of your unchastened avarice, could not find a heart to price at more than one thousand six hundred million. In other words, your own lands, groaning and languishing under the mon- strous burden of slavery, announce their willingness to pay you all you ask for tlie negroes, and offer you, besides, a bonus of more than twenty- three hundred million of dollars, if you will but convert those lands into free soil! Our lands, also, cry aloud to be spared from the further pollu- tions and desolations of slavery; and now, sirs, we want to know explicitly whether, or not, it is your intention to heed these lamentations of the ground ? We, the non-slaveholders of the South, have many very important interests at stake— interests which, heretofore, you have stead- ily despised and trampled under foot, but which, henceforth, we shall foster and defend in utter deliance of all the unliullowed influences which it is pi»s>ibie for you, or any other class of slaveholders or slavebreeders to bring against us. Not tlie least among these interests is our landed property, wiiich, tc command a decent price, only needs to be disencum- bered of slavery. HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 67 In his present condition, -we believe, man exercises one of the noblest virtues with which heaven has endowed him, when without taking any undue advantage of his fellow-men, and with a firm, unwavering purpose to confine his expenditures to the legitimate pursuits and pleasures of life, he covets money and strives to accumulate it. Entertaining this view, and having no disposition to make an improper use of money, we are free to confess that we have a greater penchant for twenty-eight dol- lars than for five ; for ninety than for fifteen ; for a thousand than for one hundred. South of Mason and Dixon's line we, the non-slaveholders, have 331,902,720 acres of land, the present average market value of which, as previously stated, is only $5 34 per acre ; by abolishing slavery we expect to enhance the value to an average of at least $28 07 per acre, and thus realize an average net increase of wealth of more than seventy- five liundred million of dollars. The hope of realizing smaller sums has frequently induced men to perpetrate acts of injustice ; we can see no reason why the certainty of becoming immensely rich in real estate, or other property, sliould make us falter in the performance of a sacred duty. As illustrative of our theme, a bit of personal history may not be out of place in this connectiou. Only a few months have elapsed since we sold to an elder brother an interest we held in an old homestead which was willed to us many years ago by our deceased father. The tract of land, containing two hundred acres, or thereabouts, is situated two and a half miles west of Mocksville, the capital of Davie county, North Caro- lina, and is very nearly equally divided by Bear Creek, a small tribu- tary of the South Yadkin. More than one-third of this tract— on which we have ploughed,and hoed, andharrowed, many along summer without ever suffering from the effects of coup de soleil—\s under cultivation ; the remaining portion is a well-timbered forest, in which, without being very particular, we counted, while hunting through it not long since, sixty-three different kinds of indigenous trees— to say nothing of either coppice, shrabs or plants — among which the hickory, oak, ash, beech, birch, and black walnut, were most abundant. No turpentine or rosin, is produced in our part of the State ; but there are, on the place of which we speak, several species of the genus Pinus, by the light of whose flam- mable knots, as radiated on the contents of some half-dozen old books which, by hook or by crook, had found their way into the neigliborhood, we have been enabled to turn the long winter evenings to some advantage, and have thus partially escaped from the prison-grounds of those loath- some dungeons of illiteracy in which it has been the constant policy of the oligarchy to keep the masses, the non-slaveholding whites and the negroes, forever confined. The fertility of the soil may be inferred from the quality and variety of its natural productions ; the meadow and the bottom, comprising, perhaps, an era of forty acres, are hardly surpassed 68 UOW SLAVEUV CAN BE ABOLISHED. by the best lands in the vallej- of the Yadkin. A thorough examination of the orchard will disclose the fact that considerable attention has been paid to the selection of fruits ; tlie buildings are tolerable ; the water is good. Altogether, to be frank, and nothing more, it is, for its size, one of the most desirable farms in the country, and will, at any time, com- mand the maximum price of land in Western Carolina. Our brother, anxious to become the sole proprietor, readily agreed to give us the highest market price, which we shall publish by and bye. While read- ing the Baltimore Sun, the morning after we had made the sale, our attention was allured to a paragraph headed " Sales of Eeal Estate," from which, among other significant items, we learned that a tract of land containing exactly two hundred acres, and occupying a portion of one of the rural districts in the southeastern part of Pennsylvania, near the Maryland line, had been sold the week before, at one httndred and five dollars and fifty cenU per acre. Judging from the succinct account given in the Sun, we are of the opinion that, with regard to fertility of soil, the Pennsylvania tract always has been, is now, and perhaps always will be, rather inferior to the one under special consideration. One is of the same size as the other ; both are used for agricultural purposes ; in all probability the only essential difference between them is this : one is blessed with the pure air of freedom, the other is cursed with the malaria of slavery. For our interest in the old homestead we received a nominal sum, amounting to an average of precisely j?cc dollars and sixty cents Yier acre. No one but our brother, who was keen for the purchase, would have given us quite so much. And now, pray let us ask, what does this narrative teach? We shall use few words in explanation ; there is an extensive void, but it can be better filled with reflection. The aggregate value of the one tract is $21,100 ; that of the other is only $1,120 ; the difference is $19,980. We contend, therefore, in view of all the circumstances detailed, that the ad- vocates and retainers of slavery, have, to all intents and purposes, defrauded our family out of this last-mentioned sum. In like manner, and on the same basis of deduction, we contend that almost every non- slaveholder, who either is or has been the owner of real estate in tie South, would in a court of strict justice, be entitled to damages — the amount in all cases to be determined with reference to the quality of the land in question. We say this, because in violation of every principle of expediency, justice, and humanity, and in direct opposition to our solemn protests, slavery was foisted upon us, and has been thus far perpetuated by and through the wily intrigues of the oligarchy, and by them alone ; and furtliermorc, because the very best agricultural lands in the N'ortbern States being worth from one hundred to one hundred and seventy-five dollars per acre, there is no possible reason, except slavery, why the more fertile and congenial soil of the South should not be worth at least now SLAVKRY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 69 as much. If, on this principle, we could ascertain, in the matter of real estate, the total indebtedness of the slaveholders to the non-slaveholders, we should doubtless find the sum quite equivalent to the amount esti- mated on a preceding page— -$7,54:4,148,825. We have recently conversed with two gentlemen who, to save them- selves from the poverty and disgrace of slavery, left North Carolina six or seven years ago, and who are now residing in the territory of Minne- sota, where they have accumulated handsome fortunes. One of them had travelled extensively in Kentucky, Missouri, Ohio, Indiana, and other adjoining States ; and, according to his account, and we know him to be a man of veracity, it is almost impossible for persons at a distance, to form a proper conception of the magnitude of the difierence between the current value of lands in the Free and the Slave States of the West. On one occasion, embarking at Wheeling, he sailed down the Ohio; Virginia and Kentucky on the one side, Ohio and Indiana on the other. He stopped at several places along the river, first on the right bank, then on the left, and so on, until he arrived at Evansville ; continuing his trip, he sailed down to Cairo, thence up the Mississippi to the mouth of the Des Moines ; having tarried at different points along the route, sometimes in Missouri, sometiines in Illinois. Wherever he landed on free soil, he found it from one to two hundred per cent, more valuable than the slave soil on the opposite bank. If, for instance, the maximum price of land was eight dollars in Kentucky, the minimum price was sixteen in Ohio ; if it was seven dollars in Missouri, it was fourteen in Illmois. Furthermore, he assured us, that, so far as he could learn, two years ago, when he travelled through the States of which we speak, the range of prices of agricultural lands, in Kentucky, was from three to eight dollars per acre ; in Ohio, from sixteen to forty ; in Missouri, from two to seven; in Illinois, from fourteen to thirty; in Arkansas, from one to four ; in Iowa, from six to fifteen. In all the old slave States, as is well known, there are vast bodies of land that can be bought for the merest trifle. We know an enterprising capitalist in Philadelphia, who owns in his individual name, in the State of Virginia, one hundred and thirty thousand acres, for which he paid only thirty-seven and a half cents per acre ! Some years ago, in certain parts of North Carolina, several large tracts were purchased at the rate of twenty-five cents per acre ? Hiram Berdan, the distinguished inventor, who has frequently seen freedom and slavery side by side, and who is, therefore, well qualified to form an opinion of their relative influence upon society, says : "Many comparisons mijrht be drawn between the free and the slave States, either of wliic!i should be sufficient to satisfy any man that slavery is not only ruin- ons to free labor and enterprise, but injurious to morals, and bhghtmg to tlie soil wht-re it exists. The comparison between the States of Michigan and Arkansas, wb -h were admitted into the Union at the same time, will tairly il.u=traue tue 70 now SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. difTcrence and value of free and slave labor, as well as the difference of moral ami intellectual progress in a free and in a slave State. " In l.'S3G, those j-oung Stars were admitted into the constellation of the Union. Michigan, with one-half the extent of territory of Arkansas, challenged her sister State for a twenty years' race, and named as'hcr rider, 'Neither slavery, nor in- voluntary servitude, unless for the punishment of crime, shall ever be tolerated in this State.' Arkansas accejited the challenge, and named as her rider, 'The General Assembly shall have no power to pass laws for the emancipation of slaves without the consent of the owners.' Thns mounted, these two States, the one free and the other slave, started together twenty years ago, and now, having arrived at the end of the j)roposed race, let us revii'W and mark the progress of each. Michigan comes out in 1856 with three times the population of slave Arkansas, with live times the assessed value of farms, faiming imikmcnls and machinery, and with eight times the number of public schools." In the foregoing part of our work, -vve have drawn comparisons be- tween the old free States and the old slave States, and between the new free States and the new slave States ; had we sufficient time and space, we might with the most significant results, change this method of com- parison, by contrasting the new free States with the old slave States. Can the slavery-extensionists compare Ohio with Virginia, Illinois with Georgia, or Indiana with South Carolina, without experiencing the agony of inexpressible shame? If they can, then indeed lias slavery debased tliein to a lower deep than we care to contemplate. We shall now introduce two tables of valuable and interesting statistics, to which philosophic and discriminating readers will doubt- less have frequent occasions to refer. Table 11 will show the area of tlie several States, in square miles and in acres, and the number of iniiabitants to the square mile in each State; also the grand total, or the average, of every statistical column; table 12 will exhibit the total number of inhabitants residing in each State, according to the census of 1850, the number of whites, the number of free colored, and the num- ber of slaves. The recapitulations of these tables will be followed by a complete list of the number of slaveholders in the United States, show- ing the exact number in each Southern State, and in the District of Columbia. Most warmly do we commend all these statistics to the studious attention of the reader. Their language is more eloquent than any possible combination of Roman vowels and consonants. We have spared no pains in arranging them so as to express at a single glance the great truths of which they are composed ; and we doubt not that the jilan we have adopted will meet with general approbation. Numerically considered, it will be perceived that the slaveholders are, in reality, a very insignificant class. Of them, however we shall have more to say hereafter. HOW SLAVERY CAJST BE ABOLISHED. 71 T.AJBIL.E 11. AREA OF THB FREE AND OF THE SLATE STATES. AREA OF THE FREE STATES. AREA OF THE SLAVE STATES. States. Square Miles. Acres. Inhabitants to sq. mile. States. Square Miles. Acres. Inhabitants t . sq. mile. California 155,930 99,827,200 .59 Alabama 50,722 32,027,490 15.21 Conn 4,674 2,991,360 79.3;3 Arkansas 52,198 -33,40(;,720 4.02 Illinois. . . 55,405 35,359,200 15.37 Delaware 2,120 1,356,800 43.18 Indiana.. 33,SU9 21,687,760 29.24 Florida.. 59,268 37,931,520 1.48 Iowa 50,914 32,584,960 3.78 Georgia . 58,000 37,120,000 15.62 Maine. . . . 31,766 20,330,240 18.36 Kentucky 37,680 24,115,200 26.07 Mass 7,800 4,992,000 127.50 Louisiana! 41,255 86,403,2110 12.55 Michigan. 56,243 35,995,520 7.07 Maryland] 11,124 7,119,360 52.41 N. Uamp. 9,2>0 5,939,200 34.26 Miss 47,156 30,179,840 12.86 N. Jersey- 8,320 5,324,800 5S 84 Missouri. 67,380 43,123,200 10.12 New York 47,000 30,080,000 65.90 N.C 50,704 32,450,560 17.14 Ohio 39,964 26,576,9.J0 49.55 S. C 1 29,385 18,805,400 22.75 Penn 46,000 29,440,000 50.26 Tenn. ... 1 45, 6^0 29,184,000 21.99 Rhode Is. 1,306 835,840 112.97 Texas... 237,.504 152,002,560 .89 Vermont. 10,312 6,.535,6S0 80.76 Virginia. : 61,352 39,165,280 23.17 Wisconsin 53,924 34,511,860 5.66 612,597 392,062,080 21.91 851,443 544,926,720 11.29 T^BLE 13. POPULATION OF THE FREE AND OF THE SLAVE STATES— 1850. POFUL.-VTIOX OF THE FREE STATES— | POPULATION OF THE SLAVE STATICS— 1850. 1830. States. Whites. Free Colored. Total. States. Whites. Free Colored. Slaves. Total. California 91,635 962 92,597 Alabama 426,514 2,265 342,844 771,628 Conn 363,099 7,693 370,792 Arkansas 162,189 608 47,100 209,897 Illinois. .. 846,034 5,436 851,470 Delaware 71,169 18,073 2,290 91 ,532 Indiana.. 977,154 11,262 988,416 Florida . 47,203 932 -89,310 87,445 Iowa 191,881 333 192,214 Georgia. 521,572 2,931 381,622 906,18.) Maine .. . 581,813 1,-356 583,169 Kentucky 761,413 10,011 210,981 982,405 Mass 985,450 9,064 994,514 Louisiana 255,491 17,462 244,809 51T,Ti:2 Michigan. 895,071 2,583 397,654 Maryland 417,943 74,723 90,368 583,034 N. Hamp. 317,456 520 817,976 Miss 295,718 930 809.878 606,-326 N. Jersey 465,609 23,810 489,.555 Missouri. 592,004 2,618 87,422 New York 3,048,325 49,069 8,097,394 N. C. ... 553,028 27,463 288,548 Ohio 1,955,050 25,279 1,980,329 S. c. ... 274,563 8,960 884,984 Penn 2,258,160 53,626 2,311,786 Tenn. ... 756,836 6,422 239,4.59 1,002,717 Rhode Is. 143,875 8,670 147,.545 Texas . . . 1.54,0-34 897 58,161 Vermont.. 313,402 718 314,120 Virginia. 894,800 54,833 472,5j8 1,421,661 Wisconsia 804,756 535 805,391 18,233,670 1 196,116 13,434,922 «,184,47T 228,138 g,200,8&4 9,612,979 72 now SLAVEKY CAN BE ABOLISHED. RECAPITULATION — AREA. Square Miles. Awes. Area Of the Slave States 851,448 ^JffiS Area of the Free States 612,597 392,062,082 Balances in favor of Slave States, 238,851 152,864,638 RECAPITULATION — POPULATION 1850. Whites. Total. Population of the Free States 13,233.670 l^*?*'^?^ Population of the Slave States 6,184,477 9,612,9^6 Balances in favor of the Free States, .... 7,049,193 3,821,946 FREE COLOKED AND SLAVE — 1850. Free Negroes in the Slave States 228,1.38 Free Negroes in the Free States 196,116 Excess of Free Negroes in the Slave States 32,022 Slaves in the Slave States 3,200,364 Free Negroes in the Slave States 228,138 Aggregate Negro Population of the Slave States in 1850 3,428,502 THE TEREITORIES AND THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. Area in Square Miles. Population. Indian Territory 71,127 Kansas " 114,798 Minnesota " 166,025 6,077 Nebraska " 335,882 N. Me-xico " 207,007 61,547 Oregon " 185,030 13,294 Utah " 269,170 11,380 Washington " 123,022 Columbia, Dist. of 60 *51,687 Aggregate of Area and Population 1,472,121 143,985 NUMBER OF SLAVEHOLDERS IN THE UNITED STATES — 1850. Alabama 29,295 Arkansas 6,999 Columbia, District of 1,477 Delaware 809 Florida 3,520 Georgia 38,456 Kentucky 38,385 Louisiaua 20,670 Carried forward, 138,611 * Of 'he M.'^«7 InhnbU.ints in the District of Columbia, iu 1850, 10,057 were Free Colorsd, Hid i>,Ooi »ere vluves. now SLAVERY CAlf BE ABCLISHED. Y3 Brought forward 138,611 Maryland 16,040 Mississippi 23,116 Missouri 19,185 North Carolina 28,303 South Carolina 25,596 Tennessee 33,864 Texas 7,747 Virginia 55,063 Total Number of Slaveholders in the United States 347,525 CLASSIFICATION OF SLAVEH0LDEE8 — 1850. Holders of 1 slave 08,820 Holders of 1 and under 5 105,683 Holders of 5 and under 10 80,705 Holders of 10 and under 20 54,595 Holders of 20 and under 50 29,733 Holders of 50 aad under 100 6,196 Holders of 100 and under 200 1,479 Holders of 200 and under 300 187 Holders of 300 and under 600 56 Holders of 500 and under 1,000 9 Holders of 1,000 and over 2 Aggregate Number of Slaveholders in the United States .' 347,525 It thus appears that there are in the United States, three hundred and forty-seven thousand five hundred and twenty-five slaveholders. But this appearance is deceptive. The actual number is certainly less than two hundred thousand. Professor De Bow, the Superintendent of the Census, informs us that "the number includes slave-hirers," and further- more, that " where the party owns slaves in different counties, or in dif- ferent States, he will be entered more than once." Now every South- erner, who has any practical knowledge of affairs, must kuow, and does know, that every New Year's day, like almost every other day, is dese- crated in the South, by publicly hiring out slaves to large numbers of non-slaveholders. The slave-owners, who are the exclusive manufac- turers of public sentiment, have popularized the dictum that white ser- vants are unfashionable ; and there are, we are sorry to say, nearly one hundred and sixty thousand non-slaveholding sycophants, who have sub- scribed to this false philosophy, and who are giving constant encourage- ment to the infamous practices of slaveholding and slave-breeding, by hiring at least one slave every year. With the statistics at our command, it is impossible for us to ascer- tain the exact numbers of slaveholders and non-slaveholding slave-hirers in the slave States ; but we have data which will enable us to approach very near to the facts. The town from which we hail, Salisbury, the capital of Rowan county, North Carolina, contains about twenty-three hundred inhabitants, including three hundred and seventy-two slaves, 4 74: HOW SLA\TiKY CAN BE ABOLISHED. firty-one slaveholders, and forty-three non-slaveholding slave-hirers. Taking it fur granted that this town furnishes a fair relative proportion of all the slaveholding, and non-slaveholding slave-hirers in the slave States, the whole number of the former, including those who have been " entered more than once," is one hundred and eighty-eight thousand five hundred and fifty-one; of the latter, one hundred and fifty- eight thousand nine hundred and seventy-four; and, now, estimating that there are in Maryland, Virginia, and other grain-growing States, an aggregate of two thousand slave-owners, who have cotton plantations stocked with negroes in the far South, and who have been " entered more than once," we fmd, as the result of our calculations, that the total number of actual slaveholders in the Union, is precisely one hun- dred and eighty-six thousand five hundred and fifty-one — as follows : Number of actual slaveholders in the Uuited States 186,551 Number " entered more than once " 2,000 Number of non-slaveholding slave-hirers 158,974 Aggregate number, according to De Bow 347,525 The greater number of non-slaveholding slave-hirers, are a kind of third-rate aristocrats — persons who formely owned slaves, but whom slavery, as is its custom, has dragged down to poverty, leaving them, in their false and shiftless pride, to eke out a miserable existence over the hapless chattels personal of other men. Thus far in giving expression to our sincere and settled opinions, we have endeavored to show, in the first place, that slavery is a great moral, social, civil, and political evil — a dire enemy to true wealth and national greatness, and an atrocious crime against both God and man ; and, in the second jdace, that it is a paramount duty which we owe to heaven, to the earth, to America, to humanity, to our posterity, to our con- sciences, and to our pockets, to adopt eflectual and judicious measures for its immediate suppression. The questions now arise. How can the evil be averted ? "What are the most prudent and practicable means that can bo devised for the abolition of slavery ? In the solution of these jiroblems it becomes necessary to deal with a multiplicity of stubborn realities. And yet, we can see no reason why North Carolina, in her sovereign cajjacity, may not with equal ease and success, do what forty-five other States of the world have done within the last forty -five years. Nor do we believe any good reason exists why Virginia should not perform as great a deed in 1869 as did New York in 1799. Mas- Bachusetta abolished slavery in 1780 ; would it not be a masterly stroke of policy in Tennessee, and every other slave State, to abolish it in or before 1870? To the non-slaveholding whites of the South, as a deeply-wronged HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 76 aud vituUy distinct political party, we must look for that change of law, or reorganization of society, which, at an early dav, we hope, is to result in the substitution of liberty for slavery ; and, under aU the circum- stances, it now becomes their duty to mark out an independent course for themselves, and to utterly contemn and ignore the many base instru- ments of power, animate and inanimate, which have been so freely and so effectually used for their enslavement. Steering entirely clear of the oligarchy, now is the time for the non-slaveholders to assert their rights and liberties; never before was there such an appropriate period to strike for Freedom in the South. Had it not been for the better sense, the purer patriotism, and the more practical justice of the non-slaveholders, the Middle States and ISTew England would still be groaning and grovelling under the ponderous burden of slavery; New York would never have risen above the dishon- orable level of Virginia ; Pennsylvania, trampled beneath the iron-heel of tlie black code, would have remained the unprogressive parallel of Georgia ; Massachusetts would have continued till the present time, and Heaven only knows how much longer, the contemptible coequal of South Carolina. Succeeded by the happiest moral effects and the grandest physical results, we have seen slavery crushed beneath the wisdom of the non- slaveholding statesmen of the North ; followed by corresponding influ- ences and acliievements, many of us vrho have not yet passed the meri- dian of life, are destined to see it equally crushed beneath the wisdom of the non-slaveholding statesmen of the South. With righteous ind'ig- nation, we enter our protest against' the base yet baseless admission that Louisiana and Texas are incapable of producing as great statesmen as Ehode Island and Connecticut. "What has been done for New Jersey by the statesmen of New Jersey, can be done for Kentucky by tlie states- men of Kentucky ; the wisdom of the former State has abolished slavery ; as sure as tlie earth revolves on its axis, the wisdom of the latter will not do less. That our plan for the abolition of slavery is the best that can bo devised, we have not the vanity to contend ; but that it is a good one, and will do to act upon until a better shall have been suggested, we do firmly and conscientiously believe. Though but little skilled in the deli- cate art of surgery, we have pretty thoroughly probed slavery, the frightful tumor on the body politic, and have, we think, ascertained the jirecise remedies requisite for a speedy and perfect cure. Possibly the less ardent friends of freedom may object to our prescription, on the ground that some of its ingredients are too griping, and that it will cost the patient a deal of most excruciating pain. But let them remember that the patient is exceedingly refractory, that the case is a desperate one, and that drastic remedies are indispensably necessary, "When they 76 HOW SLAVEKY CAN BE ABOLISHED. shall have discovered milder yet equally eflficacions ones, it will be time euoiiyb to di.scontiuue the use of ours — then no one will be readier than we to discard the infallible strong recipe for the infallible mild. Not at the persecution of a few thousand slaveholders, but at the restitution of natural rights and prerogatives to several million of non-slaveholders, do we aim. |- Inscribed on the banner, which we herewith unfurl to the world, with the full and fixed determination to stand by it or di® by it, unless one of more virtuous efficacy shall be presented, are the mottoes which, in sub- stance, embody the principles, as we conceive, that should govern us in our patriotic warfare against the most subtle and insidious foe that ever men- aced the inalienable rights and liberties and dearest interests of America : 1st. Thorough Organization and Independent Political Action on the part of the Xon-Slaveholding Whites of the South. !lud. Ineligibility of Pro-.slavery Slaveholders — K^ever another vote to any one who advocates the Retention and Perpetuation of Human Slavery. 3rd. No Cooperation with Pro-slavery Politicians — No Fellowship with them in Religion — No Affiliation with them in Society. 4th. No Patronage to Pro-slavery Merchants — No Guestship in Slave- waiting Hotels — No Fees to Pro-slavery Lawyers — No Employment of Pro-slavery Physicians — No audience to Pro-slavery Parsons. 5th. No more Hiring of Slaves by Non-Slaveholders. 6th. Abrupt Discontinuance of Subscription to Pro-slavery Newspapers. 7th. The Greatest Possible Encouragement to Free "White Labor. This, then, is the outline of our scheme for the abolition of slavery in the Southern States. Let it be acted upon with due promptitude, and, as certain as truth is mightier than error, fifteen years will not elapse before every foot of territory, from the mouth of the Delaware to tho eniboguing of the Rio Grande, will glitter with the jewels of freedom. Some time during this year, next, or the year following, let tliere be a general convention of non-slaveholders from every slave State in the Union, to deliberate on the momentous issues now pending. First, let tlicui adopt measures for holding in restraint the mischievous excesses of the oligarchy; secondly, in order to cast off the thralldom which the despotic slave-power has fastened upon them, and, as the first step neces- sary to be taken to regain the inalienable rights and liberties with which they were invested by nature, but of which they have been divested by the Vandalic dealers in human flesh, let them devise ways and means for the complete anniiiilution of slavery ; thirdly, let them put forth an equitable and comprehensive platform, fully defining tlieir position, and inviting tlie active sympathy and cooperation of tlie millions of down- trodden non-slaveholders throughout the Southern and Southwestern States. Let all these things bo done, not too hastily, but with calmness, HOW SLAVEKT CAN BE ABOLISHED, 77 deliberation, prudence and circumspection ; if need be, let the delet^ates to the convention continue in session one or two weeks ; only let their labors be wisely and thoroughly performed ; let them, on Wednesday morning, present to the poor whites of the South, a well-digested scheme for the reclamation of their ancient rights and prerogatives, and, on the Thursday following, slavery in the United States will be worth abso- lutely less than nothing; for then, besides being so despicable and pre- carious that nobody will want it, it will be a lasting reproach to those in whose hands it is lodged. Were it not that other phases of the subject admonish us to be eco- nomical of space, we could suggest more than a dozen different plans, either of which, if scrupulously carried out, would lead to a wholesome, speedy, and perfect termination of slavery. Under all the circumstances, however, it might be difficult for us — perhaps it would not be the easiest thing in the world for anybody else — to" suggest a better plan than the one above. Let it, or one embodying its principal features, be adopted forthwith, and the last wail of slavery will soon be heard, growing fainter and fainter, till it dies iitterly away, to be succeeded by the jubi- lant shouts of emancipated millions. At the very moment we write, as has been the case ever since the United States have had a distinct national existence, and as will always continue to be the case, unless right triumphs over wrong, all the civil, political, and other offices, within the gift of the South, are filled with negro-nursed incumbents from the ranks of that artful band of misan- thropes — three hundred and forty-seven thousand in number — who, for the most part, obtain their living by breeding, buying and selling slaves. The magistrates in the villages, the constables in the districts, the com- missioners of the towns, the mayors of the cities, the sheriffs of the counties, the judges of the various courts, the members of the legis- latures, the governors of the States, the representatives and senators in Congress — are all slaveholders. Nor does the catalogue of their usurp- ations end here. By means of much barefaced arrogance and corrup- tion, they have obtained control of the General Government, and all the consuls, ambassadors, envoys extraordinary, and ministers plenipoten- tiaiy, who are chosen from the South, and commissioned to loreign countries, are selected with especial reference to the purity of their pro- slavery antecedents. If credentials have ever been issued to a single non-slaveholder of the South, we are ignorant of both the fact and the hearsay ; indeed, it would be very strange if this much abused class of persons were permitted to hold important offices abroad, when t^ej are not allowed to hold unimportant ones at home. And, then, there is the Presidency of the United States, which office has been held forty-eigJit years by slaveholders from the South, and only twenty years by non-slaveholders from the North. Nor is this the full re- 78 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. cord of oligarchical obtrusion. On an average, the offices of Secretary of State, Secretary of the Treasury, Secretary of the Interior, Secretary of the Navy, Secretary of War, Postmaster-General and Attorney-General, have been under the control of slave-drivers nearly two-thirds of the time. The Chief Justices and the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, the Presidents pro tem. of the Senate, and the Speakers of the House of Representatives, have, in a large majority of instances, been slave-breeders from the Southern side of the Potomac. Five slave- liolding Presidents have been reelected to the chief magistracy of the Republic, while no non-slaveholder has ever held the office more than a single term. Thus we see plainly that even the non-slaveholders of the North, to whose freedom, energy, enterprise, intelligence, wealth, popu- lation, power, progress, and prosperity, our country is almost exclusively indebted for its high position among the nations of the earth, have been arrogantly denied a due participation in the honors of federal office. When "the sum of all villainies " shall have ceased to exist, then the riglits of the non-slaveholders of the North, of the South, of the East, and of the West, will be duly recognized and respected ; not before. For the last sixty-eight years, slaveholders have been the sole and constant representatives of the South, and what have they accom- plished ? It requires but little time and few words, to tell the story of their indiscreet and unhallowed performances. In fact, with what we have already said, gestures alone would suffice to answer the inquiry. We can make neither a more truthful nor emphatic reply than to point to our thinly inhabited States, to our fields despoiled of their virgin soil, to the despicable price of lands, to our unvisited cities and towns, to our vacant harbors and idle water-power, to the dreary absence ot shipping and manufactories, to our unpensioned soldiers of the Revolu- tion, to the millions of living monuments of ignorance, to the squalid poverty of the whites, and to the utter wretchedness of the blacks. Either directly or indirectly, are pro-slavery politicians, who have ostentatiously set up pretensions to statesmanship, responsible for every dishonorable weakness and inequality that exists between the North and the South. Let them shirk the responsibility if they can ; but it is morally impossible for them to do so. We know how ready they have always been to cite the numerical strength of the North, as a valid excuse for their inability to procure appropriations from the General Government, for purposes of internal improvement, for the establish- ment of lines of ocean steamers to South American and European ports, and ^r tlie accomplishment of other objects. Before that apology ever escapes from their lips again, let them remember that the numeri- cal weakness of the South is wholly attributable to their own imbecile statisni. Had the Southern States, in accordance with the principles et mciatcd in the Declaration of Independence, abolished slavery at the HOW SLAVEEY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 79 same time the Northern States abolished it, there would have been, long since, and most assuredly at this moment, a larger, wealthier, wiser, and more powerful population, south of Mason and Dixon's line, than there now is north of it. This fact being so well established that no reasonable man denies it, it is evident that the oligarchy will have to devise another subterfuge for even temporaiy relief. Until slavery and slaveholders cease to be the only favored objects of legislation in the South, the North will continue to maintain the ascen- dency in every important particular. With those mischievous objects out of the way, it would not require the non-slaveholders of the South more than a quarter of a century to bring her up, in all respects, to a glorious equality with the North ; nor would it take them much longer to surpass the latter, Avhich is the most vigorous and honorable rival that they have in the world. Three-quarters of a century hence, if slavery is abolished within the next ten years, as it ought to be, the South will, we believe, be as much greater than the North, as the North is now greater than the South. Three-quarters of a century hence, if the South retains slavery, which God forbid ! she will be to the North much the same that Poland is to Eussia, that Cuba is to Spain, or that Ireland is to England. Wliat we want and must have, as the only sure means of attaining to a position worthy of Sovereign States in this eminently progressive and utilitarian age, is an energetic, intelligent, enterprising, virtuous, and unshackled population ; an untrammelled press, and the Freedom of Speech. For ourselves, as white people, and for the negroes and other persons of whatever color or condition, we demand all the rights, inter- ests and prerogatives, that are guaranteed to corresponding classes of mankind in the North, in England, in France, in Germany, or in any other civilized and enlightened country. Any proposition that may be offered conceding less than this demand, will be promptly and disdain- fully rejected. Speaking of the non-slaveholders of the South, George M. Weston, a zealous co-laborer in the cause of Freedom, says : " The non-Blaveholdin<; whites of the South, beinR not less than seven-tenths of the whole number of whites, would seem to be entitled to some inquiry nito their actual condition ; and especially, as they have no real political weight or considera- tion in the country, and little opportunity to speak for themselves. I have been for twenty years a reader of Southern newspapers, and a reader and hearer of Con- gressional debates ; but, in all that time, I do not recollect ever to have seen or heard these uon-slaveholding whites referred to by Southern ' gentlemen,' as con- stituting any part of what they call ' ike South.' When the rights of the South, or its wrongs, or its policy, or its interests, or its institutions, are spoken of, reference is always intended to the rights, wrongs, policy, interests, and institutions of the three hundred and forty-seven thousand slaveholders. Nobody gets into Congress from the South but by their direction; nobody speaks at Washington for any Southern interest except theirs. Yet there is, at the South, quite another interest than theirs ; embracing from two to three times as many white people : and, as we shall presently see, entitled to the deepest sympathy and commiseration, in view 80 now SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. of the material, intellectual, and moral privations to •which it has been subjected, the degradation to which it has already been reduced, and the still more fearful degradation with which it is threatened by the ine\atable operation of existing causes and influences." The following extract, from a paper on "Domestic Manufactures in the South and West," published by M. Tarver, of Missouri, may be appropriately introduced in this connection : " The non-slaveholders possess, generally, but very small means, and the land which they possess is almost universally poor, and so sterile that a scanty subsis- tence is all that can be derived from its cultivation ; and the more fertile soil, being in the possession of the slaveholders, must ever remain out of the power of those who have none. This state of things is a great drawback, and bears heavily upon and depresses the moral energies of the poorer classes. The acquisition of a respectable position in the scale of wealth appears sc difficult, that they decline the hopeless pursuit, and many of them settle down into habits of idleness, and become the almost passive subjects of all its consequences. And I lament to say that 1 have observed, -of late years, that an evident deterioration is taking place in this part of the population, the younger portion of it being less educated, less industrious, and in every point of view less respectable than their ancestors." Equally worthy of attention is the testimony of Gov. Hammond, of South Carolina, who says : " According to the best calculation, which, in the absence of statistic facts, can be made, it is believed, that of the three hundred thousand white inhabitants of South Carolina, there are not less than fifty thousand whose industry, such as it is, and compensated as it is, is not, in the present condition of things, and does not promise to be hereafter, adequate to procure them, honestly, such a support as every white person is, and feels himself entitled to. And this, next to emigration, is, perhaps, the heaviest of the weights that press upon the springs of our pro- sperity. Most of those now follow agricultural pursuits, in feeble, yet injurious competition with slave labor. Some, perhaps, not more from inclination than from the want of due encouragement, can scarcely be said to work at all. They obtain a precarious subsistence, by occasional jobs, by hunting, by fishing, some- times by plundering fields or folds, and too often by what is, in its effects, far worse— trading with slaves, and seducing them to plunder for their benefit." Conjoined with the sundry ^jlain, straightforward facts which have issued from our own pen, these extracts show conclusively that immediate and independent political action on the part of the non-slaveholding whites of the South, is, Avith them, a matter, not only of positive duty, but also of the utmost importance. As yet, it is in their power to rescue the South from the gulf of shame and guilt, into which slavery has plunged her; but if they do not soon arouse themselves from their apathy, this power will be wrenched from them, and then, unable to resist the strong arm of the oppressor, they will be completely degraded to a social and political level with the negroes, whose condition of servi- tude will, in the meantime, become far more abject and forlorn than it is now. In addition to the reasons which wo have already assigned why no slavocrat should, in the future, be elected to any office whatever, there are others that deserve to be carefully considered. Among these, to speak plainly, may bo mentioned the ill-breeding and the ruffianism of now SLAVEKT CAN BE ABOLISHED. 81 slaveholding officials. Tedious, indeed, would be the task to enumerate all the homicides, duels, assaults and batteries, and other crimes, of which they are the authors in the course of a single year. To the general reader their career at the seat of government is well known ; thei'e, on frequent occasions, choking with rage at seeing their wretched sophistries scattered to the winds by the sound, logical reasoning of the champions of Freedom, they have overstepped the bounds of common decency, vacated the chair of honorable controversy, and, in the most brutal and cowardly manner, assailed their unarmed opponents with bludgeons, bowie knives and pistols. Compared with some of their barbarisms at home, however, their frenzied onslaughts at the national Capital have been but the simplest breaches of civil deportment ; and it is only for the purpose of avoiding personalities that we now refrain from divulging a few instances of the unparalleled atrocities which they have perpetrated in legislative halls south of the Potomac. Nor is it alone in the national and State legislatures that they substitute brute force for genteel behavior and acuteness of intellect. Neither court- houses nor public streets, hotels nor private dwellings, rum-holes nor law-offices, are held sacred fi-om their murderous conflicts. About cer- tain silly abstractions that no practical business man ever allows to occupy his time or attention, they are eternally wrangling ; and thus it is that rencounters, duels, homicides, and other demonstrations of per- sonal violence, have become so popular in all slaveholding communities. A few years of entire freedom from the cares and perplexities of public life would, we have no doubt, greatly improve both their manners and their morals ; and we suggest that it is a Christian duty, which devolves on the non-slaveholders of the South, to disrobe them of the mantle of office, which they have so long worn with disgrace to themselves, injus- tice to their constituents, and ruin to their country. But what shall we say of such men as Botts, Stuart, and Macfarland of Virginia ; of Kaynor, Morehead, Stanley, Graves, and Graham of IsTortli Carolina; of Davis and Hoffman of Maryland; of Blair and Brown of Missouri ; of the Marshalls of Kentucky ; and of Etheridge of Tennessee ? All these gentlemen, and many others of the same school, entertain, we believe, sentiments similar to those that were entertained by the immortal Fathers of the Republic — that slavery is a great moral, social, civil, and political evil, to be got rid of at the earliest practicable period — and if they do, in order to secure our votes, it is only necessary for them to "have the courage of their opinions," to renounce slavery, and to come out frankly, fairly and squarely in favor of freedom. To neither of these patriotic sons of the South, nor to any one of the class to which they belong, "vvould we give any offence whatever. In our strictures on the criminality of pro-slavery demagogues we have had heretofore, and shall have hereafter, no sort of reference to any respect- 4* 82 HOW SLAVEKY CAN BE ABOLISHED. able slaveholder — by wbicli we mean, any slaveholder who admits the injustice and inhumanity of slavery, and who is not averse to the discus- sion of measures for its speedy and total extinction. Such slaveholders are virtually on our side — that is, on the side of the non-slaveholding whites, with whom they may very properly be classified. On this point, once for all, we desire to be distinctly understood ; for it would be mani- festly unjust not to discriminate between the anti-slavery proprietor who owns slaves by the law of entailment, and the pro-slavery proprietor who engages in the traffic and becomes an aider an abettor of the system from sheer turpitude of heart ; hence the propriety of this special disclaimer. If we have a correct understanding of the positions which they assumed, some of the gentlemen whose names are written above, gave, during the last presidential campaign, ample evidence of their unswerv- ing devotion to the interests of the great majority of the people, the non-slaveholding whites ; and it is our unbiased opinion that a more positive truth is nowhere recorded in Holy Writ, than Kenneth Raynor uttered, when he said, in substance, that the greatest good that could happen to this country would be the complete overthrow of Black Demo- cracy, alias the pro-slavery party, which has for its head and front the Ritchies and Wises of Virgiuia, and for its caudal termination the Keitts and Quattlebums of South Carolina. Peculiarly illustrative of the material of which sham democracy is composed was the vote polled at the Five Points precinct, in the city of New York, on the 4th of November, 1856, when James Buchanan was chosen President by a minority of the people. "We will produce the figures : Five Points Precinct, New York City, 1856. Votes cast for James Buchanan 674 " " John C. Fremont 16 " " Millard Fillmore 9 It will be recollected that Col. Fremont's majority over Buchanan, in the State of New York, was between seventy-eight and seventy-nine thousand, and that he ran ahead of the Fillmore ticket to the number of nearly one hundred and fifty one thousand. We have not the shadow of a doubt that he is perfectly satisfied with Mr. Buchanan's triumph at the Five Points, which, with the exception of the slave-pens in Southern cities, is, perhaps, the most vile and heart-sickening locality in the United States. One of the most noticeable and commendable features of the last general election is this : almost every State, whose inhabitants have enjoyed the advantages of free soil, free labor, free speech, free presses, and free schools, and who have, in consequence, become great in num- bers, in virtue, in wealth, and in wisdom, voted for Fremont, the Repub- lican candidate, who was pledged to use his influence for the extension now SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 83 of like advantages to other parts of the country. On the other hand, with a single honorable exception, all the States which " have got to hating everything with the prefix Free, from free negroes down and up through the whole catalogue — free farms, free labor, free society, free will, free thinking, free children, and free schools," and which have exposed their citizens to all the perils of numerical weakness, absolute ignorance, and hopeless poverty, voted for Buchanan, the Democratic candidate, who, in reply to the overtures of his pro-slavery partisans, had signified his willingness to pursue a policy that would perpetuate and disseminate, without limit, the multitudinous evils of human bondage. That less than three j>qv cent, of those who voted for Col. Fremont, that only about five per cent, of those who gave their suffrages to Mr. Fillmore, and that more than eighteen per cent, of those who supported Mr. Buchanan, were persons over one-and-twenty years of age who could not read and write, are estimates which we have no doubt are not far from the truth, and which, in the absence of reliable statistics, we ven- ture to give, hoping, by their publicity, to draw closer attention to the fact, that tlie illiterate foreigners of the ISTorth, and the unlettered natives of the South, were cordially united in their suicidal adherence to the pro-slavery party. With few exceptions, all the intelligent non-slave- liolders of the South, in concert with the more respectable slaveholders, voted for Mr. Fillmore ; certain rigidly patriotic persons of the former class, whose hearts were so entirely with the gallant Fremont that they refused to vote at all— simply because they did not dare to express their preference for him — form the exceptions to which we allude. Though the Whig, Democratic, and Know-iSTothing newspapers, in all the States, free and slave, denounced Col. Fremont as an intolerant Catholic, it is now generally conceded that he was nowhere supported by the peculiar friends of Pope Pius IX. The votes polled at the Five Points precinct, which is almost exclusively inhabited by low Irish Catholics, show how powerfully the Jesuitical influence was brought to bear against him. At that delectable locality, as we have already shown, tlie timid Sage of Wheatland received five hundred and seventy-four votes —whereas the dauntless Finder of Empire received only sixteen. True to their instincts for Freedom, the Germans, generally, voted the right ticket, and they will do it again, and continue to do it. With the intelligent Protestant element of the Fatherland on our side, we can well afford to dispense with the ignorant Catholic element of the Emerald Isle. In the influences which they exert on society, there is so little difierence between Slavery, Popery, and :Nregro-driving Democracy, that we are not at all surprised to see them going hand in hand in their dia- bolical work of inhumanity and desolation. There is, indeed, no lack of evidence to show that the Democratic party of +o-day is simply and unreservedly a sectional slavery party. On 84 HOW SLWERT CAN BE ABOLISHED. the 15th of December, 1856, but a few weeks subsequent to the appear- ance of a scandalous message from an infamous governor of South Caro- lina, recommending the reopening of the African slave trade, Emerson Etheridge of Tennessee — honor to his name! — submitted, in the House of Representatives, the following timely resolution : ' Eesolved — That this House regard all suggestions or propositions of every kind, by whomsoever made, for a revival of the slave trade, as shocking to the moral sentiments of the enlightened portion of mankind, and that any act on the part of Congress, legislating for, conniving at, or legalizing that horrid and inhu- man traffic, would justly subject the United States to the reproach and execration of all civilized and Christian people throughout the world." Who voted for this resolution ? and who voted against it ? Let the yeas and nays answer; they are on record, and he who takes the trou- ble to examine them will find that the resolution encountered no oppo- sition worth mentioning, except from members of the Democratic party. Sci'utinize the yeas and nays on any other motion or resolution aifecting the question of slavery, and the fact that a majority of the members of this party have uniformly voted for the retention and extension of the "sum of all villainies," will at once be apparent. For many years the slave-driving Democrats of the South have labored most strenuously, both by day and by night — we regret to say how un- successfully — to point out abolition proclivities in the Whig and Know- Nothing parties, the latter of which is now buried, and deservedly, so deep in the depths of the dead, that it is quite preposterous to suppose it wdl ever see the light of resurrection. For its truckling concessions to the slave power, the Whig party merited defeat, and defeated it was, and that, too, in the most decisive and overwhelming manner. But there is yet in this party much vitality, and if its friends will reorganize, detach themselves from the burden of elavery, and hoist the fair flag of freedom, the time may come, at a day by no means remote, when their hearts will exult in triumph over the ruins of miscalled Democracy. It is not too late, however, for the Democratic party to secure to itself allure renown and an almost certain perpetuation of its power. Let it at once discard the worship of slavery, and do earnest battle for the principles of freedom, and it will live victoriously to a period far in the future. On the other hand, if it does not soon repudiate the fatal here- sies which it has incorporated into its creed, its doom will bo inevitable. Until the black flag entirely disappears from its array, we warn the non- slaveholders of the South to repulse and keep it at a distance, as they would the emblazoned skull and cross-bones that flout them from the flag of the pirate. With regard to the sophistical reasoning which teaches that abolitiouT ists, before abolishing slavery, should compensate the slaveholders foj aU now SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISUED. 