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Charles James Fox 
 
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 Ku-l.anl Fn/.i..-.lr.,-k. 
 
A 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 O F 
 
 THE EARLY PART OF THE REIGN 
 
 OF 
 
 JAMES THE SECOND; 
 
 WITH AN 
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 BY THE 
 
 RIGHT HON. CHARLES JAMES FOX. 
 
 TO WHICH IS ADDED 
 
 AN APPENDIX. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR WILLIAM MILLER, ALBEM ARLE-STREET : 
 
 BY W. SULMEB AND CO. CLEVELAND-ROW. 
 
 1808. 
 
THE LIBRA 
 ' )F CONGREti 
 
 WAJHlNOTCUr 
 
 3 
 
 SSI 
 
 3^ f^'^^f 
 
TO THE READER. 
 
 jVIr. Fox was for some years engaged in an historical 
 Work, which he did not live to complete. The curiosity 
 excited by the knowledge that he was so employed, 
 would be sufficient to justify the publication of any Frag- 
 ment of his labours, even if it had been found in a more 
 unfinished state than the Chapters which compose the 
 body of this volume. It is, therefore, conceived, that 
 although the work is incomplete, any apology would be 
 misplaced, and that in fact, I only fulfil the wishes of 
 the public, in laying before them all that can now be 
 obtained of a history so earnestly expected from the pen 
 of Mr. Fox. 
 
 An explanation, however, of the circumstances at- 
 tending a posthumous publication, if not necessary for 
 the satisfaction of the reader, is due to the memory and 
 reputation of the author himself. Some notion of what 
 
ii TO THE READER. 
 
 he projected, seems requisite towards forming an esti- 
 mate of what he performed ; and in this instance, the 
 rumours formerly circulated concerning the nature of 
 his undertaking, and the materials which he had col- 
 lected, render indispensable, a short statement of his 
 intentions, and of the manner in which he prosecuted 
 his researches. It will be yet more necessary to explain 
 the state in which the manuscript was found, and the 
 course which has been pursued in printing a work, 
 respecting which no positive injunctions were ever 
 received from the author. 
 
 The precise period at which Mr. Fox first formed 
 the design of writing a history, cannot be ascertained. 
 In the year 1797, he announced publickly his intention 
 of devoting " a greater'' portion of his time to his pri- 
 " vate pursuits :" He was even on the point of relin- 
 quishing his seat in Parliament, and retiring altogether 
 from publick life ; a plan which he had formed many 
 years before, and to the execution of which he always 
 looked forward with the greatest delight. The remon- 
 strances, however, of those friends, for whose judgment 
 he had the greatest deference, ultimately prevailed. He 
 consequently confined his scheme of retreat to a more 
 uninterrupted residence in the country, than he had 
 hitherto permitted himself to enjoy. During his retire- 
 ment, that love of literature, and fondness for poetry, 
 
 * Vide Parliamentary Debates, May 26, 1797. 
 
TO THE READER. iii 
 
 which neither pleasure nor business had ever extin- 
 guished, revived with an ardour, such as few in the 
 eagerness of youth, or in pursuit of fame or advantage, 
 are capable of feeling. For some time, however, his 
 studies were not directed to any particular object. Such 
 was the happy disposition of his mind, that his own re- 
 flections, whether supplied by conversation, desultory 
 reading, or the common occurrences of a life in the 
 country, were always sufficient to call forth the vigour 
 and exertion of his faculties. Intercourse witb the 
 world had so little deadened in him the sense of the 
 simplest enjoyments, that even in the hours of apparent 
 leisure and inactivity, he retained that keen relish of 
 existence, which, after the first impressions of life, is so 
 rarely excited but by great interests and strong passions. 
 Hence it was, that in the interval between his active 
 attendance in Parliament, and the undertaking of his 
 History, he never felt the tedium of a vacant day. A 
 verse in Cowper, which he frequently repeated, 
 
 How various his employments whom the world 
 Calls idle I 
 
 was an accurate description of the life he was then lead-^ 
 ing ; and I am persuaded, that if he had consulted his 
 own gratifications only, it would have continued to be 
 so. The circumstances which led him once more to 
 take an active part in publick discussions, are foreign to 
 the purposes of this Preface. It is sufficient to remark,. 
 
iv TO THE READER. 
 
 that they could not be foreseen, and that his notion of 
 engaging in some literary undertaking was adopted 
 during his retirement, and with the prospect of long and 
 uninterrupted leisure before him. When he had deter- 
 mined upon employing some part of it in writing, he 
 was, no doubt, actuated by a variety of considerations, 
 in the choice of the task he should undertake. His phi- 
 losophy had never rendered him insensible to the gra- 
 tification which the hope of posthumous fame so often 
 produces in great minds ; and, though criticism might 
 be more congenial to the habits and amusements of his 
 retreat, an historical work seemed more of a piece with 
 the tenour of his former life, and might prove of greater 
 benefit to the publick, and to posterity. These motives, 
 together with his intimate knowledge of the English 
 Constitution, naturally led him to prefer the history of 
 his own country, and to select a period favourable to the 
 illustration of the great general principles of freedom, 
 on which it is founded ; for his attachment to those prin- 
 ciples, the result of practical observation, as well as 
 philosophical reflection, far from having abated, had ac- 
 quired new force and fresh vigour in his retirement. 
 
 With these views, it was almost impossible that he 
 should not fix on the Revolution of 1688. The event 
 was cheering and animating. It was the most signal 
 triumph of that cause to which his publick life had been 
 devoted ; and in a review of its progress, he could not 
 
TO THE READER. v 
 
 fail to recognize those principles which had regulated 
 his own political conduct. But the choice of that period 
 was recommended hy yet higher considerations ; the 
 desire of rescuing from misrepresentation, the most 
 glorious transaction of our history ; the opportunity of 
 instructing his countrymen in the real nature of their 
 Constitution ; and the hope of impressing on mankind 
 those lessons applicable to all times, which are to be 
 drawn from that memorable occurrence. 
 
 The manner in which the most popular historians, 
 and other writers of eminence, had treated the subject, 
 was likely to stimulate him more strongly to such an 
 undertaking. It could not escape the observation of 
 Mr. Fox, that some, from the bias of their individual 
 opinions, had given a false colour to the whole trans- 
 action ; that others had wilfully distorted the facts to 
 serve some temporary purpose ; and that Bolingbroke, 
 in particular, had confounded the distinct and even op- 
 posite views of the two leading parties, who, though 
 they concurred in the measure, retained even in their 
 union, all their respective tenets and fundamental dis- 
 tinctions. 
 
 According to his first crude conceptions of the work, 
 it would, as far as I recollect, have begun at the Revo- 
 lution; but he altered his mind, after a careful perusal 
 of the latter part of Hume's history. An apprehen- 
 sion of the false impressions which that great historian's 
 
vi TO THE READER. 
 
 partiality, might have left on the mind of his readers, 
 induced him to go back to the accession of King James 
 the Second, and even to prefix an Introductory Chapter, 
 on the character and leading events of the times im- 
 mediately preceding. 
 
 From the moment his labour commenced, he gene- 
 rally spoke of his plan as extending no further than the 
 settlement at the Revolution. His friends, however, 
 were not without hopes, that the habit of composition 
 might engage him more deeply in literary undertakings, 
 or that the different views which the course of his en- 
 quiries would open, might ultimately allure him on 
 further in the history of his country. Some casual ex- 
 pressions, both in conversation and correspondence, 
 seemed to imply that the possibility of such a result was 
 not entirely out of his own contemplation. He acknow- 
 ledged that some papers which I had the good fortune 
 to procure in Spain, " though they did not relate to his 
 " period exactly, might be very useful to him, and at all 
 " events entertaining; nay, possibly, that they might 
 " make him go on further than he intended." ' — As his 
 work advanced, his allusions to various literary pro- 
 jects, such as an edition of Dryden, a Defence of Racine 
 and the French Stage, Essay on the Beauties of Euripi- 
 des, kc. kc. became more frequent, and were more 
 confidently expressed. In a letter written to me in 
 
 * MS. Coirespondence. 
 
TO THE READER vli 
 
 1803, after observing, that a modern writer did not 
 sufficiently admire Racine, he adds — " It puts me 
 *' quite in a passion. Je veux contre eux fair e un jour 
 *' un gros livre, as Voltaire says. Even Dryden, who 
 ** speaks with proper respect of Corneille, vilipends'^ 
 *' Racine. If ever I publish my edition of his works, I 
 ** will give it him for it, you may depend. Oh how I 
 ** wish that I could make up my mind to think it right, 
 '* to devote all the remaining part of my life to such 
 *' subjects, and such only! Indeed I rather think I 
 '* shall ; and yet, if there were a chance of re-establish- 
 ** ing a strong Whig party, (however composed,) 
 
 " Non adeo has exosa manus victoria fugit 
 " Ut tanta quicquam pro spe tentare recusem." 
 
 Even while his undertaking was yet fresh, in the 
 course of an enquiry into some matters relating to tJie 
 trial of Somerset, in King James the First's reign, he 
 says to his correspondent, " But what is all this, you will 
 *' say, to my history? Certainly nothing; butonehisto- 
 *' rical enquiry leads to another; and I recollect that the 
 '* impression upon my mind was, that there was more 
 " reason than is generally allowed, for suspecting 
 " that Prince Henry was poisoned by Somerset, and 
 •* that the King knew of it after the fact. This is not, 
 ** to be sure, to my present purpose ; but I have thought 
 
 * Mr. Fox often used this word in ridicule of pedantic expressions. 
 
viii TO THE READER. 
 
 " of prefixing to my work, if it ever should be finished, 
 " a disquisition upon Hume's History of the Stewarts, 
 *' and in no part of it would his partiality appear stron- 
 " ger, than in James the First."* 
 
 About the same time, he talked of writing, either in 
 the form of a dedication, or dialogue, a treatise on the 
 three arts of Poetry, History, and Oratory; which, to 
 my surprize, he classed in the order I have related. 
 The plan of such a work seemed, in a great measur^, 
 to be digested in his head, and from the sketch he 
 drew of his design to me, it would, if completed, 
 have been an invaluable monument of the great origi- 
 nality of thought, and singular philosophical acuteness, 
 with which he was accustomed to treat of such sub- 
 jects in his most careless conversations. But though 
 a variety of literary projects might occasionally come 
 across him, he was very cautious of promising too much ; 
 for he was aware, that whatever he undertook, his 
 progress in it would necessarily be extremely slow. 
 He could not but foresee, that as new events arose, his 
 friends would urge him to return to politicks ; and 
 though his own inclinations might enable him to resist 
 their entreaties, the very discussion on the propriety of 
 yielding, would produce an attention to the state of 
 publick affairs, and divert him in some degree from the 
 pursuit in which he was engaged. But it was yet 
 
 * MS Correspondence to Lord Lauderdale. 
 
TO THE READER. k 
 
 more diJBScult to fortify himself against the seductions of 
 his own inclination, which was continually drawing 
 him off from his historical researches, to critical enqui- 
 ries, to the study of the classicks, and to works of imagi- 
 nation and poetry. Abundant proof exists of the effect 
 of these interruptions, both on his labours and on his 
 mind. His letters are filled with complaints, of such as 
 arose from politicks, while he speaks with delight and 
 complacency of whole days devoted to Euripides and 
 Virgil. 
 
 The scale which his various pursuits occupied in his 
 estimation, is very naturally described in several of his 
 letters. And as it is not entirely foreign to the purpose 
 of this Preface, my readers may not be displeased with 
 the insertion of one, as a specimen of his familiar cor- 
 respondence. 
 
 *' Dear Grey, 
 
 ** In defence of my opinion about the nightingales, I 
 *' find Chaucer, who of all poets seems to have been the 
 *' fondest of the singing of birds, calls it a merry note ; 
 *' and though Theocritus mentions nightingales six or 
 " seven times, he never mentions their note as plain- 
 " tive or melancholy. It is true, he does not call it 
 *' any where merry, as Chaucer does; but by mention- 
 ** ing it with the song of the blackbird, and as answer- 
 '* ing it, beseems to imply, that it was a chearful note. 
 
 b 
 
X TO THE READER. 
 
 " Sophocles is against us ; but even he says, lamenting 
 " Itys, and the comparison of her to Electra, is rather as 
 " to perseverance day and night, than as to sorrow. At 
 " all events, a tragick poet is not half so good authority 
 *' in this question, as Theocritus and Chaucer. I can- 
 '' not light upon the passage in the Odyssey, where 
 ** Penelope's restlessness is compared to the nightingale; 
 " but I am sure that it is only as to restlessness and 
 *' watchfulness, that he makes the comparison. If you 
 ' ' will read the last twelve books of the Odyssey, you will 
 ' ' certainly find it, and I am sure you will be paid for your 
 '' hunt, whether you find it or not. The passage in 
 " Chaucer is in the Flower and Leaf, p. 99. The one 
 " I particularly allude to in Theocritus, is in his Epi- 
 " grams, I think in the fourth. Dryden has transferred 
 " the word merry to the goldfinch, in the Flower and 
 " the Leaf; in deference, may be, to the vulgar error; 
 '' but pray read his description of the nightingale there: 
 " It is quite delightful. I am afraid I like these re- 
 " searches as much better than those that relate to 
 " Shaftesbury, Sunderland, &:c. as I do those better 
 " than attending the House of Commons. 
 " Your's, affectionately, 
 
 - C. J. FOX." 
 
 The fact is, he struggled so little against such incli- 
 nations, that when pressed to sacrifice his Greek studies 
 
TO THE READER. xi 
 
 for a time, he answers, " I have no thoughts of throw- 
 ** ing away my Greek books, and would give up the 
 " whole plan if I thought it incompatible with my 
 *' giving a little time to them."* 
 
 But it was not merely the interference of other occu- 
 pations, whether of business or amusement, that im- 
 peded the progress of his work. 
 
 He knew by experience, that he was as slow in com- 
 position, as he was rapid in publick speaking. He had 
 employed many days in writing his Letter to the Electors 
 of Westminster, in 1793; and even the publication of 
 his Speecht on the late Duke of Bedford, (the only in- 
 stance in which he ever revised what he had delivered 
 in publick,) occupied a greater portion of his time than 
 couldbeeasilyimagined,bythose who were unacquainted 
 with his scrupulous attention to all the niceties of 
 language. In addition to these circumstances he soon 
 
 * MS. Correspondence. 
 
 t Having mentioned these works, I take this opportunity of adding, 
 that, with the exception of the 14th, I6th, and perhaps a few other num- 
 bers of a periodical publication in 1779, called the Englishman, and an 
 Epitaph on the late Bishop of Downe, they are the only pieces of prose he 
 ever printed ; unless indeed, one were to reckon his Advertisements to 
 Electors, and the Parliamentary Papers which he may have drawn up. 
 
 There are several specimens of his composition inverse, in different lan- 
 guages : but the Lines on Mrs. Crewe, and those to Mrs. Fox, on his birth- 
 day, are, as far as I recollect, all that have been printed. An Ode to Poverty, 
 and an Epigram upon Gibbon, though very generally attributed to him, 
 are certainly not his compositions. 
 
xii TO THE READER. 
 
 perceived that his scrupulous exactness, with respect to 
 all the circumstances of any fact which he was obliged 
 either to relate or advert to, would retard him by the 
 multiplicity and minuteness of the researches it would 
 occasion. — " History goes on, (he remarked,) but it goes 
 " on very slowly. The fact is, I am a very slow writer, 
 " but I promise I will persevere. I believe I am too 
 " scrupulous both about language and facts; though 
 *' with respect to the latter, it is hardly possible. It is 
 " astonishing how many facts one finds related, for 
 " which there is no authority whatever. Tradition, 
 ^* you will say, does in some cases, but it will not apply 
 '* toothers."* 
 
 Even while he was employed in the Introduction, in 
 which " as it was rather a discussion alluding to known 
 '* facts, than a minute enquiry into disputed points," * 
 he acknowledged that '* it was not so important to be 
 *' exact to a nicety;" he nevertheless found some diffi- 
 culty in tracing the information of historians to their 
 original sources. Upon this, as upon all other occasions, 
 where he stood in need of active assistance, he had re- 
 course to the advice and friendship of Lord Lauderdale; 
 and the following letter was the first step he took in 
 those researches, which, after a long series of enquiries, 
 enabled him both to ascertain the nature, and the fate 
 of the Scotch College Manuscripts, and to procure a 
 
 * MS. Correspondence. 
 
TO THE READER. xiii 
 
 valuable collection of papers from the Depot of Foreign 
 Affairs at Paris. 
 
 To the Earl 0/ Lauderdale," 
 ** Dear Lauderdale, 
 '' I am seriously thinking of becoming an historian, 
 ** and have indeed begun; but my progress hitherto is 
 *' so little, that it is not worth mentioning, except upon 
 *' the principle oi dimidium qui cepit. As to what people 
 ** may expect, I know not. If much, they will be dis- 
 *' appointed; but I certainly do not intend to decline 
 '* the labour of any search, which I am able to make, 
 ** and much less to refuse any assistance I can have in 
 •' such research. I hope, therefore, you will not be 
 ** satisfied with merely recommending to me to make 
 *' use of assistance, but give me some hint of what na- 
 ** ture, and from whom I may get it. To enable you to 
 *' do this better, it is necessary to inform you, that the 
 '* death of Charles the Second is the period from which 
 " I commence my history ; though in my Introduction, 
 '* I take a pretty full review of his reign, and conse- 
 " quently, should be glad enough to get new lights with 
 " regard to it. Even this Introductory Chapter, how- 
 ** ever, is not yet finished. Next, it is fit you should 
 ** know, that so far from having as yet examined, or even 
 " looked into any manuscript papers, or other documents 
 
 * This letter was written in the beginning of the year 1800. 
 
xiv TO THE READER. 
 
 "not generally known, I do not even know where any 
 " such exist, and, therefore, any information on that 
 " head will be very welcome. I find one of my greatest 
 *' difficulties to be, how to discover the authorities upon 
 " which historians advance their facts, for they very 
 " often do not refer to them. Hitherto, where I am 
 •' only taking a cursory review, this is of no great im- 
 " portance. But in regard to the Popish and Rye-house 
 " plots particularly, I find both Rapin and Hume ad- 
 " vancing so many facts, for which I cannot guess their 
 " authorities, that if I were to give a regular history of 
 " these transactions, I should be much puzzled. Now, 
 " when I am under difficulties of this sort, can you 
 " either direct me to whom I can apply for a solution 
 " of them? or if I send queries to you, can you give 
 " me answers to them ?" 
 
 With both the above requests Lord Lauderdale com- 
 plied ; and by his own diligence, and the assistance of Mr. 
 Laing, was enabled to transmit to Mr. Fox much useful 
 information. In a very short time afterwards that 
 Gentleman published his History of Scotland, a work 
 which Mr. Fox emphatically termed " a treasure," and 
 which so animated his labours, by opening new sources 
 of information, and new views of transactions, that at 
 no period was he so ardent in the prosecution of his 
 plan, as when fresh from the perusal of that valuable 
 
TO THE READER. xv 
 
 performance. The advantages he derived from it he 
 frequently declared to be incalculable ; and it certainly 
 was not among the least, that it afforded him an oppor- 
 tunity of cukivating the friendship of the Author, and 
 consulting him on many points connected with his own 
 undertaking. As the early part of his correspondence 
 is of a general nature, I subjoin his first letter, and an 
 extract from the second. 
 
 To Malcolm Laing, Esq. 
 " Sir, 
 
 *' I ought long since to have acknowledged the re- 
 " ceipt of your History of Scotland, and to have re- 
 " turned you my thanks for your early communication 
 " to me of that excellent work. It has given me the 
 " greatest satisfaction; anjd there are several points re- 
 *' lating to English history in it, which you appear to me 
 " to have cleared up much more than any other of those 
 " historians who have professedly treated of them. 
 
 " What you say in answer to Hume, upon the sub- 
 '^ ject of Glamorgan's powers, is quite conclusive; but 
 " I rather regret that you have not taken notice of 
 " that part of his argument which is built upon what 
 " he calls Glamorgan's defeazance, and which is the 
 *' most plausible part of it. 
 
 " In Charles the Second's reign, I observe that you 
 '* do not mention the atrocious case of Wier, which 
 
xvi TO THE READER. 
 
 ** Hume details; but that which you say of Laurie of 
 •' Blackwood is very like what he relates of Wier. 
 *' Would it be too much trouble to ask of you to let me 
 *' know whether Hume's statement of Wier is a correct 
 
 oner 
 
 *' I had detected the trick of Hume's theatrical and 
 ** false representation of Charles the First hearing the 
 '* noise of his scaffold, but did not know that he had had 
 *' Herbert's authentick account so lately under his eye. 
 ** In general, I think you treat him (Hume) too tenderly. 
 *' He was an excellent man, and of great powers of 
 *' mind, but his partiality to kings and princes is into- 
 *' lerable. Nay, it is, in my opinion, quite ridiculous, 
 '* and is more like the foolish admiration which women 
 *' and children sometimes have for kings, than the 
 ** opinion, right or wrong, of a philosopher. 
 
 " I wanted no conviction on the point of Ossian ; 
 *' but if I had, you afford abundance. 
 
 " Whether your book, coming out at a period when 
 ** the principles upon it which appears to be written are 
 " becoming so unfashionable, will be a popular one or 
 " not, I know not ; but to all who wish to have a true 
 *' knowledge of the history of your country, it is a most 
 ** valuable acquisition, and will serve to counteract 
 " the mischief which Hume, Dalrymple, Macpherson, 
 *' Somervile, and others of your countrymen have 
 *' done. You will easily believe that I do not class 
 
TO THE READER. xvii 
 
 ** Hume with the others, except as to the bad tendency 
 " of their representations. 
 
 *' I shall desire my friend, Lord Lauderdale, to 
 *' transmit this to you. 
 
 ** I am, with great regard, 
 - Sir, 
 *' Your most obedient Servant, 
 
 St. Anne's Hill, n Q T JTQX *' 
 
 Sept. 24, 1800. ' ^' 
 
 Extract from a Second Letter to Mr. Laing. 
 
 *' Many thanks to you, my dear Sir, for yours of the 
 '* 10th. I have found the place in Ralph, and a great 
 *' deal more important matter relative to the transac- 
 " tions of those times, which is but slightly touched by 
 *' other historians. I am everyday more and more sur- 
 " prized, that Ralph should have had so much less re- 
 " putation as an historian than he seems to deserve. 
 
 " I will trouble you freely when I shall have far- 
 " ther questions to ask; but I should take it very ill 
 ' ' if you were so to confine your answer to mere matter 
 " of reference, as not to give me your opinion, when 
 " you form any, upon the points in question." 
 
 A correspondence ensued, from which it appears 
 that he took indefatigable pains to investigate the autho- 
 rity for every assertion in the writers he consulted, 
 and to correct the slightest variation in their accounts, 
 
 c 
 
xviu TO THE READER. 
 
 though apparently of little importance. Before he 
 drew any inference whatever, the weight of evidence 
 was so carefully balanced in his mind, that the authority 
 for each particular circumstance was separately exa- 
 mined, and distinctly ascertained. Indeed the necessity 
 and even use of such extreme circumspection, such 
 scrupulous sifting of his most minute materials, might 
 at first sight appear questionable. But many parts of 
 the work are sufficient to prove that such labours were 
 far from being fruitless. An instance is easily selected. 
 His enquiries concerning the seizure and execution of 
 the Earl of Argyle, are contained in the correspondence 
 with Mr. Laing, and they are of the nature I have de- 
 scribed; but on reading his narrative of those events, the 
 advantages he derived from the circumstantial minute- 
 ness of his materials, will not be found less striking, 
 than his diligence in procuring and analyzing them. 
 
 One of the earliest and greatest difficulties that he 
 encountered in the course of his labours, arose from 
 the manner in which Mr. Macpherson and Sir J. Dal- 
 rymple had explained and conducted their respective 
 publications, and which he always considered as un- 
 satisfactory. His complaints of both these authors 
 were frequent; and the more he examined and studied 
 their books, the more he perceived the necessity of 
 making some further researches. He was anxious, if 
 possible, to consult the original documents from which 
 
TO THE READER. xix 
 
 their extracts were made; and he was at first apprehen- 
 sive, that nothing short of an examination of all the 
 manuscripts of the Scotch College at Paris, could enable 
 him to determine the degree of credit due to the extracts 
 of Macpherson. But he must very soon have despaired 
 of obtaining that satisfaction, for he had strong reasons 
 to suspect, even before his journey to Paris in 1802, 
 that the most valuable part, if not the whole of them, 
 had been destroyed. Three important points, however, 
 might yet be ascertained: — 1st, Of what the manu- 
 scripts, so long preserved in the Scotch College at Paris, 
 actually consisted; — Sndly, To what part of them either 
 Carte or Macpherson had access; — Sdly, Whether any 
 portion, copies, or fragments, of the papers were still in 
 existence. The result of his enquiries will be best 
 given in his own words, though upon the first point 
 he had ascertained" something more than appears from 
 the following extract of his letter to Mr. Laing. 
 
 * Among Mr. Fox's papers was found a list of " the works which were 
 " placed in the Scotch College at Paris, soon after the death of James the 
 " Second, and were there at the time of the French Revolution," It is 
 as follows : 
 
 „ , r 1- ' r Memoirs in James the Second's own hand- 
 
 four volumes lolio, six ^ , . ... „ , . , , 
 
 , < writina;, besfinning; irom the time that he was 
 
 volumes quarto, i . ^ „ ^ 
 
 (^sixteen years ot age. 
 
 C Containing letters from Charles the Second's mi- 
 Two thin quarto volumes, ) ^j^jg^g to James the Second (then Duke of York,) 
 Cwhen he was at Brussels and in Scotland, MS. 
 
 rr. ,, . , (Containing; letters from Charles the Second to 
 
 1 wo thin quarto volumes, < . 
 
 t^his brother, James Duke of York, MS. 
 
XX TO THE READER. 
 
 " With respect to Carte's extract, I have no doubt 
 *' but it is faithfully copied; but on this extract it is 
 " necessary to make an observation, which applies to 
 " all the rest, both of Carte's and Macpherson's, and 
 *' which leads to the detection of an imposture of the 
 " latter, as impudent as Ossian itself. The extracts 
 " are evidently made, not from a journal, but from a 
 * ' narrative ; and / have now ascertained beyond all doubt 
 " that there were in the Scotch College two distinct 
 " manuscripts, one in James's own hand, consisting of 
 ^' papers of different sizes bound up together, the other 
 " a sort of historical narrative, compiled from the 
 " former. The narrative \yd&said to have been revised 
 " and corrected, as to style, by Dryden* the poet, 
 ** (meaning probably Charles Dryden, the great poet's 
 " son,) and it was not known in the College whether it 
 ^' was drawn up in James's life, or by the direction of 
 * his son, the Pretender. I doubt whether Carte ever 
 " saw the original journal ; but I learn, from undoubted 
 "authority, that Macpherson never did; and yet to 
 " read his Preface, page 6 and 7 , (which pray advert to,) 
 " one would have supposed, not only that he had in- 
 " spected it accurately, but that all his extracts at least, 
 
 * It is the opinion of the present possessor of the narrative, that it was 
 compiled from the original documents by Thomas Innes, one of the Supe- 
 riors of the College, and author of a work entitled, A Critical Essa/ on ilu 
 undent Inhabitants of Scotland 
 
TO THE READER. xxi 
 
 ** if not Carte's also, were taken from it. Macpherson's 
 " impudence in attempting such an imposition, at a 
 " time when almost any man could have detected him, 
 " would have been in another man, incredible, if the 
 " internal evidence of the extracts themselves against 
 " him were not corroborated by the testimony of the 
 *' principal persons of the College. And this leads me 
 "to a point of more importance to me. Principal 
 " Gordon thought, when I saw him at Paris, in October 
 " 1802, that all the papers were lost. I now hear from 
 " a well-informed person, that the most material, viz. 
 " those written in James's own hand-writing, were in- 
 " deed lost, and in the way mentioned by Gordon, but 
 " that the Narrative, from which only Macpherson made 
 " his extracts, is still existing, and that Mr. Alexander 
 " Cameron, Blackfriars Wynd, Edinburgh, either has 
 " it himself, or knows where it is to be found." 
 
 The above information was correct. There is strong 
 presumptive evidence, that the Manuscripts of King 
 James the Second were destroyed ; but the Narrative, 
 as described, was then, and is now, in the hands of Dr. 
 Cameron, Roman Catholick Bishop in Edinburgh. It 
 could not be in the possession of a person who is better 
 qualified to judge of its merits, and on whose fidelity, 
 should he be induced to print it, the publick might 
 more implicitly rely. I am indebted to his accuracy 
 and friendship, for some additional information respect- 
 
xxii TO THE READER. 
 
 ing the manner in which the Manuscripts of the Scotch 
 College were lost. As the facts are in themselves cu- 
 rious, I lay before the reader his succinct and inter- 
 esting relation of them, contained in a letter to me, 
 dated Edinburgh, March 2, 1808. 
 
 " Before Lord Gower, the British Embassador, left 
 
 '' Paris, in the beginning of the French Revolution, he 
 
 " wrote to Principal Gordon, and offered to take charge 
 
 '' of those valuable papers, (King James's Manuscripts, 
 
 *' 8cc.) and deposit them in some place of safety in 
 
 *' Britain. I know not what answer was returned, but 
 
 *' nothing was done. Not long thereafter, the Principal 
 
 " came to England, and the care of every thing in the 
 
 " College devolved on Mr. Alexander Innes, the only 
 
 " British subject who remained in it. About the same 
 
 *' time, Mr. Stapleton, then President of the English 
 
 " College of St. Omer, afterwards Bishop in England, 
 
 " went to Paris, previously to his retiring from France, 
 
 " and Mr. Innes, who had resolved not to abandon his 
 
 " post, consulted with him about the means of pre- 
 
 " serving the Manuscripts. Mr. Stapleton thought, if 
 
 " he had them at St. Omer, he could, with small risk, 
 
 *' convey them to England. It was therefore resolved, 
 
 '* that they should be carefully packed up, addressed to 
 
 *' a Frenchman, a confidential friend of Mr. Stapleton, 
 
 *' and remitted by some publick carriage. Some other 
 
TO THE READER. xxiii 
 
 " things were put up with the Manuscripts. The whole 
 " arrived without any accident, and was laid in a cellar. 
 *' But the patriotism of the Frenchman becoming suspi- 
 *' cious, perhaps upon account of his connection with 
 " the English College, he was put in prison; and his 
 " wife, apprehensive of the consequences of being found 
 •' to have English manuscripts, richly bound and orna- 
 " mented with Royal arms, in her house, cut off the 
 *' boards, and destroyed them. The Manuscripts thus 
 " disfigured, and more easily huddled up in any sort of 
 " bundle, were secretly carried, with papers belonging 
 '^' to the Frenchman himself, to his country-house, and 
 " buried in the garden. They were not, however, per- 
 " mitted to remain long there ; the lady's fears increased, 
 " and the Manuscripts were taken up and reduced to 
 " ashes. 
 
 '' This is the substance of the account given to Mr, 
 " Innes, and reported by him to me in June, 1802, in 
 " Paris. I desired it might be authenticated by d. proces 
 " verbale. A letter was therefore written to St. Gmer, 
 " either by Mr. Innes, or by Mr. Cleghorn, a lay gen- 
 " tleman, who had resided in the English College of St. 
 " Omer, and was personally acquainted with the French- 
 ^^ man, and happened to be at Paris at this time. The 
 *' answer given to this letter was, that the good man, 
 ^' under the pressure of old age and other infirmities, 
 '^'- was alarmed by the proposal of a discussion and 
 
xxiv TO THE READER. 
 
 *' investigation, which revived in his memory past 
 " sufferings, and might, perhaps, lead to a renewal of 
 " them. Any further correspondence upon the subject 
 *' seemed useless, especially as I instructed Mr. Innes 
 *' to go to St. Omer, and clear up every doubt, in a 
 " formal and legal manner, that some authentic docu- 
 *' ment might be handed down to posterity concerning 
 " those valuable Manuscripts. I did not foresee that 
 " war was to be kindled up anew, or that my friend 
 ^' Mr. Innes was to die so soon. 
 
 " Mr. Cleghorn, whom I mentioned above, is at 
 *' present in the Catholick seminary of Old-Hall Green, 
 ^' Puckeridge, Hertfordshire. He can probably name 
 " another gentleman who saw the Manuscripts at St. 
 " Omer, and saved some small things, (but unconnected 
 ^' with the Manuscripts,) which he carried away in his 
 *' pocket, and has still in his possession. 
 • " I need not trouble your Lordship with my reflec- 
 *' tions upon this relation ; but I ought not to omit that 
 *' I was told, sometimes, that all the Manuscripts, as 
 " well as their boards, were consumed by fire in the 
 " cellar in which they had been deposited upon their 
 '* arrival at St. Omer." 
 
 The gentleman alluded to in the latter part of the 
 above letter, is Mr. Mostyn, from whom Mr. Butler of 
 Lincoln's-Inn very kindly procured a statement of the 
 
TO THE READER. xxv 
 
 particulars relating to this subject, in the year 1804, 
 and transmitted it to Mr. Fox. It contains in substance, 
 though with some additional circumstances, and slight 
 variations, the same account as Mr. Cameron's, up to the 
 period of the writer's leaving St. Omer, which was pre- 
 vious to the imprisonment of the Frenchman.* 
 
 Mr. Fox, in a letter to Mr. Laing, remarks, that, to 
 *' know that a paper is lost, is next best to getting a sight 
 " of it, and in some instances nearly as good." So many 
 rumours have been circulated, and so many misappre- 
 hensions prevailed, respecting the contents and the fate 
 of the Manuscripts formerly deposited in the Scotch 
 College at Paris, that it is hoped the above account, the 
 result of the Historian's researches, will not be deemed 
 out of its place in a Preface to a History of the times to 
 which those manuscripts related. 
 
 The Scotch College papers were not, however, the 
 only, nor even the chief object of Mr. Fox's historical 
 enquiries at Paris. He had remarked, that Sir John 
 Dalrymple frequently " quotes, or rather refers to,+ ' 
 documents in the Depot des Affaires Etrangeres, without 
 printing the letter, or extracting the passage from which 
 his statements are taken, and his inferences drawn. 
 
 * Mr. Mostyn's letter to Mr. Butler was published in one of the Maga- 
 zines, it would therefore be superfluous to reprint it. The name of the 
 Frenchman was Mr. Charpentier, and his country house was at St. 
 Momelin, near St. Omer. 
 
 ■»? MS. Correspondence. 
 
 d 
 
xxvi TO THE READER. 
 
 This made him particularly desirous of examining the 
 Original Letters of Barillon ; and he was not without 
 hopes that many other papers in the Depot des Affaires 
 Etrangeres, might prove equally interesting and impor- 
 tant. It was obvious, however, that during war, he 
 could not have personal access to such documents. He 
 was therefore on the point of applying, through some 
 private friend at Paris, for a copy of such letters as he 
 could distinctly describe to his correspondent, when the 
 restoration of peace enabled him to repair thither; and 
 the liberality of the French Government opened to 
 him the archives of the Foreign Affairs without reserve, 
 and afforded him every facility and convenience for 
 consulting and copying such papers as appeared to him 
 to be material. He lost no time in availing himself of 
 this permission, and while he remained at Paris, he 
 passed a great part of every morning at the Depot des 
 Affaires Etr anger es, accompanied by his friends Lord 
 St. John, Mr. Adair, and Mr. Trotter, who assisted him 
 in examining and transcribing the original papers. 
 
 The correspondence of Barillon did not disappoint 
 his expectations. He thought the additional information 
 contained in those parts of it, which Sir John Dalrymple 
 had omitted to extract, or to publish, so important, that 
 he procured copies of them all. He observed to one of 
 his correspondents, " my studies at Paris have been use- 
 " ful beyond what I can describe:" and his expression 
 
TO THE READER xxvii 
 
 to me was, that '* Barillon's letters were worth their 
 ** weight in gold."* It should seem that he discovered 
 some curious circumstances from the correspondence of 
 D'Avaux, for he copied out those letters also at length, 
 though a large collection or abstract of them had been 
 formerly published. 
 
 The correspondence of the above mentioned French 
 Ministers with their Court, formed the chief materials 
 which he brought over with him from France. He was 
 disappointed at my failing to procure him that of the 
 Spanish Ambassador, t resident in London during the 
 same period, " which, he said, would have given him 
 " advantages of the greatest consequence over all other 
 '' historians." The papers, however, of which he was 
 already in possession were, in his judgment, sufficient 
 to throw new light upon many transactions of the reign 
 of King James the Second. If, therefore, unforeseen 
 circumstances had not occurred, soon after his return, 
 to retard the progress of his work, there can be little 
 doubt, but he would have composed more during that 
 year, than he had been able to complete since the com- 
 mencement of the undertaking. He was at first occupied 
 
 * MS. Correspondence. 
 
 + Don Pedro RonquIUo. Mr. Fox commissioned me to obtain for him, 
 copies of his Letters from I685 to I688 inclusive. By a perverse piece 
 of luck, I fell in with and purchased his original Letters from 1 689 to 
 1691 ; but could never find any traces whatever of his previous corres- 
 pondence. 
 
xxviii TO THJE READER; 
 
 in inserting into the parts he had fimished, such ad- 
 ditional information as he had drawn from the sources 
 opened to him by his researches at Paris. This was to 
 him a task of greater labour than at first sight might be 
 expected. "I find," he says, "piecing in the bits which 
 " I have written from my Parisian materials, a trouble- 
 ** some job."* It is indeed probable, that his difficulties 
 upon this occasion, were greater than any other modern 
 historian would have had to encounter. I have men- 
 tioned them more particularly, because they in some 
 measure arose from his scrupulous attention to certain 
 notions he entertained on the nature of an historical 
 composition. If indeed the work were finished, the 
 nature of his design would be best collected from his 
 execution of it; but as it is unfortunately in an incomplete 
 and unfinished state, his conception of the duties of an 
 historian may very possibly be misunderstood. The con- 
 sequence would be, that some passages, which, according 
 to modern taste, must be called peculiarities, might, with 
 superficial critics, pass for defects which he had over- 
 looked, or imperfections which he intended to correct. 
 It is, therefore, necessary to observe, that he had formed 
 his plan so exclusively on the model of ancient writers, 
 that he not only felt some repugnance to the modern 
 practice of notes, but he thought that all which an 
 historian wished to say, should be introduced as part of 
 
 * MS. Correspondence. 
 
TO THE READER. xxix 
 
 a continued narration, and never assume the appearance 
 of a digression, much less of a dissertation annexed to it. 
 From the period, therefore, that he closed his Introduc- 
 tory Chapter, he defined his duty as an author, to consist 
 in recounting the facts as they arose, or in his simple 
 and forcible language, in telling the story of those times. 
 A conversation which passed on the subject of the lite- 
 rature of the age of James the Second, proves his rigid 
 adherence to these ideas, and perhaps the substance of 
 it may serve to illustrate and explain them. In speak- 
 ing of the writers of that period, he lamented that he 
 had not devised a method of interweaving any account 
 of them or their works, much less any criticism on their 
 style, into his History. On my suggesting the example 
 of Hume and Voltaire, who have discussed such topicks 
 at some length, either at the end of each reign, or in a 
 separate Chapter, he observed, with much commenda- 
 tion of their execution of it, that such a contrivance 
 might be a good mode of writing critical essays, but 
 that it was, in his opinion, incompatible with the na- 
 ture of his undertaking, which, if it ceased to be a nar- 
 rative, ceased to be a history. 
 
 Such restraints undoubtedly operated as taxes upon 
 his ingenuity, and added to that labour which the ob- 
 servance of his general laws of composition rendered 
 sufficiently great. On the rules of writing he had re- 
 flected much, and deeply. His own habits naturally 
 
XXX TO THE READER. 
 
 led him to compare them with those of publick speak- 
 ing, and the different, and even opposite principles 
 upon which excellence is to be attained in these two 
 great arts, were no unusual topicks of his conversation. 
 The difference did not, in his judgment, consist so 
 much in language or diction, as in the arrangement of 
 thoughts, the length and construction of sentences, and, 
 if I may borrow a phrase familiar to publick speakers, 
 in the mode of putting an argument. A writer, to pre- 
 serve his perspicuity, must keep distinct and separate 
 those parts of a discourse, which the orator is enabled, 
 by modulation of voice, and with the aid of action, to 
 bring at once into view, without confounding or per- 
 plexing his audience. Frequency of allusion, which 
 in speaking produces the happiest effect, in writing 
 renders the sense obscure, and interrupts the simplicity 
 of the discourse. Even those sudden turns, those un- 
 foreseen flashes of wit which, struck out at the moment, 
 dazzle and delight a publick assembly, appear cold and 
 inanimate, when deliberately introduced into a written 
 composition. 
 
 A perusal of the Letter to the Electors of Westmin- 
 ster, will shew how scrupulously Mr. Fox attended to 
 these distinctions. That work was written in the heat 
 of a Session of Parliament. It treated professedly of 
 subjects upon which the writer was daily in the habit 
 of speaking, with his usual force of argument and 
 
TO THE READER. xxxi 
 
 variety of illustration. Notwithstanding these circum- 
 stances, no political tract of any note in our language, 
 is inform or style less oratorical, or, with the exception 
 of one passage, more free from those peculiarities, which 
 the practice of publick speaking seems calculated to 
 produce. Such a strict observance of these principles 
 must have cost him great trouble and attention. He was 
 so apprehensive that his writings might retain some 
 traces of that art, in the exercise of which he had em- 
 ployed the greater part of his life, that he frequently re- 
 jected passages, which in any other author would not have 
 appeared liable to such an objection. He seems even 
 to have distrusted his own judgment upon this subject ; 
 and after having taken the greatest pains, he was never 
 sufficiently satisfied of his own success. If we except 
 the account of the Earl of Argyle, the Introductory 
 Chapter is unquestionably the most correct and finished 
 part of the present publication. He did not, however, 
 conceive it to be entirely exempt from a defect to which 
 he apprehended that his works must be peculiarly ex- 
 posed. He says to his correspondent, " I have at last 
 " finished my Introduction, which after all is more like 
 " a speech than it should be." 
 
 Simplicity, both in expression and construction, was 
 the quality in style which he most admired, and the 
 beauty he chiefly endeavoured to attain. He was the 
 more scrupulously anxious to preserve this character in 
 
xxxii TO THE READER. 
 
 his writings, because he thought that the example of 
 some great writers had, in his own time, perverted the 
 taste of the publick, and that their imitators had cor- 
 rupted the purity of the English language. Though he 
 frequently commended both Hume's and Blackstone's 
 style, and always spoke of Middleton's with admiration, 
 he once assured me, that he would admit no word into 
 his book, for which he had not the authority of Dry den. 
 He was scarcely less nice about phrases and expres- 
 sions. It is indeed possible, that those of his readers, 
 who have formed their taste upon Johnson or Gibbon, 
 or taken their notions of style from the criticism of late 
 years, may discover, in the course of the work, some 
 idioms which are now seldom admitted into the higher 
 classes of composition. To speak without reserve upon 
 a subject in which his judgment, as an author, may be 
 called in question, it appears to me more likely, that 
 such phrases should have been introduced upon system, 
 than that they should have escaped his observation, and 
 crept in through inadvertence. The work is indeed, 
 " incomplete and unfinished T but it is not with refer- 
 ence to any phrases, which may be supposed to be too 
 familiar, or colloquial, that such a description has been 
 given of it. Such was the Author's abhorrence of any 
 thing that savoured of pedantry or affectation, that if he 
 was ever reduced to the alternative of an inflated, or 
 homely expression, I have no doubt but he preferred 
 
TO THE READER. xxxiii 
 
 the latter. This persuasion, in addition to many other 
 considerations, has induced me religiously to preserve, 
 in the publication of this Work, every phrase and word 
 of the Original Manuscript. Those who are disposed to 
 respect his authority, may have the satisfaction of 
 knowing, that there is not one syllable in the follow- 
 ing Chapters, which is not the genuine production of 
 Mr. Fox. That there are several passages, (especially 
 in the latter end of the text,) which he might, that 
 there are some which he obviously would, have cor- 
 rected, is unquestionable; but, with the knowledge of 
 such scrupulous attention to language in an author, to 
 have substituted any word or expression, for that which 
 he had written, would not have been presumption only, 
 but injustice. 
 
 The manuscript book from which this Work has been 
 printed is, for the most part, in the hand writing of 
 Mrs. Fox. It was written out under the inspection of 
 Mr. Fox, and is occasionally corrected by him. His 
 habit was seldom or never to be alone, when employed 
 in composition. He was accustomed to write on covers 
 of letters, or scraps of paper, sentences which he, in all 
 probability, had turned in his mind, and, in some de- 
 gree formed in the course of his walks, or during his 
 hours of leisure. These he read over to Mrs. Fox ; she 
 wrote them out in a fair hand in the book ; and before 
 he destroyed the original paper, he examined and 
 
xxxiv TO THE READER. 
 
 approved of the copy. In the course of thus dictating 
 from his own writing, he often altered the language, and 
 even the construction of the sentence. Though he 
 generally tore the scraps of paper as soon as the passages 
 were entered in the book, several have been preserved ; 
 and it is plain, from the erasures and alterations in 
 them, that they had undergone much revision and cor- 
 rection before they were read to his Amanuensis. 
 
 It is necessary to observe, that I am indebted to Mr. 
 Laing, both for advice and assistance in the division of 
 the paragraphs, the annexing of marginal notes and re- 
 ferences, the selection of the Appendix, and the super- 
 intendance of the press. From his judgment and expe- 
 rience, I have derived great benefit ; and his friendship 
 in undertaking the task has afforded me the further satis- 
 faction of reflecting, that I have been guided throughout 
 by that advice to which the Author himself would have 
 wished me on such an occasion to have recourse. 
 
 The Appendix consists, with some few exceptions,* 
 of such part of Barillon's correspondence, from the death 
 of Charles the Second to the Prorogation of Parliament 
 in 1685, as Sir John Dalrymple omitted to publish. As 
 the letters of a subsequent date, however curious and 
 interesting, have no relation to the short period of 
 history included in the following Chapters, they have 
 not been annexed to the present publication. 
 
 * The Dispatch, p. ix. — Extracts, pp. xviii. xxviii, xli. Ivii. ciii. 
 
TO THE READER. xxxv 
 
 This account will be sufficient to explain all the 
 circumstances attending the design, progress, and state 
 of the Work, as well as the manner in which it is now 
 brought before the publick. If any should object to my 
 having entered into so much detail respecting those 
 points, I have no other excuse to offer, than the nature 
 of the task I had undertaken, and the extreme anxiety, 
 that no fault or omission of the Editor should by any 
 possibility be attributed to the Author. Perhaps it may 
 be necessary to forestall an observation of a very dif- 
 ferent description. Those who admired Mr. Fox in 
 publick, and those who loved him in private, niust 
 naturally feel desirous that some memorial should be 
 preserved of the great and good qualities of his head and 
 heart. Some among them may think that the present 
 account should not have been confined to such matters 
 only as relate to the unfinished work to which it is pre- 
 fixed. It is true that, at the melancholy period of his 
 death, advantage was taken of the interest excited by all 
 that concerned him, to impose upon the publick a variety 
 of memoirs and anecdotes, (in the form of pamphlets,) as 
 unfounded in fact as they were painful to his friends, and 
 injurious to his memory. The confident pretensions with 
 which many of those publications were ushered into 
 the world, may have given them some little circulation 
 at the time ; but the internal evidence of their falsehood 
 was sufficiently strong to counteract any impression 
 
xxxvi TO THE READER. 
 
 which their contents might be calculated to produce. 
 It is not, therefore, with a view of exposing such mis- 
 representations, that any authentick account of the life 
 of Mr. Fox can be deemed necessary. On the other 
 hand, the objections to such an undertaking at present 
 are obvious ; and after much reflection, they have 
 appeared to those connected with him to be insu- 
 perable. A compilation of his speeches, or of such 
 transactions of his publick life as are well known, 
 might be, and probably has already been, executed 
 with as much fidelity and success by others, as it could 
 be by those who had the advantage of a closer intimacy 
 or nearer connection with him. If more were at- 
 tempted, either many interesting passages of his life 
 must be omitted, and truth in some instances suppres- 
 sed, or circumstances which might wound the feelings 
 of individuals yet living, must be unnecessarily and 
 wantonly disclosed to the publick. No allusion is here 
 made to any particular period, transaction, or person: 
 the observation is general : it applies to the memoirs 
 of every publick man, and must therefore be true in 
 the instance of Mr. Fox. 
 
 These considerations have induced his family and 
 friends lo relinquish, for the present, any such design. 
 It is, however, a duty to the publick, as well as to the 
 memory of any great and good man, to preserve with 
 the utmost diligence, all the materials which may 
 
TO THE READER. xxxvii 
 
 enable a future biographer to do justice to the events 
 of his life, and the merits of his character. With this 
 view, the private letters of Mr. Fox have been carefully 
 collected ; and I am already indebted to several of his 
 correspondents for the originals or copies of such as 
 were in their possession. It is hoped, that by these and 
 further communications, the means will be secured of 
 perpetuating the remembrance of his publick and pri- 
 vate virtues, and of conveying a faint, but just notion 
 of his character to posterity. 
 
 In the mean while, his friends will contemplate 
 with some satisfaction this monument, however imper- 
 fect, of his genius and acquirements ; they will recog- 
 nize throughout the work those noble and elevated prin- 
 ciples, which animated his own conduct in life ; and in 
 the simplicity of the thoughts, as well as in the nature 
 of the reflections, they cannot fail to discover a picture 
 of his candid and amiable mind. 
 
 VASSALL HOLLAND. 
 
 Holland House, 
 Jpril 25lh, 1808. 
 
[ xxxviii ] 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 May 4. 
 
 OiNCE the preceding pages were printed, Serjeant 
 Heywood has obligingly communicated to me copies of 
 several letters which he received from Mr. Fox, on sub- 
 jects connected with his History. They evince the same 
 anxiety about facts, and the same minuteness of research, 
 which have been remarked in his correspondence with 
 Mr. Laing. But some of his readers may be gratified 
 with the perusal of the following, as it contains his view 
 of the character of Lord Shaftesbury, upon which so much 
 difference of opinion has existed among historians. 
 
 " Dear Heywood, 
 
 " I am much obliged to you for your letter ; of the 
 '* hints in which I shall avail myself, when I return to 
 " this place, (as I hope,) before the end of the week. I 
 " go to town to-morrow, and shall be in the House on 
 " Tuesday. 
 
 " I remember most of the passages in Madame de 
 " Sevigne, and will trouble you or Mrs. Heywood to 
 " hunt for another, which I also remember, and which 
 " in some views is of importance. If my memory does 
 
POSTSCRIPT. xxxix 
 
 " not deceive me, in one of the early volumes, while 
 *' Barillon is in England, she mentions the reports of 
 *' his being getting a great deal of money there ; but I 
 " have not lately been able to find the passage. Pray 
 " observe, that notwithstanding the violence against the 
 *' Prince of Orange, Madame de Sevigne's good sense 
 *' and candour make her allow, that there is another 
 *' view of the matter, in which the Prince of Orange, 
 " fighting and conquering for a religion, quil croit la 
 " vraye, k.z. he. appears a hero. Her account of James, 
 " both for insensibility and courage, is quite at variance 
 *' with his apparent conduct before he went off. Here 
 " he appears to have been deficient in courage, and by 
 ** no means in sensibility. 
 
 " I am quite glad I have little to do with Shaftesbury; 
 " for as to making him a real patriot, or friend to our 
 " ideas of liberty, it is impossible, at least in my opi- 
 " nion. On the other hand, he is very far from being 
 *' the devil he is described. Indeed, he seems to have 
 " been strictly a man of honour, if that praise can be 
 " given to one destitute of public yirtue, and who did 
 " not consider Catholicks as fellow-creatures ; a feeling 
 *' very common in those times. Locke was probably 
 *' caught by his splendid qualities, his courage, his 
 " openness, his party zeal, his eloquence, his fair deal- 
 *' ing with his friends, and his superiority to vulgar 
 *' corruption. Locke's partiality might make him, on 
 
xl POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 *' the other hand, blind to the indifference with which 
 ** he (Shaftesbury,) espoused either Monarchical, Arbi- 
 " trary, or Republican principles, as best suited his 
 '^ ambition; but could it make him blind to the relent- 
 ** less cruelty with which he persecuted the Papists in 
 *' the affair of the Popish Plot, merely, as it should 
 *' seem, because it suited the purposes of the party with 
 *' which he was then engaged? — You know that some 
 ** of the imputations against him are certainly false ; the 
 '• shutting up the Exchequer, for instance. But the two 
 *' great blots of sitting on the Regicides, and his con- 
 " duct in the Popish Plot, can never be wiped off. 
 *' The second Dutch war is a bad business, in which he 
 " engaged heartily, and in which (notwithstanding all 
 " his apologists say,) he would have persevered, if he 
 '' had not found the King was cheating him. 
 
 " Your's ever, 
 
 '»C. J. FOX." 
 
 Sunday, St. Junes Hill, 
 (Chertsey, November 20, 1803. 
 
 Serjeant Heywood, Harpur Street.) 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER, 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Introductory Observations. — First Period, from Henry VII. to the 
 Year I588. — Second Period, from I588 to I640.— Meeting of Parlia- 
 ment. — Redress of Grievances. — Strafford's Attainder. — The com- 
 mencement of the Civil War. — Treaty from the Isle of Wight. — 
 The King's Execution. — Cromwell's Power; — his Character. — Indif- 
 ference of the Nation respecting Forms of Government. — The Res- 
 toration. — Ministry of Clarendon and Southampton. — Cabal. — 
 Dutch War. — De Witt. — The Prince of Orange. — The Popish 
 Plot. — The Habeas Corpus Act. — The Exclusion Bill. — Dissolution 
 of Charles the Second's last Parliament. — His Power ; — his Tyranny 
 in Scotland ; in England. — Exorbitant Fines. — Executions. — For- 
 feitures of Charters. — Despotism established, — Despondency of 
 good Men. — Charles's Death. — His Character. — Reflections upon 
 the probable Consequences of his Reign and Death. 
 

 
 HISTORY, i^c. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 
 
 In reading the history of every country, there are chapter 
 certain periods at which the mind naturally pauses, 
 
 .11 • 1 r Introductory 
 
 to meditate upon, and consider them, with reierence^ observations 
 not only to their immediate effects, but to their more 
 remote consequences. After the wars of Marius 
 and Sylla, and the incorporation, as it were, of all 
 Italy with the city of Rome, we cannot but stop, to 
 consider the consequences likely to result from these 
 important events ; and in this instance we find them 
 to be just such as might have been expected. 
 
 The reign of our Henry the Seventh affords a First Period, 
 field of more doubtful speculation. Everyone who cession of 
 
 , . . ^ HinryVlI.to 
 
 takes a retrospective view of the wars of York and theyeaudss 
 
e 
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER Lancaster, and attends to the regulations effected by 
 '• — the policy of that prince, must see they would ne- 
 cessarily lead to great and important changes in the 
 government; but what the tendency of such changes 
 would be, and much more, in what manner they 
 would be produced, might be a question of great diffi- 
 culty. It is now the generally received opinion, and 
 I think a probable opinion, that, to the provisions 
 of that reign, we are to refer the origin, both of the 
 unlimited power of the Tudors, and of the liberties 
 wrested by our ancestors from the Stuarts ; that ty- 
 ranny was their immediate, and liberty their remote, 
 consequence ; but he must have great confidence in 
 his own sagacity, who can satisfy himself, that, un- 
 aided by the knowledge of subsequent events, he 
 could, from a consideration of the causes, have fore- 
 seen the succession of effects so different. 
 Second Pe- Auothcr pcriod, that affords ample scope for spe- 
 
 riod, from , ri-i-i'i I'l- ' i 
 
 i588toi64o. culation of this kind, is that which is comprised 
 between the years fifteen hundred and eighty-eight, 
 and sixteen hundred and forty ; a period of almost 
 uninterrupted tranquillity and peace. The general 
 improvement in all arts of civil life, and above all, 
 the astonishing progress of literature, are the most 
 striking among the general features of that period ; 
 and are in themselves causes sufficient to produce 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 1 
 
 effects of the utmost importance. A country whose chapter 
 
 language was enriched by the works of Hooker, 
 
 Raleigh, and Bacon, could not but experience a sen- 
 sible change in its manners, and in its style of 
 thinking ; and even to speak the same language in 
 which Spenser and Shakespeare had written, seemed 
 a sufficient plea to rescue the Commons of England 
 from the appellation of Brutes, with which Henry 
 the Eighth had addressed them. Among the more 
 particular effects of this general improvement, the 
 most material, and worthy to be considered, appear 
 to me to have been the frequency of debate in the 
 House of Commons, and the additional value that 
 came to be set on a seat in that assembly. 
 
 From these circumstances, a sagacious observer 
 maybe led to expect the most important revolutions; 
 and from the latter, he may be enabled to foresee 
 that the House of Commons will be the principal 
 instrument in bringing them to pass. But in what 
 manner will that House conduct itself? Will it 
 content itself with its regular share of legislative 
 power, and with the influence which it cannot fail 
 to possess, whenever it exerts itself upon the other 
 branches of the legislative, and on the executive 
 power? or will it boldly (perhaps rashly) pretend to 
 a power commensurate with the natural rights of 
 
8 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER the representative of the people? If it should, will 
 
 ! it not be obliged to support its claims by military 
 
 force? and how long will such a force be under its 
 controul ? how long before it follows the usual course 
 of all armies, and ranges itself under a single master? 
 If such a master should arise, will he establish an 
 hereditary, or an elective government? if the first, 
 what will be gained but a change of dynasty? If 
 the second, will not the military force, as it chose 
 the first king or protector (the name is of no impor- 
 tance) choose in effect all his successors? Or will 
 he fail, and shall we have a restoration, usually the 
 most dangerous and worst of all revolutions? To 
 some of these questions the answers may, from the 
 experience of past ages, be easy, but to many of 
 them far otherwise. And he will read history with 
 most profit, who the most canvasses questions of 
 this nature, especially if he can divest his mind for 
 the time, of the recollection of the event as it in 
 fact succeeded. 
 ThirdPeriod. The ncxt period, as it is that which immediately 
 precedes the commencement of this History, requires 
 a more detailed examination ; nor is there any more 
 fertile of matter, whether for reflection or speculation. 
 Between the year sixteen hundred and forty, and the 
 death of Charles the Second, we have the opportu- 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 9 
 
 nity of contemplating the state in almost every va- chapter 
 
 riety of circumstance. Religious dispute, political ! — 
 
 contest in all its forms and degrees, from the honest 
 exertions of party, and the corrupt intrigues of fac- 
 tion, to violence and civil war; despotism, first in 
 the person of an usurper, and afterwards in that of 
 an hereditary king ; the most memorable and salutary 
 improvements in the laws, the most abandoned ad- 
 ministration of them ; in fine, whatever can happen 
 to a nation, whether of glorious or calamitous, makes 
 a part of this astonishing and instructive picture. 
 