85 or any number of the negroes in their possession, we shall endeavor not to be wearisome ; but wishing to brace our arguments, in every impor- tant particular, with unequivocal testimony from men whom we are ac- customed to regard as models of political sagacity and integrity — from Southern men as far as possible — we herewith present an extract from a speech delivered in the Virginia House of Delegates, January 20, 1832, by Charles James Faulkner, whose sentiments, as then and there expressed, can hardly fail to find a response in the heart of every intelli- gent, upright man : " But, sir. it is said that society having conferred this property on the slaveholder, it cannot now take it from him without an adequate compensation, by which is meant full value. I may be singular in the opinioh, but I defy the legal research of the House to point me to a principle recognized by the law. even in the ordinary course of its adjudications, wh-jre the community pays f.ir property which is removed or destroyed because it is a nuisance, and found injurious to that society. There is, I humbly apprehend, no such principle. There is no obligation upon society to continue your right one moment after it becomes injurious to the best interests of society; nor to compensate you for the loss of that, the deprivation of which is demanded by the safety of the State, and in which general benefit you par- ticipate as a member of the community. Sir, there is to my mind a manifest dis- tinction between condemning private property to be applied to some beneficial public purpose, and condemning or removing private property which is ascertained to be a positive wrong to society. It is a distinction which pervades the whole genius of the law ; and is founded upon the idea, that any man who holds property injurious to the peace of that society of which he is a member, thereby violates the condition upon the observance of which his right to the property is alone guaran- teed. For property of the first class condemned there ought to be compensation; but for the property of the latter class, none can be demanded upon principle, none accorded as a matter of right. '• It is conceded that, at this precise moment of our legislation, slaves are inju- rious to the interests and threaten the subversion and ruin of this Commonwealth. Their present number, their increasing number, all admonish us of this. In difler- ent terms, and in more measured language, the same fact has been conceded by aU who have yet addressed this House. ^Something must be done,' emphatically ex- claimed the gentleman from Dinwiddle : and I thought I could perceive a response to that declaration, in the countenance of a large majority of this body. And why must something be done? Becan.se if not, says the gentleman from Campbell, the throats of all the white people of Virginia will be cut. No, says the gentleman from Dinwiddle— 'The whites cannot be conquered— the throats of the 6/acA-s will be cut.' It is a trifling difference, to be sure, sir. and matters not to the argument. For the fact is conceded, that one race or the other must be exterminated. •'Sir, such being the actual condition of this Comraonwealfh. I ask if we would not be justified now, supposing all considerations of policy and humanity concurred, without even a moment's delay, in staving oft' this appalling and overwhelmmg calamitv? Sir. if this immense negro population were now m arms, gathering into black and formidable masses of attack, would that man be listened to, who spoke about property, who prayed you not to direct your artillery to such or such a point, for yon would destroy some of his property ? Sir, to the eye of the States- man, as to the eye of Omniscience, dangers pressing, and dangers that must ticcm- sa/'i/!/ press, are alike present. With a single glance he embraces Virginia now, with the elements of destruction reposing quietly upon her bosom, and Virginia is li'i-hted from one extremity to the other with the torch of servile insurrection and massacre. It is not sufficient for him that the match is not yet applied. It is enough that the magazine is open, and the match will shortly be applied. '• Sir, it is true in national as it is in private contracts, that loss and in)ury to one party may constitute as fair a consideration as gain to the other. Docs the slaveholder, while he is enjoving his slaves, reflect upon the deep injury and incalculable loss which the possession of that property inflicts upon the true interests of the country? Slavery, it is admitted, is an evil— it is an institution which presses heavily against the best interests of the State. It banishes free white labor, it exterminates the mechanic, the artisan, the manufacturer. It de- prives them of occupation. It deprives them of bread. It converts the encrgv of 86 HOW SLAVERY CAJ^ BE ABOLISHED. a community iuto indolence, its power into imbecility, its eflSciency into weakness. Sir, being thus injurious, have we not a right to demand its extermination? shall society suffer, that the slaveholder may continue to gather his crop of human flesh? What is his rae?e pecuniary claim compared with the great interests of the common weal? Must the country languish, droop, die, that the slaveholder may flourish? Shall all the interests be subservient to one — all rights subordinate to those of the slaveholder? Has not the mechanic, have not the middle classes their rights — rights incompatible with the existence of slavery? "Sir, so great and overshadowing are the evils of slavery — so sensibly are they felt by those who have traced the causes of our national decline — so perceptible is the poisonous operation of its principles in the varied and diversified interests in this Commonwealth, that all, whose minds are not warped by prejudice or interest, must admit that the disease has now assumed that mortal tendency, as to justify the application of any remedy which, under the great law of State necessity, we might consider advisable." At once let the good and true men of tliis country, the patriot sons of the patriot fathers, determine that the sun which rises to celebrate the centennial anniversary of our national independence, shall not set on the head of any slave within the limits of this Republic. Will not the non-slaveholders of the North, of the South, of the East, and of the West, heartily, unanimously sanction this proposition? Will it not be cheerfully indorsed by many of the slaveholders themselves ? Will any respectable man enter a protest against it? On the 4th of July, 1876 — • sooner, if we can — let us make good, at least so far as we are concerned, the Declaration of Independence, which was proclaimed in Philadelphia on the 4:th of July, 1776 — that "all men are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that among these, are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed ; that whenever any form of government becomes destruc- tive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such prin- ciples, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." In purging our land of the iniquity of negro slavery, we shall only be carrying on the great work that was so successfully commenced by our noble sires of the Ivcvolution ; some future generation may possibly complete the work by annuUhig the last and least form of oppression. To turn the slaves away from their present homes — away from all the property and means of support which their labor has mainly produced, would be unpardonably cruel— exceedingly unjust. Still more cruel and unjust would it be, however, to the non-slaveholding whites no less than to the negroes, to grant further toleration to the existence of slavery. In any event, come what will, transpire what may, the system must bo abolished. The evils, if any, which are to result from abolition, cannot, by any manner of means, be half as great as the evils which are certain to overtake us in case of its continuance. The perpetuation of slavery is the climax of iniquity. now SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 87 Two hundred and thirty-nine years have the negroes in America been held in inhua.an bondage. Duruag the whole of this long period they have toiled unceasingly, from the grey of dawn till the dusk of eve, for their cruel task-masters, who have rewarded them with scanty allow- ances of the most inferior qualities of victuals and clothes, Avith heart- less separations of the tenderest ties of kindred, with epithets, with scoldings, with execrations, and with the lash — and, not unfrequently, witli the fatal bludgeon or the more deadly weapon. From the labor of their hands, and from the fruit of their loins, the human-mongers of the South have become wealthy, insolent, corrupt and tyrannical. In reason and in conscience, it must be admitted, the slaves might claim for tliem- selves a liberal allowance of the proceeds of their labor. If they were to demand an equal share of all the property, real and personal, which has been accumulated or produced through their efforts. Heaven, we believe, would recognize them as honest claimants. Elsewhere we have shown, by just and liberal estimates, that, on the single score of damages to lands, the slaveholders are, at this moment, indebted -to the noU'Slaveholding whites in the extraordinary sum of $7,544,148,825. Considered in connection with the righteous claim of wages for services which the negroes might bring against their masters, these figures are the heralds of the significant fact that, if strict justice could be meted out to all parties in the South, the slaveholders would not only be stripped of every dollar, but they would become in law as tliey are in reality, the hopeless debtors of the myriads of unfortunate slaves, white and black, who are now cringing, and fawning, and fester- ing around them. For the services of the blacks from the 20th of August, 1620, up to the 4th of July, 1869 — an interval of precisely two hundred and forty- eight years ten months and fourteen days — their masters, if unwilling, ought, in our judgment, to be compelled to grant them their freedom, and to pay each and every one of them at least sixty dollars cash in hand. The aggregate sum thus raised would amount to about two hun- dred and fifty million of dollars, which is less than the total market value of two entire crops of cotton — one-half of which sum would be amply sufficient to land every negro in this country on the coast of Liberia, whither, if we had the power, we would ship them all within tlie next six months. As a means of protection against the exigencies which might arise from a sudden transition from their present homes in Ame- rica to their future homes in Africa, and for the purpose of enabling them there to take the iniatory step in the walks of civilized life, the remainder of the sum— say about one liundred and twenty-five million of dollars— might, very properly, be equally distributed amongst tliem after their arrival in the land of their fathers. Dr. James Hall, the Secretary of the Maryland Colonization Society, Emigrants to Liberia. 88 now SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. informs us that the average cost of sending negroes to Liberia does not exceed thirty dollars each ; and it is his opinion that arrangements might be made on an extensive plan for conveying them thither at an average expense of not more than twenty-five dollars each. The American colonization movement, as now systematized and con- ducted, is, in our opinion, simply an American humane farce. At pre- sent the slaves are increasing in this country at the rate of nearly one hundred thousand per annum; within the last twelve years, as will appear below, the American Colonization Society has sent to Liberia less than five thousand negroes. Emigrants sent to Liberia by the American Colonization Society, during the twelve years ending January 1st, 1859. In 1847 39 ] In 1848 213 In 1849 474 In 1850 590 In 1851 279 In 1852 568 In 1853 583 In 1854 783 In 1855 207 In 1856 544 In 1857 370 In 1858 163 Total 4,813 liie average of this total is a fraction over four hundred and one, which may be said to be the number of negroes annually colonized by the society ; while the yearly increase of slaves, as previously stated, is little less than one hundred thousand? Fiddlesticks for such coloniza- tion ! Once for all, within a reasonably short period, let us, by an equitable system of legislation, and by such other measures as may be right and proper, compel the slaveholders to do something like justice to their negroes by giving each and every one of them his freedom, and sixty dollars in current money ; then let us charter all the ocean steam- ers, packets and clipper ships that can be had on liberal termp, and keep them constantly plying between the ports of America and Africa, until all the slaves who' are here held in bondage shall enjoy freedom in the laud of their fathers. Under a well-devised and properly conducted system of operations, but a few years would be required to redeem the Unitoil States fi-om the monstrous curse of negro slavery. Some few years ago, when certain ethnographical oligarchs proved to their own satisfaction that the negro was an inferior "type of mankind," they chuckled wonderfully, and avowed, in substance, that it was right for the stronger race to kidnap and enslave the weaker — that because Nature had been pleased to do a trifle more for the Caucasian race than for the African, the former, by virtue of its superiority, was perfectly HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 89 justifiable in holding the latter in absolute and perpetual bondage ! No system of logic could be more antagonistic to the spirit of true democracy. It is probable that the world does not contain two persons who are exactly alike in all respects ; yet '■'■all men are endowed by their Creator with certain inalieiiahle rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." All mankind may or may not be the descend- ants of Adam and Eve. In our own humble way of thinking, we are frank to confess, we do not believe in the unity of the races. This is a matter, however, which has little or nothing to do with the great ques- tion at issue. Aside from any theory concerning the original parentage of the different races of men, facts, material and immaterial, palpable and impalpable — facts of the eyes and facts of the conscience — crowd around us on every hand, heaping proof upon proof, that slavery is a shame, a crime, and a curse — a great moral, social, civil, and political evil — an oppressive burden to the blacks, and an incalculable injury to the whites — a stumbling-block to the nation, an impediment to progress, a damper on all the nobler instincts, principles, aspirations and enter- prises of man, and a dire enemy to every true interest. Waiving all other counts, we have, we think, shown, to the satisfac- tion of every impartial reader, that, as elsewhere stated, on the single score of damages to lands, the slaveholders are, at this moment, indebted to us, the non-slaveholding whites, in the enormous sum of nearly seventy-six hundred million of dollars. "What shall be done with this amount? It is just; shall payment be demanded? No; all the slaveholders in the country could not pay it ; nor shall we ever ask them for even a moiety of the amount — no, not even for a dime, nor yet for a cent ; we are willing to forfeit every farthing for the sake of freedom ; for ourselves we ask no indemnification for the past : we only demand justice for the future. But sirs, slaveholders, chevaliers and lords of the lash, we are unwilling to allow you to cheat the negroes out of all the rights and claims to which, as human beings, they are most sacredly entitled. Not alone for ourself as an individual, but for others also— particularly for five or six million of Southern non-slaveholding whites, whom your iniquitous statism has debarred from almost aU the mental and material comforts of life — do we speak, when we say, you must, sooner or later, emancipate your slaves, and pay each and every one of thein at least sixty dollars cash in hand. By doing this, you will be restoring to them their natural rights, and remunerating them at the rate of less than twenty-six cents per annum for the long and cheerless period of their servitude, from the 20th of August, 1620, when, on James River, in Virginia, they became the unhappy slaves of heartless tyrants. More- over, by doing this you will be performing but a simple act of justice to the non-slaveholding whites, upon whom the system of slavery has 90 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. weighed scarcely less heavily than upon the negroes themselves. You will also be applying a saving balm to your own outraged hearts and consciences, and your children — yourselves in fact — freed from the accursed stain of slavery, will become respectable, useful, and honora- ble members of society. And now, sirs, we have thus laid down our ultimatum. What are you going to do about it? Something dreadful, of course! Perhaps you wiU dissolve the Union again. Do it, if you dare 1 Our motto, and we would have you to understand it, is The Abolition of Slavery^ and the Perpetuation of the Jjnerican Union. If, by any means, you do suc- ceed in your treasonable attempts, to take the South out of the Union to-day, we will bring her back to-morrow — if she goes away with you, she will return without you. Do not mistake the meaning of the last clause of the last sentence ; we could elucidate it so thoroughly that no intelligent person could fail to comprehend it ; but, for reasons which may hereafter appear, we forego the task. Henceforth there are other interests to be consulted in -the South, aside from the interests of negroes and slaveholders. A profound sense of duty incites us to make the greatest possible efforts for the abolition of slavery ; an equally profound sense of duty calls for a continuation of those efforts until the very last foe to freedom shall have been utterly vanquished. To the summons of the righteous monitor within, we shall endeavor to prove faithful ; no opportunity for inflicting a mortal wound in the side of slavery shall be permitted to pass us unimproved. Thus, terror-engeuderers of the South, have we fully and frankly defined our position ; we have no modifications to propose, no compromises to offer, nothing to retract. Frown, sirs, fret, foam, prepare your weapons, threat, strike, shoot, stab, bring on civil war, dissolve the Union, nay annihilate the solar system if you will — do all this, more, less, better, worse, anything — do what you wiU, sirs, you can neither foil nor intimi- date us ; our purpose is as firmly fixed as the eternal pillars of Heaven ; wo have determined to abolisli slavery, and, so help us God, abolish it we will ! Take this to bed with you to-night, sirs, and think about it, dream over it, ani let us know how you feel to-morrow morning. CHAPTEPw m. SOUTHEEX TESTIMONT AGAINST SLAVERY. "Slavery is detested — we feel its fatal effects — we deplore it with all the earnestness of humanity." — Patrick Henry. If it please the reader, let him forget all that we have written on the siihject of slavery ; if it accord with his inclination, let him ignore all that we may write hereafter. "We seek not to give special currency to our own peculiar opinions ; our greatest amhition, in these pages, is to popularize the sayings and admonitions of wiser and better men. Mira- cles, we believe, are no longer wrought in this bedeviled world ; but if, by any conceivable or possible supernatural event, the great Founders of the Republic, Washington, Jefierson, Henry, and others, could be reinvested with corporeal life, and returned to the South, there is scarcely a slaveholder between the Potomac and the mouth of the Mississippi, that would not burn to pounce upon them with bludgeons, bowie-knives and pistols ! Yes, without adding another word, Washu)gton would be mobled for what he has already said. Were Jefterson now employed as a professor in a Southern college, he would be dismissed and driven from the State, perhaps murdered before he reached the border. If Patrick Henry were a bookseller in Alabama, though it might be demonstrated beyond the shadow of a doubt that he had never bought, sold, received, or presented, any kind of literature except Bibles and Testaments, he would first be subjected to the ignominy of a coat of tar and feathers, and then limited to the option of unceremonious expatriation or death. How seemingly impossible are these statements, and yet how true! Where do we stand ? What is our faith ? Are we a flock without a shepherd ? a people without a prophet ? a nation without a government ? Has the past, with all its glittering monuments of genius and patriot- ism, furnished no beacon by which we may direct our footsteps in the fnture ? If we but prove true to ourselves, and worthy of our ancestry, we have notliing to fear; our Revolutionary sires have devised and bequeathed to us an almost perfect national policy. Let us cherish, and defend, and build upon, the fimdamental principles of that polity, and we shall most assuredly reap the golden fruits of unparalleled power, vir- tue and prosperity. Heaven forbid that a desperate faction of pro-sla- vory mountebanks should succeed in their infamous efforts to quench the 91 92 SOUTHEKN TESTBIONY AGAESTST SLAVERY. spirit of liberty, which our forefathers infused into those two sacred charts of our political faith, the Declaration of Independence, and the Constitution of the United States. Oligarchal politicians are a\one res- ponsible for the continuance of African slavery in the South. For pur- poses of self-aggrandizement, they have kept learning and civilization from the people ; they have willfully misinterpreted the national com- pacts and have outraged their own consciences by declaring to their illite- rate constituents, that the Founders of the Republic were not abolitionists. "When the dark clouds of slavery, error and ignorance shall have passed away, — and we believe the time is near at hand when they are to be dissipated,— the freemen of the South, like those of other sections, will learn the glorious truth, that inflexible opposition to Human Bondage has formed one of the distinguishing characteristics of every really good or great man that our country has produced. Non-slaveholders of the South ! up to the present period, neither as a body, nor as individuals, have you ever had an independent existence ; but, if true to yourselves and to the memory of your fathers, you, in equal copartnership with the non-slaveholders of the North, will soon become the honored rulers and proprietors of the most powerful, pros- perous, virtuous, free, and peaceful nation, on which the sun has ever shone. Already has the time arrived for you to decide upon what basis you will erect your political superstructure. Upon whom will you depend for an equitable and judicious form of constitutional govern- ment? Whom will you designate as models for your future statesmen? Your choice lies between the dead and the living — between the Wash- ingtonp, the Jeffersons and the Madisons of the past, and the Quattle- bums, the Iversous and tlie Slidells of the present. We have chosen ; choose ye, remembering that freedom or slavery is to be the issue of your option. As the result of much reading and research, and at the expenditure of no inconsiderable amount of time, labor and money, we now proceed to make known the anti-slavery sentiments of those noble abolitionists, the Fathers of the Republic, whose liberal measures of public poli.;- have been so criminally perverted by tlie treacherous advocates ui' slavery. Let us listen, in the first place, to the voice of him who was "first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen," to THE VOICE OF WASHINGTON. In a letter to John F. Mercer, dated September 9th, 1780, General Washington says : " I never mean, unless some particular circumstances should compel me to it, to possess another slave by purchase, it being among my first wishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery, in this country, may be abolished by law." SOUTirERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 93 In a letter to Eobert Morris, dated April 12, 1786, he says : "I hope it will not be conceived from these observations that it is my wish to hold the unhappy people who are the subject of this letter in Slavery. 1 can only say, that there is not a man living, who wishes more sincerely than I do, to see a plan adopted for the abolition of it ; but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is by legislative authority; and this, as far as my suffrage will go, shall never be wanting." He says, in a letter •' To the JiARQUis DE Lafatette : April 5th, 1783. "The scheme, my dear Marquis, which you propose as a precedent, to encourage the emancipation of the black people in this country from the state of bondage" in which they are held, is a striking evidence of the benevolence of your heart. I shall be happy to join you in so laudable a work; but will defer going into a detail of the business till 1 have the pleasure of seeing you." In another letter to Lafayette, he says : " The benevolence of your heart, my dear Marquis, is so conspicuous on all occa- sions, that 1 never wonder at any fresh proofs of it ; but your late purchase of an estate in the Colony of Cayenne, with the view of emancipating the slaves on it, is a generous and noble proof of your humanity. Would to God a like spirit might diffuse itself generally into the minds of the people of this country." In a letter to Sir John Sinclair, he further said : " There are in Pennsylvania laws for the gradual abolition of slavery, which neither Virginia nor Maryland have at present, but which nothing is more certain than they must have, and at a period not remote." In a letter to Charles Pinckney, Governor of South Carolina, on the iVth of March, 1792, he says: "I must say that I lament the decision of your Legislature upon the question of importing slaves after March, 1793. I was in hopes that motives of policy, as well as other good reasons, supported by the direful efl'ects of Slavery, which at this moment are presented, would have operated to produce a total prohibition of the importation of slaves, whenever the question came to be agitated in any State that might be interested in the measure." From his last will and testament we make the following extract : " Upon the decease of my wife, it is my will and desire that all the slaves which 1 hold in my own right shall receive their freedom. To emancipate them during her life would, though earnestly wished by me, be attended with such insuperable difli- culties, on account of their intermixture by marriage with the dower negroes, as to excite the most painful sensation, if not disagreeable consequences, Irom the latter, while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same proprietor, it not being in my power, under the tenure by which the dower negroes are held, to manumit them." It is said that, " when Mrs. Washington learned, from the will of her deceased husband, that the only obstacle to the immediate perfection of this provision was her right of dower, she at once gave it up, and tho slaves were made free." A man might possibly concentrate within him- self more real virtue and influence than ever Washington possessed, and yet he would not be too good for such a wife. 9i SOUTHERN TESTESIONY AGAINST SLAVEKT. From the Father of his Couptry, we no^- turn to the author of the Declaration of Independence. "We •will listen to TUE VOICE OF JEFFEKSON'. On the 39th and 40th pages of his " Notes on Virginal," Jefferson says : " There must doubtless be an unhappy influence on the manners of our people, proiluced by the existence of slavery among us. The whole commerce between ma-ter and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions — the most uuremittiuf? despotism on the one part, and degrading submissions on the other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it; for man is an imitative animal. This quality- is the germ of all education in him. From his cradle to his grave, he is learning to do what he sees others do. If a parent could find no motive, either in his philanthropy or his self-love, for restraining the intemperance of passion to- wards his slave, it should always be a sufficient one that his child is present. But generally it is not sufficient. The parent storms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives a loose rein to the worst of passions , and, thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by such circum- stances. And with what execration should the statesman be loaded, who, permit- ting one half the citizens thus to trample on the rights of the other, transforms those into' despots and these into enemies, destroj's the morals of the one part, and the amor patrice of the other ; for if a slave can have a country in this world, it must be any other in preference to that in which he is born to live and labor for another ; in" which he must look up the faculties of his nature, contribute, as far as depends on his individual endeavors, to the evanishment of the human race, or en- tail his own miserable condition on the endless generations proceeding from him. With the morals of the jieople, their industry is also destroyed ; for, in a warm climate, no man will labor for himself who can make another labor for him. This is so true, that of the proprietors of slaves a very small proportion, indeed, are ever seen to labor. And can the liberties of a nation be thought secure, when we have removed their only firm basis — a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are the gift of God ? that they are not to be violated but by his wraths Indeed. I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just; that his justice cannot sleep forever; that considering numbers, nature, and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation is among pos- sible events; that it may become probable by supernatural interference! The Almighty has no attribute which can take side with us in such a contest." While Virginia was yet a Colony, in 1774, she held a Convention to appoint delegates to attend the first general Congress, which was to assemble, and did assemble, in Philadelphia, in September of the same year. Before that convention, Mr. Jefferson made an exposition of the rights of British America, in which he said : " The abolition of domestic slavery is the greatest object of desire in these Colo- nies, where it was unhappily introduced in their infant State. But previous to the enfranchisement of the slaves, it is necessary to exclude further importations from Africa. Yet our repeated attempts to effect this by probihitions, and by imposing duties which might amount to i)rohibition, have been hitherto defeated by his mnjestj-'s negative ; thus preferring the immediate advantage of a few African cor- sairs to the lasting interests of the American States, and the rights of human nature, deeply wounded by this infamous practice." In the original draft of the Declaration of Independence, of which it is well known he was the author, we find this charge against the King of Great Britain : 80UTHEKN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 95 " He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty, in the persons of a distant people who never ofleuded him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. This piratical warfare, the oppro- brium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the Christian King of Great Britain. Determined to keep a market where men should be bought and sold, he has at length prostituted his negative for suppressing any legislative attempt to prohibit and restrain this execrable commerce." Hear him further ; he says : "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the con- sent of the governed." Under date of August 7th, 1785, in a letter to Dr. Price, of London, he says : " Northward of the Chesapeake you may find, here and there, an opponent of your doctrine, as you may find, here and there, a robber and murderer; but in no great number. Emancipation is put into such a train, that in a few years there will be no slaves northward of Maryland. In Maryland I do not find such a dispo- sition to begin the redress of this enormity, as in Virginia. This is the next State to which we may turn our eyes for the interesting spectacle of justice in confiict with avarice and oppression : a conflict wherein the sacred side is gaining daily recruits from the influx into offlce of young men grown up, and growing up. These have sucked in the principles of liberty, as it were, with their mother's milk ; and it is to them I look with anxiety to turn the fate of the question." In another letter, written to a friend in 1814, he made use of the fol- lowing language : "Your favor of July 31st was duly received, and read with peculiar pleasure. The sentiments do honor to the head and heart of the writer. Mine on the subject of the slavery of negroes have long since been in the possession of the public, and time has only served to give them stronger root. The love of justice and the love of country p"lcad equally the cause of these people, and it is a reproach to us that they should have pleaded it so lonj; in vain." Again, he says : "What an incomprehensible machine is man! who can endure toil, famine, stripes imprisonment, and death itself, in vindication of his own liberty ; and the next moment be deaf to all those motives whose power supported him through his trial, and inflict on his fellow man a bondage, one hour of which is fraught with more misery than ages of that which he rose in rebellion to oppose." Throughout the South, at the present day, especially among slave- holders, negroes are almost invariably spoken of as "goods and chat- tels," "property," " human cattle." In our first quotation from Jefter- son's works, we have seen that he spoke of the blacks as citizens. "We shall now hear him speak of them as brethren. He says : " We must waitwith patience the workings of an overruling Providence, and hope that that is preparing the deliverance of these our brethren. When the measure of their tears shall be full, when their groans shall have involved Heaven itself m darkness, doubtless a God of justice will awaken to their distress. Nothing is moro certainly written in the Book of Fate, than that this people shall be free. 96 SOUTHEKN TESTEVIONY AGAINST SLAVERY. In a letter to James Heaton, on this same subject, dated May 20, 1826, only six weeks before his death, he says : "My sentiments have been forty years before the public. Had I repeated them forty times, they would have only become the more stale and thread- bare. Although I shall not live to see them consummated, they will not die with Tie." From the Father of the Declaration of Independence, we now turn to thfe Father of the Constitution. We will listen to THE VOICE OF MADISON. In the Convention that drafted the Constitution, Mr. Madison " Thought it wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea that there could be property in men." Advocating the abolition of the slave-trade, as we find in the 42d No. of the Federalist, he said : " It were, doubtless, to be wished, that the power of prohibiting the importation of slaves, had not been postponed until the year 1808, or rather, that it had been euffered to have immediate operation. But it is not difficult to account, either for this restriction on the general government, or for the manner in which the whole clause is expressed. It ought to be considered as a great point gained in favor of humanity, that a period of twenty years may terminate forever within these States, a traffic which bus so long and so loudly upbraided the barbarism of modern policy ; that within that period it will receive a considerable discouragement from the Federal Government, and may be totally abolished by a concurrence of the few States which continue the unnatural traffic, in the prohibitory example which has been given by so great a majority of the Union." In the 39th No. of the Federalist, he says : " The first qnestion that offers itself is, whether the general form and aspect of the governreent be strictly Republican. It is evident that no other form would be reconcilable with the genius of the people of America, and with the fundamental principles of the Revolution, or with that honorable determination which animates every votary of freedom, to re^t all our political experiments on the capacity of mankind for self-government." Again, he contends that : •' Where slavery exists, the Republican theory becomes still more fallacious." On another occasion, he says : ''We have seen the mere distinction of color made, in the most enlightened period of time, a ground of the most oppressive dominion ever exercised by man over man." THE VOICE OF MONROE, In a speech in the Virginia Convention, Mr. Monroe said : , "We have found that this evil has preyed upon the very vitals of the Union, and has been prejudicial to all the States in which it ha.s existed." THE VOICE OF HENEY. The eloquent Patrick Henry, in a letter dated January 18, 1773, asks: SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 97 "Is it not a little surprising tliat the professors of Christianity, whose chief excellence consists in softening the human heart, in cherishing and improving its finer feelings, should encourage a practice so totally repugnant to the lirst impres- sions of right and wrong ? What adds to the wonder is, that this abominable practice has been introduced in the most enliglitened ages. Times that seem to have pretensions to boast of high improvements in the arts and sciences, and refined morality, have brought iuto general use, and guarded by many laws, a species of violence and tyranny which our more rude and barbarous, but more honest ancestors detested. Is it not amazing that at a time when the rights of liumanity are defined and understood with precision, in a country above all others fond of liberty— that in such an age and in such a country, we find men professing a religion the most mild, humane, gentle, and generous, adopting such a principle, as repugnant to humanity as it is inconsistent with the Bible, and destructive to liberty '! Every thinking, honest man rejects it in speculation. How free in prac- tice from conscientious motives ! Would any one believe that I am master of slaves of my own purchase ? I am drawn along by the general inconvenience of living here without them. I will not, I cannot justify it. However culpable my conduct, I will so far pay my devoir to virtue as to own the excellence and recti- tude of her precepts, and lament my want of conformity to them. I believe a time will come when an opportunity will be offered to abolish this lamentable evil. Everything we can do is to improve it, if it happens in our day ; if not, let us trans- mit to our descendants, together with our slaves, a pity for their unhappy lot, and an abhorrence for slavery. If we cannot reduce this wished-for reformation to practice, let us treat the unhappy victims with lenity. It is the furthest advance we can make toward justice. It is a debt we owe to the purity of our religion, to show that it is at variance with that law which warrants slavery." Again, this great oratoi* says " " It would rejoice my very soul, that every one of my fellow-beings was eman- cipated. We ought to lament and deplore the necessity of holding our fellow- men in bondage. Believe me ; I shall honor the Quakers for their noble eflbrts to abolish slavery." THE VOICE OF EANDOLPn. That very ecceutric genius, John Eaudolpb, of Eoanoke, in a letter to William Gibbous, in 1820, says : "With unfeigned respect and regard, and as sincere a deprecation on the exten- sion of slavery aud its horrors, as any other man, be him whom he may, I am your friend, in the literal sense of that much abused word. I say much abused, because it is applied to the leagues of vice and avarice and ambition, instead of good will toward man from love of him who is the Prince of Peace." While in Congress, he said : " Sir, I envy neither the heart nor the head of that man from the North who rises here to defend slavery on principle." It is well known tliat he emancipated all his negroes. The following lines from his will are well worth perusing aud preserving : ■' I give to my slaves their freedom, to which my conscience tells me they are justly entitled. It has a long time been a matter of the deepest regret to me that the circumstances under which I inherited them, and the obstacles thrown in the way by the laws of the land, have prevented my emancipating them in my life- time, which it is my full intention to do in case I can accomplish it." THOMAS M. EANDOLPH. In an address to the Virginia Legislature, in 1820, Gov. Eandolph said : " We have been far outstripped by States to whom nature has been far less 5 98 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST 8LAVEKT. bountiful. It is painful to consider what might have been, under other cii'cum- stances, the amount of general wealth in Virginia." THOMAS JEFFEESON RANDOLPH. In 1832, Mr. Randolph, of Albemarle, in the Legislature of Virginia, used the following most graphic and emphatic language : " I agree with gentlemen in the necessity of arming the State for internal defence. I will unite with them in any effort to restore confidence to the public mind, and to conduce to the sense of the safety of our wives and our children. Yet, sir, I must ask upon whom is to fall the burden of this defence ? Not upon the lordly masters of their hundred slaves, who will never turn out except to retire with their families when danger threatens. No, sir ; it is to fall upon the less wealthy class of our citizens, chiefly upon the non-slaveholder. I have known patrols turned out when there was not a slaveholder among them ; and this is the practice of the country. I have slept in times of alarm quiet in bed, without having a thought of care, while these individuals, owning none of this property themselves, were patrolling under a compulsory process, for a pittance of seventy-five cents for twelve hom-s, the very curtilage of my house, and guarding that property which was alike dangerous to them and myself. After all, this is but an expedient. As this population becomes more numerous, it becomes less productive. Your guard must be increased, until finally its profits will not pay for the expense of its sub- jection. Slavery has the effect of lessening the free population of a country. '' The gentleman has spoken of the increase of the female slaves being a part of the pi'ofit. It is admitted ; but no great evil can be averted, no good attained, without some inconvenience. It may be questioned how far it is desirable to fos- ter and encourage this branch of profit. It is a practice, and an increasing prac- tice, in parts of Virginia, to rear slaves for market. How can an honorable mind, a patriot, and a lover of his country, bear to see this Ancient Dominion, rendered illustrious by the noble devotion and patriotism of her sons in the cause of liberty, converted into one grand menagerie, where men are to be reared for the market, like oxen for the shambles? Is it better, is it not worse, than the slave trade — that trade which enlisted the labor of the good and wise of every creed, and every clime, to abolish it ? The trader receives the slave, a stranger in language, aspect, and manners, from the merchant who has brought him from the interior. The ties of father, mother, husband, and child, have all been rent in twain ; before he receives him, his soul has become callous. But here, sir, individuals whom the master has known from infancy, whom he has seen sporting in the innocent gambols of child- hood, who have been accustomed to look to him for protection, he tears from the mother's arms and sells into a strange country among strange people, subject to cruel taskmasters. " He has attempted to justify slavery here, because it exists in Africa, and has stated that it exists all over the world. Upon the same principle he could justify Mahometanism, with its plurality of wives, petty wars for plunder, robbery, and murder, or any other of the abominations and enormities of