 The commencement of this period is marked by 1640. 
 exertions of the people, through their representa- 
 tives in the House of Commons, not only justifiable in 
 their principle, but directed to the properest objects, 
 and in a manner the most judicious. Many of their 
 leaders were greatly versed in ancient as well as 
 modern learning, and were even enthusiastically 
 attached to the great names of antiquity ; but they 
 never conceived the wild project of assimilating the 
 government of England to that of Athens, of Sparta, 
 or of Rome. They were content with applying to 
 the English constitution, and to the English laws, 
 the spirit of liberty which had animated, and ren- 
 dered illustrious, the ancient republicks. Their first Redress of 
 object was to obtain redress of past grievances with^"^'^^""** 
 
 c 
 
10 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER a proper regard to the individuals who had suffered ; 
 
 ' the next, to prevent the recurrence of such grievances, 
 
 by the abolition of tyrannical tribunals acting upon 
 arbitrary maxims in criminal proceedings, and most 
 improperly denominated courts of justice. They 
 then proceeded to establish that fundamental prin- 
 ciple of all free government, the preserving of the 
 purse to the people and their representatives. And 
 though there may be more difference of opinion 
 upon their proposed regulations in regard to the mi- 
 litia, yet surely, when a contest was to be foreseen, 
 they could not, consistently with prudence, leave 
 the power of the sword altogether in the hands of 
 an adverse party. 
 
 Lord straf- The prosecution of Lord Strafford, or rather the 
 
 ford's attain- . a • i • ' i •! ••r 
 
 der. manner in which it was carried on, is less justin- 
 
 able. He was doubtless a great delinquent, and well 
 deserved the severest punishment ; but nothing short 
 of a clearly proved case of self-defence can justify, 
 or even excuse, a departure from the sacred rules of 
 criminal justice. For it can rarely indeed happen, 
 that the mischief to be apprehended from suffering 
 any criminal, however guilty, to escape, can be 
 equal to that resulting from the violation of those 
 rules to which the innocent owe the security of alL 
 that is dear to them. If such cases have existed. 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. H 
 
 they must have been in instances where trial has chapter 
 
 been wholly out of the question, as in that of Caesar, 
 
 and other tyrants; but when a man is once in a 
 situation to be tried, and his person in the power of 
 his accusers and his judges, he can no longer be 
 formidable in that degree which alone can justify, 
 (if any thing can,) the violation of the substantial 
 rules of criminal proceedings. 
 
 At the breaking out of the civil war, so intempe- commence- 
 rately denominated a rebellion by Lord Clarendon civii war. 
 and other Tory writers, the material question appears 
 to me to be, whether or not sufficient attempts were 
 made by the Parliament and their leaders, to avoid 
 bringing affairs to such a decision? That according 
 to the general principles of morality, they had justice 
 on their side, cannot fairly be doubted ; but did they 
 sufficiently attend to that great dictum of Tully,* 
 in questions of civil dissension, wherein he declares 
 his preference of even an unfair peace to the most 
 just war? Did they sufficiently weigh the dangers 
 that might ensue even from victory ; dangers, in 
 such cases, little less formidable to the cause of 
 liberty than those which might follow a defeat? 
 Did they consider that it is not peculiar to the fol- 
 lowers of Pompey, and the civil wars of Rome, that 
 
 * Iniquissimam pacem justissimo bello antefero. 
 
12 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER the event to be looked for is, as the same Tully 
 
 '■ — describes it, in case of defeat, — proscription ; in 
 
 Treatyofthe that of victory, — servitudc ? Is the failure of the 
 negotiation when the King was in the Isle of Wight 
 to be imputed to tlie suspicions justly entertained of 
 his sincerity? or to the ambition of the parliamentary 
 leaders? If the insincerity of the King was the real 
 cause, ought not the mischief to be apprehended 
 from his insincerity, rather to have been guarded 
 against by treaty, than alledged as a pretence for 
 breaking off the negotiation? Sad indeed will be 
 the condition of the world, if we are never to make 
 peace with an adverse party whose sincerity we 
 have reason to suspect. Even just grounds for such 
 suspicions will but too often occur, and when such 
 fail, the proneness of man to impute evil qualities 
 as well as evil designs to his enemies, will suggest 
 false ones. In the present case, the suspicion of in- 
 sincerity was, it is true, so just, as to amount to a 
 moral certainty. The example of the Petition of 
 Right was a satisfactory proof that the King made no 
 point of adhering to concessions which he considered 
 as extorted from him; and if a philosophical historian, 
 writing above a century after the time, can deem the 
 pretended hard usage Charles met with, as a suffi- 
 cient excuse for his breaking his faith in the first 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 15 
 
 instance, much more must that prince himself, with chapter 
 
 all his prejudices, and notions of his divine right, 
 
 have thought it justifiable to retract concessions, 
 which to him, no doubt, appeared far more unrea- 
 sonable than the Petition of Right, and which, with 
 much more colour, he might consider as extorted. 
 These considerations were probably the cause why 
 the Parliament so long delayed their determination 
 of accepting the King's offer as a basis for treaty ; 
 but unfortunately, they had delayed so long, that 
 when at last they adopted it, they found themselves 
 without power to carry it into execution. The army 
 having now ceased to be the servants, had become the 
 masters of the Parliament, and being entirely influ- 
 enced by Cromwell, gave a commencement to what 
 may, properly speaking, be called a new reign. 
 The subsequent measures, therefore, the execution of 
 the King, as well as others, are not to be considered 
 as acts of the Parliament, but of Cromwell ; and great 
 and respectable as are the names of some who sat in 
 the high court, they must be regarded, in this in- 
 stance, rather as ministers of that usurper, than as 
 acting from themselves. 
 
 The execution of the King, though a far less vio- King's Exe. 
 lent measure than that of Lord Strafford, is an event ''"*'""* 
 of so singular a nature, that we cannot wonder that it 
 
14 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER should have excited more sensation than any other 
 
 ' in the annals of England. This exemplary act of 
 
 substantial justice, as it has been called by some, of 
 enormous wickedness by others, must be considered 
 in two points of view. First, was it not in itself 
 just and necessary? Secondly, was the example of 
 it likely to be salutary or pernicious ? In regard to the 
 first of these questions, Mr. Hume, not perhaps in- 
 tentionally, makes the best justification of it, by say- 
 ing, that while Charles lived, the projected republick 
 could never be secure. But to justify taking away 
 the life of an individual, upon the principle of self- 
 defence, the danger must be not problematical and 
 remote, but evident and immediate. The danger in 
 this instance was not of such a nature ; and the im- 
 prisonment, or even banishment, of Charles, might 
 have given to the republick such a degree of security 
 as any government ought to be content with. It 
 must be confessed however on the other side, that if 
 the republican government had suffered the King to 
 escape, it would have been an act of justice and gene- 
 rosity wholly unexampled ; and to have granted him 
 even his life, would have been one among the more 
 rare efforts of virtue. The short interval between 
 the deposal and death of princes is become prover- 
 bial; and though there may be some few examples on 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 15 
 
 the other side, as far as life is concerned, I doubt chapter 
 
 whether a single instance can be found, where liberty 
 
 has been granted to a deposed monarch. Among the 
 modes of destroying persons in such a situation, there 
 can be little doubt but that adopted by Cromwell 
 and his adherents is the least dishonourable. Edward 
 the Second, Richard the Second, Henry the Sixth, 
 Edward the Fifth, had none of them long survived 
 their deposal ; but this was the first instance, in our 
 history at least, where, of such an act, it could be truly 
 said, that it was not done in a corner. 
 
 As to the second question, whether the advantage 
 to be derived from the example was such as to justify 
 an act of such violence, it appears to me to be a 
 complete solution of it to observe, that with respect 
 to England, (and I know not upon what ground we 
 are to set examples for other nations, or in other 
 words, to take the criminal justice of the world into 
 our hands,) it was wholly needless, and therefore 
 unjustifiable, to set one for kings, at a time when it 
 was intended the office of King should be abolished, 
 and consequently, that no person should be in the 
 situation to make it the rule of his conduct. Besides, 
 the miseries attendant upon a deposed monarch, 
 seem to be sufficient to deter any prince, who thinks 
 of consequences, from running the risk of being 
 
16 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER placed in such a situation; or, if death be the only evil 
 
 that can deter him, the fate of former tyrants deposed 
 
 by their subjects, would by no means encourage 
 him to hope he could avoid even that catastrophe. 
 As far as w^e can judge from the event, the example 
 was certainly not very effectual, since both the sons of 
 Charles, though having their father's fate before their 
 eyes, yet feared not to violate the liberties of the people 
 even more than he had attempted to do. 
 
 If we consider this question of example in a 
 more extended view, and look to the general effect 
 produced upon the minds of men, it cannot be 
 doubted but the opportunity thus given to Charles, 
 to display his firmness and piety, has created more 
 respect for his memory than it could otherwise 
 have obtained. Respect and pity for the sufferer on 
 one hand, and hatred to his enemies on the other, 
 soon produce favour and aversion to their respec- 
 tive causes ; and thus, even though it should be 
 admitted, (which is doubtful,) that some advantage 
 may have been gained to the cause of liberty, by 
 the terrour of the example operating upon the minds 
 of princes, such advantage is far outweighed by 
 the zeal which admiration for virtue, and pity for 
 sufferings, the best passions of the human heart, 
 have excited in favour of the royal cause. It has 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 17 
 
 been thought dangerous to the morals of mankind, chapter 
 even in fiction and romance, to make us sympathize _— 
 with characters whose general conduct is blameable ; 
 but how much greater must the effect be, when in 
 real history our feelings are interested in favour of 
 a monarch with whom, to say the least, his subjects 
 were obliged to contend in arms for their liberty? 
 After all, however, notwithstanding what the more 
 reasonable part of mankind may think upon this 
 question, it is much to be doubted whether this 
 singular proceeding has not, as much as any other 
 circumstance, served to raise the character of the 
 English nation in the opinion of Europe in general. 
 He who has read, and still more he who has heard 
 in conversation, discussions upon this subject by sentiments of 
 
 _ . . •11 '1 Foreigners on 
 
 foreigners, must have perceived, tiiat, even in the the act. 
 minds of those who condemn the act, the impression 
 made by it has been far more that of respect and ad- 
 miration, than that of disgust and horrour. The 
 truth is, that the guilt of the action, that is to say, the 
 taking away of the life of the King, is what most 
 men in the place of Cromwell and his associates 
 would have incurred ; what there is of splendour 
 and of magnanimity in it, I me?in the publicity and 
 solemnity of the act, is what few would be capable 
 of displaying. It is a degrading fact to human 
 
18 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER nature, that even the sending away of the Duke of 
 '- Gloucester was an instance of generosity almost 
 
 unexampled in the history of transactions of this 
 
 nature. 
 Cromwell's From the execution of the King to the death of 
 
 governmeut. ^ 
 
 Cromwell, the government was, with some variation 
 of forms, in substance monarchical and absolute, as a 
 government established by a military force will almost 
 invariably be, especially when the exertions of such 
 a force are continued for any length of time. If to 
 this general rule our own age, and a people whom 
 their origin and near relation to us would almost 
 warrant us to call our own nation, have afforded a 
 splendid and perhaps a solitary exception, we must 
 reflect not only, that a character of virtues so happily 
 tempered by one another, and so wholly unalloyed 
 with any vices, as that of Washington, is hardly 
 to be found in the pages of history, but that even 
 Washington himself might not have been able to 
 act his most glorious of all parts, without the ex- 
 istence of circumstances uncommonly favourable, 
 and almost peculiar to the country which was to be 
 the theatre of it. Virtue like his depends not in- 
 deed upon time or place ; but although in no 
 country or time would he have degraded himself 
 into a Pisistratus, or a Caesar, or a Cromwell, he 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 19 
 
 might have shared the fate of a Cato, or a De Witt; cha^pteu 
 
 or, like Ludlow and Sidney, have mourned in exile 
 
 the lost liberties of his country. 
 
 With the life of the Protector almost immediately His charac- 
 
 ter. 
 
 ended the government which he had established. 
 The great talents of this extraordinary person had 
 supported, during his life, a system condemned 
 equally by reason and by prejudice ; by reason, as 
 wanting freedom ; by prejudice, as an usurpation ; 
 and it must be confessed to be no mean testimony 
 to his genius, that, notwithstanding the radical defects 
 of such a system, the splendour of his character and 
 exploits render the aera of the Protectorship one of 
 the most brilliant in English history. It is true his 
 conduct in foreign concerns, is set off to advantage, 
 by a comparison of it with that of those who pre- 
 ceded, and who followed him. If he made a mistake 
 in espousing the French interest instead of the 
 Spanish, we should recollect, that in examining this 
 question we must divest our minds entirely of all 
 the considerations which the subsequent relative 
 state of those two empires suggest to us, before we 
 can become impartial judges in it ; and at any rate, 
 we must allow his reign, in regard to European 
 concerns, to have been most glorious when contrasted 
 with the pusillanimity of James the First, with the 
 
50 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER levity of Charles the First, and the mercenary mean- 
 
 ness of the two last Princes of the House of Stuart. 
 
 Upon the whole, the character of Cromwell must 
 ever stand high in the list of those, who raised 
 themselves to supreme power by the force of their 
 genius ; and among such, even in respect of moral 
 virtue, it would be found to be one of the least ex- 
 ceptionable, if it had not been tainted with that most 
 odious and degrading of all human vices, Hypocrisy. 
 Indifference Thc short intcrval between Cromwell's death and 
 
 respecting t t> • i -i • i • r 
 
 forms of go- the Kcstoration, exhibits the picture or a nation 
 
 vcrnment. • i • i i 
 
 either so wearied with changes as not to feel, or so 
 subdued by military power as not to dare to show, 
 any care or even preference with regard to the form 
 of their government. All was in the army; and that 
 army, by such a concurrence of fortuitous circum- 
 stances as history teaches us not to be surprised 
 at, had fallen into the hands of one, than whom 
 a baser could not be found in its lowest ranks. 
 Character of Pcrsoual couragc appcars to have been Monk's only 
 virtue: reserve and dissimulation made up the whole 
 stock of his wisdom. But to this man did the nation 
 lookup, ready to receive from his orders the form of 
 government he should choose to prescribe. There 
 is reason to believe, that, from the general bias of the 
 Presbyterians, as well as of the Cavaliers, monarchy 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. ^l 
 
 was the prevalent wish ; but it is observable that al- chapter 
 
 though the Parliament was, contrary to the principle 
 
 upon which it was pretended to be called, composed 
 of many avowed royalists, yet none dared to hint at the 
 restoration of the King, till they had Monk*s permis- 
 sion, or rather command, to receive and consider his 
 letters. It is impossible, in reviewing the whole of 
 this transaction, not to remark that a general who had 
 gained his rank, reputation, and station in the ser- 
 vice of a republick, and of what he, as well as others, 
 called, however falsely, the cause of liberty, made 
 no scruple to lay the nation prostrate at the feet of 
 a monarch, without a single provision in favour of 
 that cause ; and if the promise of indemnity may 
 seem to argue that there was some attention, at least, 
 paid to the safety of his associates in arms, his 
 subsequent conduct gives reason to suppose, that 
 even this provision was owing to any other cause, 
 rather than to any generous feeling of his breast. 
 For he afterwards not only acquiesced in the insults 
 so meanly put upon the illustrious corpse of Blake, 
 under whose auspices and command he had per- 
 formed the most creditable services of his life, but 
 in the trial of Argyle, produced letters of friendship 
 and confidence, to take away the life of a nobleman,* 
 * Burnet. Baillie's Letters, II. 431. 
 
$e INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER the zeal and cordiality of whose co-operation with 
 
 him, proved by such documents, was the chief 
 
 ground of his execution ; thus gratuitously surpass- 
 ing in infamy those miserable wretches who^ to save 
 their own lives, are sometimes persuaded to impeach, 
 and swear away, the lives of their accomplices. 
 Restoration. Thc rcign of Charlcs the Second forms one of the 
 most singular, as well as of the most important periods 
 of history. It is the aera of good laws and bad go- 
 vernment. The abolition of the Court of Wards, the 
 repeal of the writ De Heretico Comburendo, the tri- 
 ennial Parliament Bill, the establishment of the rights 
 of the House of Commons in regard to impeachment, 
 the expiration of the License Act, and above all, the 
 glorious statute of Habeas Corpus, have therefore 
 induced a modern writer of great eminence to fix 
 the year 16 79 as the period at which our constitution 
 had arrived at its greatest theoretical perfection ; but 
 he owns, in a short note upon the passage alluded to, 
 that the times immediately following were times of 
 great practical oppression. What a field for meditation 
 does this short observation, from such a man, furnish ? 
 What reflections does it not suggest to a thinking mind, 
 upon the inefficacy of human laws, and the imper- 
 fection of human constitutions ! We are called from 
 the contemplation of the progress of our constitution, 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 53 
 
 and our attention fixed with the most minute accuracy chapter 
 to a particular point, when it is said to have risen to — — 
 its utmost perfection. Here we are then at the best 
 moment of the best constitution that ever human 
 wisdom framed. What follows ? A time of oppres- 
 sion and misery, not arising from external or acci^ 
 dental causes, such as war, pestilence, or famine, 
 nor even from any such alteration of the laws as 
 might be supposed to impair this boasted perfection, 
 but from a corrupt and wicked administration, which 
 all the so much admired checks of the constitution 
 were not able to prevent. How vain then, how idle, 
 how presumptuous, is the opinion, that laws can do 
 every thing ! and how weak and pernicious the 
 maxim founded upon it, that measures, not men, are 
 to be attended to ! 
 
 The first years of this reign, under the administra- Administra- 
 tion of Southampton and Clarendon, form by far the ampL and 
 least exceptionable part of it ; and even in this pe- 
 riod, the executions of Argyle and Vane, and the 
 whole conduct of the government with respect to 
 church matters, both in England and in Scotland, were 
 gross instances of tyranny. With respect to the ex- 
 ecution of those who were accused of having been 
 more immediately concerned in the King's death, 
 that of Scrope, who had come in upon the proclama- 
 
24 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER tion, and of the military officers who had attended 
 
 the trial, was a violation of every principle of law 
 
 and justice. But the fate of the others, though highly 
 dishonourable to Monk, whose whole power had 
 arisen from his zeal in their service, and the favour 
 and confidence with which they had rewarded him, 
 and not perhaps very creditable to the nation, of 
 which many had applauded, more had supported, 
 and almost all had acquiesced in the act, is not cer- 
 tainly to be imputed as a crime to the King, or to those 
 of his advisers who were of the Cavalier party. The 
 passion of revenge, though properly condemned 
 both by philosophy and religion, yet when it is ex- 
 cited by injurious treatment of persons justly dear to 
 us, is among the most excusable of human frailties ; 
 and if Charles, in his general conduct, had shown 
 stronger feelings of gratitude for services performed 
 to his father, his character, in the eyes of many, 
 would be rather raised than lowered by this example 
 of severity against the regicides. Clarendon is said 
 to have been privy to the King's receiving money 
 from Lewis the Fourteenth; but what proofs exist of 
 this charge, (for a heavy charge it is,) I know not. 
 Southampton was one of the very few of the royalist 
 party who preserved any just regard for the liber- 
 ties of the people, and the disgust which a person 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. ?5 
 
 possessed of such sentiments must unavoidably feel, chapter 
 
 is said to have determined him to quit the King's 
 
 service, and to retire altogether from publick affairs. 
 Whether he would have acted upon this determina- 
 tion, his death, which happened in the year sixteen 
 hundred and sixty-seven, prevents us now from 
 ascertaining. 
 
 After the fall of Clarendon, which soon followed. The King's 
 
 misgovern- 
 
 the King entered into that career of misgovernment, ment. 
 which, that he was able to pursue it to its end, is a 
 disgrace to the history of our country. If any thing 
 can add to our disgust at the meanness with which 
 he solicited a dependence upon Lewis the Fourteenth, 
 it is the hypocritical pretence upon which he was con- 
 tinually pressing that monarch. After having passed 
 a law, making it penal to affirm, (what was true,) that 
 he was a Papist, he pretended, (which was certainly 
 not true,) to be a zealous and bigoted Papist; and the 
 uneasiness of his conscience at so long delaying a 
 publick avowal of his conversion , was more than once 
 urged by him, as an argument to increase the pen- 
 sion, and to accelerate the assistance he was to re- 
 ceive from France.* In a later period of his reign, 
 when his interest, as he thought, lay the other way, 
 that he might at once continue to earn his wages, 
 
 * Dalrymple's Memoirs, II. 33, kc. 
 E 
 
56 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER and yet put off a publick conversion, he stated some 
 
 ' scruples, contracted, no doubt, by his affection to the 
 
 Protestant churches, in relation to the Popish mode 
 of giving the sacrament ; and pretended a wish, that 
 the Pope might be induced by Lewis, to consider 
 of some alterations in that respect, to enable him to 
 reconcile himself to the Roman church with a clear 
 and pure conscience/' 
 Cabal. The ministry, known by the name of the Cabal, 
 
 seems to have consisted of characters so unprincipled , 
 as justly to deserve the severity with which they 
 have been treated by all writers who have mentioned 
 them; but if it is probable, that they were ready to 
 betray their King, as well as their country, it is cer- 
 tain that the King betrayed them; keeping from them 
 the real state of his connection with France, and, 
 from some of them, at least, the secret of what he 
 was pleased to call his religion. Whether this con- 
 cealment on his part, arose from his habitual trea- 
 chery, and from the incapacity which men of that 
 character feel, of being open and honest, even when 
 they know it is their interest to be so; or from an 
 apprehension that they might demand for themselves 
 some share of the French money, which he was 
 unwilling to give them, cannot now be determined. 
 
 * Dalrymple's Memoirs, II. 84. 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 27 
 
 Bat to the want of genuine and reciprocal confidence chapter 
 
 between him and those ministers, is to be attributed, 
 
 in a great measure, the escape which the nation at 
 that time experienced ; an escape, however, which 
 proved to be only a reprieve from that servitude to 
 which they were afterwards reduced in the latter 
 years of the reign. 
 
 The first Dutch war had been undertaken against Dutch war. 
 all maxims of policy, as well as of justice ; but the su- 
 periour infamy of the second, aggravated by the disap- 
 pointment of all the hopes entertained by good men, 
 from the triple alliance, and by the treacherous attempt 
 at piracy with which it was commenced, seems to 
 have effaced the impression of it, not only from the 
 minds of men living at the time, but from most of 
 the writers who have treated of this reign. The 1672. 
 principle, however, of both was the same, and ar- 
 bitrary power at home was the object of both. The 
 second Dutch war rendered the King's system and 
 views so apparent to all who were not determined to 
 shut their eyes against conviction, that it is difficult 
 to conceive how persons, who had any real care or 
 regard, either for the liberty or honour of the coun- 
 try, could trust him afterwards. And yet even Sir 
 William Temple, who appears to have been one of 
 the most honest, as well as of the most enlightened, 
 
S8 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER statesmen of his time, could not believe his treachery 
 
 — to be quite so deep, as it was in fact ; and seems 
 
 occasionally to have hoped, that he was in earnest in 
 his professed intentions of following the wise and just 
 system that was recommended to him. Great in- 
 stances of credulity and blindness in wise men are 
 often liable to the suspicion of being pretended, for 
 the purpose of justifying the continuing in situations 
 of power and employment longer than strict honour 
 would allow. But to Temple's sincerity his subse- 
 quent conduct gives abundant testimony. When he 
 had reason to think that his services could no longer 
 be useful to his country, he withdrew wholly from 
 publick business, and resolutely adhered to the pre- 
 ference of philosophical retirement, which, in his 
 circumstances, was just, in spite of every temptation 
 which occurred to bring him back to the more active 
 scene. The remainder of his life he seems to have 
 employed in the most noble contemplations, and the 
 most elegant amusements ; every enjoyment height- 
 ened, no doubt, by reflecting on the honourable part 
 he had acted in publick affairs, and without any regret 
 on his own account, (whatever he might feel for his 
 country,) at having been driven from them. 
 De Witt. Besides the important consequences produced by 
 
 this second Dutch war in England, it gave birth to two 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 29 
 
 great events in Holland ; the one as favourable, as the chapter 
 
 other was disastrous, to the cause of general liberty. 
 
 The catastrophe of De Witt, the wisest, best, and 
 most truly patriotick minister that ever appeared 
 upon the publick stage, as it was an act of the most 
 crying injustice and ingratitude, so likewise is it the 
 most completely discouraging example, that history 
 affords to the lovers of liberty. If Aristides was 
 banished, he was also recalled: if Dion was repaid 
 for his services to the Syracusans by ingratitude, 
 that ingratitude was more than once repented of: if 
 Sidney and Russel died upon the scaffold, they had not 
 the cruel mortification of falling by the hands of the 
 people: ample justice was done to their memory, 
 and the very sound of their names is still animating 
 to every Englishman attached to their glorious cause. 
 But with De Witt fell also his cause and his party; 
 and although a name so respected by all who revere 
 virtue and wisdom, when employed in their noblest 
 sphere, the political service of the publick, must un- 
 doubtedly be doubly dear to his countrymen, yet I do 
 not know that, even to this day, any publick honours 
 have been paid by them to his memory. 
 
 On the other hand, the circumstances attending prince of 
 the first appearance of the Prince of Orange in pub- "^^""^ 
 lick affairs, were in every respect most fortunate for 
 
30 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER himself, for England, for Europe. Of an age to re- 
 
 ceive the strongest impressions, and of a character 
 
 to render such impressions durable, he entered the 
 world in a moment when the calamitous situation of 
 the United Provinces, could not but excite, in every 
 Dutchman, the strongest detestation of the insolent 
 ambition of Lewis the Fourteenth, and the greatest 
 contempt of an English government, which could 
 so far mistake, or betray, the interests of the country, 
 as to lend itself to his projects. Accordingly, the 
 circumstances attending his outset seem to have 
 given a lasting bias to his character; and through 
 the whole course of his life, the prevailing sentiments 
 of his mind seem to have been those which he im- 
 bibed at this early period. These sentiments were 
 most peculiarly adapted to the positions in which 
 this great man was destined to be placed. The light 
 in which he viewed Lewis rendered him the fittest 
 champion of the independence of Europe ; and in 
 England, French influence and arbitrary power were 
 in those times so intimately connected, that he who 
 had not only seen with disapprobation, but had so sen- 
 sibly felt, the baneful effects of Charles's connection 
 with France, seemed eduated,as it were, to^be the de- 
 fender of English liberty. This prince's struggles in 
 defence of his country, his success in rescuing it from 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 31 
 
 a situation to all appearance so desperate, and the chapter 
 
 consequent failure and mortification of Lewis the — 
 
 Fourteenth, form a scene in history upon which the 
 mind dwells with unceasing delight. One never 
 can read Lewis's famous Declaration against the Hol- 
 landers, knowing the event which is to follow, 
 without feeling the heart dilate with exultation, and a 
 kind of triumphant contempt, which, though not 
 quite consonant to the principles of pure philosophy, 
 never fails to give the mind inexpressible satisfaction. 
 Did the relation of such events form the sole, or even 
 any considerable part of the historian's task, pleasant 
 indeed would be his labours ; but, though far less 
 agreeable, it is not a less useful or necessary part of 
 his business, to relate the triumphs of successful 
 wickedness, and the oppression of truth, justice, and 
 liberty. 
 
 The interval from the separate peace between The conduct 
 
 TT'lliiTT'lTi' r ^^^ designs 
 
 Lngland and the United Provinces, to the peace of ofcharies. 
 Nimeguen, was chiefly employed by Charles in i^zs. 
 attempts to obtain money from France and other 
 foreign powers, in which he was sometimes more, 
 sometimes less successful; and in various false pro- 
 fessions, promises, and other devices to deceive his 
 parliament and his people, in which he uniformly 
 failed. Though neither the nature and extent of his 
 
35 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER connection with France, nor his design of intro- 
 
 '■ ducing Popery into England, were known at that 
 
 time, as they now are, yet there were not wanting 
 many indications of the King's disposition, and of the 
 general tendency of his designs. Reasonable persons 
 apprehended that the supplies asked were intended 
 to be used, not for the specious purpose of main- 
 taining the balance of Europe, but for that of sub- 
 duing the parliament and people who should give 
 Disposition them ; and the great antipathy of the bulk of the 
 
 of the Nation • n 
 
 nation to Popery caused many to be both more clear- 
 sighted in discovering, and more resolute in resist- 
 ing, the designs of the court, than they would pro- 
 bably have shown themselves, if civil liberty alone 
 had been concerned. 
 Popish Plot. When the minds of men were in the disposition 
 which such a state of things was naturally calculated 
 to produce, it is not to be wondered at, that a ready, 
 and perhaps a too facile, belief should have been 
 accorded to the rumour of a Popish plot. But with 
 the largest possible allowance for the just apprehen- 
 sions which were entertained, and the consequent 
 irritation of the country, it is wholly inconceivable 
 how such a plot as that brought forward by Tongue 
 and Oates could obtain any general belief. Nor can 
 &ny stretch of candour make us admit it to be probable, 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 33 
 
 that all who pretended a belief of it did seriously en- chapter 
 
 tertain it. On the other hand, it seems an absurdity, 
 
 equal almost in degree to the belief of the plot itself, 
 to suppose that it was a story fabricated by the Earl 
 of Shaftesbury, and the other leaders of the Whig 
 party ; and it would be highly unjust, as well as un- 
 charitable, not to admit, that the generality of those 
 who were engaged in the prosecution of it were 
 probably sincere in their belief of it, since it is un- 
 questionable that at the time very many persons, 
 whose political prejudices were of a quite different 
 complexion, were under the same delusion. The The belief of 
 
 the plot uiii- 
 
 unanimous votes of the two Houses of Parliament, versai. 
 and the names, as well as the number, of those who 
 pronounced Lord Stafford to be guilty, seem to put 
 this beyond a doubt. Dryden, writing soon after 
 the time, says, in his Absalom and Achitophel, that 
 the plot was 
 
 " Bad in itself, but represented worse:" 
 
 that 
 
 *' Some truth there was, but dash'd and brew'd with lies :" 
 
 and that 
 
 " Succeeding times did equal folly call 
 " Believing nothing, or believing all." 
 
 and Dryden will not, by those who are conversant 
 in the history and works of that immortal writer, 
 
34 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER be suspected either of party prejudice in favour of 
 Shaftesbury and the Whigs, or of any view to pre- 
 judice the country against the Duke of York's suc- 
 cession to the crown. The King repeatedly declared 
 his belief of it. These declarations, if sincere, 
 would have some weight ; but if insincere, as may 
 be reasonably suspected, they afford a still stronger 
 testimony to prove that such belief was not exclu- 
 sively a party opinion, since it cannot be supposed, 
 that even the crooked politicks of Charles could 
 have led him to countenance fictions of his ene- 
 mies, which were not adopted by his own party. 
 Wherefore, if this question were to be decided 
 upon the ground of authority, the reality of the 
 plot would be admitted ; and it must be confessed, 
 that, with regard to facts remote, in respect either 
 of time or place, wise men generally diffide in 
 their own judgment, and defer to that of those who 
 have had a nearer view of them. But there are cases 
 itsabsurdity. where reason speaks so plainly as to make all argu- 
 ment drawn from authority of no avail, and this is 
 surely one of them. Not to mention correspondence 
 by post on the subject of regicide, detailed commis- 
 sions from the Pope, silver bullets, kc. &c. and 
 other circumstances equally ridiculous, we need 
 only advert to the part attributed to the Spanish 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 55 
 
 government in this conspiracy, and to the alledged chapter 
 
 intention of murdering the King, to satisfy ourselves 
 
 that it was a forgery. 
 
 Rapin, who argues the whole of this affair with Disingenuous 
 
 justification 
 
 a degree of weakness as well as disingenuity very of it. 
 unusual to him, seems at last to offer us a kind of 
 compromise, and to be satisfied if we will admit 
 that there was a design or project to introduce 
 Popery and arbitrary power, at the head of which 
 were the King and his brother. Of this I am as 
 much convinced as he can be ; but how does this 
 justify the prosecution and execution of those who 
 suffered, since few, if any of them, were in a situa- 
 tion to be trusted by the royal conspirators with 
 their designs? When he says therefore, that, that 
 is precisely what was understood by the conspi- 
 racy, he by no means justifies those who were the 
 principal prosecutors of the plot. The design to 
 murder the King, he calls the appendage of the plot: 
 a strange expression this, to describe the pro- 
 jected murder of a king! though not more strange 
 than the notion itself when applied to a plot, the ob- 
 ject of which was to render that very king absolute, 
 and to introduce the religion which he'most favoured. 
 But it is to be observed, that though in considering 
 the Bill of Exclusion, the Militia Bill, and other 
 
36 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER legislative proceedings, the plot, as he defines it, 
 
 that is to say, the design of introducing Popery 
 
 and arbitrary power, was the important point to be 
 looked to ; yet in courts of justice, and for juries 
 and judges, that which he calls the appendage was, 
 generally speaking, the sole consideration. 
 Theproceed- Althouffh therefore, upon a review of this trulv 
 
 ings on it dis- o a / 
 
 fhenttiV" shocking transaction, we may be fairly justified in 
 adopting the milder alternative, and in imputing 
 to the greater part of those concerned in it, rather 
 an extraordinary degree of blind credulity, than 
 the deliberate wickedness of planning and assisting 
 in the perpetration of legal murders ; yet the pro- 
 ceedings on the Popish plot must always be consi- 
 dered as an indelible disgrace upon the English 
 nation, in which King, Parliament, judges, juries, 
 witnesses, prosecutors, have all their respective, 
 though certainly not equal, shares. Witnesses, of 
 such a character as not to deserve credit in the 
 most trifling cause, upon the most immaterial facts, 
 gave evidence so incredible, or, to speak more 
 properly, so impossible to be true, that it ought 
 not to have been believed if it had come from the 
 mouth of Cato ; and upon such evidence, from 
 such witnesses, were innocent men condemned to 
 death and executed. Prosecutors, whether attornies 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 57 
 
 and solicitors-general, or managers of impeach- chapter 
 
 ment, acted with the fury which in such circum- '■ — 
 
 stances might be expected ; juries partook natural- 
 ly enough of the national ferment ; and judges, 
 whose duty it was to guard them against such im- 
 pressions, were scandalously active in confirming 
 them in their prejudices, and inflaming their pas- 
 sions. The King, who is supposed to have dis- 
 believed the whole of the plot, never once exercised 
 his glorious prerogative of mercy. It is said he 
 dared not. His throne, perhaps his life, was at 
 stake ; and history does not furnish us with the ex- 
 ample of any monarch with whom the lives of 
 innocent, or even meritorious, subjects ever ap- 
 peared to be of much weight, when put in balance 
 against such considerations. 
 
 The measures of the prevailing party in the Habeas 
 House of Commons, in these times, appear, (with 1675. * 
 the exception of their dreadful proceedings in 
 the business of the pretended plot, and of their 
 violence towards those who petitioned and ad- 
 dressed against Parliament,) to have been, in ge- 
 neral, highly laudable and meritorious ; and yet 
 I am afraid it may be justly suspected, that it was 
 precisely to; that part of their conduct which related 
 to the plot, and.which is most reprehensible, that 
 
58 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER they were indebted for their power to make the 
 
 — noble, and, and in some instances successful, struggles 
 
 for liberty, which do so much honour to their me- 
 mory. The danger to be apprehended from military 
 force, being always, in the view of wise men, the 
 most urgent, they first voted the disbanding of the 
 army, and the two Houses passed a bill for that 
 purpose, to which the King found himself obliged 
 to consent. But to the bill which followed, for 
 establishing the regular assembling of the militia, 
 and for providing for their being in arms six weeks 
 in the year, he opposed his royal negative; thus 
 making his stand upon the same point on which his 
 father had done ; a circumstance which, if events had 
 taken a turn against him, would not have failed of 
 being much noticed by historians. Civil securities 
 for freedom came to be afterwards considered ; and 
 it is to be remarked, that to these times of heat and 
 passion, and to one of those parliaments, which so dis- 
 graced themselves and the nation, by the countenance 
 given to Gates and Bedloe, and by the persecution 
 of so many innocent victims, we are indebted for 
 the Habeas Corpus Act, the most important barrier 
 against tyranny, and best framed protection for the 
 liberty of individuals, that has ever existed in any 
 ancient or modern commonwealth. 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 39 
 
 But the inefficacy of mere laws in favour of chapter 
 the subjects, in the case of the administration of 
 
 1 •! Exclusion 
 
 them falling into the hands of persons hostile Biii. 
 to the spirit in which they had been provided, 
 had been so fatally evinced by the general his- 
 tory of England, ever since the grant of the 
 Great Charter, and more especially by the trans- 
 actions of the preceding reign, that the Parliament 
 justly deemed their work incomplete, unless the 
 Duke of York were excluded from the succession to 
 the crown. A bill, therefore, for the purpose of 
 excluding that Prince, was prepared, and passed 
 the House of Commons ; but being vigorously 
 resisted by the court, by the church, and by the 
 Tories, was lost in the House of Lords. The re- 
 strictions offered by the King to be put upon a 
 Popish successour are supposed to have been among 
 the most powerful of those means to which he was 
 indebted for his success. 
 
 The dispute was no longer, whether or not the observations 
 dangers resulting from James s succession were real, 
 and such as ought to be guarded against by parliamen- 
 tary provisions ; but whether the exclusion, or re- 
 strictions, furnished the most safe, and eligible mode 
 of compassing the object which both sides pretended 
 to have in view. The argument upon this state of 
 
40 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 I. 
 
 CHAPTER the question is clearly, forcibly, and, I think, con- 
 vincingly, stated by Rapin, who exposes very ably 
 the extreme folly of trusting to measures, without 
 consideration of the men who are to execute them. 
 Even in Hume's statement of the question, what- 
 ever may have been his intention, the arguments in 
 favour of the exclusion appear to me greatly to pre- 
 ponderate. Indeed it is not easy to conceive upon 
 what principles even the Tories could justify their 
 support of the restrictions. Many among them, no 
 doubt, saw the provisions in the same light in which 
 the Whigs represented them, as an expedient, admi- 
 rably indeed adapted to the real object of upholding 
 the present King's power, by the defeat of the ex- 
 clusion, but never likely to take effect for their 
 pretended purpose of controuling that of his suc- 
 cessour ; and supported them for that very reason. 
 But such a principle of conduct was too fraudulent 
 to be avowed ; nor ought it perhaps, in candour, to 
 be imputed to the majority of the party. To those 
 who acted with good faith, and meant that the re- 
 strictions should really take place, and be effectual, 
 surely it ought to have occurred, (and to those who 
 most prized the prerogatives of the crown, it ought 
 most forcibly to have occurred,) that in consenting 
 to curtail the powers of the crown, rather than to 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 41 
 
 alter the succession, they were adopting the greater, chapter 
 
 in order to avoid the lesser evil. The question of, 
 
 what are to be the powers of the crown, is surely 
 of superiour importance to that of, who shall wear 
 it? Those, at least, who consider the royal prero- 
 gative as vested in the King, not for his sake, but 
 for that of his subjects, must consider the one of these 
 questions as much above the other in dignity, as the 
 rights of the public are more valuable than those of 
 an individual. In this view the prerogatives of the 
 crown are in substance and effect the rights of the 
 people ; and these rights of the people were not to 
 be sacrificed to the purpose of preserving the suc- 
 cession to the most favoured prince, much less to 
 one who, on account of his religious persuasion, 
 was justly feared and suspected. In truth, the ques- 
 tion between the exclusion and restrictions seems 
 peculiarly calculated to ascertain the different views 
 in which the different parties in this country have 
 seen, and perhaps ever will see, the prerogatives of 
 the crown. The Whigs, who consider them as a 
 trust for the people, a doctrine which the Tories 
 themselves, when pushed in argument, will some- 
 times admit, naturally think it their duty rather to 
 change the manager of the trust, than to impair the 
 subject of it; while others, who consider them as 
 
43 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER the right or property of the King, will as naturally 
 act as they would do in the case of any other pro- 
 perty, and consent to the loss or annihilation of any 
 part of it, for the purpose of preserving the remain- 
 der to him, whom they style the rightful owner. If 
 the people be the sovereign, and the King the dele- 
 gate, it is better to change the bailiff than to injure 
 the farm ; but if the King be the proprietor, it is 
 better the farm should be impaired, nay, part of it 
 destroyed, than that the whole should pass over 
 to an usurper. The royal prerogative ought, ac- 
 cording to the Whigs, (not in the case of a Popish 
 successour only, but in all cases,) to be reduced to 
 such powers as are in their exercise beneficial to the 
 people ; and of the benefit of these they will not 
 rashly suffer the people to be deprived, whether the 
 executive power be in the hands of an hereditary, 
 or of an elected king; of a regent, or of any other 
 denomination of magistrate ; while on the other 
 hand, they who consider prerogative with refer- 
 ence only to royalty, will, with equal readiness, 
 consent either to the extension or the suspension of 
 its exercise, as the occasional interests of the prince 
 may seem to require. The senseless plea of a divine 
 and indefesible right in James, which even the 
 legislature was incompetent to set aside, though as 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 43 
 
 inconsistent with the declarations of Parliament in chapter 
 
 the Statute Book, and with the whole practice of the 
 
 English Constitution, as it is repugnant to nature 
 and common sense, was yet warmly insisted upon 
 by the high-church party. Such an argument, as 
 might naturally be expected, operated rather to 
 provoke the Whigs to perseverance, than to dissuade 
 them from their measure: it was, in their eyes, an 
 additional merit belonging to the Exclusion Bill, 
 that it strengthened, by one instance more, the au- 
 thority of former statutes, in reprobating a doctrine 
 which seems to imply, that man can have a property 
 in his fellow-creatures. By far the best argument 
 in favour of the restrictions, is the practical one, that 
 they could be obtained, and that the exclusion 
 could not; but the value of this argument is chiefly 
 proved by the event. The Exclusionists had a fair 
 prospect of success, and their plan being clearly the 
 best, they were justified in pursuing it. 
 
 The spirit of resistance which the King showed 
 in the instance of the Militia and the Exclusion 
 Bills, seems to have been systematically confined to 
 those cases where he supposed his power to be more 
 immediately concerned. In the prosecution of the Prosecution 
 aged and innocent Lord Stafford, he was so far from 
 interfering in behalf of that nobleman, that many of 
 
44 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 I. 
 
 CHAPTER those most in his confidence, and, as it is affirmed, 
 the Duchess of Portsmouth herself, openly favoured 
 the prosecution. Even after the dissolution of his 
 last Parliament, when he had so far subdued his 
 enemies as to be no longer under any apprehensions 
 from them, he did not think it vs^orth vs^hile to save the 
 life of Plunket, the Popish Archbishop of Armagh, 
 of whose innocence no doubt could be entertained. 
 But this is not to be wondered at, since, in all trans- 
 actions relative to the Popish Plot, minds of a very 
 different cast from Charles's became, as by some fata- 
 lity, divested of all their wonted sentiments of justice 
 and humanity. Who can read without horrour, the 
 account of that savage murmur of applause, which 
 broke out upon one of the villains at the bar, swear- 
 ing positively to Stafford's having proposed the 
 murder of the King ? And how is this horrour 
 deepened, when we reflect, that in that odious cry 
 were probably mingled the voices of men to whose 
 memory every lover of the English constitution is 
 bound to pay the tribute of gratitude and respect ! 
 Even after condemnation, Lord Russel himself, 
 whose character is wholly (this instance excepted) 
 free from the stain of rancour or cruelty, stickled 
 for the severer mode of executing the sentence, in a 
 manner which his fear of the King's establishing 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 45 
 
 a precedent of pardoning in cases of impeachment, chapter 
 
 (for this, no doubt, was his motive,) cannot satisfac — 
 
 torily excuse. 
 
 In an early period of the King's difficulties. Sir Templets ad- 
 William Temple, whose life and character is a re- 
 futation of the vulgar notion that philosophy and 
 practical good sense in business are incompatible 
 attainments, recommended to him the plan of go- 
 verning by a council, which was to consist in great 
 part of the most popular noblemen and gentlemen 
 in the kingdom. Such persons being the natural, 
 as well as the safest, mediators between princes 
 and discontented subjects, this seems to have been 
 the best possible expedient. Hume says it was 
 found too feeble a remedy ; but he does not take 
 notice that it was never in fact tried, inasmuch as, 
 not only the King's confidence was withheld from 
 the most considerable members of the council, but 
 even the most important determinations were 
 taken without consulting the council itself. Nor can 
 there be a doubt but the King's views, in adopting 
 Temple's advice, were totally different from those of 
 the adviser, whose only errour in this transaction 
 seems to have consisted in recommending a plan, 
 wherein confidence and fair dealing were of neces- 
 sity to be principal ingredients, to a prince whom 
 
46 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER he well knew to be incapable of either. Accord- 
 
 i^^g^X' having appointed the council in April, with 
 
 a promise of being governed in important matters 
 by their advice, he in July dissolved one Parlia- 
 ment without their concurrence, and in October, 
 forbade them even to give their opinions upon the 
 propriety of a resolution which he had taken of 
 proroguing another. From that time he probably 
 considered the council to be, as it was, virtually 
 dissolved ; and it was not long before means pre- 
 sented themselves to him, better adapted, in his 
 estimation, even to his immediate objects, and cer- 
 tainly more suitable to his general designs. The 
 union between the court and the church party, 
 which had been so closely cemented by their success- 
 ful resistance to the Exclusion Bill, and its authors, 
 had at length acquired such a degree of strength and 
 consistency, that the King ventured first to appoint 
 Oxford, instead of London, for the meeting of Par- 
 liament ; and then, having secured to himself a good 
 Dissolution pension from France, to dissolve the Parliament 
 the Second's thcrc met, with a full resolution never to call 
 
 last Parlia- . • j j T ■ 1 J 
 
 ment. auother ; to which resolution, indeed, Lewis had 
 bound him, as one of the conditions on which he 
 was to receive his stipend.'^ No measure was ever 
 
 * Dairymple's Memoir?. 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 47 
 
 attended with more complete success. The most chapter 
 
 flattering addresses poured in from all parts of the 
 
 kingdom; divine right, and indiscriminate obedi- 
 ence, were every where the favourite doctrines ; and 
 men seemed to vie with each other who should have 
 the honour of the greatest share in the glorious work 
 of slavery, by securing to the King, for the present, 
 and, after him, to the Duke, absolute and uncontroul- 
 able power. They, who, either because Charles had 
 been called a forgiving prince by his flatterers, (upon 
 what ground I could never discover,) or from some 
 supposed connection between indolence and good 
 nature, had deceived themselves into a hope, that his 
 tyranny would be of the milder sort, found themselves 
 much disappointed in their expectations. 
 
 The whole history of the remaining part of his his power 
 
 . ^"^ tyranny. 
 
 reign exhibits an uninterrupted series of attacks 
 upon the liberty, property, and lives of his subjects. 
 The character of the government appeared first, and 
 with the most marked and prominent features, in 
 Scotland. The condemnation of Argyle and Weir, in Scotland. 
 the one for having subjoined an explanation when 
 he took the test oath, the other for having kept 
 company with a rebel, whom it was not proved he 
 knew to be such, and who had never been pro- 
 claimed, resemble more the acts of Tiberius and 
 
48 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER Domitian, than those of even the most arbitrary 
 
 , --- modern governments. It is true, the sentences were 
 
 not executed ; Weir was reprieved ; and whether 
 or not Argyle, if he had not deemed it more prudent 
 to escape by flight, would have experienced the 
 same clemency, cannot now be ascertained. The 
 terrour of these examples would have been, in the 
 judgment of most men, abundantly sufficient to 
 teach the people of Scotland their duty, and to 
 satisfy them that their lives, as well as every thing 
 else they had been used to call their own, were now 
 completely in the power of their masters. But the 
 government did not stop here, and having out- 
 lawed thousands, upon the same pretence upon 
 which Weir had been condemned, inflicted capital 
 punishment upon such criminals of both sexes as 
 refused to answer, or answered otherwise than was 
 prescribed to them, to the most ensnaring questions. 
 In England. In England, the City of London seemed to hold 
 out for a certain time, like a strong fortress in a 
 conquered country ; and, by means of this citadel, 
 Shaftesbury and others were saved from the ven- 
 geance of the court. But this resistance, however 
 honourable to the corporation who made it, could 
 not be of long duration. The weapons of law and 
 justice were found feeble, when opposed to the 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 49 
 
 power of a monarch, who was at the head of a chapter 
 
 numerous and bigoted party of the nation, and who, 
 
 which was most material of all, had enabled him- 
 self to govern without a Parliament. Civil resist- 
 ance in this country, even to the most illegal attacks 
 of royal tyrannj, has never, I believe, been suc- 
 cessful, unless when supported by Parliament, or at 
 least by a great party in one or other of the two 
 Houses. The Court, having wrested from the Livery 
 of London, partly by corruption, and partly by 
 violence, the free election of their mayor and 
 sheriffs, did not wait the accomplishment of their 
 plan for the destruction of the whole corporation, 
 which, from their first success, they justly deemed 
 certain ; but immediately proceeded to put in ex- 
 ecution their system of oppression. Pilkington, Exorbitant 
 Colt, and Oates were fined a hundred thousand 
 pounds each for having spoken disrespectfully of 
 the Duke of York ; Barnardiston ten thousand, for 
 having in a private letter expressed sentiments 
 deemed improper ; and Sidney, Russel, and Arm- 
 strong, found that the just and mild principles 
 which characterise the criminal law of England 
 could no longer protect their lives, when the sacri- 
 fice was called for by the policy or vengeance of the 
 King. To give an account of all the oppression of 
 
 H 
 
50 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER this period, would be to enumerate every arrest, 
 — i — every trial, every sentence, that took place in ques- 
 tions between the crown and the subjects. 
 Rye-house Qf thc Rye-housc plot it may be said, much more 
 1683. truly than of the Popish, that there was in it some 
 truth, mixed with much falsehood ; and though 
 many of the circumstances in Kealing's account are 
 nearly as absurd and ridiculous as those in Oates's, 
 it seems probable that there was among some of 
 those accused, a notion of assassinating the King ; 
 but whether this notion was ever ripened into 
 what may be called a design, and, much more, 
 whether it were ever evinced by such an overt act, 
 as the law requires for conviction, is very doubtful. 
 In regard to the conspirators of higher ranks, from 
 whom all suspicion of participation in the intended 
 assassination has been long since done away, there 
 is unquestionably reason to believe that they had 
 often met and consulted, as well for the purpose 
 of ascertaining the means they actually possessed 
 as for that of devising others, for delivering their 
 country from the dreadful servitude into which it 
 had fallen ; and thus far their conduct appears 
 clearly to have been laudable. If they went fur- 
 ther, and did any thing which could be fairly 
 construed into an actual conspiracy, to levy war 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 51 
 
 against the King, they acted, considering the dispo- chapter 
 sition of the nation at that period, very indiscreetly. ' 
 But whether their proceedings had ever gone this 
 length, is far from certain. Monmouth's communi- 
 cations with the King, when we reflect upon all the 
 circumstances of those communications, deserve not 
 the smallest attention ; nor indeed, if they did, 
 does the letter which he afterwards withdrew, prove 
 any thing upon this point. And it is an outrage to 
 common sense to call Lord Grey's narrative, written, 
 as he himself states in his letter to James the Second, 
 while the question of his pardon was pending, an 
 authentick account. That which is most certain in 
 this affair is, that they had committed no overt act, 
 indicating the imagining of the King's death, even ac- 
 cording to the most strained construction of the 
 statute of Edward the Third ; much less was any 
 such act legally proved against them. And the con- 
 spiring to levy war was not treason, except by a Execution of 
 recent statute of Charles the Second, the prosecutions 
 upon which were expressly limited to a certain time, 
 which in these cases had elapsed ; so that it is im- 
 possible not to assent to the opinion of those who 
 have ever stigmatized the condemnation and execu- 
 tion of Russel as a most flagrant violation of law and 
 justice. 
 
 Russel. 
 
5^ INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER The proceedings in Sidney's case were still more 
 
 ^' detestable. The production of papers, containing 
 
 Trial and spcculative ooinions upon government and liberty, 
 
 Execution of *^ , ^ TO / » 
 
 Sidney. writtcu loug before, and perhaps never even in- 
 tended to be published, together w^ith the use made 
 of those papers, in considering them as a substitute 
 for the second witness to the overt act, exhibited 
 such a compound of wickedness and nonsense as is 
 hardly to be paralleled in the history of juridical 
 tyranny. But the validity of pretences was little at- 
 tended to, at that time, in the case of a person whom 
 the court had devoted to destruction, and upon 
 evidence such as has been stated, w^as this great and 
 excellent man condemned to die. Pardon was not to 
 be expected. Mr. Hume says, that such an inter- 
 ference on the part of the King, though it might 
 have been an act of heroick generosity, could not be 
 regarded as an indispensable duty. He might have 
 said, with more propriety, that it was idle to expect 
 that the government, after having incurred so much 
 guilt in order to obtain the sentence, should, by re- 
 mitting it, relinquish the object, just when it was 
 within its grasp. The same historian considers the 
 jury as highly blameable, and so do I ; but what was 
 their guilt, in comparison of that of the court who 
 tried, and of the government who prosecuted, in this 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 53 
 
 infamous cause ? Yet the jury, being the only party chapter 
 that can with any colour be stated as acting inde- ' 
 pendently of the government, is the only one men- 
 tioned by him as blameable. The prosecutor is 
 wholly omitted in his censure, and so is the court ; 
 this last, not from any tenderness for the judge, (who, 
 to do this author justice, is no favourite with him,) 
 but lest the odious connection between that branch 
 of the judicature and the government should strike 
 the reader too forcibly ; for JeflFeries, in this in- 
 stance, ought to be regarded as the mere tool and 
 instrument, (a fit one, no doubt,) of the prince who 
 had appointed him for the purpose of this and similar 
 services. Lastly, the King is gravely introduced on 
 the question of pardon, as if he had had no prior con- 
 cern in the cause, and were now to decide upon the 
 propriety of extending mercy to a criminal condemned 
 by a court of judicature ; nor are we once reminded 
 what that judicature was, by whom appointed, by 
 whom influenced, by whom called upon, to receive 
 that detestable evidence, the very recollection of 
 which, even at this distance of time, fires every 
 honest heart with indignation. As well might we 
 palliate the murders of Tiberius, who seldom put 
 to death his victims without a previous decree of 
 his senate. The moral of all this seems to be, that 
 
54 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER whenever a prince can, by intimidation, corruption, 
 ' illegal evidence, or other such means, obtain a 
 verdict against a subject whom he dislikes, he may 
 cause him to be executed without any breach of in- 
 dispensable duty ; nay, that it is an act of heroick 
 generosity, if he spares him. I never reflect on Mr. 
 Hume's statement of this matter but with the deepest 
 regret. Widely as I differ from him upon many 
 other occasions, this appears to me to be the most 
 reprehensible passage of his whole work. A spirit 
 of adulation towards deceased princes, though in a 
 good measure free from the imputation of interested 
 meanness, which is justly attached to flattery, when 
 applied to living monarchs ; yet, as it is less intel- 
 ligible, with respect to its motives, than the other, 
 so is it in its consequences, still more pernicious to 
 the general interests of mankind. Fear of censure 
 from contemporaries will seldom have much eflfect 
 upon men in situations of unlimited authority : they 
 will too often flatter themselves, that the same power 
 which enables them to commit the crime, will 
 secure them from reproach. The dread of posthu- 
 mous infamy, therefore, being the only restraint, 
 their consciences excepted, upon the passions of 
 such persons, it is lamentable that this last defence, 
 {feeble enough at best,) should in any degree be 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 55 
 
 impaired ; and impaired it must be, if not totally de- chapter 
 
 stroyed, when tyrants can hope to find in a man like 
 
 Hume, no less eminent for the integrity and bene- 
 volence of his heart, than for the depth and sound- 
 ness of his understanding, an apologist for even their 
 foulest murders. 
 
 Thus fell Russel and Sidney, two names that 
 will, it is hoped, be for ever dear to every English 
 heart. When their memory shall cease to be an ob- 
 ject of respect and veneration, it requires no spirit 
 of prophecy to foretell that English liberty will be 
 fast approaching to its final consummation. Their 
 deportment was such as might be expected from men 
 who knew themselves to be suffering, not for their 
 crimes, but for their virtues. In courage they were 
 equal, but the fortitude of Russel, who was connected 
 with the world by private and domestic ties, which 
 Sidney had not, was put to the severer trial ; and 
 the story of the last days of this excellent man's life, 
 fills the mind with such a mixture of tenderness 
 and admiration, that I know not any scene in his- 
 tory that more powerfully excites our sympathy, or 
 goes more directly to the heart. 
 
 The very day on which Russel was executed, Oxford De- 
 the University of Oxford passed their famous Decree, 
 condemning formally, as impious and heretical 
 
56 INTHODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER propositions, everyprinciple upon which the consti- 
 
 ' tution of this or any other free country can maintain 
 
 itself. Nor was this learned body satisfied with 
 stigmatizing such principles as contrary to the Holy 
 Scriptures, to the decrees of Councils, to the writings 
 of the Fathers, to the faith and profession of the 
 primitive church, as destructive of the kingly go- 
 vernment, the safety of his Majesty's person, the 
 publick peace, the laws of nature, and bounds of 
 human society ; but after enumerating the several 
 obnoxious propositions, among which was one de- 
 claring all civil authority derived from the people ; 
 another, asserting a mutual contract, tacit or express, 
 between the King and his subjects; a third, main- 
 taining the lawfulness of changing the succession to 
 the crown ; with many others of a like nature, they 
 solemnly decreed all and every of those propositions 
 to be not only false and seditious, but impious, and 
 that the books which contained them were fitted to 
 lead to rebellion, murder of princes, and atheism 
 itself. Such are the absurdities which men are not 
 ashaaied to utter in order to cast odious imputations 
 upon their adversaries ; and such the manner in 
 which churchmen will abuse, when it suits their 
 policy, the holy name of that religion whose first 
 precept is to love one another, for the purpose of 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 5 7 
 
 teaching us to hate our neighbours witli more than chapter 
 
 ordinary rancour. If Much ado about Nothing had 
 
 been published in those days, the town-clerk's decla- 
 ration, that receiving a thousand ducats for accusing 
 the Lady Hero wrongfully, was flat burglary, might 
 be supposed to be a satire upon this decree ; yet 
 Shakespeare, well as he knew human nature, not 
 only as to its general course, but in all its eccentrick 
 deviations, could never dream, that, in the persons of 
 Dogberry, Verges, and their followers, he was re- 
 presenting the vice-chancellors and doctors of our 
 learned University. 
 