savage tribes. Does slavery exist in any part of civilized Europe ? No, sir, in no part of it." PEYTON EANDOLPn. On the 20th of October, 1774, while Congress was in session in Phila- delphia, Peyton Randolph, President, the following resolution, among otliers, was unanimously adopted : "That we will neither import nor purchase any slaves imported after the first day of December next ; after which time we will wholly discontinue the slave trade, and will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or manufactures, to those who are concerned in it." EDMUND RANDOLPH. The Constitution of the United States contains the following pro- vision : " No person held to service or labor in another State, under the laws thereof, escaping to another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be dis- SOUTHEEN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVEKT. 99 charged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up ou claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." To the studious attention of those Ycandals who contend that the above provision requires the rendition of fugitive slaves, we respectfully commend the following resolution, which, it will be observed, was unani- mously adopted : " Ou motion of Mr. Eandolph, the word ' servitude ' was struck out, and ' service ' unanimously inserted— the former being thought to express the condition of slaves, and the latter the obligation of/r«e persons." — Madison Papers, vol. iii. p. 1569. Well done for the Eandolphs ! THE VOICE OF OLAT. Henry Clay, whom nearly everybody loved, and at the mention of whose name the American heart always throbs with emotions of grate- ful remembrance, said, in an address before the Kentucky Colonization Society, in 1829 : " It is believed that nowhere in the farming portion of the United States would slave labor be generally employed, if the proprietor were not tempted to raise slaves by the high price of the Southern market, which keeps it up in his own." In the United States Senate, in 1850, he used the following memo- rable words : " I am extremely sorry to hear the Senator from Mississippi say that he requires, first the exten;;ion of the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific, and also that he is not satisfied with that, but requires, if I understand him correctly, a positive pro- vision for the admission of slavery south of that line. And now, sir, coming from a slave State, as I do, I owe it to myself, I owe it to truth, I owe it to the subject, to say that no earthly power could induce me to vote for a specific measure for the introduction of slavery where it had not before existed, either south or north of that line. Coming as I do from a slave State, it is my solemn, deliberate and well- matured determination that no power, no earthly power, shall compel me to vote for the positive introduction of slavery either south or north of that line. Sir, while you reproach, and justly, too, our British ancestors for the introduction of this institution upon the continent of America, I am, for one, unwilling that the posterity of the present inhabitants of California and of New Mexico shall reproach us for doing just what we reproach Great Britain for doing to us. If the citizens of those territories choose to establish slavery, and if they come here with constitu- tions establishing slavery, I am for admitting them with such provisions in their constitutions ; but then it will be their own work, and not ours, and their posterity will have to reproach them, and not us, for forming constitutions allowing the insti- tution of slavery to exist among them. These are my views, sir, and 1 choose to express them ; and I care not how extensively or universally they are known." Hear him further ; he says : " So long as God allows the vital current to flow through my veins, I will never, never, never, by word or thought, by mind or will, aid in admitting one rood of free territory to the everlasting cmse of human bondage." Blest is the memory of noble Harry of the West ! THE VOICE OF BENTON. In his " Thirty Years' View," Thomas H. Benton says : "My opposition to the extension of slavery dates further back than 1844 — forty years further back ; and as this is a suitable time for a general declaration, and 100 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. a sort of general conscience delivery, I will say that my opposition to it dates from 1804, when I was a student at law in the State of Tennessee, and studied the subject of African slavery in an Americanbook— a Virginian book— Tucker's edition of Black- stone's Commentaries." Again, in a speech delivered in St. Louis, ontlieSdof N"ovember, 1856, ho says : " I look at white people, and not at black ones ; I look to the peace and reputa- tion of the race to which I belong. I look to the peace of this land — the world's last hope for a free government on the earth. One of the occasions on which I saw Henry Clay rise higher than I thought I ever saw him before, was when in the de- bate on the admission of California, a dissolution was apprehended if slavery was not carried into this Territory, where it never was. Then Mr. Clay rising, loomed colossally in the Senate of the United States, as he rose declaring that for no earthly purpose, no earthly object, could he carry slavery into places where it did not exist before. It was a great and proud day for Mr. Clay, toward the latter days of his life, and if an artist could have been there to catch his expression as he uttered that sentiment, with its reflex on his face, and his countenance beaming with firm- ness of purpose, it would have been a glorious moment in which to transmit him to posterity — his countenance all alive and luminous with the ideas that beat in his bosom. That was a proud day. I could have wished that I had spoken the same words. I speak them now, telling you they were his, and adopting them as my own." THE VOICE OF MASOjST. Colonel Mason, a leading and distinguished member of the Convention that formed the Constitution, from Virginia, when the provision for pro- hibiting the importation of slaves was under consideration, said: " The present question concerns not the importing States alone, but the whole Onion. Slavery discourages arts and manufactures. The poor despise labor when performed by slaves. They prevent the emigration of whites, who really enrich and strengthen a country. They produce the most pernicious effect on manners. Every master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. They bring the judgment of heaven on a country. As nations cannot be rewarded or punished in the next world, they must be in this. By an inevitable chain of causes and effects, Providence punishes national sins by national calamities. He lamented that some of our Eastern brethren had, from a lust of gain, embarked in this nefarious trafBc. As to the States being in possession of the right to import, this was the case with many other rights now to be properly given up. He held it essential, in every point of view, that the General Government should have power to prevent the increase of slavery." THE VOICE OF MCDOWELL. In 1832, Gov. McDowell used this language in the Virginia Legis- lature : " Who that looks to this unhappy bondage of an unhappy people, in the midst of our society, and thinks of its incidents or issues, but weeps over it as a curse as great upon him who inflicts it as upon him who suffers it? Sir, you may place the slave wliere you please— you may dry up, to your uttermost, the fountains of his feelings, the springs of his thought — you may close upon his mind every avenue of knowledge, and cloud it over with artificial night— you may yoke him to your labors, as the ox, which liveth only to work and worketh only to live— you may put hhn under any process which, without destroying his value as a slave, will de- base and crush him as a rational being— you may do this, and the idea that he was born to be frei^ will survive it all. It is allied to his hope of immortality— it is the ethereal part of his nature which oppression cannot rend. It is a torch lit up m his soul by the hand of Deity, and never meant to be extin"-uished by the hand of man.' THE VOICE OF IREDELL. In the debates of the North Carolina Convention, Mr. Iredell, after- wards a Judge of tlie United States Supreme Court, said : SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 101 "When tne entire abolition of slavery takes place, it will be an event wbich must be pleasing to every generous mind, and every friend of human natui-c." THE VOICE OF PINKXEY. William Pinkney, of Maryland, in the House of Delegates in that State, in 1789, made several powerful arguments in favor of the abolition of slavery. Here follows a brief extract from one of his speeches : "Iniquitous and most dishonorable to Maryland, is that dreary system of partial bondage which her laws have hitherto supported with a solicitude worthy of a better object, and her citizens, by their practice countenanced. Founded in a dis- graceful trafific, to which the parent country lent its fostering aid, from motives of interest, but which even she would have disdained to encourage, had England been the destined mart of such inhuman merchandise, its continuance is as shameful as its origin. " I have no hope that the stream of general liberty will forever flow unpolluted through the mire of partial bondage, or that thcj' who have been habituated to lord it over others, will not, in time, become base enough to let others lord it over them. If they resist, it will be the struggle of pride and sellishness, not of principle." THE VOICE OF LEIGH, In the Legislature of Virginia, in 1832, Mr. Leigh said: " I thought till very lately that it was known to everybody that, during the Re- volution, and for many years after, the abolition of slavery was a favorite topic with many of our ablest statesmen, who entertained with respect all the schemes which wisdom or ingenuity could suggest for its accomplishment." THE VOICE OF MARSHALL. Thomas Marshall, of Fauquier, said, in the Virginia Legislature, in 1832: " Wherefore, then, object to slavery ? Because it is ruinous to the whites- retards improvements, roots out an industrious population, banishes the yeomanry of the country— deprives the spinner, the weaver, the smith, the shoemaker, the carpenter, of employment and support." THE VOICE OF BOLLING. Philip A. Boiling, of Buckingham, a member of the Legishiture of Virginia, in 1832, said : " The time will come— and it may be sooner than many are willing to believe- when this oppressed and degraded race cannot be held as they now are— when a change will be effected, abhorrent, Mr. Speaker, to you, and to the feebngs of everv good man. " The wounded adder will recoil, and sting the foot that tramples upon it. Ihe day is fast approaching, when those who oppose all action upon this subject, and, instead of aiding in devising some feasible plan for freeing their country from an acknowledged curse, cry ' impossible,' to every plan suggested, will curse their per- verseness, and lament their folly." THE VOICE OF CHANDLEK. Mr. Chandler, of Norfolk, member of the Virginia Legislature, in 1832, took occasion to say: " It is admitted, by all who have addressed this House, that slavery is a curse, and an increasing one. That it has been destructive to the lives of our citizens, history, with unerring truth, will record. That its future increase will create com- motion, cannot be doubted," 102 SOUTHEKN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. THE VOICE OF STJMMEES, Mr. Summers, of Kanawha, member of the Legislature of Virginia, in 1832, said : " The evils of this system cannot be enumerated. It were unnecessary to attempt it. They glare upon us at every step. When the owner looks to his wasted estate, he knows and feels them." THE TOICE OF PEESTON. In the Legislature of Virginia, in 1832, Mr. Preston said : " Sir, Mr. Jefferson, whose hand drew the preamble to the Bill of Eights, has eloquently remarked that we had invoked for ourselves the benefit of a principle which we had denied to others. He saw and felt that slaves, as men, were embraced within this principle." THE VOICE OF BIItNEY. James G. Birney, of Kentucky, under whom the Abolitionists first became a National Party, and for whom they voted for President in 1844, giving him 66,304 votes, says : " I allow not to human laws, be they primary or secondary, no matter by what numbers, or with what solemnities ordained, the least semblance of right to esta- blish slaverv, to make property of my fellow, created, equally with myself, in the image of God. Individually, or as political communities, men have no more right to enact slavery, than they "have to enact murder or blasphemy, or incest or adul- tery. To establish slavery is to dethrone right, to trample on justice, the only true foundation of government. Governments exist not for the destruction of liberty, bi;t for its defence ; not for the annihilation of men's rights, but their preservation. Do they incorporate in their organic law the element of injustice ? — do they live by admitting it in practice ? Then do they destroy their own foundation, and absolve all men from the duty of allegiance. Is any man so besotted as, for a moment, to suppose that the slaveholder has an atom" of right to his slave ; as that the slave has resting on him an atom of obligation to obey the laws that enslave him, that rob him of everything — of himself? No one ; else why do all just men of all coun- tries rejoice when they hear that the oppressed of any country have achieved their liberty, at whatever cost to their tyrants ?" THE VOICE OF DELAWAEE. Strong anti-slavery sentiments had become popular in Delaware as early as 1785. With Maryland and Missouri, it may now be ranked as merely a semi-slave State. Mr. McLane, a member of Congress from this State, in 1825, said : " I shall not imitate the example of other gentlemen by making professions of ray love of liberty and abhorrence of slavery, not, however, because I do not entertain them. I am an enemy to slavery." TEE VOICE OF MAEYLAND. Slavery has little vitality in Maryland. Baltimore, the greatest city of the South — greatest because freest — has a population of more than two Imndred thousand souls, and yet less than three thousand of these are slaves. In spite of all the unjust and oppressive statutes enacted by the oligarchy, the non-slaveholders, who with the exception of a small number of slaveholding emancipationists, may in truth be said to be the SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVEEY. 103 only class of really respectable and patriotic citizens in the South, have wisely determined that their noble State shall be freed from the sin and the shame, the crime and the curse of slavery ; and in accordance with this determination, long since formed, they are giving every possible encouragement to free white labor, thereby, very properly, rendering the labor of slaves both unprofitable and disgraceful. The formation of an Abolition Society in this State, in 1789, was the result of the influ- ence of the masterly speeches delivered in the House of Delegates, by the Hon. William Pinkney, whose undying testimony we have already placed on record. Nearly seventy years ago, this eminent lawyer and statesman declared to the people of America, that if they did not mark out the bounds of slavery, and adopt measures for its total extinction, it would finally " work a decay of the spirit of liberty in the free States." Further, he said that, " by the eternal principles of natural justice, no master in the State has a right to hold his slave in bondage a single hour." In 1787, Luther Martin, of this State, said : " Slavery is inconsistent with tlie genius of republicanism, and has a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is supported, as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and habituates us to tyranny and oppression." THE VOIOK OF VIEGINIA. After introducing the unreserved and immortal testimony of Wash- ington, Jefferson, Madison, Henry, and the other great men of the Old Dominion, against the institution of slavery, it may, to some, seem quite superfluous to back the cause of Freedom by arguments from other Vir- ginia abolitionists ; but this State, notwithstanding all her more modern manners and inJiumanity, has been so prolific of just views and noble sentiments, that we deem it eminently fit and proper to blazon many of them to the world as the redeeming features of her history. An Aboli- tion Society was formed in this State in 1791. In a memorial which the members of this Society presented to Congress, they pronounced slavery " not only an odious degradation, but an outrageous violation of one of the most essential rights of human nature, and utterly repugnant to the precepts of the Gospel." A Bill of Rights, imanimously agreed upon by the Virginia Convention of June 12, 1776, holds— " That all men are, by nature, equally free and independent ; " Tliat Government is, or ought to be, instituted for the common benefit, protec- tion, and security, of the People, Nation, or Community ; " That elections of members to serve as representatives of the people in assembly ought to be free ; " That all men having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with, and attachment to, the community, have the right of suffrage, and cannot be taxed or deprived of their property, for public uses, without their own consent or that of their representatives so elected, nor bound by any law to which they have not in like manner assented, for the public good ; " That the freedom of the Press is one of the greatest bulwarks of Liberty, and can never be restrained but by despotic Governments ; " That no free Government or the blessing of Liberty can be preserved to any people, but by a firm adherence to justice, moderation, temperance, frugality, and virtue, and by a frequent recurrence to fundamental principles." 104 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVEET. The " Virginia Society for the Abolition of Slavery," organized in 1791, addressed Congress in these words: " Your memorialists, fully aware that righteousness exalteth a nation, and that slavery is not only an odious degradation, but an outrageous violation of one of the most essential rights of human nature, and utterly repugnant to the precepts of the Gospel, wliich lircatla-s ' peace on earth and good will to men, lament that a practice so inconsistent with true policy and the inalienable rights of men, should subsist in so enlightened an age, and amon" a people professing that all mankmd are, by nature, equally entitled to freedom. ' THE VOICE OF XOETH CAEOLIXA. If the question. Slavery or No Slavery, could be fairly presented for the decision of the legal voters of North Carolina at the next popular election, wo believe that at least two-thirds of them would deposit the Ko Slavery ticket. Perhaps one-fourth of the slaveholders themselves would vote it, for the slaveholders in this State are more moderate, decent, sensible, and honorable, than the slaveholders in either of the adjoining States, or the States furtlier South ; and we know that many of them are heartily ashamed of the disreputable occupations of slaveholding and slave-breeding in which they are engaged, for we have had the assurance from many of their own lips. As a matter of course, all the non-slaveholders, who are so greatly in the majority, would vote to suppress the degrading system, Avhich has kept them so long in poverty and ignorance, with the exception of those who are complete automatons to the beck and call of their imperious lords and masters, the major-generals of the oligarchy. How long shall it be before the citizens of North Carolina shall have the jjrivilege of expressing, at the ballot-box, their true sentiments with rcard to this vexed question? "Why not decide it at the next general election? Sooner or later, it must and will be decided — decided cor- rectly, too — and the sooner the better. The first Southern State that abolishes slavery will do herself an immortal honor. God grant that North Carolina may be that State, and soon! There is at least one plausible reason why this good old State should be the first to move in this imi)ortant matter, and we will state it. On the 20th of May, 1775, just one year, one montli and fourteen days prior to the adoption of the Jefiersonian Declaration of Independence, by the Continental Congress in Philadelpliia, July 4, 177G, the Mecklenburg Declaration of Indepen- dence, the autliorship of which is generally attributed to Ephraim Bre- vard, wa-s proclaimed in Charlotte, Mecklenburg county. North Carolina, and fully ratified in a second Convention of the people of said county, held on the 31st of the same month. And here, by the way, we may remark, that it is supposed that Mr. Jefferson made use of this last-men- tioned document as the basis of his draft of tlie indestructible title-deed of oar liberties. There is certainly an identlcalness of language between the two papers that is well calculated to strengthen this hypothesis. SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVEET. 105 This, however, is a controversy about which we are but little concerned. For present purposes, it is, perhaps, enough for us to know, that on the 20th of May, 1776, when transatlantic tyranny and oppression could no longer be endured, North Carolina set her sister colonies a most valorous and praiseworthy example, and that they followed it. To her infamous slaveholding sisters of the South, it is now meet that she sliould set another noble example of decency, virtue, and independence. Let her at once inaugurate a policy of common justice and humanity — enact a system of equitable laws, having due regard to the rights and interests of all classes of persons, poor whites, negroes, and nabobs, and the surrounding States will ere long applaud her measures, and adopt similar ones for the governance of themselves. Another reason, and a cogent one, why North Carolina should aspire to become the first free State of the South is this: Tlie first slave State that makes herself respectable by casting out the "mother of harlots," and by rendering enterprise and industry honorable, will immediately receive a large accession of most worthy citizens from other States in the Union, and thus lay a broad foundation of permanent political power and prosperity. Intelligent white farmers from the Middle and New England States will flock to our more congenial clime, eager to give thirty dollars per acre for the very lands that are now a drug in the market because nobody wants them at the rate of five doUars per acre ; an immediate and powerful impetus will be given to commerce, manu- factures, and all the industrial arts; science and literature will be revived, and every part of the State will reverberate with the triumphs of manual and intellectual labor. In a pecuniary point of view, we of North Carolina are, at this present time, worth less than either of the four adjoining States; lot us abolish slavery at the beginning of the next regular decade of years, and if our example is not speedily followed, we shall, on or before the 4th of July, 1876, be enabled to purchase the whole of Virginia and South Carolina, including, perhaps, the greater part of Georgia. An exclusive lease of liberty for ten years would unquestionably make us the Empire State of the South. But we have no disposition to debar others from the enjoyment of liberty or any other inalienable right; we ask no special favor ; what we demand for ourselves we are willing to concede to our neighbors. Hereby we make application for a lease of freedom for ten years ; shall we have it? May God enable us to secure it, as we believe He will. We give fair notice, however, that if we get it for ten years, we shall, with the approbation of Heaven, keep it twenty- forty — a thousand — forever ! We transcribe the Mecklenburg Eesolutions, which, it will be ob- served, acknowledge the " inherent and inalienable rights of man," and "declare ourselves a free and independent people, are, and of right 106 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST BLAVEET. ought to be, a, sovereign and self-governing association, under the con- trol of no power other than that of our God, and the general govern- ment of the Congress." MEOKLENBXIHG DECLAEATIOK OF INDEPENDENCE, As proclaimed in the town of Charlotte, North Carolina, May 20th, 1775, and ratified by the County of Mecklenburg, in Convention, May 31st, 1775. "I. Resolved — That whosoever, directly or indirectly, abetted, or in anyway, form or manner, countenanced the unchartered and dangerous invasion of our rights as claimed by Great Britain, is an enemy to this country, to America, and to the inherent and inalienable rights of man. " II. Resolved— Thiit we the citizens of Mecklenburg County, do hereby dissolve the political bauds which have connected us to the mother country, and hereby absolve ourselves from all allegiance to the British Crown, and abjure all political counection, contract or association with that nation, who have wantonly trampled on our rights and liberties, and inhumanly shed the blood of American patriots at Lexington. '• III. Resolved — That we do hereby declare ourselves a free and independent people, are, and of right ought to be, a sovereign and self-governing association, under the control of no power other than that of our God, and the general govern^ ment of the Congress ; to the maintenance of which independence, we solemnly pledge to each other our mutual cooperation, our lives, our fortunes, and our most sacred honor. " IV. Resolved — That as we now acknowledge the existence and control of no law or legal officer, civil or military, within this county, we do hereby ordain and adopt, as a rule of life, all, each, and every of our former laws — wherein, never- theless, the crown of Great Britain never can be considered as holding rights, privileges, immunities or authority therein." Had it not been for slavery, which, witli all its other blighting and degrading influences, stifles and subdues every noble impulse of the heart, this consecrated spot would long since have been marked by an enduring monument, whose grand proportions should bear witness that the virtues of a noble ancestry are gratefully remembered by an emulous and appreciative posterity. Yet, even as tilings are, we are not without gonniue consolation. Tlie star of hope and promise is beghming to beam briglitly over the long-obscured horizon of the South ; and we are firm in tlie belief, tliat freedom, wealth, and magnanimity, will soon do justice to the memory of those fearless ])atriots, whose fair fame has been suftered to molder amidst the multifarious abominations of slavery, poverty, ignorance and grovelling selfishness. In the Provincial Convention held in North Carolina, in August, 1774, in wliich there were sixty-nine delegates, representing nearly every county in tlio province, it was — J'Resolved-'rhnt we will not import any slave or slaves, or purchase any slave w«rw V"''^.'"'^?'' ,"■■, '""""gi't into the Province by others, from any part of the world, after the hrst day of November next." In Iredell's Statutes, revised by Martin, it is stated that, decbn-n''gtto m' gft sTavf s."" '"' '''' '' '" ^^^ '''''''' ^"'' '' '"^^ ^^-l'^«or, S0T3THEKN TESTIMONT AGAINST SLAVERY. 107 That there is no legal slavery ia the Southern States, and tliat slavery nowhere can be legalized, any more than theft, arson or murder can be legalized, has been vu-tually admitted by some of the most profound Southern jurists themselves ; and we will here digress so far as to fur- nish the testimony of one or two eminent lawyers, not of North Caro- ina, upon this point. In the debate in the United States Senate, in 1850, on the Fugitive Slave Bill, Mr. Mason, of Virginia, objected to Mr. Dayton's amendment, providing for a trial by jury, because, said he — " A trial by jury necessarily carries with it a trial of the whole right, and a trial of the right to service will be gone into, according to all the forms of the Court, in determining upon any other fact. Then, again, it is proposed, as a part of the proof to be adduced at the hearing, after the fugitive has been re-captnrcd, that evi- dence shall be brought by the claimant to show that slavery is established in the State from which the fugitive has absconded. Now this very thing, in a recent case in the city of New York, was required by one of the judges of that State, which case attracted the attention of the authorities of Maryland, and against which they pro- tested. In that case the State judge went so far as to say that the only mode of proving it was by reference to the Statute book. Such proof is required in the Senator's amendment ; and if he means by this that proof shall be brought that slavery is established by existing laws, it is impossible to comply with the requisi- tion, for no such law can be produced, I apprehend, in any of the slave States. I am not aware that there is a single State in which the institution is established by positive law.' Judge Clarke, of Mississippi says : " In this State the legislature have considered slaves as reasonable and account- able beings ; and it should be a stigma upon the character of the State, and a reproach to the administration of justice, if the life of a slave could be taken with impunity, or if he could be murdered in cold blood, without subjecting the offend- er to the highest penalty known to the criminal jurisprudence of the country. Has the slave no rights, because he is deprived of his freedom ? He is still a human being, and possesses all those rights of which he is not deprived by the positive provisions of the law. The right of the master exists not by force of the law of nature or nations, but by virtue only of the positive law of the State." The Hon. Judge Ruffin, of North Carolina, says : " Arguments drawn from the well-established principles, which confer and res- train the authority of the parent over the child, the tutor over the pupil, the mas- ter over the apprentice, have been pressed on us. The Court docs not recognize their application ; there is no likeness between the cases ; they are in opposition to each other, and there is an impassable gulf between them. The diflerence is that which exists between freedom and slavery, aud a greater cannot be imagined. In the one, the end in view is the happiness of the youth, born to equal rights with that governor on whom the duty devolves of training the young to usefulness in a station which he is afterward to assume among freemen. To such an end, and with such a subject, moral and intellectual instruction seem the natural means, and, for the most part, they are found to suffice. Moderate force is superaddeject of its Author was, to gain it a lodgment in every part of the known world ; so that, by its univer- sal diffusion among all classes of society, it might quietly and peacefully modify and subdue the evil passions of men; and thus without violence, work a revolution in the whole mass of mankind. "If the system be wrong, as we have endeavored to show, if it be at variance with our duty both to God and to man, it must be abandoned. If it be asked when, I ask again when shall a man begin to cease doing wrong? Is not the answer, im- mediately? If a man is injuring us, do we ever doubt as to the time when he ought to cease ? There is, then, no doubt in respect to tL.e time when we ought to cease inflicting injury upon others." Abraham Booth, an eminent theological writer of the Baptist persua- sion, says : "I have not a stronger conviction of scarcely anything, than that slaveholding (except where the slave has forfeited his liberty by crimes against society), is wicked and incoiLsistent with Christian character. To me it is evident, that who- ever would purchase an innocent black man to make him a slave, would with equal readiness purchase a white one for the same purpose, could he do it with equal im- punity and no more disgrace." At a meeting of the General Committee of the Baptists of Virginia, in 1789, the following resolution w^as offered by Eld. John Leland, and adopted : ^^ Resolved, That slavery is a violent deprivation of the rights of nature, and incon- sistent with Republican government, and therefore we recommend it to our breth- ren to make use of every measure to extirpate this horrid evil from the land ; and pray Almighty God that our honorable legislature may have it in their power to proclaim the great jubilee, consistent with the principles of good policy." METHODIST TESTIMONY. John Wesley, the celebrated founder of Methodism, says : " Men buyers are exactly on a level with men stealers." Again, he says : " American slavery is the vilest that ever saw the sun; it constitutes the sum of all villainies." The learned Dr. Adam Clarke, author of a voluminous commentary on the Scriptures, says : "Slave-dealers, whether those who carry on the traffic in human flesh and blooc*, or those who steal a person in order to sell him into bondage, or those who buy such stolen men or women, no matter of what color or what country ;' or the nations who legalize or connive at such traffic ; all these are men-stealers,'and God classes them with the most flagitious of mortals." TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES. 135 One of the present members of the Black River (New York) Confer- ence, a gentleman of fine ability, who is zealous in every good word and work, PEOF. niRAM MATTisoN', says : " The attitude of the American churches in regard to slavery— that parent of every other abomination. isnot only strengthening the hands of infidelity againsiChristianity in France and England, but in every other nominally Christian country ; and espe- cially in these United States. It is sapping the very foundations of all contidence in the Christian religion, in the minds of tens of thousands. Not distinguishing between the loathsome cancer and the rest of the body— between the counterfeit and the genuine — they condemn the whole, and are thenceforth regarded asintidels. Instead of a slaveholding religion they accept no religion. And infidelity has no more faithful allies in America, than the D.D.'s and otlier ministers who defend, or at least apologize for American slavery. They are making more infidels than all the infidel books, and periodicals, and lecturers in the land. Let us, then, on this account also — its tendency to infidelity — rise up and put away all slaveholding from the Church of Christ." Again, laying before us a list of the cluirches which are righteously active in condemning and opposing slavery, and also of those which arc wickedly passive in excusing and upholding it, he says to his brother Methodists : " Look at our position as a Church in the light of these facts. See in what com- pany we place ourselves. Let us range the anti-slavery and pro-slavery Northei'n Churches in parallel columns, that our shame may be the more apparent : Slave-holding Churches. 1. Old School Presbyterian. 2. Protestant Episcopal. 3. EoMAN Catholic. 4. Methodist Epis. Church!" Anti-Slavery Churches. 1. Friends, or Qi'AKERS. 2. Free-will Baptists. 3. United Brethren. 4. Associate Presbyterian. 5. Wesleyan Methodists. 6. Orthodox Congregational. 7. General Baptists. 8. Rep'd Prot. Dutch Chubch. 9. New School Presbyterian. 10. Unitarian. 11. Universalists ! One of the rules laid down in the Methodist Discipline as amended iu 1784, was as follows : "Every member of our Society who has slaves in his possession, shall, within twelve mouths after notice given to him by the assistant, legally execute and record an instrument, whereby he emancipates and sets free every slave in his possession." Another rule was in these words : " No person holding slaves shall in future be admitted into Society, or to the Lord's Supper, till he previously complies with these rules concerning slavery." The answer to the question — " What shall be done with those who buy or sell slaves, or give them away " — is couched in the following language : " They are immediately to be expelled, unless they buy them on purpose to free them." In 1785, the voice of this church was heard as follows : "We do hold in the deepest abhorrence the practice of slavery, and shall not cease to seek its destruction, by all wise and prudent means." In 1797, the Discipline contained the following wholesome paragraph 136 TESTIMONY OF THE CUUKCHE8. " The preachers and other members of our Society are requested to consider the subject of Negro slavery, with deep attention, and that they impart to the General Conference, through the medium of the Yearly Conferences, or otherwise, any important thoughts on the subject, that the Conference may have full light, in order to take further steps toward eradicating this enormous evil from that part of the Church of God with which they are connected. The annual Conferences arc directed to draw up addresses for the gradual emancipation of the slaves, to the legislatures of those States in which no general laws have been passed for that pur- pose. These addresses shall urge, in the most respectful but pointed manner, the necessity of a law for the gradual emancipation of slaves. Proper committees shall be appointed by the Annual Conferences, out of the most respectable of our friends, for conducting the business ; and presiding elders, elders, deacons, and travelling preachers, shall procure as many proper signatures as possible to the addresses, and give all the assistance in their power, in every respect, to aid the committees, and to forward the blessed undertaking. Let this be continued from year to year, till the desired end be accomplished." CATHOLIC TESTIMONY. It has been only about twenty-two years since Pope Gregory XVI. immortalized himself by issuing the famous Bull against slavery, from which the following is an extract : " Placed as we are on the Supreme seat of the apostles, and acting, though by no merits of our own, as the vicegerent of Jesus Christ, the Son of God, who, through his great mercy, condescended to make himself man, and to die for the redemption of the world, we regard as a duty devolving on our pastoral functions, that we endeavor to turn aside our faithful flocks entirely from the inhuman traffic in negroes, or any other human beings whatever. ... In progress of time, as the clouds of heathen superstition became gradually dispersed, circumstances reached that point, that during several centuries there were no slaves allowed amongst the great majority of the Christian nations ; but with grief we are com- pelled to add, that there afterwards arose, even among the faithful, a race of men, who, basely blinded by the appetite and desire of sordid lucre, did not hesitate to reduce, in remote regions of the earth, Indians, negroes, and other wretched beings, to the misery of slavery ; or, finding the trade established and augmented, to assist the shameful crime of others. Nor did many of the most glorious of the Eoman Pontiffs omit severely to reprove their conduct, as injurious to their soul's health, and disgraceful to the Christian name. Among these may be especially quoted the bull of Paul III., which bears the date of the 29th of May, 1537, addressed to the Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, and another still more comprehensive, by Urban VIII., dated the 22d of April, 1636, to the collector Jurius of the Apostolic cham- ber in Portugal, most severely castigating by name those who presumed to subject either East or West Indians to slavery, to sell, buy. exchange, or give them away, to separate them from their wives and children, despoil them of their goods and property, to luring or transmit them to other places, or by any means to deprive them of liberty, or retain them in slavery ; also most severely castigating those who should presume or dare to afford counsel, aid, favor or assistance, under any pre- tence, or borrowed color, to those doing the aforesaid ; or should preach or teach that it is lawful, or should otherwise presume or dare to cooperate, by any possible means, with the aforesaid. . . . Wherefore, we, desiring to divert this disgrace from the wliole confines of Christianity, having summoned several of our venerable linitliiMs, their Eminences the Cardinals, of the II. R. Church, to our council, and, Iiaviii.' maturely deliberated on the whole matter, pursuing the footsteps of our pre- decessors, admonished by our apostolical authority, and urgently invoke in the Lord, all Chi istians, of whatever condition, that none henceforth dare to subject to slavery, unjustly persecute, or despoil of their goods, Indians, negroes, or other classes of men, or be accessories to others, or furnish them aid or assistance in so doing ; and on no account henceforth to exercise that inhuman traffic by which negroes are reduced to slavery, as if they were not men, but automata or chattels, and are sold in defiance of all the laws of justice and humanity, and devoted to severe and intolerable labors. We further reprobate, by our apostolical authority, all the above-described offences as utterly unworthy of the Christian name ; and by the same authority we rigidly prohibit and interdict all and every individual, whether ecclesiastical or laical, from presuming to defend that commerce in negro slaves under pretence or borrowed color, or to teach or publish in any manner, publicly or privately, things contrary to the admonitions which we have given in these letters. TESTIJIONY OF THE CHUKCHES. 13T " And, finally, that these, our letters, may be rendered more apparent to all, and that no person may allege any ignorance thereof, we decree and order that it shall be published according to custom, and copies thereof be properly afljxcd to the gates of St. Peter and of the Apostolic Chancel, every and in like manner to the General Court of Mount Citatorio, and in the field of the Campus Florse and also through the city, by one of our heralds, according to aforesaid custom. " Given at Rome, at the Palace of Santa Maria Major, under the seal of the fisherman, on the 3d day of December, 1837, and in the ninth year of our pon- tificate. " Countersigned by Cardinal A. Lambruschini." We have already quoted the language of Pope Leo X., who says : "Not only does the Christian religion, but nature herself, cry out against the state of slavery." The Abbo Eayual says : " He who supports slavery is the enemy of the human race. He divides it into two societies of legal assassins, the oppressors and the oppressed. I shall not be afraid to cite to the tribunal of reason and justice those governments which tole- rate this cruelty, or which even are not ashamed to make it the basis of their power." From the proceedings of a Massachusetts Anti-slavery Convention in 1855, we make the following extract : " Henry Kemp, a Roman Catholic, came forward to defend the Romish Church in reply to Mr. Foster. He claimed that the Catholic Church is thoroughly anti- slavery — as thoroughly as even his friend Foster." Thus manfully do men of pure hearts and noble minds, whether in Church or State, and without regard to sect or party, lift up their voices against the wicked and pernicious system of human slavery. Thus they speak, and thus they are obliged to speak, if they speak at all ; it is only the voice of Nature, Justice, Truth, and Love, that issues from them. The divine principle in man prompts him to speak and strike for Freedom ; the diabolical principle within him prompts him to speak and strike for slavery. From those churches which are now — as all churches ought to be, and will be, ere the world becomes Christianized — thoroughly indoctrin- ated in the principles of freedom, we do not, as already intimated, deem it particularly necessary to bring forward new arguments in opposition to slavery. If, however, the reader would be pleased to hear from the churches to which we chiefly allude — and, by the by, he might hear from them with much profit to himself— we respectfully refer him to Henry Ward Beecher, George B. Cheever, Joseph P. Thompson, Tlieo- dore Parker, E. H. Chapin, and H. W. Bellows, of the North, and to M. D. Conway, John G. Fee, James S. Davis, Daniel Worth, and W. E. Lincoln, of the South. All these reverend gentlemen, ministers of dif- ferent denominations, feel it their duty to preach against slavery, and, to their honor be it said, they do preach against it with unabated zeal and success. Our earnest prayer is, that Heaven may enable them, their contemporaries and successors, to preach against it with such energy and effect, as will cause it, in due time, to disappear forever from the soil of our Republic. CHAPTER VII. BIBLE TESTIMONY. Quench, righteous Uod, the thirst, That Congo's sons hath curs'd — The thirst for gold ! Shall not thy thunders speak, Where Mammon's altars reek, ^V'he^e maids and matrons shriek, Bound, bleeding, sold ? PlERPOKT. EvEKT person who has read the Bible, and who has a proper under- standing of its leading moral precepts, feels in his own conscience, that it is an original and complete anti-slavery book. In a crude state of society — in a barbarous age — when men were in a manner destitute of wholesome la^js, either human or divine, it is possible that a mild form of slavery may have been tolerated, and even regulated, as an insti- tution clothed with the importance of temporary recognition ; but the Deity never approved it, and for the very reason that it is impossible for him to do wrong, he never will, never can approve it. The worst sys- tem of servitude of which we have any account in the Bible — and, by the way, it furnishes no account of anything so bad as slavery (the evil- one and his hot home alone excejjted) — was far less rigorous and atrocious than that now established in the Southern States of this Confederacy. Even that system, however, the worst, which seems to have been prac- tised to a considerable extent by those venerable old fogies, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, was one of the monstrous inventions of Satan that God " winked " at ; and, to the mind of the biblical scholar, nothing can be more evident than that Ho determined of old, that it should, in due time, be abolished. To say that the Bible sanctions slavery is equivalent to saying that the sun loves darkness ; to say that one man was created to domineer over another is to call in question the justice, mercy and goodness of God. We will now listen to a limited number of the PEE0EPT8 AND SAYINGS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. " Proclaim liberty throughout all the land, unto all the inhabitants thereof." " He that stealeth a man, and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death." 1S8 BICLE TESTIMONY. 