 Among the oppressions of this period, most of Mr. Locke's 
 which were attended with consequences so much from Oxford. 
 more important to the several objects of persecution, 
 it may seem scarcely worth while to notice the ex- 
 pulsion of John Locke from Christ Church College, 
 Oxford. But besides the interest which every incident 
 in the life of a person so deservedly eminent, natu- 
 rally excites, there appears to have been something 
 in the transaction itself characteristick of the spirit 
 of the times, as well as of the general nature of ab- 
 solute power. Mr. Locke was known to have been 
 intimately connected with Lord Shaftesbury, and 
 had very prudently judged it advisable for him, 
 to prolong for some time his residence upon the 
 
58 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER Continent, to which he had resorted originally on 
 
 '. — account of his health. A suspicion, as it has been 
 
 since proved, unfounded, that he was the author of 
 a pamphlet which gave offence to the government, 
 induced the King to insist upon his removal from 
 his studentship at Christ Church. Sunderland writes, 
 by the King's command, to Dr. Fell, Bishop of Ox- 
 ford, and Dean of Christ Church. The reverend pre- 
 late answers, that he has long had an eye upon Mr. 
 Locke's behaviour ; but though frequent attempts had 
 been made, (attempts of which the Bishop expresses 
 no disapprobation,) to draw him into imprudent con- 
 versation, by attacking, in his company, the reputa- 
 tion, and insulting the memory, of his late patron 
 and friend, and thus to make his gratitude, and all 
 the best feelings of his heart, instrumental to his 
 ruin, these attempts all proved unsuccessful. Hence 
 the Bishop infers, not the innocence of Mr. Locke, 
 but that he was a great master of concealment, both 
 as to words and looks; for looks, it is to be supposed, 
 would have furnished a pretext for his expulsion, 
 more decent than any which had yet been disco- 
 vered. An expedient is then suggested, to drive 
 Mr. Locke to a dilemma, by summoning him to at- 
 tend the College on the first of January ensuing. If 
 he do not appear, he shall be expelled for contumacy; 
 
INTRODtrCTORY CHAPTER. 59 
 
 if he come, matter of charge may be found against chapter 
 
 him, for what he shall have said at London, or else 
 
 where, where he will have been less upon his guard 
 than at Oxford. Some have ascribed Fell's hesita- 
 tion, if it can be so called, in executing the King's 
 order, to his unwillingness to injure Locke, who was 
 his friend; others, with more reason, to the doubt 
 of the legality of the order. However this may have 
 been, neither his scruple nor his reluctance was 
 regarded by a court who knew its own power. A 
 peremptory order was accordingly sent, and imme- 
 diate obedience ensued.''' Thus, while, without the 
 shadow of a crime, Mr. Locke lost a situation at- 
 tended with some emolument, and great conve- 
 nience, was the University deprived of, or rather 
 thus, from the base principles of servility, did she 
 cast away, the man the having produced whom is 
 now her chiefest glory; and thus, to those who are 
 not determined to be blind, did the true nature of 
 absolute power discover itself, against v\^hich the 
 middling station is not more secure than the most 
 exalted. Tyranny, when glutted with the blood of 
 the great, and the plunder of the rich, will conde- 
 scend to hunt humbler game, and make a peaceable 
 
 Vide Sunderland's correspondence with the Bishop of Oxford, 
 in the Appendix. 
 
60 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER and innocent fellow of a college the object of its 
 
 '. — persecution. In this instance one would almost 
 
 imagine there was some instinctive sagacity in the 
 government of that time, which pointed out to them, 
 even before he had made himself known to the 
 world, the man who was destined to be the most 
 successful adversary of superstition and tyranny. 
 Forfeiture of Thc King, duriug the remainder of his reign, 
 seems, with the exception of Armstrong's execution, 
 which must be added to the catalogue of his mur- 
 ders, to have directed his attacks more against the 
 civil rights, properties, and liberties, than against 
 the lives of his subjects. Convictions against evi- 
 dence, sentences against law, enormous fines, cruel 
 imprisonments, were the principal engines'' em- 
 ployed for the purpose of breaking the spirit of in- 
 dividuals, and fitting their necks for the yoke. But 
 it was not thought fit to trust wholly to the effect 
 which such examples would produce upon the pub- 
 lick. That the subjugation of the people might be 
 complete, and despotism be established upon the 
 most solid foundation, measures of a more gene- 
 ral nature and effect were adopted ; and first, the 
 
 * The expedient of transporting men among common felons for 
 political offences was not then invented, which is the more extraordi- 
 nary, as it had begun in this reign to be in some degree made use of 
 in religious persecutions. 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 61 
 
 charter of London, and then those of ahnost all the chapter 
 
 ^ , I. 
 
 other corporations in England, were either forfeited, 
 
 or forced to a surrender. By this act of violence 
 two important points were thought to be gained ; 
 one, that in every regular assemblage of the people, 
 in any part of the kingdom, the crown would have 
 a commanding influence ; the other, that in case the 
 King should find himself compelled to break his en- 
 gagement to France, and to call a parliament, a great 
 majority of members would be returned by electors 
 of his nomination, and subject to his controul. In 
 the affair of th^ charter of London, it was seen, as in 
 the case of ship-money, how idle it is to look to 
 the integrity of judges for a barrier against royal 
 encroachments, when the courts of justice are not 
 under the constant and vigilant controul of Parlia- 
 ment. And it is not to be wondered at that, after 
 such a warning, and with no hope of seeing a Parlia- 
 ment assemble, even they who still retained their 
 attachment to the true constitution of their country, 
 should rather give way to the torrent, than make a 
 fruitless and dangerous resistance. 
 
 Charles being thus completely master, was deter- Despot 
 mined that the relative situation of him and his 
 subjects should be clearly understood, for which pur- 
 pose he ordered a declaration to be framed, wherein, 
 
 ism 
 established. 
 
63 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER after having stated that he considered the degree 
 
 of confidence they had reposed in him as an honour 
 
 particular to his reign, which not one of his pre- 
 decessors had ever dared even to hope for, he assured 
 them he would use it with all possible moderation, 
 and convince even the most violent republicans, 
 that as the crown was the origin of the rights and 
 liberties of the people, so was it their most certain and 
 secure support. This gracious declaration was ready 
 for the press at the time of the King's death, and if 
 he had lived to issue it, there can be little doubt how 
 it would have been received, at a time when 
 
 nunquam Libertas gratior extat 
 Quam sub Rege pio, 
 
 was the theme of every song, and, by the help of some 
 perversion of Scripture, the text of every sermon. 
 But whatever might be the language of flatterers, and 
 how loud soever the cry of a triumphant, but deluded 
 Despondency party, thcrc wcrc not wanting men of nobler senti- 
 
 of good men. ^ r • i • x#- i 
 
 ments, and ot more rational views. Minds once 
 thoroughly imbued with the love of what Sidney, in 
 his last moments, so emphatically called the good old 
 cause, will not easily relinquish their principles ; nor 
 was the manner in which absolute power was exer- 
 cised, such as to reconcile to it, in practice, those 
 who had always been averse to it in speculation. 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 63 
 
 The hatred of tyranny must, in such persons, have chapter 
 
 been exasperated by the experience of its effects, and — 
 
 their attachment to liberty proportionably confirmed. 
 To them the state of their country must have been in- 
 tolerable : to reflect upon the efforts of their fathers, 
 once their pride and glory, and whom they themselves 
 had followed with no unequal steps, and to see the 
 result of all in the scenes that now presented them- 
 selves, must have filled their minds with sensations 
 of the deepest regret, and feelings bordering at least 
 on despondency. To us, who have the opportunity 
 of combining, in our view of this period, not only the 
 preceding but subsequent transactions, the consider- 
 ation of it may suggest reflections far different, and 
 speculations more consolatory. Indeed I know not 
 that history can furnish a more forcible lesson against 
 despondency, than by recording, that within a short 
 time from those dismal days in which men of the 
 greatest constancy despaired, and had reason to do 
 so, within five years from the death of Sidney, arose 
 the brightest aera of freedom known to the annals 
 of our country. 
 
 It is said that the King, when at the summit of fntended 
 his power, was far from happy; and a notion has measures, 
 been generally entertained, that not long before his 
 death he had resolved upon the recall of Monmouth, 
 
64 IN 1 RODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 I. 
 
 CHAPTER and a correspondent change of system. That some 
 such change was apprehended seems extremely pro- 
 bable, from the earnest desire which the court of 
 France, as well as the Duke of York's party in 
 England, entertained, in the last years of Charles's 
 life, to remove the Marquis of Halifax, who was 
 supposed to have friendly dispositions to Monmouth. 
 Among the various objections to that nobleman's 
 political principles, we find the charge most relied 
 upon, for the purpose of injuring him in the mind 
 of the King, was founded on the opinion he had 
 delivered in council, in favour of modelling the 
 charters of the British Colonies in North America 
 upon the principles of the rights and privileges of 
 Englishmen. There was no room to doubt, (he was 
 accused of saying,) that the same laws under which 
 we live in England, should be established in a 
 country composed of Englishmen. He even dilated 
 upon this, and omitted none of the reasons by which 
 it can be proved, that an absolute government is 
 neither so happy nor so safe as that which is temper- 
 ed by laws, and which limits the authority of the 
 prince. He exaggerated, it was said, the mischiefs 
 of a sovereign power, and declared plainly, that he 
 could not make up his mind to live under a king 
 who should have it in his power to take, when he 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 65 
 
 pleased, the money he might have in his pocket, chapter 
 
 All the other ministers had combated, as might be 
 
 expected, sentiments so extraordinary; and without 
 entering into the general question of the comparative 
 value of different forms of government, maintained 
 that his Majesty could, and ought to govern countries 
 so distant, in the manner that should appear to him 
 most suitable for preserving or augmenting the 
 strength and riches of the mother country. It had 
 been therefore resolved, that the government and 
 council of the Provinces under the new charter, 
 should not be obliged to call assemblies of the colo- 
 nists for the purpose of imposing taxes, or making 
 other important regulations, but should do what they 
 thought fit, without rendering any account of their 
 actions, except to his Britannick Majesty. The affair 
 having been so decided with a concurrence only 
 short of unanimity, was no longer considered as a 
 matter of importance, nor would it be worth records 
 ing, if the Duke of York and the French court had 
 not fastened uoon it,* as affording the best evidence 
 of the danger tp be apprehended from having a man 
 of Halifax's principles in any situation of trust or 
 power. There is something curious in discovering, 
 that, even at this early period, a question relative to 
 
 * Vide Barillon's Dispatches, 7th Dec. 1684. Appendix, p. vii. 
 
 K 
 
66 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER North American liberty, and even to North American 
 
 taxation, was considered as the test of principles 
 
 friendly, or adverse, to arbitrary povs^er at home. But 
 the truth is, that among the several controversies 
 which have arisen, there is no other wherein the 
 natural rights of man on the one hand, and the au- 
 thority of artificial institution on the other, as ap- 
 plied respectively, by the Whigs and Tories, to the 
 English constitution, are so fairly put in issue, nor 
 by which the line of separation between the two 
 parties is so strongly and distinctly marked. 
 Charles's Thcrc is somc reason for believing that the court 
 
 death. ^ ^ O ^ 
 
 1685. of Versailles had either wholly discontinued, or at 
 least had become very remiss in, the payments of 
 Charles's pension ; and it is not unlikely that this 
 consideration may have induced him either really to 
 think of calling a parliament, or at least to tlireaten 
 Lewis with such a measure, in order to make that 
 prince more punctual in performing his part of their 
 secret treaty. But whether or not any secret change 
 was really intended, or if it were, to what extent, and 
 to what objects directed, are points which cannot now 
 be ascertained, no publick steps having ever been 
 taken in this affair, and his Majesty's intentions, 
 if in truth he had any such, becoming abortive by 
 the sudden illness which seized him on the first of 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 6? 
 
 February 168 5, and which, in a few days afterwards, chapter 
 
 put an end to his reign and life. His death was by 
 
 many supposed to have been the effect of poison ; 
 but although there is reason to believe that this sus- 
 picion was harboured by persons very near to him, 
 and among others, as I have heard, by the Dutchess 
 of Portsmouth, it appears, upon the whole, to rest 
 upon very slender foundations." 
 
 With respect to the character of this Prince, upon Hiscimrac- 
 the delineation of which so much pains have been 
 employed, by the various writers who treat of the 
 history of his time, it must be confessed that the facts 
 which have been noticed in the foregoing pages, 
 furnish but too many illustrations of the more unfa^ 
 vourable parts of it. From these we may collect, 
 that his ambition was directed solely against his sub- 
 jects, while he was completely indifferent concern- 
 ing the figure which he or they might make in the 
 general affairs of Europe ; and that his desire of 
 power was more unmixed with love of glory than 
 
 * Mr. Fox had this report from the family of his mother, great- 
 grandaughter to the Dutchess of Portsmouth. — The Dutchess of Ports- 
 mouth lived to a very advanced age, and retained her faculties to the 
 period of her death, which happened in nS^jat Aubigny. — Mr. Fox's 
 mother, when very young, saw her at that place ; and many of the 
 Lenox family, with whom Mr. Fox was subsequently acquainted, had, 
 no doubt, frequently conversed with her. 
 
68 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER that of any other man whom history has recorded ; 
 
 that he was unprincipled, ungrateful, mean, and 
 
 treacherous, to which may be added, vindictive, and 
 remorseless. For Burnet, in refusing to him the 
 praise of clemency and forgiveness seems to be per- 
 fectly justifiable, nor is it conceivable upon what 
 pretence his partizans have taken this ground of 
 panegyrick. I doubt whether a single instance can be 
 produced , of his having spared the life of any one whom 
 motives, either of policy, or of revenge, prompted 
 him to destroy. To alledge that of Monmouth, as it 
 would be an affront to human nature, so would it 
 likewise imply the most severe of all satires against 
 the monarch himself, and we may add too an unde- 
 served one. For in order to consider it as an act of 
 meritorious forbearance on his part, that he did not 
 follow the example of Constantine, and Philip the 
 Second, by imbruing his hands in the blood of his 
 son, we must first suppose him to have been wholly 
 void of every natural aflPection, which does not appear 
 to have been the case. His declaration, that he 
 would have pardoned Essex, being made when that 
 nobleman was dead, and not followed by any act 
 evincing its sincerity, can surely obtain no credit 
 from men of sense. If he had really had the inten- 
 tion, he ought not to have made such a declaration, 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 69 
 
 unless he accompanied it with some mark of kind- chapter 
 
 ness to the relations, or with some act of mercy to the 
 
 friends, of the deceased . Considering it as a mere piece 
 of hypocrisy, we cannot help looking upon it as one 
 of the most odious passages of his life. This ill-timed 
 boast of his intended mercy, and the brutal taunt 
 with which he accompanied his mitigation, (if so it 
 may be called,) of Russel's sentence, shew his in- 
 sensibility and hardness to have been such, that in 
 questions where right feelings were concerned, his 
 good sense, and even the good taste for which he has 
 been so much extolled, seemed wholly to desert him. 
 
 On the other hand, it would be want of candour His good 
 to maintain, that Charles was entirely destitute Qf"^"^'^'^"' 
 good qualities ; nor was the propriety of Burnet's 
 comparison between him and Tiberius ever felt, I 
 imagine, by any one but its author. He was gay 
 and affable, and, if incapable of the sentiments be- 
 longing to pride of a laudable sort, he was at least 
 free from haughtiness and insolence. The praise of 
 politeness, which the Stoicks are not perhaps wrong 
 in classing among the moral virtues, provided they 
 admit it to be one of the lowest order, has never been 
 denied him, and he had in an eminent degree that 
 facility of temper which, though considered by some 
 moralists as nearly allied to vice, yet, inasmuch as it 
 
70 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER contributes greatly to the happiness of those around 
 
 lis, is, in itself, not only an engaging, but an estimable 
 
 quality. His support of the Queen during the heats 
 raised by the Popish plot, ought to be taken rather as 
 a proof that he was not a monster, than to be ascribed 
 to him as a merit ; but his steadiness to his brother, 
 though it may and ought, in a great measure, to be 
 accounted for upon selfish principles, had at least a 
 strong resemblance to virtue. 
 
 The best part of this Prince's character seems to 
 have been his kindness towards his mistresses, and 
 his affection for his children, and others nearly con- 
 nected to him by the ties of blood. His recommen- 
 dation of the Dutchess of Portsmouth and Mrs. Gwyn, 
 upon his death-bed, to his successor, is much to his 
 honour; and they who censure it, seem, in their 
 zeal to show themselves strict moralists, to have suf- 
 fered their notions of vice and virtue to have fallen 
 into strange confusion. Charles's connection with 
 those ladies might be vicious, but at a moment when 
 that connection was upon the point of being finally, 
 and irrevocably dissolved, to concern himself about 
 their future welfare, and to recommend them to his 
 brother with earnest tenderness, was virtue. It is 
 not for the interest of morality that the good and evil 
 actions, even of bad men, should be confounded. 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 71 
 
 His affection for the Duke of Gloucester, and for the chapter 
 
 Dutchess of Orleans, seems to have been sincere and 
 
 cordial. To attribute, as some have done, his grief 
 for the loss of the first to political considerations, 
 founded upon an intended balance of power between 
 his two brothers, would be an absurd refinement, 
 whatever were his general disposition ; but when we 
 reflect upon that carelessness which, especially 
 in his youth, was a conspicuous feature of his 
 character, the absurdity becomes still more striking. 
 And though Burnet more covertly, and Ludlow more 
 openly, insinuate that his fondness for his sister was 
 of a criminal nature, I never could find that there 
 was any ground whatever for such a suspicion ; nor 
 does the little that remains of their epistolary cor- 
 respondence give it the smallest countenance. Upon 
 the whole, Charles the Second was a bad man, and a 
 bad king: let us not palliate his crimes; but neither 
 let us adopt false or doubtful imputations, for the 
 purpose of making him a Monster. 
 
 Whoever reviews the interesting period which Reflexions 
 
 II I . . , . . I upon the pro- 
 
 we have been discussing, upon the principle recom- babie conse- 
 mended in the outset of this chapter, will find, that, reign and 
 
 death. 
 
 from the consideration of the past, to prognosticate 
 the future, would, at the moment of Charles's demise, 
 be no easy task. Between two persons, one of 
 
72 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 CHAPTER whom should expect that the country would re- 
 
 main sunk in slavery, the other, that the cause of 
 
 freedom would revive and triumph, it would he 
 difficult to decide, whose reasons were better sup- 
 ported, whose speculations the more probable. I 
 should guess that he who desponded, had looked 
 more at the state of the publick, while he who 
 was sanguine, had fixed his eyes more attentively 
 upon the person who was about to mount the 
 throne. Upon reviewing the two great parties of 
 the nation, one observation occurs very forcibly, 
 and that is, that the great strength of the Whigs 
 consisted in their being able to brand their adver- 
 saries as favourers of Popery; that of the Tories, 
 (as far as their strength depended upon opinion, and 
 not merely upon the power of the crown,) in their 
 finding colour to represent the Whigs as republi- 
 cans. From this observation we may draw a further 
 inference, that, in proportion to the rashness of the 
 Crown, in avowing and pressing forward the cause 
 of Popery, and to the moderation and steadiness of 
 the Whigs, in adhering to the form of monarchy, 
 would be the chance of the people of England, for 
 changing an ignominious despotism, for glory, 
 liberty, and happiness. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE EARLY PART OF THE REIGN OF 
 JAMES THE SECOND. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 "Accession of James II. — His Declaration in Council: Acceptable 
 " to the Nation. — Arbitrary Designs of his Reign. — Former Minis- 
 " ters continued. — Money Transactions with France. — Revenue 
 " levied without Authority of Parliament. — Persecution of Dissen- 
 " ters — Character of Jefferies. — The King's Affectation of Inde- 
 " pendence. — Advances to the Prince of Orange. — The primary 
 " Object of this Reign. — Transactions in Scotland. — Severe Perse- 
 " cutions there. — Scottish Parliament. — Cruelties of Government. — 
 " English Parliament: Its Proceedings. — Revenue. — Votes con- 
 " cerning Religion — Bill for Preservation of the King's Person. — 
 " Solicitude for the Church of England. — Reversal of Stafford's 
 " Attainder rejected. — Parliament adjourned. — Character of the 
 " Tories.— Situation of the Whigs." E. 
 
[77 ] 
 
 CHAPTER THE SECOND, 
 
 Charles the Second expired on the sixth of Feb- chapter 
 
 ruary 1684-5, and on the same day his successor ! — 
 
 was proclaimed King in London, with the usual Accession of 
 formalities, by the title of James the Second. The Feb. 6th. 
 great influence which this Prince was supposed to 
 have possessed in the government, during the latter 
 years of his brother's reign, and the expectation 
 which was entertained, in consequence, that his 
 measures, when monarch, would be of the same 
 character and complexion with those which he was 
 known to have highly approved, and of which he 
 was thought by many to have been the principal 
 author, when a subject, left little room for that spirit 
 of speculation, which generally attends a demise 
 of the Crown. And thus an event, which, when 
 apprehended a few years before, had, according to 
 a strong expression of Sir William Temple, been 
 
78 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER looked upon as the end of the world, was now 
 
 II. 
 deemed to be of small comparative importance. 
 
 First steps of Its tendency, indeed, was rather to ensure perse- 
 
 iiis reign. i • i 
 
 verance than to effect any change in the system 
 which had been of late years pursued. As there 
 are, however, some steps indispensably necessary 
 on the accession of a new prince to the throne, to 
 these the publick attention was directed, and, though 
 the character of James had been long so generally 
 understood, as to leave little doubt respecting the 
 political maxims and principles by which his reign 
 would be governed, there was probably much cu- 
 riosity, as upon such occasions there always is, with 
 regard to the conduct he would pursue in matters 
 of less importance, and to the general language and 
 behaviour which he would adopt in his new situ- 
 ation. His first step was, of course, to assemble the 
 privy council, to whom he spoke as follows: 
 
 His deciara- " BefoFe I enter upon any other business, I think 
 
 tion in coun- ri • • i i i i 
 
 cii. " fit to say something to you. bmce it hath pleased 
 
 " Almighty God to place me in this station, and I 
 " am now to succeed so good and gracious a king, 
 *' as well as so very kind a brother, I think it fit to 
 *' declare to you, that I will endeavour to follow 
 *' his example, and most especially in that of his 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 79 
 
 " great clemency and tenderness to his people. I chapter 
 
 '* have been reported to be a man for arbitrary power; 
 
 *' but that is not the only story that has been made 
 *' of me: and I shall make it my endeavour to pre- 
 *' serve this government, both in Church and State, 
 *' as it is now by law established. I know the 
 ** principles of the Church of England are for Mo- 
 *' narchy, and the members of it have shewn them- 
 *' selves good and loyal subjects; therefore I shall 
 " always take care to defend and support it. I know 
 *' too, that the laws of England are sujfficient to 
 *' make the King as great a monarch as I can wish; 
 •* and as I shall never depart from the just rights 
 *' and prerogatives of the crown, so I shall never 
 " invade any man's property. I have often here- 
 " tofore ventured my life in defence of this nation ; 
 *' and I shall go as far as any man in preserving it 
 " in all its just rights and liberties."* 
 
 With this declaration the council were so highly Acceptable 
 satisfied, that they supplicated his Majesty to make 
 it publick, which was accordingly done; and it is 
 reported to have been received with unbounded 
 applause by the greater part of the nation. Some, 
 perhaps, there were, who did not think the boast 
 
 * Kennet. III. 420. 
 
80 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER of having ventured his life, very manly, and who, 
 
 considering the transactions of the last vears of 
 
 Charles s reign, were not much encouraged by the 
 promise of imitating that monarch in clemency and 
 tenderness to his subjects. To these it might ap- 
 pear, that whatever there was of consolatory in the 
 King's disclaimer of arbitrary power, and professed 
 attachment to the laws, was totally done away, as 
 well by the consideration of what his Majesty's no- 
 tions of power and law were, as by his declaration, 
 that he would follow the example of a predecessor, 
 whose government had not only been marked with 
 the violation, in particular cases, of all the most 
 sacred laws of the realm, but had latterly, by the 
 disuse of parliaments, in defiance of the statute of 
 the sixteenth year of his reign, stood upon a founda- 
 tion radically and fundamentally illegal. To others 
 it might occur, that even the promise to the Church 
 of England, though express with respect to the 
 condition of it, which was no other than perfect 
 acquiescence in what the King deemed to be the 
 true principles of monarchy, was rather vague with 
 regard to the nature, or degree of support to which 
 the royal speaker might conceive himself engaged. 
 The words, although, in any interpretation of them, 
 they conveyed more than he possibly ever intended 
 
l68L 
 
 OF JAMES THE SECOND. 81 
 
 to perform, did by no means express the sense which chapter 
 at that time, by his friends, and afterwards by his 
 enemies, was endeavoured to be fixed on them. 
 There was indeed a promise to support the estab- 
 lishment of the Church, and consequently the laws 
 upon which that establishment immediately rested ; 
 but by no means an engagement to maintain all the 
 collateral provisions which some of its more zeal- 
 ous members might judge necessary for its security. 
 
 But whatever doubts or difficulties might be felt. Triumph of 
 few or none were expressed. The Whigs, as a van- 
 quished party, were either silent, or not listened to, 
 and the Tories were in a temper of mind which 
 does not easily admit suspicion. They were not more 
 delighted with the victory they had obtained over 
 their adversaries, than with the additional stability 
 which, as they vainly imagined, the accession of 
 the new monarch was likely to give to their system. 
 The truth is, that, his religion excepted, (and that 
 objection they were sanguine enough to consider as 
 done away by a few gracious words in favour of 
 the Church,) James was every way better suited to 
 their purpose than his brother. They had enter- 
 tained continual apprehensions, not perhaps wholly 
 unfounded, of the late King's returning kindness to 
 Monmouth, the consequences of which could not 
 
8^ HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER easily be calculated ; whereas, every occurrence 
 
 that had happened, as well as every circumstance 
 
 in James's situation, seemed to make him utterly ir- 
 reconcileable with the Whigs. Besides, after the 
 reproach, as well as alarm, which the notoriety of 
 Charles's treacherous character must so often have 
 caused them, the very circumstance of having at 
 their head a Prince, of whom they could with any 
 colour hold out to their adherents, that his word 
 was to be depended upon, was in itself a matter of 
 triumph and exultation. Accordingly the watch- 
 word of the party was every where, iVe have the 
 word of a King, and a word never yet broken ; and to 
 such a length was the spirit of adulation, or {>er- 
 haps the delusion, carried, that this royal declara- 
 tion was said to be a better security for the liberty 
 and religion of the nation, than any which the law 
 could devise.* 
 The Kings The King, though much pleased, no doubt, with 
 Jigns.'^"^^ '^ the popularity which seemed to attend the com- 
 mencement of his reign, as a powerful medium for 
 establishing the system of absolute power, did not 
 suffer himself, by any shew of affection from his 
 people, to be diverted from his design of rendering 
 his government independent of them. To this 
 
 * Burnet. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 83 
 
 design we must look as the main-spring of all his chapteh 
 
 actions at this period ; for with regard to the Roman 
 
 Catholick religion, it is by no means certain that 
 he yet thought of obtaining for it any thing more 
 than a complete toleration. With this view, there- Ministers re- 
 
 n 1 11 1 • 1' • 1 • appointed. 
 
 fore, he could not take a more judicious resolution 
 than that which he had declared in his speech to 
 the privy council, and to which he seems, at this 
 time, to have stedfastly adhered, of making the go- 
 vernment of his predecessor the model for his 
 own. He therefore continued in their offices, not- 
 withstanding the personal objections he might have 
 to some of them, those servants of the late King, 
 during whose administration that Prince had been so 
 successfid in subduing his subjects, and eradicating 
 almost from the minds of Englishmen every senti- 
 ment of liberty. 
 
 Even the Marquis of Halifax, who was supposed Halifax. 
 to have remonstrated against many of the late mea- 
 sures, and to have been busy in recommending a 
 change of system to Charles, was continued in high 
 employment by James, who told him, that, of all his 
 past conduct, he should remember only his beha- 
 viour upon the Exclusion Bill, to which that no- 
 bleman had made a zealous and distinguished oppo- 
 sition ; a handsome expression, which has been the 
 
84 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER more noticed, as well because it is almost the single 
 — — — instance of this Prince's shewing any disposition 
 to forget injuries, as on account of a delicacy and 
 propriety in the wording of it by no means familiar 
 to him. 
 Kochester. Lawreuce Hyde, Earl of Rochester, whom he 
 appointed Lord Treasurer, was in all respects cal- 
 culated to be a fit instrument for the purposes then 
 in view. Besides being upon the worst terms with 
 Halifax, in whom alone, of all his ministers, James 
 was likely to find any bias in favour of popular 
 principles, he was, both from prejudice of educa- 
 tion, and from interest, inasmuch as he had aspired 
 to be the head of the Tories, a great favourer of 
 those servile principles of the Church of England, 
 which had lately been so highly extolled from the 
 throne. His near relation to the Dutchess of York 
 might also be some recommendation, but his privity 
 to the late pecuniary transactions between the courts 
 of Versailles and London, and the cordiality with 
 which he concurred in them, were by far more 
 powerful titles to his new master's confidence. For 
 it must be observed of this minister, as well as of 
 many others of his party, that his high notions, as 
 they are frequently styled, of power, regarded only 
 the relation between the King and his subjects, and 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 85 
 
 not that in which he might stand with respect chapter 
 
 to foreign Princes; so that, provided he could, by '. — 
 
 a dependence, however servile, upon Lewis the 
 Fourteenth, be placed above the controul of his 
 Parliament and people at home, he considered the 
 honour of the crown unsullied. 
 
 Robert Spencer, Earl of Sunderland, who was sunderiand. 
 continued as Secretary of State, had been at one 
 period a supporter of the Exclusion Bill, and had 
 been suspected of having offered the Dutchess of 
 Portsmouth to obtain the succession to the crown 
 for her son, the Duke of Richmond. Nay more, 
 King James, in his memoirs, charges him with hav- 
 ing intended, just at the time of Charles's death, to 
 send him into a second banishment ;'*' but with re- 
 gard to this last point, it appears evident to me, 
 that many things in those memoirs relative to this 
 Earl, were written after James's abdication, and in 
 the greatest bitterness of spirit, when he was pro- 
 bably in a frame of mind to believe any thing 
 against a person by whom he conceived himself to 
 have been basely deserted. The reappointment, 
 therefore, of this nobleman to so important an office, 
 is to be accounted for partly upon the general prin- 
 ciple above mentioned, of making the new reign a 
 
 * Macpberson's State Papers, I. 147. 
 
86 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER mere continuation of the former, and partly upon 
 
 ! — Sunderland's extraordinary talents for ingratiating 
 
 himself with persons in power, and persuading 
 them that he was the fittest instrument for their pur- 
 poses; a talent in which he seems to have surpassed 
 all the intriguing statesmen of his time, or perhaps 
 of any other. 
 Money trans- Au intimate connectiou with the court of Ver- 
 France. saiUes being the principal engine by which the 
 favourite project of absolute monarchy was to be ef- 
 fected, James, for the purpose of fixing and cement- 
 ing that connection, sent for M. De Barillon, the 
 French ambassadour, the very day after his acces- 
 sion, and entered into the most confidential discourse 
 with him. He explained to him his motives for in- 
 tending to call a parliament, as well as his resolution 
 to levy by authority, the revenue which his prede- 
 cessor had enjoyed in virtue of a grant of parlia- 
 ment which determined with his life. He made 
 general professions of attachment to Lewis, declared 
 that in all affairs of importance it was his intention 
 to consult that monarch, and apologised, upon the 
 ground of the urgency of the case, for acting in the 
 instance mentioned without his advice. Money was 
 not directly mentioned, owing, perhaps, to some 
 sense of shame upon that subject, which his brother 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 87 
 
 had never experienced ; but lest there should be a chapteii 
 
 doubt whether that object were implied in the de 
 
 sire of support and protection, Kochester was di- 
 rected to explain the matter more fully, and to give 
 a more distinct interpretation of these general ternis. 
 Accordingly, that minister waited the next morning 
 upon Barillon, and after having repeated, and en- 
 larged upon the reasons for calling a parliament, 
 stated, as an additional argument in defence of the 
 measure, that without it, his master would become 
 too chargeable to the French King; adding, however, 
 that the assistance which might be expected from a 
 Parliament, did not exempt him altogether from the 
 necessity of resorting to that prince for pecuniary 
 aids, for that without such, he would be at the mercy 
 of his subjects, and that upon this beginning would 
 depend the whole fortune of the reign.* If Roches- 
 ter actually expressed himself as Barilion relates, 
 the use intended to be made of Parliament, cannot 
 but cause the most liveJy indignation, while it fur- 
 nishes a complete answer to the historians wha ac- 
 cuse the parliaments of those days of unseasonable 
 parsimony in their grants to the Stuart Kings ; for 
 the grants of the people of England were not 
 destined, it seems, to enable their Kings to oppose 
 
 * Bafrillxm's Letter, February 19, 1685, ift the Appendix, p. xviii. 
 
88 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER the power of France, or even to be independent of 
 
 her, but to render the influence which Lewis was 
 
 resolved to preserve in this country, less chargeable 
 to him, by furnishing their quota to the support of 
 his royal dependant. 
 The King's The Frcnch ambassadour sent immediately a de- 
 
 abjectgrati- ^ ., , „ , . , . 
 
 tude. tailed account or these conversations to his court, 
 
 where, probably, they were not received with the 
 l€ss satisfaction on account of the request contained 
 in them having been anticipated. Within a very 
 few days from that in which the latter of them had 
 passed, he was empowered to accompany the deli- 
 very of a letter from his master, with the agreeable 
 news of having received from him bills of exchange 
 to the amount of five hundred thousand livres, to be 
 used in whatever manner might be convenient to 
 the King of England's service. The account which 
 Barillon gives, of the manner in which this sum was 
 received, is altogether ridiculous : the King's eyes 
 were full of tears, and three of his ministers, Ro- 
 chester, Sunderland, and Godolphin, came severally 
 to the French ambassadour, to express the sense their 
 master had of the obligation, in terms the most la- 
 vish.* Indeed, demonstrations of gratitude from the 
 King directly, as well as through his ministers, for 
 
 * Barillon's Letter, Feb. 26, in the Appendix, p. xxviii. 
 
1685. 
 
 OF JAMES THE SECOND. S9 
 
 this supply, were such, as if they had been used by chapter 
 some unfortunate individual, who, with his whole 
 family, had been saved, by the timely succour of some 
 Icind and powerful protector, from a gaol and all 
 its horrours, would be deemed rather too strong 
 than too weak. Barillon himself seems surprised 
 when he relates them ; but imputes them to what 
 was probably their real cause, to the apprehensions 
 that had been entertained, (very unreasonable ones!) 
 that the King of France might no longer choose 
 to interfere in the affairs of England, and conse- 
 quently that his support could not be relied on for 
 the grand object of assimilating this government to 
 his own. 
 
 If such apprehensions did exist, it is probable sagacUyand 
 
 11 1 . n -1 1 foresight of 
 
 that they were chieny owing; to the very careless Lewis the 
 
 ^ . . . Fourteenth. 
 
 manner, to say the least, in which Lewis had of 
 late fulfilled his pecuniary engagements to Charles, 
 so as to amount, in the opinion of the English mi- 
 nisters, to an actual breach of promise. But the cir- 
 cumstances were in some respects altered. The 
 French King had been convinced that Charles 
 would never call a parliament; nay further, perhaps, 
 that if he did, he would not be trusted by one; and 
 considering him therefore entirely in his power, 
 acted from that principle in insolent minds, which 
 
 N 
 
^0 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER makes them fond of ill-treating and insulting those 
 
 whom they have degraded to a dependence on them. 
 
 But James would probably be obliged at the com- 
 mencement of a new reign, to call a parliament, and if 
 well used by such a body, and abandoned by France, 
 might give up his project of arbitrary power, and 
 consent to govern according to the law and consti- 
 tution. In such an event Lewis easily foresaw, that, 
 instead of an useful dependant, he might find upon 
 the throne of England a formidable enemy. Indeed, 
 this Prince and his ministers seem all along, with a 
 sagacity that does them credit, to have foreseen, 
 and to have justly estimated, the dangers to which 
 they would be liable, if a cordial imion should 
 ever take place between a King of England and 
 his Parliament, and the British councils be di- 
 rected by men enlightened and warmed by the 
 genuine principles of liberty. It was therefore an 
 object of great moment to bind the new King, as 
 early as possible, to the system of dependency 
 upon France; and matter of no less triumph to 
 the court of Versailles to have retained him by 
 so moderate a fee, than to that of London to re- 
 ceive a sum, which, though small, was thought 
 valuable, as an earnest of better wages, and future 
 protection. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 91 
 
 It had for some time been Lewis's favourite object chapter 
 
 •^ II. 
 
 to annex to his dominion what remained of the 
 
 Spanish Netherlands, as well on account of their Treaty with 
 
 * ^ Spain dispen- 
 
 own intrinsic value, as to enable him to destroy the sed wUh. 
 United Provinces and the Prince of Orange; and 
 this object Charles had bound himself, by treaty 
 with Spain, to oppose. In the joy, therefore, occa- 
 sioned by this noble manner of proceeding, (for 
 such it was called by all the parties concerned,) the 
 first step was to agree, without hesitation, that 
 Charles's treaty with Spain determined with his 
 life ; a decision which, if the disregard that had 
 been shewn to it, did not render the question con- 
 cerning it nugatory, it would be difficult to support 
 upon any principles of national law or justice. The 
 manner in which the late King had conducted him- 
 self upon the subject of this treaty, that is to say, the 
 violation of it, without formally renouncing it, was 
 gravely commended, and stated to be no more than 
 what might justly be expected from Jiim ; but the 
 present King was declared to be still more free, and 
 in no way bound by a treaty, from the execution 
 of which his brother had judged himself to be suffi- 
 ciently dispensed. This appears to be a nice dis- 
 tinction, and what that degree of obligation was, 
 from which James was exempt, but which had lain 
 
92 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER upon Charles, who neither thought himself bound, 
 nor was expected by others to execute the treaty, it 
 
 l685. . T fY- 1 .J, 
 
 IS dimcult to conceive." 
 More money This preliminary beinff adjusted, the meaning of 
 
 solicited from . -^ . . ° 
 
 Lewis. which, through all this contemptible shuffling, was, 
 that James, by giving up all concern for the Spanish 
 Netherlands, should be at liberty to acquiesce in, or 
 to second, whatever might be the ambitious projects 
 of the court of Versailles, it was determined that 
 Lord Churchill should be sent to Paris to obtain fur- 
 ther pecuniary aids. But such was the impression 
 made by the frankness and generosity of Lewis, that 
 there was no question of discussing or capitulating, 
 but every thing was remitted to that Prince, and to 
 the information his ministers might give him, re- 
 specting the exigency of affairs in England. He 
 who had so handsomely been beforehand, in grant- 
 ing the assistance of five hundred thousand livres, 
 was only to be thanked for past, not importuned for 
 future, munificence. -f Thus ended, for the pre- 
 sent, this disgusting scene of iniquity and non- 
 sense, in which all the actors seemed to vie with 
 each other in prostituting the sacred names of friend- 
 ship, generosity, and gratitude, in one of the meanest 
 
 * Baiillon's Disp.atches, May 5, I685. Appendix, 
 t lb. Feb. 26. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 93 
 
 and most criminal transactions which history re- chapter 
 cords. 
 
 The principal parties in the business, besides the 
 King himself, to whose capacity, at least, if not to his 
 situation, it was more suitable, and Lord Churchill, 
 who acted as an inferior agent, were Sunderland; 
 Rochester, and Godolphin, all men of high rank, 
 and considerable abilities, but whose understandings, 
 as well as their principles, seem to have been cor- 
 rupted by the pernicious schemes in which they 
 were engaged. With respect to the last mentioned 
 nobleman in particular, it is impossible, without pain, 
 to see him engaged in such transactions. With what 
 self-humiliation must he not have reflected upon 
 them in subsequent periods of his life! How little 
 could Barillon guess that he was negotiating with 
 one who was destined to be at the head of an admi- 
 nistration, which, in a few years, would send the 
 same Lord Churchill, not to Paris to implore Lewis 
 for succours towards enslaving England, or to thank 
 him for pensions to her monarch, but to combine all 
 Europe against him, in the cause of liberty; to rout 
 his armies, to take his towns, to humble his pride, 
 and to shake to the foundation that fabrick of power 
 which it had been the business of a long life to raise 
 at the expense of every sentiment of tenderness to 
 
•94 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER his subjects, and of justice and good faith to foreign 
 
 . nations ! It is with difficulty the reader can persuade 
 
 himself that the Godolphin and Churchill here men- 
 tioned, are the same persons who were afterwards, 
 one in the cabinet, one in the field, the great con- 
 ductors of the war of the Succession. How little do 
 they appear in one instance! how great in the 
 other! And the investigation of the cause to which 
 this excessive difference is principally owing, will 
 produce a most useful lesson. Is the difference to be 
 attributed to any superiority of genius in the prince 
 whom they served in the latter period of their lives? 
 Queen Anne's capacity appears to have been infe- 
 rior even to her father's. Did they enjoy in a greater 
 degree her favour and confidence? The very re- 
 verse is the fact. But in one case they were the 
 tools of a King plotting against his people ; in the 
 other, the ministers of a free government acting upon 
 enlarged principles, and with energies which no 
 state that is not in some degree republican can sup- 
 ply. How forcibly must the contemplation of these 
 men in such opposite situations teach persons enga- 
 ged in political life, that a free and popular govern- 
 ment is desirable, not only for the publick good, but 
 for their own greatness and consideration, for every 
 object of generous ambition.' 
 
GF JAMES THE SECOND. 95 
 
 The King having, as has been related, first pri- chapteu 
 
 vately communicated his intentions to the French '. — 
 
 ambassadour, issued proclamations for the meeting of customs'le- 
 
 . I . 1 1 • ^'^*' without 
 
 Parliament, and for levyins; upon his sole authority, authority of 
 
 ,.|.|,, . Parliament. 
 
 the customs and other duties which had constituted 
 part of the late King's revenue, but to which, the 
 acts granting them having expired with the Prince, 
 James was not legally entitled. He was advised by 
 Lord Guildford, whom he had continued in the office 
 of Keeper of the Great Seal, and who upon such a 
 subject therefore, was a person likely to have the 
 greatest weight, to satisfy himself with directing the 
 money to be kept in the Exchequer for the disposal 
 of Parliament, which was shortly to meet ; and by^ 
 others, to take bonds from the merchants for the du- 
 ties, to be paid when Parliament should legalize 
 them.* But these expedients were not suited to the 
 King's views, who, as well on account of his en- 
 gagement with France, as from his own disposition, 
 was determined to take no step that might indicate 
 an intention of governing by Parliaments, or a con- 
 sciousness of his being dependant upon them for 
 his revenue. He adopted, therefore, the advice of 
 Jefferies, advice not resulting so much, probably, 
 either from ignorance ox violence of disposition, as 
 
 * Life of Lord Keeper North, 
 
96 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER from his knowledge that it would be most agreeable 
 
 '. to his master ; and directed the duties to be paid as 
 
 in the former reign. It was pretended, that an in- 
 terruption in levying some of the duties might be 
 hurtful to trade ; but as every difficulty of that kind 
 was obviated by the expedients proposed, this arbi- 
 trary and violent measure can with no colour be 
 ascribed to a regard to publick convenience, nor 
 to any other motive than to a desire of reviving 
 Charles the First's claims to the power of taxation, 
 and of furnishing a most intelligible comment upon 
 his speech to the council on the day of his acces- 
 sion. It became evident what the King's notions 
 were, with respect to that regal prerogative from 
 which he professed himself determined never to 
 depart, and to that property which he would never 
 invade. What were the remaining rights and liber- 
 ties of the nation, which he was to preserve, might 
 be more difficult to discover ; but that the laws of 
 England, in the royal interpretation of them, were 
 sufficient to make the King as great a monarch as he, 
 or indeed any prince, could desire, was a point that 
 could not be disputed. This violation of law was 
 in itself most flagrant: it was applied to a point well 
 understood, and thought to have been so completely 
 settled by repeated and most explicit declarations. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 97 
 
 of the legislature, that it must have been doubtful chapter 
 
 whether even the most corrupt judges, if the ques- 
 
 tion had been tried, would have had the audacity to 
 decide it against the subject. But no resistance was 
 made; nor did the example of Hampden, which a 
 half centmy before had been so successful, and ren- 
 dered that patriot's name so illustrious, tempt any 
 one to emulate his fame; so completely had the 
 crafty and sanguinary measures of the late reign at- 
 tained the object to which they were directed, and 
 rendered all men either afraid or unwilling to exert 
 themselves in the cause of liberty. 
 
 On the other hand, addresses the most servile were Addresses. 
 daily sent to the Throne. That of the University 
 of Oxford stated, that the religion which they pro- 
 fessed bound them to unconditional obedience to 
 their Sovereign, without restfrctions or limitations ; 
 and the Society of Barristers and Students of the 
 Middle-Temple, thanked his Majesty for the attention 
 he had shewn to the trade of the kingdom, concern- 
 ing which, and its balance, (and upon this last article 
 they laid particular stress,) they seemed to think 
 themselves peculiarly called upon to deliver their 
 opinion. But whatever might be their knowledge 
 in matters of trade, it was at least equal to that which 
 these addressers shewed in the laws and constitution 
 
1685. 
 
 98 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER of their country, since they boldly affirmed the 
 King's right to levy the duties, and declared that it 
 had never been disputed but by persons engaged in 
 what they were pleased to call, rebellion against his 
 royal father. The address concluded with a sort of 
 prayer, that all his Majesty's subjects might be as 
 good lawyers as themselves, and disposed to ac- 
 knowledge the royal prerogative in all its extent. 
 
 If these addresses are remarkable for their servi- 
 lity, that of the Gentlemen and Freeholders of the 
 county of Suffolk was no less so for the spirit of 
 party violence that was displayed in it. They would 
 take care, they said, to choose representatives who 
 should no more endure those who had been for the 
 Exclusion Bill, than the last Parliament had the 
 abhorrers of the association ; and thus not only 
 endeavoured to keep up his Majesty's resentment 
 against a part of their fellow-subjects, but engaged 
 themselves to imitate, for the purpose of retaliation, 
 that part of the conduct of their adversaries, which 
 they considered as most illegal and oppressive.* 
 
 It is a remarkable circumstance, that among all 
 the adulatory addresses of this time, there is not to 
 be found, in anyone of them, any declaration of dis- 
 belief in the Popish plot, or any charge upon the 
 
 * Rapin. 
 
 Observations 
 on them. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 99 
 
 late Parliament, for having prosecuted it, though it chapter 
 could not but be well known, that such topicks would, — — '■ — 
 of all others, be most agreeable to the Court. Hence 
 we may collect that the delusion on this subject was 
 hy no means at an end, and that they who, out of a 
 desire to render history conformable to the princi- 
 ples of poetical justice, attribute the unpopularity, 
 and downfal of the Whigs, to the indignation ex- 
 cited by their furious and sanguinary prosecution of 
 the plot, are egregiously mistaken. If this had been 
 in any degree the prevailing sentiment, it is utterly 
 unaccountable, that, so far from its appearing in any 
 of the addresses of these times, this most just ground 
 of reproach upon the Whig party, and the Parlia- 
 ment in which they had had the superiority, was the 
 only one omitted in them. The fact appears to have 
 been the very reverse of what such historians sup- 
 pose, and that the activity of the late parliamentary 
 leaders, in prosecuting the Popish plot, was the 
 principal circumstance which reconciled the nation 
 for a time, to their other proceedings ; that their 
 conduct in that business, (now so justly condemned,) 
 was the grand engine of their power, and that when 
 that failed, they were soon overpowered by the united 
 forces of bigotry and corruption. They were hated 
 by a great part of the nation, not for their crimes, 
 
100 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER but for their virtues. To be above corruption is al- 
 
 '. — ways odious to the corrupt, and to entertain more 
 
 enlarged and juster notions of philosophy and go- 
 vernment, is often a cause of alarm to the narrow- 
 minded, and superstitious. In those days particu- 
 larly, it was obvious to refer to the confusion, greatly 
 exaggerated, of the times of the Commonwealth ; and 
 it was an excellent watch-word of alarm, to accuse 
 every lover of law and liberty, of designs to revive 
 the tragical scene which had closed the life of the 
 first Charles. In this spirit, therefore, the Exclusion 
 Bill, and the alledged conspiracies of Sidney and 
 Russel were, as might naturally be expected, the 
 chief charges urged against the Whigs ; but their con- 
 duct on the subject of the Popish plot, was so far 
 from being the cause of the hatred borne to them, 
 that it was not even used as a topick of accusation 
 against them. 
 Late King's In ordcr to keep up that spirit in the nation, which 
 was thought to be manifested in the addresses, his 
 Majesty ordered the Declaration, to which allusion 
 was made in the last chapter, to be published, inter- 
 woven with a history of the Rye-house plot, which 
 is said to have been drawn by Dr. Sprat, Bishop 
 of Rochester. The principal drift of this publication 
 was, to load the memory of Sidney and Russel, and 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 101 
 
 to blacken the character of the Duke of Monmouth, chapter 
 
 by wickedly confounding the consultations holdenby 
 
 them, with the plot for assassinating the late King, 
 and in this object, it seems in a great measure to 
 have succeeded. He also caused to be published, an and Attesta- 
 attestation of his brother's having; died a Roman Ca- dying a ca- 
 
 " ^ tholick, pub- 
 
 tholick, together with two papers, drawn up by him, listed. 
 in favour of that persuasion. This is generally 
 considered to have been a very ill-advised instance 
 of zeal ; but probably James thought, that, at a time 
 when people seemed to be so in love with his power, 
 he might safely venture to indulge himself in a dis- 
 play of his attachment to his religion ; and perhaps 
 too, it might be thought good policy, to shew that a 
 Prince, who had been so highly complimented as 
 Charles had been, for the restoration and protection 
 of the church, had, in truth, been a Catholick, and 
 thus, to inculcate an opinion, that the Church of 
 England might not only be safe, but highly favoured, 
 under the reign of a Popish Prince. 
 
 Partly from similar motives, and partly to gratify Persecution 
 the natural vindictiveness of his temper, he perse- 
 vered in a most cruel persecution of the Protestant 
 Dissenters, upon the most frivolous pretences. The 
 courts of justice, as in Charles's days, were instru- 
 ments equally ready, either for seconding the policy. 
 
 of Dissenters. 
 
102 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER or for gratifying the bad passions, of the Monarch ; 
 
 ^ — and JefFeries, whom the late King had appointed 
 
 Chief Justice of England, a little before Sidney's 
 trial, was a man entirely agreeable to the temper, 
 and suitable to the purposes, of the present govern- 
 
 jefferies'cha- mcnt. He was thought not to be very learned in 
 his profession ; but what might be wanting in know- 
 ledge, he made up in positiveness ; and indeed what- 
 ever might be the difficulties in questions between 
 one subject and another, the fashionable doctrine 
 which prevailed at that time, of supporting the King's 
 prerogative in its full extent, and without restriction 
 or limitation, rendered, to such as espoused it, all 
 that branch of law, which is called constitutional, 
 extremely easy and simple. He was as submissive 
 and mean to those above him, as he was haughty 
 and insolent to those who were in any degree in his 
 power; and if in his own conduct he did not exhibit 
 a very nice regard for morality, or even for decency, 
 he never failed to animadvert upon, and to punish, 
 the most slight deviation in others, with the utmost 
 severity, especially if they were persons whom he 
 suspected to be no favourites of the Court. 
 
 Richard Before this magistrate was brought for trial, by a 
 
 Baxter per- • rr • i i • r r T" 
 
 secuted, jury suiiiciently prepossessed in tavour ot 1 ory 
 politicks, the Reverend Richard Baxter, a dissenting 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 103 
 
 minister; a pious and learned man, of exemplary chapter 
 character, always remarkable for his attachment to 
 
 . , 1685. 
 
 monarchy, and for leaning to moderate measures in 
 the differences between the church, and those of his 
 persuasion. The pretence for this prosecution was, 
 a supposed reference of some passages in one of his 
 works, to the bishops of the church of England ; a 
 reference which was certainly not intended by him, 
 and which could not have been made out to any jury 
 that had been less prejudiced, or under any other di- 
 rection than that of Jefferies. The real motive was, 
 the desire of punishing an eminent dissenting 
 teacher, whose reputation was high among his sect, 
 and who was supposed to favour the political opi- 
 nions of the Whigs. He was found guilty, and 
 Jefferies, in passing sentence upon him, loaded him 
 with the coarsest reproaches, and bitterest taunts. He 
 called him sometimes, byway of derision, a saint, 
 sometimes, in plainer terms, an old rogue ; and 
 classed this respectable divine, to whom the only 
 crime imputed, was the having spoken disrespect- 
 fully of the bishops of a communion to which he 
 did not belong, with the infamous Gates, who had 
 been lately convicted of perjury. He finished with 
 declaring, that it was matter of publick notoriety, that 
 there was a formed design to ruin the King and the 
 
104 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER nation, in which this old man was the principal 
 '. — incendiary. Nor is it improbable that this decla- 
 ration, absurd as it was, might gain belief, at a time 
 when the credulity of the triumphant party was at its 
 height. 
 Credulity of Of this creduHty it seems to be no inconsiderable 
 testimony, that some affected nicety, which James 
 had shewn, with regard to the ceremonies to be used 
 towards the French ambassadour, was highly magni- 
 fied, and represented to be an indication of the dif- 
 ferent tone that was to be taken by the present King, 
 in regard to foreign powers, and particularly to the 
 court of Versailles. The King was represented as 
 a Prince eminently jealous of the national honour, 
 and determined to preserve the balance of power 
 in Europe, by opposing the ambitious projects of 
 France, at the very time when he was supplicating 
 Lewis to be his pensioner, and expressing the most 
 extravagant gratitude, for having been accepted as 
 such. From the information which we now have, 
 it appears that his applications to Lewis for money 
 were incessant, and that the difficulties were all on 
 the side of the French court.* Of the historians 
 who wrote prior to the inspection of the papers in 
 the Foreign Office in France, Burnet is the only 
 
 * Vide Appendix passim. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 105 
 
 one who seems to have known that James's preten- chapter 
 
 sions of independency with respect to the French 
 
 King, were, (as he terms them,) only a show; butthere 
 can now be no reason to doubt the truth of the anec- 
 dote which he relates, that Lewis, soon after, told the 
 Duke of Villeroy,''' that if James showed any appa^ 
 rent uneasiness concerning the balance of power, 
 (and there is some reason to suppose he did,) in his 
 conversations with the Spanish, and other foreign am- 
 bassadours, his intention was, probably, to alarm the 
 Court of Versailles, and thereby to extort pecuniary 
 assistance to a greater extent ; while, on the other 
 hand, Lewis, secure in the knowledge, that his views 
 of absolute power must continue him in dependance 
 upon France, seems to have refused further supplies, 
 and even in some measure to have withdrawn those 
 which had been stipulated, as a mark of his displea- 
 sure with his dependant, for assuming a higher tone 
 than he thought becoming.^ 
 
 Whether with a view of giving some countenance His advances 
 
 1 -I . . , . to the Prince 
 
 to those who were praising him upon the above ofOrange. 
 mentioned topick, or from what other motive it is 
 now not easy to conjecture, James seems to have 
 wished to be upon apparent good terms, at least, with 
 
 * Vide Burnet, Vol. II. p. 302. 
 + Lewis's Letter to Barillon, Apiil 24. Appendix. 
 
 P 
 
106 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER the Prince of Orange; and after some correspond- 
 
 ence with that Prince, concerning the protection 
 
 afforded by hinj, and the States General, to Mon- 
 mouth, and other obnoxious persons, it appears that 
 he declared himself, in consequence of certain ex- 
 planations and concessions, perfectly satisfied. It is 
 to be remarked, however, that he thought it neces- 
 sary to give the French ambassadour an account of 
 this transaction, and in a manner to apologize to him 
 for entering into any sort of terms with a son-in-law, 
 who was supposed to be hostile in disposition to 
 the French King. He assured Barillon, that a change 
 of system, on the part of the Prince of Orange, in 
 regard to Lewis, should be a condition of his recon- 
 ciliation : he afterwards informed him, that the Prince 
 of Orange had answered him satisfactorily in all other 
 respects, but had not taken notice of his wish that 
 he should connect himself with France; but never 
 told him that he had, notwithstanding the Prince's 
 silence on that material point, expressed himself com- 
 pletely satisfied with him.* That a proposition to the 
 Prince of Orange, to connect himself in politicks with 
 Lewis, would, (if made,) have been rejected, in the 
 manner in which the King's account to Barillon im- 
 plies that it was, there can be no doubt ; but whether 
 
 * Barillon's Dispatches, March 1, and 5, Appendix, p. xli. et seqq. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 101 
 
 James ever had the assurance to make it, is more chapter 
 
 questionable ; for, as he evidently acted disingenu 
 
 ously with the ambassadour, in concealing from him 
 the complete satisfaction he had expressed of the 
 Prince of Orange's present conduct ;* it is not un- 
 reasonable to suppose, that he deceived him still 
 further, and pretended to have made an application, 
 which he had never hazarded. However, the ascer- 
 taining of this fact is by no means necessary for 
 the illustration, either of the general history, or of 
 Jameses particular character ; since it appears, that 
 the proposition, if made, was rejected; and James 
 is, in any case, equally convicted of insincerity; the 
 only point in question being, whether he deceived 
 the French ambassadour, In regard to the fact of his 
 having made the proposition, or to the sentiments he 
 expressed upon its being refused. Nothing serves 
 more to show the dependance in which he consi- 
 dered himself to be upon Lewis, than these con- 
 temptible shifts, to which he condescended, for the 
 purposes of explaining, and apologizing for, such 
 parts of his conduct, as might be supposed to be less 
 agreeable to that monarch than the rest. An English 
 Parliament acting upon constitutional principles, 
 and the Prince of Orange, were the two enemies 
 
 * Dalrymple's Me^. Jl 116. 
 
108 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 Chapter whom Lewis most dreaded ; and accordingly, when- 
 
 II. . 
 
 — ever James found it necessary to make approaches to 
 
 either of them, an apology was immediately to be 
 
 oflFered to the French ambassadour, to which truth 
 
 sometimes and honour was always sacrificed.* 
 
 The primary Mr. Hume savs, the Kins; found himself, by de- 
 object of Ms ^ ° ^ ^ ^ ^ 
 
 reigfi, grees, under the necessity of falling into an union 
 
 with the French monarch, who could alone assist 
 him, in promoting the Catholick religion in England. 
 But when that historian wrote, those documents had 
 not been made publick, from which the account of 
 the communications with Barillon has been taken, 
 and by which it appears, that a connection with 
 France was, as well in point of time, as in importance, 
 the first object of his reign, and that the immediate 
 specifick motive to that connection, was the same as 
 that of his brother; the desire of rendering himself 
 independent of Parliament, and absolute, not that of 
 establishing Popery in England, which was consi- 
 dered as a more remote contingency.-!- That this was 
 the case, is evident from all the circumstances of the 
 transaction, and especially from the zeal with which 
 he was served in it by Ministers who were never 
 suspected of any leaning towards Popery, and not one 
 of whom, (Sunderland excepted,) could be brought 
 
 * Vide Appendix passim. + Appendix passim. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 109 
 
 to the measures that were afterwards taken in favour chapter 
 
 of that rellffion. It is the more material to attend — - — 
 to this distinction, because the Tory historians, espe- 
 cially such of them as are not Jacobites, have taken 
 much pains to induce us to attribute the violences misrepre- 
 
 , . . . , . . sented by 
 
 and illegalities of this reign to James s religion, histomns. 
 which was peculiar to him, rather than to that desire 
 of absolute power, which so many other princes have 
 had, have, and always will have in common with 
 him. The policy of such misrepresentation is ob- 
 vious. If this reign is to be considered as a period 
 insulated, as it were, and unconnected with the 
 general course of history, and if the events of it are 
 to be attributed exclusively, to the particular cha- 
 racter, and particular attachments of the monarch, 
 the sole inference will be, that we must not have a 
 Catholick for our King ; whereas, if we consider it, 
 which history well warrants us to do, as a part of 
 that system which had been pursued by all the Stuart 
 Kings, as well prior, as subsequent, to the Resto- 
 ration, the lesson which it affords is very different, 
 as well as far more instructive. We are taught, 
 generally, the dangers Englishmen will always be 
 liable to, if, from favour to a Prince upon the 
 throne, or from a confidence, however grounded, 
 that his views are agreeable to our own notions of 
 
no HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER the constitution, we, in any considerable degree, abate 
 
 '■ — of that vigilant, and unremitting jealousy of the power 
 
 of the crown, which can alone secure to us the 
 effect of those wise laws that have been provided 
 for the benefit of the subject ; and still more parti- 
 cularly, that it is in vain to think of making a com- 
 promise with power, and by yielding to it in other 
 points, preserving some favourite object, such, for in- 
 stance, as the church in James's case, from its grasp. 
 Scottish par- Previous to meeting his English Parliament, James 
 April 23. directed a parliament which had been summoned in 
 the preceding reign, to assemble at Edinburgh, and 
 appointed the Duke of Queensbury his commis- 
 sioner. This appointment is, in itself, a strong indi- 
 cation, that the King's views, with regard to Scotland 
 at least, were similar to those which I have ascribed 
 to him in England ; and that they did not at that 
 time extend to the introduction of Popery, but were 
 altogether directed to the establishment of absolute 
 power as the end, and to the support of an episcopal 
 church, upon the model of the church of England, 
 as the means. For Queensbury had explained himself 
 to his Majesty, in the fullest manner, upon the sub- 
 ject of religion ; and while he professed himself to be 
 ready, (as indeed his conduct in the late reign had 
 sufficiently proved,) to go any length in supporting 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 1 1 i 
 
 royal power, and in persecuting the Presbyterians, chapter 
 
 had made it a condition of his services, that he might 
 
 understand from his Majesty, that there was no in- 
 tention of changing the established religion ; for if 
 such was the object, he could not make any one step 
 with him in that matter. James received this decla- 
 tion most kindly; assiued him he had no such inten- 
 tion, and that he would have a parliament, to which 
 he, Queensbury, should go as commissioner; and 
 giving all possible assurances in the matter of re- 
 ligion, get the revenue to be settled, and such other 
 laws to be past, as might be necessary for the pub- 
 lick safety. With these promises the Duke was not 
 only satisfied at the time, but declared, at a subsequent 
 period, that they had been made in so frank and 
 hearty a manner, as made him conclude, that it 
 was impossible the King should be acting apart. 
 And this noblemen was considered, and is handed 
 down to us by contemporary writers, as a man of a 
 penetrating genius, nor has it ever been the national 
 character of the country to which he belonged, to be 
 more liable to be imposed upon than the rest of 
 mankind. 
 
 The Scottish Parliament met on the 23d of April, TheKing's 
 and was opened by the Commissioner, with the 
 following letter from the King : 
 
112 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 ir. 
 
 1685. 
 
 *' My Lords and Gentlemen, 
 
 " Tlie many experiences we have had of the loy- 
 
 " alty, and exemplary forwardness of that our ancient 
 
 ' kingdom, by their representatives in parliament 
 
 " assembled, in the reign of our deceased, and most 
 
 " entirely beloved brother, of ever blessed memory, 
 
 " made us desirous to call you at this time, in the be- 
 
 " ginning of our reign, to give you an opportunity, 
 
 " not only of shewing your duty to us in the same 
 
 " manner, but likewise of being exemplary to others, 
 
 " in your demonstrations of affection to our person, 
 
 " and compliance with our desires, as you have most 
 
 " eminently been in times past, to a degree never to 
 
 " be forgotten by us, nor, (we hope,) to be contra- 
 
 ' ' dieted by your future practices. That which we are 
 
 " at this time to propose unto you is, what is as neces- 
 
 " sary for your safety as our service, and what has a 
 
 " tendency more to secure your own privileges and 
 
 " properties, than the aggrandising our power and 
 
 " authority, (though in it consists the greatest security 
 
 " of your rights and interests, these never having 
 
 " been in danger, except when the royal power was 
 
 *' brought too low to protect them,) which now we 
 
 *' are resolved to maintain in its greatest lustre, to the 
 
 " end we maybe the more enabled to defend and 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 113 
 
 *' protect your religion as established by law; and your chapter 
 
 " rights and properties (which was our design in 
 
 " calling this parliament) against phanatical contri- 
 " vances, murderers and assassins, who having no 
 " fear of God, more than honour for us, have brought 
 *' you into such difficulties, as only the blessing of 
 " God upon the steady resolutions, and actings of our 
 *' said dearest royal brother, and those employed by 
 " him, (in prosecution of the good and wholesome 
 " laws, by you heretofore offered,) could have saved 
 *' youfrom the most horridconfusions, and inevitable 
 " ruin. Nothing has been left unattemptedby those 
 " wild, and inhuman traitors, for endeavouring to 
 " overturn your peace : and therefore, we have good 
 " reason to hope, that nothing will be wanting in 
 " you, to secure yourselves and us from their out- 
 " rages and violence, in time coming; and to take 
 " care that such conspirators meet with their just 
 " deservings, so as others may thereby be deterred 
 " from courses so little agreeable to religion, or their 
 " duty and allegiance to us. These things we consi- 
 " dered to be of so great importance to our royal, as 
 " well as the universal, interest of that our kingdom, 
 " that we were fully resolved, in person, tohavepro- 
 " posed the needful remedies to you. But things 
 '* having so fallen out, as render this impossible for 
 *' us, we have now thought fit, to send our right 
 
114 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 II. 
 
 1685. 
 
 CHAPTER '' trusty, and right entirely beloved cousin, and coun- 
 '* sellor, William Duke of Queensbury, to be our 
 " commissioner amongst you; of whose abilities and 
 " qualifications we have reason to be fullv satisfied, 
 " and of whose faithfulness to us, and zeal for our in- 
 " terest, we have had signal proofs, in the times of 
 " our greatest difficulties. Him we have fully en- 
 " trusted in all things relating to our service, and 
 " your own prosperity and happiness, and therefore, 
 *' you are to give him entire trust and credit, as you 
 " now see we have done, from whose prudence, and 
 " your most dutiful affection to us, we have full con- 
 " fidence of your entire compliance and assistance in 
 " all those matters, wherein he is instructed as afore- 
 " said. We do therefore, not only recommend unto 
 " you, that such things be done as are necessary in 
 " this juncture, for your own peace, and the support 
 " of our royal interest, of which we had so much ex- 
 " perience when amongst you, that we cannot doubt 
 '' of your full and ample expressing the same on this 
 " occasion, by which the great concern we have in 
 " you, our antient and kindly people, may still in- 
 " crease, and you may transmit your loyal actions, 
 " (as examples of duty,) to your posterity. In full 
 '' confidence whereof we do assure you of our royal 
 *' favour and protection, in all your concerns; and 
 *' so we bid you heartily farewell." 
 
1685. 
 
 OF JAMES THE SECOND. 115 
 
 This letter deserves the more attention, because, as chapter 
 the proceedings of the Scotch parliament, according 
 to a remarkable expression in the letter itself, were 
 intended to be an example to others, there is the 
 greatest reason to suppose the matter of it must have 
 been maturely weighed and considered. His Ma- 
 jesty first compliments the Scotch parliament upon 
 their peculiar loyalty, and dutiful behaviour in past 
 times, meanings no doubt, to contrast their conduct 
 with that of those English parliaments who had 
 passed the Exclusion Bill, the Disbanding Act, the 
 Habeas Corpus Act, and other measures hostile to 
 his favourite principles of government. He states 
 the granting of an independant revenue, and the 
 supporting the prerogative in its greatest lustre, if 
 not the aggrandizing of it, to be necessary for the 
 preservation of their religion, established by law, 
 (that is the Protestant Episcopacy,) as well as for 
 die security of their properties against fanatical as- 
 sassins and murderers ; thus emphatically announc- 
 ing a complete union of interests between the Crown 
 and the Church. He then bestows a complete and 
 unqualified approbation of the persecuting measures 
 of the last reign, in which he had borne so great a 
 share ; and to those measures, and to the steadiness 
 withi which they had been persevered in, he ascribes 
 
J 16 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER the escape of both church and state from the fana- 
 
 . ^ — ticks, and expresses his regret that he could not be 
 
 present, to propose in person, the other remedies of 
 a similar nature, which he recommended as needful 
 in the present conjuncture. 
 Transactions Now, it is proper, in this place, to enquire into 
 the nature of the measures thus extolled, as well for 
 the purpose of elucidating the characters of the King 
 and his Scottish ministers, as for that of rendering 
 more intelligible, the subsequent proceedings of the 
 parliament, and the other events which soon after 
 took place in that kingdom. Some general notions 
 may be formed of that course of proceedings, which, 
 according to his Majesty's opinion, had been so 
 laudably and resolutely pursued during the late 
 reign, from the circumstances alluded to in the pre- 
 ceding chapter, when it is understood, that the sen- 
 tences of Argyle and Laurie of Blackwood were not 
 detached instances of oppression, but rather a sample 
 of the general system of administration. The cove- 
 nant, which had been so solemnly taken by the 
 whole kingdom, and, among the rest, by the King 
 himself, had been declared to be unlawful, and 
 a refusal to abjure it had been made subject to 
 the severest penalties. Episcopacy, which was de- 
 tested by a great majority of the nation, had been 
 
OF J AMES THE SECOND. 1 1 7 
 
 established, and all publick exercise of religion, in chapter 
 
 the forms to which the people were most attached, 
 
 had been prohibited. The attendance upon field 
 conventicles had been made highly penal, and the 
 preaching at them capital ; by which means, accord- 
 ing to the computation of a late writer, no less re- 
 markable for the accuracy of his facts, than for the 
 force and justness of his reasonings, at least seventeen 
 thousand persons in one district were involved in 
 criminality, and became the objects of persecution. 
 After this, letters had been issued by government, 
 forbidding the intercommuning with persons who 
 had neglected, or refused, to appear before the privy 
 council, when cited for the above crimes; a pro- 
 ceeding, by which, not only all succour or assist- 
 ance to such persons, but, according to the strict 
 sense of the word made use of, all intercourse with 
 them, was rendered criminal, and subjected him 
 who disobeyed the prohibition to the same penal- 
 ties, whether capital or others, which were affixed 
 to the alledged crimes of the party with whom he 
 had intercommuned.* 
 
 These measures not proving effectual for the pur- Measures of 
 
 P 1*11 • 11 persecution. 
 
 pose lor which they were intended, or, as some say, 
 the object of Charles the Second's government being 
 
 * Laing's Hist. Vol. IV. 34, 60. 74. Woodrow. 
 
118 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER to provoke an insurrection, a demand was made 
 
 upoB the landholders, in the district supposed to be 
 
 most disaffected, of bonds, whereby they were to 
 become responsible for their wives, families, tenants, 
 and servants ; and likewise for the wives, families, 
 and servants of their tenants, and finally, for all 
 persons living upon their estates ; that they should 
 not withdraw from the church, frequent or preach 
 at conventicles, nor give any succour, or have any 
 intercourse with persons with whom it was forbid- 
 den to intercommune ; and the penalties attached 
 to the breach of this engagement, the keeping of 
 which, was obviously out of the power of him 
 who was required to make it, were to be the same 
 as those, whether capital or other, to which the 
 several persons, for whom he engaged, might be 
 liable. The landholders, not being willing to sub- 
 scribe to their own destruction, refused to execute 
 the bonds, and this was thought sufficient grounds 
 for considering the district to which they be- 
 longed as in a state of rebellion. English and 
 Irish armies were ordered to the frontiers ; a train 
 of artillery, and the militia, were sent into the dis- 
 trict itself; and six thousand Highlandei s, who were 
 let loose upon its inhabitants, to exercise every 
 species of pillage and plunder, were connived at, 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 119 
 
 or rather encouraged, in excesses of a still more chapter 
 atrocious nature/'' 
 
 The bonds being still refused, the government had writsofLaw 
 
 burrows. 
 
 recourse to an expedient ot a most extraordinary 
 nature ; and issued what the Scotch called a writ of 
 Lawburrows, against the whole district. This writ of 
 Lawburrows is somewhat analogous to what we call 
 swearing the peace against any one, and had hitherto 
 been supposed, as the other is with us, to be applica- 
 ble to the disputes of private individuals, and to the 
 apprehensions, which, in consequence of such dis- 
 putes, they may mutually entertain of each other. A 
 Government swearing the peace against its subjects 
 was a new spectacle ; hut if a private subject, under fear 
 of another, hatha right to such a security, how much more 
 the government itself f was thought an unanswerable 
 argument. Such are the sophistries which tyrants 
 deem satisfactory. Thus are they willing even to de- 
 scend from their loftiness, into the situation of sub- 
 jects or private men, when it is for the purpose of 
 acquiring additional powers of persecution; and thus 
 truly formidable and terrifick are they, when they 
 pretend alarm and fear. By these writs, the persons 
 against whom they were directed, were bound, as in 
 case of the former bonds, to conditions which were 
 
 * Burnet. Woodrow. Laing^ IV* 83. 
 
1^0 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER not in their power to fulfil, such as the preventing of 
 
 conventicles and the like, under such penalties as the 
 
 privy council might inflict, and a disobedience to 
 them was followed by outlawry and confiscation. 
 Approved of Thc conduct of the Duke of Lauderdale, who was 
 the chief actor in these scenes of violence and ini- 
 quity, was completely approved and justified at 
 Court ; but, in consequence, probably, of the state of 
 politicks in England, at a time when the Whigs were 
 strongest in the House of Commons, some of these 
 grievances were in part redressed, and the High- 
 landers, and writs of Lawburrows were recalled. 
 But the country was still treated like a conquered 
 country. The Highlanders were replaced by an army 
 of five thousand regulars, and garrisons were placed 
 in private houses. The persecution of conventicles 
 continued ; and ample indemnity was granted for 
 every species of violence that might be exercised 
 Assassination by tliosc cmploycd to suppress them. In this state 
 bishopsharp. of things, the assassination and murder of Sharp, 
 Archbishop of St. Andrews, by a troop of fanaticks, 
 who had been driven to madness by the oppression 
 of Carmichael, one of that prelate's instruments, 
 while it gave an additional spur to the vindictive 
 temper of the government, was considered by it as a 
 justification for every mode and degree of cruelty and 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. l^l 
 
 persecution. The outrage committed by a few indi- chapter 
 
 viduals, was imputed to the whole fanatick sect, as 
 
 the government termed them, or, in other words, to 
 a description of people which composed a great ma- 
 jority of the population in the low-lands of Scotland ; 
 and those who attended field or armed conventicles, 
 were ordered to be indiscriminately massacred. 
 
 By such means an insurrection was at last pro- insurrection 
 duced, which, from the weakness, or, as some suppose, Bridge. 
 from the wicked policy of an administration eager 
 for confiscations, and desirous of such a state of the 
 country as might, in some measure, justify their 
 course of government, *[made such a progress that 
 the insurgents] became masters of Glasgow, and the ♦ 
 country adjacent. To quell these insurgents, who, 
 undisciplined as they were, had defeated Graham, 
 afterwards Viscount Dundee, the Duke of Monmouth 
 was sent with an army from England ; but, lest the 
 generous mildness of his nature should prevail, 
 he had sealed orders, which he was not to open 
 till in sight of the rebels, enjoining him not to treat 
 with them, but to fall upon them, without any pre- 
 vious negotiation. In pursuance of these orders, the 
 insurgents were attacked at Bothwell Bridge, where, 
 
 * The words between the brackets have been inserted to complete 
 the sense, there having been evidently an omission in the manuscript 
 copy. E. R 
 
12^ HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER though they were entirely routed and dispersed, yet, 
 
 because those who surrendered at discretion were 
 
 not put to death, and the army, by the strict enforcing 
 of discipline, were prevented from plunder and other 
 outrages, it was represented by James, and in some 
 degree even by the King, that Monmouth had acted 
 as if he had meant rather to put himself at the head 
 of the fanaticks than to repel them, and were inclined 
 rather to court their friendship than to punish their 
 rebellion. All complaints against Lauderdale were 
 dismissed ; his power confirmed ; and an act of indem- 
 nity, which had been procured at Monmouth's in- 
 tercession, was so clogged with exceptions, as to be 
 of little use to any but to the agents of tyranny. 
 Several persons, who were neither directly, nor indi- 
 rectly concerned in the murder of the Archbishop, 
 were executed as an expiation for that ojffence;* but 
 many more were obliged to compound for their lives, 
 by submitting to the most rapacious extortion, which 
 at this particular period, seems to have been the 
 engine of oppression most in fashion, and which 
 was extended, not only to those who had been in 
 any way concerned in the insurrection, but to those 
 who had neglected to attend the standard of the 
 King, when displayed against what was styled, in 
 
 * Laing, IV. 164. Woodrow, II. 87. 90. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 1^3 
 
 the usual insulting language of tyrants, a most unna- chapter 
 tural rebellion. — ;: 
 
 1685. 
 
 The quiet produced by such means, was, as might More severe 
 
 , , . 1-' 1 • persecution. 
 
 be expected, of no long duration. Enthusiasm was 
 increased by persecution, and the fanatick preachers 
 found no difficulty in persuading their flocks, to 
 throw off all allegiance to a government which af- 
 forded them no protection. The King was declared 
 to be an apostate from the Covenant, a tyrant, and an 
 usurper ; and Cargill, one of the most enthusiastick 
 among the preachers, pronounced a formal sentence 
 of excommunication against him, his brother the 
 Duke of York, and others, their ministers and abet- 
 tors. This outrage upon majesty, together with an 
 insurrection, contemptible in point of numbers and 
 strength, in which Cameron, another field-preacher, 
 had been killed, furnished a pretence which was by 
 no means neglected, for new cruelties and execu- 
 tions ; but neither death nor torture were sufficient 
 to subdue the minds of Cargill, and his intrepid 
 followers. They all gloried in their sufferings; nor 
 could the meanest of them be brought to purchase 
 their lives by a retractation of their principles, or 
 even by any expression that might be construed 
 into an approbation of their persecutors. The effect 
 of this heroick constancy upon the minds of their 
 
1^4 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER oppressors, was to persuade them not to lessen the 
 
 '■ numbers of executions, but to render them more 
 
 private ;" whereby they exposed the true character 
 of their government, which was not severity, but 
 violence, not justice, but vengeance : for, example 
 being the only legitimate end of punishment, where 
 that is likely to encourage, rather than to deter, (as 
 the government in these instances seems to have ap- 
 prehended,) and consequently to prove more per- 
 nicious than salutary, every punishment inflicted by 
 the magistrate is cruelty; every execution, murder. 
 The rage of punishment did not stop even here: 
 but questions were put to persons, and in many in- 
 stances to persons under torture, who had not been 
 proved to have been in any of the insurrections, 
 whether they considered the Archbishop' s assassination as 
 murder, the rising at Bothzvell Bridge rebellion, and 
 Charles a laxvfid King. The refusal to answer these 
 questions, or the answering of them in an unsatis- 
 factory manner, was deemed a proof of guilt, and 
 immediate execution ensued. 
 Act of Sue- These last proceedings had taken place while 
 cession an j^^^^^ himself had the government in his hands, and 
 under his immediate directions. Not long after, and 
 when the Exclusionists in England were supposed 
 
 * Woodrow.II. 189. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 1^5 
 
 to be entirely defeated, was passed, (James being chapter 
 the King's commissioner,) the famous Bill of — ■. 
 
 l6S5. 
 
 Succession, declaring that no difference of religion, 
 nor any statute or law grounded upon such, or any 
 other pretence, could defeat the hereditary right of , 
 the heir to the crown, and that to propose any limi- 
 tation upon the future administration of such heir, 
 was high treason. But the Protestant religion was 
 to be secured ; for those who were most obsequious to 
 the Court, and the most willing and forward instru- 
 ments of its tyranny, were, nevertheless, zealous 
 Protestants. A Test was therefore framed for this 
 purpose, which was imposed upon all persons ex- 
 ercising any civil or military functions whatever, the 
 royal family alone excepted ; but to the declaration 
 of adherence to the Protestant religion, was added a 
 recognition of the King's supremacy in ecclesiastical 
 matters, and a complete renunciation in civil con- 
 cerns, of every right belonging to a free subject. An 
 adherence to the Protestant religion, according to the 
 confession of it referred to in the test, seemed to some 
 inconsistent with the acknowledgment of the King's 
 supremacy, and that clause of the oath which related 
 to civil matters, inasmuch as it declared against 
 endeavouring at any alteration in the Church or 
 State, seemed incompatible with the duties of a 
 
136 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER counsellor or a member of parliament. Upon these 
 
 grounds the Earl of Argyle, in taking the oath, 
 
 thought fit to declare as follows : 
 Argyle con- " 1 havc Considered the test, and I am very 
 
 demned for ^ • l T 
 
 hisexpiana- '« desirous to ffive obedience as far as I can. I am 
 
 tion of the '-' 
 
 Test. 't confident the Parliament never intended to impose 
 
 " contradictory oaths; therefore I think no man can 
 " explain it but for himself. Accordingly I take it, 
 •' as far as it is consistent with itself, and the Pro- 
 " testant religion. And I do declare, that I mean not 
 " to bind up myself in my station, and in a lawful 
 " way, to wish and endeavour any alteration I think 
 " to the advantage of the Church or State, not re- 
 " pugnant to the Protestant Religion and my loy- 
 *' alty. And this I understand as a part of the 
 *' oath." — And for this declaration, though unno- 
 ticed at the time, he was in a few days afterwards 
 committed, and shortly after sentenced to die.* Nor 
 was the test applied only to those for whom it had 
 been originally instituted, but by being offered to 
 those numerous classes of people who were within 
 
 * The disgusting ease with which James, (in his Memoirs, Mac- 
 pherson's State Papers, I. 123) speaks of Argyle's case, his pretence, 
 that he put his life in jeopardy only with a view to seize his pro- 
 perty, seem to destroy all notions of this Prince's having had any 
 honour or conscience; nor after this, can we give much credit to 
 the declaration, that Argyle's life was not aimed at. Aole Jrom Mr, 
 Fox's Common-Place Book. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 12,7 
 
 the reach of the late severe criminal laws, as an alter- chapter 
 
 native for death or confiscation , it might fairly be said 
 
 to be imposed upon the greater part of the country. 
 
 Not long after these transactions, James took his 
 final leave of the government, and in his parting 
 speech recommended, in the strongest terms, the 
 support of the church. This gracious expression, 
 the sincerity of which seemed to be evinced by his 
 conduct to the conventiclers, and the severity with 
 which he had enforced the test, obtained him a . 
 testimonial from the Bishops of his affection to their 
 Protestant church; a testimonial, to which, upon the 
 principle, that they are the best friends to the church, 
 who are most willing to persecute such as dissent 
 from it, he was, notwithstanding his own non-con- 
 formity, most amply entitled.'' 
 
 Queensberry's administration ensued, in which Queensber- 
 the maxims that had guided his predecessors were tfons!" "' 
 so far from being relinquished, that they were pur- 
 sued, if possible, with greater steadiness and activity. 
 Lawrie of Blackwood was condemned for having 
 holden intercourse with a rebel, whose name was 
 not to be found in any of the lists of the intercom- 
 muned or proscribed ; and a proclamation was issued, 
 threatening all who were in like circumstances with 
 a similar fate. The intercourse with rebels having 
 
 * Burnet. 
 
1685. 
 
 12,8 . HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER been in great parts of the kingdom promiscuous and 
 universal, more than twenty thousand persons were 
 objects of this menace.* Fines and extortions of all 
 kinds were employed to enrich the publick treasury, 
 to which, therefore, the multiplication of crimes be- 
 came a fruitful source of revenue; and lest it should 
 not be sufficiently so, husbands were made answer- 
 able, (and that too with a retrospect,) for the absence 
 of their wives from church ; a circumstance which 
 the Presbyterian women's aversion to the episcopal 
 form of worship, had rendered very general. 4- 
 Deciaration This systcm of government, and especially the 
 roni."'"*^" rigour with which those concerned in the late in- 
 surrections, the excommunication of the King, or 
 the other outrages complained of, were pursued and 
 hunted, sometimes by blood-hounds, sometimes by 
 soldiers almost equally savage, and afterwards shot 
 like wild beasts, J drove some of those sectaries who 
 were styled Cameronians, and other proscribed per- 
 sons, to measures of absolute desperation. They 
 made a declaration, which they caused to be affixed 
 to different churches, importing, that they would 
 use the law of retaliation, and '' we zuilir said they, 
 " punish as enemies to God, and to the covenant, such 
 " persons as shall make it their zvork to imhrne their 
 
 * Burnet. Laing, 132. + Id. 140. % Woodrow, II. 447. 449- 
 
Fanaticks. 
 
 OF JAMES THE SECOND. 139 
 
 ** hands in our blood; and chiefly, if they shall continue chapter 
 
 " obstinately, and with habitual malice to proceed against 
 
 '' us;" with more to the like effect,* Upon such an 
 occasion, the interference of government became 
 necessary. The government did indeed interfere, 
 and by a vote of council, ordered, that whoever 
 owned, or refused to disown, the Declaration on oath, 
 should be put to death, in the presence of two wit- 
 nesses, though unarmed when taken. The execu- Massacre of 
 tion of this massacre, in the twelve counties which 
 were principally concerned, was committed to the 
 military, and exceeded, if possible, the order itself. 
 The disowning the Declaration was required to be 
 in a particular form prescribed. Women, obstinate 
 in their fanaticism, lest female blood should be a 
 stain upon the swords of soldiers engaged in this 
 honourable employment, were drowned. The ha- 
 bitations, as well of those who had fled to save 
 themselves, as of those who suffered, were burnt 
 and destroyed. Such members of the families of 
 the delinquents as were above twelve years old, 
 were imprisoned for the purpose of being after- 
 wards transported. The brutality of the soldiers 
 was such as might be expected from an army let 
 loose from all restraint, and employed to execute 
 
 * Woodrow, II. Append. 137. 
 S 
 
130 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER the royal justice, as it was called, upon wretches. 
 
 '. Graham, who has been mentioned before, and who, 
 
 under the title of Lord Dundee, a title which was 
 probably conferred upon him by James for these 
 or similar services, was afterwards esteemed such a 
 hero among the Jacobite party, particularly distin- 
 guished himself. Of six unarmed fugitives whom 
 he seized, he caused four to be shot in his presence, 
 nor did the remaining two experience any other 
 mercy from him than a delay of their doom; and at 
 another time, having intercepted the flight of one of 
 these victims, he had him shewn to his family, and 
 then murdered in the arms of his wife! The ex- 
 ample of persons of such high rank, and who must 
 be presumed to have had an education in some de- 
 gree correspondent to their station, could not fail of 
 operating upon men of a lower order in society. 
 The carnage became every day more general and 
 more indiscriminate ; and the murder of peasants in 
 their houses, or while employed at their usual work 
 in the fields, by the soldiers, was not only not 
 reproved or punished, but deemed a meritorious 
 service by their superiors."^ The demise of King 
 Charles, which happened about this time, caused no 
 suspension or relaxation in these proceedings, which 
 
 * Burnet. Woodrow. Laing. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 131 
 
 seemed to have been the crowning; measure, as it chapter 
 
 ^ II. 
 were, or finishing stroke, of that system, for the steady 
 
 perseverance in which James so much admired the 
 resolution of his brother. 
 
 It has been judged necessary to detail these transac- observations 
 tions, in a manner which may, to some readers, appear 
 an impertinent digression from the narrative in which 
 this history is at present engaged, in order to set in 
 a clearer light, some points of the greatest import- 
 ance. In the first place, from the summary review 
 of the affairs of Scotland, and from the complacency 
 with which James looks back to his own share of 
 them, joined to the general approbation he expressed 
 of the conduct of Government in that kingdom, we 
 may form a pretty just notion, as well of his maxims 
 of policy, as of his temper and disposition, in matters onthedis- 
 where his bigotry to the Roman Catholick religion James. 
 had no share. For it is to be observed, and carefully 
 kept in mind, that the church, of which he not only 
 recommends the support, but which he showed him- 
 self ready to maintain, by the most violent means, is 
 the Episcopalian church of the Protestants ; that the 
 test which he enforced at the point of the bayonet 
 was a Protestant test, so much so indeed, that he him- 
 self could not take it ; and that the more marked 
 character of the conventicles, the objects of his 
 
132. HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER persecution, was not so much that of hereticks ex- 
 
 • communicated by the Pope, as of dissenters from the 
 
 church of England, and irreconcileable enemies to 
 the Protestant Liturgy and the Protestant Episcopacy. 
 But he judged the church of England to be a most fit 
 instrument for rendering the monarchy absolute. On 
 the other hand, the Presbyterians were thought natu- 
 rally hostile to the principles of passive obedience, 
 and to one or other, or wuth more probability, to 
 both, of these considerations, joined to the natural 
 violence of his temper, is to be referred the whole of 
 his conduct, in this part of his life, which in this 
 view, is rational enough; but on the supposition of 
 his having conceived thus early, the intention of in- 
 troducing Popery upon the ruins of the church of 
 England, is wholly unaccountable, and no less ab- 
 surd, than if a general were to put himself to great 
 cost and pains to furnish with ammunition, and to 
 strengthen with fortifications, a place of which he 
 was actually meditating the attack, 
 onthepri- Tlic next important observation that occurs, and 
 SgoJern- to which evcu they who are most determined to be- 
 lieve that this Prince had always Popery in view, 
 and held every other consideration as subordinate to 
 that primary object, must nevertheless subscribe, is, 
 that the most confidential advisers, as well as the 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 155 
 
 most furious supporters, of the measures we have re- chapter 
 lated, were not Roman Catholicks. Lauderdale and 
 
 . 1685. 
 
 Queensberry were both Protestants. There is no rea- 
 son, therefore, to impute any of James's violence after- 
 wards to the suggestions of his Catholick advisers, 
 since he who had been engaged in the series of mea- 
 sures above related, with Protestant counsellors and 
 coadjutors, had surely nothing to learn from Papists, 
 (whether priests, Jesuits, or others,) in the science 
 of tyranny. Lastly, from this account we are enabled on the state 
 
 r • r 1 roil of Scotland. 
 
 to lorm some notion ot the state of Scotland, at a 
 time when the parliament of that kingdom was 
 called to set an example for this, and we find it to 
 have been a state of more absolute slavery than at 
 that time subsisted in any part of Christendom. 
 
 The affairs of Scotland being in the state which we Proceeding* 
 have described, it is no wonder that the King's letter Parliament. 
 was received with acclamations of applause, and that 
 the parliament opened, not only with approbation 
 of the government, but even with an enthusiastick 
 zeal, to signalize their loyalty, as well by a perfect 
 acquiescence to the King's demands, as by the most 
 fulsome expressions of adulation. " What Prince in 
 " Europe, or in the whole world'' said the Chancellor 
 Perth, '* was ever like the late King, except his present 
 ** Majesty, who had undergone every trial of prosperity 
 
134 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER " and adversity, and whose unwearied clemency was 
 . ** not among the least conspicuous of his virtues^ To 
 
 " advance his honour and greatness, was the duty of 
 *' all his subjects, and ought to be the endeavour of 
 " their lives without reserve.'' The Parliament voted 
 an address, scarcely less adulatory than the Chan- 
 cellor's speech. 
 
 " May it please your Sacred Majesty, 
 
 " Your Majesty's gracious and kind remembrance 
 " of the services done by this, your ancient kingdom, 
 " to the late King your brother, of ever glorious 
 *' memory, shall rather raise in us ardent desires to 
 ** exceed whatever we have done formerly, than 
 *' make us consider them as deserving the esteem 
 *' your Majesty is pleased to express of them in 
 •' your Letter to us, dated the twenty-eighth of March. 
 " The death of that our excellent Monarch is la- 
 ^' mented by us to all the degrees of grief that are 
 " consistent with our great joy for the succession of 
 " your Sacred Majesty, who has not only continued, 
 " but secured the happiness, which his wisdom, his 
 "justice, and clemency procured to us: and having 
 *• the honour to be the first Parliament which meets 
 *' by your Royal Authority, of which we are very 
 *^ sensible, your Majesty may be confident, that we 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 135 
 
 *^ will offer such laws as may best secure your chapter 
 
 " Majesty's sacred person, the royal family, and 
 
 " government, and be so exemplary loyal, as to 
 *' raise your honour and greatness to the utmost of 
 " our power, which we shall ever esteem both our 
 " duty and interest. Nor shall we leave any thing 
 " undone for extirpating all fanaticism, but espe- 
 *' cially those fanatical murtherers and assassins, and 
 *' for detecting and punishing the late conspirators, 
 " whose pernicious and execrable designs did so 
 " much tend to subvert your Majesty's government, 
 ** and ruin us and all your Majesty's faithful subjects. 
 " We can assure your Majesty, that the subjects of 
 " this your Majesty's ancient kingdom are so desi- 
 " rous to exceed all their predecessors in extraor- 
 *' dinary marks of affection and obedience to your 
 *' Majesty, that, (God be praised,) the only way to 
 *' be popular with us, is to be eminently loyal. 
 *' Your Majesty's care of us, when you took us 
 *' to be your special charge, your wisdom in extin- 
 " guishing the seeds of rebellion and faction amongst 
 ** us, your justice, which was so great, as to be for 
 *' ever exemplary, but above all, your Majesty's 
 *' free and cheerful securing to us our religion, 
 *' when you were the late King's, your Royal Bro- 
 *' ther's Commissioner, now again renewed, when 
 
l6«5. 
 
 136 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER ** you are our Sovereign, are what your subjects 
 *' here can never forget, and therefore your Majesty 
 " may expect that we will think your coramands 
 *' sacred as your person, and that your inclination 
 " will prevent our debates; nor did ever any who 
 *' represented our Monarchs as their Commissioners, 
 *' (except your royal self,) meet with greater re- 
 *' spect, or more exact observance from a Parlia- 
 *' ment, than the Duke of Queensberry, (whom your 
 *• Majesty has so wisely chosen to represent you in 
 ** this, and of whose eminent loyalty, and great 
 " abilities in all his former employments, this nation 
 " hath seen so many proofs,) shall find from 
 
 *' May it please your Sacred Majesty, 
 
 *' your Majesty's most humble, most faithful, and 
 
 " most obedient subjects and servants, 
 
 *' PERTH, Cancell." 
 
 itstyranni- Nqf was this Spirit of loyalty, (as it was then 
 called,) of abject slavery, and unmanly subservience 
 to the will of a despot, as it has been justly denomi- 
 nated by the more impartial judgment of posterity, 
 confined to words only. Acts were passed to ratify 
 all the late judgments, however illegal or iniquitous, 
 to indemnify the privy council, judges, and all 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. IS 7 
 
 officers of the Crown, civil or military, for all the chapter 
 
 violences they had committed ; to authorize the '■ — 
 
 privy council to impose the test upon all ranks of 
 people under such penalties as that board might think 
 fit to impose ; to extend the punishment of death, 
 which had formerly attached upon the preachers at 
 field conventicles only, to all their auditors, and like- 
 wise to the preachers at house conventicles ; to sub- 
 ject to the penalties of treason, all persons who should 
 give, or take the covenant, or write in defence there- 
 of, or in any other way own it to be obligatory; and 
 lastly, in a strain of tyranny, for which there was, it 
 is believed, no precedent, and which certainly has 
 never been surpassed, to enact, that all such persons 
 as, being cited in cases of high treason, field or house 
 conventicles, or church irregularities, should refuse 
 to give testimony, should be liable to the punish- 
 ment due by law to the criminals against whom they 
 refused to be witnesses. It is true that an act was also 
 passed, for confirming all former statutes in favour 
 of the Protestant religion as then established, in 
 their whole strength and tenour, as if they were par- 
 ticularly set down and expressed in the said act; 
 but when we recollect the notions which Queens- 
 berry at that time entertained of the King's views, 
 this proceeding forms no exception to the general 
 
 T 
 
138 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER system of servility which characterized both mini- 
 
 '. — sters and parliament. All matters in relation to 
 
 revenue were of course settled in the manner most 
 agreeable to his Majesty's wishes, and the recom- 
 mendation of his Commissioner. 
 Cruelty of While the legislature was doing its part, the execu- 
 
 Government. 
 
 tive government was not behind hand in pursuing the 
 system which had been so much commended. A re- 
 fusal to abjure the Declaration in the terms prescribed, 
 was every where considered as sufficient cause for 
 immediate execution. In one part of the country, 
 information having been received, that a corpse had 
 been clandestinely buried, an enquiry took place : it 
 was dug up, and found to be that of a person pro- 
 scribed. Those who had interred him, were sus- 
 pected, not of having murdered, but of having 
 harboured him. For this crime, their house was de- 
 stroyed; and the women and children of the family 
 being driven out to wander as vagabonds, a young 
 man belonging to it was executed by the order of 
 Johnston of Westerraw. Against this murder even 
 Graham himself is said to have remonstrated, but was 
 content with protesting, that the blood was not upon 
 his head ; and not being able to persuade a Highland 
 officer to execute the order of Johnston, ordered his 
 own men to shoot the unhappy victim.* In another 
 
 * Woodrow, II. 507. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 139 
 
 county, three females, one of sixty-three years of chapter 
 
 age, one of eighteen, and one of twelve, were charged 
 
 with rebellion; and refusing to abjure the Declara- 
 tion, were sentenced to be drowned. The last was 
 let off, upon condition of her father's giving a bond 
 for a hundred pounds. The elderly woman, who is re* 
 presented as a person of eminent piety, bore her fate 
 with the greatest constancy, nor does it appear that 
 her death excited any strong sensations in the minds 
 of her savage executioners. The girl of eighteen Was 
 more pitied; and after many entreaties, and having 
 been once under water, was prevailed upon to utter 
 some words, which might be fairly construed into 
 blessing the King, a mode of obtaining pardon not 
 unfrequent in cases where the persecutors were in- 
 clined to relent. Upon this it was thought she was 
 safe ; but the merciless barbarian who superintended 
 this dreadful business, was not satisfied; and upon her 
 refusing the abjuration, she was again plunged into 
 the water, where she expired.* It is to be remarked, 
 that being at Bothwell-bridge and Air's-moss were 
 among the crimes stated in the indictment of all the 
 three, though, wlien the last of these affairs happened, 
 one of the girls was only thirteen, and the other not 
 eight years of age. At the time of the Bothwell* 
 
 * Woodrow, II. 506. 
 
140 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER bridge business, they were still younger. To recite 
 „ — all the instances of cruelty which occurred, would be 
 endless ; but it may be necessary to remark, that no 
 historical facts are better ascertained than the ac- 
 counts of them which are to be found in Woodrow. 
 In every instance where there has been an oppor- 
 tunity of comparing these accounts with records, and 
 other authentick monuments, they appear to be quite 
 correct. 
 English Par- The Scottish Parliament having thus set, as they 
 May 15. had bccn required to do, an eminent example of 
 what was then thought duty to the Crown, the King 
 met his English Parliament, on the 19th of May, 
 1685, and opened it with the following speech: 
 
 " My Lords and Gentlemen, 
 
 " After it pleased Almighty God, to take to his 
 " mercy the late King my dearest brother, and to 
 * ' bring me to the peaceable possession of the Throne 
 *' of my ancestors, I immediately resolved to call a 
 " Parliament, as the best means to settle every thing 
 " upon those foundations, as may make my reign 
 " both easy and happy to you ; towards which, I am 
 " disposed to contribute all that is fit for me to do. 
 
 " What I said to my Privy Council, at my first 
 " coming there, I am desirous to renew to you; 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 141 
 
 ' wherein I fully declare my opinion concerning the chapter 
 
 ' principles of the church of England, whose mem 
 
 ' bers have shewed themselves so eminently loyal 
 ' in the worst of times, in defence of my father, and 
 ' support of my brother, (of blessed memory,) that 
 ' I will always take care to defend and support it. 
 ' I will make it my endeavour to preserve this go- 
 ' vernment, both in church and state, as it is by law 
 ' established : And as I will never depart from the 
 ' just rights and prerogatives of the Crown, so I will 
 ' never invade any man's property; and you may be 
 ' sure, that having heretofore ventured my life in 
 ' the defence of this nation, I will still go as far as 
 ' any man in preserving it in all its just rights and 
 ' liberties. 
 
 " And having given this assurance concerning the 
 ' care I will have of your religion and property, 
 ' which I have chose to do, in the same words which 
 ' I used at my first coming to the Crown, the better 
 ' to evidence to you, that I spoke them not by chance, 
 ' and consequently, that you may firmly rely upon a 
 ' promise so solemnly made, I cannot doubt that I 
 ' shall fail of suitable returns from you, with all imagi- 
 ' nable duty and kindness on your part, and particu- 
 ' larly to what relates to the settling of my revenue, 
 ' and continuing it, during my life, as it was in the 
 
1685. 
 
 142 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER " lifetime of my brother. I might use many argu- 
 
 '■ — " ments to enforce this demand, for the benefit of 
 
 " trade, the support of the navy, the necessity of the 
 ' ' Crown , and the well-being of the government itself, 
 " which I must not suJfiFer to be precarious: but I 
 " am confident, your own consideration of what is 
 " just and reasonable, will suggest to you whatsoever 
 " might be enlarged upon this occasion. 
 
 " There is one popular argument, whicli, I fore- 
 " see, may be used against what I ask of you, from 
 " the inclination men have for frequent parliaments ; 
 " which some may think would be the best security, 
 " by feeding me, from time to time, by such propor- 
 " tions as they shall think convenient: And this ar- 
 *' gument, it being the first time I speak to you from 
 " the Throne, I will answer once for all, that this 
 *' would be a very improper method to take with 
 " me ; and that the best way to engage me to meet 
 " you often, is always to use me well. 
 
 " I expect therefore, that you will comply with 
 *' me in what I have desired, and that you will do it 
 *' speedily; that this may be a short session, and 
 /' that we may meet again to all our satisfactions.'* 
 
 " My Lords and Gentlemen, 
 " I must acquaint you, that I have had news this 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 143 
 
 " morning from Scotland, that Argyle is landed in chapter 
 
 '* the West Highlands, with the men he brought 
 
 " with him from Holland: That there are two De- 
 ' ' clarations published ; one in the name of all those 
 " in arms, the other in his own. It would be too 
 " long for me to repeat the substance of them; it is 
 " sufficient to tell you, I am charged with usurpation 
 " and tyranny. The shorter of them I have directed 
 " to be forthwith communicated to you. 
 
 " I will take the best care I can, that this Decla- 
 *' ration of their own faction and rebellion may meet 
 " with the reward it deserves: and I will not doubt 
 " but you will be the more zealous to support the 
 *' government, and give me my revenue as I have 
 ^' desired it, without delay." 
 
 The repetition of the words made use of in his TheKin^-s 
 first speech to the privy council, shews, that in the amined. 
 opinion of the Court at least, they had been well 
 chosen, and had answered their purpose ; and even 
 the haughty language which was added, and was 
 little less than a menace to parliament, if it should 
 not comply with his wishes, was not, as it appears, 
 unpleasing to the party which at that time prevailed, 
 since the revenue enjoyed by his predecessor, was 
 u^nanimously, and almost immediately, voted to him 
 
1685. 
 
 144 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER for life. It was not remarked, in publick at least, 
 that the King's threat of governing without par- 
 liament, was an unequivocal manifestation" of his 
 contempt of the law of the country, so distinctly 
 established, though so ineffectually secured, by the 
 statute of the 1 6th of Charles the Second, for holding 
 triennial parliaments. It is said, Lord Keeper Guild- 
 ford had prepared a different speech for his Majesty, 
 but that this was preferred, as being the King's own 
 words;* and, indeed that part of it, in which he says 
 that he must answer once for all, that the Commons' 
 giving such proportions as they might think conve- 
 nient, would be a very improper way with him, 
 bears, as well as some others, the most evident 
 marks of its royal origin. It is to be observed, 
 however, that in arguing for his demand, as he 
 styles it, of revenue, he says, not that the parliament 
 ought not, but that he must not suffer the well-being 
 of the government depending upon such revenue, 
 to be precarious; whence it is evident, that he inr 
 tended to have it understood, that, if the parliament 
 did not grant, he purposed to levy a revenue without 
 their consent. It is impossible that any degree of 
 party spirit should so have blinded men, as to prevent 
 them from perceiving, in this speech, a determination 
 
 * Life of Lord Keeper North. Ralph. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 145 
 
 on the part of the King, to conduct his government chapter 
 
 upon the principles of absolute monarchy, and to 
 
 those who were not so possessed with the love of 
 royalty, which creates a kind of passionate affection 
 for whoever happens to be the wearer of the Crown, 
 the vindictive manner in which he speaks of Argyle's 
 invasion, might afford sufficient evidence of the 
 temper in which his power would be administered. 
 In that part of his speech he first betrays his personal 
 feelings towards the unfortunate nobleman, whom, 
 in his brother's reign, he had so cruelly and treache- 
 rously oppressed, by dwelling upon his being 
 charged by Argyle with tyranny and usurpation, 
 and then declares, that he will take the best care, 
 not according to the usual phrases, to protect the loyal 
 and well disposed, and to restore tranquillity, but that 
 the Declaration of the factious and rebellious may 
 meet with the reward it deserves ; thus marking out 
 revenge and punishment as the consequences of 
 victory, upon which he was most intent. 
 
 It is impossible, that in a House of Commons, proceed 
 however composed, there should not have been 
 many members who disapproved the principles of 
 government announced in the speech, and who 
 were justly alarmed at the temper in which it was 
 conceived. But these, overpowered by numbers, 
 
 mgs 
 of Parlia- 
 ment. 
 
146 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER and perhaps afraid of the imputation of being con- 
 
 ^ — '- cerned in plots and insurrections, (an imputation 
 
 which , if they had shewn any spirit of liberty, would 
 most infallibly have been thrown on them,) declined 
 expressing their sentiments; and, in the short session 
 which followed, there was an almost uninterrupted 
 unanimity in granting every demand, and acquies- 
 cing in every wish of the Government. The revenue 
 was granted, without any notice being taken of the 
 illegal manner in which the King had levied it 
 upon his own authority. Argyle was stigmatised 
 as a traitour; nor was any desire expressed to examine 
 his Declarations, one of which seemed to be pur- 
 posely withheld from parliament. Upon the com- 
 munication of the Duke of Monmouth's landing in 
 the West, that nobleman was immediately attainted 
 by bill. The King's assurance was recognized as a 
 sufficient security for the national religion ; and the 
 liberty of the press was destroyed by the revival 
 of the statute of the 1 3 th and 14th of Charles the 
 Second. This last circumstance, important as it is, 
 does not seem to have excited much attention at the 
 time, which, considering the general principles then 
 in fashion, is not surprising. That it should have 
 been scarcely noticed by any historian, is more won- 
 derful. It is true, however, that the terrour inspired 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 147 
 
 by the late prosecutions for libels, and the violent chapter 
 
 conduct of the courts upon such occasions, rendered 
 
 a formal destruction of the liberty of the press a mat- 
 ter of less importance. So little does the magistracy, 
 when it is inclined to act tyrannically, stand in need 
 of tyrannical laws to effect its purpose. The bare 
 silence and acquiescence of the legislature is, in such 
 a case, fully sufficient to annihilate, practically speak- 
 ing, every right and liberty of the subject. 
 
 As the grant of revenue was unanimous, so there Misrepreseu- 
 
 - 11 1 • 1 • 1 tation of Mr. 
 
 does not appear to have been any thing which can Hume's. 
 justly be styled a debate upon it; though Hume em- 
 ploys several pages in giving the arguments which, 
 he affirms, were actually made use of, and, as he gives 
 us to understand, in the House of Commons, for and 
 against the question; arguments which, on both sides, 
 seem to imply a considerable love of freedom, and 
 jealousy of royal power, and are not wholly unmixed 
 even, with some sentiments disrespectful to the King. 
 Now I cannot find, either from tradition, or from con- 
 temporary writers, any ground to think, that, either 
 the reasons which Hume has adduced, or indeed any 
 other, were urged in opposition to the grant. The Mr. sey- 
 only speech made upon, the occasion, seems to have 3y7peech 
 been that of Mr. (afterwards Sir Edwardv) Seymour, '" °pp°''''°"* 
 who, though of the Tory party , a strenuous, opposer 
 
148 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER of the Exclusion Bill, and in general, supposed to 
 — have been an approver, if not an adviser, of the tyran- 
 nical measures of the late reign, has the merit of 
 having stood forward singly, to remind the House of 
 what they owed to themselves and their constituents. 
 He did not, however, directly oppose the grant, but 
 stated, that the elections had been carried on under 
 so much court influence, and in other respects so 
 illegally, that it was the duty of the House first to 
 ascertain, who were the legal members, before they 
 proceeded to other business of importance. After 
 having pressed this point, he observed, that, if ever 
 it were necessary to adopt such an order of proceed- 
 ing, it was more peculiarly so now, when the laws and 
 religion of the nation were in evident peril; that the 
 aversion of the English people to Popery, and their 
 attachment to the laws, were such, as to secure these 
 blessings from destruction by any other instrumen- 
 tality than that of parliament itself, which, however, 
 might be easily accomplished, if there were once a 
 parliament entirely dependant upon the persons 
 who might harbour such designs; that it was already 
 rumoured that the Test, and Habeas Corpus Acts, 
 the two bulwarks of our religion and liberties, were 
 to be repealed; that what he stated was so notorious 
 as to need no proof. Having descanted with force 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 149 
 
 and ability upon these, and other topicks of a simi- chapter 
 
 lar tendency, he urged his conclusion, that the ques- 
 
 tion of royal revenue ought not to be the nrst business 
 of the parliament.* Whether, as Burnet thinks, be- 
 cause he was too proud to make any previous com- 
 munication of his intentions, or that the strain of his 
 argument was judged to be too bold for the times, 
 this speech, whatever secret approbation it might 
 excite, did not receive from any quarter either ap- 
 plause or support. Under these circumstances it 
 was not thought necessary to answer him, and the 
 grant was voted unanimously, without further dis- 
 cussion. 
 
 As Barillon, in the relation of parliamentary pro* 
 ceedings, transmitted by him to his Court, in which 
 he appears at this time to have been very exact, gives 
 the same description of Seymour's speech and its 
 eJBFects, with Burnet, there can be little doubt but 
 their account is correct. It will be found as well in 
 this, as in many other instances, that an unfortunate 
 inattention, on the part of the reverend historian, 
 to forms, has made his veracity unjustly called in 
 question. He speaks of Seymour's speech as if it 
 had been a motion in the technical sense of the 
 word, for enquiring into the elections, which had no 
 
 * Barillon's Dispatches, June Sd, and 4th, Appendix. Burnet, H. 321. 
 
150 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER effect. Now no traces remaining; of such a motion, 
 
 II. . . 
 . and, on the other hand, the elections having been 
 
 at a subsequent period inquired into, Ralph almost 
 pronounces the whole account to be erroneous ; 
 whereas the only mistake consists in giving the 
 name of motion to a suggestion, upon the question of 
 a grant. It is whimsical enough, that it should be 
 from the account of the French ambassadour, that we 
 are enabled to reconcile to the records, and to the 
 forms of the English House of Commons, a relation 
 made by a distinguished member of the English 
 House of Lords. Sir John Reresby does indeed say, 
 that among the gentlemen of the House of Commons 
 whom he accidently met, they in general seemed 
 willing to settle a handsome revenue upon the King, 
 and to give him money; but whether their grant 
 should be permanent, or only temporary, and to be 
 renewed from time to time by parliament, that the 
 nation might be often consulted, was the question.'"^ 
 But besides the looseness of the expression, which 
 may only mean that the point was questionable, it is 
 to be observed, that he does not relate any of the ar- 
 guments which were brought, forward even in the 
 private conversations to which he refers; and when 
 he afterwards gives an account of what passed in the 
 
 * Reresby's Memoirs, 192. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 151 
 
 House of Commons, (where he was present,) he does chapter 
 not hint at any debate having; taken place, but — — — 
 rather implies the contrary. 
 
 This misrepresentation df Mr. Hume's is of no 
 small importance, inasmuch as, by intimating that 
 such a question could be debated at all, and much 
 more, that it was debated with the enlightened viewSj 
 and bold topicks of argument with which his genius 
 has supplied him, he gives us a very false notion of 
 the character of thd parliament, and of the times 
 which he is describing. It is not improbable, that 
 if the arguments had been used, which this historian 
 supposes, the utterer of them would have beefi ex- 
 pelled, or sent to the ToWer; and it h certain, that he 
 would tiot have been heard with any degree of atieri- 
 tiori, or even patience. 
 
 The unanimous vote for trusting the safety of re- votes con- 
 ligion to the King's Declaration, passed not withc^t gion. 
 observation; the rights of the church of England 
 being the only point upon which, at this tiiiie, th^ 
 parliament 'were in any degree jealous of the toyul 
 power. The comffiiftee of religion had votedf Uhdini^ 
 mously, " That it is the opinioTi of the commkt^€, 
 * ' that this House will stand by his Majiesty wMh 
 ** their livesand^ fortunes, accoif ding to their bounden 
 ** duty and allegiance, in defence of the reformed 
 
1685. 
 
 155 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER " Church of England, as it is now by law esta- 
 
 " blished; and that an humble address be presented 
 
 " to his Majesty, to desire him to issue forth his 
 '' Royal Proclamation, to cause the penal laws to be 
 '' put in execution against all dissenters from the 
 " Church of England whatsoever." But upon the 
 report of the House, the question of agreeing with 
 the committee was evaded by a previous question, 
 and the House, with equal unanimity, resolved, ' ' That 
 " this House doth acquiesce, and entirely rely, and 
 •' rest wholly satisfied, on his Majesty's gracious 
 " word, and repeated declaration to support and de- 
 " fend the religion of the Church of England, as it 
 " is now by law established, which is dearer to us 
 " than our lives." Mr.Echard, and Bishop Kennet, 
 two writers of different principles, but both church- 
 men, assign, as the motive of this vote, the unwil- 
 lingness of the party then prevalent in parliament, 
 to adopt severe measures against the Protestant dis- 
 senters ; but in this notion they are by no means 
 supported by the account, imperfect as it is, which 
 Sir John Reresby gives of the debate ; for he makes 
 no mention of tenderness towards dissenters, but 
 states, as the chief argument against agreeing with the 
 committee, that it might excite a jealousy of the King;* 
 
 ♦Echard. Kennet, 441. Reresby, 198. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 153 
 
 and Barillon expressly says, that the first vote chapt 
 
 gave great offence to the King, still more to the 
 
 Qiieen, and that orders were, in consequence, issued 
 to the court members of the House of Commons, 
 to devise some means to get rid of it/'' Indeed, 
 the general circumstances of the times are de- 
 cisive against the hypothesis of the two reverend 
 historians; nor is it, as far as I know, adopted by 
 any other historians. The probability seems to be, that 
 the motion in the committee had been originally sug- 
 gested by some Whig member, who could not, with 
 prudence, speak his real sentiments openly, and who 
 thought to embarrass the government, by touching 
 upon a matter, where the union between the church 
 party and the King, would be put to the severest 
 test. The zeal of the Tories for persecution, made 
 them at first give into the snare; but when, upon 
 reflection, it occurred, that the involving of the Ca- 
 tholicks in one common danger with the Protestant 
 dissenters, must be displeasing to the King, they 
 drew back without delay, and passed the most com- 
 prehensive vote of confidence, which James could 
 desire.t 
 
 * Vide Barillon's letter, Appendix. 
 
 + A most curious instance of the circuitous mode, and deep devices 
 to which the Whigs, if they wished at this time to oppose the Court, 
 
 X 
 
 Ell 
 
Person. 
 