139 "Whoso stoppetli his ears at the cry of the poor, he also shall cry, hut shall not be heard." "He that oppresseth the poor reproacheth his Maker." "Relieve the oppressed." " Envy thou not the oppressor, and choose none of his waya." "Let the oppressed go free." "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." " Thou shalt not respect the person of the poor, nor honor the person of the mighty ; but in righteousness shalt thou judge thy neighbor." " The -wages of him that is hired shall not abide with thee all night until the morning." " Do justice to the afflicted and needy ; rid them out of the hand of the wicked." " Execute judgment and justice ; take away your exactions from my people, Baith the Lord God." " Therefore thus saith the Lord ; ye have not hearkened unto me, in proclaiming liberty, every one to his brother, and everv man to his neighbor : behold. I pro- claim a liberty for you. saith the Lord, to the sword, to the pestilence, and to the fanune ; and I will make you to be removed into all the kingdoms of the earth. " I will be a swift witness against the sorcerers, and against the adulterers, and against false swearers, and against those that oppress the hireling in his wages, the widow, and the fatherless, and that turn aside the stranger from his right, and fear not me, saith the Lord of Hosts." " As the partridge setteth on eggs, and hatcheth them not ; so he that getteth riches, and not by "right, shall leave them in the midst of his days, and at his end shall be a fool." Aud now let us listen to a few selected TEECEPTS AJTD SATEStGS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. " Call no man master, neither be ye called masters." "Where the spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty." " If thou mayest be made free, use it rather." " Do good to all men, as ye have opportunity." " The laborer is worthy of his hire." " All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them." " Be kindly affectionate one to another with brotherly love ; in honor preferring one another." " Stand fast therefore in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made you free, and be not entangled again with the yoke of bondage." Some years ago a clerical sycophant of the slave power had the teme- rity to publish a book or pamphlet entitled " Bible defence of Slavery," which the Baltimore Sun, in the course of a caustic criticism, handled in the following manner : 140 EEBLE TESTIMONY. " Bible defence of slavery ! Tliere is no such thing as a Bible defence of slavery at the present day. Slavery in the United States is a social institution, originating in the convenience and cupidity of our ancestors, existing by State laws, and recognized to a certain extent— for the recovery of slave property— by the Consti- lution. And nobody would pretend that, if it were inexpedient and unprofitable for any man or any State to continue to hold slaves, they would be bound to do so on the ground of a ' Bible defence ' of it. Slavery is recorded in the Bible, and ap- proved, with many degrading characteristics. War is recorded in the Bible, and approved, under what seems to us the extreme of cruelty. But are slavery and war to endure for ever because we find them in the Bible ? or are they to cease at once and for ever because the Bible inculcates peace and brotherhood?" The Haleys, Legrees and Peterkins of the South — boors of Vandalio hearts and minds — are, ever and anon, manifesting some of the most palpable and ridiculous idiosyncrasies of human nature. Ignorant of even the first lessons of a hornbook, they bandy among themselves, in traditionary order, certain garbled passages of Scripture, such, for instance, as that concerning poor old besotted Noah's intemperate curse of Ham, which, in shame and pity be it said, they regard, or pretend to regard, as investing them with full and perfect license to practise and perpetuate their most unhallowed system of iniquity. Such are the hardened, crafty creatures in human form, who, following the example of their subtle sire, when he perched himself on a pinnacle of the tem- ple at Jerusalem, quote Scripture, without even the semblance of a blush, in the prosecution of their treasons, strategems and spoils. Such are the veritable actors, who, with "Southside Doctors of Divinity," Bible in hand, as prompters, are unceasingly performing the horrible tragedy of Human Slavery. From all such gross and irreverent distorters of Biblical truth, good Lord deliver us ! CHAPTER VIII. TESTIMONY OF LIVIXG TFITXESSES. It was the intention of the fathers of the Constitution that liberty should be national %ni slavery sectional. James Madison, himself a slaveholder, one of the framers of the Constitu- tion, afierward Governor of Virginia, and then President of the United States, tells us why slavery was not mentioned in that instrument. He said that, when the institution of slavery had ceased to exist in this land, they did not wish the memory of it to remain on record. .... Shadows of the days that are past gather around me. I am standing as I have stood, as a reed shaken by the wind, as the voice of one crying in the wilderness. What ar- gument have I not exhausted, to what sentiment have I not appealed ? And I have called upon every living thing in vain ; yet when I remember that all the experience of the ages is concentrated in our Constitution, I return once more to the charge, and I would that my voice could extend to every palace, and to every cabin throughout this wide Republic, that I might say to you. Arouse from your fatal delusion ; liberty and slavery cannot coexist ; one or the other must die ! — CASSrcs M. Clat. The conflict between Freedom and Slavery is not simply a conflict be- tween two diverse systems of labor, the one of which recognizes, while the other ignores, the manhood of the laborer ; nor merely between two diverse policies, the one of which tends to enrich, and the other to im- poverish society ; but it is, preeminently, a conflict between civilization with aU its elevating and ameliorating influences, on the one side, and barbarism with aU its rudeness and savagery, its ignorance and contempt of humanity, on the other. The very existence of slavery is incompati- ble with the highest order of social life. Fetich- worship does not more certainly indicate the degradation of the religious ideas of a peoplo than does the chattelization of humanity mark an incomplete civilization. This element of barbarism, lingering in society wherever slavery lingers, makes itself particularly manifest in the present insane efforts of the oligarchy to reopen the foreign slave trade, not only at the expense of Immanity and religion, but at the sacrifice of the national honor, and our position among the moral forces of the world. How strikingly contrasts with this savagery of barbarism the present attitude of the great Russian Empire, as represented in the policy of the reigning emperor, Alexander the Second! Witli a far-seeing wisdom, which takes him out of the mob of vulgar potentates, and vindicates the kingship that belongs to a right royal nature, he hae magnanimously re- solved on the abolition of serfdom throughout his vast empire. The mag nitude of the work proposed, considered, simply in itself, and its still 142 TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES. greater magnitude, considered in its far-reaching consequences, are be- yond the grasp of any ordinary capacity, and must command for tlie young emperor, who has determinedly given himself to it, the sympathy and admiration of all true statesmen, pliilanthropists, and friends of free- dom throughout the world. His enterprise is a mightier one than that which tasked the energies of his renowned ancestor, Peter the Great ; and its successful accomplishment will give him a far more legitimate and lasting claim on the love and reverence of mankind. The one con- solidated a great emjjire, the other will add millions of loyal subjects to it, by taking them out of the category of chattels, and giving them then- proper status in the ranks of humanity. That this grand project will be crowned with success, the wisdom and energy with which the young emperor has set himself to the task, forbid us lo doubt. And how it shames the despots of our own land, intent not only on the perpetuation of their pet barbarism, but on plunging the country into a still deeper slough of infamy and peril, by a reopening of tlie African slave trade, with all the bloody and sickening atrocities which it involves ! Verily, the boasted enlightenment of our slavery propagandists is about on a par with that of New Zealand, and may weU challenge the admiration of " South-side Doctors of Divinity," who devoutly rcgai-d the kidnapper as God's divinest messenger of salvation to the heathen world ! But a truce to these thoughts of men and n)easures abroad, and now to the contemporaneous Alexanders and others of our own country, be- ginning with WILLIAM n. SEWAED. In his masterly speech at Rochester, on Monday, Oct. 26, 1858, Senator Seward said : " Free labor and slave labor — ^tliese antagonistic systems are continually comin:^ into close contact, and collision results. Shall I tell you what this collision means'? They who think it is accidental, unnecessary, the work of interested or fanatical agitators, and therefore ephemeral, mistake the case altogether. It is au irrepres- sible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a sluveholding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation. Either the cotton and rice fields of South Carolina and the sugar plantations of Louisiana will ultimately be tilled by free labor, and Charleston and New Orleans become marts for legitimate merchandise alone, ov else the rye fields and wheat fields of Massachusetts and New York must again be surrendered by their farmers to slave culture and to the production of slaves, and Boston and New York become once more markets for trade in the bodies and souls of men." At Buffalo, Friday, Oct. 19, 1855, he said : " I have seen slavery in the slave States, and freedom in the free States. I have seen both slavery and freedom in this State. I know too well the evils of the for- mer to be willing to spare any effort to prevent their return. The experience of New York tells the whole argument against slavery extension, the whole argument for universal freedom. Suppose that, fifty years ago, New York, like Virginia and Maryland, had clung to slavery, where now would have been these three compo- site millions of freemen, the choice and flower of Europe and America? In that case, would superstition and false national pride have needed to orcranize a secret cabal, afliliated by unlawful oaths, to proscribe the exile and his children for their nativity or their conscience' sake ? Where would then have been the Erie Canal, the Genesee Valley Canal, the Oswego Canal, the Seneca and Cayuga Canal, the TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES. 143 Crooked Lake Canal, the Chemung Canal, the Chenango Canal, the Elack Hirer Canal, the Champlain Canal — where the imperial New York Central Eailroad, the Erie Eailroad, and the Ogdensburgh Railroad, with their branches penetrating not only every inhabited district in this State, but every inhabited region also in adja- cent States and in British America? Where would have been the colleges and academies, and, above all, the free common schools, yielding instruction to chil- dren of all sects and in all languages? Where the asylums and other public char- ities, and, above all, that noble emigrant charity which crowns the State with such distinguished honor ? Where these ten thousand churches and cathedrals, renew- ing on every recurring Sabbath day the marvel of Pentecost, when the sojourner from every laud hears the Gospel of Christ preached to him in his own tongue ? Where would have been the steamers, the barges, brigs, and schooners, which crowd this harbor of Bullalo, bringing hither the productions of the Mississippi Valley and of the Gulf coast, in exchange for the fabrics of the Atlantic coast and of Europe, and of the teas and spices of Asia ? Where the coasting vessels, the merchant ships, the clippers, the whale ships, and the ocean mail steamers, which are rapidly concentrating in our great seaport the commerce of the world? AVhere the American Navy, at once the representative and champion of the cause of uni- versal Kepublicanisni ? Where your inventors of steamboats, of electric telegraphs, and of planing machines — where your ingenious artisans — where your artists— where your mighty Press, the Coui-ier and Enquirer, the Tribune, the Times, and even the Herald itself, defender of slavery as it is ? Where j-our twenty cities — and where, above all, the merry, laughing agricultural industry of native-born and exotic laborers, enlivening the whole broad landscape, from the Lake coast to the Ocean's side ? Go, ask Virginia — go, ask even noble Maryland, expending as she is a giant's strength in the serpent's coils, to show you her people, canals, rail- roads, universities, schools, charities, commerce, cities, and cultivated acres. Her silence is your expressive answer." At Albany, Friday, Oct. 12, 1855, he said : " So long as the Republican party shall be firm and faithful to the Constitution, the Union, and the Rights of Man. I shall serve it, with the reservation of that per- sonal independence which is my birthright, but at the same time with the zeal and devotion that patriotism allows and enjoins. I do not know, and personallj' I do not greatly care, that it shall work out its great ends this year, or the next, or in my lifetime ; because I know that those ends are ultimately sure, and that time and trial are the elements which make all great reformations sure and lasting. I have not thus far lived for personal ends or temporary fame, and I shall not begin so late to live or labor for them, 1 have hoped that 1 might leave my country somewhat worthier of a lofty destiny, and the rights of human nature somewhat safer. A reasonable ambition must always be satisfied with sincere and practical endeavors. If, among those who shall come after us, there shall be anj' curious inquirer who shall fall upon a name so obscure as mine, he shall be obliged to confess that, however unsuccessfully I labored for generous ends, yet that I nevertheless was ever faithful, ever hopeful." SALMON P. CHASE. Addressing the Southern and Western Liberty Convention, at Cin- cinnati, June 11, 1845, Mr. Chase used tlie following unreserved, appro- priate language : '• It is our duty, and our purpose, to rescue the government from the control of the slaveholders ; to harmonize its practical administration with the provisions of the Constitution, and to secure to all, without exception, and without partiality, the rights which the Constitution guarantees. We believe that slaveholding, in the United States, is the source of numberless evils, moral, social and political ; that it hinders social progress; that it embitters public and private intercourse ; that it degrades us as individuals, as States and as a nation : that it holds back our country from a splendid career of greatness and glory. We are, therefore, resolutely, inflexibly, at all times, and under all circumstances, hostile to its longer continu- ance in our land. We believe that its removal can be effected peacefully, con- stitutionally, without real injury to any, with the greatest benefit to all. " We propose to effect this by repealing all legislation, and discontinuing all action, in favor of slavery at home and abroad : by prohibiting the practice of slaveholding iu all places of exclusive national jurisdiction, in the District of Columbia, iu American 144 TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES. vessels upon the seas, in forts, arsenals, navy yards ; by forbidding the employment of slaves upon any public work; by adopting resolutions in Congress, declaring that slaveholding, in all States created out of national territories, is unconstitutional, and recommending to the others the immediate adoption of measures for its extinction within their respective limits ; and by electing and appointing to public station such men, and only such men, as openly avow our principles, and will honestly carry out our measures." OASSrUS M. CLAY. Of the great number of good speeches made by members of the Ee- publican party during the Presidential campaign of 1856, it is, we believe, pretty generally admitted that the best one was made by Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, who, at the Tabernacle, in New York city, October 24th, said: "If there are no manufactures, there is no commerce. In vain do the slave- holders go to Knoxville, to Nashville, to Memphis and to Charleston, and resolve that they will have nothing to do with these Abolition eighteen millions of Northern people ; that they will build their own vessels, manufacture their own goods, ship their own products to foreign countries and break down New York, Philadelphia and Boston ! Again, they resolve and reresolve, and yet there is not a single ton more shipped, and not a single article added, to the wealth of the South. But, ij^ gentlemen, they never invite such men as I am to attend their conventions. They ^•"y* know that I would tell them that slavery is the cause of their poverty, and that I "**^ will tell them that what they are aiming at is the dissolution of the Union — ^tliat they may be prepared to strike for that whenever the nation rises. They well know that by slave labor the very propositions which they make can never be realized; yet, when we show these things, they cry out, ' Oh, Cotton is King !' But when we look at the statistics, we find that so far from Cotton being King, Grass is King. There are nine articles of staple productions which are larger than that of cotton in this country. ■"- " I suppose it does not follow, because slavery is endeavoring to modify the great dicta of our fathers, that cotton and free labor are incompatible. In the extreme South, at New Orleans, the laboring men — the stevedores and hackmen on the levee, where the heat is intensified by the proximity of the red brick buildings — are all white men, and they are in the full enjoyment of health. But how about cotton? I am informed by a friend of mine — himself a slaveholder, and therefore good authority — that in Northwestern Texas, among the German settlements, who, true to their national instincts, will not employ the labor of a slave, they produce more cotton to the acre, and of a better quality, and selling at prices from a cent to a cent and a half a pound higher than that produced by slave labor. This is an experiment that illustrates what I have always held, that whatever is right is expedient." JOHN CHARLES FREMONT. Accepting his nomination for the Presidency, in 1856, Mr. Fremont, one of the noblest sons of the South, said : " I heartily concur in all movements which have for their object the repair of the mischiefs arising from the violation of good faith in the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. 1 am opposed to slavery in the abstract, and upon principles sus- tained and made habitual by long-settled convictions. I am inflexibly opposed to its extension on this continent beyond its present limits. " The great body of non-slaveholding freemen, including those of the South, upon whose welfare slavery is an oppression, will discover that the power of the general government over the public lands may be beneficially exerted to advance their interests and secure their independence ; knowing this, their suffrages will not be wanting to maintain that authority in the Union, which is absolutely essential to the maintenance of their own liberties, and which has more than onco indicated the jiurpose of disposing of the public lands in such a way as would make every selUer upon them a freeholder." TESTIMONT OF LIYENG WITNESSES. 145 CHAELES SUilXER. Speaking of the Crime atcainst Kansas, in the United States Sen- ate, on the 19th and 20th of May, 1856, Mr. Sumner, the scholarly and eloquent statesman — a gentleman and patriot, of -whom it is not too much to say, there is not an ungenerous hair upon his head, nor an iota of discount in his composition — a prudent, fearless advocate of free labor, whom, ever since Brooks' dastardly assault upon him, on tlie 22d of May, 1856, \re, as a Carolinian, have been eager (but have not yet had the opportunity) to grasp by the hand, and give from the South assurances of at least one hearty, unqualified condemnation of the out- rage — said: " The TTickedncss which I now begin to expose is immeasurably aggravated by the motive which prompted it. Not in anj' common lust for power did this un- common tragedy have its origin. It is the rape of a virgin Territory, compelling it to the hateful embrace of slavery ; and it may be clearly traced to a depraved longing for a new slave State, the hideous offspring of such a crime, in the hope of adding to the power of slavery in the national government. Yes, sir, when the whole world, alike Christian and Turk, is rising up to condemn this wrong, and to make it a hissing to the nations, here in our republic, force — aye, sir, force — has been openly cmploj-ed in compelling Kansas to this pollution, and all for the sake of political power. There is the simple fact, which you will vainly attempt to deny, but which in itself presents an essential wickedness that makes other public crimes seem like public virtues In just regard for free labor in that Terri- tory, which it is sought to blast by unwelcome association with slave labor ; ia Christian sympathy with the slave, whom it is proposed to task and to sell there ; in stern condemnation of the crime which has been consummated on that beautiful soil ; in rescue of fellow-citizens, now subjugated to a tyrannical usurpation ; in dutiful respect for the earh' Fathers, whose aspirations arc now ignobly thwarted ; in the name of the Constitution, which has been outraged — of the laws, trampled down — or Justice banished — of Humanity degraded — of Peace destroyed — of Free- dom crushed to earth : and, in the name of the Heavenly Father, whose service is perfect freedom, I make this last appeal." UEXEY WILSON. Replying to Mr. Hammond, of South Carolina, in the United States Senate, March 20th, 1858, Gen. Wilson of Massachusetts, said : " Fealty to the Administration, to the Democratic party, is now fealty to human slavery, to violence, to trickery, and to fraud. By perversions of the Constitution and the laws, by the red hand of violence, bj- unveiled trickeries and transparent frauds, by the indecent proscription of men of inflexible integrity, by the sliame- less prostitution of the honors of the government, and by the 'rank corruption, mining all within,' which 'infects unseen,' the administration is converting the American Democracy into a mere organization for the perpetuity, expansion, and domination of human slavery on the North American continent. There is not to- day, in all Christendom, a political organization so hostile to the rights of human nature, to the development of republican ideas, to the general progress of the human race, as the Democratic party of the United States. There is not a political organization even in Spain, Russia, or Austria, that dares, in the face of the civil- ized world, blazon its banners with doctrines so hostile to the rights of mankind, so abhorrent to humanity, as are avowed in these halls, and upheld by the Ameri- can Democracy, under the lead of this administration. The great powers of liurope. Eiigluiid, France and Russia, have fixed their hungry eyes upon the cov- eted prizes ef the Eastern World ; and we are invoked to forget the lessons of Was-Jimgton, to close our ears to the appeals of the people of Kansas, whose rights have been ouiraj^ed, and turn our lustful eyes to the glittering prizes of dominion 7 • 146 TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES. in Mexico, Central America, Cuba, and Jlie valleys of the distant Amazon. No party in tliosc three European monarchies dares avow, in the face of Christendom, the sentiment we have heard proclaimed in these halls, that territorial expansion, and territorial dominion must be made, not for the advancement of tlie sacred and sublime principle of equal and impartial liberty to all men, but for tlie suVijugation and personal ser\itude of other and inferior races 1 tell the vaunt- ing senator from South Carolina that thousands of merchants, manufacturers and mechanics of the North are this daj', and have been for moutjis, pressed with the burden of bearing the unpaid debts owed«thera by the slave States. 1 remember that during the terrible pressure of last year, while our business men were stagger- ing under the pressure, thirteen out of fourteen wholesale merchants in one depart- ment of business in one Southern city, imposed upon their Eastern creditors the burden of renewing their matured notes. The merchants and manufacturers of the North have lost hundreds of millions of dollars during the last tliirtj' years in the slave States. I have personally lost, in the senator's own State, in Louisiana, Virginia, and Kentucky, thousands of dollars more than I am now able to com- mand." JOUS. P. HALE. In Lis speecli on Kansas and the Supreme Court, delivered in the United States Senate, January 21st, 1Sj8, Mr. Hale said: " Peace came in 1783 ; and in 1784 Thomas Jefferson, the immortal author of the immortal Declaration of Independence, began his labors in the Continental Con- gress, moving that all the territory we then ovrned, and all the territory- that we might thereafter acquire, should be forever free from what he considered the con- taminating and blighting influences of human slavery. Those v, ho are laboring with me in this great contest may take courage from the pcr-'^everancc with which Jefferson adhered to his policy. In 17S3-'84:-'85, and '86, the measm-e failed, but finally, in 1787. it partially succeeded, and the ordinance was passed prohibiting slavery from all the territory which we then owned. Yet, sir, in view of all this history, written as with a sunbeam upon the verj^ walls of the room in Vv-hich this tribunal now assemble, they stand up in 1S57, to declare to the world that the slave trade and slavery were so universally recognized and acknov.ledged, that nobody questioned the rightfulness of the traflSc, and nobody supposed it capable of being questioned. Not content with overturning the whole line of judicial authority to be found in every nation of Europe, and in every State of this Union, and of their own solemn recorded decision, they go on to make the avowal ; and then go further, and undertake to tear from that chaplet which adorns the brov,-s of the men of the Revolution the proudest and fairest of their ornaments; and that was the sincerity of the professions which they made in regard to the rights of human nature. It is true, the court in their charity undertake to throw the laautle of ignorance over these men, and say they did not understand what they meant. Sir, they did understand it, and the country understood it. There was a jealousy on the subject of liberty and slavery at that time, of which we are little prepared to judge at the present day. It is found beaming out on the pages of the writings of ;id these men. " If the opinions of the Supreme Court are true, they put these men in the worst position of any men who are to be found on the pages of our history. If ihe opinion of theSuprcme Court be true, it makes the immortal authors cf the De- claration of Independence liars before God and hypocrites before the world ; !or they lay down their sentiments broad, full, and explicit, and then they say lla; they appeal to the Supreme Ruler of the universe for the rectitude of their ir.ten- tions ; but if you believe the Supreme Court, they were merely quibbling on wonis. They went into the courts of the Most High and pledged lidelity to their princ'j Its as the price they would pay for success ; and now it is attempted to cheat them out of the poor boon of integrity ; and it is said that tliey did not mean so : and that when they said all men, they meant all white men : and when they said that the contest they waged was for the right of mankind, the Supreme Court of the United Stales would have you believe they meant it was to establish slavevj-. Against tliat I pro- test, here, now, and everywhere; and I tell the Supreme Court that these, things are so impregnably fixed in the hearts of the people, on the page of history, in the recollections and traditions of men, that it v,ill require mightier efforts than they have made or can make to overturn or to shake these settled convictions of the popular understanding and of the popular heart." TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES. 147 NATHANIEL P. BANKS. In tlie course of liis great speecli in Wall street, Nev\- York, ou the 25tli of Sept., 1S5G, Mr. Banks said : " For seventy-five years past tke government of this country has been iu the lian^ls of southern statesmen, who have directed its policy. The North has been busy in the mechanical arts, iu agriculture, and in mining, and has given less atten- tion to the affairs of the governnient than it otherviise might have done — certainly less than it ought to have done. Ou the contrary, the South having no literature of its own, having uo science of its own, having no mechanical and luauufacturiug industry of its own, having but little or uo inventive power or genius of its ovv^n, liaving, iu short, none of the elements of power that distinguish our civilization, has turned its attention chiefly, so far as Its leading men are concerned, to the government of the country. Now, we of the North propose to divide this little matter with them I should do wrong to our cause — the cause of the Northern Stales — if I failed to say that there are other influences we desire to exert by the elevation to the Presidency' of the man of our choice. We ask that the dead weight of human wrong shall be lilted up from the continent again, that it may rise as it was rising before these acts of wrong were done." EDWIN D. MORGAN. After calling to order the Convention wliicli, in Philadelphia, in June, 1856, nominated Mr. Fremont for President, and Mr. Dayton for Vice- President, Mr. Morgan, as Chairman of the Republican National Com- mittee — now Governor of 'Kew York — said : " You are assembled for patriotic purposes. High expectations are cherished by the people. You are here to-day to give direction to a movement which is to decide whether the people of the United States are to be hereafter and forever chained to the present national policy of the extension of Human Slavery. Not whether the South is to rule, or the North ; but whether the broad, national policy which our fathers established, cherished and maintained, is to be permitted to descend to their sons, to be the guiding star of all our people. Such is the maijni- tude of the question submitted. In its consideration let us avoid all extremes — plant ourselves firmly ou the platfoim of the Constitution and the Union, taking no position which does not commend itself to the judgment of our consciences, our country, and of mankind. Of the wisdom of such a policy there ueed be no doubt : against it, there can be no successful resistance." EDWARD WADE. In his speech on the Slavery question, in the Ilouse of Represen- tatives, August 2, 1856, Mr. Wade said : "Inherent and fundamental right of freedom of speech and the press, docs not and cannot exist in slaveholding communities. This is a necessity of despotic governments, it is more than a necessity of despotism, it is in itself, the essence of despotism. There is not a more morbidly suspicious, cruel, revengeful, or lawless despotism on the face of the earth, than the nightmare of slavery, which has settled down upon the people of the slaveholding States, with the"exception of perhaps two or three of these States. There is more freedom of speech and of the press to-day, and more personal safety hi the exercise of such freedom, at Vienna, St. Petersburg, Paris, or Rome, in an attack and exposure of the despot- ism which reigns supreme over those cities, than there is at Richmond, Charleston, Milledgeville, or Mobile, to attack and expose the slaveholding despotisms which rule over these cities with a rod of iron. There are probably more citizens, born and nurtured in the slave States, now in exile from their native States for the exer- cise of freedom of speech and the press, against the dcsjiotism of slavelioldmg. than there are from Au-tria. Russia, France, or the Two Sicilies, for the exfrci'so of the same rights against the despotisms which crush those nations." 148 l-ESTEtfOKY OF LIVING WITNESSES. fea:jvC13 p. blaie, sen. In the course of an address to the Republieaus of Mar\-land — his own State — in 1856, Mr. Blair said: " In ever}' aspect in -wliich slavery among us can be considered, it is pregnant witli difliculty. Its continuance in the States in which it has talien root has resulted in the monopoly of the soil, to a great extent, in the hands of the slaveholders, and the entire control of all departments of the State Government; and yet a ni:ijority of people in the slave States are not slaveowner. This produces an anomaly in the principle of our free institutions, which threatens in time to brmg into subjugation to slaveowners the great body of the free white population." FEAXK P. BLAIR, JE. In his speech at Ooucoid, K"ew Hampshire, February 2, 1859, Mr. Blair, of Missouri, of whom the non-slavoholders of the South have high hopes in the future, said : " There is no other question before the country than that of slavery. It la the all-absorbing topic in every political circle. Upon this issue Ihave long since taken ray ground against its extension and j)erpetuation. I believe that slavery should be restricted to its present limits, and that Congress sliould do all which lies in its power to prevent the perpetuation of this evil. I know that Congress has no power to interfere with it where it at present exists within the States ; and yet I doubt not that when the Republican party takes possession of the general government, and the corrupting patronage of the administration is diverted from its present channels, we shall be able to >how the little oligarchy of slave-holders some things of which they little dream even within the States. . . . Although the institution of slavery is to be c ondemned, because it deprives the slave of every tiling except his bread and but- ter, and clothing, and shelter in winter, it merits more decided condemnation on ano- ther ground. It deprives the poor whites of the South ofevery aspiration which apper- tains to anything nobler than their liodies. It deprives them of the exercise of tlieir intellects, of schools, education and culture, no less than of the bread of themselves and their children. I am more opposed to the institution on this ground than on any other, because it is our own race, the white race, which is here trampled upon — a race of working men and mechanics like yourselves. Slavery is the most odious institution ever known. It is essentially and vitally aristocratic. How dare these men stand up here and call themselves Democrats, while they have a race of whites pressed down under a twofold stratum of slaves and slave owners. I appeal to the people of New Humii^hire to lend a helping hand to this ojipressedrace. Toward them the friends of s'avery intrench themselves iu exclusive ri^-hts of a twofold nature. The negro slave is instructed in all the mechanical arts for the benefit of his master, and the white non-slaveholder is thus excluded from all opportunities lor elevating Jiis family or providing for their wants." GEEHITT SMITH. In his speech on the ^Nebraska bill, delivered in the House of Ee- presentatives, April 6, 1854, Mr. Smith said : " The slavery question is up again — up again even in Congress! It will not be kept down. At no bidding, however authoritative, will it keep down The Presi- dent of the Uniteil States commands it to keep down. Indeed he has, hitherto, seemed to make the keeping down of this question the great end of his great ofKce. Members of Congress have so far humbled themselves, as to pledge themselves on this floor to keep it down. National political conventions promise to discounte- nance, and even to resist the agitation of slavery, both in and out of Congress. Commerce and politics are as afraid of this agitation, as Macbeth was of the ghost of Banquo ; and many titled divines, taking their cue from coininerce and politics, and being no less servile than merchants and demagogues, do what they can to keep the slavery qnesl"ion out of sight. Biit all is of no avail. The saucy slavery question will not mind them. To repress it in one quarter, is only to have it burst forth more prominently in anothi>r quarter. If you hold it back here, it will breik loose there, and ru.-h forward with an accu!uulatej force, that shall amply revenge TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES. 14:9 for all its detention. And tliis is not strange, -when we consider liow great is the power of truth. It were madness for man to bid the grass not to grow, the waters not to run. tlie winds not to blow. It were madness for him to assimie the mastery of the eloments of the physical world. But more emphatically were it madness for him to attempt to hold in his puny fist the forces of the moral world. Canute's folly, in setting bounds to the sea. "was wisdom itself, compiired wilh the so mnch greater folly of attempting to subjugate the moral forces. Now, the power which is, ever and anon, throwing up the slavery question into our unwilling and affrighted faces, is Truth. The passion-blinded and the infatuated may not discern this mighty agent. Nevertheless, Truth lives and reigns forever; and she will be, continually, tossing lip unsettled questions. We must bear in mind, too, that every question, which has not been disposed of in conformity with her requirements, and which has not been laid to repose on her own blessed bosom, is an unsettled question. Hence, slavery is an unsettled question, and must continue such, until it shall have fled forever from the presence of liberty." JOSHUA R. GIDDIXGS. In his speech on American Piracy, in Co^nmittee of the whole House, on the state of the Union, June 7, 1858, Mr. Giddings said : "Every man who sells a slave thereby encourages the slave trade ; and no reflect- ing mind can regard the coastwise slave trade less criminal than that which is car- ried on upon the shores of Africa. In truth it was born of the African trade, and in its effects it is more atrocious, as its victims are more intelligent. It is thus tliat the African slave trade, the coastwise slave trade, the inter-State slave trade, the holding of slaves, the breeding of slaves, the selling and buying of slaves, are all connected and interwoven in one general network of moral turpitude, constituting an excrescence, a cancer upon the body politic of our nation. The African slave trade constitutes the germ, the root, from which our American slave trade, and all the various relations of that institution in this country, have sprung. If the tree be piracy, it is clear that its fruit can be nothing else than piracy : and when the nation stamped that commerce as piratical, it proclaimed the guilt of every man who voluntarily connects himself with slavery." AXSO:^ BUELINGASIE. In his defence of Massachusetts, in the House of Eepresentatives, June 21, 185G, Mr. Burlingame said: " Freedom and slavery started together in the great race on this continent. In the very year the Pilgrim Fathers landed on Plymouth Rock, slaves landed in Vir- ginia. Freedom has gone on trampling down barbarism, and planting States- building the symbols of its faith bvevcry lake, and every river, until now the sous ofthe pilgrims stand by the shores of the Pacific. Slavery has also made its way toward the setting sun. It has reached the Rio Grande on the South : and the groans of its victims, and the clank of its chains, may be heard as it slowly ascends the western tributaries of the Mississippi River. Freedom has left the land bespangled with free schools, and filled the whole heavens with the shining towers of religion and civilization. Slavery has left desolation, ignorance, and death, in its path. When we look at these things ; when we see what the country would have been had freedom been given to the territories ; when we think what it would have been but for this blight in the bosom of the country; that the whole South— tliat ftiir land God has blessed so much— would have been covered with cities, and villages, and railroads, and that in the country, in the place of twenty-five millions of people, thirtv-flve millions would have hai'lcd the rising morn, exulting in republican liberty —when we think of these things, how must every honest man— how must every man with brains in his head, or heart in his bosom— regret that the policy of old Virginia, in her better days, did not become the animatingpolicy of this expanding Republic !" GALTTSHA A. GROW. In his speed I against the Lecoinpton Constitution, delivered in the House of Kepresentatives, March 25, 1858, Mr. Grow said : " Peace among a brave people is not the fruit of injustice, nor does agitation cease by the perpetration of wrong. For a thu-d of a century, the advocates of 150 TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES. slavery, wliile exercisin;? unrestricted speech in its defence, liave struggled to pre- vent all discu.ssion agaiiist it — in the South, by penal statutes, mob law, and brute force ; in the North, by dispersing assemblages of peaceable citizens, pelting their lecturers, burning their halls, and destroying their presses ; in this forum of the people, by finality resolves on all laws for the benefit of slavery, not, however, to affect those in behalf of freedom, and by attempts to stifle the great constitutional riiiht of the people at all times to petition their government. Yet. despite threats, mob law, and linality resolves, the discussion goes on, and will continue to, so long as right and wrong, justice and injustice, humanity and inhumanity, shall struggle for supremacy in the affairs of men." EALPir TVALDO EMEESOJT. In his speech at Concord, Massachusetts, Aug. 1, 18-M, celehrating the anniversary of the abolition of slavery in the West Indies, Mr. Emerson, the most i^ractical and profound metaphysician in America, said : " The crude element of good in human affairs must work andripen, spite of ■whips, and plantation laws, and West Indian interests. Conscience rolled on its pillow, and could not sleep. V/e sympathize very tenderly here with the poor aggrieved planter, of whom so many unpleasant things are said : but if we saw the whip applied to old men, to tender women ; and, undeniably, though I shrink to say so, — pregnant women set in the treadmill for refusing to work, when, not they, but the eternal law of animal nature refused to work ; — if we saw men's backs flayed with cowhides, and ' liot rum poured on, superinduced with brine or pickle, rubbed in with a corn- husk, in the scorcliing heat of the sun ;' — if we saw the runaways hunted with blood-hounds into swamps and hills; and, incases of passion, a planter throwing his negro into a copper of boiling cane juice, — if we saw these things with eyes, we too should wince. They are not pleasant sights. The blood is moral : the blood is anti-slavery : it runs cold in the veins : the stomach rises with disgust, and cm-ses slavery •• Unhappily, most unhappily, gentlemen, man is born with intellect, as well as with a love of sugar, and with a sense of justice, as well as a taste for strong drink. These ripened, as well as those. You could not educate him, you could not get any poetry, any wisdom, any beauty in woman, any strong and comraandinii- character in man, ))ut these absurdities would still come "flashing out.— these absurdities of a demand for justice, a generosity for the weak and oppressed. Unhappily, too, for the planter, the laws of nature are in harmony with each other : that which the head and the heart demand, is found to be. in the long run. for what the grossest cal- culator calls his advantage. The moral sense is always supported by the permanent iiiterest of the parties. Else, 1 know not how, in our world, any good would ever get done. It was shown to the jjlanters that they, as well as the nef^rops, were slaves ; that though they paid no wages, they got verv poor work ; that their estates were ruinmg them under the finest climate ; and that Ihev needed the severest monopoly laws at home to keep them from batdcruptev. The oppression of the slave recoiled on them. They were full of vices; their children were Inmps of pride, slotli, sensuality and rottenness. The position of woman was nearly as bad as it could he, and, like other robbers, they could not sleep in securitv. Many planters have said, since the emancipation, that, before that day, they' were the greatest slaves on the estate. Slavery is no scholar, no improver ;" it does notlove the whistle of the railroad; it docs not love the newspaper, the mail ba^, a col- lege, abook, ora preacherwlio has the absurd whim ofsaying whathe thinks^ it does not increase the white population ; it does not improve the soil ; evervthin"- "-ocs to decay." ° " THOMAS COEWIX. In liis speech against the Compromise Bill, delivered in the United State-s Senate, July 24, 1848, Mr. Corwin, once a Kentucky boy, now a:i Ohio man, said : •'I am the more confirmed in the course which I am determined to pursue, bv some historical facts elicited in this very discussion. I remeni),er what was said \y[''V«"^tor from Virginia the other day. It is a truth, that when the Constitution ot the United States was made. South Carolina and Georgia refuse.l to come into the Union unless the slave trade should be continued for twenty years ; and the North agreed that tliey would vote to continue tlie slave trade for twenty years ; yes, TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES. 151 voted that this new Republic should engage in piracy and murder at the will of t\yo States ! So the history reads ; and the condition of the agreement was, that those two States should agree to some arrangement about navigation laws' I do not blame South Carolina and Georgia for this transaction any more than I do those Northern States who shared in it. But suppose the question were now presented here by any one, whether we should adopt the foreign slave trade and continue it for twenty years, would not the whole land turn pale with horror, that, in the middle of the nineteenth century, a citizen of a free community, a senator of the United States, should dare to propose the adoption of a system that has been denommated piracy and murder, and is bv law punished by death all over Christendom ? What did they do then? They had the power to prohibit it: but. at the command of these two States, they allowed that to be introduced into the Constitution, to which much of slavery now existing in our land is clearly to be traced. For who can doubt that, but for that woeful bargain, slavery would by this time have disappeared from all the States then in the Union, with one or two exceptions ? The number of slaves in the United States at this period was about six hundred thousand ; it is now three millions. And just as you extend the area of slavery, so you multiply the difficulties which lie in the way of its extermination. It had been infinitely better that day that South Carolina and Georgia had remained out of the Union for a while, rather than that the Constitution should have been made to sanction the slave trade for twenty years. The dissolution of the old Confederation would have been nothing in comparison with that recognition of piracy and murder. I can conceive of nothing in the dark record of man's enormities, from the death of Abel down to this hour, so horrible as that of stealing people from their own home, and making them and their posterity slaves forever. It is a crime which we know has been visited with such signal punishment in the history of nations as to_ warrant the belief that heaven itself had interfered to avenge the wrongs of earth." B. GEATZ BROWW. In the ilissoiiri legislature, in January, 1857, Mr. Brown, of St. Louis, proved himself a hero, a patriot and a statesman, in the following words : "I am a Free-Soiler, and I don't deny it. No word or vote of mine shall ever inure to the benefit of such a monstrous doctrine as the extension of slavery over the patrimony of the free white laborers of the country. I am for the greatest good of the greatest number, and against the system which monopolizes the free and fertile territory of our country for a few slaveholders, to the exclusion ot thou- sands upon thousands of the sinewy sons of toil. The time will come, and perhaps very soon, when the people will rule for their own benefit, and not for that of a class which, numerically speaking, is insignificant. I stand here in the midst of the assembled legislature of Missouri to avow myself a Free-Soiler. Let those who are scared at names shrink from the position if they will. I shall take my stand in favor of the white man. Here, in Missouri, I shall support the rights, the dignity and the welfare of the eight hundred thousand non-slaveholders m preference to upholding and perpetuating the domiaancy of the thirty thousand slaveholders who inhabit our State." IIEXET C. CAEEY. In liis statesman-like Letters to the President, which Mr. Buchanan, to whom they are mo.st respectfully addressed, has not answered, for the reason, we suppose, that it is ahsolutely impossible fur him to answer them with any credit to himself or to his party, Mr. Carey says, assuring us tliat ten years ago conservative, patriotic men everywhere, would have regarded as a false prophet the man who had predicted : " That, at the close of a single decade, tlie regular expenditures of the federal government, in a time of peace, would reach seventy millions of dollars— beipg five times more than they had been but thirty years before. , i , ., ■ " That the Executive would dictate to members of Congress what should be their course, and publicly advertise the offices that were to be given, to those whose votes should be in accordance with his desires. tit " That the growing mental slavery thus indicated, would be attended by o pf- 152 TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES. responding growth in the belief, that 'one of the chief bulwarks of our institutions' was to be found in the physical enslavement of the laborer. " That the extension of the area of human slavery would have become the pri- mary object of the government, and that, with that view, the great Ordinance of 1787, as carried out in the Missouri Compromise, would be repealed. " That the reopening of the slave trade would be publicly advocated, and that tlie lirst step toward its accomplishment would be taken by a citizen of the United States— in rescinding all the prohibitions of the Central American govern- ments. " Tliat the prohibition of slavery in a Central American State would be con- sidered sutHcient reason for the rejection of a treaty. " Tluit the substitution, throughout all the minor employments of society, of slave luDor for that of the freeman, would be publicly recommended by the Executive of a leading State. " That, wliile always seeking territory in the South, the rights and interests of the people would be bartered away, for tlie sole and exclusive purpose of preventing annexation in the North. " That Lyuch-law would have found its way into the Senate chamber: that it would Iiave superseded the provisions of the Constitution throughout the Southern States : that it would have superseded the civil authority, in one of the States of the Union : that the right of the States to prohibit slavery within their limits, would be so seriously questioned as to warrant the belief, that the day wa^near at hand when it would be totally denied : that all the decisions of the Supreme Court for sixty years, favorable to freedom, would by this time have been reversed : that the doctrine of constructive treason would be adopted in federal courts : and that the rights of the citizen would be thus in equal peril, from the extension of legal authority on one hand, and the substitution of the law of force on the other. " That polygamy and slavery Avould go hand in hand with each other, and that the doctrine of a plurality of wives would be publicly proclaimed by men holding . highly important offices under the Federal government." WENDELL PHILLIPS. In liis speech at the City Ilall, in Worcester, Mass., Jan. 15, 1857, Mr. Phillips, the Demosthenes of New England, whom certain Pro- Slavery fanatics of the South, in an insane effort to abuse, have highly com- plimented by describing him as " an infernal machine set to music," said : " Slavery is so momentous an evil, that in its presence all others pale away. No thoughtful man can deem any sacrifice too great to secure its abolition. The safety of the people is the highest law. In this battle we demand a clear field and the u:-e of every honorable weapon. Even the monuments of our fathers are no longer sacred, if the enemy are concealed behind them. " This is my first claim upon every man who has an Anti-Slavery purpose. One of the greatest, if not the greatest question of the age, is that of Free Labor. 