 154 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER Further to manifest their servility to the King, 
 
 as well as their hostility to every principle, that 
 
 Bill for the could by implication be supposed to be connected 
 
 Preservation ' ^ ^ ^ 
 
 ^™*!1^"^' with Monmouth or his cause, the House of Commons 
 passed a Bill for the Preservation of his Majesty's 
 Person, in which, after enacting that a written or 
 verbal declaration of a treasonable intention, should 
 be tantamount to a treasonable act, they inserted two 
 remarkable clauses, by one of which, to assert the 
 legitimacy of Monmouth' s birth — by the other, to propose 
 in parliament any alteration in the succession oj the Crown , 
 were made likewise high treason. We learn from 
 Burnet,* that the first part of this bill was strenuously 
 
 were obliged to resort, is a scheme wliich seems to have been seriously 
 entertained by them, of moving to disqualify from office all persons 
 who had voted for the exclusion. Disqualification from offices, which 
 they had no means of obtaining, was to them of no importance, and by 
 obliging theKing to removeGodolphin, and more especially Sunderland, 
 they might put the Court to considerable difficulties. Vide Appendix. 
 * Ralph unjustly accuses Burnet of inaccuracy on this occasion, and 
 asserts, " That unfortunately for us, or this Right Reverend author, 
 " there is not the least trace of any such bill to be found in any of the 
 " accounts of this parliament extant ; and therefore we are under a 
 " necessity to suppose, that if any such clause was offered, it was by 
 " way of supplement to the bill for the preservation of his Majesty's 
 " person and government, which, no doubt, was strict enough, and 
 " which passed the House of Commons while Monmouth was in arms, 
 " just before the adjournment, but never reached the Lords." II. QH. 
 Now the enactment to which the Bishop alludes, was not, as Ralph 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 155 
 
 and warmly debated, and that it was chiefly opposed chapter 
 
 by Sergeant Maynard, whose arguments made some 
 
 impression even at that time; but whether the Ser- 
 geant was supported in his opposition, as the word 
 chiefly would lead us io imagine, or if supported, by 
 whom, that historian does not mention; and unfor- 
 tunately, neither of Maynard's speech itself, nor 
 indeed of any opposition whatever to the bill, is 
 there any other trace to be found. The crying in- 
 justice of the clause, which subjected a man to the 
 pains of treason, merely for delivering his opinion 
 upon a controverted fact, though he should do no act 
 in consequence of such opinion, was not, as far as 
 we are informed, objected to, or at all noticed, unless 
 indeed the speech above alluded to, in which the 
 
 supposes, a supplement to the bill for the preservation of his Majesty's 
 person, but made part of the very first clause of it ; and the only inac- 
 curacy, if indeed it deserves that name, of which Burnet is guilty, is 
 that of calling the bill what it really was, a bill for Declaring Treasons, 
 and not giving it its formal title of a Bill for the Preservation of his 
 Majesty's Person, 8cc. The bill is fortunately preserved among the 
 papers of the House of Commons, and as it is not, as far as I know, any 
 where in print, I have subjoined it in my Appendix. Perhaps some per- 
 sons might think it more discreet, to leave such a production in obscur 
 rity, lest it should ever be made use of as a precedent; but whoever 
 peruses with attention some of our modern statutes, will perceive, that 
 though not adduced as a precedent, on account, perhaps, of the inauspi- 
 cious reign in which it made its appearance, it has but too ^ten been 
 used as a model. 
 
156 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER Speaker is said to have descanted upon the general 
 '■ — danger of making words treasonable, be supposed 
 
 1685. , , , . T 
 
 to have been applied to this clause, as well as to the 
 former part of the bill. That the other clause should 
 have passed without opposition, or even observa- 
 tion, must appear still more extraordinary, when we 
 advert, not only to the nature of the clause itself, 
 but to the circumstances of there being actually in 
 the House, no inconsiderable number of members 
 who had, in the former reign, repeatedly voted for 
 the Exclusion Bill. 
 soiicitudefor It is worthy of noticc, however, that, while every 
 
 the church of ..,p..,.. , , 
 
 England. principle or criminal jurisprudence , and every regard 
 to th^ fundamental rights of the deliberative assem- 
 blies, which make part of the legislature of the nation, 
 were thus shamelessly sacrificed to the eagerness 
 which, at this disgraceful period, so generally pre- 
 vailed, of manifesting loyalty, or rather abject servi- 
 lity to the Sovereign, there still remained no small 
 degree of tenderness for the interests and safety of 
 the church of England, and a sentiment approaching 
 to jealousy upon any matter which might endanger, 
 even by the most remote consequences, or put any 
 restriction upon her ministers. With this view, as one 
 part of the bill did not relate to treasons only, but im- 
 posed new penalties upon such as should by writing, 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 157 
 
 printing, preaching, or other speaking, attempt to chapter 
 
 bring the King or his government into hatred or — 
 
 contempt, there was a special proviso added, " that 
 " the asserting, and maintaining by any writing, 
 " printing, preaching, or any other speaking, the 
 " doctrine, discipline, divine worship, or govern- 
 " merit of the church of England as it is now by law 
 *' established, against Popery or any other different 
 '' or dissenting opinions, is not intended, and shall 
 " not be interpreted, or construed to be any offence 
 " within the words or meaning of this act."'" It 
 cannot escape the reader, that only such attacks upon 
 Popery as were made in favour of the doctrine and 
 discipline of the church of England, and no other, 
 were protected by this proviso, and consequently 
 that, if there were any real occasion for such a guard, 
 all Protestant dissenters who should write or speak 
 against the Roman superstition, were wholly unpro- 
 tected by it, and remained exposed to the danger, 
 whatever it might be, from which the church was so 
 anxious to exempt her supporters. 
 
 This Bill passed the House of Commons, and was TheBiii 
 sent up to the House of Lords on the 30th of June, "''"p"'"''^' 
 It was read a first time on that day, but the adjourn- 
 ment of both houses taking place on the 2d of July, 
 
 * Vide Bill for the Preservation, 8cc. Appendix. 
 
158 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER it could not make any further progress at that time ; 
 
 and when the parliament met afterwards in autumn, 
 
 there was no longer that passionate affection for the 
 monarch, nor consequently that ardent zeal for ser- 
 vitude, which were necessary to make a law with such 
 clauses and provisos, palatable or even endurable. 
 
 It is not to be considered as an exception to the 
 general complaisance of Parliament, that the Speaker, 
 when he presented the Revenue Bill, made use of 
 some strong expressions, declaring the attachment of 
 the Commons to the national religion.'' Such senti- 
 ments could not be supposed to be displeasing to 
 James, after the assurances he had given of his regard 
 for the church of England. Upon this occasion his 
 Majesty made the following speech: 
 
 ** My Lords and Gentlemen, 
 
 Speech on " I thauk you very heartily for the bill you have 
 
 RevTrfueBiu. " presented me this day; and I assure you, the readi- 
 
 " ness and cheerfulness that has attended the dis- 
 
 " patch of it, is as acceptable to me as the bill itself. 
 
 * " The Commons of England have here presented your Majesty 
 " with the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage, with all readiness and cheer- 
 " fulness; and that without any security for their religion, though it be 
 *' dearer to them than their lives, relying wholly on your royal word fo*- 
 " the security of it ; and humbly beseech your Majesty to accept this 
 " their offer," 8cc. Kennet, II. 427. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 159 
 
 *' After so happy a beginning, you may believe I chapter 
 
 ' would not call upon you unnecessarily for an ex- 
 
 ' traordinary supply: but when I tell you, that the 
 ' stores of the navy and ordnance are extremely 
 ' exhausted ; that the anticipations upon several 
 ' branches of the revenue aregreatandburthensome; 
 ' that the debts of the King my brother, to his ser- 
 ' vants and family, are such as deserve compassion; 
 ' that the rebellion in Scotland, without putting 
 ' more weight upon it than it really deserves, must 
 ' oblige me to a considerable expense extraordi- 
 ' nary: I am sure, such considerations will move 
 ' you to give me an aid to provide for those things, 
 ' wherein the security, the ease, and the happiness 
 ' of my government are so much concerned. But 
 ' above all, I must recommend to you the care of 
 ' the Navy, the strength and glory of this nation ; 
 ' that you will put it into such a condition, as may 
 ' make us considered and respected abroad. I can- 
 ' not express my concern, upon this occasion, more 
 ' suitable to my own thoughts of it, than by assur- 
 ' ing you, I. have a true English heart, as jealous of 
 ' the honour of the nation as you can be ; and I 
 ' please myself with the hopes, that, by God's bless- 
 ' ing, and your assistance, I may carry the reputa- 
 ' tion of it yet higher in the world, than ever it has 
 
1685. 
 
 160 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER " been in the time of any of my ancestors ; and as I 
 = will not call upon you for supplies, but when they 
 '■ are of publick use and advantage ; so I promise 
 ' you, that what you give me upon such occasions, 
 shall be managed with good husbandry; and I will 
 take care, it shall be employed to the uses for 
 which I ask them." 
 
 sented by hiS' 
 torians, 
 
 Misrepre- Rapln, Hume, and Ralph, observe upon this speech, 
 that neither the generosity of the Commons' grant, 
 nor the confidence they expressed upon religious 
 matters, could extort a kind word in favour of their 
 religion. But this observation, whether meant as a 
 reproach to him for his want of gracious feeling to 
 a generous Parliament, or as an oblique compliment 
 to his sincerity, has no force in it. His Majesty's 
 speech was spoken immediately upon passing the 
 bills which the Speaker presented, and he could 
 not therefore take notice of the Speaker's words, 
 unless he had "Spoken extempore; for the custom is 
 not, nor I believe ever was, for the Speaker to give, 
 beforehand, copies of addresses of this nature. James 
 would not certainly have scrupled to repeat the 
 assurances which he had so lately made in favour of 
 the Protestant religion, as he did not scruple to talk 
 of his true English heart, honour of the nation, &c. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 161 
 
 at a time when he was engaged with France; but the chapter 
 
 speech was prepared for an answer to a money bill, 
 
 not for a question of the Protestant religion and 
 church, and the false professions in it are adapted to 
 what was supposed to be the only subject of it. 
 
 The only matter in which the Kind's views were Reversal of 
 
 ^ ° Stafford's at- 
 
 in any degree thwarted, was the reversal of Lord fainder re- 
 Stafford's attainder, which, having passed the House 
 of Lords, not without opposition, was lost in the 
 House of Commons; a strong proof that the Popish 
 plot was still the subject upon which the opposers 
 of the Court had most credit with the publick. Mr. 
 Hume, notwithstanding his just indignation at the 
 condemnation of Stafford, and his general inclina- 
 tion to approve of royal politicks, most unaccount- 
 ably justifies the Commons in their rejection of this 
 bill, upon the principle of its being impolitick at 
 that time to grant so full a justification of the Catho- 
 licks, and to throw so foul an imputation upon the 
 Protestants. Surely if there be one moral duty that 
 is binding upon men in all times, places, and cir- 
 cumstances, and from which no supposed views 
 of policy can excuse them, it is that of granting 
 a full justification to the innocent; and such Mr. 
 Hume considers the Catholicks, and especially Lord 
 Stafford, to have been. The only rational way of 
 
162, HISTORY OF I'HE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER accounting for this solitary instance of non-com- 
 
 — pliance on the part of the Commons, is either to 
 
 suppose that they still believed in the reality of the 
 Popish plot, and Stafford's guilt, or that the church 
 party, which was uppermost, had such an antipathy 
 to Popery, as indeed to every sect, whose tenets 
 differed from theirs, that they deemed every thing 
 lawful against its professors. 
 Parliament ^^ ^^^ ^^ of Ju^X' Parliament was adjourned for 
 adjourned, ^j^^ purpose of enabling the principal gentlemen to 
 be present in their respective counties, at a time 
 when their services and influence might be so 
 necessary to government. It is said that the House 
 of Commons consisted of members so devoted to 
 James, that he declared there were not forty in it, 
 whom he would not himself have named. But 
 although this may have been true, and though from 
 the new-modelling of the corporations, and the in- 
 terference of the court in elections, this Parliament, 
 as far as regards the manner of its being chosen, was 
 by no means a fair representative of the legal elec- 
 tors of England, yet there is reason to think that it 
 afforded a tolerably correct sample of the disposition 
 of the nation, and especially of the church party, 
 which was then uppermost. 
 
 The general character of the party at this time, 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. I6.'i 
 
 appears to have been a high notion of the King's chapter 
 
 constitutional power, to which was superadded, a 
 
 kind of religious abhorrence of all resistance to the character of 
 
 ^ ^ , ihe church 
 
 Monarch, not only in cases where such resistance p^ny. 
 was directed against the lawful prerogative, but 
 even in opposition to encroachments, which the 
 Monarch might make beyond the extended limits 
 which they assigned to his prerogative. But these te- 
 nets, and still more, the principle of conduct naturally 
 resulting from them, were confined to the civil, as 
 contradistinguished from the ecclesiastical, polity of 
 the country. In church matters, they neither ac- 
 knowledged any very high authority in the Crown, 
 nor were they willing to submit to any royal en- 
 croachment on that side ; and a steady attachment 
 to the church of England, with a proportionable 
 aversion to all dissenters from it, whether Catholick 
 or Protestant, was almost universally prevalent 
 among them. A due consideration of these distinct 
 features in the character of a party so powerful in 
 Charles's and in James's time, and even when it was 
 lowest, (that is, during the reigns of the two first 
 Princes of the House of Brunswick,) by no means 
 inconsiderable, is exceedingly necessary to the right 
 understanding of English History. It affords a clue 
 to many passages otherwise unintelligible. For want 
 
164 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER of a proper attention to this circumstance, some his- 
 
 torians have considered the conduct of the Tories in 
 
 promoting the Revolution, as an instance of great 
 inconsistency. Some have supposed, contrary to the 
 clearest evidence, that their notions of passive obe- 
 dience, even in civil matters, were limited, and 
 that their support of the government of Charles and 
 James, wan founded upon a belief, that those Princes 
 would never abuse their prerogative for the purpose 
 of introducing arbitrary sway. But this hypothesis 
 is contrary to the evidence both of their declarations 
 and their conduct. Obedience without reserve, an 
 abhorrence of all resistance, as contrary to the tenets 
 of their religion, are the principles which they 
 professed in their addresses, their sermons, and their 
 decrees at Oxford; and surely nothing short of such 
 principles, could make men esteem the latter years 
 of Charles the Second, and the opening of the reign 
 of his successor, an era of national happiness, and 
 exemplary government. Yet this is the representa- 
 tion of that period, which is usually made by histo- 
 rians, and other writers of the church party. " Never 
 " were fairer promises on one side, nor greater gene- 
 *' rosity on the other," says Mr. Echard. " The King 
 ** had as yet, in no instance, invaded the rights of his 
 '* subjects," says the author of the Caveat against the 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 165 
 
 Whigs. Thus, as long as James contented himself with chapter 
 
 absolute power in civil matters, and did not make use 
 
 of his authority against the church, every thing went 
 smooth and easy; nor is it necessary, in order to 
 account for the satisfaction of the parliament and 
 people, to have recourse to any implied compromise, 
 by which the nation was willing to yield its civil 
 liberties as the price of retaining its religious con- 
 stitution. The truth seems to be, that the King, in 
 asserting his unlimited power, rather fell in with 
 the humour of the prevailing party, than offered any 
 violence to it. Absolute power in civil matters, 
 under the specious names of monarchy and prero- 
 gative, formed a most essential part of the Tory 
 creed; but the order in which Church and King 
 are placed in the favourite device of the party, is not 
 accidental, and is well calculated to shew the genuine 
 principles of such among them as are not corrupted 
 by influence. Accordingly, as the sequel of this 
 reign will abundantly shew, when they found them- 
 selves compelled to make an option, they preferred, 
 without any degree of inconsistency, their first idol 
 to their second, and when they could not preserve 
 both Church and King, declared for the former. 
 
 It gives certainly no very flattering picture of the situatrba of 
 
 ...... the Whigs. ' 
 
 country, to describe it as being in some sense fairly 
 
166 HISTORY OF THE REIGN, fcc. 
 
 CHAPTER represented hy this servile Parliament, and not only 
 
 '. — acquiescing in, but delighted with, theearly measures 
 
 of James's reign; the contempt of law exhibited in 
 the arbitrary mode of raising his revenue; his insult- 
 ing menace to the Parliament, that if they did not 
 use him well, he would govern without them; his 
 furious persecution of the Protestant dissenters, and 
 the spirit of despotism which appeared in all his 
 speeches and actions. But it is to be remembered, 
 that these measures were in no wise contrary to the 
 principles or prejudices of the church party, but 
 rather highly agreeable to them; and that the Whigs, 
 who alone were possessed of any just notions of 
 liberty, were so out-numbered, and discomfited by 
 persecution, that such of them as did not think fit 
 to engage in the rash schemes of Monmouth or 
 Argyle, held it to be their interest to interfere as 
 little as possible in publick affairs, and by no means 
 to obtrude upon unwilling hearers, opinions and 
 sentiments, which, ever since the dissolution of the 
 Oxford parliament in 1681, had been generally dis- 
 countenanced, and of which the peaceable, or rather 
 triumphant accession of James to the throne, was 
 supposed to seal the condemnation. 
 
CHAPTER THE THIRD. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 ** Attempts of Argyle and Monmouth. — Account of their followers. — 
 " Argyle's Expedition discovered. — His descent in Argyleshire. — 
 " Dissensions among his followers. — Loss of his shipping. — His 
 " army dispersed, and himself taken prisoner, — His behaviour in 
 " prison. — His execution. — The fate of his followers. — Rumbold's 
 " last Declaration examined. — Monmouth's Invasion of England. — 
 " His first success and reception. — His delays, disappointment, and 
 "despondency. — Battle of Sedgemore. — He is discovered and 
 " taken. — His Letter to the King. — His interview with James. — His 
 *' preparations for death.— Circumstances attending his execution. — 
 *' His Character." E. 
 
[171 ] 
 
 CHAPTER THE THIRD. 
 
 It is now necessary to give some account of those chapter 
 
 attempts in Scotland by the Earl of Argyle, and in — 
 
 Encrland by the Duke of Monmouth, of which the Eariof ' 
 
 . . . . . Argyle. 
 
 King had informed his Parliament in the manner 
 recited in the preceding Chapter. The Earl of 
 Argyle was son to the Marquis of Argyle, of whose 
 unjust execution, and the treacherous circumstances 
 accompanying it, notice has already been taken. 
 He had, in his youth, been strongly attached to the 
 royal cause, and had refused to lay down his arms,, 
 till he had the exiled King's positive orders for that 
 purpose. But the merit of his early services could 
 neither save the life of his father, nor even procure 
 for himself a complete restitution of his family ho- 
 nours and estates; and not long after the Restoration, 
 upon an accusation of Leasing-Making,an accusation 
 founded, in this instance, upon a private letter to a. 
 
n HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER fellow-subject, in which he spoke with some freedom 
 
 of his Majesty's Scottish ministry, he was condemned 
 
 to death. The sentence was suspended, and finally 
 remitted; but not till after an imprisonment of twelve 
 months and upwards. In this affair he was much 
 assisted by the friendship of the Duke of Lauderdale, 
 with whom he ever afterwards liv^ed upon terms 
 of friendship, though his principles would not per- 
 mit him to give active assistance to that nobleman in 
 his government of Scotland. Accordingly, we do 
 not, during that period, find Argyle's name among 
 those who held any of those great employments of 
 state, to which, by his rank and consequence, he 
 was naturally entitled. When James, then Duke 
 of York, was appointed to the Scotch government, 
 it seems to have been the Earl's intention to cultivate 
 his Royal Highness' favour, and he was a strenuous 
 supporter of the Bill which condemned all attempts 
 at exclusions, or other alterations in the succession of 
 the crown. But having highly offended that Prince, 
 by insisting on the occasion of the Test, that the 
 Royal Family, when in office, should not be exempted 
 from taking that oath which they imposed upon sub- 
 jects in like situations, his Royal Highness ordered 
 a prosecution against him, for the explanation with 
 which he had taken the Test oath at the council 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 173 
 
 board, and the Earl was, as we have seen, again con- chapter 
 
 1685. 
 
 demned to death. From the time of his escape from 
 prison, he resided wholly in foreign countries, and was 
 looked to as a principal ally by such of the English pa- 
 triots as had at anytime entertained thoughts, whether 
 more or less ripened, of delivering their country. 
 
 James Duke of Monmouth was the eldest of the Duke of 
 late King's natural children. In the early parts of his 
 life, he held the first place in his father's affections; 
 and even in the height of Charles's displeasure at his 
 political conduct, attentive observers thought they 
 could discern, that the traces of paternal tenderness 
 were by no means effaced. Appearing at Court His cha- 
 in the bloom of youth, with a beautiful figure, and 
 engaging manners, known to be the darling of the 
 Monarch, it is no wonder that he was early assailed 
 by the arts of flattery; and it is rather a proof that 
 he had not the strongest of all minds, than of any 
 extraordinary weakness of character, that he was 
 not proof against them. He had appeared with some 
 distinction in the Flemish campaigns; and his con- 
 duct had been noticed with the approbation of the 
 commanders, as well Dutch as French, under whom 
 he had respectively served. His courage was allowed 
 by all, his person admired, his generosity loved, his 
 sincerity confided in. If his talents were not of the 
 
tion. 
 
 174 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER first rate, they were by no means contemptible; 
 
 — and he possessed, in an eminent degree, qualities 
 
 which, in popular government, are far more effec- 
 tive than the most splendid talents; qualities by 
 which he inspired those who followed him, not only 
 with confidence and esteem, but with affection, en- 
 
 ftndaitibi- thusiasm, and even fondness. Thus endowed, it is 
 not surprising that his youthful mind was fired with 
 ambition, or that he should consider the putting 
 himself at the head of a party, (a situation for which 
 he seems to have been peculiarly qualified by so 
 many advantages,) as the means by which he was 
 most likely to attain his object. 
 
 His private Many circumstances contributed to outweigh the 
 scruples which must have harrassed a man of his 
 excellent nature, when he considered the obligations 
 of filial duty and gratitude, and when he reflected, 
 that the particular relation in which he stood to the 
 King rendered a conduct, which in any other 
 subject would have been meritorious, doubtful, if 
 not extremely culpable in him. Among these, not 
 the least was the declared enmity which subsisted 
 between him and his uncle, the Duke of York. The 
 Earl of Mulgrave, afterwards Duke of Buckingham- 
 shire, boasttd in his Memoirs, that this enmity was 
 originally owing to his contrivances; and while he 
 
 motives. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 1 75 
 
 is relating a conduct, upon which the only doubt chapter 
 
 can be, whether the object or the means were the 
 
 most infamous, seems to applaud himself, as if he 
 had atchieved some notable exploit. While, on the 
 one hand, a prospect of his uncle's succession to the 
 crown was intolerable to him, as involving in it a 
 certain destruction of even the most reasonable and 
 limited views of ambition which he might entertain, 
 he was easily led to believe on the other hand, that no 
 harm, but the reverse, was intended towards his royal 
 father, whose reign and life might become precari- 
 ous, if he obstinately persevered in supporting his 
 brother ; whereas, on the contrary, if he could be 
 persuaded, or even forced, to yield to the wishes of 
 his subjects, he mi^ht long reign a powerful, happy, 
 and popular Prince. 
 
 It is also reasonable to believe, that with those per- poiukai mo- 
 
 1 I . . , . - tives of his 
 
 sonal and private motives, others might co-operate conduct. 
 of a publick nature, and of a more noble character. 
 The Protestant religion, to which he seems to have 
 been sincerely attached, would be persecuted, or 
 perhaps, exterminated, if the King should be suc- 
 cessful in his support of the Duke of York, and his 
 faction. At least, such was the opinion generally 
 prevalent, while, with respect to the civil liberties of 
 the country, no doubt could be entertained, that if 
 
176 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER the Court party prevailed in the struggle then de- 
 
 !_ pending, they would be completely extinguished. 
 
 Something may be attributed to his admiration of the 
 talents of some, to his personal friendship for others, 
 among the leaders of the Whigs, more to the aptitude 
 of a generous nature to adopt, and, if I may so say, to 
 become enamoured of, those principles of justice, 
 benevolence, and equality, which form the true creed 
 of the party which he espoused. I am not inclined 
 to believe that it was his connection with Shaftes- 
 bury that inspired him with ambitious views, but 
 rather to reverse cause and effect, and to suppose, 
 that his ambitious views produced his connection 
 with that nobleman ; and whoever reads with at- 
 tention Lord Grey*s account of one of the party 
 meetings at which he was present, will perceive 
 that there was not between them that perfect cordi- 
 ality which has been generally supposed, but that 
 Russel, Grey, and Hampden, were upon a far more 
 confidential footing with him. It is far easier to de- 
 termine generally, that he had high schemes of am- 
 bition, than to discover what was his precise object ; 
 and those who boldly impute to him the intention of 
 succeeding to the crown, seem to pass by several 
 weighty arguments, which make strongly against 
 their hypothesis; such as, his connection with the 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 177 
 
 Dutchess of Portsmouth, who, if the succession were chapter 
 
 to go to the King's illegitimate children, must natu- '. — 
 
 rally have been for her own son ; his unqualified 
 support of the Exclusion Bill, which, without in- 
 deed mentioning her, most unequivocally settled the 
 Crown, in case of a demise, upon the Princess of 
 Orange; and above all, the circumstance of his 
 having, when driven from England, twice chosen 
 Holland for his asylum. By his cousins he was re- 
 ceived, not so much with the civility and decorum 
 of Princes, as with the kind familiarity of near rela- 
 tions ; a reception to which he seemed to make every 
 return of reciprocal cordiality.* It is not rashly to 
 be believed, that he, who has never been accused of 
 hardened wickedness, could have been upon such 
 terms with, and so have behaved to, persons whom 
 he purposed to disappoint in their dearest and best 
 grounded hopes, and to defraud of their inheritance. 
 
 Whatever his views might be, it is evident that they Hisexiie 
 were of a nature wholly adverse, not only to those fand.^"^* 
 of the Duke of York, but to the schemes of power 
 entertained by the King, with which the support of 
 his brother was intimately connected. Monmouth 
 was therefore, at the suggestion of James, ordered 
 by his father to leave the country, and deprived of all 
 
 * D'Avaux. 
 
 A a 
 
178 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER his offices, civil and military. The pretence for this 
 
 exile was a sort of principle of impartiality, which 
 
 obliged the King, at the same time that he ordered 
 his brother to retire to Flanders, to deal equal mea- 
 sure to his son. Upon the Duke of York's return, 
 (which was soon after,) Monmouth thought he might 
 without blame return also; and persevering in his 
 former measures, and old connections, became 
 deeply involved in the cabals to which Essex, 
 Russel, and Sidney fell martyrs. After the death of 
 his friends he surrendered himself; and upon a pro- 
 mise, that nothing said by him should be used to the 
 prejudice of any of his surviving friends, wrote a 
 penitentiary letter to his father, consenting, at the 
 same time, to ask pardon of his uncle. A great parade 
 was made of this by the Court, as if it was designed 
 by all means to goad the feelings of Monmouth : his 
 Majesty was declared to have pardoned him at the 
 request of the Duke of York, and his consent was 
 required to the publication of what was called his 
 Confession. This he resolutely refused at all ha- 
 zards, and was again obliged to seek refuge abroad, 
 where he had remained to the period of which we 
 are now treating. 
 ^xpSbc. A little time before Charles's death, he had in- 
 Ki^ng's'^dcalh. dulgcd hopes of being recalled, and that his intelli- 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 179 
 
 gence to that effect was not quite unfounded, or, if chapteh 
 
 false, was at least mixed with truth, is clear from the 
 
 following circumstance : From the notes found when 
 he was taken, in his memorandum book, it appears 
 that part of the plan concerted between the King 
 and Monmouth's friend, (probably Halifax,) was that 
 the Duke of York should go to Scotland,* between 
 which, and his being sent abroad again, Monmouth 
 and his friends saw no material difference. Now in 
 Barillon's letters to his Court, dated the 7 th of Decem- 
 ber, 1684, it appears that the Duke of York had told 
 that ambassadour of his intended voyage to Scotland, 
 though he represented it in a very different point of 
 view, and said that it would not be attended with 
 any diminution of his favour or credit.-f This was the 
 light in which Charles, to whom the expressions, 
 " to blind my brother, not to make the Duke of 
 *' York fly out," and the like, were familiar, would 
 certainly have shewn the affair to his brother, and 
 therefore of all the circumstances adduced, this ap- 
 pears to me to be the strongest in favour of the sup- 
 position, that there was in the King's mind, a real 
 intention of making an important, if not a complete, 
 change in his councils and measures. 
 
 Besides these two leaders, there were on the Con- Exiiesfrom 
 
 Scotland. 
 * Welwood's Memoirs. + See Appendix, p. viii. 
 
180 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER tinent at that time, several other gentlemen of great 
 
 '■ — consideration. Sir Patrick Hume of Polworth had 
 
 sirP.Hume. early distinguished himself in the cause of liberty. 
 When the privy council of Scotland passed an order, 
 compelling the counties to pay the expence of the 
 garrisons arbitrarily placed in them, he refused to 
 pay his quota, and by a mode of appeal to the Court of 
 Session, which the Scotch lawyers call a Bill of Sus- 
 pension, endeavoured to procure redress. The coun- 
 cil ordered him to be imprisoned, for no other crime, 
 as it should seem, than that of having thus attempted 
 to procure, by a legal process, a legal decision upon 
 a point of law. After having remained inclose con- 
 finement, in Stirling Castle, for near four years, he 
 was set at liberty through the favour and interest of 
 Monmouth. Having afterwards engaged in schemes 
 connected with those imputed to Sidney and Russel, 
 orders were issued for seizing him at his house in 
 Berwickshire; but having had timely notice of his 
 danger, from his relation, Hume of Ninewells, a 
 gentleman attached to the royal cause,* but whom 
 party spirit had not rendered insensible to the ties 
 of kindred, and private friendship, he found means 
 
 * It is not without some satisfaction, that I learnt, upon enquiry, 
 that this gentleman was the ancestor of Hume the historian, who, in 
 similar circumstances, would most certainly have followed his grand- 
 father's example. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 181 
 
 to conceal himself for a time, and shortly after to chapter 
 
 escape beyond sea. His concealment is said to have 
 
 been in the family burial-place, where the means of 
 sustaining life were brought to him by his daughter, 
 a girl of fifteen years of age, whose duty and affection 
 furnished her with courage to brave the terrours, as 
 well superstitious as real, to which she was necessa- 
 rily exposed in an intercourse of this nature. ''' 
 
 Andrew Fletcher of Salton, a young man of great rieicherof 
 spirit, had signalized himself in opposition to Lau- 
 derdale's administration of Scotland, and had after- 
 wards connected himself with Argyle and Russel, 
 and what was called the council of six. He had, of 
 course, thought it prudent to leave Great Britain, 
 and could not be supposed unwilling to join in any 
 enterprize which might bid fair to restore him to 
 his country, and his countrymen to their lost liber- 
 ties, though, upon the present occasion, which he 
 seems to have judged to be unfit for the purpose, he 
 endeavoured to dissuade both Argyle and Mon- 
 mouth from their attempts. He was a man of much 
 thought and reading, of an honourable mind, and a 
 fiery spirit, and from his enthusiastick admiration of 
 the ancients, supposed to be warmly attached, not 
 only to republican principles, but to the form of a 
 
 * MS. account of Sir P. Hume. 
 
182 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER commonwealth. Sir John Cochrane of Ochiltree 
 '. — had fled his country on account of the transactions 
 
 l6S5. r ^«^ TT* 1 
 
 Sir John or 1683. riis property and connections were consi- 
 derable, and he was supposed to possess extensive 
 influence in Airshire and the adjacent counties. 
 
 English Such were the persons of chief note among the 
 
 Scottish emigrants. Among the English, by far the 
 
 LordGreyof most remarkable, was Ford, Lord Grey of Wark. A 
 
 Wark. 
 
 scandalous love intrigue, with his wife's sister, had 
 fixed a very deep stain upon his private character; 
 nor were the circumstances attending this affair, 
 which had all been brought to light in a court of 
 justice, by any means calculated to extenuate his 
 guilt. His antient family, however, the extensive 
 influence arising from his large possessions, his ta- 
 lents, which appear to have been very considerable, 
 and above all, his hitherto unshaken fidelity in poli- 
 tical attachments, and the general steadiness of his 
 conduct in publick life, might in some degree coun- 
 tervail the odium which he had incurred on account 
 of his private vices. Of Matthews, Wade, and 
 Ayloffe, whose names are mentioned, as having both 
 joined the preliminary councils, and done actual 
 service in the invasions, little is known by which 
 curiosity could be either gratified or excited. 
 Rumboid. Richard Rumbold, on every account, merits more 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 183 
 
 particular notice. He had formerly served in the re- chapter 
 
 publican armies ; and adhering to the principles of 
 
 liberty, which he had imbibed in his youth, though no 
 wise bigotted to the particular form of a common- 
 wealth, had been deeply engaged in the politicks of 
 those who thought they saw an opportunity of rescuing 
 their country from the tyrannical government of the 
 late King. He was one of the persons denounced in 
 Keyling's narrative, and was accused of having con- 
 spired to assassinate the royal brothers, in their road 
 to Newmarket ; an accusation belied by the whole 
 tenour of his life and conduct, and which, if it had 
 been true, would have proved him, who was never 
 thought a weak or foolish man, to be as destitute of 
 common sense, as of honour and probity. It was 
 pretended, that the seizure of the Princes was to 
 take place at a farm called Rye-house, which he oc- 
 cupied in Hertfordshire for the purposes of his 
 trade as a maltster; and from this circumstance, was 
 derived the name of the Rye-house plot. Conscious 
 of having done some acts, which the law, if even fairly 
 interpreted, and equitably administered, might deem 
 criminal, and certain that many which he had not 
 done, would be both sworn, and believed against 
 him, he made his escape, and passed the remainder 
 of Charles's reign in exile and obscurity; nor is his 
 
184 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER name, as far as I can learn, ever mentioned, from the 
 '. — time of the Rye-house plot to that of which we are 
 
 1685. 
 
 now treating. 
 Other exiles. It is not to bc understood that there were no 
 other names upon the list of those who fled from 
 the tyranny of the British government, or thought 
 themselves unsafe in their native country, on account 
 of its violence, besides those of the persons above 
 mentioned, and of such as joined in their bold and 
 hazardous enterprize. Another class of emigrants, 
 not less sensible probably to the wrongs of their 
 country, but less sanguine in their hopes of imme- 
 diate redress, is ennobled by the names of Burnet 
 Burnet and the historian, and Mr. Locke. It is difficult to ac- 
 opinion. cede to the opinion, which the first of these seems 
 to entertain, that though particular injustices had 
 been committed, the misgovernment had not been 
 of such a nature as to justify resistance by arms."" 
 But the prudential reasons against resistance at that 
 time were exceedingly strong ; and there is no 
 point in human concerns, wherein the dictates of 
 virtue, and worldly prudence, are so identified, as in 
 this great question of resistance by force to esta- 
 blished government. Success, it has been invidiously 
 remarked, constitutes, in most instances, the sole 
 
 • Burnet, II. 309. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 185 
 
 difference between the traitor and the deliverer of chapter 
 
 his country. A rational probability of success, it 
 
 may be truly said, distinguishes the well considered observations 
 enterprize of the patriot, from the rash schemes of 
 the disturber of the publick peace. To command 
 success, is not in the power of man; but to deserve 
 success, by choosing a proper time, as well as a 
 proper object, by the prudence of his means, no less 
 than by the purity of his views, by a cause not only 
 intrinsically just, but likely to ensure general sup- 
 port, is the indispensible duty of him, who engages 
 in an insurrection against an existing government. 
 Upon this subject, the opinion of Ludlow, who Ludlow's opi 
 though often misled, appears to have been an honest 
 and enlightened man, is striking and forcibly ex- 
 pressed. " We ought," says he, " to be very careful 
 " and circumspect in that particular, and at least be 
 " assured of very probable grounds, to believe the 
 " power under which we engage, to be sufficiently 
 "able to protect us in our undertaking; other- 
 " wise, I should account myself not only guilty 
 " of my own blood, but also, in some measure, of 
 " the ruin and destruction of all those that I should 
 " induce to engage with me, though the cause were 
 " never so just.'"'' Reasons of this nature, mixed 
 
 * Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 235. 
 B, b 
 
 morion resist- 
 ance. 
 
invasion. 
 
 186 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER more or less with considerations of personal caution, 
 
 '. — and in some, perhaps, with dislike and distrust of 
 
 the leaders, induced many, who could not but abhor 
 the British government, to wait for better opportu- 
 nities, and to prefer either submission at home, or 
 exile, to an undertaking, which, if not hopeless, must 
 have been deemed by all, hazardous in the extreme. 
 Monmouth's lu the situatious in which these two noblemen, 
 attempt an Argylc aud Moumouth, were placed, it is not to be 
 wondered at, if they were naturally willing to enter 
 into any plan, by which they might restore them- 
 selves to their country; nor can it be doubted, but 
 they honestly conceived their success to be inti- 
 mately connected with the welfare, and especially 
 with the liberty, of the several kingdoms to which 
 they respectively belonged. Monmouth, whether 
 because he had begun at this time, as he himself 
 said, to wean his mind from ambition," or from the 
 observations he had made upon the apparently rapid 
 turn which had taken place in the minds of the 
 English people, seems to have been very averse to 
 rash counsels, and to have thought that all attempts 
 against James, ought at least to be deferred till some 
 more favourable opportunity should present itself. 
 So far from esteeming his chance of success the 
 
 * Vide his letter iu Wellwood's Memoirs, and in Ralph, I. 953. 
 
OF JAMES THE SEiCOND. 187 
 
 better, on account of there being, in James's parlia- chapter 
 
 ment, many members who had voted for the Exclu- L 
 
 sion Bill, he considered that circumstance as unfa- 
 vourable. These men, of whom however he seems 
 to have over-rated the number, would, in his opinion, 
 be more eager than others, to recover the ground 
 they had lost, by an extraordinary show of zeal and 
 attachment to the Grown. But if Monmouth was 
 inclined to dilatory counsels, far different were the 
 views and designs of other exiles, who had been 
 obliged to leave their country on account of their 
 having engaged, if not with him personally, at least 
 in the same cause with him, and who were naturally 
 enough his advisers. Among these were Lord Grey 
 ©f Wark and Ferguson; though the latter afterwards 
 denied his having had much intercourse with the 
 Duke^ and the former, in his Narrative,'" insinuates 
 that he rather dissuaded than pressed the invasion. 
 
 But if Monmouth was inclined to delay, Argyle rmpatience 
 seems, on the other hand, to have been impatient in "^ ^^^" 
 the extreme to bring matters to a crisis, and was, of 
 course, anxious that the attempt upon England should 
 
 * It is however notorious that he did press Monmouth very much j; 
 and this circumstance, if any were wanting, would suflBciently prove 
 that his Narrative is very little to be relied upon, in any point where: 
 he conceived the falsification of a fact might serve him with the King^. 
 upon whose mercy his life at that time depended. 
 
88 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER be made in co-operation with his upon Scotland. 
 
 — ; Ralph, an historian of great acuteness, as well as 
 
 diligence, but who falls sometimes into the common 
 error of judging too much from the event, seems to 
 think this impatience wholly unaccountable; but 
 Argyle may have had many motives, which are now 
 unknown to us. He may not improbably have fore- 
 seen, that the friendly terms upon which James and 
 the Prince of Orange affected at least to be, one with 
 the other, might make his stay in the United Pro- 
 vinces impracticable, and that, if obliged to seek ano- 
 ther asylum, not only he might have been deprived, 
 in some measure, of the resources which he derived 
 from his connections at Amsterdam, but that the verv 
 circumstance of his having been publickly discoun- 
 tenanced by the Prince of Orange and the States 
 General, might discredit his enterprize. His eager- 
 ness for action may possibly have proceeded from the 
 most laudable motives, his sensibility to the horrours 
 which his countrymen were daily and hourly suf- 
 fering, and his ardour to relieve them. The dreadful 
 state of Scotland, while it affords so honourable an 
 explanation of his impatience, seems to account also, 
 in a great measure, for his acting against the common 
 notions of prudence, in making his attack without 
 any previous concert with those whom he expected 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND 189 
 
 to join him there. That this was his view of the chapter 
 
 J III. 
 matter is plain, as we are informed by Burnet that — - 
 
 he depended not only on an army of his own clan 
 and vassals, but that he took it for granted, that the 
 western and southern counties would all at once 
 come about him, when he had gathered a good force 
 together in his own country; and surely, such an 
 expectation, when we reflect upon the situation of 
 those counties, was by no means unreasonable. 
 
 Argyle's counsel, backed by Lord Grey and the preparations 
 rest of Monmouth's advisers, and opposed by none invasion. 
 except Fletcher of Salton, to whom some add Cap- 
 tain Matthews, prevailed, and it was agreed to invade 
 immediately, and at one time, the two kingdoms. 
 Monmouth had raised some money from his jewels, 
 and Argyle had a loan of ten thousand pounds from 
 a rich widow in Amsterdam. With these resources, 
 such as they were, ships and arms were provided, 
 and Argyle sailed from Vly on the second of May, Argyie'sex- 
 with three small vessels, accompanied by Sir Patrick ''^mL^^- 
 Hume, Sir John Cochrane, a few more Scotch gentle- 
 men, and by two Englishmen, Ayloffe, a nephew by 
 marriage to Lord Chancellor Clarendon, and Rum- 
 bold the malster, who had been accused of being 
 principally concerned in that conspiracy which, from 
 his farm in Hertfordshire, where it was pretended 
 
190 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER Charles the Second was to have been intercepted in 
 — — '. — his way from Newmarket, and assassinated, had been 
 called the Rye-house plot.* Sir Patrick Hume is said 
 to have advised the shortest passage, in order to 
 come more unexpectedly upon the enemy ; but 
 Argyle, who is represented as remarkably tenacious 
 of his own opinions, persisted in his plan of sailing 
 round the north of Scotland, as well for the purpose 
 of landing at once among his own vassals, as for 
 that of being nearer to the western counties, which 
 had been most severely oppressed, and from which, 
 of course, he expected most assistance. Each of these 
 plans had no doubt its peculiar advantages; but, as far 
 as we can judge at this distance of time, those be- 
 longing to the Earl's scheme seem to preponderate; 
 for the force he carried with him was certainly not 
 sufficient to enable him, by striking any decisive 
 stroke, to avail himself even of the most unprepared 
 state in which he could hope to find the King's 
 government. As he must therefore depend entirely 
 upon reinforcements from the country, it seemed 
 reasonable to make for that part where succour was 
 
 * The detailed account of the exiles from England and Scotland, from 
 page 179 to I84, was inserted in the work by Mr. Fox, after this pas- 
 sage was written. — As it is there introduced, Mr. Fox would, do 
 doubt, have erased the repetition of it; but it has been the object of 
 the Editor to preserve scrupulously the w^ords of the MS. E. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 191 
 
 most likely to be obtained, even at the hazard of in- chapter 
 
 curring the disadvantage which must evidently result 
 
 from the enemy's having early notice of his attack, 
 and consequently proportionable time for defence. 
 
 Unfortunately, this hazard was converted into a P'scovered 
 ^ by his land- 
 
 certainty, by his sending some men on shore in the Sne^t^ 
 Orkneys. Two of these, Spence and Blackadder, 
 were seized at Kirkwall by the bishop of the diocese, 
 and sent up prisoners to Edinburgh, by which means 
 the government was not only satisfied of the reality 
 of the intended invasion, of which, however, they 
 had before had some intimation,* but could guess 
 with a reasonable certainty, the part of the coast 
 where the descent was to take place; for Argyle 
 could not possibly have sailed so far to the north 
 with any other view, than that of making his landing 
 either on his own estate, or in some of the wes- 
 tern counties. Among the numberless charges of 
 imprudence against the unfortunate Argyle, charges 
 too often inconsiderately urged against him who 
 fails in any enterprize of moment, that which is 
 founded upon the circumstance just mentioned ap- 
 pears to me to be the most weighty, though it is that 
 which is the least mentioned, and by no author, as 
 far as I recollect, much enforced. If the landing 
 in the north was merely for the purpose of gaining 
 * Vide Appendix, p. Ixxviii. Burnet, II. 313. Woodrow, II. 5 13. 
 
192 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER intelligence respecting the disposition of the country, 
 
 '. — or for the more frivolous object of making some few 
 
 prisoners, it was indeed imprudent in the highest 
 degree. That prisoners, such as were likely to be 
 taken on this occasion, should have been a consider- 
 ation with any man of common sense, is impossible. 
 The. desire of gaining intelligence concerning the 
 disposition of the people, was indeed a natural cu- 
 riosity; but it would be a strong instance of that im- 
 patience which has been often alledged, though in 
 no other case proved, to have been part of the Earl's 
 character, if, for the sake of gratifying such a desire, 
 he gave the enemy any important advantage. Of the 
 intelligence which he sought thus eagerly, it was 
 evident that he could not in that place, and at that 
 time, make any immediate use ; whereas, of that 
 which he afforded his enemies, they could, and did 
 avail themselves against him. The most favourable 
 account of this proceeding, and which seems to de- 
 serve most credit, is, that having missed the proper 
 passage through the Orkney islands, he thought pro- 
 per to send on shore for pilots, and that Spence very 
 imprudently took the opportunity of going to confer 
 with a relation at Kirkwall ; •' but it is to be remarked, 
 that it was not necessary, for the purpose of getting 
 pilots, to employ men of note, such as Blackadder 
 
 * Woodrow, II. 513. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 19S 
 
 and Spence, the latter of whom was the Earl's Se- chapter 
 
 ^ III. 
 cretary; and that it was an unpardonable neglect not 
 
 . , . . . . , I 1685. 
 
 to give the strictest injunctions to those who were 
 employed, against going a step further into the coun- 
 try than was absolutely necessary. 
 
 Argyle, with his wonted generosity of spirit, was uisdescent 
 at first determined to lay siege to Kirkwall, in order shire, 
 to recover his friends ; but partly by the dissuasions 
 of his followers, and still more by the objections 
 made by the masters of the ships, to a delay which 
 might make them lose the favourable winds for their 
 intended voyage, he was induced to prosecute his 
 course.* In the meantime the government made the 
 use that it was obvious they would make, of the in- 
 formation they had obtained, and when the Earl ar- 
 rived at his destination, he learned that considerable 
 forces were got together to repel any attack that he 
 might meditate. Being prevented by contrary winds 
 from reaching the isle of Hay, where he had pur- 
 posed to make his first landing, he sailed back to 
 Dunstafnage in Lorn, and there sent ashore his son, 
 Mr. Charles Campbell, to engage his tenants, and 
 other friends, and dependants of his family, to rise 
 in his behalf; but even there he found less encou- 
 ragement and assistance than he had expected, and 
 
 * Woodrow, II. 531. 
 C C 
 
194 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER the Laird of Lochniel, who g;ave him the best as- 
 
 III. . 
 surances, treacherously betrayed him, sent his letter 
 
 to. the Government, and joined the royal forces under 
 the Marquis of Athol. He then proceeded south- 
 wards, and landed at Campbelltown in Kintyre, 
 where his first step was to publish his Declaration, 
 which appears to have produced little or no effect. 
 Difference of This bad beginning; served, as is usual in such 
 
 opinion. . 
 
 adventures, rather to widen than to reconcile the 
 differences which had early begun to manifest them- 
 selves between the leader and his followers. Hume 
 and Cochrane, partly construing perhaps too san- 
 guinely the intelligence which was received from 
 Airshire, Galloway, and the other Lowland districts 
 in that quarter, partly from an expectation that where 
 the oppression had been most grievous, the revolt 
 would be proportionably the more general, were 
 against any stay, or, as they termed it, loss of time in 
 the Highlands, but were for proceeding at once, 
 weak as they were in point of numbers, to a country 
 where every man endowed with the common feel- 
 ings of human nature, must be their wellwisher, 
 every man of spirit their coadjutor. Argyle, on the 
 contrary, who probably considered the discouraging 
 accounts from the Lowlands as positive and distinct, 
 while those which were deemed more favourable, ap- 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 195 
 
 peared to him to be at least uncertain and provisional, chapter 
 
 thought the most prudent plan was, to strengthen 
 
 himself in his own country, before he attempted the 
 invasion of provinces where the enemy was so well 
 prepared to receive him. He had hopes of gaining 
 time, not only to increase his own army, but to 
 avail himself of the Duke of Monmouth's intended 
 invasion of England, an event which must obviously 
 have great influence upon his affairs, and which, if 
 he could but maintain himself in a situation to pro- 
 fit by it, might be productive of advantages of an 
 importance and extent of which no man could pre- 
 sume to calculate the limits. Of these two contrary 
 opinions, it may be difficult at this time of day to ap- 
 preciate the value, seeing that so much depends upon 
 the degree of credit due to the different accounts from 
 the Lowland counties, of which our imperfect infor- 
 mation does not enable us to form any accurate 
 judgment. But even though we should not decide 
 absolutely in favour of the cogency of these reason- 
 ings which influenced the chief, it must surely be 
 admitted, that there was at least sufficient probabi- 
 lity in them, to account for his not immediately giv- 
 ing way to those of his followers, and to rescue his 
 memory from the reproach of any uncommon obsti- 
 nacy, or of carrying things, as Burnet phrases it, 
 
196 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER with an air of authority that was not easy to men 
 
 who were setting up for liberty. On the other hand, 
 it may be more difficult to exculpate the gentlemen 
 engaged with Argyle, for not acquiescing more 
 cheerfully, and not entering more cordially into the 
 views of a man whom they had chosen for their 
 ii2ader and general ; of whose honour they had no 
 doubt, and whose opinion, even those who dissented 
 from him, must confess to be formed upon no light 
 or trivial grounds. 
 Dissensions The differences upon the general scheme of at- 
 lowers. tack, led, of course, to others upon points of detail. 
 Upon every projected expedition there appeared a 
 contrariety of sentiment, which on some occasions 
 produced the most violent disputes. The Earl was 
 often thwarted in his plans, and in one instance 
 actually over-ruled by the vote of a council of war. 
 Nor were these divisions, which might of them- 
 selves be deemed sufficient to mar an enterprise of 
 this nature, the only adverse circumstances which 
 Argyle had to encounter. By the forward state of pre- 
 paration on the part of the Government, its friends 
 were emboldened ; its enemies, whose spirit had 
 been already broken by a long series of sufferings, 
 were completely intimidated, and men of fickle and 
 time-serving dispositions, were fixed in its interests. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 197 
 
 Add to all this, that where spirit was not wanting, chapter 
 
 it was accompanied with a degree and species of 
 
 perversity wholly inexplicable, and which can 
 hardly gain belief from any one, whose experience 
 has not made him acquainted with the extreme dif- 
 ficulty of persuading men, who pride themselves 
 upon an extravagant love of liberty, rather to com- 
 promise upon some points with those who have, in 
 the main, the same views with themselves, than to 
 give power, (a power which will infallibly be used 
 for their own destruction,) to an adversary of prin- 
 ciples diametrically opposite ; in other words, rather 
 to concede something to a friend, than every thing 
 to an enemy. Hence, those even, whose situation 
 was the most desperate, who were either wandering 
 about the fields, or seeking refuge in rocks and ca- 
 verns, from the authorized assassins who were on 
 every side pursuing them, did notall join in Argyle's 
 cause with that frankness and cordiality which was 
 to be expected. The various schisms which had 
 existed among different classes of Presbyterians, 
 were still fresh in their memory. Not even the per- 
 secution to which they had been in common, and 
 almost indiscriminately subjected, had reunited them. 
 According to a most expressive phrase of an emi- 
 nent minister of their church, who sincerely lamented 
 
198 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER their disunion. The furnace had not yet healed the 
 rents and breaches among them.* Some doubted 
 
 ^^^^' whether, short of establishing ail the doctrines 
 preached by Cargill and Cameron, there was any 
 thing worth contending for; while others, still fur- 
 ther gone in enthusiasm, set no value upon liberty, or 
 even life itself, if they were to be preserved by the 
 means of a nobleman, who had, as well by his ser- 
 vices to Charles the Second, as by other instances, 
 been guilty, in the former parts of his conduct, of 
 what they termed unlawful compliances. 
 Hispian Perplexed, no doubt, but not dismayed, by these 
 
 over-ruled, ^ifji^ulties, the Earl proceeded to Tarbet, which he 
 had fixed as the place of rendezvous, and there issued 
 a second Declaration, (that which has been mentioned 
 as having been laid before the House of Commons,) 
 with as little effect as the first. He was joined by 
 Sir Duncan Campbell, who alone, of all his kinsmen, 
 seems to have afforded him any material assistance, 
 and who brought with him nearly a thousand men ; 
 but even with this important reinforcement his 
 whole army does not appear to have exceeded two 
 thousand. It was here that he was over-ruled by a 
 council of war, when he proposed marching to In- 
 verary ; and after much debate, so far was he from 
 being so self-willed as he is represented, that he 
 
 * Woodrow, II 530. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 199 
 
 consented to go over with his army to that part of chapter 
 
 Argyleshire called Cowal, and that Sir John Cochrane — 
 
 should make an attempt upon the Lowlands ; and he 
 sent with him Major FuUarton, one of the officers in 
 whom he most trusted, and who appears to have 
 best deserved his confidence. This expedition 
 could not land in Airshire, where it had at first been 
 intended, owing to the appearance of two king's fri- 
 gates, which had been sent into those seas; and when 
 it did land near Greenoch, no other advantage was 
 derived from it, than the procuring from the town a 
 very small supply of provisions.* 
 
 When Cochrane, with his detachment, returned to Loss of his 
 Cowal, all hopes of success in the Lowlands seemed, 
 for the present at least, to be at an end, and Argyle's 
 original plan was now necessarily adopted, though 
 under circumstances greatly disadvantageous. Among 
 these the most important was, the approach of the 
 frigates, which obliged the Earl to place his ships 
 under the protection of the castle of Ellengreg, 
 which he fortified and garrisoned, as well as his con- 
 tracted means would permit. Yet even in this situ- 
 ation, deprived of the co-operation of his little fleet, 
 as well as of that part of his force which he left to 
 defend it, being well seconded by the spirit and 
 
 * Woodrow. 
 
500 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER activity of Rumbold, who had §eized the castle of 
 
 Ardkinglass near the head of Loch Fine, he was not 
 
 without hopes of success in his main enterprize 
 against Inverary, when he was called back to El- 
 lengreg, by intelligence of fresh discontents having 
 broken out there, upon the nearer approach of the 
 frigates. Some of the most dissatisfied had even 
 threatened to leave both castle and ships to their 
 fate ; nor did the appearance of the Earl himself by 
 any means bring with it that degree of authority 
 which was requisite in such a juncture. His first 
 motion was to disregard the superior force of the 
 men of war, and to engage them with his small 
 fleet ; but he soon discovered that he was far indeed 
 from being furnished with the materials necessary to 
 put in execution so bold, or as it may possibly be 
 thought, so romantick a resolution. His associates 
 remonstrated, and a mutiny in his ships was pre- 
 dicted as a certain consequence of the attempt. Leav- 
 ing therefore, once more, Ellengreg with a garrison 
 under the command of the Laird of Lopness, and 
 strict orders to destroy both ships and fortification, 
 rather than suffer them to fall into the hands of 
 the enemy, he marched towards Gareloch. But whe- 
 ther from the inadequacy of the provisions with 
 which he was able to supply it, or from cowardice, 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 501 
 
 misconduct, or treachery, it does not appear, the chapter 
 
 castle was soon evacuated without any proper mea 
 
 sures being taken to execute the Earl s orders, and 
 the military stores in it to a considerable amount, as 
 well as the ships which had no other defence, were 
 abandoned to the King's forces. 
 
 This was a severe blow ; and all hopes of acting His amy 
 
 , dispersed. 
 
 according to the Earl's plan of establishing himself 
 strongly in Argyleshire, were now extinguished. He 
 therefore consented to pass the Leven, a little above 
 Dumbarton, and to march eastwards. In this march 
 he was overtaken, at a place called Killerne, by Lord 
 Dumbarton at the head of a large body of the King's 
 troops; but he posted himself with so much skill and 
 judgment, that Dumbarton thought it prudent to 
 wait at least, till the ensuing mornings before he 
 made his attack. Here again Argyle was for risking 
 an engagement, and in his nearly desperate situ- 
 ation, it was probably his best chance, but his ad- 
 vice, (for his repeated misfortunes had scarcely left 
 him the shadow of command,) was rejected.* On the 
 other hand, a proposal was made to him, the most 
 absurd as it should seem, that was ever suggested in 
 similar circumstances, to pass the enemy in the 
 night, and thus exposing his rear, to subject himself 
 
 * Lord Fountainhall's Memoirs, MS. Woodrow, 536. 
 
140^ HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER to the danger of being surrounded, for the sake of 
 III. 
 
 '. — advancing he knew not whither, or for what pur- 
 pose. To this he could not consent; and it was at 
 last agreed to deceive the enemies by lighting fires, 
 and to decamp in the night towards Glasgow. The 
 first part of this plan was executed with success, and 
 the army went off un perceived by the enemy; but 
 in their night march, they were misled by the igno- 
 rance, or the treachery of their guides, and fell into 
 difficulties which would have caused some disorder 
 among the most regular and best disciplined troops. 
 In this case such disorder was fatal, and produced, as 
 among men circumstanced as Argyle's were, it ne- 
 cessarily must, an almost general dispersion. Wan- 
 dering among bogs and morasses, disheartened by 
 fatigue, terrified by rumours of an approaching 
 enemy, the darkness of the night aggravating at once 
 every real distress, and adding terrour to every vain 
 alarm; in this situation, when even the bravest and 
 the best, (for according to one account Rumbold him- 
 self was missing for a time,) were not able to find 
 their leaders, nor the corps to which they respec- 
 tively belonged ; it is no wonder that many took this 
 opportunity to abandon a cause now become despe- 
 rate, and to effect individually that escape which, as 
 a body, they had no longer any hopes to accomplish.* 
 ♦ Woodrow, II. 535, 536. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 503 
 
 When the small remains of this ill-fated army got chapter 
 
 together, in the morning, at Kilpatrick, a place far 
 
 distant from their destination, its number was re- 
 duced to less than five hundred . Argyle had lost all 
 authority; nor indeed, had he retained any, does it 
 appear that he could now have used it to any salu- 
 tary purpose. The same bias which had influenced 
 the two parties in the time of better hopes, and with 
 regard to their early operations, still prevailed, now 
 that they were driven to their last extremity. Sir 
 Patrick Hume and Sir John Cochrane would not stay 
 even to reason the matter with him whom, at the 
 onset of their expedition, they had engaged to obey, 
 but crossed the Clyde, with such as would follow 
 them, to the number of about two himdred, into 
 Renfrewshire.* 
 
 Argyle, thus deserted, and almost alone, still looked Argyie taken 
 
 . 1 1 . . , prisoner* 
 
 to his own country as the sole remaining hope, and 
 sent off Sir Duncan Campbell, with the twa Dun^ 
 cansons, father and son, persons all three, by whom 
 he seemed to have been served with the most exem- 
 plary zeal and fidelity, to attempt new levies there. 
 Having done this, and settled such means of corres- 
 pondence as the state of affairs would permit, he re- 
 paired to the house of an old servant, upon whose 
 
 ' * Woodrow, 535 > 
 
1685. 
 