1 do not know — no man can prophecy — what sacrifices it will demand, no human sagacity divine wliat shape it will acquire in the kaleidoscope of the future. Nobody can foresee the combinations that will be necessary in order to secure libertj' and turn law into justice. The pledge we make to each other, as Abolitionists, is, that to this slave question, embodying as it does the higliest justice and the most per- fect liberty, synonymous as it is with right, manhood, justice, with pure religion, a. free press, an impartial judiciary and a true civilization, we will sacrifice every- thing. If any man dissents, he is not, in any just sense, an Abolitionist. If he has not studied the question enough to know that it binds up in itself all considerations of government, then he is not worthy of being called an Abolitionist." Again, on the 17th of February, 1859, addressing a Committee of the Massachusetts legislature, in support of numerous petitions, asking for a law to prevent the recapture of fugitive slaves, he said : "It is no answer to my request to say, that youwill granta jury trial— that you will licdge the citizen with such safeguards that none but a real fugitive can ever be de- livered up. That is not the Massachusetts we want, and not the Massachusetts we have a right to claim. If the South has violated the Constitution repeatedly, palpably. TESTIMO^n' OF LIVING WITNESSES. 153 avowedly, defiantly, atrociously, for lier own purposes — to get power in the govern- ment, to perpetuate her system, to control the nation — we claim of you that you should exercise the privilege which that violation has giveii you. We claim of you that you should give us a Massachusetts worthy of its ancient name. Give us a State that is not disgraced by the trial, in the nineteenth century, in the midst of so- called Christian chiu'ches, of the issue, ' Is this man a chattel"?' We v/ill not rest until it is decided as the law of Massachusetts, that a human being, immortal, created by the hand of God, shall not be put upon trial in the Commonwealth, and required to prove that he is not property. It shall not be competent for the courts of Massachusetts to insult the civilization of the nineteenth century by asking that question, or making it the subject of evidence and proof." THEODOEE PARKER. lu liis discourse at the Music Hall, in Boston, on Monday, February 12, 1854, Mr. Parker, who, bountifully supplied with brain, was bo^-n thinking, and whose abhorrence of slavery of the body is more than equalled by his abhorrence of slavery of the mind, said : " Slavery hinders the education and the industry of the people; it is fatal to their piety. Think of a religious kidnapper I a Christian Slave-breeder ! a Slave- trader loving his neighbor as hnnself, receiving the 'sacraments' in some Protes- tant Church from tlie hand of a Christian apostle, thcii the next day selling babies by the dozen, and tearing young women from the arms of their husbands, to feed the lust of lecherous New Orleans ! Imagine a religious man selling his own child- ren into eternal bondage ! Think of a Christian defending slavery out of the Bible and declaring there is no higher law, but Atheism is the first principle of Republican government As soon as the North awakes to its ideas, and uses its vast strength of money, its vast strength of numbers, and its still more gigantic strength of educated intellect, We shall tread this monster under- neath our feet. See how Spain has fallen— how poor and miserable is Spanish America. She stands there a perpetual warning to us. One day the North will rise in her majesty, and put Slavery under our feet, and then we shall extend the area of freedom. The blessing of Almighty God will come down upon the noblest people the world ever .saw — who have triumphed over Theocracy, Monarchy, Aristocracy, Despotocracy, and have got a Democracy— a government of all, for all, and by all — a ehurch without a bishop, a state without a king, a community without a lord, and a family without a slave." WILLIAM LLOTD GARKISOM. In a recently published volume of his Writings and Speeches, Mr. Garrison, under whose most able counsel and convincing arguments organized opposition to slavery first became an important, and is des- tined soon to become a controlling, power in the government, says : " It is the strength and glory of the Anti-Slavery cause, that its principles are so simple and elementary, and yet so vital to freedom, morality and religion, as to commend themselves to the understandings and consciences of men of every sect and party, every creed and persuasion, every caste and color. They are self- evident truths — fixed stars in the moral firmament — blazing suns in the great uni- verse of mind, dispensing light and heat over the whole surfiice of humanity, and around which all social and moral affinities revolve in harmony. They are to be denied, only as the existence of a God, or the immortality of the soul, is denied. Unlike human theories, they can never lead astray ; unlike human devices, they can never be made subservient to ambition or selfishness I will say, finally, that I tremble for the republic while slavery exists therein. If I look up to God for success, no smile of mercy or forgivene-s dispels the gloom of futurity; if to our resources, they are daily diminishing; if to all history, our destruction is not only possible, but almost certain. Why should wo slumber at this momentous crisis? If our hearts were dead to every throb of humanity ; if it Were lawful to oppress, where power is ample; still, if we had any ro'rard for our safety and happiness, we should strive to crush the vampire which is feeding upon our life blood. All the selfishness of our nature cries aloud for a l)etter security. Our own vices are too strong for us, and keep us in perpetual alarm ; how in 17* 154 TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES. addition to tlicse, shall wc be able to contend successfully with millions of armed and dosi)crate men, as we must eventually, if slavery do not cease ?" HEXET "WARD BEECHEE. la liis addresis boforo the American Tract Society of Boston, in the Church of the Puritans, New York, May 12, 1859, Mr. Beecher said: " For more than thirty years the diapason of this country has not been the swell of the ocean. It has not been the sighina: of the wind through our Western forests ; tlie deep thunder-toned diapason tliat has rolled through this land, has been the sighing of the slave. Throughout all this time the Church has heard the voice, and scarcely knew what it was. But God has been rolling it upon her more and more. In my day a conflict has taken place. I remember the days of mobs. I remember when IBiruey's press v/as broken in pieces at Cincinnati and dragged into the Ohio Eiver. I remember when Theodore Weld was driven by unvitalized eggs from jjlacc to place in the West. I ren>ember the day when storehouses were sacked and lumses pillaged in New York. I remember the day when a venerable man escaped from being murdered for a good cause, and because he escaped has never been engaged in it since. I remember when it was as much as a man's name was wortli to be called an Abolitionist. I have within twenty 3-ears seen those parties which were the most tj^rannic ground out of existence, and those churches which refused to discuss this question have been overrun by it and taken complete possession of. Synods, which have acted as dykes, have been overwhelmed and submerged. General Assemblies h'ave been carried away captive by this good cause, and the public sentiment of the whole continent has been changed in this mighty work." GEOKGE B. CHEEVER. In an address delivered in the Church of the Puritans, on Thursday, May 13, 1858, Dr. Cheever, speaking of the sin of slavery, said : " We practise the iniquity upon children, innocent children, the natives of our own land, unbought, unsold, unpaid for, without consultation or consent of father or mother, or the shadow of a permission from the Almighty ; and they, the new- born babes of this system, are the compoimd interest year by year added to the sin and its ca])itat, which thus doubles upon us in the next generation, and must treble in another. We make use of the most sacred domestic affections, of mater- nal, filial, and I was going to say, connubial love — but the system forbids, and I have to say coniubimal — for such rapid and accumulating production of the iniquity, as shall be in some measure adequate to the demand. The whole family relation, the whole domestic state, is prostituted, poisoned, turned into a misery-making machine for the agent of all evil. What God meant should be the source and inspi- ration of happiuei-s, becomes the fountain of sin and woe. The sacred names of husband, wile, father, mother, son, babe, become the exponents of various forces and values in the slave-breeding institute. And the whole perfection, comi)lete- ne.ss and concentration of this creative power in this manufacturing interest de- scends like a trip-liammer on the children, beating them from birth into market- able articles, and stamping and sealing them as chattels, foredoomed and fatalized to run till they wear out, as living spindles, wheels, activities of labor and product- iveness, in the same horrible system. " And each generation of immortal marketable stuff is as exactly fashioned in these grooves, molds, channels, wefted, netted and drawn through, to come out the invariable product, as the yards of carpeting are cut from the loomtobe trodden on, or as the coins drop from the die for the circulation of societj'. This is the pecu- liarity of the sin of slavery in the foremost Christian country on the face of the earth. In this branch of native industry and manufacture we are self-reliant. Disavowing a protective policy in almost everything else, we are proudly patriotic for the security, superiority and abundance of this most sacred native product of domestic raanufucture, and for neither the raw material nor the bleaching of it will depend on any other country in the world." J08f;PII P. THOMPSON. Trying the Fugitive Slave Law by the Old and New Testaments, Dr. Thompson, pastor of the Broadway Tabernacle, says : TKSTIMONY OF LIVIXG WITNPISSES. 155 "Whatever may be thought of the lawfu'ness or the expediency of introducing the gen ral subject of slavery into the pulpit, there can be no question that the treatment due to fugitives from slavery is a legitimate topic for discussion there. That is a suiijoct of which the Bible treats, and in making it a subject of discourse I am not jireatiin,^' politics but am preaching the Gospel; applying the principles of the Bible to an important public interest. The subject legitimately belongs to the pulp't. am! politicians should be careful how they tamper with it, lest they betray an ):;norance of the principles of Biblical interpretation and of the spirit of Christi- anity, as groi-s as that ignorance of political affairs which tliey are prone to charge upon ministers of the Gospel. The treatment of fugitive slaves has indeed been made a political cjuestion ; but it was a Biblical question and a question of morality long 1)1 fore it was dragged into the arena of politics, and it was legislated upon by the King of heaven and earth ages before the Congress of the United States had an existence The laws of Moses were given in the wilderness, to a people just escaped from bondage, and who therefore had no slaves ; they were given in anticipation of the introduction of slavery among that people when they should come to be settled as conquerors in Canaan ; they were given to restrain the lust of conquest and oppression, and to hedge in as much as possible the natural tendency of the emancipated to retaliate upon others the cruelties of their own bondage — to prevent the Israelites from becoming to each other and to the Ca- naanites what the Egyptians had been to the Israelites : the_y were given in order, by a qualified and an onerous permission, to secure the overthrow of a system which, a- ilie times and the people were, could not have been shut out by an abso- lute prohibition. And as the crowning act of legislation for the ultimate overthro'^ of an evil tolerated from necessity, it was decreed that no fugitive from slavery should ever be delivered up to his master. The slave was at liberty to escape from his master whenever he desired to better his condition, and in whatever part of Israel he should choose an asylum, there was he to be allowed to remain without molestation." E. II. CHAPIN. From two of Mr. Chapiu's published works, cue entitled " True Man- liness," the other "City Life," we make the following extracts: " I pass into the anti-slavery meeting. Here, I discover, is agitated a great truth — the natural e(iuality of all nien — the right of the poorest and lowest to be free, to breathe God's air upon what hill-top he will, to follow his sunslune around the earth if he list — the wrong of holding him in bondage, of putting him by force to do another's work Intemperance, slavery, war, what are these but the flowering plants of interior sin? Activity and intelligence in- dicate a condition of material and individual freedom. A community which really llirives in all the departments of its industry, must be, essentially, a free community. Despotism prevails more where men do liot feel that they have much at stake in the countrv, and where their faculties have not been aroused. But the toil of en- terprise and the sense of j'ossei-sion, develop a consciousness of personality which resists encroachment and chafes under oppression." HENP^T W. BELLOWS. Writing to his friend, the Eev. Thos. W. Higginson, under date of Jan. 6, 18.57, Dr. Bellows says : The last election has shown that the North is waking up in conscience, courage, and sensibiltv to her duty, not to herself alone, but to the Nation, the Union, au'l Humanitv. The astonishing effect of the free press in arousing the people, indicates v,liat wi,! be the triumph of another election. The South sees for the first time that tli.> North is in earnest, feels its ]iower. and is determining to exercise it. And this is having an admirable effect upon the discussion of the subject. W hat I desire now and alw'avs to maintain is this : That our conscientious opposition to the extension of slaverV is not to be abated or colored by fears for the Union ; and that, so tar as it depends on the North, we are to stop its extension, let the consequences to the Union— to the North or the South— be what they will. This ground I believe to be the safe ground— the Christian, humane, patriotic, constitutional, imsec'tional, Union-saving ground. 1 take it as a lover of the North and a lover of the South ; »s a believer in the future of the United States. I take it as a hater of slavery, an undying foe to its extension, and a laborer for its overthrow and extinction in tht speediest manner and time consistent with our whole duty as American citizens. 15G TESTIMONY OK LIVING "WITNESSES. LEWIS TAPPA.N. In his thirteenth annual Report to the American and Foreign Anti- Slavery Society, Mr. Tappan says : " Nature cries alovid against the inliumanities of slavery; Free Democracy ab- jures tlie liatelul system ; and fj-ee Christianity recoils from its leprous toucli. That itshoukl exist, extend, and flourish in a nation planted by the excellent of the earth, and in opposition to the principles of republicanism and Christianity, excites the marvel and arouses the grief and indignation of good men throughout the world. American slavery is at war with the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of the United States, natural justice, and Christianity. Agitation on the subject will not, therefore, cease while free discussion is allowed, while a free press exists, wh'le Protestantism and Free Democracy are prized, while love to God and man prevail, until the curse is removed from the Church and Government of this country, and all its citizens are equal before the law It is obvious to every intelligent and candid looker-on, that the anti-slavery cause, in spite of the sneers of opponents, the denunciations of men in power, and the designs of the crafty, is steadily pursuing its march to a glorious consummation." JOSriUA LEAVITT. In the course of an elaborate article on national politics, Dr. Leavitt, one of the able editors of the Independent — a New York weekly reli- gious newspaper — says : " The ascendency of the slave power in the councils of the nation, obtained through the ill-advised concessions of the federal constitution, and strengthened by a fong series of usurpations on the one hand, and of surrenders on the other, is unjust, dangerous to tlie Union, and incompatible with the preservation of free go- vernment; and is the principal cause of the political and hnancial evils under which we groan; and thus the only hope of relief is in a united determination of the friends of fi-cedom, to employ all wi.KJ and lawful means for the extinction of slavery itself." WILLIAM 600DELL. In his careful ami C()mi)rehensi\'e "View of the Slavery Question," Mr. Goodell says : " The inherent criminality of slavery and of slave holding, their utter repugnance to natm-al justice, to Christianity, to the law of nature, to the law of God, to the prin- ciples of democracy, to the liberties of the country— no longer present questions for serious discussion among the great body of intelligent citizens in the non-slave- holding States. Here and there a superanuated ecclesiastic (who has, perhaps, a sou at the South, or in a college seeking Southern patronage) may thumb over his Polyglot, and pretend to find a juslilication of slavery. But nobody believes him. His disclaimers and self-contradictions prove that he does not, even in his dotage, believe it himself. ...... Under the good providence of God, the dissen- sions among abolitionists, however humiliating to them, and however mischievous in some respects, have been over-ruled in other respects for good. Abolitionism, before the division, was a powerful elixir, in the phial of one anti-slavery organiza- tion, corked up tight, and carried about for exhibition. By the division, the phial was broken and the contents spilled over the whole surface of society, where it has been working as a leaven, ever since, till the mass is beginning to upheave." SAMUEL J. MAY. In his speech at Syracuse, Xew York, Oct. 14, 1851, Mr. .\[ay said : "To urge that our Eepublic cannot be maintained, but upon principles diametri- cally opposite to those upon whicli it was so solemnly based, is as much as to pro^ claim to the world that our Declarationof Independence is found to be untrue ; and thus rejoice the hearts of tyrants throughout the world, and cast down forever the hopes of the oppressed everywhere. Never have the principles on which the civil institutions of our country were founded been put to so severe TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSEg. 157 a test, as at tliis dav. The encroaclimeiits of the despotic power oi a slavehold- ing oligarchy upou'that liberty which our fathers thought they had bequeathed us, have beeu made to such an extent, that the champious of that oligarchy have, on the floor of our national Congress, pronounced the glorious declaration of '70, that all men have an inalienable right to liberty — a mere rhetorical flourish — and have dared to intimate that the poor and laboring people of the Northern States, ought not to be allowed to exercise the prerogatives of freemen, any more than the Southern slaves. And by the machinery of partyism, the leaders of the northern wings of the two political hosts, have been brought to acquiesce in the supremacy of the slaveholding power in our country, and to unite in requiring of us all, im- plicit obedience to its demands, though they violate, utterly, our highest sense of right, and outrage every feeling of humanity." WILLIAM CULLEN BETANT. In his paper of Oct. 2Ttli, 1858, Mr. Bryant, the venerable bard and unbending patriot, who has so long and so ahly presided over the edi- torial columns of the New York Evening Post, says ; " By instigations to violence and threats of mob-law, the free expression of opinion in regard to slavery is put down in the Southern States. Freedom of speech in a community seems to depend on the recognition of personal freedom in all classes. Wherever slavery is introduced, a despotic oligarchy is created, which allows of no more liberty of speech than is permitted in Austria The slaveholding aristocracy is the most cowardly of all aristocracies. It hves in constant fear of overthrow ; it knows that it has a bad name ; that the opinion of the world is against it, and, as those are apt to do who are conscious of standing in general discredit, it puts on a bold face and plays the bully where it has the opportunity, and the ruffian where it has the power." nORACE GREELEY. For the purpose of showing that Mr. Greeley is not, as he is generally represented by the oligarchy, an inveterate hater of the South; we introduce the following extracts from one of his editorial articles in a late number of the New York Tribune— & most faithful and efficient advocate of Free Labor, the circulation of which we are happy to be able to state, is greater than the aggregate circulation of a score or more of the principal pro-slavery sheets published south of the Potomac : " Is it in vain that we pile fact upon fact, proof on proof, showing that slavery is a bli-. Th'i y are as sure everywhere of tlie same human nature a; of the sain:; i>mb' iil i, !.i))u.ph'.re." TESTIMONY Oi' LIVINCt AVITNESSES. 159 GAMALIEL BAILEY. As editor ami proprietor of the National Era, Dr. Bailey, of Wash- ington, D. 0., whose very able and consistent management of the paper has entitled him to the high regard of every trne lover of liberty, says : " The tGuJeiicy of siavery to diffuse itself, and to crowd out free labor, was early observed by American patriots, North and South ; and Mr. Jett'erson, the great apostle of iiepublicanism, made an effort in 1784 to cut short the encroaching tide of barbaric despotism, by prohibiting slavery in all the Territories of the Union, down to thirty-one degrees of latitude, which was then our Southern boundary. His beueiiceut purpose failed, not for want of a decisive majority of votes present in the Congress of the Confederation, but in consequence of the absence of the delegates from one or two States^ which were necessary to the constitutional ma- jority. When the subject again came uj), in 1787, Mr. Jefferson was minister to France, and the famous ordinance of that year was adopted, prohibiting slavery North and West of the Ohio River. Between 1784 and 1787, the strides of slavery westward into Tennessee and Kentucky, had become too considerable to admit of the policy of exclusion ; and besides those regions were then integral parts of Virgiiiia and North Carolina, and of course they could not be touched without the couseut of tlio^e States. In 1S20, another efitbrt was made to arrest the progress of slavery, which threatened to monopolize the whole Territory west of the Mississippi. In the meantime the South had apostatized irom the faith of Jefferson. It had ceasjd to love universal libert}', and the growing importance of the cotton culture had caused the people to look with indifference upon the moral deformity of slavery ; and, as a matter of course, the politicians became its apologists and defenders. After a severe struggle a compromise was agreed upon, by which Missouri was to be admitted with slavery, which was the immediate point in con- troversy ; and slavery was to be excluded from all the territory north and west of that State. " We have shown, from the most incontestable evidence, that there is in slave society a much greater tendency to diffuse itself into new regions, than belongs to freedom, for the reason that it has no internal vitality. It caimot live if circum- scribed, and must, like a consumptive, be continually roving for a change of air to recuperate its wasting energies." nAREIET BEECIIER STOWE. In lier "Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin," Mrs. Stowe, whose name is evcrywliere wreathed and immortalized on the scrolls of liberty, says : " Slavery is a simple retrogression of society to the worst abuses of the jniddle ages. We must not, therefore, be surprised to find the opinions and practices of tlie middle ages, as to civil and religious toleration, prevailing It is !ii) child's play to attack an institution which has absorbed into itself so much of the political power and wealth of this nation. The very heart shrinks to think vi'h.it the faithful Christian must endure who assails tliis institution on its own ground; but ilmast be done. How was it at the North? There was a universal (dlbrt to put down the discussion of it here by mob-law. Printing-presses were broken, houses torn down, property destroyed. Brave men, however, stood firm : martyr blood was shed for the right of free opinion in speech ; and so the right of discussion was established. Nobody tries that sort of argument now — its day is past. In Kentucky, also, they tried to stop the discussion by similar means. Mob violence destroyed a printing press, and threatened the lives of individuals. But there were brave men there, who feared not violence or threats of death ; and emancipation is now open for discussion in Kentucky. The fact is the South must discuss the matter of slavery. She cannot shut it out, unless she lays an embargo on the literature of the whole civilized world ; if it be, indeed, divine and God-ap- pointed, why does she so treml)le to have it touched ? If it be of (lod, all tlie free inquiry in the world cannot overthrow it. Discussion must and will come. It only recpiires courageous men to lead the way." 160 TESTIMONY OF LIVENG WITNESSES. MATTIE GRIFFITH. In lier very able and interesting " Autobiography of a Female Slave," a woi-k of fiction which is fuller of fact than any book of the kind that we have ever read — a work which, for vivid, accurate delineation of in- door life in the South, and for terse, graphic portrayal of slaveholding manners and morals, has no equal — Miss Griffith, one of Kentucky's truest and noblest daughters, who, by the emancipation of her own slaves, has set a lofty example of pure patriotism and benevolence, says, writing pointedly to the people of her native State : " By the oppression to wliicli we were subjected under the yoke of Britain, and against which we wrestled so long, so patiently, so vigorously, in so many ways, and at last so triumphantly, I adjure you to put an end, at once, and forever, to the disreputable and despotic business of holding slaves. African slavery, as practised in America, is oppression indeed, in comparison with which, that which drew forth our angry and bitter complaints against England, was very freedom. Let us, in- stead of perpetuating the infamous system of slavery, be true to ourselves ; let us vindicate the pretensions we set up when we characterize ours as the ' land of liberty, the asylum of the oppressed,' by proclaiming to the nations of the earth that, so soon as a slave touches the soil of the United States, his manacles shall fall from him : let us verify the words engraven in euduring brass on the old bell which, from the tower of Independence Hall, rang out our glorious Declaration, and in deed and in truth proclaim 'Liberty to the captive, and the opening of the prison doors to them that are bound.' As you value truth, honor, justice, consistency — aye, humanity even, wipe out the black blot which defiles the border of our escutcheon, and the country will then be in reality what it is now only in name, a /r«e country, loving liberty disinterestedly for its own sake, and for that of all peoples, and nations, and tribes, and tongues." SARAn M, GEIMKE. In her "Reasons for Action at the North," Miss Grimke, an estimable, right-minded lady, from South Cai'olina, says : "Let Northerners respectfully ask for an alteration in that part of the Constitu- tion by which they are bound to assist the South in quelling servile insurrections. Let them see to it that they send no man to Congress who would give his vote to the admLssion of another slave State into the national Union. Let them protest against the injustice and cruelty of delivering the fugitive slave back to his master as being a direct infringement of the Divine command, Let them petition their different Legislatures to grant a jury trial to the friendless, helpless runaway, and for the repeal of those laws whicli secure to the slaveholder his unjust claim to his slave, after he has voluntarily brought him within the verge of their jurisdiction, and for the enactment of such laws as will protect the colored man, woman, and child from the fangs of the kidnapper, who is constantly skulking about in the Northern States, seeking whom he may devour. Let the Northern churches refuse to receive slaveholders at their communion tables, or to permit slaveholding minis- ters to officiate in their pulpits." ANGELINA E. WELD. In her eloc^uent " Appeal to the Women of tlie N"omiaally Free States," Mrs. Weld, of New Jersey, formerly Miss Grimke, of South Carolina, says : " It is not the character alone of the mistress that is deeply injured by the posses- sion and exercise of despotic power, nor is it the degradation and suffering to which the slave is continually subject ; but another important consideration is, that in consequence of the dreadful state of morals at the South, the wife and the daughter sometimes find their homes a scene of the most mortifying, heart-rending prefer- TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES, 161 ence of the degraded domestic, or the colored daughter of the head of the family. There are, alas, too many families, of which the coatentions of Abraham's house- hold is a fair example. But we forbear to lift the veil of private life any higher ; let these few hints suffice to give you some idea of what is daily passing behind that curtain which has been so carelully drawn before the scenes of domestic life in slaveholding America." JOHN C. UNDERWOOD. Kemonstratiiig against the consummate system of despotism which exiled him from his home and family in Virginia, in 1856, Mr. Under- wood says : " The history of the world, and especially of the States of this Union, shows most conclusively that public prosperity bears an almost mathematical proportion to the degree of freedom enjoyed by all the inhabitants of the State. Men will always work better for the cash than for the lash. The free laborer will produce and save as much, and consume and waste as little as he can. The slave, on the contrary, will produce and save as little, and consume and waste as much as possible. Hence States and countries filled with the former class must necessarily flourish and in- crease in population, arts, manufactures, wealth and education, because they are animated and incited by all the vigor of the will, while States and countries filled with the latter class, must exhibit comparative stagnation, because it is a universal law of nature that force and fear end in ruin and decay. We have an instructive example of the one class in the activity, enterprise, prosperity and intelligence of New England, and of the other in the pitiable condition of poor South Carolina, a State which, by neglecting the teachings of her Marions, and following her Butlers, her Brookses, her Keitts, and her Quattlebums, in the race of aristocracy and Afri- canization, is rapidly sinking into agricultural sterility, bloated egotism, and brutal barbarism, until she has most significantly adopted a cane for her emblem, which equally and strikingly tyijifles her military resources, and that imbecility and de- crepitude which, without something to lean upon, must inevitably fall into speedy death and dissolution." DANIEL E. GOODLOE. As assistant editor of the National Era^ the best centrally located Kepitblican paper in the country, Mr. Goodloe, formerly of North Caro- lina, says : " The history of the United States shows, that while the slave States increase in popvdation less rapidly than the free, there is a tendency in slave society to diffu- sion, greater than is exhibited by free society. In fact, difl'usion, or extension of area, is one of the necessities of slavery ; the prevention of which is regarded as directly and immediately menacing to the existence of the institution. This arises from tlie almost exclusive application of slave labor to the one occupation of agri- culture, and the difficulty, if not impossibility, of diversifying employments. Free society, on the contrary, has indefinite resom-cesof development within a restricted area. It will far excel slave society in the cultivation of the ground — first, on ac- count of the superior intelligence of the laborers ; and secondly, in consequence of the greater and more various demands upon the earth's products, where commerce, manufactures, and the arts, abound, llien, these arts of life, by bringing men to- gether in cities and towns, and employing them in the manufacture or transporta- tion of the raw materials of the farmer, give rise to an indefinite increase of wealth and population. The confinement of a free people within narrow limits seems only to develop new resources of wealth, comfort and happiness; while slave society, pent up, withers and dies. It must continually be fed by new fields and forests, to be wasted and wilted under the poisonous tread of the slave." BENJAMIN 8. HEDEIOK. For daring to have political opinions of his own, and because he did not deem it liis duty to conceal the fact that he loved liberty better than slavei-y, Prof. Hedrick, whose testimony we now offer, was peremptorily dismissed from his post as Analytical and Agricultural Chemist in the 162 TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES. University of North Carolina, ignominiously subjected to the indignities of a mob, and then savagely driven beyond the borders of his native State. His tyrannical pei'seeutors, if not called to settle their accounts in another Avorld within the next ten years, will probably survive to repent of the enormity of their pro-slavery folly. In a letter vindicating his course at Chapil Hill — his only offence having been a mild expression of opinion in favor of Republicanism — Prof. H. says : "Of my neicrhbors, fiiends and kinilred, nearly one-half have left the State since I was old enough to remember. Many is the time I have stood by the loaded emigrant wagon, and given the parting hand to those whose faces I was never to look upon again. They were going to seek homes in the free West, knowing, as they did, that free and slave labor could not both exist and prosper in the same community. If any one thinks that I speak without knowledge, let him refer to the last census. He will there find that in ISoO there were fifty-eight thousand native North Carolinians living in the free States of the West — thirty-three thousand in Indiana alone. There were, at the same time, one hundred and "eighty thousand Virginians living la the free States. Now, if these people were so much in love with the ' institution,' why did they not remain where they could enjoy its blessings? " From my knowledge of the people ofNorth Carolina, I believe that the majority of thera who will go to Kansas during the next five years, would prefer that it should be a free State. I am sure that if I were to go there I should vote to ex- clude slavery.'-' MONCTTRE D. COXWAT. In his volume entitled " Tracts for To-day," Mr. Conway, of Cincin- nati, Ohio, formerly of Virginia, says : "As a Virginian, with no ties of relationship northward of the remotest kind, past or present. I feel how easily I might slide into a justification of my dear mother, the South. But the soul knows no prejudices or sections, and must see all under tlie pure light of reason and conscience I fear that, with the majority of us, the binding of a slave is not so horrible as the doubting of a miracle The first error of the South has been an impatience in the dis- cussion of the slavery question, reminding calm men of those unfortunate persons met with iu lunatic asylums, who speak rationally on all topics until you touch that on which they are deranged, when their insanity bursts wildly forth. This has caused them to put themselves in an attitude before the world which has brought down its severest censure ; and, feeling that this was not just what they deserved— since they were at least sincere— it has led them on to a still greater rage against a judgment which, however unfair, was the result of their own mistaken heat. It has precluded freedom of discussion even among themselves, a pohcy which no human brain or heart ever respected yeih The native sons of the South have again and again sought to discuss it in their own vicinities, and have as often been threatened and visited with angry processes, though the privilege is secured to thera in the Bill of Rights of nearly every Soutliorn State. The South has thus lost the confidence of many of her own children, who find that a freedom exercised by tlieir lonlly ancestors, Wasliington, Jefiferson, Henry, and by them transmitted as an eternal inheritance, is now denied tliem by men who, beside those, are lilliputian." J. E. SNODGRASS. Vindicating liis course, as editor of the Baltimore Saturday Visitor, against an unsuccessful attempt of certain members of the Maryland Legislature, in 1846, to suppress his paper and procure his imprison- ment, Dr. Snodgrass, of Virginia, more recently of Maryland, now of Now York, said : " There need be no fear of my arraying the slave against his master (as I have been charged with doing), however anxious I may be to array the sympathies of TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES. 163 the master in favor of his slave ; in other -words, to bring about the abolition of slavery in Jlaryland by lawful as Tvell as peaceful means, and with results which shall convince my accusers that I have been the best friend of both master and slave, and that the adoption of such views as I have been wont to promulge on all suitable occasions, both in the Visiiw and in m}' private intercourse with my fellow-citizens, would be the surest guaranty of the glorious redemption of Mary- land from the thralldom of an institution which has been her ever-present curse, hanging, as it does, like an incubus upon the prosperity of the State, and utterly crushing her every hope of future progress." JOHX G. ¥EE. lu his " xVuti-Slavery Manual," Mr. Fee, a noble, self-sacrificing proacliev of a free Gospel in Kentucky, says : " Slavery causes the slaves to disregard the relation of marriage and practise the conseffuent vice, concubinage. In our laud, marriage, as a civil ordinance, the}' do not enjoy. Our laws do not recognize this relation among them, nor defend it, nor enforce its duties. This would interfere with the claims and interest of the master. Hence, to use the language of the slaves themselves, they ' take up with one another.' And this continues as long as then- own convenience, and that of the master, requires. "Marriage is the great preservative against the abhorrent vices of concubinage and adultery. It islhe origin of those strong ties which cement and bind together society. It is the fountain of the dearest earthly pleasures that man enjoj-s^ domestic bliss. Without it, the endearing relations of husband and wife, parent and child, would be unkuovv'n. Without it, man and woman would wander forth, selfish, shameless, and unrestrained, like one vast herd of brutes. And yet the very tendency of our sj-stem of slavery is to abolish it. Christians ! yea, all lovers of virtue and order ! what would you think, and how would you act, did these evils exist to the same extent among the whites? And are they any the less ruinous to societi), and any the less criminal in the sight of God, in the black man than in the white man? How many there are among us who are parents, aud yet know no one whom they can call husband or wife ! And how many, even of those in whose veins courses much of the blood of the white man, who know not their parents ! Oh ! is it true that there is a single woman in the whole South who is opposed to the abolition of slavery, when she remembers how many bosoms have been wrung with anguish at the reflection that the husbands of their choice have been unfaith- ful, in cases that never would have occurred had it not been for slavery? And I will ask one more question. Is there in our State, even among Christians, as much regard for the puriry of the marriage relation of their slaves, aud the proper descent of^'slave children, as there is to liave the best stock of sheep, hogs, cattle, to say nothing of horses? May God pardon our shameful neglect of a relation which he has so greatly honored." JAMES D. PEETTYMAN. As editor of tlie Peninsular l^eios and Advertiser^ published in Milford, Del., Dr. Prettynian, who is there laboring manfully for the right, says : " The great question to be settled by the people of this country in this the nine- teenth century is, whether this boasted land of freedom shall become a nation of masters and slaves, or whether it shall be made a land, tlie atmosphere of wliicli no slave can breathe and live a slave We were born in a land of slavery, liave lived in a land of slavery, and are now writing in a land which is deeply injured by slavery, and have had an opportunity to see and know something of its inhumanity and wrong. We often wonder by what process of reasoning men justify themselves in advocating the base, blighting in>titution. Slavery is bad policy, it is an obstacle to the prosperity of the State, it has a demoralizing eflect on both master and slave, it is the origin of inhumanity, injustice and crime ; but far above all other arguments, objections, and sentiments of policy stands the im- concealed truth, that it is wrong. It originated in wrong ; it is the greatest wrong of our age." JOHN DIXOX LONG. In his "Pictures of Slavery," the painting of which aroused the mob ocratic ire of iiis slaveholdiug neighbors, \\\\o forced him to leave \\q 164: TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES. State, Mr. Long, of Maryland, a minister of the IMethodist Episcopal Church, says: "It is contended that if the genei-al conference should make slaveholding a test of membershiiJ, the preachers will not attempt to carry it out in slaveholding ter- ritorj\ Very well. Then the responsibility will rest on the preachers and members of that particular locality. The church at large and the discipline would be free from slaveholding taint ; and brethren at the North and West would no longer have their cheeks mantled with shame, when intidels point to the dii^cipliue as it is. and prove that it allows men to hold human beings in ignorance and slavery, and will them at death to ungodly relatives, who may sell them as oxen. Let no man in the ministry or the laity of the M. E. Chm'ch leave her communion because her dis- cipline is not yet perfect ; but let him pray and labor, and lift up his voice against the abominations of chattel slavery, till a sound public opinion shall blow it away Uke chaff before the whirlwind." WILLIAM S. BAILEY. In his paper of May 13, 1859, in an article on the gubernatorial cam- paign, then progressing in his State, Mr. Bailey, the intrepid, mob-defy- ing, persevering editor ot the Free South, published in ISTewport, Xexi- tucky, says : " It must strike the mind of every reflecting man in Kentucky, as something strange and abnormal, to see the rank and file of the two political parties in the State engaged in a rivalry for extending over the domain of the Union the system of human chattelism which has been a blight and a curse to their own common- wealth. Such mad-cap zeal and transparent folly cannot long sway the minds of intelligent and honest men. There must be a reaction speedily, unless the propa- gandists succeed in carrying their measures, and in binding the white freemen of the country in fetters, before they become aroused to the impending danger. " The present discussion, though of little moment in itself considered, may have some beneficial results. It may open the eyes of some men who have heretofore seemed half asleep, to the humiliating and disgraceful fact that our governments, State and National, are fast becoming mere engines for the perpetuation and pro- pagation of slavery. In this direction, they are impelled by the slave-holding oli- garchy, which aims at nothing short of the entire subjection of the whole country to the iron wiU of its despotism." EICHAED niLDEETH. [n his "Despotism in America," Mr. Ilildreth, the eminent historian, says: " Slavery is a continuation of the state of war. It is true that one of the comba- tants is subdued and bound ; but the war is not terminated. If I do not put the captive to death, this apparent clemency does not arise from any good will toward him, or any extinction on my part of hostile feelings and intentions. I spare h's life merely because I expect to be able to put him to a use more advantageou.- v.> myself. And if the captive, on the other hand, I'eigns submission, still he is o.: v watching for an opportunity to escape my grasp, and if possible to inflict upon mo evils as great as those to which I have subjected him. " War is justly regarded, and with the progress of civilization it comes every day more and more to be regarded, as the very greatest of social calamities. The introduction of slavery into a community, amounts to an eternal protraction of that calamity, and a universal diflusion of it through the whole mass of society, and that too, in its most ferocious form." O. B. FEOTHINOnAM, In his speecli before the American Auti-Slavery Society, in New York, May 8, 185G, ilr. Frothingliam inquired : " When shall we learn to speak plainly and sincerely against slavery, and to fol- low up our speech by our deeds ? When shall we learn to throw our whole action unreservedly on the side of God ? When will we believe that he who seeks first TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES. 1G5 the kinprdom of heaven shall have everything; else added to him? They threaten us with war if we take this position. Useless threat! The war is already declared ! The war has already begun ! The war has been raging for half a century ! Slavery itself is a caaditioa of war. It had its origin iu war, its first victims being cap- tives of the spear. It lives by war — its agents being perpetually engaged in lo- menting feuds between the native princes of Africa to gain material for their traffic. It protects itself by war — it hides behind walls and gates — it rings alarm bells ; its barracks are guarded liy armed patrols — it never walks abroad without bowie- knife and pistol — it appears in Boston, and the streets bristle with files of soldiery — the hall of justice is stunned by the din of arms — outcast ruflians and murderers stalk about insulting the citizens. It extends itself by war, riding into Kansas with rifle and halter, to conquer a territory it has stolen ; substituting martial for civil law, and proclaiming the warrior's axiom that might is right. The very virtues incident to a state of slavery, the virtues of the dominant class, are vrarlike virtues such as belong to the soldier alone. The dashing recklessness, the hot-blooded chivalry, the lavish generosity, the fiery sense of honor, the careless gaiety, the frank, easy, good nature, the impetuous passion, whether of love or hate, the swaggering grace, the luxury, all mark the soldier. Such qualities are peculiar to feudal, which is military, society. Slavery is ever breathing menaces of war. On the least provocation it offers battle. For fifty years it has kept the country on the brink of civil broils. Only the greatest m,oderation on our part has saved us from bloodshed. It has submitted Boston to martial rule ; it is waging war in Kan- sas. The North stands on the defensive with a pistol pointed at her breast. What is to be done ? We must fight — iu behalf of peace and order we must fight." PAEKE GODWIN. In Ms volume entitled " Political Essays," Ivlr. Godwin, who always treats his subjects with remarkable elucidation and thorouglmess, says : " When the Constitution of the United States was formed, slavery existed in nearly all the States ; but it existed as an acknowledged evil, which, it was hoped, the progress of events would, in the course of a few yeai's, extinguish. With the exception of South Carolina, there was not a State in which some decided efforts had not been made toward its alleviation and ultimate removal. It was this feel- ing, that it was an evil, and that it would soou \>e abated, wliich excluded all men- tion of slavery by name from the Constitution, and which led to the adoption of such phraseology, In the parts referring to the subject, that they do not necessarily imply its existeac'e. The Constitution was made for all time, while the makers of it sup- posed slavery to be but a transient fact, and the terms of it consequently were adapted to the larger purpose, and not to the temporary existence. A jurist from the interior of China, who knew nothing from the actual condition of our country, or Justinian, could he arise from the dead, would never learn, from the mere read- ing of that instrument, of the existence of slavery. He would read of ' personsheld to service,' and of certain ' other persons,' who were to be counted only as three- fifths in the distribution of representative population ; but he would never imagine them, unless expressly told, a species of property. The general sentiment was averse to slavery, and the men of the Revolution were unwilling to recognize it, except in an indirect and roundabout way, and then only, as they exp ;cted, for a limited period." CnAELES W. ELLIOTT. In the second volume of his excellent History of New England, Mr. Elliott says : " A State is good or bad exactly in the degree in which it secures to each and all liberty to act out their individual natures according to the true principles of liuman- ity and justice. Perfect society is complete individuality, acting in harmony with true law. The love of society is one of the strongest instincts of man's nature ; it is a necessity. A hermit, therefore, is a monster, and anarchy impossible. It is also true that change and re-formation are a law of nature, opposed by stupidity, timidity, and selfish inaction. It is clear, too, that governments have, heretofore, been organized and upheld by the few for their own benefit, and the world has had only aristocracies and class legislation. The Republics of Greece and Rome were not republics, for they rested on a writhing people held in slavery. No such governments can or ought to continue long in peace, for revolt is the only remedy lor the oppressed New England has done much tc colonize and IGG TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSI':S. civilize tlic wide Vrestern prairies, and wherever lier men and women go, order, decency, industry, and education prevail over barbarism and violence. But she has more work to do ; we may hope that ?he will shake otT that old man of the sea who linugs upon her — may more fully learn that principle is above ])rotit, and a sound heart is better than a silver dollar — tliat she will lay iier hand to the bnildin;^ up of {ralleries, and museums, and libraries, as well as of mills and workshops; and that she will not fear to meet and drive Tiack the black brood of slavery to its own place, and assert, and maintain, and extend the rule of Right over Jlight : so that in the future, Democracy — the rights of all — may everywhere prevail over Aristo- cracy, which secures the iirivileges of the few, but perpetuates the wrongs of the many." ■WILLIAM HEXRT BUELEIGH. In a volume of Lis fugitive poems, the reading of whicli has affordecl us a high degree of pleasure, Mr. Burleigh says : " Now, tyrants ! look well to your path! A cloud shall come over your fame, And the terrible storm of a free people's wrath, Overwhelm you with anguish and shame ! To years and to ages unborn, Throughout every kindred and clime. Ye shall be as a bj'-word, a hissing and scorn, To the pure and the good of all time ! The curse of the slave and the taunt of the free Henceforth and forever your portion shall be ! " Thank God ! that a limit is set To the reach of the tyi-ant's control ! That the down-trodden serf may not wholly forget The right and the might of his soul ! That though years of oppression may dim The ttre on the heart's altar laid, Yet, lit by the breath of Jehovah, like Him It lives, and shall live, undecaj-ed ! Will the flres of the mountain grow feeble and die ? Beware !— for the tread of the Earthquake is nigh !" OHAELES 0. BURLEIGH. On the suhject of "Slavery and the North," Mr. Burleigh says: " The question of slavery is nndeniablj', for this country at least, the great ques- tion of the age. On the right decision of it depend interests too vast to be litly set forth in words. Here are three millions of slaves in a land calling itself free ; three millions of human beings robbed of every right, and, by statute and custom, among a people self-styled Christian, held as brutes. Knowledge is forbidden, and religious worship, if allowed, is clogged with letters ; the sanctity of marriage is denied ; and home and family and all the sacred names of kindred, which form tlie dialect of domestic love, are made unmeaning words. The soul is crushed, that the body may be safely coined into dollars. And not occa-^ioually, by here and there a hardened villain, reckless alike of justice, law, and pu))lic sentiment ; fearing not God nor regarding man; but on system, and by the combined strength of the whole nation. Most men at the North, and many even at the South, admit that this is wrong, all wrong — in morals, in policy every way wrong — that it is a gross injus- tice to the slave, a serious evil to the master, a great calamity to the country ; that it belies the nation's high professions, brings deep disgrace upon its character, and exposes it to unknown perils and disasters in the time to come." J. MILI.EE m'kIJI. In his speech in the City Assemhly Eooms, New York, May 11, 1859, Mr. McKim said: TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES. 167 "What the au'i-siave trade agitation did iucidentally for Enghind.the anti-sluveliold- iug agitatiou is doing collaterally for this coimtry. It is rectifying public s(;iitiiiu'iit on all great questious of prerogative aud duty. It is iinproviug our politics, uieliorat- ing our religion, and raising the standard of public and social morals. The evidence of this is so palpable, that no one with eyes can fail to see it In religion, the change, though less easily measured, is none the less striking. Eccle- siastically, as well as politically, anti-slavery has been a benefactor. It has stripped hypocrisy of its disguise, and divested priestcraft of much of its power for evil. Let nie not be misunderstood ; I use this language in no sectarian sense. In what 1 say I allude to mere professional clergymen ; men who live by religion as demagogues do by politics ; Protestant as well as Catholic Tetzels, who peddle Christianity as a trade, and subsist on its profits The literature of the country has been revolutionized by our movement. Anti-slavery publications used to be burned in Charleston, and drowned in Philadelphia. Paulding and Park Benjamin, an"d the like, held sway in the republic of letters. Carey and Hart expurgated Longfellow's poems to increase their profits, and Hildreth aud Whittier were only read by such as found their way into the anti-slavery office. How changed is everything now. The entire literature of the country— everything that is worthy of the name— is against slavery. Pro-slavery booksellers grow rich on anti-slavery novels, and pan- dering theatrical managers put money in their purses from abolition dramas. All the best daily aud weekly journals, aud monthly and quarterly magazines are anti- slavery." ■WILLIAM nENKY FUENESS. In Lis "Derby Lecture," Dr. Furness, of Philadelpliia, says: "Kwe possessed the good that God hath showed us, were we obedient to his requisitions, were we to do justly, the fetters of the slave would disappear as if con- sumed by fire before the majestic and, all-commanding sense of justice expressed in the action of the free Northern heart. Does any one ask at this late day, when the giant wrong which our country legalizes and fights for, threatens to strip us of the deM-est attributes of freedom and hiinumitv— does any one ask, what have we to do with the injustice that exists not here but in another part of the land? I answer freely, distinctly, emphatically, nothing. In simple justice we have no right to have anything to do with it. We Lave no right to stand guard over it as we do, with our unjust prejudices, more fatal than muskets or artillery. We have no right to surrender to it the sacred principle of freedom of speech, as we have done. VVe have no ri"-ht to afford it the broad protection of our silence, as we do. We have no rio-htto allow it to flourish in the capital of the nation as we do. We have no ri<--ht°to aid in extending and perpetuating and fighting for it, as, may God have mercy on us ! we have done, aud are doing. As we are doing all these unjust things, we are guilty of interfering most impertinently with things with which we have no right to interfere. We must turn over a new leaf, and learn, hard as the lesson mav be, to mind every one his own business. And what is our business f Whv. to do justly. It is what God specially requires of us, to cease from doing- evil- to maintaiu freedom of speech, that precious thing without^ which our civil security is but stubble, which the outbursting fires of violent passions may at any moment consume ; to guard the public liberties in the person of the meanest of the laud; to destroy injustice of all kinds, and let the_ voice ot humanity, the swelling key-note of the world, be heard, pleading for the right. A. D. MATO. In liis new miscellaneous work, " Symbols of the Capital," a volume full of vigorous essays and foscinating delineations of life in tbe Euipire State, Mr. Mayo says : " The qut^stion of free labor is not to be argued so much frcm its eco'iomical results, though here the argument is triumphant, as from 't;^ ^P>>-'t"al fleets En ery Lue son of Adam will maintain that the happiest word that ever greeted his eai s was M command to leave the Eden of childish ^l^'^'^'^^^^J^^''''^^^^^^^^ Free industry is for the elevation and education of the race. All human expuence lias demonstLted that the only way to greatness of ^^"^^^^^^^^^^1 vow wT,v of labor. And when man toils, m the exercise oi his gieat atti louie oi ^d Sli^^'the^ayto gain his chi-f ^'f-"^i°- {^f^^^^J^^'^SJ^^^ attribute of man, the point in which he approaches nearest his Makei. io cieatc n. w 168 TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES. combinations from the material universe; by the discipline of free industry to discover the creative laws of Omnipotence, and by obedience to them to express his best conceptions of existence ; to impress himself on the ■whole earth, and even fill the invisible elements with the finer energy of his victorious mind ; especially to create lathe realm of spirit ; molding human nature into higher forms of individual and Social life, and by a far-reaching insight, peopling the realms of imagination with new and glorious beings, which bear the seal of reality, and become the ideals of tlie generations. This is God-like, and only through Free Labor can man approach tliis throne of his power, and rise into the companionship of the creative love of the Father of all." THOMAS DAVIS. In the course of one of the best speeches ever made on the Kansas question — a speech replete with irrefutable facts and arguments — the delivery of which, in the House of Representatives, May 9, 1854, at once distinguished him in Congress and throughout the country, Mr. Davis, of Rhode Island, said : "The despotism of slavery is not standing on its own basis, or defended by its own power, force, or ingenuity. It calls to its aid, and insists upon the obliga'tion enforced by the doctrine that the Constitution of the United States requires of the general government to protect, maintain, and extend slavery. It is no longer an evil to be tolerated or endured, but, in the estimation of its fanatical advocates, it is to be extended and perpetuated. " It is maintained by the combined power of monarchy, as represented in the Executive, wielding all the patronage of government by directly rewarding those who are subservient to its dictates, and proscribing all who dare to exercise with open manliness the right of American freemen, in condemnation of its rank injus- tice. " Next, we have the slaveowners, who are an aristocracy not elected by or sub- ject to any higher poAver, but firmly united by ties of common interest, ownership, and absolute control, amounting to a state of perpetual warfare where the weapons are all in the hands of one party. These combinations of power, monarchy, and oligarchy, might be deemed ample for the maintenance of their unholy ascendency ; but, sir, it seems it is not enough, for we have now a new proclamation in its defence. It finds itself incapable, with the weapons it has heretofore wielded, of accomplishing its purposes, and it now demands that the great and vital doctrine of the sovereignty of the people is peculiarly its own. Thus we have the combina- tion of monarchy, or the powers of one man— oligarchy, or the favored few ; and democracy, or the powers of the whole people. Seizing upon this last prin- ciple, it profanes its holy name, using it for the purpose of sustaining a system destructive of all human rights; for just in proportion as men feel the force and grandeur of their own nature and being, will they regard with sacred reverence the rights of others, which, in a republic, must be their highest security. Chattel slavery strikes at the root of this individual conviction, and is, to an alarm- ing extent, destructive of the principles of self-government." FEEDERICK LAW OLITSTED. In his " Seaboard Slave States," Mr, Olmsted, the eminently clever and competent superintendent of the great Central Park, in New York city— a traveller and author of exquisite discernment and indubitable veracity, writing from Norfolk, in Virginia, says : "Incidents, trifling in themselves, constantly betrav to a stran"-er the bad economy of usmg enslaved servants. The catastrophe of one such occurred since 1 began to write this letter. I ordered a fire to be made in my room, as I was gomg out this mornmg. On my return, I found a grand fire— the room door hav- ing been closed and locked upon it, and, by the way, I had to obtain assistance to open It, the lock being ' out of order.' Just now, while I was writing, down tumbled upon the floor, and rolled away close to the valance of the bed, half a hr«\ fnll Of i-nitcd coal, wh.ch li;...! been so piled up on the diminutive grate, and iett without a fender or any gu.uJ, that this result was almost inevitable. If I had TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES. 169 not returned at the time 1 did, the bouse -n-ould have been fired, and probably an incendiary charged with it, while some Northern Insurance Company made good the loss to the owner Such carelessness on the part of these enslaved servants j'ou have momentarily to notice. The constantly-occurring delays, and the waste of time and labor that you encounter everywhere, are most annoying and provok- ing. The utter want of system and order, almost essential, as it would appear, where slaves are your instruments, is amazing. At a hotel, for instance, you go to j'our room and And no conveniences for washing; ring and ring again, and hear the oflBce-keeper ring and ring ag.ain. At length two servants appear together at at your door, get orders, and go away. A quarter of an hour afterward, perhaps. one returns with a pitcher of water," but no towels; and soon It is impossible that the habits of the whole community should not be influenced by, and be made to accommodate to these habits of its laborers. It irresistibly atfects the whole industrial character of the people. You may see it in the habits and manners of the free white mechanics and tradespeople. All of these must have dealings or be in competition with slaves, and so have their standard of excellence made low, and become accustomed to, until they are content with, slight, false, un- sound workmanship." THEODOEE D. WELD. Wielding a vigorous pen in behalf of a noble cause, the Pestalozzi of our country, Mr. Weld, founder and present principal of the famous eclectic school at Eagleswood, New Jersey, says : "There is not a man on earth who does not believe that slavery is a curse. Human beings may be inconsistent, but human nature is true to herself. She has uttered her testimony against slavery with a shriek ever since the monster was begotten; and till it perishes amidst the execrations of the universe, she will traverse the world on its track, dealing her bolts upon its head, and dashing against it her condemning brand. We repeat it. every man knows that slavery is a curse. Whoever denies this, his lips libel his heart. Try him ; clank the chains in his ears, and tell him they are for him ; give him an hour to prepare his wife and children for a life of slavery ; bid him make haste and get ready their necks for the yoke, and their wrists tbr the cofBe-chains, then look at his pale lips and trem- bling knees, and you have Nature's testimony against slavery." Thus, in the six last chapters inclusive, have we introduced a mass of anti-slavery arguments, human and divine, that Avill stand, irrefutable and convincing, as long as the earth itself shall continue to revolve in its orbit. Aside from unafi'ected truthfulness and candor, no merit is claimed for anything we have said on our own account. With the best of motives, and in the language of nature more than that of art, we have given utterance to the honest convictions of our heart — being impelled to it by a long-harbored and unraistalcable sense of duty which grew stronger and deeper as the days passed away. If half the time which has been spent in collecting and arranging those testimonies had been occupied in the composition of original mat- ter, the weight of paper and binding and the number of pages would have been much greater ; but the value and effect of the contents would have been far less. From the first, our leading motive has been to con- vince our fellow-citizens of the South, non-slaveholders and slaveholders, that slavery, whether considered in all its bearings, or, setting aside the moral aspect of the question, and looking at it only in a pecuniary point of view, is impolitic, unprofitable, and degrading ; how well, thus far, we have succeeded in our undertaking, time will, perhaps, fully disclose. 5 170 TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES. In the words of a contemporaneous German writer, whose language we readily and heartily indorse, " It is the shame of our age that argmnent is needed against slavery." Taking things as they are, how- ever, argument being needed, we have offered it ; and we have offered it from such sources as will, in our honest opinion, confound the devil and his incarnate confederates. These testimonies, culled from the accumulated wisdom of nearly sixty centuries, beginning with the great and good men of our own time, and running back through distant ages to Saint Paul, Saint John, and Saint Luke ; to Cicero, Plato, and Socrates, to Solomon, David, and Moses, and even to the Deity himself, are the pillars of strength and beauty upon which the popularity of our work will, in all probability, be principally based. If the ablest writers of the Old Testament ; if the eloquent prophets of old ; if the renowned philosophers of Greece and Eome ; if the heavenly minded authors and compilers of the New Testament ; if the illustrious poets and prose-writers, heroes, statesmen, sages of all nations, ancient and modern ; if God himself and the hosts of learned ministers whom he has commissioned to proclaim his word — if all these are wrong, then we are wrong ; on the other hand, however, if they are right, we are right ; for, in effect, we only repeat and endeavor to enforce their precepts. If we are in error, we desire to be corrected ; and, if it is not asking too much, we respectfully request the advocates of slavery to favor us with an expose of what they, in their one-sided view of things, conceive to be the advantages of their favorite and peculiar institution. Such an expose, if skillfully executed, would doubtless be regarded as the funniest novel of the times — a fit production, if not too immoral in its tendencies, to be incorporated into the next edition of D'Israeli's Curiosities of Literature. CHAPTER IX. FEEE FIGURES AND SLAVE, God flx'd it certain, that, whatever day Makes man a slave, takes half his worth away. Pope's Hojier. Under this heading we propose to introduce the remainder of the more important statistics of the Free and of the Slave States ; — especially those that relate to Commerce, Manufactures, Internal Improvements, Education and Religion. Originally it was our intention to devote a separate chapter to each of the industrial and moral interests above- named; but other considerations have so greatly encroached on our space, that we are compelled to modify our design. To the thoughtful and discriminating reader, however, the chief statistics which follow will be none the less interesting for not being the subjects of annotation. At present, all we ask of the pro-slavery men, no matter in what part of the world they may reside, is to look these figures fairly in the face. We wish them to do it, in the first instance, not on the platforms of public debate, where the exercise of eloquence is too often characterized by violent passion and subterfuge, but in their own private apartments, where no eye save that of the All-seeing One will rest upon them, and where, in considering the relations which they sustain to the past, the present, and the future, an opportunity will be afforded them of securing that most valuable of all possessions attainable on earth, a conscience void of ofl:ence toward God and man. Each separate table or particular compilation of statistics will afford food for at least an hour's profitable reflection ; indeed, the more these figures are studied, and the better they are understood, the sooner wUl the author's object be accomplished — the sooner will the genius of Uni- versal Liberty dispel the dark clouds of slavery. 171 172 FREE EIGUBES AND SLAVE. T^f^JBLE 13. TONNAGE, EXPORTS AXD IMPORTS OF THE FREE AND OF THE SLAVE STATES— 1S55. Frea States. Tonn;ige. Expons. Imports. S1;ltC Siatei. Tonnage. Exports. Imports. Cal 92,623 $8,224,066 $5,951,379 Ala. ... 36,274 $14,270,585 $619,964 Conn.... 137,170 873,874 636,826 Ark. . . . Illinois. 63,797 547,053 54,509 Del. . . . 19,186 68,087 5,821 Indiana 8,698 Florida. 14,335 1,403,594 45,998 Iowa. .. Georgia 29,505 7,543,519 273,716 Maine.. 800,557 4,351,207 2,927,443 Ky 22,680 Mass. . . 970,727 28,190.925 45,113,774 La 204,149 55,367,962 12,900,821 Mich... 69,490 568,091 231,379 Md 234,805 10,395,934 7,788,949 N. H. . 80,330 1,523 17,786 Miss 2,475 1,661 N. J.... 121,020 687 1,473 Mo 60,592 N. Y. . . 1,404,221 113,731,238 164,776,511 N. C. . . 60,077 433,818 243,033 Ohio... 91,607 847,143 600,656 S. C. . . . 60,935 12,700,250 1,588,542 Penn... 397,763 6,274,338 15,300,935 Tenn. . . 8,404 R. I. . . . 51,033 336,023 586,337 Texas . . 8,812 916,961 262,568 Vt 6,915 2,895,463 591,593 Va 92,788 4,379,923 855,405 Wis. . . . 15,624 174,057 48,159 4,252,615 $167,520,693 $236,847,810 855,517 $107,480,688 $24,586,523 PRODUCT OF MANUFACTURES IN THE FREE AND IN TILE SLAVE STATES— 1850. Free Value of An- Capital Hanils .'^lave y.ilne of An- Capital Hands States. nual pioluc^s. invested. empl'ed States. nual products. invested. empl'ed. California $12,862,522 $1,006,197 3,964 Alabama $4,538,878 $3,450,606 4,936 Conn 45,110,102 23,890,348 47, 1 70 Arkansas 607,436 324,065 903 Illinois. . . 17,236,073 6,38.5,337 12,065 Delaware 4,649,296 2,978,945 3,888 Indiana.. 13,922,651 7,941,002 14,342 Florida.. 668,388 547,060 991 Iowa 3,551,733 l,292,^75 1,707 Georgia . . 7,0-6,525 5,460,433 8,373 Maine. . . . 24,664,135 14,700,452 23,073 Kentucky 24,.538,483 12,.350,734 24,335 Mass 151,137,145 83,357,642 16.5,933 Louisiana 7,320,948 5.318,074 6,437 Michigan. 10,976,394 6,534,250 9,290 Maryland 32,477,702 14,758,143 30,124 N. Harap. 23,164,503 13,242,114 27,092 Miss 2,972,038 1,833,420 3,178 N. Jersey 39,713,586 22,184,7-30 37,811 Missouri. 23,749,265 9,079,695 ie,s5o New \ork 237,597,249 99,904,405 199,349 N. C 9,111,245 7,252,225 12,444 Ohio ... 62,647,259 29,019,533 51,489 s. c 7,063,513 6,056,865 7,0U9 Penn :5.5,044,910 94,473,310 146,766 Tenn. ... 9,723,433 6,975,279 12,0.32 Rhode Is. 22,093,258 12,923,176 20,831 Te.xas . . . 1,165,538 5.39,290 1,066 Vermont. 8,570,920 5,001, .377 8,445 Virginia . 29,705,337 18,109,993 29,109 Wisconsin 9,293,063 $842,536,058 3,332,143 $430,iM0,051 6,089 780,576 $165,413,027 $95,029,879 161,733 FREE riGITRES AND SLAVE. 1T3 MILES OF CANALS AND RAILROADS IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES, 1S54 — 1857. Free Stales. Canals, miles, 1854. Raih-oads, miles, 1857. Cost of Rail- roads, 1855. Slave Slates. Canals, miles, 1S54 Railroads, miles, 1K57. Cost of Rail- roads, 1855. California Conn Illinois... Indiana.. Iowa Maine . . . Iilass Michigan. N. Hamp. N. Jersey New York Ohio Penn Rhode Is. Vermont.. ^Visconsin 61 100 367 50 100 ii 147 989 921 936 22 600 2,524 1,806 253 442 1,2S5 600 645 472 2,700 2,869 2,407 85 515 629 $25,224,191 55,603,656 29,585,923 2,300,000 1.3,749.021 59,167,781 22,370,397 i 15,860,949 : 13,840,030 111,882,503 67,798,202 94,657,675 2,614,484 17,998,835 5,600,000 Alabama . Arkansas.. Delaware. Florida . . . Georgia . . Kentucky.. Louisiana.. Maryland.. Mississippi. Missouri. .. N.Carolina S. Carolina Tennessee. Te.xas Virginia . . . 51 14 28 486 101 184 is 50 "is9 484 120 86 1,062 306 203 597 410 189 612 706 508 57 1,479 $3,986,208 600,000 250,000 17,034,802 6,179,072 1,731,000 12,654,333 4,520,000 1,000,000 6,847,213 13,547,093 10,436,610 16,406,250 3,6S2 17,855 '$538,313,647 1,116 6,859 $95,252,581 T J^ 33 IL, E 16. BANK CAPITAL IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES— 1855. Free States. 1 Banls cnpiial. [ Slave States. ISauI; c'lpital. California Connecticut $15,597,891 2,513,790 7,281,934 7,301,2.-)2 54,492,600 980,416 3,626,0110 5,314,885 83,773,288 7,166,581 19,864,825 17,511.162 3,275,056 1,400,000 $2,296,400 1,398,175 Florida 13,413,100 Kentucky Louisiana Slaryland Mississippi, 10,369,717 20,179,107 ftlicliigan 10,411,874 240,165 New Jersey New York 1,215,3:"8 5,205,073 16,6(13,253 South Carolina Pennsylvania Tennessee 6,717,848 14.033,833 Wisconsin Total Total $230,100,340 $102,078,940 174 FEEE FIGURES AND SLAVE. T A. B 31. E 17. MILITIA FORCE OP THE FREE AND OF THE SLAVE STATES— 1852. Free States. Militia force. Slave States. Hiliiia force. 51,649 170,359 53,918 62,583 119,690 63,933 82,151 39,171 265,293 176,455 276,(j70 14,443 23,915 32,203 76,C6-?- Connecticut Arkansas 17,137 9,229 12,122 57,812 81,840 43,823 46,864 86,0S4 61,000 79,448 Indiana Iowa Maine Florida Georgia Kentucky Michigan New Hampshire New Jersey Maryland Mississippi Missouri North Carolina Ohio 55,209 71 252 Rhode Island Texas Virginia Total 19,766 125,128 Wisconsin Total 1,331,843 792,876 T ^ B L E 18. POST-OFFICE OPERATIONS IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES— 1855. Total Cost of Total Cost of stamps sold. Postage Transport's Slave States. Sianips sold. Postage Transport's coUecieil. the mails. collected. the mails. California.. $81,437 $284,591 $135,386 Alabama $44,514 $104,514 $226,816 Connecticut 79,284 179,230 81,463 Arkansas 8,941 30,664 117,659 Illinois . . . 105,252 279,837 280,038 Delaware 7,298 19,644 9,243 Indiana .. 60.578 180,405 190,480 Florida . 8,764 19,275 77,553 Iowa 28,198 82,420 84,423 Georgia.. 73,330 149,063 216,003 Maine 60,165 151,358 82,218 Kentucky 55,694 130,067 144,161 Mass 259,062 582,184 153,091 Louisiana 50,778 133,753 133,810 Michigan . . 49,763 142,188 148,204 Maryland 77,743 191,485 192,743 New llamp. 88,387 95,609 46,631 Miss 81,182 78,739 170,7^5 New Jersey 81,495 109,697 80,084 Missouri. 53,742 139,652 ib5,ii'.K; New York.. 542,498 1,883,157 431,410 N. 34,235 72,759 148,249 Ohio 167,953 452,643 421,870 S. C. ... 47,368 91,600 192,210 Penn 217,293 583,013 251,833 Tenn. . . . 48,377 108,686 116,091 Rhode Is. . . 30,291 53,624 13,891 Texas . . . 24,530 70,436 209,936 Vermont. . . 86,314 92,816 64,437 Virginia . 96,799 217,861 245,592 Wisconsin . 83,538 112,908 92,842 $1,719,513 $4,670,725 $2,608,295 $666,845 $1,553,198 $2,885,953 FEEE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 175 T^ B L. E 19. PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF THE FREE AND OP THE SLAVE STATES— 1850. California Conn Illinois.. . Indiana.. Iowa Maine. . . . Mass Michigan. N. Hamp.. N. Jersey . New York Ohio Penn Rhode Is.. Vermont . Wisconsin Number. 2 1,656 4,052 4,S22 740 4,042 8,679 2,714 2,381 1,473 11,530 11,661 9,061 416 2,731 1,423 62,483 Teueliers. 2 1,787 4,248 4,860 828 6,540 4,443 8,231 3,013 1,574 13,965 12,886 10,024 518 4,173 1,529 72,621 Pupils. 49 71,269 125,725 161,500 29,556 192,815 176,475 110,455 75,643 77,930 675,221 484,153 413,706 23,130 93,457 58,817 2,769,901 Slave States, Alabama Arkansas Delaware Florida . . Georgia.. Kentucky Louisiana Maryland Mississipiji Missouri.. N. C S. C Tennessee Texas Virginia . . Nnuiber 1,152 853 194 69 1,251 2,234 664 898 782 1,570 2,057 724 2,680 349 2,930 18,507 Teachers. 1,195 355 214 73 1,265 2,306 822 986 826 1,620 2,780 739 2,819 360 2,997 19,307 Pupils. 28,880 8,493 8,970 1,878 82,705 71,429 25,046 38,111 18,746 51,754 104,095 17,838 104,117 7,940 07,363 581,861 T^B L E 3 O. LIBRARIES OTHER THAN PRIVATE IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES-1850. Free States. Number. Volumes. Slave States. Number. Volumes. California Connecticut 164 152 151 82 236 1,462 417 129 128 11,013 352 893 96 96 72 14,911 165,818 62,486 68,403 5,790 121,969 684,015 107,943 85,759 80,885 1,760,820 186,826 863,400 104,342 64,641 21,020 3,888,234 Alabama Arkansas Delaware Florida 56 3 17 7 88 80 10 124 117 97 88 26 84 12 54 20,623 420 17,950 2,600 31,788 79,466 26,,800 125,042 21,737 75,050 29,592 107,472 22,896 4,230 88,462 Maine Massachusetts Michigan N, Hampshire New Jersey New York Ohio Pennsylvania Rhode Island Vermont Wisconsin Kentucky Louisiana Maryland Mississippi Missouri North Carolina. . South Carolina . . Tennessee ...... Texas . Virginia 695 649,577 176 FKEE FIGURES AND SLAVE. T ^ 13 L. E 2 1. NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS PUBLISHED IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES— 1850. Free States. Number. Copies printed annually. Slave States. Number. Copies printed annually. California Connecticut 7 46 107 107 29 49 202 53 38 51 423 261 309 19 35 761,200 4,267,932 5,102,276 4,316,823 ; 1,512,800 4,203,064 : 64,820,564 3,247,736 3,067,552 ! 4,098,678 115,385,473 30,473,407 84,898,672 2,756,950 <>, U^T fifiO, Alabama Arkansas Delaware 60 9 10 10 51 62 55 68 50 61 51 46 50 34 87 2,662,741 377,000 421,200 319,800 4,070,868 Kentucky Louisiana Jlaryland aiississippi 6,582,838 Massacliusetts 12,416,224 19,612,724 New Hampshire . . New Jersey New York Ohio Pennsylvania Rhode Island 1,752,504 6,195,560 2,020,564 7,145,930 6,940,750 1,296,924 9,223,068 North Carolina . . South Carolina . . Tennessee Texas Virginia AVisconsin 46 1 2',665',487 1,790 334,146,281 704 81,083,693 T ^ B L E 3 2. ILLITERATE WHITE ADULTS IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES— 1850. Free States. Native. Foreign. Total. Slave States Native. Foreign. Total. California 2,201 2,917 5,118 Alabama 33,618 139 83,757 Conn. . . . 626 4,013 4,739 Arkansas 16,792 27 16,819 Illinois. . . 34,107 5,947 40,064 Delaware 4,132 404 4,536 Indiana. . 67,275 3,265 70,.540 Florida . . 3,564 295 8,859 Iowa 7,043 1,077 8,120 Georgia. . 40,794 406 41,200 Maine . . . 1,999 4,148 6,147 Kentucky 64,840 2,347 66,687 Mass 1,055 26,484 27,539 Louisiana 14,950 6,271 21,221 Michigan. 4,903 3,009 7,912 Maryland 17,364 3,451 20,815 N. llamp. 893 2,064 2,957 Mississippi 13,324 81 13,405 N. Jersey. 8,370 5.878 14,248 Missouri.. 34,420 1,861 86,281 New York 23,241 68,0.52 91,293 N. C 73,226 840 73,566 Ohio 51,968 9,062 61,030 s. c 15,580 104 15,684 Penn 41,944 24,939 66,928 Tennessee 77,017 505 77,522 Rhode Is.. 981 2,309 3,340 Texas 8,037 2,483 10,525 Vermont.. 565 5,624 6,189 Virginia.. 75,868 1,137 77,005 M isconsin 1,459 4,902 6,361 ! 248,725 173,790 422,515 493,026 19,856 612,832 FEEE FIGUBKS AND SLAVE. 177 T j^B 11. E 3 3. NATIONAL POLITICAL POWER OP THE FREE AND OP THE SLAVE STATES— 1S59. Free States. Senators. Reps, in lower H. of CODg. Electoral votes. Slave States. Senators. Reps, in lower H. of Cong. Electoral Totes. California Connecticut. . . . Illinois Indiana 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 4 9 11 2 4 6 11 13 4 Alabama Arkansas Delaware Florida Georgia Kentucky .... Louisiana Maryland Mississippi .... Missouri N. Carolina.. . S. Carolina . . . Tennessee Texas A'irginia 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 7 2 1 1 8 10 4 6 5 7 8 6 10 2 13 9 4 3 3 10 6 8 11 13 4 t 6 2 4 3 1 5 5 7 33 85 21 23 25 2T 2 4 3 5 3 5 12 Massachusetts. . Michigan ..... Minnesota New Hampshire New Jersey .... New York Ohio 6 8 7 9 10 8 12 Pennsylvania . . Rhode Island... Vermont Wisconsin 4 15 34 146 180 30 90 120 T-A.B ni. E 3 4. POPULAR TOTE FOR PRESIDENT BY THE FREE AND BY THE SLATE STATES-. 1356. Free Rep. Amer. Dem. Slave Rep. Amer. Dem. States. Fremont. 20,8-39 Fillmore. 35,113 Buchanan. 51,925 107,377 States. Frem. Fillmore. Buch'n. Cal.... Ala.... 25,552 46,789 75,291 Conn.. 42,715 2,615 34,995 80,325 Ark. . 10,787 21,910 32,697 Illinois 96,1 S9 37,444 105,348 288,981 Del.... 308 6,175 8,004 14,487 Ind. .. 94,375 22,386 118,670 235,431 Florida 4,833 6,358 11,191 Iowa.. 43,954 9,180 86,170 89,304 Ga.... 42,228 56,578 98,806 Maine. 67,379 3,325 39,080 109,784 Ky.... 314 67,416 74,642 142,372 Mass.. 108,190 19,626 39,240 167,056 La. ... 20,709 22,164 42,873 -Mich.. N. H .. 71,762 38,345 1,660 422 52,136 32,789 125,558 71,556 Md.. . . Miss... 281 47,460 24.195 39,115 35,446 86,856 59,641 N..I... 28,338 24,115 46,943 99,396 Mo. . . . 48,524 58,104 106,688 N. Y.... 276.907 124,604 195,878 597,389 N. C... 36,886 48,246 85,132 Ohio.. 187,497 23,126 170,874 386,497 S. C*. Penn. . 147,510 82,175 230,710 460,395 Tenn. . 66,178 73,638 139,816 U. I. . . 11,467 1,675 6,580 19,722 Texas. 15,244 28,757 44,001 Vt 39,561 545 10,569 50,675 Va.... 291 60,278 89,826 150,395 ■Wis. . . 66,090 579 52,843 119,512 ! 1,340,618 393,590 1,224,750 2,958,958 1,194 479,465 609,587 1,090,246 No popular vote. 8* ITS FEEE FIGUKES AND SLAVE. T-A-B LESS. VALUK OF CHURCHES IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES-1850. Free States. California Connecticut Illinois Indiana Iowa Maine Massachusetts . . Michigan NevT Hampsliire New Jersey.. .. , New York Ohio Pennsylvania. . Rhode Island. . Vermont Wisconsin Total .. Value. 599, ,532 56S, 285, ,T94, ,504, 793, ,433. ,712: ,539: ,860, ,853, ,293, 251 512. 400 330 305 906 412 209 8S8 ISO ,266 ,863 ,561 059 ,291 ,600 ,655 ,552 $67,773,477 Slave States. Value. Alabama Arkansas Delaware Florida Georgia Kentucky Louisiana ... . Maryland Mississippi Missouri North Carolina South Carolina. Tennessee Texas Vii'ginia Total.... 741 US6 345 600 112 o53 495 116 ,622 ,135 ,785 ,476 ,951 944 220 $21,674,581 rCA^ B L E 3 6. PATENTS ISSUED ON NEW INVENTIONS IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES— 1856. Free States. Patents. Slave Stat.-s. Patents. 13 142 93 67 14 42 331 22 43 78 593 189 267 18 85 83 Alabama Arkansas Delaware 11 8 8 Iowa Maine Georgia Kentucky 13 26 30 Michigan New Hampshire New Jersey New York Ohio Maryland Mississippi Missouri North Carolina 49 8 32 9 10 23 Rhode Island Vermont Wisconsin Texas Virginia Total 4 42 Total 1,929 263 FREE FIGURES AND SLA.VE. 179 a? ^V 13 JL, E 7. BIBLE CAUSE AND TRACT CAUSE IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES— 1855. Free Stales. Contributions for the Bible Cause. Oontribulious tor the Tract Cause. Slave States. Contributions for the Bible Cause. Contributions for the Tract Cause. California Connecticut Illinois Indiana Iowa Maine Massachusetts Michigan New Hamiishiie . . New Jersey New York Ohio $1,900 24,528 28,403 6,755 4,216 6,449 43,444 5,554 6,271 15,475 123,386 25,753 25,360 2,669 5,709 4,790 $319,667 $ 5 15,872 8,7S6 1,491 2,005 2,981 11,492 1,114 1,288 3,546 61,233 9,576 12.121 2,121 2,867 474 $131,972 t Alabama Arkansas Delaware 1 Florida ' Georgia I Kentucky 1 Louisiana i Maryland ; Mississippi ' Missouri N. Carolina S. Carolina Tennessee Texas i Virginia $8,351 2,950 1,037 1,957 4,532 5,956 1,810 8,909 1,067 4,711 6,197 3,984 8,383 3,985 9,296 $47T 110 163 5 1,463 1,366 1,099 5,365 267 936 1,419 8,222 Pennsylvania lihode Island 1,807 127 6,894 Wisconsin $68,125 $24,725 T ^ B X. E 3 8. MISSIONARY CAUSE AND COLONIZATION* CAUSE IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES— 1855-1856. Free States. Contril)ut!ons for Missiouary purposes, 1S55. Contributions for Colonization purposes, 1^56. Slave States. Contributions for Missioniuy purposes, 1855. Contributions for Colonization purposes, 1856. California Connecticut. . . . Illinois Indiana $ • 192 48,044 10,040 4,705 1,750 13,929 128,505 4,935 11,963 19,946 172,115 19 890 $ 1 9,2.33 &43 34 3 1,719 1,422 4 1,130 3,261 24,371 2,687 4,287 2,125 804 806 $51,930 Alabama Arkansas Delaware Florida Georgia $5,963 455 1,003 340 9,846 $1,113 1 250 13 5,323 Kentucky ... 6,953 Louisiana 834 Maryland 20,677 Mississippi , 4,957 Missouri 2,712 North Carolina 6,010 South Carolina 15,248 4,436 Massachusetts. . Michigan . New Hampshire New Jersey .... New York Oliio 871 406 2,1 7T 313 969 129 Pennsylvania . . Rhode Island ... Vermont Wisconsin 43,412 9,440 11,094 2,216 $502,irr~ Tennessee Texas A'irginia 4,971 849 22,106 1,611 6 10,000 $101,9^4 $27,613 For colonizing free blacks in Liberia. 180 FKEB FIGURES AND SLAVE. DEATHS IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES— 1S50.* California Connecticut. . . Illinois Indiana Iowa Maine Massachusetts. Bliciiigan ... . N. Hampshire., New Jersey .. . New York Ohio Pennsylvania . Rhode Island. . Vermont Wisconsin Number of deaths. 5,781 11,619 12,728 2,044 7,545 19,414 4,.520 4,268 6,467 44,839 28,949 28,318 2,241 8,132 2,884 184,249 Ratio to the Number living. 64.13 73.28 77.65 94.03 77.29 51.23 88.19 74.49 75.70 69.85 68.41 81.63 65.83 100.13 105.82 72.91 Alabama Arkansas Delaware Florida Georgia Kentucky . . . . Louisiana ... . Maryland Mississippi Missouri North Carolina South Carolina. Tennessee Texas Vh'ginia Number of deaths. 9,084 2,987 1,209 983 9,920 15,206 11,948 9,594 8,711 12,211 10,207 7,997 11,759 3,046 19,053 133,865 Ratio to the Number living. 84.94 70.18 75.71 93.67 91.93 64.60 42.85 60.77 69.93 55.81 85.12 83.59 85.34 69.79 74.61 71.82 T^^ B L E 3 O. FREE WHITE MALE PERSONS OVER FIFTEEN YEARS OF AGE ENGAGED IN AGRICULTURAL AND OTHER OUT-DOOR LABOR IN THE SLAVE STATES — 1850. Number engaged in Agriculture. Number engaged in other out-door labor. Alabama Arkansas Delaware Florida Georgia Kenaicky Louisiana Maryland Mississippi, Missouri North Carolina South Carolina. Tennessee .. .. Texas Virginia 67,742 28,436 6,225 5,472 82,107 110,119 11,524 24,672 50,028 64,292 • 76,838 37,612 115,844 24,987 97,654 803,052 7,229 5,596 4,184 2,598 11,054 26,.308 13,827 17,146 5,823 19,900 21,876 6,9»l 16,795 22,718 83,928 215,968 74,971 84,032 10,409 8,070 93,161 186,427 25,351 41,81S 55,851 84,192 98,214 44,603 132,639 47,700 }ej,582 ifti^yQm * For an explanation of this Table see the next three pages. FEEK FIGUKES AIsD SLATE. 181 Too hot in the South, and too unhealthy there — white men ''can't stand it'' — negroes only can endure the heat of Southern climes I How often are our ears insulted with such wickedly false assertions as these ! In what degree of latitude — pray tell us — in what degree of latitude do the rays of the sun become too calorific for white men ? Certainly in no part of the United States, for in the extreme South we find a very large number of non-slaveholding whites over the age of fifteen, who derive their entire support from manual labor in the open fields. The sun, that brilliant bugbear of pro-slavery politicians, shone on more than one million of free white laborers — mostly agriculturists — in the slave States in 1850, exclusive of those engaged in commerce, trade, manufac- tures, the mechanic arts, and mining. Yet, notwithstanding all these instances of exposure to his wrath, we have had no intelligence what- ever of a single case of coup de soleil. Alabama is not too hot ; sixty- seven thousand white sons of toil till her soil. Mississippi is not too hot ; fifty-five thousand free white laborers are hopeful devotees of her out-door pursuits. Texas is not too hot; forty-seven thousand free white persons, males, over the age of fifteen, daily perform their rural vocations amidst her unsheltered air. It is stated on good authority that, in January, 1856, native ice, three inches thick, was found in Galveston Bay ; we have seen it ten inches thick in iSTorth Carolina, with the mercury in the thermometer at two degrees below zero. In January, 1857, while the snow was from three to five feet deep in many parts of Xorth Carolina, the thermometer indi- cated a degree of coldness seldom exceeded in any State in the Union — thirteen degrees below zero. The truth is, instead of its being too hot in the South for white men, it is too cold for negroes ; and we long to see the day arrive when the latter shall have entirely receded from their uncongenial homes in America, and given full and undivided place to the former. Too hot in the South for white men ! It is not too hot for white women. Time and again, in different counties in Xorth Carolina, have we seen the poor white wife of the poor white husband, following him In the harvest-field from morning till night, binding up the grain as it fell from his cradle. In the immediate neighborhood from which we hail, tliere are not less than thirty young women, non-slaveholding whites, between the ages of fifteen and twenty-five — some of whom are so well known to us that we could call them by name — who labor in the fields every summer ; often hiring themselves out during harvest- time, the very hottest season of the year, to bind wheat and oats — each, of them keeping up with the reaper; and this for the paltry considera- tion of twenty-five cents per day. That any respectable man — any man with a heart or a soul in his composition — can look upon these poor toiling white women without 182 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. feeling indignaut at that accursed system of slavery whicJi has entailed on them the miseries of poverty, ignorance, and degradation, we shall not do ourself the violence to believe. If they and their husbands, and their sons and daughters, and brothers and sisters, are not righted in some of the more important particulars in which they have been wronged, tlie fault shall lie at other doors than our own. In their be- half, chiefly, have we written and compiled this work ; and until our object shall have been accomplished, or until life shall have been ex- tinguished, there shall be no abatement in our efforts to aid them in regaining the natural and inalienable prerogatives out of which they have been so craftily swindled. We want to see no more plowing, or hoeing, or raking, or grain-binding, by white women in the Southern States ; employment in cotton-mills and other factories would be far more profitable and congenial to them, and this they will have within a short period after slavery shall have been abolished. Too hot in the South for white men ! What is the testimony of reliable Southrons themselves? Says Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky: " In tlie extreme South, at New Orleans, the laboring men— the stevedores and hackmen on the levee, where the heat is intensified by the proximity of the red brick buildings, are all white men, and they are in the full enjoyment of health. But how about cotton ? I am informed by a friend of mine — ^himself a slaveholder, and therefore good authority — that in northwestern Texas, among the German settlements, who, true to their national instincts, will not employ the labor of a slave they produce more cotton to the acre, and of a better quality, and selling at prices from a cent to a cent and a half a pound higher than that produced by slave labor." Says Gov. Ilammond, of South Carolina : " The steady heat of our summers is not so prostrating as the short, but frequent and sudden, bursts of Northern summers." In an extract, which may be found in our second chapter, and to which we respectfully refer the reader, it will be seen that this same South Carolinian, speaking of " not less than fifty thousand " non-slave- holding whites, says — " Most of these now follow agricultural pur- suits." Says Dr. Cartwright, of New Orleans: "Here in New Orleans, the larger part of the drudgery— work requiring expo- sure to the sun, as railroad-making, street-paving, dray-driving, ditching, and building, is performed by white people." To the statistical tables which show the number of deaths in the free and in the slave States in 1850, we would direct special attention. Those persons, particularly the propagandists of negro slavery, who, heretofore, have been so dreadfully exercised on account of what they have been pleased to term "the insalubrity of Southern climes," will there find something to allay their fearful apprehensions. A critical examination of said tables will disclose the fact that, in proportion to population, deaths occur more frequently in Massachusetts than in any Southern State except Louisiana ; mijre frequeutl/ in New York than FKEE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 183 in any of the Southern States, except Maryhiud, Missouri, Kentucky, Louisiana, and Texas ; more frequently in New Jersey, in Pennsylvania, and in Ohio, than in either Georgia, Florida, or Alabama. Leaving Wisconsin and Louisiana out of the account, and then comparing the bills of mortality in the remaining Northern States, with those in the remaining Southern States, we find the diflerence decidedly in favor of the latter : for, according to this calculation, while the ratio of deaths is as only one to 74.G0 of the living population in the Southern States, it is as one to 72.39 in the Northern. Says Dr. J. C. Nott, of Mobile : •' Heat, moisture, animal and vegetable matter, are said to be the elements which produce the diseases of the South, and yet tne testimony in proof of the health of the banks of the lower portion of the Mississippi River is too strong to be doubted,— not only the river itself, but also the numerous bayous which meander through Louisiana. Here is a perfectly flat alluvial country, covering several hundred miles, interspersed with interminable lakes, lagunes and jungles, and still we are infoi-med by Dr. Gartwrigiit, one of the most acute observers of the day, that this country is exempt from miasmatic disorders, and is extremely healthy. His assertion has been confirmed to me by hundreds of witnesses, and we know from our own observation, that the population present a robust and healthy appearance." But the best part is yet to come. In spite of all the blatant assertions of the oligarchy, that the climate of the South was arranged expressly for the negroes, and that the negroes were created expressly to inhabit it as the healthful servitors of other men, a carefully kept register of all the deaths that occurred in Charleston, South Carolina, for the space of six years, shows that, even in that locality which is generally regarded as so unhealthy, the annual mortality was much greater among the blacks, in proportion to population, than among the whites. Dr. Nott himself shall state the facts. He says : " The average mortality for the last six years in Charleston for all ages is 1 in 51, including all classes. Blacks alone 1 in 44 ; whites alone, 1 in 58— a very remarkable result, certainly. This mortality is perhaps not an unfair test, as the population during the last six years has been undisturbed by emigration and acclimated in a greater proportion than at any former period." Numerous other authorities might be cited in proof of the general healthiness of the climate south of Mason and Dixon's line. Of 127 remarkable cases of American longevity, published in a recent edition of Blake's Biographical Dictionary, 68 deceased centenarians are credited to the Southern States, and 59 to the Northern — the list being headed with Betsey Trantham, of Tennessee — a white woman, who died in 1834, at the extraordinarily advanced age of 154 years. 