 2,04 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER attachment he had relied for an asylum, but was 
 III. . . 
 
 peremptorily denied entrance. Concealment in this 
 
 part of the country seemed now impracticable, and 
 he was forced at last to pass the Clyde, accompanied 
 by the brave and faithful Fullarton. Upon coming to 
 a ford of the Inchanon, they were stopped by some 
 militia men. Fullarton used in vain, all the best 
 means which his presence of mind suggested to him, 
 to save his General. He attempted one while by 
 gentle, and then by harsher language, to detain the 
 commander of the party till the Earl, who was ha- 
 bited as a common countryman, and whom he passed 
 for his guide, should have made his escape. At last, 
 when he saw them determined to go after his pre- 
 tended guide, he offered to surrender himself with- 
 out a blow, upon condition of their desisting from 
 their pursuit. This agreement was accepted, but not 
 adhered to, and two horsemen were detached to 
 seize Argyle. The Earl, who was also on horse- 
 back, grappled with them, till one of them and him- 
 self came to the ground. He then presented his 
 pocket pistols, on which the two retired ; but soon 
 after five more came up, who fired without effect, 
 and he thought himself like to get rid of them, but 
 they knocked him down with their swords, and 
 seized him. When they knew whom they had taken, 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. :205 
 
 ties offered to 
 
 they seemed much troubled, but dared not let him chapter 
 
 go.* Fullarton, perceiving that the stipulation on — 
 
 which he had surrendered himself was violated, and 
 determined to defend himself to the last, or at least 
 to wreak, before he fell, his just vengeance upon his 
 perfidious opponents, grasped at the sword of one 
 of them, but in vain; he was overpowered, and made 
 prisoner.t 
 
 Afffvle was immediately carried to Renfrew, xheindigni- 
 thence to Glasgow, and on the 20th of June was led him 
 in triumph into Edinburgh. The order of the coun- 
 cil was particular; that he should be led bare-headed, 
 in the midst of Oraham's guards, with their matches 
 cocked^ his hands tied behind his back, and preceded 
 by the common hangman, in which situation, that he 
 might be more exposed to the insults and taunts of 
 the vulgar, it was directed that he should be carried 
 
 * In my relation of the taking of Argyle's person, I have followed 
 his own account, and mostly in his own words. As the authenticity 
 of the paper written in prison, wherein he gives this account, has 
 never been called in question, it seems strange that any historian 
 should have adopted a different one. I take no notice of the story, by 
 which he is made to exclaim in falling, !' Unfortunate Argylel" and 
 thus to discover himself. Besides, that there is no authority for it, it has 
 not the air of a real fact, but rather resembles a clumsy contriviance in 
 some play, where the poet is put to his last shift, for means to prpdqce 
 a discovery necessary to his plot, 
 
 f Woodrow, 536, 537. 
 
2,06 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER to the Castle by a circuitous route.* To the equa- 
 
 — ~ — - nimity with which he bore these indignities, as 
 
 endured with indeed to the manly spirit exhibited by him through- 
 magnanimity. . r 1 • T r 1 
 
 out, in these last scenes ot his lire, ample testimony 
 
 is borne by all the historians who have treated of 
 them, even those who are the least partial to him. 
 He had frequent opportunities of conversing, and 
 some of writing, during his imprisonment, and it is 
 from such parts of these conversations and writings 
 as have been preserved to us, that we can best form 
 to ourselves a just notion of his deportment during 
 that trying period ; at the same time, a true repre- 
 sentation of the temper of his mind, in such circum- 
 stances, will serve, in no small degree, to illustrate 
 his general character and disposition. 
 His mildness Wc liavc already seen how he expressed himself 
 
 and resigna- 
 tion, with regard to the men, who by taking him, became 
 
 the immediate cause of his calamity .-f He seems to 
 
 feel a sort of gratitude to them, for the sorrow he 
 
 saw, or fancied he saw in them, when they knew 
 
 who he was, and immediately suggests an excuse for 
 
 * Woodrow, 538. 
 
 + " As soon as they knew what I was, they seemed to be much 
 •• troubled, but durst not let me go." Woodrow, 337- In another 
 paper, he says, " Of the militia who wounded and took me, some 
 '' wept, but durst not let me go." Id. 538. Supra, 205. E. 
 
GF JAMES THE SECOND. ^Of 
 
 them, by saying, that they did not dare to follow the chapter 
 
 impulse of their hearts. Speaking of the supineness 
 
 of his countrymen, and of the little assistance he had 
 received from them, he declares with his accustomed 
 piety, his resignation to the will of God, which was 
 that Scotland should not be delivered at this time, 
 nor especially by his hand ; and then exclaims, with 
 the regret of a patriot, but with no bitterness of dis- 
 appointment, " But alas! who is there to be deli- 
 *' vered ! There may," says he, "be hidden ones^ 
 " but there appears no great party in the country^ 
 *' who desire to be relieved."* Justice, in some de- 
 gree, but still more, that warm affection for his own 
 kindred and vassals, which seems to have formed a 
 marked feature in this nobleman's character, then 
 induces him to make an exception in favour of his 
 poor friends in Argyleshire, in treating for whom, 
 though in what particular way does not appear, he 
 was employing, and with some hope of success, the 
 few remaining hours of his life. In recounting the 
 failure of his expedition, it is impossible for him not 
 to touch upon what he deemed the misconduct of 
 his friends; and this is the subject upon which, of 
 all others, his temper must have been most irrit- 
 able. A certain description of friends, (the words 
 
 * Woodrow, 538. 
 
:208 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER describing; them are omitted.) were all of them^ 
 
 without exception, his greatest enemies, both to 
 
 betray and destroy him; and and (the 
 
 names again omitted,) were the greatest cause of 
 his rout, and his being taken, though not designedly 
 he acknowledges, but by ignorance, cowardice, 
 and faction.* This sentence had scarce escaped 
 him, when, notwithstanding the qualifying words 
 with which his candour had acquitted the last 
 mentioned persons of intentional treachery, it ap- 
 peared too harsh to his gentle nature, and declaring 
 himself displeased with the hard epithets + he had 
 used, he desires they maybe put out of any account 
 that is to be given of these transactions. The manner 
 
 * " friends were our greatest enemies, all without exception, 
 
 " both to betray and destroy us ; and indeed and were 
 
 " the greatest cause of our rout, and (of) my being taken; though 
 •' not designedly I acknowledge, yet by ignorance, cowardice, and 
 " faction." E. 
 
 t " I am not pleased with myself. I have such hard epithets of 
 " some of my countrymen, seeing they are Christians ; pray put it out 
 " of any account you give ; only I must acknowledge, they were not 
 «' governable, and the humour you found begun, continued." Wood- 
 row, II. 538. After an ineffectual research to discover the original MS. 
 Mr. Fox observes in a letter, " Cochrane and Hume certainly filled up 
 " the two principal blanks ; with respect to the other blank, it is more 
 " difficult, but neither is it very material." Accordingly, the blanks 
 in the text, and in the preceding note, may be filled up thus, 
 " (Cochrane" s) friends were our greatest enemies," kc. " and indeed 
 " Hume and Cochrane were the greatest cause of our rout," kc. £ 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. ' 209 
 
 in which this request is worded, shews, that the chapter 
 
 paper he was writing was intended for a letter, and — 
 
 as it is Supposed, to a Mrs. Smith, who seems to 
 have assisted him with money; but whether or not, 
 this lady was the rich widow of Amsterdam, before 
 alluded to, I have not been able to learn. 
 
 When he is told that he is to be put to the torture, Threatened 
 he neither breaks out into any high-sounding bra- ^' 
 vado, any premature vaunts of the resolution with 
 which he will endure it, nor, on the other hand, into 
 passionate exclamations on the cruelty of his ene- 
 mies, or unmanly lamentations of his fate. After 
 stating that orders were arrived, that he must be 
 tortured, unless he answers all questions upon oath, 
 he simply adds, that he hopes God will support him; 
 and then leaves off writing, not from any want of 
 spirits to proceed, but to enjoy the consolation which 
 was yet left him, in the society of his wife, the 
 Countess being just then admitted. 
 
 Of his interview withQiieensberry, who examined Hisexami- 
 him in private, little is known, except that he de- Qu'eensberry. 
 nied his design having been concerted with any 
 persons in Scotland ; that he gave no information 
 with respect to his associates in England; and that 
 he boldly and frankly averred his hopes to have been 
 founded on the cruelty of the administration, and 
 
 E e 
 
2ilO HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER such a disposition in the people to revolt, as he con- 
 
 '. — ceived to be the natural consequence of oppression . 
 
 He owned at the same time, that he had trusted too 
 much to this principle.* The precise date of this 
 conversation, whether it took place before the threat 
 of the torture, whilst that threat was impending, or 
 when there was no longer any intention of putting 
 it into execution, I have not been able to ascertain; 
 but the probability seems to be, that it was during 
 the first or second of these periods. 
 Considers his Notwithstanding the ill success that had attended 
 
 enterprize as , ^ 
 
 lawful. his enterprize, he never expresses, or even hints 
 the smallest degree of contrition for having under- 
 taken it : on the contrary, when Mr. Charteris, an 
 eminent divine, is permitted to wait on him, his first 
 caution to that minister is, not to try to convince him 
 of the unlawfulness of his attempt, concerning 
 which his opinion was settled, and his mind made 
 up.+ Of some parts of his past conduct he does indeed 
 confess that he repents, but these are the complian- 
 ces of which he had been guilty in support of the 
 King, or his predecessors. Possibly in this he may 
 allude to his having in his youth borne arms against 
 the Covenant, but with more likelihood to his con- 
 currence, in the late reign, with some of the mea- 
 
 * Burnet, II. 315. + Burnet- 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 211 
 
 sures of Lauderdale's administration, for whom it is chapter 
 
 certain that he entertained a great regard, and to whom 
 
 he conceived himself to be principally indebted for 
 his escape from his first sentence. Friendship and 
 gratitude might have carried him to lengths which 
 patriotism and justice must condemn. 
 
 Religious concerns, in which he seems to have Hisdeport- 
 
 1 . 1 1 r 1 • mentbn the 
 
 been very serious and smcere, engaged much of his day of his 
 
 . , . ... execution. 
 
 thoughts; but his religion was of that genuine kind, 
 which by representing the performance of our duties 
 to our neighbour, as the most acceptable service to 
 God, strengthens all the charities of social life. 
 While he anticipates, with a hope approaching to 
 certainty, a happy futurity, he does not forget those 
 who have been justly dear to him in this world. He 
 writes, on the day of his execution, to his wife, and 
 to some other relations, for whom he seems to have 
 entertained a sort of parental tenderness, short but 
 the most affectionate letters, wherein he gives them 
 the greatest satisfaction then in his power, by assur- 
 ing them of his composure and tranquillity of mind, 
 and refers them for further consolations to those 
 sources from which he derived his own. In his 
 letter to Mrs. Smith, written on the same day, he 
 says, " While any thing was a burden to me, your 
 *' concern was ; which is a cross greater than I can 
 
212: HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 III. 
 
 1685. 
 
 CHAPTER " express," (alluding probably to the pecuniary loss 
 she had incurred,) " but I have, I thank God, over- 
 " come all."* Her name, he adds, could not be con- 
 cealed, and that he knows not what may have been 
 discovered from any paper which may have been 
 taken ; otherwise he has named none to their disad- 
 vantage. He states that those in whose hands he is, 
 had at first used him hardly, but that God had melted 
 their hearts, and that he Was now treated with civi- 
 lity. As an instance of this, he mentions the liberty 
 he had obtained of sending this letter to her; a li- 
 berty which he takes as a kindness on their part, and 
 which he had sought that she might not think he had 
 forgotten her. 
 
 Never perhaps did a few sentences present so 
 striking a picture of a mind truly virtuous and ho- 
 nourable. Heroick courage is the least part of his 
 praise, and vanishes as it were from our sight, when 
 we contemplate the sensibility with which he ac- 
 knowledges the kindness, such as it is, of the very 
 men who are leading him to the scaffold ; the gene- 
 rous satisfaction which he feels on reflecting that 
 no confession of his has endangered his associates ; 
 and above all, his anxiety, in such moments, to per- 
 form all the duties of friendship and gratitude, not 
 
 * Woodrow, II. 541, 542. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 213 
 
 only with the most scrupulous exactness, but with chapter 
 
 the most considerate attention to the feelings as well 
 
 as to the interests of the person who was the object 
 of them. Indeed, it seems throughout, to have been 
 the peculiar felicity of this man's mind, that every 
 thing was present to it that ought to be so ; nothing 
 that ought not. Of his country he could not be 
 unmindful; and it was one among other consequences 
 of his happy temper, that on this subject he did not 
 entertain those gloomy ideas, which the then state 
 of Scotland was but too well fitted to inspire. In a 
 conversation with an intimate friend, he says, that 
 though he does not take upon him to be a prophet, 
 he doubts not but that deliverance will come, and 
 suddenly, of which his failings had rendered him 
 unworthy to be the instrument. In some verses 
 which he composed on the night preceding his exe- 
 cution, and which he intended for his epitaph, he 
 thus expresses this hope still more distinctly: 
 
 " On my attempt though Providence did frown, 
 *' His oppressed people God at length shall own ; 
 " Another hand, by more successful speed, 
 " Shall raise the remnant, bruise the serpent's head." 
 
 With respect to the epitaph itself, of which these 
 lines form a part, it is probable that he composed it 
 chiefly with a view to amuse and relieve his mind, 
 
5U HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER fatiffued with exertion; and partly, perhaps, in imita- 
 III. 
 ' tion of the famous Marquis of Montrose, who, in 
 
 ^^^^' similar circumstances, had written some verses which 
 have been much celebrated. The poetical merit of the 
 pieces appears to be nearly equal, and is not in 
 either instance considerable, and they are only in 
 so far valuable, as they may serve to convey to us 
 some image of the minds by which they were pro- 
 duced. He who reads them with this view, will 
 perhaps be of opinion, that the spirit manifested in 
 the two compositions, is rather equal in degree, 
 than like in character; that the courage of Montrose 
 was more turbulent, that of Argyle more calm and 
 sedate. If on the one hand it is to be regretted, 
 that we have not more memorials left of passages 
 so interesting, and that even of those which we do 
 possess, a great part is obscured by time; it must be 
 confessed, on the other, that we have quite enougli 
 to enable us to pronounce, that for constancy and 
 equanimity under the severest trials, few men have 
 equalled, none ever surpassed, the Earl of Argyle. 
 The most powerful of all tempters, hope, was not 
 held out to him, so that he had not, it is true, in 
 addition to his other hard tasks, that of resisting her 
 seductive influence ; but the passions of a different 
 class had the fullest scope for their attacks. These, 
 
OF JAMES THE SECONa 515 
 
 however, could make no impression on his well- chapter 
 
 1685. 
 
 disciplined mind. Anger could not exasperate, fear 
 could not appall him ; and if disappointment and in- 
 dignation at the misbehaviour of his followers, and 
 the supineness of the country, did occasionally, as 
 sure they must, cause uneasy sensations, they had not 
 the power to extort from him one unbecoming, or 
 even querulous expression. Let him be weighed 
 never so scrupulously, and in the nicest scales, he 
 will not be found, in a single instance, wanting in 
 the charity of a Christian, the firmness and benevo- 
 lence of a patriot, the integrity and fidelity of a man 
 of honour. 
 
 The Scotch Parliament had, on the eleventh of AnAddr^s 
 June, sent an Address to the Kins, wherein, after scotch Par- 
 
 ^ liament 
 
 praising his Majesty as usual for his extraordinary against him. 
 prudence, courage, and conduct, and loading Argyle, 
 whom they style an hereditary traitor, with every 
 reproach they can devise, among others, that of in- 
 gratitude for the favours which he had received, as 
 well from his Majesty, as from his predecessor, they 
 implore his Majesty that the Earl may find no favour; 
 and that the Earl's family, the heritors, ring-leaders, 
 and preachers who joined him, should be for ever 
 declared incapable of mercy, or bearing any honour 
 or estate in the kingdom; and all subjects discharged 
 
1685. 
 
 216 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER under the highest pains to intercede for them in 
 any manner of way. Never was address more gra- 
 ciously received, or more readily complied with; and 
 accordingly, the following letter with the royal sig- 
 nature, and countersigned by Lord Melford, Secretary 
 of State for Scotland, was dispatched to the council 
 at Edinburgh, and by them entered and registered 
 on the twenty-ninth of June. 
 
 The warrant " Whereas, the late Earl of Argyle is, by the- 
 
 for his exe- . r r~\ i n m • 
 
 cution. " providence of God, fallen into our power, it is 
 " our will and pleasure that you take all ways to 
 *' know from him those things which concern our 
 ** government most, as his assisters with men, arms, 
 '* and money; his associates and correspondents; 
 " his designs, &:c. But this must be done, so as no 
 " time may be lost in bringing him to condign 
 *' punishment, by causing him to be demeaned 
 " as a traitor, within the space of three days after 
 " this shall come to your hands; an account of 
 " which, with what he shall confess, you shall send 
 " immediately to us or our Secretaries; for doing 
 " which, this shall be your warrant."^ 
 
 When it is recollected that torture had been in 
 common use in Scotland, and that the persons to 
 
 * Woodrow, II. 539- 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 2i1 
 
 whom the letter was addressed, had often caused it chapter 
 
 HI. 
 
 to be inflicted, the words ** It is our will and pleasure 
 
 " that you take all ways," seem to convey a positive 
 command for applying of it in this instance ; yet it 
 is certain that Argyle was not tortured. What was 
 the cause of this seeming disregard of the royal 
 injunctions, does not appear. One would hope, for 
 the honour of human nature, that James, struck 
 with some compunction for the injuries he had 
 already heaped upon the head of this unfortunate 
 nobleman, sent some private orders contradictory to 
 this publick letter; but there is no trace to be dis- 
 covered of such a circumstance. The managers 
 themselves might feel a sympathy for a man of their 
 own rank, which had no influence in the cases 
 where only persons of an inferior station were to 
 be the sufferers ; and in those words of the King's 
 letter, which enjoin a speedy punishment, as the 
 primary object to which all others must give way, 
 they might find a pretext for overlooking the most 
 odious part of the order, and of indulging their 
 humanity, such as it was, by appointing the earliest 
 day possible for the execution. In order that the 
 triumph of injustice might be complete, it was 
 determined, that without any new trial, the Earl 
 should suffer upon the iniquitous sentence of sixteen 
 
 F f 
 
 l685. 
 
^18 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER hundred and eighty-two. Accordingly, the very 
 
 '. — next day ensuing was appointed, and on the thirtieth 
 
 of June he was brought from the Castle, first to the 
 Laigh Council-house, and thence to the place of 
 execution. 
 An incident Beforc he left the Castle he had his dinner at the 
 
 before his 
 
 execution, usual hour, at which he discoursed, not only calmly, 
 but even cheerfully with Mr. Charteris and others. 
 After dinner he retired, as was his custom, to his 
 bed-chamber, where, it is recorded, that he slept 
 quietly for about a quarter of an hour. While he 
 was in his bed, one of the members of the council 
 came and intimated to the attendants a desire to 
 speak with him : upon being told that the Earl was 
 asleep, and had left orders not to be disturbed, the 
 manager disbelieved the account, which he consi- 
 dered as a device to avoid further questionings. To 
 satisfy him, the door of the bed-chamber was half 
 opened, and he then beheld, enjoying a sweet and 
 tranquil slumber, the man, who by the doom of him 
 and his fellows, was to die within the space of two 
 short hours! Struck with this sight, he hurried out 
 of the room, quitted the Castle with the utmost pre- 
 cipitation, and hid himself in the lodgings of an 
 acquaintance who lived near, where he flung himself 
 upon the first bed that presented itself, and had every 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 219 
 
 appearance of a man suffering the most excruciating chapter 
 
 torture. His friend, who had been apprized by the 
 
 servant of the state he was in, and who naturally 
 concluded that he was ill, offered him some wine. 
 He refused, saying, *' No, no, that will not help me; 
 " I have been in at Argyle, and saw him sleeping as 
 ** pleasantly as ever man did, within an hour of eter- 
 
 •' nity. But as for me ."* The name of the person 
 
 to whom this anecdote relates, is not mentioned, and 
 the truth of it may therefore be fairly considered as 
 liable to that degree of doubt, with which men of 
 judgment receive every species of traditional history. 
 Woodrow, however, whose veracity is above sus- 
 picion, says he had it from the most unquestionable 
 authority. It is not in itself unlikely; and who is 
 there that would not wish it true ? What a satisfac- 
 tory spectacle to a philosophical mind» to see the 
 oppressor, in the zenith of his power, envying his 
 victim ! What an acknowledgment of the superiority 
 of virtue ! what an affecting, and forcible testimony 
 to the value of that peace of mind, which innocence 
 alone can confer ! We know not who this man was ; 
 but when we reflect, that the guilt which agonized 
 him was probably incurred for the sake of some vain 
 title, or at least of some increase of wealth, which ' 
 
 * Woodrow, II. 541. 
 
520 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER he did not want, and possibly knew not how to 
 
 enjoy, our disgust is turned into something like 
 
 compassion for that very foolish class of men, whom 
 the world calls wise in their generation. 
 His behavi- Soou after his short repose Argyle was brought, 
 scaffold. according to order, to the Laigh Council-house, 
 from which place is dated the letter to his wife, and 
 thence to the place of execution. On the scaflFold 
 he had some discourse, as well with Mr. Annand, 
 a minister appointed by Government to attend him, 
 as with Mr. Gharteris. He desired both of them to 
 . pray for him, and prayed himself with much fer- 
 vency and devotion. The speech which he made 
 to the people was such as might be expected from 
 the passages already related. The same mixture of 
 firmness and mildness is conspicuous in every part 
 of it. " We ought not," says he, " to despise our 
 " afflictions, nor to faint under them. We must not 
 " suffer ourselves to be exasperated against the in- 
 " struments of our troubles, nor by fraudulent, nor 
 " pusillanimous compliances, bring guilt upon our- 
 '* selves; faint hearts are ordinarily false hearts, 
 " choosing sin, rather than suffering." He offers 
 his prayers to God for the three kingdoms of Eng- 
 land, Scotland, and Ireland, and that an end may 
 be put to their present trials. Having then asked 
 
 ■ ILB- Kll'm" 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 2n 
 
 pardon for his own failings, both of God and man, chapter 
 
 he would have concluded ; but being reminded that 
 
 he had said nothing of the Royal Family, he adds 
 that he refers, in this matter, to what he had said at 
 his trial concerning the Test ; that he prayed there 
 never might be wanting one of the Royal Family to 
 support the Protestant Religion ; and if any of them 
 had swerved from the true faith, he prayed God 
 to turn their hearts, but at any rate to save his 
 people from their machinations. When he had 
 ended, he turned to the south side of the scaffold, 
 and said, " Gentlemen, I pray you do not miscon- 
 " struct my behaviour this day: I freely forgive all 
 " men their wrongs and injuries done against me, as 
 '* I desire to be forgiven of God." Mr. Annand re- 
 peated these words louder to the people. The Earl 
 then went to the north side of the scaffold, and used 
 the same or the like expressions. Mr. Annand re- 
 peated them again, and said, " This nobleman dies a 
 " Protestant." The Earl stept forward again, and said, 
 " I die not only a Protestant, but with a heart-hatred 
 " of Popery, prelacy, and all superstition whatsom- 
 " ever."'" It would perhaps have been better if 
 these last expressions had never been uttered, as 
 there appears certainly something of violence in them 
 
 * Woodrow, 543, 545. 
 
tion. 
 
 22,2, HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER unsuitable to the general tenour of his language; but 
 
 '. — it must be remembered, first, that the opinion that 
 
 the Pope is Antichrist was at that time general 
 among almost all the zealous Protestants in these 
 kingdoms; secondly, that Annand, being employed 
 by Government, and probably an Episcopalian, the 
 Earl might apprehend that the declaration of such a 
 minister, might not convey the precise idea, which 
 he, Argyle, affixed to the word Protestant. 
 
 Hisexecu- Hc then embraced his friends, gave some tokens 
 of remembrance to his son-in-law, Lord Maitland, 
 for his daughter and grand-children, stript himself 
 of part of his apparel, of which he likewise made 
 presents, and laid his head upon the block. Having 
 uttered a short prayer, he gave the signal to the 
 executioner, which was instantly obeyed, and his 
 head severed from his body.* Such were the last 
 hours, and such the final close, of this great man's 
 life. May the like happy serenity in such dreadful 
 circumstances, and a death equally glorious, be the 
 lot of all, whom tyranny, of whatever denomination 
 or description, shall in any age, or in any country, 
 call to expiate their virtues on the scaffold ! 
 
 Fate of his Of the foUowcrs of Argyle, in the disastrous ex- 
 pedition above recounted, the fortunes were various. 
 
 * Woodrow, 543, 545- 
 
 followers. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECON©. ^^3 
 
 Among those who either surrendered or were taken, chaJ'ter 
 some suffered the same fate with their commander, — 
 
 l685. 
 
 Others were pardoned; while, on the other hand, of 
 those who escaped to foreign parts, many after a 
 short exile returned triumphantly to their country 
 at the period of the Revolution, and under a system 
 congenial to their principles, some even attained 
 the highest honours and dignities of the state. It 
 is to be recollected, that when, after the disastrous 
 night-march from Killerne, a separation took place 
 at Kilpatrick between Argyle and his confederates. 
 Sir John Cochrane, Sir Patrick Hume, and others, 
 crossed the Clyde into Renfrewshire, with about, it 
 is supposed, two hundred men. Upon their landing, 
 they met with some opposition from a troop of 
 militia horse, which was however feeble and in- 
 effectual; but fresh parties of militia, as well as 
 regular troops drawing together, a sort of scuffle 
 ensued, near a place called Muirdyke ; an offer of 
 quarter was made by the King's troops, but (probably 
 on account of the conditions annexed to it,) was 
 refused; and Cochrane and the rest, now reduced to 
 the number of seventy, took shelter in a fold-dyke, 
 where they were able to resist and repel, though 
 not without loss on each side, the attack of the enemy. 
 Their situation was nevertheless still desperate, and 
 
^24 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER in the night they determined to make their escape. 
 
 '■ — The King's troops having retired, this was effected 
 
 without difficuky; and this remnant of an army being 
 dispersed by common consent, every man sought 
 his own safety in the best manner he could. Sir 
 
 Cochrane be- John Cochrane took refuge in the house of an uncle, 
 
 trayed, and .... 
 
 pardoned, by whom, Or by whose wife it is said, he was be- 
 trayed. He was however pardoned ; and from this 
 circumstance, coupled with the constant and seem- 
 ingly peevish opposition which he gave to almost 
 all Argyle's plans, a suspicion has arisen, that he had 
 been treacherous throughout. But the account given 
 of his pardon by Burnet, who says his father, Lord 
 Dundonald, who was an opulent nobleman, pur- 
 chased it with a considerable sum of money,* is more 
 credible, as well as more candid; and it must be 
 remembered, that in Sir John's disputes with his 
 general, he was almost always acting in conjunction 
 with Sir Patrick Hume, who is proved, by the sub- 
 sequent events, and indeed by the whole tenour of 
 his life and conduct, to have been uniformly sincere 
 and zealous in the cause of his country. Cochrane 
 was sent to England, where he had an interview 
 with the King, and gave such answers to the ques- 
 tions put to him, as were deemed satisfactory by his 
 
 * Burnet, II. 316. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. %2i 
 
 Majesty; and the information thus obtained, whatever chapter 
 
 might be the real and secret causes, furnished a 
 
 plausible pretence at least for the exercise of royal 
 mercy. Sir Patrick Hume, after having concealed Humeand 
 himself some time in the house, and under the pro- escaped to 
 
 ^ Holland. 
 
 tection, of Lady Eleanor Dunbar, sister to the Earl 
 of Eglington, found means to escape to Holland, 
 w^hence he returned in better times, and was created 
 first Lord Hume of Polwarth, and afterward Earl of 
 Marchmont. FuUarton, and Campbell of Auchin- 
 break, appear to have escaped, but by what means is 
 not known. Two sons of Argyle, John and Charles, 
 and Archibald Campbell, his nephew, were sentenced 
 to death and forfeiture, but the capital part of the sen- 
 tence was remitted. Thomas Archer, a clergyman, Archer 
 
 executed* 
 
 who had been wounded at Muirdyke, was executed, 
 notwithstanding many applications in his favour, 
 among which was one from Lord Drumlanrig, 
 Queensberry's eldest son. Woodrow, who was 
 himself a Presbyterian minister, and though a most 
 valuable and correct historian, was not without a 
 tincture of the prejudices belonging to his order, 
 attributes the unrelenting spirit of the Government 
 in this instance, to their malice against the clergy of 
 his sect. Some of the holy ministry, he observes, as 
 Guthrie at the Restoration, Kidd and Mackail after 
 
%%^ HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER the insurrectrons at Pentland and Both well-bridge, 
 
 III. . ^ 
 and now Archer, were upon every occasion to be 
 
 sacrificed to the fury of the persecutors." But to 
 him who is well acquainted with the history of this 
 period, the habitual cruelty of the Government will 
 fully account for any particular act of severity; and 
 it is only in cases of lenity, such as that of Cochrane, 
 for instance, that he will look for some hidden or 
 special motive. 
 Ayioffeexe- Ayloffe, having in vain attempted to kill himself, 
 land. was, like Cochrane, sent to London to be examined. 
 
 His relationship to the King's first wife might per- 
 haps be one inducement to this measure, or it might 
 be thought more expedient that he should be executed 
 for the Rye-house plot, the credit of which it was 
 a favourite object of the Court to uphold, than for 
 his recent acts of rebellion in Scotland. Upon his 
 examination he refused to give any information, and 
 suffered death upon a sentence of outlawry, which 
 had passed in the former reign. It is recorded, that 
 James interrogated him personally, and finding him 
 sullen, and unwilling to speak, said, " Mr. Ayloffe, 
 " you know it is in my power to pardon you, there- 
 " fore say that which may deserve it;" to which 
 Ayloffe replied, " Though it is in your power, it is 
 •' not in your nature to pardon." This, however, 
 
 * Woodrow, 553. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. W 
 
 is one of those anecdotes, which is believed rather chapter 
 
 on account of the air of nature that belongs to them, 
 
 than upon any very good traditional authority, and 
 which ought, therefore, when any very material in- 
 ference, with respect either to fact or character, is 
 to be drawn from them, to be received with great 
 caution. 
 
 Rumbold, covered with wounds, and defending Rumboid. 
 himself with imcommon exertions of strength and 
 courage, was at last taken. However desirable it 
 might have been thought, to execute in England a 
 man so deeply implicated in the Rye-house plot, 
 the state of Rumbold's health made such a project 
 impracticable. Had it been attempted, he would 
 probably, by a natural death, have disappointed the 
 views of a government who were eager to see 
 brought to the block, a man whom they thought, or 
 pretended to think, guilty of having projected the 
 assassination of the late and present King. Weakened 
 as he was in body, his mind was firm, his constancy 
 unshaken; and notwithstanding some endeavours 
 that were made by drums, and other instruments, to 
 drown his voice when he was addressing the people 
 from the scaffold, enough has been preserved of 
 what he then uttered, to satisfy us, that his personal 
 courage, the praise of which has not been denied 
 
%%^ HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER him, was not of the vulgar or constitutional kind, 
 
 III. . . 
 '. — but was accompanied with a proportionable vigour 
 
 of mind. Upon hearing his sentence, whether in 
 
 imitation of Montrose, or from that congeniality of 
 
 character, which causes men in similar circumstances 
 
 to conceive similar sentiments, he expressed the 
 
 same wish which that gallant nobleman had done ; 
 
 he wished he had a limb for every town in Christen- 
 
 His denial of dom. With rcspcct to the intended assassination 
 
 the assassina- 
 
 tionpiot, imputed to him, he protested his innocence, and 
 desired to be believed upon the faith of a dying 
 man ; adding, in terms as natural as they are forcibly 
 descriptive of a conscious dignity of character, that 
 he was too well known, for any to have had the 
 imprudence to make such a proposition to him. 
 He concluded with plain, and apparently sincere, 
 delarations of his undiminished attachment to the 
 principles of liberty, civil and religious ; denied that 
 he was an enemy to monarchy, affirming, on the con- 
 trary, that he considered it, when properly limited, 
 as the most eligible form of government ; but tliat 
 he never could believe that any man was born marked 
 by God above another, " for none comes into the 
 " world with a saddle on his back, neither any 
 *' hooted and spurred to ride him."* 
 
 ♦Ralph, I. 872. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. %%^ 
 
 Except by Ralph, who, with a warmth that does chapter 
 honour to his feelings, expatiates at some length 
 
 l685. 
 
 upon the subject, the circumstances attending; the overlooked 
 
 ^ '^ ^ .by historians. 
 
 death of this extraordinary man have been little 
 noticed. Rapin, Echard, Kennet, Hume, make 
 no mention of them whatever; and yet, exclu- 
 sively of the interest always excited by any great 
 display of spirit and magnanimity, his solemn de- 
 nial of the project of assassination imputed to him 
 in the affair of the Rye-house plot, is in itself a 
 fact of great importance, and one which might 
 have been expected to attract, in no small degree, 
 the attention of the historian. That Hume, who 
 has taken some pains in canvassing the degree of 
 credit due to the different parts of the Rye-house 
 plot, should pass it over in silence, is the more ex- 
 traordinary, because, in the case of the Popish plot, 
 he lays, and justly lays, the greatest stress upon the 
 dying declarations of the sufferers. Burnet adverts, 
 as well to the peculiar language used by Rumbold, 
 as to his denial of the assassination ; but having 
 before given us to understand, that he believed that 
 no such crime had been projected, it is the less to 
 be wondered at, that he does not much dwell upon 
 this further evidence in favour of his former opi- 
 nion. Sir John Dalrymple, upon the authority of 
 
S^30 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER a paper which he does not produce, but from which 
 
 '. — he quotes enough to show, that if produced it would 
 
 not answer his purpose, takes Rumbold's guilt for a 
 decided fact, and then states his dying protestations 
 of his innocence, as an instance of aggravated wick- 
 edness.* It is to be remarked too, that although Sir 
 John is pleased roundly to assert, that Rumbold de- 
 nied the share he had had in the Rye-house plot, yet 
 the particular words which he cites neither contain, 
 nor express, nor imply any such denial. He has 
 not even selected those, by which the design of 
 assassination was denied, (the only denial that was 
 uttered,) but refers to a general declaration made 
 by Rumbold, that he had done injustice to no man ; 
 a declaration which was by no means inconsistent 
 with his having been a party to a plot, which he, no 
 doubt, considered as justifiable, and even merito- 
 rious. This is not all: the paper referred to is 
 addressed to Walcot, by whom Rumbold states 
 himself to have been led on ; and Walcot, with his 
 last breath, denied his own participation in any 
 design to murder either Charles or James. Thus, 
 therefore, wdiether the declaration of the sufferer be 
 interpreted in a general, or in a particular sense, 
 there is no contradiction whatever between it and 
 
 * Dairy mple's Memoirs, I. 141. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 2S1 
 
 the paper adduced ; but thus it is, that the character chapter 
 
 of a brave, and, as far as appears, a virtuous man, is 
 
 most unjustly and cruelly traduced. An incredible 
 confusion of head, and an uncommon want of rea- 
 soning powers, which distinguish the author to 
 whom I refer, are, I should charitably hope, the 
 true sources of his misrepresentation ; while others 
 may probably impute it to his desire of blackening, 
 upon any pretence, a person whose name is more or 
 less connected with those of Sidney and Russel. It 
 ought not, perhaps, to pass without observation, 
 that this attack upon Rumbold is introduced only in 
 an oblique manner: the rigour of government des- 
 troyed, says the historian, the morals it intended to 
 correct, and made the unhappy sufferer add to his 
 former crimes, the atrocity of declaring a falsehood 
 in his last moments. Now, what particular instances 
 of rigour are here alluded to, it is difficult to guess: 
 for surely the execution of a man whom he sets 
 down as guilty of a design to murder the two royal 
 brothers, could not, even in the judgment of per- 
 sons much less accustomed than Sir John to palliate 
 the crimes of princes, be looked upon as an act of 
 blameable severity ; but it was thought, perhaps, 
 that for the purpose of conveying a calumny upon 
 the persons concerned, or accused of being concerned, 
 
532 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER in the Rye-house plot, an affected censure upon 
 — — — the government would be the fittest vehicle. 
 Hisdeciara- The fact itself, that Rumbold did, in his last 
 
 tion exami- 
 
 ned, hours, solemnly deny the having been concerned in 
 
 any project for assassinating the King or Duke, has 
 not, I believe, been questioned/' It is not invali- 
 dated by the silence of some historians : it is con- 
 firmed by the mis-representation of others. The 
 first question that naturally presents itself, must 
 be, was this declaration true? The asseverations 
 of dying men have always had, and will always 
 have, great influence upon the minds of those who 
 do not push their ill opinion of mankind to the 
 most outrageous and unwarrantable length ; but 
 though the weight of such asseverations be in all 
 cases great, it will not be in all equal. It is mate- 
 rial therefore to consider, first, what are the circum- 
 stances which may tend in particular cases to dimi- 
 nish their credit ; and next, how far such circum- 
 stances appear to have existed in the case before 
 us. The case where this species of evidence would 
 be the least convincing, would be where hope of 
 pardon is entertained; for then the man is not a 
 dying man in the sense of the proposition, for he 
 
 * It is confirmed, beyond contradiction, by Lord Fountainhall's 
 account of his trial and execution. Vide Appendix. E. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 233 
 
 has not that certainty that his falsehood will not chapter 
 
 . . . > ifi. 
 avail him, which is the principal foundation of the — . 
 
 credit due to his assertions. For the same reason, 
 though in a less degree, he who hopes for favour to 
 his children, or to other surviving connections, is to 
 be listened to with some caution ; for the existence 
 of one virtue, does not necessarily prove that of 
 another, and he who loves his children and friends 
 may yet be profligate and unprincipled, or, deceiv- 
 ing himself, may think, that while his ends are lau- 
 dable, he ought not to hesitate concerning the means. 
 Beside these more obvious temptations to prevarica- 
 tion, there is another, which, though it may lie some- 
 what deeper, yet experience teaches us to be rooted 
 in human nature: I mean that sort of obstinacy, or 
 false shame, which makes men so unwilling to re- 
 tract what they have once advanced, whether in mat- 
 ter of opinion, or of fact. The general character of 
 the man is also in this, as in all other human tes- 
 timony, a circumstance of the greatest moment. 
 Where none of the above mentioned objections oc- 
 cur, and where, therefore, the weight of evidence 
 in question is confessedly considerable, yet is it still 
 liable to be balanced or outweighed by evidence tti 
 the opposite scale. 
 LetRumbold's declaration then, be examined upon 
 
 H h 
 
534 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER these principles, and we shall find that it has every 
 character of truth, without a single circumstance to 
 
 III. 
 
 1685. 
 
 His testi-' discredit it. He was so far from entertaining any hope 
 
 mony appa- riiii«i O/I^ 
 
 rentiytrue. of pardon, that he did not seem even to wish it; and 
 indeed, if he had had any such chimerical object in 
 view, he must have known, that to have supplied 
 the Government with a proof of the Rye-house Assas- 
 sination plot, would be a more likely road at least, 
 than a steady denial, to obtain it. He left none be- 
 hind him, for whom to entreat favour, or whose 
 welfare or honour were at all affected by any con- 
 fession or declaration he might make. If, in a pros- 
 pective view, he was without temptation, so neither 
 if he looked back, was he fettered by any former 
 declaration; so that he could not be influenced by 
 that erroneous notion of consistency, to which, it 
 may be feared, that truth, even in the most awful 
 moments, has in some cases been sacrificed. His 
 timely escape, in sixteen hundred and eighty-three, 
 had saved him from the necessity of making any 
 protestation upon the subject of his innocence at 
 that time; and the words of the letter to Walcot are 
 so far from containing such a protestation, that they 
 are quoted, (very absurdly, it is true,) by Sir John 
 Dalrymple, as an avowal of guilt. If his testimony 
 is free from these particular objections, much less is 
 
1685. 
 
 OF JAMES THE SECOND. 2,35 
 
 it impeached by his general character, which was chapter 
 that of a bold and daring man, who was very un- 
 likely to feel shame in avowing what he had not 
 been ashamed to commit, and who seems to have 
 taken a delight in speaking bold truths, or at least 
 what appeared to him to be such, without regard- 
 ing the manner in which his hearers were likely to 
 receive them. With respect to the last considera- 
 tion, that of the opposite evidence, it all depends 
 upon the veracity of men, who, according to their 
 own account, betrayed their comrades, and were 
 actuated by the hope either of pardon or reward. 
 
 It appears to be of the more consequence to clear importance 
 
 1 ' 1 T 1 1 1 1 r . . ofthefact. 
 
 up this matter, because, ii we should be or opinion, 
 as I think we all must be, that the story of the in- 
 tended assassination of the King, in his way from 
 Newmarket, is as fabulous as that of the silver bullets 
 by which he was to have been shot at Windsor, a 
 most singular train of reflections will force itself 
 upon our minds, as well in regard to the character 
 of the times, as to the means by which the two 
 causes gained successively the advantage over each 
 other. The Royalists had found it impossible to dis- 
 credit the fiction, gross as it was, of the Popish plot; 
 nor could they prevent it from being a powerful 
 engine in the hands of the Whigs, who, during the 
 
%SQ HISTORY OF THE RElGiN 
 
 CHAPTER alarm raised by it, gained an irresistible superiority 
 
 '• — in the House of Commons, in the city of London, 
 
 and in most parts of the kingdom. But they who 
 could not quiet a false alarm raised by their adver- 
 saries, found little or no difficulty in raising one 
 equally false in their own favour, by the supposed 
 detection of the intended assassination. With regard 
 to the advantages derived to the respective parties 
 from those detestable fictions, if it be urged, on one 
 hand, that the panick spread by the Whigs was more 
 universal, and more violent in its effects, it must be 
 allowed, on the other, that the advantages gained by 
 the Tories were, on account of their alliance with the 
 Crown, more durable and decisive. There is a su- 
 perior solidity ever belonging to the power of the 
 Crown, as compared with that of any body of men 
 or party, or even with either of the other branches 
 of the legislature. A party has influence, but, pro- 
 perly speaking, no power. The Houses of Parlia- 
 ment have abundance of power, but, as bodies, little 
 or no influence. The Crown has both power and 
 influence, which, when exerted with wisdom and 
 steadiness, will always be found too strong for any 
 opposition whatever, till the zeal and fidelity of party 
 attachments shall be found to increase in proportion 
 to the increased influence of the executive power. 
 
invasion. 
 
 OF JAMES THE SECOND. 537 
 
 While these matters were transacting; in Scotland, chapter 
 
 . Ill- 
 Monmouth, conformably to his promise to Argyle, 
 
 set sail from Holland, and landed at Lyme in Dor- Monmouth's 
 setshire on the eleventh of June. He was attended 
 by Lord Grey of Wark, Fletcher of Salton, Colonel 
 Matthews, Ferguson, and a few other gentlemen. 
 His reception was, among the lower ranks, cordial, 
 and for some days, at least, if not weeks, there seemed 
 to have been more foundation for the sanguine hopes 
 of Lord Grey, and others, his followers, than the 
 Duke had supposed. The first step taken by the 
 invader, was to issue a proclamation, which he caused 
 to be read in the market-place. In this instrument 
 he touched upon what were, no doubt, thought to be 
 the most popular topicks; and loaded James, and his 
 Catholick friends, with every imputation which had 
 at any time been thrown against them. This decla- 
 ration appears to have been well received, and the 
 numbers that came in to him were very consider- 
 able; but his means of arming them were limited, 
 nor had he much confidence, for the purpose of any 
 important military operation, in men unused to dis- 
 cipline, and wholly unacquainted with the art of 
 war. Without examining the question, whether or 
 not Monmouth, from his professional prejudices^ 
 carried, as some have alledged he did, his diffidence 
 
2,38 HISTORY OF THE REIGiN 
 
 CHAPTER of unpractised soldiers, and new levies, too far, it 
 seems clear that, in his situation, the best, or rather 
 
 1685. 
 
 the only chance of success, was to be looked for in 
 counsels of the boldest kind. If he could not imme- 
 diately strike some important stroke, it was not likely 
 that he ever should; nor indeed was he in a condition 
 to wait. He could not flatter himself, as Argyle had 
 done, that he had a strong country, full of relations 
 and dependants, where he might secure himself till 
 the co-operation of his confederate, or some other 
 favourable circumstance, might put it in his power 
 to act more efficaciously. Of any brilliant success in 
 Scotland he could not, at this time, entertain any 
 hope, nor if he had, could he rationally expect that 
 any events in that quarter would make the sort of 
 impression here, which, on the other hand, his suc- 
 cess would produce in Scotland. With money he 
 was wholly unprovided ; nor does it appear, whatever 
 may have been the inclination of some considerable 
 men, such as Lords Macclesfield, Brandon, Delamere, 
 and others, that any persons of that description were 
 engaged to join in his enterprise. His reception had 
 been above his hopes, and his recruits more nume- 
 rous than could be expected, or than he was able 
 to furnish with arms; while, on the other hand, the 
 forces in arms against him consisted chiefly in a 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 539 
 
 militia, formidable neither from numbers nor dis- chapter 
 
 III. 
 
 cipline, and moreover suspected of disaffection. The 
 
 present moment therefore, seemed to offer the most 
 favourable opportunity for enterprise of any that 
 was like to occur ; but the unfortunate Monmouth 
 judged otherwise, and, as if he were to defend rather 
 than to attack, directed his chief policy to the avoid- 
 ing of a general action. 
 
 It being however absolutely necessary to dislodge His success 
 
 . 11^^ Bridport. 
 
 some troops which the Earl of Faversham had 
 thrown into Bridport, a detachment of three hundred 
 men was made for that purpose, which had the most 
 complete success, notwithstanding the cowardice of 
 Lord Grey, who commanded them. This nobleman, 
 who had been so instrumental in persuading his 
 friend to the invasion, upon the first appearance of 
 danger, is said to have left the troops whom he com- 
 manded, and to have sought his own personal safety 
 in flight. The troops carried Bridport, to the shame 
 of the commander who had deserted them and re- 
 turned to Lyme. 
 
 It is related by Ferguson, that Monmouth said to 
 Matthews, " What shall I do with Lord Grey?" to 
 which the other answered, " That he was the only 
 " general in Europe who would ask such a ques- 
 " tion;" intending, no doubt, to reproach the Duke 
 
24a HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER with the excess to which he pushed hischaracteristick 
 
 III. . 
 virtues of mildness and forbearance. That these 
 
 virtues formed a part of his character, is most true, and 
 the personal friendship in which he had lived with 
 Grey, would incline him still more to (he exercise 
 of them upon this occasion; but it is to be remembered 
 also, that the delinquent was, in respect of rank, 
 property, and perhaps too of talent, by far the most 
 considerable man he had with him ; and therefore, 
 that prudential motives might concur, to deter a 
 General from proceeding to violent measures with 
 such a person, especially in a civil war, where the 
 discipline of an armed party cannot be conducted 
 upon the same system as that of a regular army 
 serving in a foreign war. Monmouth's disappoint- 
 ment in Lord Grey was aggravated by the loss of 
 Fletcher of Salton, who, in a sort of scuffle that 
 ensued, upon his being reproached for having seized 
 a horse belonging to a man of the country, had the 
 misfortune to kill the owner. Monmouth, however 
 unwilling, thought himself obliged to dismiss him; 
 and thus, while a fatal concurrence of circumstances 
 forced him to part with the man he esteemed, and to 
 retain him whom he despised, he found himself at 
 once disappointed of the support of the two persons 
 upon whom he had most relied. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^41 
 
 On the fifteenth of June, his army being now chapter 
 
 increased to near three thousand men, the Duke '. — 
 
 marched from Lyme. He does not appear to have Hissubfe- 
 
 , , . . , . . P . quent pro- 
 
 taken this step with a view to any enterprise ot im- gress. 
 portance, but rather to avoid the danger which he 
 apprehended from the motions of the Devonshire 
 and Somerset militias, whose object it seemed to be 
 to shut him up in Lyme. In his first day's march, 
 he had opportunities of engaging, or rather of pur- 
 suing each of those bodies, who severally retreated 
 fromhis forces ; but conceiving it to be his business, 
 as he said, not to fight but to march on, he went 
 through Axminster, and encamped in a strong piece 
 of ground between that town and Chard in Somer- 
 setshire, to which place he proceeded on the ensu- 
 ing day. According to Wade's narrative, which 
 appears to afford by far the most authentic account 
 of these transactions, here it was that the first pro- 
 position was made for proclaiming Monmouth King^ 
 Ferguson made the proposal, and was supported by 
 Lord Grey, but it was easili/ run down, as Wade ex- 
 presses it, bi/ those who were against it^ and whom, 
 therefore, we must suppose to have formed a very 
 considerable majority of the persons deemed of suf- 
 ficient importance to be consulted on such an oc- 
 casion. These circumstances are material, because 
 
 I i 
 
24Z HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER if that credit be given to them which they appear 
 
 '. — to deserve, Ferguson's want of veracity becomes so 
 
 notorious, that it is hardly worth while to attend to 
 any part of his narrative . Where it only corroborates 
 accounts given by others, it is of little use; and 
 where it differs from them, it deserves no credit. 
 I have therefore wholly disregarded it. 
 His reception From Chard, Monmouth and his party proceeded 
 
 at Taunton. ^ J *^ 
 
 to Taunton, a town, where, as well for the tenour of 
 former occurrences, as from the zeal and number of 
 the Protestant Dissenters, who formed a great por- 
 tion of its inhabitants, he had every reason to ex- 
 pect the most favourable reception. His expectations 
 were not disappointed. The inhabitants of the up- 
 per, as well as the lower classes vied with each other 
 in testifying their affection for his person, and their 
 zeal fbr his cause. While the latter rent the air with 
 applauses and acclamations, the former opened their 
 houses to him and to his followers, and furnished 
 his army with necessaries and supplies of every 
 Icind. His way was strewed with flowers: the win- 
 dows were thronged with spectators, all anxious to 
 participate in what the warm feelings of the moment 
 made them deem a triumph. Husbands pointed out to 
 their wives, mothers to their children, the brave and 
 lovely hero, who was destined to be the deliverer of 
 
1685. 
 
 OF JAMES THE SECOND. 543 
 
 his country. The beautiful lines which Dryden chapter 
 makes Achitophel, in his highest strain of flattery, 
 apply to this unfortunate noblemanj were in this 
 instance literally verified : 
 
 " Thee, Saviour, thee-, the nation's vows confess, 
 
 " And never satisfied Avith seeing, bless. 
 
 " Swift unbespoken pomps thy steps proclaim, 
 
 " And stammering ba:bes are taught to lisp thy name." 
 
 In the midst of these joyous scenes, twenty-six 
 young maids, of the best families in the town pre- 
 sented him, in the name of their townsmen, with 
 colours wrought by them for the purpose, and with 
 a Bible; upon receiving which he said, that he had 
 taken the field with a design to defend the truth 
 contained in that book, and to seal it with his blood 
 if there was occasion. 
 
 In such circumstances it is no wonder that his He is joined 
 army increased ; and indeed, exclusive of indivi- families. 
 dual recruits, he was here strengthened by the arri- 
 val of Colonel Bassett with a considerable corps. 
 But in the midst of these prosperous circumstances, 
 some of them of such apparent importance to the 
 success of his enterprize, all of them highly flatter- 
 ing to his feelings, he did not fail to observe that 
 one favourable symptom, (and that too of the most 
 
244 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER decisive nature,) was still wanting. None of the 
 
 '. — considerable families, not a single nobleman, and 
 
 scarcely any gentleman of rank and consequence in 
 the counties through which he had passed, had 
 declared in his favour. Popular applause is un- 
 doubtedly sweet ; and not only so, it often furnishes 
 most powerful means to the genius that knows how 
 to make use of them. But Monmouth well knew 
 that without the countenance and assistance of a 
 proportion, at least, of the higher ranks in the coun- 
 try, there was, for an undertaking like his, little 
 prospect of success. He could not but have re- 
 marked that the habits and prejudices of the English 
 people ar%, in a great degree, aristocratical ; nor had 
 he before him, nor indeed have we, since his time, 
 had one single example of an insurrection that was 
 successful, unaided by the ancient families and great 
 landed proprietors. He must have felt this the- 
 more, because, in former parts of his political life, 
 he had been accustomed to act with such coadjutors; 
 and it is highly probable, that if Lord Russel had 
 been alive, and could have appeared at the head of 
 one hundred only of his western tenantry, such a 
 reinforcement would have inspired him with more 
 real confidence, than the thousands who individually 
 flocked to his standard. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^45 
 
 But though Russel was no more, there were not chapter 
 
 wanting, either in the provinces through which 
 
 the Duke passed, or in other parts of the king;- He declares 
 
 J 1,1 J 1Ur-l- I, himself King. 
 
 dom, many noble and wealthy families, who were^ 
 attached to the principles of the Whigs. To ac- 
 count for their neutrality, and, if possible, to per- 
 suade them to a different conduct, was naturally 
 among his principal concerns. Their present cold- 
 ness might be imputed to the indistinctness of his 
 declarations, with respect to what was intended to be 
 the future government. Men zealous for monarchy, 
 might not choose to embark without some certain 
 pledge that their favourite form should be preserved. 
 They would also expect to be satisfied with respect 
 to the person whom their arms, if successful, were 
 to place upon the throne. To promise, therefore, 
 the continuance of a monarchial establishment, and 
 to designate the future monarch, seemed to be ne- 
 cessary for the purpose of acquiring aristocratical 
 support. Whatever might be the intrinsick weight 
 of this argument, it easily made its way with Mon- 
 mouth in his present situation. The aspiring tem- 
 per of mind which is the natural consequence of 
 popular favour and success, produced in him a dis- 
 position to listen to any suggestion which tended to 
 his elevation and aggrandisement; and when he 
 
^4^ HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER could pcfsuade himself upon reasons specious at 
 
 '. — least, that the measures which would most gratify 
 
 his aspiring desires, would be, at the same time, a 
 stroke of the soundest policy, it is not to be won- 
 dered at, that it was immediately and impatiently 
 adopted. Urged therefore, by these mixed motives, 
 he declared himself King, and issued divers procla- 
 mations in the royal style ; assigning to those whose 
 approbation he doubted, the reasons above advert- 
 ed to, and proscribing, and threatening with the 
 punishment due to rebellion, such as should resist 
 his mandates, and adhere to the usurping Duke 
 of York. 
 Dissatisfac- If this measure was in reality taken with views 
 occasions, of poHcy, thosc views were miserably disappointed ; 
 for it does not appear that one proselyte was gained. 
 The threats in the proclamation were received with 
 derision by the King's army, and no other senti- 
 ments were excited by the assumption of the royal 
 title, than those of contempt and indignation. The 
 commonwealthsmen were dissatisfied, of course, with 
 the principle of the measure : the favourers of here- 
 ditary right held it in abhorrence, and considered 
 it as a kind of sacrilegious profanation ; nor even 
 among those who considered monarchy in a more 
 rational light, and as a magistracy instituted for the 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. H7 
 
 good of the people, could it be at all agreeable that chapter 
 
 such a magistrate should be elected by the army that 
 
 had thronged to his standard, or by the particular 
 partiality of a provincial town . Monmouth's strength 
 therefore, was by no means increased by his new 
 title, and seemed to be still limited to two descrip- 
 tions of persons; first, those who from thoughtless- 
 ness or desperation, were willing to join in any 
 attempt at innovation ; secondly, such as directing 
 their views to a single point, considered the destruc- 
 tion of James's tyranny as the object which, at all ha- 
 zards, and without regard to consequences, they were 
 bound to pursue. On the other hand, his reputation 
 both for moderation and good faith was considerably 
 impaired, inasmuch, as his present conduct was in 
 direct contradiction to that part of his Declaration, 
 wherein he had promised to leave the future adjust- 
 ment of government, and especially tlie considera- 
 tion of his own claims, to a free and independent 
 parliament. 
 
 The notion of improving his new levies by Delay at 
 discipline, seems to have taken such possession of 
 Monmouth's mind, that he overlooked the probable, 
 or rather the certain consequences of a delay, by 
 which the enemy would be enabled to bring into 
 the field, forces far better disciplined- and appointed 
 
^48 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER than any which, even with the most strenuous and 
 
 III. 
 successful exertions, he could hope to oppose to 
 
 them. Upon this principle, and especially as he 
 had not yet fixed upon any definite object of enter- 
 prize, he did not think a stay of a few days at Taunton 
 would be materially, if at all prejudicial to his affairs, 
 and it was not till the twenty-first of June that he 
 proceeded to Bridgewater, where he was received 
 in the most cordial manner. In his march the fol- 
 lowing day from that town to Glastonbury, he was 
 alarmed by a party of the Earl of Oxford's horse ; 
 but all apprehensions of any material interruptions 
 were removed, by an account of the militia having 
 left Wells, and retreated to Bath and Bristol. From 
 Glastonbury he went to Shipton-Mallet, where the 
 Designtoat- projcct of au attaclc upon Bristol was first commu- 
 nicated by the Duke to his oflScers. After some dis- 
 cussion, it was agreed that the attack should be 
 made on the Gloucestershire side of the city, and 
 with that view, to pass the Avon at Kfeynsham- 
 bridge,a few miles from Bath. In their march from 
 Shipton-Mallet, the troops were again harassed in 
 their rear by a party of horse and dragoons, but 
 lodged quietly at night at a village called Pensford. 
 A detachment was sent early the next morning to 
 possess itself of Keynsham, and to repair the bridge, 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 549 
 
 which might probably be broken down, to prevent chapter 
 
 a passage. Upon their approach, a troop of the 
 
 Gloucestershire horse militia immediately abandoned 
 the town in great precipitation, leaving behind them 
 two horses and one man. By break of day, the 
 bridge, which had not been much injured, was re- 
 paired, and before noon Monmouth, having passed 
 it with his whole army, was in full march to Bristol, 
 which he determined to attack the ensuing night. 
 But the weather proving rainy and bad, it was 
 deemed expedient to return to Keynsham, a measure 
 from which he expected to reap a double advantage; 
 to procure dry and commodious quarters for the 
 soldiery, and to lull the enemy, by a movement 
 which bore the semblance of a retreat, into a false 
 and delusive security. The event however did not 
 answer his expectation, for the troops had scarcely 
 taken up their quarters, when they were disturbed 
 by two parties of horse, who entered the town at 
 two several places. An engagement ensued, in 
 which Monmouth lost fourteen men, and a captain 
 of horse, though in the end the Royalists were 
 obliged to retire, leaving three prisoners. From these 
 the Duke had information that the King's army was 
 near at hand, and as they said, about four thousand 
 strong. 
 