184 FKEE FIGURES AND SLAVE. TJ^JBLE 31. NATIVES OF THE SLAVE STATES IN THE FREE STATES, AND NATIVES OF THE FREE STATES IN THE SLAVE STATES.— 1850. Free States. Niitivcs of the Slave States. Slave States. Natives of the Free States. 24,055 1,390 144,809 176,581 31,392 458 2,980 3,6-34 215 4,110 12,625 152,319 47,180 982 140 6,358 4,947 7,965 Delaware Florida 6,996 1,718 4,249 31,340 14,567 Maryland 23,815 4,517 55,664 New-York 2,167 Ohio 2,427 Tennessee Texas 6,571 Rhode Island 9,982 2S,999 Wisconsin . . Total Total 609,223 205,924 This last table, compiled fi-om tliell6tli page of the Compendium of the Seventh Census, shows, in a most lucid and startling manner, how negroes, slavery and slaveholders are driving the native non-slavehold- ing whites away from their homes, and keeping at a distance other decent people. From the South the tide of emigration still flows in a westerly and northwesterly direction, and so it will continue to do until slavery is abolished. TA-BL.E! 33. VALUE OP THE SLAVES AT $400 PER HEAD.— 1850.* States. Value of the i^laves at S400 per head. Value of Real and Personal Estate, less the value of slaves at SJOO per head. Alabama Arkansas Delaware Florida ' Georgia Kentucky Louisiana Maryland Mis.-issippi Missouri North Carolina. South Carolina. . Tennessee Texas Virginia $137,137,600 18,8411,000 916,000 15,724,000 152,672,8(10 84,o92,4<»l) 97,92^,61)11 36,14T,-J(m 123,9.01,2(111 34.908.8(10 115,419.2ii0 153,993,611(1 95,783,61 iO 23,264,4110 189,011,200 $81,066,732 21,001,025 17,939,863 7,474,734 182,752,914 217,2.36,056 136,075,164 183.07(1,164 105,000,(it!0 lf>2,27S.90< 111,381,272 184,264,094 111,671,104 32,097,940 202,634,638 $1,280,145,6(10 $1,655,945,137 * It is intended that this table shall be considered in connection with table No., 10. FEEE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 185 To Dr. G. Bailey, editor of the National Era, Washington City, D. C, we are indebted for the following useful and interesting statistics, to which some of our readers will doubtless have frequent occasion to refer : PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES. March 4, 17S9 " 8, 1T9T March 4, 1T9T " 3 ISOl March 4, ISOl " 3, 1S09 March 4, ISUO " 3 ISIT March 4, 1817 " 3 1S25 March 4, 1S25 " s, 1S29 March 4, 1S29 " 3 1S37 !■ George Washiagton, Virginia. \ John Adams, Massachusetts. [ Thomas Jefferson, Virginia, i James Madison, Virginia. !• James Monroe, Virginia. [■ John Q. Adams, Mass. i Andrew Jackson, Tennessee. March 4, 1S37 ) Martin Van Luren, New York. ""''"^ I' ^1^ j- William H. Harrison, Ohio. March 4, 1S45 i james K. Polli, Tennessee. March 4, 1S49 { 2achary Taylor, Louisiana. *^^' '^ 1; 1857 [ Franklin Pierce, N. H. ^^""l?^ I' 111 } J'^'^es Buchanan, Penn. At the close of the term for -which Mr. Buchanan is elected, it will have been seventy-two j'ears since the organization of the present government. In that period, there have been eighteen elections for President, the candidates chosen in twelve of them being Southern men and slaveholders, in six of them Northern men and non-slaveholders. No Northern man has ever been reelected, but five Southern men have been thus honored. Gen. Harrison, of Ohio, died one month after his inauguration. Gen. Taylor, of Louisiana, about four months after his inauguration. In the former case, John Tyler, of Virginia, became acting President, in the latter, Millard Fillmore of New York. Of the seventy-two years, closing with Mr. Buchanan's term, should he live it out. Southern men and slaveholders have occupied the Presidential chair forty- eight years and three months, or a little more than two-thirds of the time. THE SUPEEME COURT. The judicial districts are organized so as to give five judges to the slave States, and four to the free, although the population, wealth and business of the latter are far in advance of those of the former. The arrangement affords, however, an ex- cuse for constituting the Supreme Court, with a majority of judges from the slave- holding States. MEMBEKS. Chief Justice— R. B. Taney, Maryland. Associate Justice— J. M. Wayne, Georgia. " " John Catron, Tennessee. " " P. V. Daniel, Virginia. " " John A. Campbell, Ala. " " John McLean, Ohio. Associate Justice— S. Nelson, New York. " " R. C. Grier, Pennsylvania. " " Nathan Clifford, Maine. Reporter, B. C. Howard, Maryland. Clerk, W. T. Carroll, D. C. SECRETARIES OF STATE. The highest office in the Cabinet is that of Secretary of State, who has under his charge the foreign relations of the country. Since the year 1789, there have been twenty-three appointments to the office— fourteen from slave States, mne from free. Or, counting by years, the post has been filled by Southern men and slaveholders very nearly forty years out of sixty-nine as follows : Appointed. Sept. 26, 17S9, Thomas Jefferson, Virginia. Jan. 2, )794, E. Randolph, A'irginia. Dec. 10, 1795, T. Pickering, Massachusetts. May 13, ISOO, J. Marshall, Virginia. March 5, 1801, James Madison, Virginia. March 6, 1809, R. Smitli, Maryland. April 2, 1811, James Monroe, Virginia. Feb. 28, 1815, " March 5, 1S15, J. Q. Adams, Massachusetts. March 7, 1825, Henry Clay, Kentucky. March 6,1829, Martin Van Buren, New York. May 24, 1831, E. Livingston, Louisiana. Appointed. May 29, 1833, Louis McLane, Delaware. June 27, 18-34, J. Forsyth, Georgia. March 5, 1S41, Daniel Webster, Mass. July 24, 1S43, A. P. Upshur, Virginia. March 6, 1S44, J. C. Calhoun, South Carolina March 5, 1845, James Buchanan, Penn. March 7, 1849, J. M. Clayton, Delaware. July 20, 1850, Daniel Webster, Mass. Dec. 9, 1851, E. Everett, Massachusetts. March 5, 1853, AV. L. Marcy, New York. March 6, 1857, Lewis Cass, Michigan. 186 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE PRESIDENTS PRO TEM. OF THE SEXATE. Since the year 1S09, every President jjro tern, of the Senate of the United States has been a Southern man and slaveholder, with the exception of Samuel L. South- ard of \ew Jersey, who held the olEce lor a very short time, and Mr. Bright, of Indiana^ who has held it for one ortv/o sessions, we believe, having been elected, however, as a known adherent of the slave interest, believed to be interested in slave '-ijroperty." SPEAKERS OF THE HOITSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. April, 17S9 March 3, 1791 Oct. 24, 1791 March 2, 1793 Dec. 2, 1793 March 3, 1795 Dec. 7, 1795 March 3, 1797 Mav 15, 1797 March 3, 1799 Dec. 2, 1799 March 3, IsOl Dec. 7, ISOl March 3, 1S07 Oct. 2(3, tS07 March 3, ISU March 4, 1811 Jau. 19, 1S14 Jan. 19, 1S14 March 2, 1815 Dec. 4, ISlo Nor. 13, 1S20 Nov. Id, 1S20 March 3, 1^21 Dec. 8, 1821 March 3, is23 Dec. 1, 1S23 March .3, 1825 If. a. Muhlenberg, Penn. i J. Trumbull, Connecticut. i F. A. Muhlenberg, Penn. [•Jonathan Dayton, N. J. Dec. 5, 1825 March 3, 1S27 Dec. 3, 1827 June 2, 1834 June 2, 1834 March 3, 1835 Dec. 7, 18.35 March 3, 1839 Dec. 16,1839 March 3, 1841 May 31, 1841 March 8, 1343 Dec. 4, 1843 March 3, 1845 Dec. 1, 1845 Marcli 8, 1847 Dec. 6, 1847 March 3, 1849 Dec. 22, 1849 March 3, 1851 Dec. 1, 1851 March 3, 1853 Dec. 1, 1S53 March 8, 1855 Feb. 28, 1806 March 8, 1857 Dec. 7. 1857 March 3, 1859 POSTMASTERS-GENEEAL. Appointed- [ Theodore Sedgwick, Mass. i Nathaniel Macon, N. C. i J. B. Varnum, Massachusetts. i- Henry Clay, Kentuclsy. > Langdon Cheves, S. C. [■ Ileni-y Clay, Kentucky. I J. W. Taylor, New York. !P. B. Barbour, Virginia. Henry Clay, Kentucky. [ J. W. Taylor, New York. > A. Stevenson, Virginia. [■John Bell, Tennessee. [■James K. Polk, Tennessee. i R. M. T. Hunter, Virginia, i John White, Tennessee, i J. W. Jones, Virginia. !■ J. W. Davis, Indiana. t R. C. 'Wmthrop, Mass. i Howell Cobb, Georgia. ,:;q \ lAiui Boyd, Kentucky. i Nathaniel i James L. Orr, S. C. [Nathaniel P. Banks, Mass. Appointed — Sept. 26, 1789, S. Osgood, Massachusetts. Aug. 12, 1791, T. Pickering, Massachusetts Feb. 25, 1795, J. Habersham, Georgia. Nov. 28. 1801, G. Granger, Connecticut. March 17', 1814, R J. Meigs, Ohio. June 25, 1823, John McLean, Ohio. March 9, 1829, W. T. Barry, Kentucky. May 1, 1835, A. Kendall, Kentucky. May IS, 1840, J. TtL Niles, Connecticut. Sectionalism does not seem to have had much to do with this department or with that of the interior, created in 1848-49, SECRETARIES OF THE INTERIOR. March 6, 1841, F. Granger, New York. Sept. 13, 1841, C. A. AVickliffe, Kentucky. March 5, 1845, C. Jolinson, Tennessee. March 7, 1S49, J. Collamer, Vermont. July 20, 1850, N. K. Hall, New York. Aug. 31, 1S52, S. D. Hubbard, Connecticut. March 5, 18.!)3, J. Campbell, Pennsylvania. March 6, 1857, Aaron V. Brown, Tennessee. Appointed — March 7, 1S49, T. Ewing, Ohio. July 20, 1850, J. A. Pearce, Maryland. Aug. 15, 1850, T. M. T. McKennon, Pa. Appointed — Sept. 12, 1-50, A. H. H. Stuart, Virginia. March 5, 1S53, R. McClelland, Michigan. March 6, 1857, Jacob Thompson, Mississippi. ATTORNEYS-GEXERAL. Appointed — }^ept. 26, 1789, June 27, 1794, Dec. 10, 179.^ Feb. 20, 1^-00, March 5, 1-0 1, March 2, l-o.'>, Dec. 23, 1M)5, Jan. 2ii, 1S07, Dec. 11,1,'<11, Feb. 10, TSU, Nov. 13, 1817, March 9, 1829, July 20,1831, E. Randolph, Virginia. W B;adford, Pennsylvania. C. I.ec, Virginia. T. Pavsons, Massachusetts. I>. Lincoln, Ma^-sachusetts. It. .Siiiith, >L'iryIiind. J. Breckinridge, Kentucky. C. A. Rodney, Pennsylvania. W. Pinkney, Maryland. J{. Rush, Peiuisylvania. W. AVirt, Virginia. J. McPherson Berrien, Georgia. Roger B. Taney, Maryland. Appointed — Nov. 15, 1833, July 7, 1838, Jan. 10, 1840, March 5, 1841, Sept. 13, 1841, July 1, 184.3, March 6, 1845, Oct. 17, 1846, June 21, 1848, March 7, 1849, July 20, 1850, March 5, 18.5.3, March 6, 1857, B. F. Butler, New York. F. Grundy, Tennessee. H. D. Gilpin, Pennsylvania. J. J. Ciittenden, Kentucky. 11. S. Legare, .'^outh Carolina. John Nelson, Maryland. J. Y. Mason, Virginia. N. Cliflord, Maine. Isaac Toucey, Connecticut. R. Johnson, Maryland. J. J. Crittenden, Kentucky. C. Cushing, Massachusetts. Jeremiah S. Black, Pa. FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 187 SECRETARIES OF THE TREASURY. Tlie post of Secretary of the Treasury, althougli one of great importance, requires financial abilities of a high order, which are more frequently found in the North than in the South, and affords little opportunity for influencing general politics, or the questions springing out of slaver}-. We need not, therefore, be surprised to learn that Northern men have been allowed to discharge its duties some forty-eight years out of sixty-nine, as follows : Appointed — Appointed — Sept. 11, 17^9, A. Hamilton, New York. Sept. 23, 1S.33, Feb. 3, 1795, 0. AVolcott, Connecticut. June 27, ISU, Dec. 81, ISOO, S. De.xter, Massachusetts. March 5, 1S41, May 14, ISOl, A. Gallatin, Pennsylvania. Sept. 13, 1^41, Feb. 9. 1814, (i. AV. Campbell, Tennessee. March 3, 1^4;^, Oct.. 6, 1S14, A. J. Dallas, Peunsvlvania. .lune 15, 1S44, Oct. 22, ISIG, W. 11. Crawford, Georgia. March 5, 1845, March 7, 1S25, R. Kush, Pennsylvania. March 7, 1849, March 6, 1829, S. D. Inpham, Pennsylvania. June 20, 1850, Aug. 8, 18.31, L. McLane, Delaware. JIarch 5 1853, May 29, 1833, W. J. Duane, Pennsylvania. March 6, 1857, Roger B. Taney, Maryland. L. M'oodbury, New Hampshire. Thomas Ewing, Ohio. W. Forward, Pennsylvania. •T. C. Spencer, New York. G. M. Bibb, Kentucky. R. J. Walker. Mississippi. W. M. Meredith, Pennsylvania. Thomas Corwiu, Ohio. James Guthrie, Kentucky. Howell Cobb, Georgia. SECEETAEIES OF "WAR AND THE NAVY. The slaveholders, since March 8th, 1841, a period of nearly eighteen years, have taken almost exclusive supervision of the navy, Northern men having occupied the Secretaryship only six years. Nor has any Northern man been Secretary of War since 184'J. Considering that nearly all the shipping belongs to the free States, which also supply the seamen, it does seem remarkable that slaveholders should have monopolized for the last eighteen years the control of the navy. Appointed — Sept. 12, 1789, Jan. 2, 1795, Jan. 27, 1796, Mav 7, ISOO, May 13, 1800, Feb. 3, 1801, JIarch 5, ISOl, March 7, 1802, Jan. 1.3, 1813, Sept. 27, 1814, March 3, 1815, March .5, 1S17, April 7, 1817, Oct. S, 1817, March 7, 1825, Slay 2G, 1828 Henry Knox, Massachusetts. T. Pickering, Massachusetts. J. McHenry, Maryland. J. Marshall, Virginia. S. Dexter, Massachusetts. R. Griswold, Connecticut. H. Dearborn, Massachusetts. W. Eustis, JIassachusetts. J. Armstrong, New York. James Monroe, Virginia. AV. H. Ciawford, Georgia. J. Shelby, Kentucky. G. Graham, Virginia. J. C. Calhoun, South Carolina. J. Barbour, Virginia. P. B. Porter, Pennsylvania. SECRETARIES OF AVAR. Appointed — JIarch 9, 1829, Aug. 1, 1831, March 3, 1S37, March 7, 18.37, March 5, 1841, Sept. 13, 1841, Oct. 12, 1841, March S, 1843, Feb. 15, 1844, March 5, 1845, March 7, 1849, July 20, 1850, Aug. 15, 1850, March 5, IS.'io, March 6, 1857, J. H, Eaton, Tennessee. Lewis Cass, Ohio. B. F. Butler, New York. J. R. Poinsett, South Carolina. James Bell, Tennessee. John McLean, Ohio. J. C. Spencer, New York. J. AV. Porter, Pennsylvania. AV. AAilkins, Pennsylvania. AA'illiam L. Marcy, New York. G. AA'. Crawford, Georgia. E. Bates, Missouri. C. M. Conrad, Louisiana. Jefferson Davis, Mississippi. John B. Floyd, Virginia. Appointed — May 3, 1793, May 21, 1798, July 15, 1801, May 3, 1805, March 7, ISdl), Jan. 12, 1S13, Dec. 17, 1814, Nov. 9, 1818, Sept. 1, 1823, Sept. 16, 1823, March 9, 1829, May 2.3, 1831, June 80, 1S34, SECEETAEIES OF THE NAVY. Appointed — June 20, 1S3S, March 5, Isll, Sept. 13, 18-n, July 24, 1843, Feb. 12, 1844, JIarch 14, 1844, JIarch 10, 1845, Sept. 9, 1846, JIarch 7, 1S49, Julv 20, 1S50, July 22, 18.'52, March 3, 185-3, JIarch 6, 1S57, G. Cabot, JIassachusetts. B. Stoddart, JIassachusetts. R. Sniitli, JIarvland. .1. Crowninshield, JIass. P. Hamilton, South Carolina. \V. Jones, Pennsylvania B. AV. Crowninshield, JIass. Smith Thompson, New A'ork. John Rogers, JIassachusetts. S. L. Southard, New Jersey. John Branch, North Carolina. L. AVoodbury, New Hampshire. JI. Dickerson, New Jersey. J. K. Paulding, New York. G. F. Badger, North Carolina. A. P. Upshur, A'irginia. D. Henshaw, JIassachusetts. T. AV. Gilmer, A'irginia. James Y. JIason, A'irginia. G. Bancroft, JIassachusetts. James Y. JIason, A'irginia. AA'. B. Preston, A'irginia. W. A. Graham, N. Carolina. J. P. Kennedy, Maryland. J. C. Dobbin, N. Carolina. Isaac Toucey, Connecticut. RECAPITULATION. Presidency. — Southern men and slaveholders, 43 years 3 months ; Northern men, 23 years 9 months. Pro Tern. Presidency of the Senate. — Since 1809, held by Southern men and slaveholders, except for three or four sessions by Northern men. 188 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. Speakership of the House. — Filled by Southern men and slaveliolers forty-five years, Northern men, twenty-five. Supreme Court — A majority of the Judges, including Chief-Justice, southern men and slaveholders. Secretaryship of State.— Filled by southern men and slaveholders forty years ; northern, twenty-nine. Attorney Generalship.— FiWed by southern men and slaveholders forty-two years ; northern men, twenty-seven. • War and A^ayy.— Secretaryship of the Navy, southern men and slaveholders, the last eighteen years, with an interval of six years. "WILLIAM IIEXRT HUELBUT, Of South Carolina, a gentleman of enviable literary attainments, and one from whom we may expect a continuation of good service in the eminently holy crusade now going on against slavery and the devil, fur- nished not long since, to tlie Ediiiburgh Hevietc, in the course of a long and highly interesting article, the following summary of oligarchal usur- pations — showing that slaveholders have occupied the principal posts of the government nearly two-thirds of the time : Presidents 11 out of 16 Judges of the Supreme Court 17 out of 28 Attorneys-General 14 out of 19 Presidents of the Senate 61 out of 77 Speakers of the House 21 out of 33 Foreign Ministers 80 out of 13i As a matter of general interest, and as showing that, while there have been but eleven non-slaveholders directly before the people as candidates for the Presidency, there have been at least sixteen slaveholders who were willing to serve their country in the capacity of chief magistrate the following table may be here introduced : EESULT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN THE UNITED STATES FEOM 1796 TO 1856. Name of Candidate. Elect'l vote. Andrew Jackson 219 Henry Clay 49 John Floyd 11 William Wirt 7 Martin Van Buren 170 William H. Harrison 73 Hugh L.White 26 Willie P. Mangum 11 Daniel Webster 14 William H. Harrison 234 Martin Van Buren 60 James K. Polk 170 Henry Clay 105 Zachary Taylor 163 Year. 1796 1800 1804 1808 1812 1816 1820 1824 1828 Name of Candidate. Elect'l vote ( John Adams 71 I Thomas Jefferson 68 ] Thomas Jefferson 73 / John Adams 64 Thomas Jefferson 162 Charles C. Piuckney 14 James Madison 128 Charles C. Pinckney 45 James Madison 122 De Witt Clinton 89 James Monroe 183 ^RufusKing 34 j James Monroe 218 j No opposition but one vote r Andrew Jackson* 99 I John Q. Adams 84 1 W. H. Crawford 41 [HenryClay 37 j Andrew Jackson 178 I John Q. Adams 83 . Year. 1832- 1836- 1840 1844 1848 1852 1856 Lewis Cass. Franklin Pierce General Winfield Scott.. . James Buchanan John C. Fremont ' Millard Fillmore 127 254 42 174 114 8 AID FOE KANSAS. As a sort of accompaniment to many of the preceding tables, we will • No choics by the people ; John Q. Adams elected by the House of Representatives. FREE FfGUKES AND SLAVE. 189 here introduce a few items wiiich ■will more fully ilhu^trate the liberality of freedom and the niggardliness of slavery. From an editorial article that appeared in the Eichmond (Va.,) Dis- patch, in July, 1856, bewailing the close-fistedness of slavery, we make the following extract : " Gerrit Smith, the Abolitionist, has just pledged himself to give $1,500 a month for the next twelve months to aid in establishing freedom in Kansas. lie gave, but a short time since, at the Kansas relief meeting in Albany, $3,000. Prior to that, he had sent about SI, 000 to the Boston Emigrant Committee. Out of his own funds, he subsequently equipped a JIadison county company, of one hundred picked men, and paid their expenses to Kansas. At Syracuse he subscribed $10,000 for Abolition purposes, so that his entire contributions amount to at least $40,000." Under date of August 9, 1856, an Eastern paper informs us that " The sum of $500 was contributed at a meeting at New Bedford on Monday evening, to make Kansas free. The following sums have been contributed for the same purpose: $2,000 in Taunton: $600 inEavnham: $S00 in Clinton: $300 in Danbury, Ct, In Wisconsin, $2,500 at Janesvi'lle : $500 at Dalton ; $500 at the Women's Aid Meeting in Chicago ; $2,000 in Eockford, 111." A telegraphic dispatch, dated Boston, January 2, 1857, says : " The Secretary of the Kansas Aid Committee acknowledges the receipt of $42,678." Exclusive of the amounts above, the readers of the E"ew York Trib- une contributed at least $30,000 for the purpose of securing Kansas to Freedom; and with the same object in view, other individuals and socie- ties, as occasion required, made large contributions, of which we failed to keep a memorandum. The Legislature of Vermont appropriated $20,000 ; and other free state legislatures were prepared to appropriate millions, if necessary. Free men had determined that Kansas should be free, and free it is, and will ever so remain. All honor to the immortal patriots who saved her from the death-grasp of slavery ! ■ 1^0 w let US see how Slavery rewarded the poor, ignorant, deluded, and degraded mortals — swaggering lickspittles — who labored so hard to gain for it a " local habitation and a name " in the disputed territory. One U. B. Atchison, chairman of the Executive Committee of Border Euffians, shall tell us all about it. Over date of October 13th, 1856, he says: " Up to this moment, from all the States except Missouri, we have only received the following sums, and through the following persons : A. W. Jones, Houston, Miss. • $152 H. D. Clayton, Eufala, Ala 500 Capt. Deedrick, South Carolina 500 $1,152" On this subject further comment is unnecessary. Numerous other contrasts, equally disproportionate, might be drawn between the vigor and muniticence of Freedom and the impotence and stinginess of Slavery. We will, however, in addition to the above, advert to only a single in?tance. During the latter part of the summer 190 FKEE FIGURES AND SLATE. of 1855, the citizens of the despicable little slave-towns of Norfolk and Portsmouth, in Virginia, were sorely plagued with yellow fever. Many of them fell victims to the disease, and most of those who survived, and who were not too imwell to travel, left their homes horror-stricken and dejected. To the honor of mankind in general, and to the glory of freemen in particular, contributions in money, provisions, clothing, and other valuable supplies, poured in from all parts of tbe country for the relief of the sufferers. Portsmouth alone, according to the report of her relief association, received $42,547 in cash from the free States, and only $12,182 in cash from all the slave States, exclusive of Virginia, within whose borders the malady prevailed. Including Virginia, the sum total of all the slave State contributions amounted to only $33,398. Well did the Kichmond Examiner remark at the time — " we fear that generosity of Virginians is but a figure of speech." Slavery ! thy name is shame ! The following statistics of Congressional representation, which we transcribe from " Eeynolds' Political Map of the United States," pub- lished in 1856, desei-ve to be carefully studied : UNITED STATES SENATE. Sixteen free States, witli a white population of 13,238,G70 have thirty-two Senators. Fifteen slave States, with a white population of 6,186,477, have thirty Senators. So that 413,708 free men of the North enjoy but the same political privileges in the United States Senate as is given to 206,215 slave propagandists. nOUSE OF EEPRESENTATIVES. The free States have a total of 144 members. The slave States have a total of 90 members. One free State Representative represents 91,935 white men and women. One slave State Representative represents 68,725 white men and women. Slave Representation gives to slavery an advantage over freedom of thirty votes in the House of Representatives. CUSTOM HOUSE RECEIPTS — 1854. Free States $60,010,489 Slave States 5,136,969 Balance in favor of the Free States $54,873,520 A contrast quite distinguishable ! That the apologists of slavery cannot excuse the shame and the shab- biness of themselves and their country, as we liave frequently heard them attempt to do, by falsely asserting that the North has enjoyed over the South the advantages of priority of settlement, will fully appear from the following table : FEEE FIGUEES AND SLAVE. 191 FRKK STATES. 1614 New York first settled by the Dutch. 1620 Massachusetts settled by the Puritans. 1623 New Hampshire settled by the Puritans. 1624 New Jersey settled by the Dutch. 1635 Connecticut settled by the Puritans. 1636 Rhoile Island settled by Roger Williams. 16S2 Pennsylvania settled by William Peun. 1791 Vermont admitted into the Union. 1802 Oliio admitted into the Union. 1S16 Iiuliana admitted into the Union. ISIS Illinois admitted into the Union. 1S20 Maine admitted into the Union. 1830 Michigan admitted into the Union. 1840 Iowa admitted into the Union. 1848 Wisconsin admitted into the Union. 1850 California admitted into the Union. SLAVE STATES. 1607 Virginia first settled by the English. 1627 Delaware settled by the Swedes and Fins. 1635 Maryland settled by Irish Catholics. 1650 North Carolina settled by the English. 1670 South Carolina settled by the Huguenots. 1733 Georgia settled by Gen. Oglethorpe. 1782 Kentucky admitted into the Union. 1796 Tennessee admitted into tlie Union. ISIl Louisiana admitted into the Union. 1S17 Mississippi admitted into the Union. 1819 Alabama admitted into the Union. 1821 Missouri admitted into the Union. 1836 Arkansas admitted into the Union. 1845 Florida admitted into the Union. 1846 Texas admitted into the Union. In tlie course of an exceedingly interesting article on the early settle- ments in America, E. K. Browne, formerly editor and proprietor of the San Francisco Evening Journal^ says : " Many people seem to think that the Pilgrim Fathers were the first who settled upon our shores, and therefore that they ought to be entitled, in a particular man- ner, to our remembrance and esteem. " This is not the case, and we herewith present to our readers a list of settle- ments made in the present United States, prior to that of Plymouth : 1564. A Colony of French Protestants under Eibault, settled in Florida. 156.5. St. Augustine* founded by Pedro Melendez. 1584. Sir Walter Ealeigh obtains a patent and sends two vessels to the American coast, which receives the name of Virginia. 1607. The first effectual settlement made at Jamestown, Va., by the London Company. 1614. A fort erected by the Dutch upon the site of New York. 1615. Fort Orange built near the site of Albany, N. Y. 1019. The first General Assembly called in Virginia. 1620, The Pilgrims land on Plymouth Kock." FREEDOM AND SLAVERY AT THE FAIR. WHAT FREEDOM DID. At an Agricultural Fair held at Watertown, in the State of Few York, on the 2d day of October, 1856, two hundred and twenty pre- miums, ranging from three to fifty dollars each, were awarded to suc- cessful competitors — the aggregate amount of said premiums being $2,396, or an average of $10 89 each. From the proceedings of the Awarding Committee we make the following extracts : Best Team of Oxen, Hiram Converse $50 00 Best Horse Colt, George Parish 25 00 Best Filly, J. Staplin 20 00 Best Brood Mare, A. Blunt 25 00 Best Bull, Wm. Johnson 25 00 Best Heifer, A.M. Eogers 20 00 Best Cow, C. Baker 25 00 Best Stall-fed Beef, J. SV. Taylor 10 00 Best sample Wheat, Wm. Ottley 5 00 Best sample Flaxseed, H. Weir 3 00 Best sample Timothy Seed, E. S. Hayward 3 00 Best sample Sweet Corn, L. Marshall 3 00 Aggregate amount of twelve premiums $214 00 An average of $17 83 each. * The oldest town in the United States. 192 FKEE FIGURES AND SLAVE. WHAT 8LATEEY DID. At the Kowan County Agricultural Fair, held at Mineral Springs, in North Carolina, on 13th day of November^ 1856, thirty premiums ranging from twenty-five cents to two dollars each, were awarded to successful competitors — the aggregate amount of said premiums being $42 00, or an average of $1 40 each. From the proceedings of the Awarding Committee we make the following extracts : Best pair Match Horses, E. AV. GrifiSth $2 00 Best Horse Colt, T. A. Burke 2 00 Best Filly, James Cowan 2 00 Best Brood Mare, M. W. Goodman 2 00 Best Bull, J. F. McCorkle 2 00 Best Heifer, J. F. McCorkle 2 00 Best Cow, T. A. Burke 2 00 Best Stall-fed Beef, S. D. Rankin 1 00 Best Sample Wheat, M W . Goodman 60 Best Lot Beets, J. J. Summerell 25 Best Lot Turnips, Thomas Barber 25 , Best Lot Cabbage, Thomas Hyde 25 Aggregate amount of twelve premiums $16 25 An average of $1 36 each. Besides the two hundred and twenty premiums, amounting in the aggregate to $2,396, Freedom granted several diplomas and silver medals ; besides the thirty premiums amounting in the aggregate to $42, Slavery granted none — nothing. While examining these figures, it should be recollected that agriculture is the peculiar province of the slave States. If commerce or manufactures had been the subject of the fair, the result might have shown even a greater disproportion in favor of Free- dom, and yet there would have been some excuse for Slavery, for it makes no pretensions to either the one or the other ; but as agriculture was the subject. Slavery can have no excuse whatever, but must bear aU the shame of its niggardly and revolting impotence ; this it must do for the reason that agriculture is its special and almost only pursuit. The Keports of the Comptrollers of the States of New York and North Carolina, for the year 1856, are now before us. From each report we have gleaned a single item, which, when compared, the one with the other, speaks volumes in favor of Freedom and against Slavery. We refer to the average value per acre of lands in the two States ; let slaveholders read, reflect, and repent. In 1856, there were assessed for taxation in tlie State of NEW YOKK, Acres of land 30,080,000 Valued at $1,112,133,136 Average value per acre $36 97 In 1856, there were assessed for taxation in the State of NOETH CAROLINA, Acres of land 32.450,560 Valued at $98,800,636 Average value per acre $3 06 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 193 It is difficult for us to make any remarks on the official facts above. Our indignation is struck almost dumb at this astounding and revolting display of the awful wreck that slavery is leaving behind it in the South. We will, however, go into a calculation for the purpose of ascertaining as nearly as possible, in this one particular, how much North Carolina has lost by the retention of slavery. As we have already seen, the average value per acre of land in the State of Ifew York is $36 97 ; in ISTorth Carolina it is only $3 06 ; why is it so much less, or even any less, in the latter than in the former ? The answer is. Slavery. In soil, in climate, in minerals, in water-power for manufac- tural purposes, and in area of territory. North Carolina has the advan- tage of New York, and, with the exception of slavery, no plausible reason can possiblybe assigned why land should not be at least as valu- able in the valley of the Yadkin as it is along the banks of the Genesee. The difference between $36 97 and $3 06 is $33 91, which, multiplied by the whole number of acres of land in North Carolina, will show, in this one particular, the enormous loss that freedom has sustained on ac- count of slavery in the Old North State. Thus : 32,450,560 acres a $38 91 $1,100,398,489, Let it be indelibly impressed on the mind, however, that this amount, large as it is, is only a moiety of the sum that it has cost to maintain slavery in North Carolina. From time to time, hundreds upon hundreds of millions of dollars have left the State, either in search of profitable, permanent investment abroad, or in the shape of profits to Northern merchants and manufacturers, who have become the moneyed aristocracy of the country by supplying to the South such articles of necessity, util- ity, and adornment, as would have been produced at home but for the pernicious presence of the peculiar institution. A reward of eleven hundred million of dollars is offered for the con- version of the lands of North Carolina into free soil. The lands them- selves, desolate and impoverished under the fatal foot of slavery, offer the reward. How, then, can it be made to appear that the abolition of slavery in North Cai'olina, and, indeed, throughout all the Southern States — for slavery is exceedingly inimical to them all — is not demanded by every consideration of justice, prudence, and good sense? In 1850, the total value of all the slaves of the State at the rate of four hundred dollars per head, amounted to less than one hundred and sixteen million of dollars. Is the sum of one hundred and sixteen million of dollars more desirable than the sum of eleven hundred million of dollars? "When a man has land for sale, does he reject thirty-six dollars per acre and take three? Non-slaveholding whites! look well to your interests! Many of you have lands ; comparatively speaking, you have nothing else. Abolish slavery, and you will enhance the value of every league, your 194 FEEE riGTJKES AND SLAVE. own and your neighbors', from three to thirty-six dollars per acre. Your little tract containing two hundred acres, now valued at the pitiful sum of only six hundred dollars, will then he worth seven thousand. Your children, now deprived of even the meagre advantages of common schools, will then reap the benefits of a collegiate education. Your rivers and smaller streams, now wasting their waters in idleness, will then turn the wheels of multitudinous mills. Your bays and harbors, now unknown to commerce, will then swarm with ships from every enlightened quar- ter cf the globe. Non-slaveholding whites ! look well to your interests ! Would the slaveholders of JTorth Carolina lose anything by the aboli- tion of slavery ? Let us see. According to their own estimate, their slaves are worth, in round numbers, say, one hundred and twenty mil- lions of dollars. There are in the State twenty-eight thousand slave- holders, owning, it may be safely assumed, an average of at least five hundred acres of land each — fourteen million of acres in aU. This num- ber of acres, multiplied by thirty-three dollars and ninety-one cents, the difference in value between free soil and slave sod, makes the enormous sum of four hundred and seventy -four million of dollars — showing that by the abolition of slavery, the slaveholders themselves would realize a net profit of not less than three hundred and fifty -four million of dollars. Not long since, a gentleman in Baltimore, a native of Maryland, re- marked in our presence that he was an abolitionist because he felt that it was right and proper to be one; "but," inquired he, " are there not, in some of the States, many widows and orphans who would be left in destitute circumstances, if their negroes were taken from them ?" "We replied that slavery had already reduced thousands and tens of thousands of non-slaveholding widows and orphans to the lowest depths of poverty and ignorance, and that we did not believe one slaveholding widow and three orphans were of more, or even of as much consequence as five non- slaveholding widows and fifteen orphans. "You are right," exchiimed the gentleman, " you are right, I had not viewed the subject in that light before ; I perceive you go in for the greatest good to the greatest num- ber." Of course we were right — we do go in for the greatest good to the greatest number. The fact is, every slave in the South costs the State in which he re- sides at least three times as much as he, in the whole course of his life, is worth to his master. Slavery benefits no one but its immediate, indi- vidual owners, and them only in a pecuniary point of view, and at the sacrifice of the dearest rights and interests of the whole mass of non- slaveholders, white and black. Even the masters themselves, as we have already shown, would have been far better off without it than with it. To all classes of society the institution is a curse ; an especial curse is it to those who own it not. Non-slaveholding whites ! look well to your interests ! OHAPTEE X. COMMEKOIAL CITIES — SOUTHEEX COilMEECE. If great improvements are seldom to be expected from great proprietors, they are least of all to be expected when they employ slaves for their workmen. The experience of all ages and nations, I believe, demonstrates that the work done by slaves, though it appears to cost only their maintenance, is in the end the dearest of any. A person who can acquire no property, can have no interest but to eat as much, and to labor as little as possible. What- ever work he does beyond what is sufficient to purchase his own maintenance, can be squeezed out of him by violence only, and not by any interest of his own. — Adam Smith. OuE theme is a city — a great Soutliern importing, exporting and manufacturing city, to be located at some point or port on the coast of the Carolinas, Georgia or Virginia, where we can carry on active com- merce, buy, sell, fabricate, receive the profits which accrue from the ex- change of our own commodities, open facilities for direct communication with foreign countries, and establish all those collateral sources of wealth, utility and adornment, which are the usual concomitants of a metropo- lis, and which add so very materially to the interest and importance of a nation. Without a city of this kind, the South can never develop her commercial resources nor attain to that eminent position to which those vast resources would otherwise exalt her. According to calculations based upon reasonable estimates, it is owing to the lack of a great com- mercial city in the South, that we are now annually drained of more than One Hundred and Twenty Millions of Dollars ! "We should, how- ever, take into consideration the negative loss as well as the positive. Especially should we think of the influx of emigrants, of the visits of strangers and cosmopolites, of the patronage to hotels and public halls, of the profits of travel and transportation, of the emoluments of foreign and domestic trade, and of numerous other advantages which have their origin exclusively in wealthy, enterprising and densely populated cities. Nothing is more evident than the fact, that our people have never entertained a proper opinion of the importance of home cities. Blindly, and greatly to our own injury, we have contributed hundreds of millions of dollars toward the erection of mammoth cities at the North, while our own magnificent bays and harbors have been most shamefully dis- regarded and neglected. Now, instead of carrying all our money to New York, Philadelphia, Boston and Cincinnati, suppose we had kept it 195 196 COMMEECIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. on the south side of Mason and Dixon's line — as we would have done, had it not been for slavery — and had disbursed it in the upbuilding of Norfolk, Beaufort, Charleston or Savannah, how much richer, better, greater would the South have been to-day ? . How much larger and more intelligent would have been our population ? How many hundred thousand natives of the South would now be thriving at home, instead of adding to the wealth and political power of other parts of the Union ? How much greater would be the number and length of our railroads, canals, turnpikes and telegraphs? How much greater would be the extent and diversity of our manufactures ? How much greater would be the grandeur, and how much larger would be the number of our churches, theatres, schools, colleges, lyceums, banks, hotels, stores and private dwellings ? How many more clippers and steamships would we have sailing on the ocean, how vastly more reputable would we be abroad, how infinitely more respectable, progressive and happy would we be at home ? That we may learn something of the importance of cities in general, let us look for a moment at the great capitals of the world. "What would England be without London ? "What would France be without Paris? "What would Turkey be without Constantinople? Or, to come nearer home, what would Maryland be without Baltimore? "What would Louisiana be without New Orleans ? What would South Caro- lina be without Charleston ? Do we ever think of these countries or States without thinking of their cities also ? If we want to learn the news of the country, do we not go to the city, or to the city papers ? Every metropolis may be regarded as the nucleus or epitome of the country in which it is situated ; and the more prominent features and characteristics of a country, particularly of the people of a country, are almost always to be seen within the limits of its capital city. Almost invariably do we find the bulk of the floating funds, the best talent, and the most vigorous energies of a nation concentrated in its chief cities ; and does not this concentration of wealth, energy and talent conduce, in an extraordinary degree, to the growth and prosperity of a nation? Unquestionably. AVealth develops wealth, energy develops energy, talent develops talent. What, then, must be the condition of those countries which do not possess the means or facilities of centralizing their material forces, their energies and their talents? Are they not destined to occupy an inferior rank among the nations of the earth? Let the South answer. And now let us ask, and we would put the question particularly to Southern merchants, what do we so much need as a great Southern metropolis ? Merchants of the South, slaveholders ! you are the avari- cious assassinators of your country ! You are the channels through which more than one hundred and twenty millions of dollars — COMMEKCIAL CITIES SOUTHEKN CO^IMEECE. 197 $120,000,000 — are annually drained from the South and conveyed to the North. You are daily engaged in the unmanly and unpatriotic work of impoverishing the land of your birth. You are constantly enfeebling our resources and rendering us more and more tributary to distant parts of the nation. Your conduct is reprehensible, base, criminal. Whether Southern merchants ever think of the numerous ways in which they contribute to the aggrandizement of the North, while, at the same time, they enervate and dishonor the South, has for many years, with us, been a matter of more than ordinary conjecture. If, as it would seem, they have never yet thought of the subject, it is certainly desirable that they should exercise their minds upon it at once. Let them scrutinize the workings of Southern money after it passes north of Mason and Dixon's line. Let them consider how much they pay to Northern railroads and hotels, how much to Northern merchants and shopkeepers, how much to Northern shippers and insurers, how much to Northern theatres, newspapers, and periodicals. Let them also consider what disposition is made of it after it is lodged in the hands of the North. Is not the greater part of it paid out to Northern manufacturers, merchants, and laborers, for the very arti- cles which are purchased at the North — and to the extent that this is done, are not Northern manufacturers, mechanics, and laborers directly countenanced and encouraged, while, at the same time, Southern manu- facturers, mechanics, and laborers, are indirectly abased, depressed, and disabled? It is, however, a matter of impossibility, on these small pages, to notice or enumerate all the methods in which the money we deposit in the North is made to operate against us ; suffice it to say that it is circulated and expended there, among all classes of the people, to the injury and impoverishment of all almost every individual in the South. And yet, our cousins of the North are not, by any means, blameworthy for availing themselves of the advantages which we have voluntarily yielded to them. They have shown their wisdom in grow- ing great at our expense, and we have shown our folly in allowing them to do so. In this respect. Southern merchants, slaveholders, and slavebreeders, should be the special objects of our censure ; they have desolated and impoverished the South ; they are now making merchan- dise of the vitals of their country ; patriotism is a word nowhere recorded in their vocabulary; town, city, country — they care for neither; with them, self is always paramount to every other con- sideration. From letters received in 1857, from the mayors of eighteen of our great commercial cities, nine free, and nine slave, which letters have been published in all the book editions of this work, we present the following important particulars : 198 COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. NINE FREE CITIES. Xame. Population. Wealth. Wealth per capita. New York 700,000 5ii0,0ii0 1(55,(00 225,0(10 21O,(j00 112,000 60,(00 90,000 21.000 $511,740,492 325.000,000 249,162,500 95,S0U,440 &S,S10,734 171,000,(100 58,004.516 45,474,476 27,047,000 1731 Philadelphia Boston 650 1,510 425 422 1,527 967 Buffalo 5ii5 New Bedford 1,2SS 2,0S3,000 |1,572,100,15S $754 NINE SLATE CITIES. Name. Population. vrealth. Wealth per capita. 250,000 175,000 140,0(10 60,000 70,000 40,000 17,000 25,000 10,000 $t02,r'53 839 91,1=8,195 63,0 10.0110 3ii,127,761 81,500,000 20,143 .520 12,000.('00 11,999,015 7,850,000 $408 521 St. Louis 450 602 450 503 Norfolk 705 480 785 787,000 $375,862,320 $477 Let it not be forgotten that the slaves themselves are valued at so mucli per head, and counted as part of the wealth of slave cities ; and yet, though we assent, as we have done, to the inclusion of all this ficti- tious wealth, it will be observed that the residents of free cities are far wealthier, per cainta, than the residents of slave cities. The reader, we trust, will not fail to examine the figures with great care. In this age of the world, commerce is an indispensable element of national greatness. Without commerce we can have no great cities, and without great cities we can have no reliable tenure of distinct nationality. Commerce is the forerunner of wealth and population ; and it is mainly these that make invincible the power of undying states. How it is, in this enlightened age, that men of ordinary intelligence can be so far led into error as to suppose that commerce, or any other noble enterprise, can be established and successfully prosecuted under the dominion of slavery, is, to us, one of the most inexplicable of mys- teries. Southern Conventions, composed of the self-titled lordlings of slavery. Generals, Colonels, Majors, Captains, and Squires — may act out their annual programmes of farcical nonsense from now until doomsday ; but they will never add one iota to the material, moral, or mental inter- ests of the South — never can, until their ebony idol shall have been utterly demolished. It is a remarkable fact, but one not at all surprising to those whose COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. 199 philosophy leads them to think aright, that Baltimore and St. Louis, the two most prosperous cities in the slave States, have fewer slaves in pro- portion to the aggregate population than any other city 01' cities in the South. While the entire population of the former is now estimated at 250,000, and that of the latter at 140,000 — making a grand total of 31)0,000 in the two cities, less than 6,000 of this latter numher are slaves; indeed, neither city is cursed with half the numher of 6,000. In 1850, there were only 2,946 slaves in Baltimore, and 2,656 in St. Louis — total in the two cities, 5,602 ; and in both places, thank heaven, this heathenish class of the population was rapidly decreasing. The census of 1860 will, in all probability, show that the two cities are en- tirely exempt from slaves and slavery ; and that of 1880 will, we prayer- fully hope, show that the United States at large, at that time, will have been wholly redeemed from the unspeakable curse of human bondage. What about Southern commerce ? Is it not almost entirely tributary to the commerce of the North ? Are we not dependent on New York, Philadelphia, Boston, and Cincinnati, for nearly every article of mer- chandise, whether foreign or domestic ? Where are our ships, our mari- ners, our naval architects ? Alas ! echo answers where ? Eeader ! would you understand how abjectly slaveholders themselves are enslaved to the products of Northern industry ? If you would, fix your mind on a Virginia gentleman — a breeder, buyer, and seller of bipedal black cattle — who, withal, professes to be a Christian ! Observe the routine of his daily life. See him rise in the morning from a Northern bed, and clothe himself in Northern apparel ; see him walk across the tioor on a Northern carpet, and perform his ablutions out of a Northern ewer and basin. See him uncover a box of Northern powders, and cleanse his teeth with a Northern brush ; see him reflecting his physiognomy in a Northern mirror, and arranging his hair with a Northern comb. See him dosing himself with the medicaments of Northern quacks, and perfuming his handkerchief with Northern cologne. See him referring to the time in a Northern watch, and glancing at the news in a Northern gazette. See him and his family sitting in Northern chairs, and singing and praying out of Northern books. See him at the breakfast table, saying grace over a Northern plate, eating with Northern cutlery, and drinking from Northern utensils. See him charmed with the melody of a Northern piano, or musing over the pages of a Northern novel. See him riding to his neighbor's in a Northern carriage, or fur- rowing his lands with a Northern plough. See him lighting his cigar with a Northern match, and flogging his negroes with a Northern lash. See him with Northern pen and ink, writing letters on Northern paper, and sending them away in Northern envelopes, sealed wdth Northern wax, and impressed with a Northern stamp. Perhaps our Virginia gentle- man is a merchant ; if so, see him at his store, making an unpatriotic 200 COMMERCIAL CITIES — SODTHEKN COMMERCE. — - ^f his time in the miserahle traffic of Northern gimcracks and haber- ^- -n vou will, Avhere you will, he is ever surrounded ie whom, in the strange inconsistency 01 ^, es, yet treats as friends. Eis labors, his talents, his intlucuv., or the North, and not for the South. For the stability of slavery, and for the sake of his own personal aggran- dizement, he is willing to sacrifice, and does sacrifice, the dearest inter- ests of his country. As we see our ruinous system of commerce exemplified in the family of our Virginia gentleman — a branch of one of the Jirst families, of course! — so we may see it exemplified, to a greater or lesser degree, in almost every other family throughout the length and breadth of the slaveholding States. We are all constantly buying, and selling, and wearing, and using Northern merchandise, at a double expense to both ourselves and our neighbors. If we but look at ourselves attentively, we shall find that we are all clothed cap-d-pie in Northern habiliments. Our hats, our caps, our cravats, our coats, our vests, our pants, our gloves, our boots, our shoes, our under-garments — all come from the North • whence, too, Southern ladies procure all their bonnets, plumes, and flowers ; dresses, shawls, and scarfs ; frills, ribbons, and rufiles ; cuffs, capes, and collars. True it is that the South has wonderful powers of endurance and recuper- ation ; but she cannot forever support the reckless prodigality of her sons. We are all spendthrifts ; some of us should become financiers. We must learn to take care of our money ; we should Avithhold it from the North, and open avenues for its circulation at home. We should not run to New York to Philadelphia, to Boston, to Cincinnati, or to any other Northern city, every time we want a shoe-string, or a bedstead, a fish- hook or a hand-saw, a tooth-pick or a cotton-gin. In ease and luxury we have been lolling long enough ; we should now bestir ourselves, and keep pace with the progress of the age. We must expand our energies, and acquire habits of enterprise and industry ; we should arouse our- selves from the couch of lassitude, and inure our minds to thought and our bodies to action. We must begin to feed on a more substantial diet than that of pro-slavery politics; we should leave off our siestas and post-meridian naps, and employ our time in profitable vocations. Before us there is a vast work to be accomplished— a work which has been accumulating on our hands for many years. It is no less a work than that of infusing the spirit of liberty into all our systems of com- merce, agriculture, manufactures, government, literature, and religion. Oligarchal despotism must be overthrown ; slavery must be abolished. 