 K k 
 
^50 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER This new state of aflFairs seemed to demand new 
 
 1 — '. councils. The projected enterprize upon Bristol was 
 
 Marches'to- laid aside, and the question was, whether to make 
 ihire. by forced marches for Gloucester, in order to pass 
 
 the Severn at that city, and so to gain the counties 
 of Salop and Chester where he expected to be met 
 by many friends, or to march directly into Wiltshire, 
 where, according to some intelligence received* 
 [" from one Adlam,"] the day before, there was a 
 considerable body of horse, (under whose command 
 does not appear,) ready, by their junction, to aiford 
 him a most important and seasonable support. To 
 the first of these plans, a decisive objection was 
 stated. The distance by Gloucester was so great, 
 that considering the slow marches to which he 
 would be limited, by the daily attacks with which 
 the different small bodies of the enemy's cavalry 
 would not fail to harass his rear, he was in great 
 danger of being overtaken by the King's forces, and 
 might thus be driven to risk all in an engagement 
 upon terms the most disadvantageous. On the con- 
 trary, if joined in Wiltshire by the expected aids, 
 
 * Reference is made to Adlam's intelligence, page 252. It is clear 
 therefore that Mr. Fox had intended to name him, but as he omitted 
 to do so, the words between the inverted commas, have been inserted 
 by the Editor. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^5 J 
 
 he might confidently offer battle to the Royal army; chapter 
 
 and provided he could bring them to an action before 
 
 they were strengthened by new reinforcements, 
 there was no unreasonable prospect of success. The 
 latter plan was therefore adopted, and no sooner 
 adopted than put in execution. The army was in 
 motion without delay, and being before Bath on the 
 morning of the twenty-sixth of June, summoned the 
 place, rather (as it should seem,) in sport than in 
 earnest, as there was no hope of its surrender. After 
 this bravado they marched on southward to Philip's- 
 Norton, where they rested ; the horse in the town, 
 and the foot in the field. 
 While Monmouth was making these marches, there insuncciion 
 
 at Froome 
 
 were not wanting in many parts of the adjacent suppressed. 
 country, strong symptoms of the attachment of the 
 lower orders of people to his cause, and more espe- 
 cially in those manufacturing towns, where the Pro- 
 testant dissenters were numerous. In Froome, there 
 had been a considerable rising headed by the con- 
 stable, who posted up the Duke's Declaration in the 
 market-place. Many of the inhabitants of the neigh- 
 bouring towns of Westbury and Warminster, came 
 in throngs to the town to join the insurgents; some 
 armed with fire-arms, but more with such rustick 
 weapons as opportunity could supply. Such a force, 
 
%b% HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER if it had joined the main army, or could have been 
 
 — '. otherwise directed by any leader of judgment and 
 
 authority, might have proved very serviceable; but 
 in its present state it was a mere rabble, and upon 
 the first appearance of the Earl of Pembroke, who 
 entered the town with a hundred and sixty horse, 
 and forty musqueteers, fell, as might be expected, 
 into total confusion. The rout was complete; all the 
 arms of the insurgents were seized; and the con- 
 stable, after having been compelled to abjure his 
 principles, and confess the enormity of his offence, 
 was committed to prison. 
 Monmouth's This trausaction took place the twenty-fifth, the 
 raent. day before Monmouth's arrival at Philip 's-Norton^ 
 and may have, in a considerable degree, contributed 
 to the disappointment, of which we learn from Wade, 
 that he at this time began bitterly to complain. He 
 was now upon the confines of Wiltshire, and near 
 enough for the bodies of horse, upon whose favour- 
 able intentions so much reliance had been placed, 
 to have effected a junction, if they had been so 
 disposed; but whether that Adlam's intelligence had 
 been originally bad, or that Pemb)roke's proceedings 
 at Froome had intimidated them, no symptom of 
 such an intention could be discovered. A deser- 
 tion took place in his army, which the exaggerated 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 253 
 
 accounts in the Gazette made to amount to near two chapter 
 
 thousand men. These dispiriting circumstances, • 
 
 added to the complete disappointment of the hopes 
 entertained from the assumption of the royal title, 
 produced in him a state of mind but little short of 
 despondency. He complained that all people had 
 deserted him, and is said to have been so dejected, 
 as hardly to have the spirit requisite for giving the 
 necessary orders. 
 
 From this state of torpor, however, he appears to Attacked at 
 
 ^ . . PhilipVNor- 
 
 have been effectually roused, by a brisk attack that «o^- 
 was made upon him on the twenty-seventh, in the 
 morning, by the Royalists, under the command of 
 his half-brother, the Duke of Grafton. That spirited 
 young nobleman, (whose intrepid courage, conspi- 
 cuous upon every occasion, led him in this, and 
 many other instances, to risk a life, which he finally 
 lost* in a better cause,) heading an advanced detach- 
 ment of Lord Faversham's army, who had marched 
 from Bath, with a view to fall on the enemy's rear, 
 
 * At the siege of Cork in I690. " In this action,'* (the taking of 
 Cork by storm,) " the Duke of Grafton received a shot, of which he 
 " died in a few days. He was the more lamented, as being the person 
 " of all King Charles's children of whom there was the greatest hope; 
 " he was brave, and probably would have become a great man at sea." 
 Burnet, III. 83. He distinguished himself particularly in the action 
 off Beachy- head that same year. Sir J. Dalrymple, II. I31. E. 
 
^54 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER marched boldly up a narrow lane leading to the 
 
 '. — town, and attacked a barricade, which Monmouth 
 
 had caused to be made across the way, at the entrance 
 of the town. Monmouth was no sooner apprised 
 of this brisk attack, than he ordered a party to go 
 out of the town by a bye-way, who coming on the 
 rear of the grenadiers, while others of his men were 
 engaged with their front, had nearly surrounded 
 them, and taken their commander prisoner, but 
 Grafton forced his way through the enemy. An 
 engagement ensued between the insurgents and the 
 remainder of Faversham's detachment, who had lined 
 TheRoyaiists the hcdges which flanked them. The former were 
 victorious, and after driving the enemy from hedge 
 to hedge, forced them at last into the open field, 
 where they joined the rest of the King's forces^ 
 newly come up. The killed and wounded in these 
 rencounters amounted to about forty on Faversham's 
 side, twenty on Monmouth's; but among the latter 
 there were several officers, and some of note, while 
 the loss of the former, with the exception of two 
 volunteers, Seymour and May, consisted entirely of 
 common soldiers. 
 
 The Royalists now drew up on an eminence, 
 about five hundred paces from the hedges, while 
 Monmouth having placed of his four field- pieces, 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 2,55 
 
 two at the mouth of the lane, and two upon a rising chapter 
 
 ground near it on the right, formed his army along 
 
 the hedge. From these stations, a firing of artillery 
 was begun on each side, and continued near six 
 hours, but with little or no effect ; Monmouth, ac- 
 cording to Wade, losing but one, and the Royalists, 
 according to the Gazette, not one man, by the whole 
 cannonade. In these circumstances, notwithstanding 
 the recent and convincing experience he now had, 
 of the ability of his raw troops, to face, in certain 
 situations at least, the more regular forces of his 
 enemy, Monmouth was advised by some to retreat ; 
 but, upon a more general consultation, this advice 
 was over-ruled, and it was determined to cut pas- 
 sages through the hedges and to offer battle. But, 
 before this could be effected, the royal army, not 
 willing again to engage among the enclosures, an- 
 noyed in the open field by the rain, which continued 
 to fall very heavily, and disappointed, no doubt, at 
 the little effect of their artillery, began their retreat. 
 The little confidence which Monmouth had in his 
 horse, perhaps the ill opinion he now entertained 
 of their leader, forbad him to think of pursuit, and 
 having staid till a late hour in the field, and leaving 
 large fires burning, he set out on his march in the 
 night, and on the twenty-eighth in the morning 
 
S56 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER reached Froome, where he put his troops in quarter 
 
 and rested two days. 
 
 Relapses into -^^ was here he first. heard certain news of Argyle's 
 
 espon ency. jiscomfiture. It was in vain to seek for any circum- 
 stance in his affairs that might mitigate the effect of 
 the severe blow inflicted by this intelligence, and 
 he relapsed into the same low spirits as at Philip's- 
 Norton. No diversion, at least no successful diver- 
 sion, had been made in his favour: there was no 
 appearance of the horse, which had been the prin- 
 cipal motive to allure him into that part of the 
 country; and what was worst of all, no desertion 
 from the King's army. It was manifest, said the 
 Duke's more timid advisers, that the affair must ter- 
 minate ill, and the only measure now to be taken, 
 was, that the General with his officers should leave 
 the army to shift for itself, and make severally for 
 the most convenient sea-ports, whence they might 
 possibly get a safe passage to the Continent. To ac- 
 count for Monmouth's entertaining, even for a mo- 
 ment, a thought so unworthy of him, and so incon- 
 sistent with the character for spirit he had ever 
 maintained, a character unimpeached, even by his 
 enemies, we must recollect the unwillingness with 
 which he undertook this fatal expedition ; that his 
 engagement to Argyle, who was now past help, 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 557 
 
 was perhaps his principal motive for embarking at chapter 
 
 the time; that it was with great reluctance he had 
 
 torn himself from the arms of Lady Harriet Went- 
 worth, with whom he had so firmly persuaded him- 
 self that he could be happy in the most obscure re- 
 tirement, that he believed himself weaned from 
 ambition, which had hitherto been the only passion 
 of his mind. It is true, that when he had once yielded 
 to the solicitations of his friends, so far as to under- 
 take a business of such magnitude, it was his duty, 
 (but a duty that required a stronger mind than his to 
 execute,) to discard from his thoughts all the argu- 
 ments that had rendered his compliance reluctant. 
 But it is one of the great distinctions between an 
 ordinary mind and a super iour one, to be able to 
 carry on, without relenting, a plan we have not origi- 
 nally approved, and especially when it appears to 
 have turned out ill. This proposal of disbanding 
 was a step so pusillanimous and dishonourable, that 
 it could not be approved by any council however 
 composed. It was condemned by all except Colonel 
 Venner, and was particularly inveighed against by 
 Lord Grey, who was perhaps desirous of retrieving, 
 by bold words at least, the reputation he had lost at 
 Bridport. It is possible too, that he might be really 
 unconscious of his deficiency in point of personal 
 
 L I 
 
558 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER courage till the moment of danp;er arrived, and even 
 
 III. . . 
 forgetful of it when it was passed. Monmouth was 
 
 easily persuaded to give up a plan so uncongenial to 
 his nature, resolved, though with little hope of suc- 
 cess, to remain with his army to take the chance of 
 events, and at the worst to stand or fall with men 
 whose attachment to him had laid him under in- 
 delible obligations. 
 Return to Tliis rcsolutiou being taken, the first plan was to 
 
 Bridgewater. i atit- • i i • r i - 
 
 proceed to Warminster, but on the mornmg ot his 
 departure, hearing, on the one hand, that the King's 
 troops were likely to cross his march; and on tlie 
 other, being informed by a Quaker before known to 
 the Duke, that there was a great club army, amount- 
 ing to ten thousand men, ready to join his standard 
 in the marshes to the westward, he altered his in- 
 tention, and returned to Shipton-Mallet, where he 
 rested that night, his army being in good quarters. 
 From Shipton-Mallet he proceeded, on the first of 
 July, to Wells, upon information that there was in 
 that city some carriages belonging to the King's 
 army, and ill guarded. These he found and took, 
 and stayed that night in the town. The following 
 day he marched towards Bridgewater, in search of 
 the great succour he had been taught to expect ; but 
 found, of the promised ten thousand men, only a 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^59 
 
 hundred and sixty. The army lay that night in the chapter 
 
 field, and once again entered Bridgewater on the 
 
 third of July. That the Duke's men were not yet 
 completely dispirited or out of heart, appears from 
 the circumstance of great numbers of them going 
 from Bridgewater to see their friends at Taunton, and 
 other places in the neighbourhood, and almost all re- 
 turning the next day according to their promise. On 
 the fifth an account was received of the King's army 
 being considerably advanced, and Monmouth's first 
 thought was to retreat from it immediately, and 
 marching by Axbridge and Keynsham to Gloucester, 
 to pursue the plan formerly rejected, of penetrating 
 into the counties of Chester and Salop. 
 
 His preparations for this march were all made, Battle of 
 when, on the afternoon of the fifth, he learnt, more Jutysth/ 
 accurately than he had before done, the true situation 
 of the Royal army, and from the information now 
 received, he thought it expedient to consult his 
 principal officers, whether it might not be advisable 
 to attempt to surprise the enemy by a night attack 
 upon their quarters. The prevailing opinion was, 
 that if the infantry were not intrenched, the plan 
 was worth the trial ; otherwise not. Scouts were 
 dispatched to ascertain this point, and their report 
 being, that there was no intrenchment, an attack was 
 
1685. 
 
 i?60 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER resolved on. In pursuance of this resolution, at 
 about eleven at night, the whole army was in march, 
 Lord Grey commanding the horse, and Colonel 
 Wade the vanguard of the foot. The Duke's orders 
 were, that the horse should first advance, and push- 
 ing into the enemy's camp, endeavour to prevent 
 their infantry from coming together ; that the can- 
 non should follow the horse, and the foot the cannon, 
 and draw all up in one line, and so finish what the 
 cavalry should have begun, before the King's horse 
 and artillery could be got in order. But it was now 
 discovered that though there were no intrenchments, 
 there was a ditch which served as a drain to the 
 great moor adjacent, of which no mention had been 
 made by the scouts. To this ditch the horse under 
 Lord Grey advanced, and no farther; and whether 
 immediately, as according to some accounts, or after 
 having been considerably harassed by the enemy 
 in their attempts to find a place to pass, according to 
 others, quitted the field. The cavalry being gone, 
 and the principle upon which the attack had been 
 undertaken being that of a surprise, the Duke judged 
 it necessary that the infantry should advance as 
 speedily as possible. Wade, therefore, when he 
 came within forty paces of the ditch, was obHged to 
 halt to put his battalion into that order, which the 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 261 
 
 extreme rapidity of the march had for the time dis- chapter 
 
 concerted. His plan was to pass the ditch, reserving '. — 
 
 his fire ; but while he was arranging his men for 
 that purpose, another battalion, newly come up, 
 began to fire, though at a considerable distance ; a 
 bad example, which it was impossible to prevent 
 the vanguard from following, and it was now no 
 longer in the power of their commander to persuade 
 them to advance. The King's forces, as well horse 
 and artillery as foot, had now full time to assemble. 
 The Duke had no longer cavalry in the field, and 
 though his artillery, which consisted only of three 
 or four iron guns, was well served under the direc- 
 tions of a Dutch gunner, it was by no means equal 
 to that of the Royal army, which, as soon as it was 
 light, began to do great execution. In these circum- 
 stances the unfortunate Monmouth, fearful of being 
 encompassed and made prisoner by the King's ca- 
 valry, who were approaching upon his flank, and 
 urged, as it is reported, to flight by the same person 
 who had stimulated him to his fatal enterprize, 
 quitted the field, accompanied by Lord Grey and 
 some others. The left wing, under the command of 
 Colonel Holmes and Matthews, next gave way; and 
 Wade's men, after having continued for an hour and 
 a half, a distant and ineffectual fire, seeing their left 
 
%&Z HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER discomfited, began a retreat, which soon afterwards 
 "'• became a complete rout. 
 
 cause^oftbc Thus cndcd the decisive battle of Sedgemore; an 
 attack which seems to have been judiciously con- 
 ceived, and in many parts spiritedly executed. 
 The General was deficient neither in courage or 
 conduct ; and the troops, while they displayed the 
 native bravery of Englishmen, were under as good 
 discipline as could be expected from bodies newly 
 raised. Two circumstances seem to have principally 
 contributed to the loss of the day ; first, the unforeseen 
 difficulty occasioned by the ditch, of which the as- 
 sailants had had no intelligence; and secondly, the 
 cowardice of the commander of the horse. The disco- 
 very of the ditch was the more alarming, because it 
 threw a general doubt upon the information of the 
 spies, and the night being dark they could not ascer- 
 tain that this was the only impediment of the kind 
 which they were to expect. The dispersion of the 
 horse was still more fatal, inasmuch as it deranged 
 the whole order of the plan, by which it had been 
 concerted that their operations were to facilitate the 
 attack to be made by the foot. If Lord Grey had pos- 
 sessed a spirit more suitable to his birth and name, 
 to the illustrious friendship with which he had 
 been honoured, and to the command with which lie 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^63 
 
 was intrusted, he would doubtless have persevered • chapter 
 
 till he found a passage into the enemy's camp, which !^- 
 
 could have been effected at a ford not far distant : 
 the loss of time occasioned by the ditch might not 
 have been very material, and the most important 
 consequences might have ensued ; but it would 
 surely be rashness to assert, as Hume does, that the 
 army would after all have gained the victory, had 
 not the misconduct of Monmouth and the cowardice 
 of Grey prevented it. This rash judgment is the 
 more to be admired at, as the historian has not 
 pointed out the instance of misconduct to which he 
 refers. The number of Monmouth's men killed is 
 computed by some at two thousand, by others at 
 three hundred ; a disparity, however, which may be 
 easily reconciled, by supposing that the one account 
 takes in those who were killed in battle, while the 
 other comprehends the wretched fugitives who were 
 massacred in ditches, corn fields, and other hiding 
 places, the following day. 
 
 In general I have thought it right to follow Wade's The Duke's 
 
 , escape from 
 
 narrative, which appears to me by far the most the field, 
 authentick, if not the only authentick account of 
 this important transaction. It is imperfect, but its 
 imperfection arises from the narrator's omitting all 
 those circumstances of which he was not an eye wit- 
 
^64 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER ness, and the greater credit is on that very account 
 
 due to him for those which he relates. With respect 
 
 to Monmouth's quitting the field, it is not mentioned 
 by him, nor is it possible to ascertain the precise 
 point of time at which it happened. That he fled 
 while his troops were still fighting, and therefore 
 too soon for his glory, can scarcely be doubted ; and 
 the account given by Ferguson, whose veracity how- 
 ever is always to be suspected, that Lord Grey urged 
 him to the measure, as well by persuasion as by ex- 
 ample, seems not improbable. The misbehaviour of 
 the last mentioned nobleman is more certain ; but 
 as, according to Ferguson, who has been followed by 
 others, he actually conversed with Monmouth in 
 the field, and as all accounts make him the com- 
 panion of his flight, it is not to be understood that 
 when he first gave way with his cavalry, he ran 
 away in the literal sense of the words, or if he did 
 he must have returned. The exact truth, with re- 
 gard to this and many other interesting particulars, 
 is difficult to be discovered ; owing, not more to the 
 darkness of the night in which they were transacted, 
 than to the personal partialities and enmities by 
 which they have been disfigured, in the relations 
 of the different contemporary writers. 
 
 Monmouth with his suite first directed his course 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 565 
 
 towards the Bristol-channel, and as is related by chapter 
 
 . . . . Ill- 
 Oldmixon, was once inclined, at the suggestion of 
 
 Dr. Oliver, a faithful and honest adviser, to embark Discovered. 
 for the coast of Wales, with a view of concealing 
 himself some time in that Principality. Lord Grey, 
 who appears to have been, in all instances, his evil 
 genius, dissuaded him from this plan, and the small 
 party having separated, took each several ways. 
 Monmouth, Grey, and a gentleman of Brandenburg, 
 went southward, with a view to gain the New-Forest 
 in Hampshire, where, by means of Grey's connec- 
 tions in that district, and thorough knowledge of 
 the country, it was hoped they might be in safety, 
 till a vessel could be procured to transport them to 
 the Continent. They left their horses, and disguised 
 themselves as peasants; but the pursuit, stimulated 
 as well by party zeal, as by the great pecuniary 
 rewards offered for the capture of Monmouth and 
 Grey, was too vigilant to be eluded. Grey was taken 
 on the 7th in the evening; and the German, who 
 shared the same fate early on the next morning, 
 confessed that he had parted from Monmouth but a 
 few hours since. The neighbouring country was 
 immediately and thoroughly searched, and James had 
 ere night the satisfaction of learning, that his ne- 
 phew was in his power. The unfortunate Duke was 
 
 M m 
 
266 " HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER discovered in a ditch, half concealed by fern and 
 
 ' nettles. His stock of provision, which consisted of 
 
 The situation soHic pcas gathered in the fields through which he 
 was found, had flcd, was nearly exhausted, and there is reason 
 to think, that he had had little, if any other suste- 
 nance, since he left Bridgewater on the evening of 
 the 5th. To repose he had been equally a stranger: 
 how his mind must have been harassed, it is need- 
 less to discuss. Yet that in such circumstances he 
 appeared dispirited and crest-fallen, is, by the unre- 
 lenting malignity of party writers, imputed to him 
 as cowardice, and meanness of spirit. That the 
 failure of his enterprize, together with the bitter 
 reflection, that he had suffered himself to be engaged 
 in it against his own better judgment, joined to the 
 other calamitous circumstances of his situation, had 
 reduced him to a state of despondency, is evident; and 
 in this frame of mind, he wrote on the very day of 
 his capture, the following letter to the King: 
 
 - Sir, 
 
 " Your Majesty may think it the misfortune I 
 " now lie under, makes me make this application to 
 " you; but I do assure your Majesty, it is the remorse 
 " I now have in me of the wrong I have done you 
 " in several things, and now in taking up arms 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^67 
 
 '* against you. For my taking up arms, it was never chapter 
 ** in mv thought since the King died: The Prince 
 
 ' . . . . 1685. 
 
 ** and Princess of Orange will be witness for me of 
 *' the assurance I gave them, that I would never 
 " stir against you. But my misfortune was such, as 
 *' to meet with some horrid people, that made me 
 *' believe things of your Majesty, and gave me so 
 *' many false arguments, that I was fully led away 
 '* to believe, that it was a shame and a stn before 
 " God, not to do it. But, Sir, I will not trouble 
 ** your Majesty at present with many things I could 
 ** say for myself, that I am sure would move your 
 *' compassion; the chief end of this letter being 
 " only to beg of you, that I may have that happiness 
 " as to speak to your Majesty; for I have that to say 
 " to you, Sir, that I hope may give you a long and 
 *' happy reign. 
 
 " I am sure. Sir, when you hear me, you will be 
 ** convinced of the zeal I have of your preservation, 
 *' and how heartily I repent of what I have done. 
 " I can say no more to your Majesty now, being this 
 " letter must be seen by those that keep me. There- 
 *' fore, Sir, I shall make an end, in begging of your 
 " Majesty to believe so well of me, that I would 
 ** rather die a thousand deaths, than excuse any thing 
 *' I have done, if I did not really think myself the 
 
^68 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER " most In the wrong that ever a man was; arid had 
 
 ! — " not from the bottom of my heart an abhorrence for 
 
 " those that put me upon it, and for the action itself. 
 " I hope, Sir, God Almighty will strike your heart 
 " with mercy and compassion for me, as he has done 
 *' mine with the abhorrence of what I have done : 
 '* Wherefore, Sir, I hope I may live to shew you 
 '* how zealous I shall ever be for your service; and 
 " could I but say one word in this letter, you would 
 " be convinced of it; but it is of that consequence, 
 " that I dare not do it. Therefore, Sir, I do beg 
 " of you once more to let me speak to you; for 
 *' then you will be convinced how much I shall 
 " ever be, 
 
 " Your Majesty's most humble and dutiful, 
 
 - MONMOUTH." 
 
 The only certain conclusion to be drawn from 
 this letter, which Mr. Echard, in a manner perhaps 
 not so seemly for a churchman, terms submissive,* 
 is, that Monmouth still wished anxiously for life, 
 and was willing to save it, even at the cruel price 
 of begging and receiving it as a boon from his 
 
 * Echarc?, p, 7 71. '* His former spirit sunk into pusillanimity, and 
 *' he meanly endeavoured, by the following submissive letter," 8^.c. E. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^69 
 
 enemy. Ralph conjectures with great probabUity, chapter 
 
 that this unhappy man's feelings were all governed 
 
 by his excessive affection for his mistress; and that a 
 vain hope of enjoying, with Lady Harriet Went- 
 worth, that retirement which he had so unwillingly 
 abandoned, induced him to adopt a conduct, which 
 he might otherwise have considered as indecent. 
 At any rate it must be admitted, that to cling to life, 
 is a strong instinct in human nature, and Monmouth 
 might reasonably enough satisfy himself, that when 
 his death could not by any possibility, benefit either 
 the publick or his friends, to follow such instinct, 
 even in a manner that might tarnish the splendour 
 of heroism, was no impeachment of the moral 
 virtue of a man. 
 
 With respect to the mysterious part of the letter, a mysterious 
 where he speaks of one word, which would be of his letter 
 such infinite importance, it is difficult, if not rather 
 utterly impossible, to explain it by any rational con- 
 jecture. Mr. Macpherson's favourite hypothesis, that 
 the Prince of Orange had been a party to the late 
 attempt, and that Monmouth's intention, when he 
 wrote the letter, was to disclose this important fact 
 to the King,* is totally destroyed by those expres- 
 sions, in which the unfortunate prisoner tells his 
 
 * Macpherson's Hist. 
 
370 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER Majesty he had assured the Prince and Princess 
 
 of Orange that he would never stir against him. 
 
 Did he assure the Prince of Orange that he would 
 
 never do that which he was engaged to the Prince 
 
 Not appiica. of Orange to do ? Can it be said that this was a false 
 
 ble to the ° 
 
 Prince of fgct, aud that uo such assurances were in truth given ? 
 To what purpose was the falsehood? In order to 
 conceal, from motives whether honourable or other- 
 wise, his connection with the Prince? What? a 
 fiction in one paragraph of the letter in order to con- 
 ceal a fact, which in the next he declares his inten- 
 tion of revealing? The thing is impossible/' 
 
 The intriguing character of the secretary of state, 
 the Earl of Sunderland, whose duplicity in many 
 instances cannot be doubted, and the mystery in 
 which almost every thing relating to him is involved, 
 might lead us to suspect that the expressions point 
 at some discovery in which that nobleman was con- 
 cerned ; and that Monmouth had it in his power to 
 be of important service to James, by revealing to 
 him the treachery of his minister. Such a conjecture 
 
 * Even if this complete refutation were wanting, the whole system 
 of conduct imputed to the Prince of Orange by the above-mentioned 
 author, by which he is made to act in concert with Monmouth at tliis 
 lime, is so contrary to common sense, that the hypothesis never could 
 have been offered to the belief of mankind by one whose mind was not 
 forti&ed by some previous experience of their unbounded credulity. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 271 
 
 might be strengthened by an anecdote that has had chapter 
 
 some currency, and to the truth of which in part, 
 
 King James s memoirs, ir the extracts from them 
 can be relied on, bear testimony. It is said that the 
 Duke of Monmouth told Mr. Ralph Sheldon, one of 
 the King's chamber who came to meet him on his 
 way to London, that he had had reason to expect 
 Sunderland's co-operation, and authorised Sheldon 
 to mention this to the King: that while Sheldon 
 was relating this to his Majesty, Sunderland entered; 
 Sheldon hesitated, but was ordered to go on. " Sun- 
 *' derland seemed at first struck," (as well he might 
 whether innocent or guilty,) " but after a short time, 
 •' said with a laugh, if that be all he, (Monmouth,)^can 
 •' discover to save his life, it will do him little good."* 
 It is to be remarked that in Sheldon's conversation, as 
 alluded to by King James, the Prince of Orange's name 
 is not even mentioned, either as connected with Mon- 
 mouth or with Sunderland. But on the other hand, the 
 difficulties that stand in the way of our interpreting 
 Monmouth's letter as alluding to Sunderland, or of 
 supposing that the writer of it had any well-founded 
 accusation against that minister, are insurmountable. 
 If he had such an accusation to make, why did he 
 not make it? The King says expressly, both in a 
 
 * Macpherson's State Papers, I. 146. 
 
2,12. HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER letter to the Prince of Orange, and in the extract 
 III. ^ 
 
 1685. 
 
 from his memoirs, above cited, that Monmouth made 
 no discovery of consequence, and the explanation 
 suggested, that his silence was owing to Sunderland 
 the secretary's having assured him of his pardon, 
 seems wholly inadmissible. Such assurances could 
 have their influence no longer than while the hope 
 of pardon remained. Why then did he continue 
 silent, when he found James inexorable ? If he was 
 willing to accuse the Earl before he had received 
 these assurances, it is inconceivable that he should 
 have any scruple about doing it when they turned 
 out to have been delusive, and when his mind must 
 have been exasperated by the reflection that Sun- 
 derland's perfidious promises, and self-interested sug- 
 gestions, had deterred him from the only probable 
 means of saving his life. 
 A third ex- A third, and perhaps the most plausible, interpre- 
 
 planation. . . , , 
 
 tation of the words in question is, that they point to 
 a discovery of Monmouth's friends in England, when, 
 in the dejected state of his mind, at the time of 
 writing, unmanned as he was by misfortune , he might 
 sincerely promise what the return of better thoughts 
 forbade him to perform. This account, however, 
 though free from the great absurdities belonging to the 
 two others, is by no means satisfactory. The phrase, 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 27« 
 
 ** one word," seems to relate rather to some single chapter 
 person, or some single fact, and can hardly apply to — — — - 
 any list of associates that might be intended to be sacri- 
 ficed. On the other hand, the single denunciation of "«* ^atisfac- 
 Lord Delamere, of Lord Brandon, or even of the Earl of 
 Devonshire, or of any other private individual, could 
 not be considered as of that extreme consequence, 
 which Monmouth attaches to his promised disclosure. 
 I have mentioned Lord Devonshire, who was cer- 
 tainly not implicated in the enterprize, and who 
 was not even suspected, because it appears from 
 Grey's Narrative, that one of Monmouth's agents 
 had once given hopes of his support; and therefore 
 there is a bare possibility that Monmouth may have 
 reckoned upon his assistance. Perhaps, after all, the 
 letter has been canvassed with too much nicety, and 
 the words of it weighed more scrupulously, than, 
 proper allowance being made for the situation and 
 state of mind of the writer, they ought to have been. 
 They may have been thrown out at hazard, merely 
 as means to obtain an interview, of which the un- 
 happy prisoner thought he might? in some way or 
 other, make his advantage. If any more precise mean- 
 ing existed in his mind, we must be content to pass it 
 over as one of those obscure points of history, upon 
 which, neither the sagacity of historians, nor the 
 
 N n 
 
^74 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER many documents since made publick, nor the great 
 
 '. — discoverer, Time, has yet thrown any distinct light. 
 
 Unfeeling Monmoiith and Grey were now to be conveyed 
 James. to London, for which purpose they set out on the 
 11th, and arrived in the vicinity of the metropolis 
 on the 1 3th of July. In the mean while, the Qiieen 
 Dowager, who seems to have behaved with a unifor- 
 mity of kindness towards her husband's son that 
 does her great honour, urgently pressed the King to 
 admit his nephew to an audience. Importuned there- 
 fore by intreaties, and instigated by the curiosity 
 which Monmouth's mysterious expressions, and 
 Sheldon's story had excited, he consented, though 
 with a fixed determination to shew no mercy. James 
 was not of the number of those, in whom the want 
 of an extensive understanding is compensated by a 
 delicacy of sentiment, or by those right feelings, 
 which are often found to be better guides for the 
 conduct, than the most accurate reasoning. His nature 
 did not revolt, his blood did not run cold, at the 
 thoughts of beholding the son of a brother whom he 
 had loved, embracing his knees, petitioning, and 
 petitioning in vain, for life; of interchanging words 
 and looks with a nephew, on whom he was inex- 
 orably determined, within forty-eight short hours,, 
 to inflict an ignominious death. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 275 
 
 In Macpherson's extract from King James's Me- chapter 
 
 moirs, it is confessed that the King ought not to 
 
 have seen, if he was not disposed to pardon the 
 culprit;* but whether the observation is made by 
 the exiled Prince himself, or by him who gives the 
 extract, is in this, as in many other passages of 
 those Memoirs, difficult to determine. Surely if the 
 King had made this reflection before Monmouth's 
 execution, it must have occurred to that Monarch, 
 that if he had inadvertently done that which he 
 ought not to have done without an intention to 
 pardon, the only remedy was to correct that part 
 of his conduct which was still in his power, and 
 since he could not recall the interview, to grant 
 the pardon. 
 
 Pursuant to this hard-hearted arrangement, Mon- His interview 
 mouth and Grey, on the very day of their arrival, mouth,°" 
 were brought to Whitehall, where they had severally 
 interviews with his Majesty. James, in a letter to 
 the Prince of Orange, dated the following day, gives 
 a short account of both these interviews. Monmouth, 
 he says, betrayed a weakness, which did not become 
 one who had claimed the title of King; but made 
 no discovery of consequence. Grey was more in- 
 genuous, + (it is not certain in what sense his Majesty 
 
 * Macpherson's State Papers, I. 144. t Dalrymple's Memoirs, II. 134. 
 
276 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER uses the term, since he does not refer to any dis- 
 
 III. 
 
 CO very made by that Lord,) and never once begged 
 his life. Short as this account is, it seems the only 
 authentick one of those interviews. Bishop Kennet, 
 who has been followed by most of the modern his- 
 torians, relates, that " This unhappy captive, by the 
 " intercession of the Queen Dowager, was brought 
 " to the King's presence, and fell presently at his 
 '-' feet, and confessed he deserved to die ; but con- 
 ^' jured him, with tears in his eyes, not to use him 
 *' with the severity of justice, and to grant him a 
 " life, which he would be ever ready to sacrifice 
 " for his service. He mentioned to him the example 
 " of several great princes, who had yielded to the 
 " impressions of clemency on the like occasions, 
 " and who had never afterwards repented of those 
 " acts of generosity and mercy; concluding, in a 
 " most pathetical manner, Remember, Sir, I am 
 " your brother's son, and if you take my life, it is 
 " your own blood that you will shed. Tlie King 
 " asked him several questions, and made him sign 
 " a declaration that his father told him he was never 
 " married to his mother: and then said, he was 
 " sorry indeed for his misfortunes; but his crime 
 " was of too great a consequence to be left un- 
 ** punished, and he must of necessity suffer for it. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^77 
 
 ** The Queen is said to have insnlted him in a very chapter 
 " arrogant and unmerciful manner. So that when 
 
 l685 
 
 " the Duke saw^ there was nothing designed hy this 
 *' interview, but to satisfy the Queen's revenge, he 
 " rose up from his Majesty's feet with a new air of 
 " bravery, and was carried back to the Tower."* 
 
 The topicks used by Monmouth are such as he 
 might naturally have employed, and the demeanour 
 attributed to him, upon finding the King inexorable, 
 is consistent enough with general probability, and 
 his particular character: but that the King took 
 care to extract from him a confession of Charles's 
 declaration with respect to his illegitimacy, before 
 he announced his final refusal of mercy, and that 
 the Qiieen was present for the purpose of reviling 
 and insulting him, are circumstances too atrocious to 
 merit belief, without some more certain evidence. 
 It must be remarked also, that Burnet, whose general 
 prejudices would not lead him to doubt any impu- 
 tations against the Queen, does not mention her 
 Majesty's being present. Monmouth's offer of chang- 
 ing religion is mentioned by him, but no authority 
 quoted; and no hint of the kind appears either in 
 James's Letters, or in the extract from his Memoirs. 
 
 From Whitehall Monmouth was at night carried 
 
 executioii. 
 
 to the Tower, where, no longer uncertain as to his fixed. 
 
 * Kennet, lU. 432. Echard, III. 771- 
 
578 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER fat€, he seems to have collected his mind, and to 
 '. — have resumed his wonted fortitude. The Bill of 
 
 1685. 
 
 Attainder that had lately passed, having superseded 
 the necessity of a legal trial, his execution was fixed 
 for the next day but one after his commitment. This 
 interval appeared too short even for the worldly 
 business which he wished to transact, and he wrote 
 again to the King on the 1 4th, desiring some short 
 respite, which was peremptorily refused. The dif- 
 ficulty of obtaining any certainty concerning facts, 
 even in instances where there has not been any 
 apparent motive for disguising them, is no where 
 more striking than in the few remaining hours of 
 this unfortunate man's life. According to King 
 James's statement in his Memoirs, he refused to see 
 his wife, while other accounts assert positively that 
 she refused *to see him, unless in presence of wit- 
 nesses. Burnet, who was not likely to be mistaken 
 in a fact of this kind, says they did meet, and parted 
 very coldly, a circumstance, which, if true, gives us 
 no very favourable idea of the lady's character. 
 There is also mention of a third letter written by 
 him to the King, which being entrusted to a perfi- 
 dious officer of the name of Scott, never reached its 
 destination f'^ but for this there is no foundation. 
 What seems most certain is, that in the Tower, and 
 
 * Dalrymple's Memoirs, I. 127. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^79 
 
 not in the closet, he signed a paper, renouncing his chapter 
 
 pretensions to the crown, the same which he after- 
 
 wards delivered on the scaffold; and that he was 
 inclined to make this declaration, not by any vain 
 hope of life, but by his affection for his children, 
 whose situation he rightly judged would be safer 
 and better under the reigning monarch and his suc- 
 cessors, when it should be evident that they could 
 no longer be competitors for the Throne. 
 
 Monmouth was very sincere in his religious pro- His prepara- 
 fessions, and it is probable that a great portion of death. 
 this sad day was passed in devotion and religious 
 discourse with the two prelates, who had been sent 
 by his Majesty to assist him in his spiritual concerns. 
 Turner, Bishop of Ely, had been with him early in 
 the morning, and Kenn, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 
 was sent, upon the refusal of a respite, to prepare him* 
 for the stroke, which it was now irrevocably fixed he 
 should suffer the ensuing day. They stayed with 
 him all nighty and in the morning of the fifteenth 
 were joined by Dr. Hooper, afterwards, in the reign 
 of Anne, made Bishop of Bath and Wells, and by 
 Dr. Tennison, who succeeded Tillotson in the see 
 of Canterbury. This last divine is stated by Burnet 
 to have been most acceptable to the Duke, and though 
 he joined the others in some harsh expostulations. 
 
5S0 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER to have done, wheit the right reverend historian con- 
 
 III. . 
 '. — ceives to have been his duty, in a softer and less 
 
 1685. ^ . . . , „ , 
 
 peremptory manner. Certain it is, that none of these 
 holy men seem to have erred on the side of compassion 
 or complaisance to their illustrious penitent. Besides 
 endeavouring to convince him of the guilt of his con- 
 nection with his beloved Lady Harriet, of which he 
 could never be brought to a due sense, they seem 
 to have repeatedly teased him with controversy, and 
 to have been far more solicitous to make him profess 
 what they deemed the true creed of the church of 
 England, than to soften or console his sorrows, or 
 to help him to that composure of mind so necessary 
 for his situation. He declared himself to be a member 
 of their church, but they denied that he could be so, 
 unless he thoroughly believed the doctrine of passive 
 obedience and non-resistance. He repented gene- 
 rally of his sins, and especially of his late enterprize, 
 but they insisted that he must repent of it in the 
 way they prescribed to him, that he must own it to 
 have been a wicked resistance to his lawful King, 
 and a detestable act of rebellion.* Some historians 
 have imputed this seemingly cruel conduct to the 
 King's particular instructions, who might be de- 
 sirous of extracting, or rather extorting, from the lips 
 
 * Burnet, II. 330. Echard, III. 772. 
 
 J 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^Sl 
 
 pf his dying nephew, such a confession as would be chapter 
 
 matter of triumph to the Royal cause. But the cha 
 
 racter of the two prelates principally concerned, 
 both for general uprightness, and sincerity as church 
 of England men, makes it more candid to suppose, 
 that they did not act from motives of servile com- 
 pliance, but rather from an intemperate party zeal 
 for the honour of their church, which they judged 
 would be signally promoted, if such a man as Mon- 
 mouth, after having throughout his life acted in de- 
 fiance of their favourite doctrine, could be brought 
 in his last moments to acknowledge it as a divine 
 truth. It must never be forgotten, if we would un- 
 derstand the history of this period, that the truly 
 orthodox members of our church regarded monar- 
 chy not as a human, but as a divine institution, and 
 passive obedience, and non-resistance, not as politi- 
 cal maxims, but as articles of religion. 
 
 At ten o'clock on the 1 5th, Monmouth proceeded circumstan- 
 in a carriage of the Lieutenant of the Tower, to execution. 
 Tower-Hill, the place destined for his execution. 
 The two bishops were in the carriage with him, and 
 one of them took that opportunity of informing him, 
 that their controversial altercations were not yet at 
 an end; and that upon the scaffold, he would again be 
 pressed for more explicit and satisfactory declarations 
 
282 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER of repentance. When arrived at the bar, which 
 
 '- — had been put up for the purpose of keeping out the 
 
 multitude, Monmouth descended from the carriage, 
 and mounted the scaffold, with a firm step, attended 
 hy his spiritual assistants. The sheriffs and exe- 
 cutioners were already there. The concourse of 
 spectators was innumerable, and if we are to credit 
 traditional accounts, never was the general com- 
 passion more affectingly expressed. The tears, sighs, 
 and groans, which the first sight of this heart-rend- 
 ing spectacle produced, were soon succeeded by an 
 universal and awful silence; a respectful attention, 
 and affectionate anxiety, to hear every syllable that 
 should pass the lips of the sufferer. The Duke be- 
 gan by saying he should speak little; he came to die, 
 and he should die a Protestant of the church of 
 Persecuted England. Here he was interrupted by the assistants, 
 gLtaS and told, that, if he was of the church of England, he 
 must acknowledge the doctrine of Non-resistance to 
 be true. In vain did he reply that if he acknowledged 
 the doctrine of the church in general, it included all : 
 they insisted he should own t/iat doctrine particu- 
 larly with respect to his case, and urged much more 
 concerning their favourite point, upon which, how- 
 ever, they obtained nothing but a repetition in sub- 
 stance of former answers. He was then proceeding 
 
 gious assis- 
 tants. 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 285 
 
 to speak of Lady Harriet Wentworth, of his high chapter 
 
 esteem for her, and of his confirmed opinion that 
 
 their connection was innocent in the sight of God; 
 when Goslin, the sheriff, asked him, with all the un* 
 feeling bluntness of a vulgar mind, whether he was 
 ever married to her. The Duke refusing to answer, 
 the same magistrate, in the like strain, though chang- 
 ing his subject, said he hoped to have heard of his 
 repentance for the treason and bloodshed which had 
 been committed; to which the prisoner replied with 
 great mildness, that he died very penitent. Here the 
 churchmen again interposed, and renewing their 
 demand of particular penitence and public acknow- 
 ledgment upon publick affairs, Monmouth referred 
 them to the following paper which he had signed 
 tliat morning : 
 
 '* I declare, that the title of King was farced upon 
 *' me; and, that it was very much contrary to my 
 ** opinion, when I was proclaimed. For the satis- 
 ** faction of the world, I do declare, that the late 
 ** King told me, he was never married to my mother. 
 " Having declared this, I hope the King, who is 
 " now, will not let my children suffer on this ac- 
 '* count. And to this I put my hand this fifteenth day 
 " ofjuly, 1685. MONMOUTH." 
 
m HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 III. 
 
 }685. 
 
 CHAPTER There was nothing, they said, in that paper about re- 
 sistance; nor, though Monmouth, quite worn out with 
 their importunities, said to one of them, in the most 
 affecting manner, " I am to die, — Pray my Lord, — 
 " I refer to my paper." would those men think it 
 consistent with their duty to desist. They were only 
 a few words they desired on one point. The sub- 
 stance of these applications on one liand, and an- 
 swers on the other, was repeated, over and over again, 
 in a manner that could not be believed, if the facts 
 were not attested by the signature of the persons 
 principally concerned.* If the Duke, in declaring 
 his sorrow for what had passed, used the word in- 
 vasion, " give it the true name," said they, "and 
 " call it rebellion." " What name you please," re- 
 plied the mild-tempered Monmouth. He was sure 
 he was going to everlasting happiness, and consi- 
 dered the serenity of his mind in his present cir- 
 cumstances, as a certain earnest of the favour of his 
 Creator. His repentance, he said, must be true, for 
 he had no fear of dying, he should die like a lamb. 
 " Much may come from natural courage," was the 
 unfeeling and stupid reply of one of the assistants. 
 Monmouth, with that modesty inseparable from true 
 bravery, denied that he was in general less fearful 
 than other men, maintaining that his present courage 
 
 * Vide Somers's Tracts, I. 435' 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^85 
 
 was owing to his consciousness that God had for- chapter 
 
 . . . . Ill- 
 given him his past transgressions, of all which gene 
 
 rally he repented with all his soul. 
 
 At last the reverend assistants consented tojoin with 
 him in prayer, but no sooner were they risen from 
 their kneeling posture, than they returned to their 
 charge. Not satisfied with what had passed, they ex- 
 horted him to a true and thorough repentance : would 
 he not pray for the King ? and send a dutiful message 
 to his Majesty, to recommend the Dutchess and his 
 children? " As you please," was the reply ;" I pray 
 ' ' for him and for all men." He now spoke to the exe- 
 cutioner, desiring that he might have no cap over 
 his eyes, and began undressing. One would have 
 thought that in this last sad ceremony, the poor pri- 
 soner might have been unmolested, and that the di- 
 vines would have been satisfied, that prayer was the 
 only part of their function for which their duty now 
 called upon them. They judged differently, and one 
 of them had the fortitude to request the Duke, even 
 in this stage of the business, that he would address 
 himself to the soldiers then present, to tell them he 
 stood a sad example of rebellion, and entreat the 
 people to be loyal and obedient to the King, " I 
 " have said I will make no speeches," repeated 
 Monmouth, in a tone more peremptory than he had 
 
286 HISTOnV OF THE RElCN 
 
 CHAPTER before been provoked to; ' ' I will make no speeches. 
 
 '. — " I come to die." " My Lord, ten words will be 
 
 *' enough," said the persevering divine, to which 
 the Duke made no answer, but turning to the execu- 
 tioner, expressed a hope that he would do his work 
 better now than in the case of Lord Russel. He then 
 felt the axe, which he apprehended was not sharp 
 enough, but being assured that it was of proper 
 sharpness and weight, he laid down his head. In 
 the meantime, many fervent ejaculations were used 
 by the reverend assistants, who, it must be observed, 
 even in these moments of horrour, showed them- 
 selves n^t unmindful of the points upon which they 
 had been disputing; praying God to accept his 
 impeffect and general repentance. 
 
 The executioner now struck the blow, but so feebly 
 or unskilfully, that Monmouth, being but slightly 
 wounded, lifted up his head, and looked him in the 
 face as if to upbraid him, but said nothing. The 
 two following strokes were as ineffectual as the first, 
 and the headsman in a fit of horrour, declared he 
 could not finish his work. The sheriffs threatened 
 him; he was forced again to make a further trial, and 
 in two more strokes separated the head from the 
 body. 
 
 Thus fell, in the thirty-sixth year of his age, 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. tSI 
 
 James Duke of Monmouth, a man against whom all chapter 
 
 that has been said by the most inveterate enemies 
 
 both to him and his party, amounts to little more character of 
 than this, that he had not a mind equal to the situa- 
 tions in which his ambition, at different times, en- 
 gaged him to place himself. But to judge him with 
 candour, w^e must make great allowances, not only for 
 the temptations into which he was led by the splendid 
 prosperity of the earlier parts of his life, but also 
 for the adverse prejudices with which he was re- 
 garded by almost all the cotemporary writers, from 
 whom his actions and character are described. The 
 Tories of course are unfavourable to him; and even 
 among the Whigs, there seems, in many, a strong 
 inclination to disparage him; some to excuse them- 
 selves for not having joined him; others to make a 
 display of their exclusive attachment to their more 
 successful leader. King William. Burnet says of 
 Monmouth, that he was gentle, brave, and sincere: 
 to these praises, from the united testimony of all 
 who knew him, we may add that of generosity; and 
 surely those qualities go a great way in making up 
 the catalogue of all that is amiable and estimable in 
 human nature. One of the most conspicuous features 
 in his character, seems to have been a remarkable, 
 and, as some think, a culpable degree of flexibility. 
 
SS8 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER That such a disposition is preferable to its opposite 
 
 '. — extreme, will be admitted by all who think that 
 
 modesty, even in excess, is more nearly allied to 
 wisdom than conceit and self-sufficiency. He who 
 has attentively considered the political, or indeed 
 the general, concerns of life, may possibly go still 
 further, and rank a willingness to be convinced, or in 
 some cases even without conviction, to concede our 
 own opinion to that of other men, among the prin- 
 cipal ingredients in the composition of practical 
 wisdom. Monmouth had suffered this flexibility, 
 so laudable in many cases, to degenerate into a habit, 
 which made him often follow the advice, or yield 
 to the entreaties, of persons whose characters by no 
 means entitled them to such deference. The sagacity 
 of Shaftesbury, the honour of Russel, the genius of 
 Sidney, might, in the opinion of a modest man, be 
 safe and eligible guides. The partiality of friendship, 
 and the conviction of his firm attachment, might be 
 some excuse for his listening so much to Grey; but 
 he never could, at any period of his life, have mis- 
 taken Ferguson for an honest man. There is reason 
 to believe, that the advice of the two last mentioned 
 persons had great weight in persuading him to the 
 unjustifiable step of declaring himself King. But 
 far the most guilty act of this unfortunate man's life, 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^89 
 
 was his lending; his name to the Declaration which chapter 
 
 ... ni. 
 was published at Lyme, and in this instance, Fer- 
 
 guson, who penned the paper, was both the adviser 
 and the instrument. To accuse the King of having 
 burnt London, murdered Essex in the Tower, and 
 finally, poisoned his brother, unsupported by evi- 
 dence to substantiate such dreadful charges, was 
 calumny of the most atrocious kind ; but the guilt 
 is still heightened, when we observe, that from no 
 conversation of Monmouth, nor indeed from any 
 other circumstance whatever, do we collect that he 
 himself believed the horrid accusations to be true. 
 With regard to Essex's death in particular, the only 
 one of the three charges which was believed by any 
 man of common sense, the late King was as much 
 implicated in the suspicion as James. That the latter 
 should have dared to be concerned in such an act, 
 without the privacy of his brother, was too absurd 
 an imputation to be attempted, even in the days of 
 the Popish plot. On the other hand, it was certainly 
 not the intention of the son to brand his father as 
 an assassin. It is too plain, that in the instance of 
 this Declaration, Monmouth, with a facility highly 
 criminal, consented to set his name to whatever 
 Ferguson recommended as advantageous to the cause. 
 Among the many dreadful circumstances attending 
 
 p p 
 
1685. 
 
 9.90 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 CHAPTER civil wars, perhaps there are few more revolting to 
 a good mind, than the wicked calumnies with which, 
 in the heat of contention, men, otherwise men of 
 honour, have in all ages and countries permitted 
 themselv^es to load their adversaries. It is remark- 
 able that there is no trace of the Divines who attended 
 this unfortunate man, having exhorted him to a par- 
 ticular repentance of his Manifesto, or having called 
 for a retraction or disavowal of the accusations con- 
 tained in it. They were so intent upon points more 
 immediately connected with orthodoxy of faith, that 
 they omitted pressing their penitent to the only 
 declaration, by which he could make any satisfactory 
 atonement to those whom he had injured- 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. 391 
 
 FRAGMENTS 
 
 The following detached Paragraphs were probably intended for the 
 Fourth Chapter. They are here printed in the incomplete and 
 unfinished state in which they were found. 
 
 While the Whigs considered all religious opinions 
 with a view to politicks, the Tories, on the other 
 hand, referred all political maxims to religion. Thus 
 the former, even in their hatred to Popery, did not 
 so much regard the superstition, or imputed idolatry 
 of that unpopular sect, as its tendency to establish 
 arbitrary power in the state, while the latter revered 
 absolute monarchy as a divine institution, and che- 
 rished the doctrines of passive obedience and non- 
 resistance, as articles of religious faith. 
 
 To mark the importance of the late events, his Ma- 
 jesty caused two medals to be struck; one of himself, 
 with the usual inscription, and the motto, Ams et 
 sceptra tuemur ; the other of Monmouth, without 
 any inscription. On. the reverse of the former, were 
 represented the two headless trunks of his lately 
 vanquished enemies, with other circumstances in the 
 same taste and spirit, the motto, Ambitio malesiiada 
 rnit: on that of the latter appeared a young man 
 
 1G85. 
 
293 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 1685. falling in the attempt to climb a rock with three 
 crowns on it, under which was the insulting motto. 
 Super i r is ere. 
 
 With the lives of Monmouth and Argyle ended, 
 or at least seemed to end, all prospect of resistance 
 to James's absolute power; and that class of patriots 
 who feel the pride of submission, and the dignity of 
 obedience, might be completely satisfied that the 
 Crown was in its full lustre. 
 
 James was sufficiently conscious of the increased 
 strength of his situation, and it is probable that the 
 security he now felt in his power, inspired him with 
 the design of taking more decided steps in favour 
 of the Popish religion and its professors, than his 
 connection with the Church of England party had 
 before allowed him to entertain. That he from 
 this time attached less importance to the support 
 and affection of the Tories, is evident from Lord 
 Rochester's observations, communicated afterwards 
 to Burnet. This nobleman's abilities and exf>e- 
 rience in business, his hereditary merit, as son of 
 Lord Chancellor Clarendon, and his uniform oppo- 
 sition to the Exclusion Bill, had raised him high in 
 the esteem of the Church party. This circumstance, 
 perhaps, as much, or more than the King's personal 
 
OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^93 
 
 kindness to a brother-in-law, had contributed to his isss. 
 advancement to the first office in the state. As long 
 therefore as James stood in need of the support of 
 the party, as long as he meant to make them the 
 instruments of his power, and the channels of his 
 favour, Rochester was, in every respect, the fittest 
 person in wbom to confide; and accordingly, as that 
 nobleman related to Burnet, his Majesty honoured 
 him with daily confidential communications upon all 
 his most secret schemes and projects. But upon the 
 defeat of the rebellion, an immediate change took 
 place, and from the day of Monmouth's execution, 
 the King confined his conversations with the Trea- 
 surer to the mere business of his office. 
 
APPENDIX: 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 I. Correspondence between Louis XIV. and M. Barillon on English 
 (^ Affairs, from Dec. 1684, to Dec. 1^85. 
 
 II. Correspondence between the Earl of Sunderland and the Bishop of 
 Oxford, respecting Mr. Locke. 
 
 III. The Bill for the Preservation of the King's Person. 
 
 IV. Account of Rumbold, from Lord Fountainhall's MS. Memoirs, Sec. 
 
[ il 
 
 CONTENTS OF THE LETTERS BETWEEN LOUIS AND 
 BARILLON. 
 
 Barillon to the King. 7th Dec. 1684. 
 
 Changes in the Govermnent of New England — sentiments of the Marquis of Halifax upon them 
 combated by the other Ministers — attempts to bring Halifax into disgrace — Charles intends 
 to send the Duke of York into Scotland, p. vii. — viii. 
 
 The King to Barillon. 13th Dec. l684. 
 Louis's opinion of Halifax — and of the Duke of York's mission to Scotland, p. ix. 
 
 Barillon to the King. 25th Dec. l684. 
 
 Offers of submission and reconciliation from the Prince of Orange — rejected by Charles at the 
 instigation of Sunderland, p. ix. — xi. 
 
 Barillon to the King. 
 Charles the Second's illness — he declares himself a Catholic — his death, p. xi. — xv. 
 
 Barillon to the King, igth Feb. l68f . 
 
 James the Second's accession — his speech to the Council — proclaimed in London — state of his 
 Court and Ministry — sends Lord Churchill to Paris — informs Barillon of his intention to sum- 
 mon a Parliament, and why — issues a proclamation for levying the former King's revenue — 
 his professions of attachment to France — promises to establish the Catholic rehgion — solicits 
 a supply of money from Louis — Barillon's opinion of the state of England — Duke of Mon- 
 mouth^— arrest of one of his servants, p. xv. — 'xxiii. 
 
 The King to Barillon. 20th Feb. 
 Louis's private instructions to Barillon respecting James — and the state of Parties in England — • 
 recommends the Earl of Sunderland — sends a supply of money for the King's use — his ap- 
 prehensions of the designs of the Prince of Orange, and the Duke of Monmouth — orders 
 Barillon to caution the King against them. p. xxiv. — vi. 
 
 The King to Barillon. 26th Feb, 
 Louis approves of James's resolution to call a Parliament — recommends precautions against 
 the designs of the Prince of Orange and the Duke of Monmouth, p. xxvi. 
 
 Barillon to the King. 26th Feb. 
 Barillon informs James of the supply sent to him by Louis — the King's extravagant expressions 
 of gratitude — conversation between Baiillon and Rochester respecting the old subsidy, and the 
 treaty with Spain — James goes publicly to Mass — his conversation with Barillt)n upon it — ■ 
 informs him of his designs with regard to the Catholics — King Charles the Second's funeral — : 
 James re-appoints the Household, and why — Rochester made Lord Treasurer-— Barillon en^ 
 deavours to prevent the King from allowing the Prince of Orange to visit England— Duke 
 of Monmouth, p. xxviii.— xxxvi. 
 
t ii 3 
 
 Barillon to the King. 1st March. 
 