9* CHAPTER XL FACTS AND AEGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. Slavery is the Infringement of all laws. A law having a tendency to preserve slavery would be the grossest sacrilege. Man to be possessed by his fellow-man ! — man to be made property of ! The image of the Deity to be put under the yoke ! Let these usurpers show us their title-deeds ! — Bolivar. FiNDiXG that we shall have to leave unsaid a great many things which we intended to say, and that we shall have to omit much valuable matter, the product of other pens than our own, but which, having col- lected at considerable labor and expense, we had hoped to be able to introduce, we have concluded to present, under the above heading, only a few of the more important particulars. In the first place, we will give an explanation of the reason WHY THE PRESENT VOLUME WAS NOT PUBLISHED IN BALTIMORE. A considerable portion of this work was written in Baltimore ; and the whole of it would have been written and published there, but for the following odious clause, which we extract from the Statutes of Maryland : " Be it enacted by the General Assembly of Marj'Iand, That after the passage of this act, it shall not be lawful for any citizen of this State, knowingly to make, print, or engrave, or aid in the making, printing, or engraving, within this State, any pictorial representation, or to write or print, or to aid in the writing or printing any pamphlet, newspaper, handbill or other paper of an inflammatory character, and having a tendency to excite discontent, or stir up insurrection amongst the people of color of this State, or of either of the other States or Territories of the United States, or knowingly to carry or send, or to aid in the carrying or sending the same for circulation amongst the inhabitants of either of the other States or Territories of the United States, and any person so offending shall be guilty of a felony, and shall on conviction be sentenced to confinement in the penitentiary of this State, for a period not less than ten nor more than twenty years, from the time of sentence pronoimced on such person." — Act passed Dec. 1831. See 2d Doi'sey, page 1218. Now, SO long as slaveholders are clothed with the mantle of office, so long will they continue to make laws, like the above, expressly calcu- lated to bring the non-slaveholding whites under a system of vassalage little less onerous and debasing than that to which the negroes them- selves are accustomed. What wonder is it that there is no native litera- ture in the South ? The South can never have a literature of her own until after slavery shall have been abolished. Slaveholders are either too lazy or too ignorant to write it, and the non-slaveholders — even the few whose minds are cultivated at all — are not permitted even to make the attempt. Down with the oligarchy! Ineligihility of slaveholders— never another vote to the tratScker in human flesh ! 9* 201 202 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. SLAVEET TnOUGHTFUL — SIGNS OF OONTEITION. The real condition of the South is most graphically described in the following doleful admissions from the Charleston Standard: "In its every aspect, our present condition is provincial. We have within our limits no solitary metropolis of interest or ideas — no marts of exchange — no radiat- ing centres of opinion. Whatever we have of genius and productive energj', goes freely in to swell the importance of the North. Possessing the material which con- stitutes two-thirds of the commerce of the whole country, it might have been sup- posed that we could have influence upon the councils of foreign States; but we are never taken into contemplation. It might have been supposed that England, bound to us by the cords upon which depend the existence of four millions of her subjects, would be considerate of our feelings ; but receiving her cotton from the North, it is for them she has concern, and it is her interest and her pleasure to reproach us. It might have been supposed, that, producing the material which is sent abroad, to us would come the articles that are taken in exchange for it; but to the North they go for distribution, and to us are parcelled out the fabrics that are suited to so remote a section. Instead, therefore, of New York being tributary to Norfolk, Charleston, Savan- nah or New Orleans, these cities are tributary to New York. Instead of the mer- chants of New York standing cap in hand to the merchants of Charleston, the mer- chants of Charleston stand cap in hand to the merchants of New York. Instead of receiving foreign ships in Southern waters, and calling up the merchants of the country to a distribution of the cargo, the merchants of the South are hurried off to make a distribution elsewhere. In virtue of our relations to a greater system, we have little development of internal interests ; receiving supplies from the great centre, we have made little effort to supply ourselves. We support the makers of boots, shoes, hats, coats, shirts, flannels, blankets, carpets, chairs, tables, mantels, mats, carriages, jewelry, cradles, couches, cofiBns, by the thousand and hundreds of thousands ; but they scorn to live amongst us. They must have the gaieties and splendors of a great metropolis, and are not content to vegetate uj^on the dim verge of this remote frontier. As it is in material interests, so it is in arts and letters — our pictures are painted at the North, our books are published at the North, our periodicals and papers are printed at the North. We are even fed on police reports and villainy from the North. The papers published at the South which ignore the questions at issue between the sections are generally well sustained; the books which expose the evils of our institution are even read with avidity beyond our limits, but the ideas that are turned to the condition of the South are intensely provincial. If, as things now are, a man should rise with all the genius of Shakspeare, or Dickens, or Fielding, or of all the three combined, and speak from the South, he would not receive enough to pay the costs of publication. If published at the South, his book would never be seen or heard of, and published at the North it would not be read. So perfect is our provincialism, therefore, that enterprise is forced to the North for a sphere — talent for a market — genius for the ideas upon which to work — indolence for ease, and the tourist for attractions." This extract exhibits in bold relief, and in small space, a large number of the present evils of past errors. It is charmingly frank and truthful. De Quincey's "Confessions of an Opium Eater," are nothing to it. A distinguished writer on medical jurisprudence informs us that " the knowledge of the disease is half the cure ; " and if it be true, as perhaps it is, we think the Standard is in a fair way to be reclaimed from the enormous vices of pro-slavery statism. FKEE LABOE MOVEMENTS IN THE SOUTH. Those of our readers who share with us the conviction that one of the very best means of ridding the South of the great crime and curse FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WATSroE. 203 of slavery, is, by a system of thorough orgaaizatioa on the part of a considerable number of individuals, to bring Free Labor into direct competition with Forced Labor, will also share with ns the profound satisfaction of learning, from the following communication, that the united eftbrts of gentlemen of noble instincts and purposes have been eminently successful in this regard ; and that the future is glowing with promises of grand results which are destined soon to be brought about through the energy and patriotism of such companies and corporations as the one in question : " Office of the American Emigrakt Aid and Homestead Company, I No. 146 Broadway, New York, June ith, 1859. ( " H. E. Helper, Esq.: " Dear Sir : In fulfillment of my promise, I will try to give you an outline of the object and operations of the American Emigrant Aid and Homestead Company. Your • Impending Crisis ' has abundantly demonstrated the fact, that land in the slave States is valued, purchased and sold at prices many times less than the same quality of land will command in the free States. It is likewise easy to show that, in the border slave States, counties comparatively free are worth many times as much per acre as land of the same quality in counties cursed with the incubus of slavery. " In the little State of Delaware, containing only three counties, nearly all the slaves are found in the Southern county of Sussex, which by the last census was appraised at $8 per acre, while the Northern county of Newcastle, without slaves, was, by the same census, appraised at over $28 per acre. The fact above stated is also very clearly shown by the statistics of the following counties in Virginia: Name. Acres. Valuation. Val. per acre. Freemen. Slaves. Hancock Brooke Ohio . 49,To9 62,441 59.731 3:!5,691 156 9S8 $1,181,512 1,316,591 2.025,951 1,068,103 427,173 123 75 25 10 84 00 3 01 2 70 4,047 5,023 17,842 7,766 1,854 3 81 164 Southampton Greenville 5,755 S,7S5 " It is worthy of note that the comparatively free counties here given, are very hilly, far from tide water, and settled within the last fifty or sixty years, while the slave counties have a beautiful, gently rolling surface, lie near tide water, and the unequalled harbor of Norfolk, and have had the advantage of cultivation for nearly two hundred years. The Homestead Company, looking at these facts, proposes Christian colonization in the border slave States, not by single or separate settle- ment, but by organized emigration, carrying with it all the schools, churches, habits of industry, social institutions, and elements of a high civilization ; and thus, settling large tracts by united and sympathizing compames of liberty and Union-loving men, their investments are quadrupled in value by the mere act of settlement. We believe there is no department of human enterprise more benehted by system and cooperation, than that of emigration. Our experience has amply proved that this plan is not only profitable to all parties concerned as a fanancial operation, but that it furnishes the most feasible means of extending the Empire ol Freedom and genuine Christianity, and is. in fact, one of the most inviting and beneficent enterprises of the age. We feel confident that our movement ot cmi- certed emigration has already^lemontratod the truth of the proposition, that free- dom, like godliness, ' is profitable for the life that now is, as well as that which is to come ;' and that it has opened an easy, practicable, and profitable way to estab- lish free institutions in all the border slave States. , c^ * err- ■ ■ " Our operations have been thus far confined principally to the State ot Virginia, and the results, to myself have been highly gratifying. One of the outgrowths of our enterprise, has been the establishment of freedom of speech. During the last year I have been allowed a liberty of discussion on the subject of slavery, which, in 185G, would have demanded my blood or banishment. Indeed, in tfie towns of Western Virginia I have been serenaded, and invited to public entertain- ments, and to make addresses upon that subject so lately proscribed, and scarcely 204: FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. breathed without incurring the penalty of exile or ostracism. Wo have now, in Western Virginia, three excellent weekly Republican papers, and one daily and tri-weekly, and we expect shortly to welcome several others to the ranks of free dom. These are but a few of the many encouraging results of our experiment. " In the cause of liberty and humanity, " Yours truly, "John C. Undekwood." As well might the Oligarchy attempt to stay the flux and reflux of the tides, as to attempt to stay the progress of Freedom in the South. Ap- proved of God, the edict of the genius of Universal Emancipation has been proclaimed to the world, and nothing, save Deity himself, can possibly reverse it. To connive at the perpetuation of slavery is to disobey the commands of heaven. Not to be an Abolitionist, is to be a willful and diabolical instrument of the devil. The South needs to be free, the South wants to be free, the South shall be free ! To all our readers, especially to our Southern readers, we cordially commend the' following list of EKPUBLIOAN NEWSPAPERS PUBLISHED IN THE SLAVE STATES. ENGLISH. The Missouri Democrat St. Louis, Missouri. The Free South Newport, Kentucky. The Wheeling Intelligencer Wheeling, Virginia. The IVellsburg Herald Wellsburo- " The Ceredo Crescent Ceredo " " The National Era Washington, D. C. TTie Republic u u The News and Advertiser , Milford, Delaware. GERMAN. JDer Anzeiger des Westens St. Louis, Missoui-i. Die Westliclie Post " n Das Hermann Wochenblatt Hermann " Der St. Charles Demokrat St. Charles ' ' Die Deutsche Zeitung St. Joseph ' ' ' Die 3Iissouri Post Kansas City " Der Louisviller Anzeiger .' .' .Louisville, Kentucky. Der Baltimore Wecker Baltimore, Maryland. Non-slaveholders of the South ! it is of the highest importance to you that these papers should be well sustained, and that ample encourage ment should be given for the establishment of others. Patronize as many of them as you can, consistently with your other duties and interests— subscribe for one at least— and lose no opportunity to extend their circulation among your neighbors. Just in proportion as the masses are enlightened will they love liberty and ablior slavery. THE ILLITERATE POOR WHITES OF THE SOUTH. Had we the power to sketch a true picture of life among the non- slaveholding whites of the South, every intelligent man who has a spark of philanthropy in his breast, and who should happen to gaze upon the picture, would burn with unquenchable indignation at that system of FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 205 African slavery, which entails unutterable stupidity, shiftlessness and degradation on the superior race. It is quite impossible, however, to describe accurately the miserable condition of the class to which we refer. Their poverty, their ignorance and their comparative nothing- ness, as a power in the State, are deplorable in the extreme. The serfs of Russia have reason to congratulate themselves that they are neither the negroes nor the non-slaveholding whites of the South. Than the latter there can be no people in Christendom more unhappily situated. Below will be found a few extracts which will throw some light on the subject now under consideration. In an address which he delivered before the South Carolina Institute, in 1851, William Gregg says: ■' From tlie best estimates that I have been able to make, I put down the white people who ought to work, and who do not, or who are so employed as to be wholly unproductive to the State, at one hundred and twenty-five thousand. Any man who is an observer of things could hardly pass through our country without being struck with the fact, that all the capital, enterprise and intelligence, is em- ployed in directing slave labor ; and the consequence is, that a large portion of our poor white people are wholly neglected, and are suffered to while away an exist- ence in a state but one step in advance of the Indian of the forest. It is an evil of vast magnitude, and nothing but a change in public sentiment will effect its cure. These people must be brought into daily contact with the rich and intelligent— they must be stimulated to mental action, and taught to appreciate education and the comforts of civilized life ; and this, we believe, may be effected only by the intro- duction of manufactures. My experience at Graniteville has satisfied me that unless our poor people can be brought together in villages, and some means of employ- ment afforded them, it will be an utterly hopeless effort to undertake to educate them. We have collected at that place about eight hundred people, and as likely looking a set of country girls as may l)e found— industrious and orderly people— but deplorably ignorant, three-fourths of the adults not being able to read or to write their own names. " It is only necessary to build a manufacturing village of shanties, in a healthy location, in any part of the State, to have crowds of these people around you, seek- ing employment at half the compensation given to operatives at the North. It is indeed painful to be brought in contact with such ignorance and degradation." Again, he asks : " Shall we pass unnoticed the thousands of poor, ignorant, degraded white peo- ple among us, who, in this land of plenty, live in comparative nakedness and star- vation? Many a one is reared in proud South Carolina, from birth to manhood, who has never passed a month in which he has not, some part of the time, been stinted for meat. Many a mother is there who will tell you that her children are but scantily provided with bread, and much more scantily with meat ; and, if they be clad with comfortable raiment, it is at the expense of these scanty allowances of food. These may be startling statements, but they are nevertheless true : and if not believed in Charleston, the members of our legislature who have traversed the State in electioneering campaigns, can attest the truth." Black slave labor, though far less valuable, is almost invariably better paid than free white labor. The reason is this : tlie fiat of the oligarchy has made it fashionable to " have negroes around," and there are, we are grieved to say, many non-slaveholding white sycophants, who, in order to retain on their premises a hired slave whom they falsely ima- gine secures to them not only the appearance of wealth, but also a posi- tion of high social standing in the community, keep themselves in a per- petual strait. 206 FACTS AND AUGDMENTS BY TIIK WAYSIDE. In the spring of 1856, we made it our special business to ascertain the ruling rates of wages paid for labor, free and slave, in North Carolina. We found sober, energetic white men, between twenty and forty years of age, engaged in agricultural pursuits at a salary of $7 per month — including board only ; negro men, slaves, who performed little more than half the amount of labor, and who were exceedingly sluggish, awk- ward, and careless in all their movements, were hired out on adjoining farms at an average of about $10 per month, including board, cloth- ing, and medical attendance. Free white men and slaves were in the employ of the North Carolina Railroad Company ; the former, whose services, in our opinion, were at least twice as valuable as the latter, received only $12 per month each ; the masters of the latter received $16 per month for every slave so employed. Industrious, tidy white girls, from sixteen to twenty years of age, had much difficulty in hiring themselves out as domestics in private families for $40 per annum — board only included ; negro wenches, slaves, of corresponding ages, so ungraceful, stupid and filthy that no decent man would ever permit one of them to cross the threshold of his dwelling, were in brisk demand at from $65 to $70 per annum, including victuals, clothes, and medical attendance. These are facts, and in considering them, the students of political and social economy will not fail to arrive at conclusions of their own. Notwithstanding the greater density of population in the free States, labor of every kind is, on an average, about one hundred per cent, higher there than it is in the slave States. This is another important fact, and one that every non-slaveholding white should keep registered in his mind. Poverty, ignorance, and superstition, are the three leading character- istics of the non-slaveholding whites of the South. Many of them grow up to the age of maturity, and pass through life without ever own- ing as much as five dollars at a time. Thousands of them die at an advanced age, as ignorant of the common alphabet as if it had never been invented. All are more or less impressed with a belief in witches, ghosts, and supernatural signs. Few are exempt from habits of sensu- ality and intemperance. None have anything like adequate ideas of the duties which they owe either to their God, to themselves, or to their fellow-men. Pitiable, indeed, in the fullest sense of the term, is their condition. It is the almost utter lack of an education that has reduced them to their present unenviable situation. They are now completely under the domination of the oligarchy, and it is madness to suppose that they will ever be able to rise to a position of true manhood, until after the slave power shall have been utterly overthrown. CHAPTER XII. SOUTHERN LITEEATXTEE. Meanwhile a change was proceeding, infinitely more momentous than the acquisition or loss of any province, than the rise or fall of any dynasty. Slavery, and the evils by which slavery is everywhere accompanied, were fast disappearing. — Macaulat. My voice is still for war. Gods ! can a Roman Senate long debate Which of the two to choose, slavery or death ? itc * * * * * A day — an hour of virtuous Liberty Is worth a whole eternity of bondage 1 Addison. Write, speak, avenge, for ancient sufferings feel, Impale each tyrant on their pens of steel, Declare how freemen can a world create, And slaves and masters ruin every State. Barlow. It is with some degree of hesitation that we add a chapter on South- ern Literature — not that the theme is inappropriate to this work ; still less, that it is an unfruitful one ; but our hesitation results from our con- scious inability, in the limited time and space at our command, to do the subject justice. Few, except those whose experience has taught them, have any adequate idea of the amount of preparatory labor requi- site to the production of a work into which the statistical element largely enters ; especially is this so, when the statistics desired are not readily accessible through public and official documents. The author who honestly aims at entire accuracy in his statements, may find himself baffled for weeks in his pursuit of a single item of information, not of much importance in itself perhaps, when separately considered, but necessary in its connection with others, to the completion of a harmonious whole. Not unfrequently, during the preparation of the preceding pages, have we been subjected to this delay and annoy- ance. What is the actual condition of Literature at the South ? Our ques- tion includes more than simple authorship in the various departments of letters, from the compilation of a primary reader to the production of a Scientific or Theological Treatise. We comprehend in it all the activi- ties engaged in the creation, publication, and sale of books aud period- 2UT 208 BOTTTHEEN LITEEATUEE. icajs, from the penny primer to the heavy folio, and from the dingy, coarse-typed weekly paper, to the large, well-filled daily. Turning our attention to the periodical literature of the South, we ohtain these results: By the census of 1850, we ascertain that the entire number of periodicals, daily, semi-weekly, weekly, semi-monthly, monthly and quarterly, published in the slave Slates, including the Dis- trict of Columbia, were seven hundred and twenty-two. These had an aggregate yearly circulation of ninety-two million one hundred and sixty-seven thousand one hundred and twenty-nine (92,16V,120). The number of periodicals, of every class, published in the non-slaveholding States (exclusive of California) was one thousand eight hundred and ninety-three, with an aggregate yearly circulation of three hundred and thirty-three million three hundred and eighty-six thousand and eighty- one (333,386,081). Nearly nine years have elapsed since these statistics were taken, and these nine years have wrought an immense change in the jour- nalism of the North, without any corresponding change in that of the South. It is noteworthy that, as a general thing, the principal journals of the free States are more comprehensive in their scope, more complete in every department, and enlist, if not a higher order of talent, at least more talent, than they did nine years ago. This improvement extends not only to the metropolitan, but to the country papers also. In fact, the very highest literary ability, in finance, in political economy, in science, in statism, in law, in theology, in medicine, in belles-let- tres, is laid under contribution by the journals of the non-slavehold- ing States. This is true only to a very limited degree of Southern jour- nals. Their position, with but few exceptions, is substantially the same that it was ten years ago. They are neither worse nor better — the imbecility and inertia which attaches to everything which slavery touches, clings to them now as tenaciously as it did when Henry A. Wise thanked God for the paucity of newspapers in the Old Dominion, and the platitudes of Father Eitchie were recognized as the political gospel of the South. They have not, so far as we can learn, increased materially in number, nor in the aggregate of their yearly circulation. In the free States no week passes that does not add to the number of their journals, and extend the circle of their readers and their influence. Since the census tables to which we have referred were prepared, two of the many excellent weekly journals of which the city of New York can boast, have sprung into being, and attaine(.l an aggregate circu- lation more than twice as large as tliat of the entire newspaper press of Virginia in 1850 — and exceeding, by some thousands, the aggregate circulation of the two hundred and fifty journals of which Alabama, Arkansas, Kentucky, Georgia, North Carolina and Florida, could boast at the time above-mentioned. SOUTHERN LITEKATUEE. 209 Facts of great interest and importance appertaining to the two most widely circulated and influential journals in America — perhaps we might, with propriety, say in the world — will be found in the following carefully-prepared tabular statement : T^ B H, E 3 3. AGGREGATE ClRCtlLATION OF THE DAILY, SEMI-WEEKLY, AND WEEKLY NEW YORK TRIBUNE,* APRIL 25, 1859, AND OF THE DAILY NEW YORK HERALD,t AUGUST 2, 1S56. Free States. Tribune. Herald. California 2,4-31 Connecticut 8,633 2,146 Illinois 12,T69 853 Indiana 10,098 36 Iowa T,523 49 Maine 7,67T 5S Massachusetts 8,154 1,058 Michigan 9,264 256 New Hampshire 6,239 139 New Jersey 5,477 3,330 New York 65,186 47,275 Ohio 19,740 200 Pennsylvania 15,292 2,510 Rhode Island 2,151 322 Vermont 8,242 135 Wisconsin 8,042 33 Totals 196,923. 58,410 Slave States. Tribune. Alabama 51 . Arkansas.. 10. Delaware 253. Florida 41 . Georgia 78. Kentucky 548 . Louisiana 108 Maryland 467 . Mississippi 15 . Missouri 683. North Carolina. 57. South Carolina 45. Tennessee 307 . Texas 132. Virginia 375. District of Columbia 130. Herald. .. 80 Totals 3,240. 235 45 170 68 85 1,153 11 41 44 189 42 5 176 317 2,611 Throughout the non-slaveholding States, the newspaper or magazine that has not improved during the last decade of years, is an exception to the general rule. Throughout the entire slaveholding States, the news- paper or magazine that has improved during that time, is no less an exception to the general rule that there obtains. Outside of the largeV cities of the South, there are not, probably, half a dozen newspapers in the whole slaveholding region that can safely challenge a comparison with the country press of the North. "What that country press was twenty years ago, the country press of the South is now. The self-stultification of folly, was never more evident than it is in the current gabble of the Oligarchs about a Southern literature. They do not mean by it a healthy, manly, moral utterance of unfettered minds, without which there can be no proper literature ; but an emascu- lated substitute therefor, from which the element of freedom is elimi- nated ; husks, from which the kernel has escaped — a body, from which the vitalizing spirit has fled — a literature which ignores manhood by confounding if with bruteh ood ; or, at best, deals with all similes of freedom as treason against the "peculiar institution." There is not a single great name in the literary annals of the old or new world that could dwarf itself to the stature requisite to gain admission into the * See The Tribune of April 25th and 27th, 1859. t See The Herald of August 6th, 1856. 210 80UTHEKN LITEKATURE. Pantheon erected by these devotees of tlie Inane for their Lilliputian deities. Thank God, a Southern literature, in the sense intended by the champions of slavery, is a simple impossibility, rendered such by that exility of mind which they demand in its producers as a prerequi- site to admission into the guild of Southern authoi-ship. The tenuous thoughts of such authorlings could not survive a single breath of manly criticism. The history of the rise, progress and decline of their litera- ture could be easily written on a child's smooth palm, and leave space enough for its funeral oration and epitaph. The latter miglit appropri- ately be that which, in one of our rural districts, marks the grave of a still-born infant : " If so early I am done for, I wonder wliat I was begun for." "We desire to see the South bear its just proportion in the literary activities and achievements of our common country. It has never yet done so, and it never will until its own manhood is vindicated in the abolition of slavery. The impulse which such a measure would give to aU industrial pursuits that deal with the elements of mriterial prosperity, would be imparted also to the no less valuable but more intangible cre- ations of the mind. Take from the intellect of the South the incubus which now oppresses it, and its rebound would be glorious ; the era of its diviner inspirations would begin ; and its triumphs would be a per- petual vindication of the superiority of free institutions over those of slavery. The people of the South are not a reading people. Many of the adult population never learned to read ; still more, do not care to read. We have been impressed, during a temporary sojourn in the North, with the difference between the middle and laboring classes in the free States, and the same classes in the slave States, in this respect. Passing along the great routes of travel in the former, or taking our seat in the com- fortable cars that pass up and down the avenues of our great commer- cial metropolis, we have not failed to contrast the employment of our feUow-passengers with that which occupies the attention of the corres- ponding classes on our various Southern routes of travel. In the one case, a large proportion of the passengers seem intent upon mastering the contents of the newspaper, or some recently published book. The merchant, the mechanic, the artisan, the professional man, and even the common laborer, going to or returning from their daily avocations, are busy with their morning and evening paper, or engaged in an intelligent discussion of some topic of public interest. This is their leisui'e hour, and it is given to the acquisition of such information as may be of im- mediate or ultimate use, or to the cultivation of a taste for elegant litera- ture. In the other case, newspapers and books seem generally ignored, and noisy discussions of village and State politics, the tobacco and cotton SOUTHERN LITEEATTJRE. 211 crops, filibusterism in Cuba, Nicaragua, or Sonora, the price of negroes generally, and especially of "fine-looking wenches," the beauties of lynch-law, the delights of horse-racing, the excitement of street fights with bowie-knives and revolvers, the "manifest destiny" theory that justifies the stealing of all territory contiguous to .our own, and kin- dred topics, constitute the warp and woof of conversation. What follows, oui- readers will, we think, agree with us, is of great significance in this connection : t^ble: 34. nuimber op public documents franked by united states senators*— 1868. fuee state senators. slave state senators. state. Name. Docu- ments. California Connecticut. . . Illinois Indiana Iowa Maine Massachusetts. Michigan N. Hampshire . New Jersey . . . New York Ohio Pennsylvania. Rhode Island. Vermont Wisconsin . . . . Broderick Gwin Foster Dixon . . . Douglas. . . Trumbull. Fitch Bright ... Jones. . . . Harlan. .. Fessenden Hamlin . . Wilson . . . Sumner.. . Stuart ... Chandler . Hale Clark Wright . . . Thompson Seward. . . King PugU Wade .... Bigler .... Cameron . Allen ShumorLS. . CoUamer . Foot Durkee. .. Doohttle.. 18,000 I 19,000 S 7,000 ( r 345,000 40,000 J 11,000 j 15,000 f 4,000 > 10,000 5 14,000 I 10,000 j i",666 \ 49,000 ) 214,000 f 14,000 I 51,000 f T,000 I 1,000 ( 81,000 / 19,000 f 4,000 ) 2,ono f 54,000 10,000 C 800 I 2,500 ) 3,000 J 2,000 f 6,500) 4,000 ) Total, 3T,500 7,000 885,000 26,000 14,000 24,000 1,000 263,000 65,000 8,000 100,000 6,000 64,000 2,800 5,000 10,000 State. Alabama . . . Arkansas . . . Delaware. . Florida Georgia Kentucky. . . Louisiana. . Maryland. . . Mississippi. . iSIissourl N. Caroluia. 6. Carolina. Tennessee . . Te.xas Virginia . . . . Name. Fitzpatrick Clay Sebastian. . Johnson. .. Bates Bayard. .. Mallory . . . Yulee Iverson Toombs.. .. Thompson . Crittenden. Benjamin. . Slidell Pearce Kennedy. . Brown Davis Green Polk Reid Clingman. . Evans Hammond. Bell Johnson. .. Houston. . . Henderson. Mason Hunter .... 1,500 11,500 I 2,000 I 8,000 I 6,000 ( 2,000 ) 3,000 I 2,000 j 10,606 ) 11,000 I 8,000 ) 6,000 ( 5,000 I 18,000 6,000 i 12,000 I 15,000 I 1,000 I 21,500 f 7,000 11,000 5,000 2,000 I 2,000 ) Total. 13,000 10,000 8,000 5,000 10,000 19,000 11,000 24,000 27,000 22,500 18,000 5,000 4,000 Total 176,500 Total 1,019,800 Thus we perceive by the above table, that, while thirty-two Free State Senators send 1,019,800 documents— an average of 31,869 each, thirty Slave State Senators send only 176,500 documents— an average of but 5,883 each, showing an average balance of 25,986 in favor of every * See debate on the proposed amendment to the Post-office bill, to increase the rates of ignor.-ince of slavery, as is shown in a preceding table, tho mails were transported through- out the Southern States, during the year 1855, at an e.\tra cost to the General Oovernmerit of more than six hundred thousand dollars ! In the free States, during the same period, postages were received to the amount of more than two million of dollars over and above the cost of transportation ! 212 SOUTHERN LITERATUEE. Free State Senator! Thus do the lazy pro-slavery officials of the South perpetuate the ignorance and degradation of their constituents, by with- holding from them — especially from their miserably-duped non-slave- holding constituents — the means of information to which they are justly entitled, and whicli they would receive, if represented by men whose sense of duty and honor was not irremediably debased by social contact with slaves and slavery. The proportion of white adults over twenty years of age, in each State, who cannot read and write, to the icTiole white population, is as follows : Connecticut 1 to every 668 Vermont. New Hampshire . Massachusetts... Maine Michigan Rhode Island 1 1 1 1 1 1 New Jersey 1 New York 1 Pennsylvania 1 Ohio 1 Indiana 1 Illinois 1 473 310 166 108 97 67 58 56 60 43 18 17 Louisiana 1 to every 3S^ Maryland Mississippi Delaware South Carolina Missouri Alabama Kentucky Georgia Virginia Arkansas Tennessee North Carolina 27 20 18 17 16 15 13 13 12j \\i 11 7 In the slave States the proportion of free white children, between the ages of five and twenty, who are found at any school or college, is not quite one-fifth of the whole ; in the free States, the proportion is more than threefiftlis. We could fill our pages with facts like these to an almost indefinite extent, but it cannot be necessary. No truth is more demonstrable, nay, no truth has been more abundantly demonstrated, than this : that slavery is hostile to general education ; its strength, its very life, is in the ignorance and stolidity of the masses ; it naturally and necessarily represses general literary culture. A free press is an institution almost unknown at the South. Free speech is considered as treason against slavery : and when people dare neither speak nor print their thoughts, free thought itself is well-nigh extinguished. All that can be said in defence of human bondage may be spoken freely, but question either its morality or its policy, and the terrors of Lynch-law are at once invoked to put down the pestilent heresy. The legislation of the slave States for the suppression of the freedom of speech and tlie press, is disgi-aceful and cowardly to the last degree, and can find its parallel only in the meanest and bloodiest despotisms of the old world. No institution that could bear the light would thus sneakingly seek to burrow itself in utter darkness. Look, too, at the mobbings, lynchings, robberies, social and political proscriptions, and all manner of nameless outrages, to which men in the South have been subjected, simjjly upon the suspicion that they were the enemies of slavery. We could fill page after page of this SOUTHEEN LITEEATUEE. 213 volume with the record of such atrocities. But a simple reference to them is enough. Our countrymen have not yet forgotten why John C. Underwood was, but a short while since, banished from his home in Virginia, and the accomplished Hedrick driven from his college pro- fessorship in North Carolina. They believed slavery inimical to the best interest of the South, and for daring to give expression to this belief in moderate yet manly language, they were ostracized by the despotic slave power, and compelled to seek a refuge from its vengeance in States where the principles of freedom are better understood. Pending the last Presidential election, there were thousands, nay, tens of thousands of voters in the slave States, who desired to give their suffrages for the Republican nominee, John C. Fremont, himself a Southron, but a non- slaveholder. The Constitution of the United States guaranteed to these men an expression of their preference at the ballot-box. But were they permitted such an expression ? Not at all. They were denounced, threatened, overawed, by the slave power — and it is not too much to say, that there was really no Constitutional election — that is, no such free expression of political preferences as the Constitution aims to secure — in a majority of the slave States. From a multiplicity of facts like these, the inference is unavoidable, that slavery tolerates no freedom of the press, no freedom of speech, no freedom of opinion. To expect that a whole-souled, manly literature can flourish under such conditions, is as absurd as it would be to look for health amid the pestilential vapors of a dungeon. The truth is, slavery destroys, or vitiates, or pollutes, whatever it touches. No interest of society escapes the influence of its clinging curse. It makes Southern religion a stench in the nostrils of Christen- dom — it makes Southern politics a libel upon all the principles of Repub- licanism — it makes Southern literature a travesty upon the honorable profession of letters. Than the better class of Southern authors them- selves, none will feel more keenly the truth of our remarks. They write books, but can find for them neither publishers nor remunera- tive sales at the South. The executors of Calhoun seek, for his works, a Northern publisher. Benton writes history and prepares voluminous compilations, which are given to the world through a Northern pub- lislier. Simms writes novels and poems, and they are scattered abroad from the presses of Northern publishers. Eighty per cent, of all the copies sold are probably l)ought by Northern readers. Om- limits, not our materials, are exhausted. We would gladly say more, but can only, in conclusion, add as the result of our investigations in this department of our subject, that Literature and Liberty are inse- parable ; the one can never have a vigorous existence without being wedded to the other. SJ14 SOUTHEEN LITEEATUKE. Our work is done. It is the voice of the non-slaveholding whites of the South, through one identified with them hy interest, by feeling, by position. That voice, by whomsoever spoken, must yet be heard and heeded. The time hastens — the doom of slavery is written — the redemp- tion of the South draws nigh. In taking leave of our readers, we know not how we can give more forcible expression to our thoughts and intentions tlian by saying that, in concert with the intelligent free voters of the North, we, the non- slaveholding whites of the South, desire and expect to elevate to the Presidency, in 1860, an able and wortliy representative of the great principles enunciated in the Eepublican platform adopted at Philadel- phia in 1856 ; and that, forever thereafter, we will, if we can, by our suf- frages, hold the Presidential chair, and other high oflacial positions in the Federal Government, sacredly intact from the occupancy and pollution of Pro-Slavery demagogues, whether from the North or from the South ; and furthermore, that if, in any case, the Oligarchs do not quietly sub- mit to the will of a constitutional majority of the people, as expressed at the ballot-bos, the first battle between Freedom and Slavery will be fought at home — and may God defend the Eight ! THB BND. COMPENDIUM IMPENDING CRISIS THE SOUTH. BY HINTON ROWAN HELPER, OF NORTH CAROLINA. Countrymen ! I sue for simple justice at your hands, Naught else I ask, nor less will have ; Act right, therefore, and yield my claim. Or, by the great God that made all things, I'll fight, till from my bones my flesh be hacVAl—Sfiakspeare, The Uberal deviseth liberal things, And by liberal things shall he stand. — Isaiah. NEW YORK : A. B. BURDICK, PUBLISHER, No. 8 SPRUCE STREET. 1859. W. II. TiNSON, 43 & 45 Centre Street. In aid of the general fund for circulating one hundred thousand copies of the worlv hand,-- subscriptions, up to the 15th of June, 1859, amount to about $3,700, of which the llowing, as will respectively appear, liare been received in sums of from $10 to $250. Beers, Abucr, New York City $ 10 Bonnoy, B. W., New York City 100 Brown, Nicholas, Warwick, K. 1 100 Biudick, Ashor B., Brooklyn, N. Y 100 Clarke, James Freeman, Jamaica Plains, Mass 10 Clay, Cassius M., Whitehall, Kentucky, 25 Clay, Cassius M., for a Kentucky Clergyman, 250 Clay, Cassius M. , for Several Persons 10 Darrah, Eobert L. , New York City 10 Dudley, E. G., Boston, Mass 50 Endicott, William, Jr., Boston, Mass 100 Farnum, Jonathan, Millville, Mass 10 Fiske, Edwards W. , Brooklyn, New York 100 Fosdick, Samuel, Cincinnati, Ohio 10 French, Stiles, New Haven, Conn 10 Frisbie, M. J., New York City 100 Frothingham, 0. B., Jersey City, N. J 100 Goodloe, D. R., and Friend, Washington, D. C 10 Greeley, Horace, New York City 100 Greenleaf, R. C, Boston, Mass 50 Harris, Edward, Woonsocket, R. 1 100 Hedrick, Benjamin S. , New York City 50 Helper, Hinton R., " " " 100 Hurlbut, F., Brooklyn, New York 25 Jay, John, New York City 100 Ketcham, Edgar, New York City 25 McCaulley, William, Wilmington, Delaware 10 Marble, Nathan, Port Byron, New York 10 May, Samuel, Boston, Mass 100 Morgan, Edwin D. , Albany, New York 100 Nesmith, John, Lowell, Mass 100 Norton, John T., Farmington, Conn 100 Parsons, J. C, New York 10 Pinner, M. , Kansas City, Missouri 10 Plumly, Benjamin Rush, Philadelphia, Pa 100 Randolph, Evan, Philadelphia, Pa ^ ) Republicans of Pottsville and N. Coventry, Pa. $40 ; Crown Point, N. Y. $11.. 51 Republicans of Shawnee Mound, $20 ; South Bend, $10, Indiana o Roberts, W. S., New York City 10 Robmson, Hanson, New Castle Co. , Delaware 20 Ryerson, David, Newton, New Jersey 64 Sherman, S. N., Ogdensburg, New York 32 Smith, Gerrit, Peterboro, New York 20 Spring, Marcus, Eagleswood, New Jersey 100 Stober, John A ., Smyrna, New York 10 Stranahan, J. S. T., Brooklyn, New York 100 Tappan, Lewis, Brooklyn, New York 100 Thomas, Wm. B., Philadelphia, Pa 100 Tweedy, Edmund, Newport, R. 1 10 Wadsworth, James S., New York City 100 Wakeman, Abram, New York City 100 Weed, Thurlow, Albany, New York 100 White, Aaron, Thompson, Conn 10 Wright, E. N. and James A., Philadelphia, Pa 30 Wood, Bradford R., Albany, New York 100 A. A. $50, B. B. $50, C. C. $10, D. D. $10, E. E. $20, F. F. $25, N. Carolina, 165 S. F. M. Wilmington, Delaware 10 A Friend, by S. E. Sewell, Boston, Mass., $10 ; E. B., Brookl)^l, N. Y., $25. . 35 <> Sec fourth page of cover. Total, $3,518 Were every citizen in possession of tlic facts enabodied in tliis compend of "The Im- - PENDING Crisis of the South," we feel confident that slavery would soon peacefully pass | iuvay, while a llepuhllcan triumph in 18G0 would he moially certain. It is believed tliat this testimony of a Southern man, born and reared under the influence of slavery, will 1 ^ more generally listened to and profoundly heeded, whether in the Slave or in the luie States, than an e(iiially able and conclusive work written by a Northern man ; and it is very desirable, therefore, that, in this cheap form, it should now be generally diffused in j those States— Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana, and Illinois —which are to' decide the | next Presidential contest. ! One hundred thousand copies, the number which we propose to circulate, can be had ■ for sixlmi cents c«c/t— $1G,000 in the aggregate. This amount we propose to raise in such | sums as the friends of the enterprise feel disposed to subscribe. j In all cases, when convenient, contributors to the cause will please make their sub- i scriptions in the form of drafts, or certificates of deposit, payal)le to the order of the HdN. Wm. H. Antiion, 10 Exchange iJlace, New York City, our Treasurer and Disburser, ^vbo i IS) J I . will regularly, through the columns of the Trihime, acknowledge receipts of the same. | Every person who subscribes Ten Dollars or more, will, if timely application be maile, be entitled to as many copies of the compend for distribution as he may desire, not ( x- ceeding the number that the amount of his suljscriptiou would pay for at net co^t. Subscriliers' names, with the sums severallj'' subscribed by them, in all cases where the amount is Ten Dollars or more, will appear, alphabetically arranged, in the latter part of! the compend. '■- Correspondence or personal interviews in relation to this enterprise, may be had with anyone of the undersigned, who will be pleased to receive suliscriptions in aid of itpj speedy consummation. WM. II. ANTHON, Treasurer, 1G Exchange Place, New York. Samuel E. Sewall, Boston, Mass. Wm. McCaullev, Wilmingtoji, Dd. | Setii Padlei'ord, Providence, R. I. Wm. Gunnison, Baltimore, Md. Wm. B. Thomas, FMladelphia, Ba. Cassius M. Clav, WhiteJiall, Ky. JosEni Medill, Chicago, III. Frank P. Plair, Jr. St. Lords, Mo. j Lewis CLEniANE, Washington, D. C. The undersigned having Ijeen appointed a Committee in New York, to aid in the cir- culation of Mr. Helper's work, on the plan proposed above, beg leave to rccommeml the object to the public and ask their co-operation. | Subscriptions may be sent to the Hon. Wm. 11. Antlion, No. IG Exchange Place, New York, directly, or through cither of the undersigned. COMMITTEE. Charles W. Ellioit, Edgar Ketchum, David Dudley Field, Auram Wakeman, Charles A. Pkabody, James Kelly, _ ll^H^IcCuRDY, Bexj. F. Manierre, j\ X 4t m^i^Lrtis Noyes, James A. Briggs. * See 2>d2>age of cover. f » I ' \^' s «■ » f '^- " N .N •i , I ft •^** yi >> \ \ •^^ ^■'"'"-K .y'\. A •/ _ ,0 o .-^^ 00 v^^ vOc » h ■ '»■■' . < > ■f/T