 Mass publicly celebrated in Whitehall — attended by the King and Queen — sentiments of the 
 public upon it — further arrangements in the Househould — the King's reasons for retaininir 
 Halifax and others — the additional duties levied as in the former reign — preparations for the 
 coronation — Prince of Orange sends Overkerque to effect a reconciliation with James — Ba- 
 rillon endeavours to prevent it — offers of submission from the Duke of Monmouth — Barillon 
 tells James they are insincere, p. xxxvii. — xliii. 
 
 Barillon to the King. 5th March. 
 
 The people alarmed at James's public profession of the Catholic religion — proceedings respect- 
 ing the ensuing Parliament—Catholics discontented at the re-appointment of the Household 
 — James forms a Council of Catholics — further conversations between James and Over- 
 kerque on the part of the Prince of Orange — confided to Barillon, who endeavours to prevent 
 any sort of reconciliation — Rochester advises a reconciliation — Sunderland opposes ii — 
 Duke of Monmouth — James's conduct with regard to Spain — his professions of attachment 
 to France, p. xlii. — li. 
 
 The King to Barillon. 9th March. 
 
 Louis satisfied with James — promises to afford him succours when wanted — sends over the 
 Marechal de Lorgc — applauds James's resolution to levy the duties — instructs Barillon to 
 inspire him with a distrust of the Prince of Orange, p. li. — liii. 
 
 The King to Barillon. l6th March. 
 
 On the appointment of Roman Catholic Bishops in England, p. liii. 
 
 Barillon to the King. l6th April. 
 
 James and his Ministers make further demands of succours from Louis — various discussions 
 between Barillon and the Ministers respecting the subsidy granted to Charles — arguments 
 to induce Louis to continue the subsidy — James acquaints Birillon with his design!^, and his 
 determination to establish the Catholic religion— Barillon advises Louis to send more money 
 —treatment of the Dutch ambassadours — indisposition of the Queen of England, p. liii. — Ix. 
 
 The King to Barillon. 2ith April. 
 
 Louis sends over a fresh supply — promises to support James, and particularly in establishing 
 the Catholic religion — explanations with regard to Spain, p. Ix. — Ixii. 
 
 Barillon to the King. 30th April. 
 James's satisfaction at the result of the explanations between the Courts of Versailles and Ma- 
 drid — he resolves to go to Chapel in state — the Earl of Rochester refuses lo accompany him 
 — altercation between them — Dutch Ambassadours — their public entry — Barillon's account 
 of the state of parties — points out to Louis the measurci he ought to adopt to secure James's 
 attachment to his interests, p. Ixii. — viii. 
 
 The King to Barillon. Qth Mai/. 
 
 Louis permits Barillon to complete the payment of the old subsidy — promises further assistance, 
 if James be obliged to dissolve the Parliament, and use force to carry bis designs — begins to 
 entertain suspicions of a new alliance between England and the States General, p. l.wiii — Ixx. 
 
 Barillon to the King. \Uh Mau. 
 Various matters relating to the States General and the Prince of Orange — temper of the Par- 
 liament — its designs against sonif of the Mii.isters — state of the Court in the last years of 
 Charles the Second's reign — Dutchess of Portsmouth — designs of the English exiles at Am- 
 sterdam — Dutch Ambassadours — Scottish Parliament grants the revenue for life — arrest of 
 one of the Duke of Monmouth's cqueries. p Ixx. — iv. 
 
Barillon to the King. 17th May. 
 
 Barillon assures Louis that James does not intend to form a treaty with the States or the Prince 
 
 of Orange — explains his conduct on this head — describes the unsettled state of England 
 
 — urges Louis to grant further supplies — discussions between the English and Dutch East 
 
 India Companies respecting Bantam — James wishes to thwart the Dutch trade, p. Ixxiv. — viii. 
 
 Barillon to the King. 2Uf May. 
 
 Earl of Argyle sails from Holland — James's discontent at the conduct of the States and the 
 Prince of Orange, which Barillon endeavours to encrease — trade of the Dutch in pepper, 
 &c. — James's precautions against the Earl of Argyle's enterprize — state of the army in Ire- 
 land — apprehensions of the attempts of the disaffected there — a publication on liberty 
 of conscience by the Duke of Buckingham — Trial and condemnation of Titus Oates. 
 p. Ixxviii. — Ixxxii. 
 
 The King to Barillon. 25th May. 
 
 Louis's observations upon the principal points in the preceding letter — refuses to grant any more 
 money than what is necessary to pay the arrears of the old subsidy, p. Ixxxii. 
 
 The King to Bai-illon. 1st June. 
 
 Louis's opinion of the Earl of Argyle's invasion— begins to entertain suspicions of James's 
 intentions, p. Ixxxiv. 
 
 Barillon to the King. 2Sth May. 
 Barillon assures Louis of James's attachment to him. p. Ixxxv. 
 Barillon to the King. 2d June., 
 
 Proceedings in the House of Commons — James's professions of attachment to France — Ba- 
 rillon urges Louis to grant further supplies — Lord Montague solicits his pension from Louis, 
 p. Ixxxvi. — ix. 
 
 Barillon to the King. 4ith Ju?ie. 
 
 Substance of Mr. Seymour's Speech in Pariiament against the vp,lidity of the elections, and the 
 designs of the Court — Lord Lorn. p. Ixxxix. — xci. 
 
 Barillon to the King. 1th June. 
 Proceedings of Argyle — transactions in Parliament respecting the Catholics — ^James's dis- 
 pleasure at them — its consequence — discussions between the English and Dutch India Com- 
 panies — further proceedings of Argyle. p. xci. — iv. 
 
 The King to Barillon. 15th June. 
 
 Louis's observations on parts of the preceding letter-^his opinion of Argyle's invasion — urges 
 the establishment of the Catholic religion in England — refuses to grant further supplies, 
 till James shall undertake it. p. xciv. — vi. 
 
 Barillon to the King, lith June. 
 Reports that Louis secretly foments troubles in England — disbelieved by James, p. xcvi. 
 
 The King to Barillon. 13th July. 
 Louis's suspicions of the Prince of Orange — recalls the sums in Barillon's hands, p. xcvii. 
 
 Barillon to the King. l6th July. 
 
 Barillon acquaints the King and his Ministers with the suspension of all further supplies — their 
 surprize and embarrassment at it-^-their various arguments to induce Louis to continue them 
 — abject offers to Louis by James — he declares he cannot establish Popery without his aid — 
 conversations between Barillon and Sunderland— Barillon solicits Louis to allow him to ad- 
 vance a further supply — describes the state of affairs in England, and James's patronage of 
 the Catholics — discredits certain reports in Holland — progress of the Duke of Monmouth, 
 and state of the Royal army — execution of Argyle. p. xcviii.— ex. 
 
[iv ] 
 
 The King to Barillon. 26th July. 
 
 Louis censures Barillon for not having deprived James of ail hope of further supplies, p. ex. — xii. 
 
 The King to Barillon. — Aug. 
 
 Louis's arguments to induce James to establish Popery — his suspicions with regard to Spain, 
 p. cxii. 
 
 The King to Barillon. 24,fh Jug. 
 
 Ditto. 20th Aug. 
 
 Ditto. 4th Sept. 
 
 Ditto. 13th Sept. 
 
 The above four letters relate principally to James's renewing the treaty with the Slates Ge- 
 neral — Louis instructs Barillon how he is to act in future, and to wave every proposal 
 for a new alliance between England and France — orders him to prevent if possible the re- 
 newal of any others treaties by James, p. cxiii. — xvii. 
 
 Barillon to the King. 10th Sept. 
 
 Substance of a deposition made by one of Monmouth's Equeries, respecting certain designs of 
 the Protestants in France, p. cxvij. 
 
 The King to Barillon, 20th Sept. 
 
 Louis continues to instruct Barillon lo prevent any fresh treaties between England and other 
 States — does not entirely approve of the appointment of Sir W. Trumball to be ambas- 
 sadour in Fiance, p. cxviii. 
 
 Barillon to the King. 1 7th Sept. 
 
 Barillon acquaints Louis with the hopes entertained by the Austrian and Spanish ministers, of 
 an alliance with England, p. cxix. 
 
 The King to Barillon. 25th Oct. 
 Respecting the English Parliament, p. cxx. 
 
 ■ to Barillon. 1st. Xoi. 
 
 The writer of this letter wishes to know from Barillon, upon what authority he had advanced to 
 James 300,000 livres more than the arrears of the old subsidy, p. cxxi. 
 
 Barillon to the King. 29th Oct. 
 James intends to dismiss Halifax, and why — an affair relating to the Prince and Princess of 
 Orange — Lord Castlemaine appointed Ambassadour to Rome — Barillon's observations on it. 
 p. cxxi. — iii. 
 
 The King to Barillon. 6th Nov. 
 Louis's opinion of Halifax — hopes James will accomplish the repeal of the Test and Habeas 
 Corpus acts. p. cxxiv. 
 
 Barillon to the King. 5th Nor. 
 
 Various circumstances respecting Halifax's dismissal — conjectures upon the conduct of the 
 
 ensuing Parliament— execution of Mr. Cornish and Mrs. Gaunt noticed, p. cxxiv. — vii. 
 
 The King to Barillon. l6th Nov. 
 Louis applauds the dismissal of Halifax— entertains suspicions of James's intentions, p. cxxvii. 
 
 Barillon to the King. 12th Nor. 
 State of the Protestant and Catholic Parties in England— supposed effect of Halifax's dismissal 
 upon the other Ministers, p. cxxviii. 
 
[V ] 
 
 The King to Barillon. IQth Nov. 
 Louis suspects an approaching alliance between England and Spain — instructs Barillon to excite 
 a spirit of opposition in th» principal members of Parliament if he find that James is deter- 
 mined to make fresh treaties, p. cxxx. 
 
 The King to Barillon. 29th Nov. 
 Observations upon a Letter from Barillon respecting the proceedings in Parliament, p. cxxxi. 
 
 Barillon to the King. 22d Nov. 
 Lord Grey is said to have implicated the Earl of Devonshire in Monmouth's rebellion, p. cxxxii. 
 
 Barillon to the King. 26th Nov. 
 
 Journal of the proceedings in Parliament — Spanish Ambassadour urges the renewal of the 
 treaty of 168O — state of the interior of the English Court — opposite views of Rochester and 
 Sunderland — their consequences — Barillon advises Louis to pension Sunderland — further 
 proceedings in the Parliament, p. cxxxii. — xl. 
 
 Barillon to the King. 30th Nov. 
 Prorogation of the Parliament^ and its probable consequences, p. cxl. 
 
 The King to Barillon. 6th Dec. 
 
 Louis's observations on the Prorogation — agrees to allow Sunderland an annual pension of from 
 5 to 60001. p. cxli. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 J 
 
 I. Correspondence between Louis XIV. and M. Barillon. 
 
 M. de Barillon au Roi. 
 
 1 Decembre, I684, dLondres. 
 'ay re^u la depeche de Votre Majeste du premier Decembre. J'ay com- 
 
 mence a executer Fordre que V. M. me donne a I'egard de Milord Halifax. 
 II s'est passe ici depuis peu une affaire qui a deja donne occasion a M. le 
 Due de York, et aux autres ministres, de travailler a le decrediter entiere- 
 ment avec quelque esperance d'en venir a bout. 
 
 Le Roi d' Angleterre a donne le gouverneraent de la Nouvelle Angleterre 
 au Colonel Kerque, qui etoit auparavant gouverneur de Tanger. II y avoit 
 eu devant une Compagnie etablie par des lettres patentes du Roi Jacques, 
 qui gouvernoit avec une autorite presque souveraine et independante les 
 pays compris sous le gouvernement de la Nouvelle Angleterre. Les pri- 
 vileges de cette Compagnie ont ete casses au Banc Royal, et sa Majeste 
 Britannique est rentree dans le pouvoir de donner une nouvelle forme au 
 gouvernement, et d'etablir de nouvelles loix, sous lesquelles les habitans 
 de ces pays doivent vivre a I'avenir ; cela a donne lieu a une deliberation dans 
 le Conseil secret. La question a ete traitee a fonds, si Ton y introduiroit 
 le meme gouvernement qui est etabli en Angleterre, ou si Ton assujettiroit 
 ceux qui vivent dans ces pays-la aux ordres d'un gouverneur et d'un con- 
 
yiii APPENDIX. 
 
 sell, qui auroient en leurs mains toute I'autorite, sans etre obliges a garder 
 d'autres regies, que celles qui leur seroient prescrites d'ici. Milord Halifax 
 a pris le party de soutenir avec vehemence qu'il n'y avoit point lieu de 
 douter que les memes loix, sous lesquelles on vit en Angleterre ne dussent 
 etre etablies en un pays compose d'Anglois. II s'est fort etendu sur cela, 
 et n'a omis aucune des raisons, par lesquelles on pent prouver, qu'un 
 gouvernement absolu, n'est ni si heureux, ni si assure que celui, qui est 
 tempere par les loix, et qui donne des bornes a I'autorite du Prince. II 
 a exagere les inconveniens du pouvoir souverain, et s'est declare nettement 
 qu'il ne pouvoit pas s'accommoder de vivre sous un roi qui auroit en son 
 pouvoir de prendre, quand il lui plairoit, I'argent qu'il a dans sa poche. 
 Ce discours fut combattu fortement par tous les autres ministres, et sans 
 entrer dans la question, si une forme de gouvernement en general est 
 meilleure que 1' autre, ils soutinrent, que sa Majeste Britannique pouvoit, 
 et devoit, gouverner des pays si eloignes de I'Angleterre en la maniere qui 
 lui paroitroit la plus convenable pour maintenir le pays, en I'etat auquel 
 il est, et pour en augmenter encore les forces et la richesse. Pour cela il 
 fut resolu, qu'on n'assujetteroit point le gouverneur et le conseil, a faire 
 des assemblies de tout le pays, pour faire des impositions, et regler les 
 autres matieres importantes, mais que le gouverneur et le conseil feroit ce 
 qu'ils jugeroient a-propos, sans en rendre compte qu'a sa Majeste firitan- 
 nique. Cette affaire n'est peut-ctre pas en elle-meme fort importante; 
 mais M. le Due d'York s'en est servi, pour faire connoitre au Roi 
 d'Angleterre combien il y a d'inconveniens de laisser dans le secret de ses 
 affaires un homme aussi oppose aux interels de la royaute qu'est Milord 
 Halifax. Madame de Portsmouth a le meme dessein, et Milord Sonderland 
 pouvoit ne rien desirer avec plus d'ardeur. lis croient I'un et I'autre y 
 pouvoir reussir avec un peu de temps. 
 
 M. le Due d'York m'a dit en confiance, que le Roi son frere avoit resolu 
 de I'envoyer au printemps faire un voyage de trois semaines en Ecosse, 
 pour y tenir une assemblee de Parlement, sans lequel on ne pent confisquer 
 les biens de ceux qui sont declares rebelles ; que ce sera a-peu-pres pen- 
 dant que la cour demeurera a Neumarquet; que cependant il a cru m'en 
 devoir avertir de bonne heure, sachant biea que ses ennemis tacheroient de 
 
 i 
 
APPENDIX. ix 
 
 donner a ce voyage un air de disgrace, quoique dans le fond, ce soit une 
 nouvelle marque de confiance et d'amitie du Roi son frere pour lui. Le 
 Marquis de Huntley, chef de la maison de Gourdon, a etc fait Due, et le 
 Marquis de Winsbery aussi ; ce dernier est de la maison de Douglas, et 
 grand tresorier d'Ecosse. Ce n'est pas une chose de petite consequence 
 que le Marquis de Huntley, qui est Catholique, soit fait Due. 
 
 Le Roi a M. Barillon. 
 
 Versailles, 13 Decembre, I6S4. 
 
 1-iES raisonnemens du Sr. Halifax sur la manierede gouverner la Nouvelle 
 Angleterre ne meritent gueres la confiance que le Roy d'Angleterre a en 
 luy, et je ne suis pas surpris d'apprendre que le Due d' York en ayt bien 
 fait remarquer les consequences au Roy son frere. J'ay lieu de croire 
 aussy que ce que ce Prince doit faire en Ecosse n'apportera aucun change- 
 ment a I'etat present des affaires d'Angleterre, et je suis bien aise de \sgavoir] 
 que ce soit plutot une marque de la confiance du Roy son frere, qu*un 
 dessein de I'eloigner de ses conseils. 
 
 London, 21 December, 16 84. 
 
 jDarillon says the Duchess of P. tells him the King waited till Halifax 
 gave him some further pretext for dismissing him, but that he represented 
 to them the danger of delay. They had no apprehensions of Halifax's 
 altering his conduct, and regaining the King's confidence. 
 
 M. de Barillon au Roi 
 
 55 Decembre, 1684, « Londres. 
 JUe Roi d'Angleterre me paroit aussi mal satisfait que jamais de la conduite 
 de M. le Prince d'Orange. M. Zitters lui a donne une lettre de sa part, 
 par laquelle il 1' assure en termes generaux, qu'il s'estime bien malheureux 
 
 * This is printed from a note in Mr. Fox's hand writing. 
 b 
 
X APPENDIX. 
 
 d'avoir perdu ses bonnes graces, sachant bien n'avoir rien fait qui dut lui 
 deplaire. M. Zitters a ajoute a cela, que M. le Prince d'Orange etoit fort 
 afflige que ses ennemis eussent eu le credit de le mettre aussi mal qu'il est 
 dans Tesprit de sa Majeste Britannique, sans qu'il se puisse reprocher d'avoir 
 rien fait qu'il sgut etre oppose a sa volonte, ou a ses intentions. Le Roi 
 d'Angleterre m'a fait entendre, que sa reponse a M. Zitters a ete, que M. 
 le Prince d'Orange se moqnoit de lui, aussi bien que de M. Zitters, en le 
 chargeant de dire des choses, qu'il sait n'avoir aucun fondement; que M. 
 le Prince d'Orange n'avoit point d'ennemis dans sa cour, qui eussent pris 
 soin de lui nuire, mais que lui-meme avoit fait tout ce qu'il falloit pour cela, 
 s'etant conduit d'une maniere fort opposee, a ce qu'il devoit, tant a I'egard 
 des affaires generales qu'a I'egard de M. le Due de Monmouth, et des 
 autres factieux. M. Zitters a essaye d'excuser ce que M. le Prince 
 d'Orange a fait a I'egard de M. le Due de Monmouth : sa Majeste Britan- 
 nique s'en est moquee, et lui a dit, que M. le Prince d'Orange etoit plus 
 habile que personne, puis qu'il savoit si bien menager un homme, dont les 
 desseins ne pouvoient aller qu'a etablir une republique en Angleterre, ou 
 a soutenir des pretentions chimeriques, et qui ne peuvent reussir sans la 
 mine de M. le Prince d'Orange lui-meme. L'intention du Roi d'An- 
 gleterre etoit, a ce que j'en puis juger, de couper encore plus court 
 I'entretien avec M. de Zitters, mais cela repugne a son humeur. M. le 
 Due de York a parle fort decisivement a M. Zitters, et ne lui a pas donne 
 lieu de deffendre la conduite de M. le Prince d'Orange. M. Zitters a dit a 
 Milord Sunderland, que M. le Prince d'Orange vouloit faire tout ce qui 
 etoit en son pouvoir pour rentre.r dans les bonnes graces du Roi d'An- 
 gleterre, et de M. le Due de York. Q^j'il falloit seulement lui faire con- 
 noitre ce qu'il devoit faire pour cela ; Milord Sunderland repondit, que ce 
 n'etoit pas d'ici qu'il devoit attendre des instructions, et qu'il savoit assez.ce 
 qui avoit pu deplaire auRoi d'Angleterre dans sa conduite, pour y apporter 
 du changement, s'il en avoit envie. 
 
 J'ay s^u de M. le Due d'York, qu'en parlant de tout cela avec le Roi 
 d'Angleterre, et ses ministres les plus confidens, Milord Sunderland avoit 
 dit qu'il est de la dignite, et de I'iuteret de sa Majeste JBritannique de laisser 
 M. le Prince d'Orange prendre de lui-meme le party qu'il jugera apropos, 
 
APPENDIX. xi 
 
 sans lui rien prescrire, ni meme temoigner qu'on attende rlen de lui ; 
 qu'apres avoir, pendant trois ans, fait tout ce qui etoit en son pouvoir, 
 centre les interets et les desseins du Roi d' Angleterre, 11 ne devoit pas 
 croire, que ce qu'il a fait fut repare par des complimens ; qu'on ne pent 
 marquer a present en quoi il pourroit temoigner sa bonne volonte et son 
 zele ; qu'il faut peutetre beaucoup de temps pour en trouver les occasions ; 
 et que tout ce qu'il pent esperer est, que le Roi d' Angleterre veuille bien 
 considerer qu'elle sera sa conduite a I'avenir ; que cependant on ne sauroit 
 parler trop peu et trop decisivement a M. Zitters sur une telle matiere. 
 Ce sentiment a ete approuve de sa Majeste Britannique, et il a ete resolu 
 qu'on n'ecouteroit pas seulement M. Zitters, s'il vouloit en parler encore. 
 
 On parle fort ici depuis deux jours de la sedition arrivee a Brussels, et 
 de la maniere, dont elle a ete appaisee par le Marquis de Grave, c'est-a- 
 dire, en cedant entierement au peuple. Le Roi d' Angleterre en a parle 
 comme d'un &xemple de tres-pernicieuse consequence, et qui porteroit 
 indubitablement les autres villes du Pays Bas a faire la meme chose, 
 voyant qu'elle demeure impunie et recompensee a Brussels. 
 
 Depeche de M. Barillon au Roy. 
 
 LiA lettre que je me donne I'honneur d'ecrire aujourdhuy a votre Majeste 
 est seulement pour lui rendre un compte exact de ce qui s'est passe de plus 
 important a la mort du feu Roy d'Angleterre. Sa maladie, qui commen^a 
 le Lundi 12 Fevrier au matin, re^ut divers changemens les jours suivans, 
 quelquefois on le croioit hors de danger, et ensuite il arrivoit quelque 
 accident qui faisoit juger que son mal etoit mortel: enfin le Jeudi quin- 
 zieme Fevrier, sur le midi, je fus averti d'un bon endroit qu'il n'y avoit 
 plus d'esperance, et que les medecins ne croioient pas qu'il dut passer la 
 nuit ; j'allai aussitot apres a Whitehall ; M. le Due d'York avoit donne 
 ordre aux officiers qui gardoieut la porte de I'antichambre de me laisser 
 passer a toute heure ; il etoit toujours dans la chambre du Roy son frere, 
 et en sortoit de terns en tems pour donner les ordres sur tout ce qui se pas- 
 soit dans la ville ; le bruit se repandoit plusieurs fois par jour que le Roy 
 
xii APPENDIX. 
 
 cteit mort; d'abord que je fus arrive, Monsieur le Due d' York me dit, 
 " Les medecins croient que le Roy est en un extreme danger; je vousprie 
 d'assurer votre maitre qu'il aura toujours en moi un serviteur fidele et re- 
 connoissant." Je fus jusqu'a cinq heures dans Tantichambre du Roy 
 d'Angleterre ; Monsieur le Due d'York me fit entrer plusieurs fois dans 
 la chambre, et me parloit de ce qui se passoit au-dehors, et des assurances 
 qu'on lui donnoit de tous cotes que tout etoit fort tranquille dans la ville, 
 et qu'il y seroit proclame Roy au moment que le Roy son frere seroit 
 mort. Je sortis pendant quelque tems pour aller a I'appartement de Madame 
 de Portsmouth ; je la trouvai dans une douleur extreme ; les medecins lui 
 avoient ote toute sorte d'esperance ; cependant, au lieu de me parler de sa 
 douleur, et de la perte qu'elle etoit sur le point de faire, elle entradansun 
 petit cabinet, et me dit, " Monsieur I'Ambassadeur, je m'en vais vous dire le 
 plus grand secret du monde, et il iroit de ma tete si on le savoit : Le Roy 
 d'Angleterre dans le fonds de. son rrenr est Cathnlique, mais il est environne 
 des evesques Protestans, et personne ne lui dit I'etat ou il est, ni ne lui 
 parle de Dieu ; je ne puis plus avec bienseance rentrer dans la chambre, 
 outre que la Reine y est presque toujours ; Monsieur le Due d'York songe 
 a ses affaires, et en a trop, pour prendre le soin qu'il devroit de la conscience 
 du Roy ; allez lui dire, que je vous ai conjure de I'averlir qu'il souge a ce 
 qui se pourra faire pout sauver I'ame du Roi ; il est le maitre dans la 
 chambre ; il peut faire sortir qui il voudra ; ne perdez point de tems, car 
 si on differe tant soit peu, il sera trop tard." 
 
 Je retournai a I'instant trouver Monsieur le Due d'York ; je le priai de 
 faire semblant d'aller chez la Reine, qui etoit sortie de la chambre duRoy, 
 et qu'on venoit de saigner, parcequ'elle s'etoit evanouie : la chambre com- 
 munique aux deux appartemens ; je le suivis chez la Reine, et je lui dis 
 ce que Madame de Portsmouth m'avoit dit. II revint comme d'une pro- 
 fonde lethargic, et me dit, " Vous avez raison; il n'y a pas de tems a per- 
 dre ; je hazarderai tout plustot que de ne pas faire mon devoir en cette occa- 
 sion." Une heure apres il revint me trouver, sous pretexte encore d'aller 
 chez la Reine, et me dit, qu'il avoit parle au Roy son frere, et qu'il I'avoit 
 trouve resolu de ne point prendre la cene que les evesques Protestans le 
 pressoient de recevoir ; que cela les avoit fort surpris, mais qu'il en de- 
 
APPENDIX. jcjii 
 
 fflfflcureroit toujours quelqu'uns d'eux dans sa chambre, s'il ne prenoit un 
 pretexte de faire sortir tout le monde, afin de pouvoir parler au Roi son 
 frere avec liberie, et le disposer a faire une abjuration formelle de I'heresie, 
 et a se confesser a un prestre Catholique. 
 
 Nous agitames divers expediens ; M. le Due d' York proposa que je de- 
 mandasse a parler au Roi son frere, pour lui dire quelque chose de secret 
 de la part de votre Majeste, et qu'on feroit sortir tout le monde. Je 
 m'offris k le faire; mais je lui representai qu'outre que cela eauseroit un 
 grand bruit, 11 n'y auroit pas d'apparence de me faire demeurer en parti- 
 culier avec le Roy d* Angleterre et lui seul, assez longtems pour ce que nous 
 avions a faire. La pensee vint ensuite a M. le Due d'York, de faire venir 
 la Reine, comme pour dire un dernier adieu au Roy, et lui demander par- 
 don si elle lui avoit desobei en quelque chose ; que lui feroit aussi la meme 
 ceremonie. Enfin M. le Due d'York se resolut de parler au Roi son frere 
 devant tout le monde, mais de faire ensorte que personne n'entendroit ce 
 qu'il lui diroit, parceque cela oteroit tout soupyon, et on croiroit seule- 
 ment qu'il lui parleroit d'affaires d'etat, et de ce qu'il vouloit qui fut fait 
 apres sa mort ; ainsi, sans autre plus grande precaution, le Due d'York se 
 pencha a I'oreille du Roi son frere, apres avoir ordonneque personne n'ap- 
 prochat : j'etois dans la chambre, et plus de vingt personnes a la porte, qui 
 etoit ouverte, on n'entendoit pas ce que disoit M. le Due d'York; mais 
 le Roy d'Angleterre disoit de tems en tems fort haut, Oui, de tout mon 
 caur; il faisoit quelque fois repeter M. le Due d'York ce qu'il disoit, 
 parcequ'il n'entendoit pas aisement ; cela dura pres d'un quart d'heure ; 
 M. le Due d'York sortit encore comme pour aller chez la Reine, et me 
 dit; *' Le Roy consent que je lui fasse venir un prestre ; je n'ose faire venir 
 aucun de ceux de la Duchesse, ils sont trop connus; envoyez en chercher 
 un vistement." Je lui dis, que je le ferois de toiut mon coeur, mais que je 
 croiois que Ton perdroit trop de tems, et que je venois de voir tons les 
 pretres de la Reine dans un cabinet proche de sa chambre. II me dit, 
 Vous avez raison ; il appergut en meme tems le Comte de Gastelmelhor, 
 qui embrassa avec chaleur la proposition que je lui fis, et se chargea de 
 parler a la Reine; il revint a I'instant; et me dit, *' Quand je hazarderois 
 laia tete en cecy, je le ferois avec joie, cependant je ne S9ais aucun- pretre 
 
xiv APPENDIX. 
 
 de la Reine qui entende I'Anglois, et qui le parle." Sur cela nous re- 
 solumes d'envoyer chez le Resident de Venise chercher un pretre Anglois ; 
 mais parceque le tems pressoit, le Comte de Castelmelhor alia ou etoient 
 les pretres de la Reine, et y trouva parmi eux un pretre Ecossois, nomme 
 Hudelston, qui sauva le Roi d'Angleterre apres la bataille de Vorchester, 
 et qui a ete excepte par acte du parlement de toutes les loix faites contra 
 les Catholiques, et contre les pretres ; on lui donna une peruque et une 
 casaque pour le deguiser, et le Comte de Castelmelhor le conduisit a la 
 porte d'un appartement qui repond par un petit degre a la chambre du 
 Roy ; M. le Due d'York, que j'avois averti que tout etoit prest, envoya 
 ChifEns recevoir et conduire le Sieur Hudelston : ensuite il dit tout haut, 
 " Messieurs, le Roy veut que tout le monde se retire a la reserve du Comte 
 de Baths, et du Comte de Feversham." L'un est le premier des gentils- 
 hommes de la chambre, et le second etoit en semaine et servolt actuelle- 
 ment. Les medecins entrerent dans un cabinet dont on ferma la porte; et 
 ChifEn amena le Sieur Hudelston.: M. le Due d'York, en le lui presen- 
 tant, lui dit, " Sire, voici un homme qui vous a sauve la vie, et qui vient a 
 cette heure pour sauver votre ame." Le Roy repondit, qu'il soit le bien 
 venu ; ensuite il se confessa avec de grands sentimens de devotion et de 
 repentir. Le Comte de Castelmelhor avoit pris soin de faire instruire Hudels- 
 ton par un religieux Portugais Carme dechausse, de ce qu'il avoit a dire au 
 Roi en une telle occasion, parceque de lui-meme ce n'etoit pas un grand doc- 
 teur : mais M. le Due d'York m'a dit qu'il s'acquitta fort bien de sa fonction, 
 et qu'il fit formellement promettre au Roi d'Angleterre, de se declarer 
 ouvertement Catholique s'il revenoit en sante: ensuite il recut 1' absolution, 
 communia, et re^ut meme 1' extreme onction. Tout cela dura environ trois 
 quarts d'heure. Chacun se regardoit dans I'antichambre, et personnene se 
 disoit rien que des yeux et i. I'oreille. La presence de Milord Baths et de 
 Milord Feversham, qui sont Protestans, a un peu rassure les evesques ; ce- 
 pendant les femmes de la Reine, et les autres pretres, ont vu tant d'allees et 
 de venues, que je ne pense pas que le secret puisse etre longtems garde. 
 
 Depuis que le Roi d'Angleterre eut communie, il y eut un leger amende- 
 ment a son mal. II est constant qu'il parloit plus intelligiblement, et qu'il 
 avoit plus de force ; nous esperions deja que Dieu avoit voulu faire un 
 
APPENDIX. xr 
 
 miracle en le guerissant; maislesmedecinsjugerentquelemaln'etoit point 
 diminue, et que le Roy ne passeroit pas la nuit: cependant il paroissoit 
 beaucoup plus tranquille, et parloit avec plus de sens et de connoissance 
 qu'il n'avoit encore fait, depuis dix heures du soir jusqu'a huit heures du 
 matin. II parla plusieurs fois tout haut a M. le Due d'York avec des 
 termes pleins de tendresse et d'amitie ; il lui recommanda deux fois Madame 
 de Portsmouth et le Due de Richemont ; il lui recommanda aussi tons ses 
 autres enfans ; il ne fit aucune mention de M. le Due de Monmouth, ni en 
 bien ni en mal : il temoignoit souvent sa confiance en la misericorde de 
 Dieu. L*evesque de Baths et de Vels, qui etoit son predicateur, faisoit 
 quelques prieres, et lui parloit de Dieu ; le Roy d' Angleterre marquoit de 
 la tete qu'il I'entendoit: cet evesque ne s'ingera pas de lui dire rien de 
 particulier, ni de lui proposer de faire une profession de foi ; il apprehen- 
 dolt un refus, et craignoit encore plus, a ce que je crois, d'irriter M. le 
 Due d'York. 
 
 Le Roy d' Angleterre conserva toute la nuit une entiere connoissance, et 
 parla de toutes choses avec un grand calme ; il demanda a six heures, 
 qu'elleheure il etoit, et dit, Faites ouvrir les rideaux afin que je voye en- 
 core le jour; il souflroit de grandes douleurs, et on le saigna a sept heures 
 dans I'opinion que cela adouciroit ses douleurs ; il commenga a huit heures 
 et demie a ne plus parler que tres-difficilement ; et sur les dix heures, il 
 n'avoit plus aucune connoissance ; il mourut a midi sans aucun effort ni 
 convulsion. Le nouveau Roi se retira a son apartement, et fut reconnu 
 unanimement, et ensuite proclame. 
 
 J'ai cru devoir rendre un compte exacte a voire Majeste du detail de ce 
 qui s'est passe dans cette occasion, et je m'estime bien heureux que Dieu 
 m'ait fait la grace d'y avoir quelque part. Je suis, Sec. 
 
 M. Barillon au Roi. 
 
 19 Fevrier, 1685. 
 
 J'lNFOjiMAi votre Majeste, le seizieme hierau soir, par un courier expres, 
 de la mort du Roy d' Angleterre, et que le Due d'York avoit ete reconnu 
 et proclame Roi sans aucun trouble ni opposition. Le nouveau Roi d'An- 
 
xvi APPENDIX. 
 
 gleterre alia dans la chambre du conseil, un quart d'heure apres la mort 
 du Roi son frere. he Garde des Sccaux d'Angleterre, le Garde du Sceau 
 Prive, et les deux Secretaires d'Elat lui remirent les sceaux, qu'il leur 
 rendit a I'instant, et dit qu'il etablissoit le conseil des mesmes personnes, 
 dont il avoit ete compose. lis preterent tous un nouveau serment; ensuite, 
 sa Majeste Britannique leur dit en peu de mots, que la douleur de la perte 
 d'un frere, et d'un Roi, pour qui il avoit autant de respect et d'amitie, ne 
 lui permettoit pas de leur faire un long discours ; mais, qu'il se croyoit 
 oblige de leur declarer d'abord, qu'il ne se serviroit du pouvoir que Dieu lui 
 avoit donne que pour le maintien des loix d'Angleterre, et qu'il ne feroit 
 rien, contre la surete et la conservation de la religion Protestante ; qu'il 
 apporteroit tous ses soins, pour remplir les devoirs d'un bon roi a I'egard 
 de ses sujets, et de ses peuples; et qu'il s'attendoit aussi que ses sujets 
 demeureroient dans Tobeissance et la fidelite qu'ils Ini doivent par les loix 
 divines et humaines. Milord Rochester prit la parole, et demanda a sa 
 Majeste Britannique, s'il ne lui plaisoit pas que Ton publiat une Declaration 
 de ce qu'il lui avoit plu de dire. Cela fut resolu, et la Declaration sera 
 imprimee. On donna ensuite les ordres pour la proclamation, et le 
 conseil se leva pour aller en corps, saluer la Reine regnante ; et ensuite 
 la Reine Douairiere. 
 
 De la tout le conseil alia faire faire la publication en plusieurs endroits 
 de la ville de Londres, ou le Maire se trouva aussi. Les Pairs d'Angleterre 
 qui se trouverent presens, suivirent le conseil. II y avoit quelques 
 troupes a cheval, qui precedoient, et des compagnies d'infanterie postees 
 en divers endroits, pour reprimer le tumulte et le desordre, s'il en fut 
 arrive. Le peuple fit des acclamations ordinaires en pareil cas. II y 
 avoit des gens preposes pour distribuer du vin, et boire a la sante da Roi 
 Jacques Second. 
 
 11 n'y a eu encore aucun changement dans les charges. Le Roi d'An- 
 gleterre a cru d'abord devoir laisser les choses comme elles sent, on n'a 
 meme encore rien change au conseil du cabinet, mais il ne se tient que pour 
 la forme, et le Roi d'Angleterre a des conferences secrettes avec Milord 
 Sunderland, Milord Rochester, et Milord Godolphin, oii les choses les 
 plus importantes se resolvent. Milord Rochester a plus de part qu'aucun 
 
APPENDIX. xvii 
 
 autre a sa confiance. II ne songe plus a aller en Irlande ; on croit que ce 
 sera, ou le Comte de Clarendon ou le Due de Beaufort. Le Due d'Ormond 
 pourra bien y demeurer encore quelque temps. 
 
 Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a dit qu'il envoyera Milord Churchil incessam- 
 ment donner part a Votre Majeste de la mort du Roi son frere, et de son 
 avenement a la couronne, et qu'il I'a choisi comme un homme, qui est deja 
 dans le secret d'une intime liaison avec V. M. II est gentilhomme de sa 
 chambre, et cet envoy le regardoit naturellement, n'envoyant point le 
 Comte de Peterborough, qui est le premier gentilhomme de la chambre. 
 
 Sa Majeste Britannique alia voir Madame de Portsmouth, une heure 
 apres etre proclame, et lui donna beaucoup d'assurances de sa protection, 
 et de son amitie. Milord Godolfin, etles autres commissaires des finances, 
 demeurent dans leur fonction, mais on croit, que dans quelque temps 
 Milord Rochester sera Grand Tresorier, et qu'il a juge lui-meme, plus 
 a-propos, de laisser etablir les affaires avant que d'avoir ouvertement I'ad- 
 ministration des finances. Milord Sunderland a aussi beaucoup de part a 
 la confiance du Roi d'Angleterre ; il m'en a parle avec beaucoup d'esLime, 
 et comme le croyant fort propre k le servir dans les desseins qu'il a. Sa 
 Majeste Britannique a pris soin avant et depuis la mort du Roi sun fiere, 
 d'etablir une liaison etroite entre Milord Rochester et Milord Sunderland. 
 Leur amitie s'etoit un peu refroidie dans les derniers temps: Milord Sun- 
 derland, Madame de Portsmouth, et Milord Godolfin possedoient seuls 
 toute I'autorite aupres du feu Roi d'Angleterre, Milord Rochester, qui le 
 connoissoit, avoit desire d'aller en Irlaiide, a quoi les autres Tavoient servi, 
 pour lui procurer un exil honorable. M. le Due de York souffroit avec 
 peine la diminution du credit de Milord Rochester, croyant que cela 
 retournoit sur lui. J'ai ete souvent employe a adoucir ce qui se passoit. 
 
 Milord Churchil est informe de tout a fond, et pourra, si V. M. I'a 
 agreahle, lui dire beaucoup de choses, qu'il est impossible d'expliquer 
 par des lettres. EUes ne sont pas a cette heure fort importantes, si ce 
 n'est pour faire mieux cpnnoitre I'etat du dedans de la cour d'Angleterre, 
 presenteraent. Milord Churchil a beaucoup de part aux bonnes graces 
 de son maitre, et le choix qu'il a fait de lui pour I'envoy^r a V. M. en est 
 une marque. Je viens a gette heure a ce qu'il y a de plus important, 
 
 c 
 
xviii APPENDIX. 
 
 Les revenus du Roi d'Angleterre tombent pour la plus grande partie 
 par la mort du Roi son frere. II est persuade que le gouvernement ne se 
 peut soutenir avec ce qui lui reste de revenu, qui ne monteroit au plus 
 qu'a sept cens mille livres sterlin. 
 
 II me fit hier au soir entrer dans son cabinet, et apres m'avoir parle de 
 diverses choses du dedans qui ne sont pas de grande importance, il me dit, 
 Vous allez peutetre etre surpris, mais j'espere que vous vous serez de mon 
 avis quand je vous aurai dit mes raisons. J'ai resolu de convoquer inces- 
 samment un parlemenl, et de I'assembler au mois de Mai. Je publierai 
 en meme tems une declaration pour me maintenir dans la jouissance des 
 memes revenus qu'avoit le Roy mon frere. Sans cette proclamation pour 
 un parlement, je hazarderois trop de m'emparer d'abord de ce qui s'est 
 etabli pendant la vie du feu Roy ; c'est un coup decisif pour moi d'entrer 
 en possession et en jouissance ; car dans la suite, il me sera bienplus facile 
 ou d'eloigner le parlement, ou de me maintenir par des autres voyes qui 
 me paroitroient bien plus convenables. Beaucoup de gens diront que 
 je me determine trop promptement a convoquer un parlement; mais si 
 j'attendois d'avantage, j*en perdrois tout le merite. Je connois les Anglois ; 
 il ne faut pas leur temoigner de crainte dans les commencemens ; les gens 
 mal-intentionnes auroient forme des cabales pour demander un parlement, 
 et se seroient attire la faveur de la nation dont ils auroient abuse dans la 
 suite ; je S9ai bien que je trouverai encore des difficultes a surmonter ; mais 
 j'en viendrai a bout, et me mettrai en etat de reconnoitre les obligations in- 
 finies que j'ai au Roy votre maitre. 
 
 Je connois en quels embarras le feu Roy mon frere s'est jette quand il 
 s'est laisse ebranler a I'egard de la France : j'empecherai bien qu'un parle- 
 ment ne se mele des affaires etrangeres ; et je le separerai des que je verrai 
 qu'ils feront paroitre aucune mauvaise volonte. 
 
 C'est a vous a expliquer au Roi votre maitre ce que je vous dis, afin 
 qu'il ne trouve pas a redire que j'aie pris si promptement une resolution si 
 importante, et sans le consulter, comme je le dois et le veux faire en tout ; 
 mais j'aurois gate extremement mes affaires, si j'avois differe seulement de 
 huit jours, car je serois demeure prive des revenus que je conserve ; et la 
 moindre opposition, de la part de ceux qui auroient refuse de payer les 
 
APPENDIX. xix 
 
 droits, m'auroit engage a les lever par force, au lieu que je pretendrai 
 avoir la loy pour moi presentement ; et 11 me sera fort aise de reduire ceux 
 qui voudront s'opposer a ce que je fais. 
 
 Le Roy d'Angleterre a ajoute a eela toutes sortesde protestations de re- 
 connoissance et d'attachement pour votre Majeste ; il me dit que sans son 
 appui et sa protection, il ne pouvoit rien entreprendre de ce qu'il avoit 
 dans I'esprit en faveur des Catholiques ; qu'il savoit assez, qu'il ne seroit 
 jamais en surete que la liberte de conscience pour eux ne fut entierement 
 ctablie en Angleterre ; que c'est a cela a quoi il travaillera avec une entiere 
 appliquation des qu'il y verra de la possibilite ; que j'avois vu avec quelle 
 facilite il avoit ete reconnu et proclame Roy ; que le reste arrivera de la 
 meme maniere en se conduisant avec fermete et sagesse. 
 
 Je dis a sa Majeste Britannique que je ne prendrois pas le parti de re- 
 pondre sur le champ a ce qu'il me faisoit I'honneur de me dire ; que je ne 
 pouvois jamais douter de la sincerite de ses sentimens a I'egard de votre Ma- 
 jeste ; et que je le croiois trop habile et trop sage pour rien faire qui put 
 alterer une liaison fondee sur tant d'experience et de raison ; que je rendrois 
 compte a votre Majeste de ce qu'il m'avoit dit ; et que quand j'y aurois 
 pense, je lui dirois librement mes sentiments, qui nedevoient etre d'aucun 
 poids jusques a ce que je parlasse de la part de votre Majeste ; que je lui 
 dirois cependant de moi-meme, et sans y penser d'avantage, que votre Ma- 
 jeste est en un tel etat qu'elle n'a rien a desirer pour I'augmentation de sa 
 puissance et dc sa grandeur : qu'elle a donne des bornes a ses conquetes 
 dans le tems qu'elle auroit pu facilement les augmenter; que son amitie 
 pour le feu Roi d'Angleterre et pour lui a qui j'avois I'honneur de parler, 
 I'avoit engage a soutenir leurs interets et ceux de la Royaute en ce pays- 
 cy ; que Dieu avoit beni les desseins de votre Majeste par tout ; et que 
 j'etois assure qu'elle auroit une joie sensible de son elevation au gouvernment 
 de trols royaumes ; que je ne doutois point que sa conduite ne fut toujours 
 conforme a ce qu'il devoit a sa reputation, et a ses veritables interets, qui 
 seront de conserver I'amitie de votre Majeste ; et qu'il est juste de se rap- 
 porter de ses affaires pour le dedans a ce qu'il en jugera lui-meme. Je n'ai 
 pas cru. Sire, devoir combattre, sans y avoir pense murcment, une resolu- 
 tion deja prise, et que mes raisons n'auroient pas fait changer: j'ai meme 
 
XX APPENDIX. 
 
 estime qu'il etoit de la dignlte de votre Majeste que je ne parusse pas in- 
 timide d'une assemblee de parlement, pour les seuls interets de votre Ma- 
 jeste, quand leRoy d'Angleterre temoigne n'en rien apprehender. 
 
 Milord Rochester m'est venu trouver ce matin de la part de sa Majeste Bri- 
 tannique, pour m'expliquer plus au long les motifs de la convocation d'un 
 parlement; il a ajoute a tout ce que leRoi d'Angleterre m'avoit dit, que s'il 
 n'avoit prevenu les requetes qu'on lui alloit faire, le Garde des Sceaux et le 
 Marquis d'Halifax n'auroient pas manque de le presser d'assembler un parle- 
 ment ; qu'il avoit voulu les prevenir, et faire connoitre que ce qu'il fait, vient 
 de son pur mouvement ; que I'avantage present qu'il tire de cette declaration, 
 estde se mettre en possession du revenu qu'avoit le feu Roy d'Angleterre, 
 aussi bien que de sa couronne; qu'il auroit ete trop a charge a votre Ma- 
 jeste s'il avoit ete oblig^ de lui demander des secours aussi considerables 
 que ceux dontil auroit cu besoin; que ce qu'il fait ne I'exempte pasd'avoir 
 recours a votre Majeste ; et qu'il espere qu'elle voudra bien dans les com- 
 mencemens de son regne I'aider a en soutenir le poids ; que cette nouvelle 
 obligation, jointe a tant d'autres, I'engagera encore d'avantage a ne se pas 
 departir du chemin, qu'il a cru que le feu Roy son frere devoit tenir a 
 I'egaid de votre Majeste ; que ce sera le moyen de le laire independent du 
 parlement, et de se mettre en etat de se soutenir sans parlement, si on lui 
 refuse la continuation des revenus dont le feu Roi jouissoit. 
 . Milord Rochester n'u obmis aucune des raisons qu'il a cru propres a me 
 convaincre, que votre Majeste n'hazarde rien ensecourant presenlement le 
 Roi d'Angleterre d'une somme considerable ; que c'est soutenir son ouvrage, 
 et le mettre en etat de ne se jamais dementir ; que pour lui, il n'a point 
 change de sentimens, et que son opinion etoit que le Roi son maitre ne se 
 pent bien soutenir sans I'aide et le secours de votre Majeste : que ce seroit 
 le laisser a la merci de son peuple, et en etat d'etre mine, si votre Majeste 
 ne lui donnoit pas de nouvelles marques de son auiitie dans une occasion si 
 decisive ; et que de ce commencement dependoit tout le bonheur de son 
 maitre. 
 
 Jcdis a Milord Rochester, qu'il s'etoit passe tant de choses considerables, 
 et imprevues, depuis quelques jours, qu'il seroit imprudent a un etranger 
 comme moi de vouloir former des jugemens sur ce qui est a faire dans la 
 
APPENDIX. xxi 
 
 conjoncture presente ; que le mot de parlement ne me faisoit point de 
 peur, que je savois, par experience, qu'ils n'avoient de force qu'autant que 
 leur en donnoit uue cabale de cour, et une intelligence avec les ministres; 
 que je connoissois la difference du temps passe, a celui-ci, et avec quelle 
 fermete le nouveau Roi d'Angleterre seroit porte par son naturel a con- 
 duire les affaires ; que je voyois bien qu'il est dans une conjoncture deli- 
 cate et fort perilleuse ; que je ne pouvois cependant qu'approuver la 
 resolution prise de se maintenir dans la possession de tout le revenu du 
 Roi d'Angleterre; que la convocation d'un parlement donneroit beauconp 
 d'esperance aux anciens ennemis de M. le Due d'York et de la royaute, 
 qu'ils employeroient toute sorte d'artifice pour le jetter dans des embarras, 
 dont il ne se pourroit tirer ; qu'on ne lui accorderoit rien qu'a des condi- 
 tions fort dures, et qu'il seroit alors egalement perilleux de les accorder, 
 ou de les refuser ; que, cependant, je ne manquerois pas de rendre compte 
 a V. M. de I'etat des affaires, et de ce qui m'a ete dit sur le besoin present 
 d'un secours considerable ; qu'autrefois une pareille demande auroit paru 
 incompatible, avec le dessein d'assenibler un parlement : que V. M. etoit 
 prevenue de beaucoup d'estime et de confiance pour le Roi d'Angleterre ; 
 que j'avois ete assez heureux pour executer avec quelque succes les ordres 
 que j'avois regus de V. M. sur son sujet; qu'il en etoit meilleur temoin que 
 personne, puisque c'etoit avec lui que j'avois traite pour la conservation 
 du droit de M. le Due d'York a la couronne, et pour son retour d'Ecosse, et 
 pour son retablissement dans les conseils, et dans la fonction de I'amiraute; 
 que j'etois fort aise de traiter presentement avec un ministre aussi accredite 
 quil etoit aupres d'un grand Roi, dont il a I'honneur d'etre beau-frcre, et 
 que la conduite qu'il a tenue avec moi pendant qu'il avoit la direction des 
 finances, avoit donne beaucoup d'estime pour lui a V. M. 
 
 II repondit a cela en des termes pleins de respect, et me dit, Me voila 
 encore employe a vous demander de I'argent. Je ne le ferois pas si har- 
 diraent, si je ne croyois, que ce sera de I'argent bien employe, et que le 
 Roi votre maitre n'en sauroit faire un meilleur usage ; soyez assure que 
 vos ennemis, et ceux du Roi mon maitre seroient fort aises que Ton ne lit 
 rien de considerable en France pour lui en une occasion comme celle-ci. 
 Representez bien au Roi votre maitre la consequence de mettre le mien en 
 
xxii APPENDIX. 
 
 etat de n' avoir besoln que de son amitie, et de ne pas dependre de ses sujets, 
 ensorte qu'iis puissent lui donner la loi. 
 
 Voila, Sire, le recit exact de ce qui s'est passe ici jusqu'a aujourdhui. 
 Je ne serai pas assez hardi pour former des jugemens certains surl'avenir. 
 I'Angleterre est sujette a trop de revolutions, et a de trop grands change- 
 ments, pourpouvoir predire ce qui arrivera. II me paroit, par tout ce que 
 je puis penetrer, que les factieux n'ont pas abandonne lenr desseins, et que 
 les esprits ne sont pas revenus de leur aversion pour la Religion Catholique. 
 Ceux qui ont offense M. leDuc d'York, et qui I'ont voulu perdre, croient, 
 qu'il s'en souviendra toujours, et qu'il ne leur pardonnera pas ; cependant 
 tout paroit calme, et c'est un grand avantage pour sa Majeste Britannique. 
 que d'entrer paisiblement en possession de sa couronne, et des revenus, 
 qui sont necessaires pour la soutenir, L'utilite presente qu'on pent tirer 
 de la convocation d'un parlement, c'est que cela contiendra ceux memes 
 qui ont des desseins de brouiller, parcequ'ils croiront en avoir un pretexte 
 plus plausible quand le parlement sera assemble. Si j'ose dire mon avis 
 a V. M. je crois qu'elle commencera par des temoignages d'amitie et de 
 confiance au Roi d'Angleterre. 
 
 J'attens de jour a autre une lettre de change de 50,000 livres, qui, jointe i 
 une autre de pareille somme, qui est deja ici, me mettra en etat defaire un paye- 
 mentde cent mille francs: je ne le ferai pourtant point sans un ordre expres, 
 et je ferai en sorte qu'on approuvera ici que je ne me dispense pas des regies 
 dans un temps auquel rien ne paroit qui puisse troubler le Roi d'Angleterre. 
 
 Je me donnerai I'honneur par le premier ordinaire de rendre compte a V. 
 M. de I'effet qu'aura produit le bruit de la convocation d'un parlement. 
 J'essayerai de penetrer les desseins des ministres, et les divers motifs de 
 chacun d'eux. lis ont ete bien aises d'avoir seuls part a la resolution 
 d'assembler un parlement, mais I'entreprise de se saisir des douanes et des 
 revenus de I'excise, qui devroient finir par la mort du feu Roi d'Angleterre, 
 causera une grande rumeur, et fera juger aux plus senses, que le Roi d'An- 
 gleterre veut plaider les mains garnies. Je n'obmeltrai aucun soin pour 
 etre bien informe de tout, afin que V. M. me commande ce qui sera de 
 son service. Si elle juge a-propos, de faire promptement passer ici une 
 somme considerable, je ne donnerai pas d'avantage pour cela, et ne ferai 
 
APPENDIX. xxili 
 
 rien de mon chef, a moins que je ne visse une rebellion formee, et qu'il 
 futd'une absoluenecessite defournir un prompt secours auRoi d'Angleterre. 
 II est, autant que je le puis juger, fort important que V. M. veuillebien 
 approuver des facilites sur I'affaire de Tordonnance, qui defend aux vais- 
 seaux Anglois de transporter des marchandises des Genois, Je ferai le 
 meilleur usage qu'il me sera possible des ordres, que j'attens de V. M. 
 sur cela. La depeche du 9e. Fevrier de M. le Marquis de Croissy a deja, 
 produit un tres-bon effet. Si les ordres que je recevrai ne sont pas suf. 
 fisans pour accommoder I'afTaire a I'entiere satisfaction de sa Majeste Bri- 
 tanniquc, j'attendrai que V. M. ait ete informee de toutce qui est arrive, et 
 je trouverai bien moyen de gagner du temps, jusqu'a ce que j'aye regu 
 de nouveaux ordres. V. M. juge assez, qu'il est de consequence que le. regne 
 du Roi d'Angleterre ne commence pas par une mesintelligence entre V. M. 
 et lui. Le fonds de I'affaire ne subsiste plus, puisque les Genois se sont 
 soumis a tout ce qui V. M. leur a prescrit. 
 
 Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a dit ce soir, Je vous ay envoye Milord Rochester, 
 et je n'ai point fait de diflBcult6 d'exposer au Roi votre maitre le besoin 
 que j'ai de son assistance; vous savez en quel etat je me trouve, et combien 
 la conjoncture est importante pour moi. II m'a dit ensuite, que par les 
 dernieres lettres de Bruxelles, on y attendoit M. le Due de Monmouth, et 
 que I'ambassadeur d'Espagne lui avoit demande ce matin de quelle ma- 
 niere il desiroit qu'on traitat avec M. le Due de Monmouth; qu'il lui avoit 
 repondu, que tout le monde savoit la conduite qu'a tenue M. le Due de 
 Monmouth a son egard, et que ce n'etoit pas a lui a rien conseiller sur ce 
 que le Roi d'Espagne, ou ses ministres, croient devoir faire ; qu'ils avoient 
 leurs ordres, ou qu'ils en recevroient de nouveaux, et que c'etoit a eux de 
 juger ce qui convient au service, et a la dignite de leur maitre. On a 
 arreste a Douvres un domestique fort confident de M. le Due de Mon- 
 mouth, qui s'appelle Jean Guibring ; il venoit de Flandres : il en etoit 
 parti avant la maladie du feu Roi d'Angleterre ; on croit pourtant de- 
 couvrir quelque chose par lui. Le Roy d'Angleterre m'a charge ce soir d'une 
 lettre de sa main pour V. M. 
 
 Je suis avec le profond respect que je dois, 8cc. 
 
 19 Fevrier, 1685. BARILLON. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Le Roi a M. Barillon. 
 
 20 Fevrier, 1685. 
 
 JVloNsiEUR Barillon, vos deux lettres des 12, 17, ib. de ce mois m'ont 
 etes rendues par le courier que vous m'avez depeche, et j'ay appris avec 
 etonnement et un deplaisir bien sensible la mort si subite du Roi d'Angle- 
 terre ; ce n'a pas ete neanmoins une petite consolation pour moi, d'etre in- 
 forme par ces memes lettres, de toutes les graces que Dieu a faites ace prince 
 sur la fin de ses jours, et du bonheur qu'il a eu d'en profiter si dignement. 
 
 [On tiendra cependant fort secret de ma part toiU ce que sest passe dans ses 
 derniers moments J] 
 
 Je vous addresse la lettre que j'ecris de ma main au Roi son frere, et 
 vous ne sauriez trop lui exprimer en la lui rendant de'ma part, combien 
 je ra'interesse a tout ce qui le louche, et le plaisir que je me ferai tousjours 
 de procurer ses avantages et sa satisfaction. 
 
 Observez bien quelle est la disposition presente des esprits tantala cour, 
 oil vous etes, que dans la ville de Londres, et a la campagne ; quel mouve- 
 ment se donnent les cabales opposees a I'autorite royale, et a la Religion 
 Catholique ; quelles sont les intrigues du Prince d'Orange et du Due de 
 Monmouth ; qui en sont les principaux promoteurs ; si leurs factions sont 
 puissantes; quelles mesures prend le Due d'York. 
 
 [Quelle peut etre la force du party Catholique en Angleterre.] 
 
 Sur le fait de la religion, s'il pretend faire une proclamation, qui donne 
 le libre exercise a chaque religion, et par consequent aux Catholiques? 
 S'il ne fera pas mettre en liberte les Seigneurs Catholiques detenus dans la 
 Tour; a qui le dit Roi distribuera les principales charges; quelles mesures 
 il prend pour s'assurer des ports de mer,et places les plusimportantes; s'il 
 peut se confieraux troupes entretenues aux depcns de la couronne ; si les 
 principaux commandans sont fort attaches a ses interets; qui sont ceux dont 
 il se doit deficr, ou sur qui il peut faire un fondcur certain? 
 
 [Qiiel changement ilfait parmi les ojfficiers des diles troupes; quel est lefonds, 
 quil a pour les entretenir.] 
 
 Ainsi appliquez vous a etre parfaitement informe, et a me rendre un 
 
APPENDIX. XXV 
 
 compte exact de tous les moyem, qu'a le dit Roi de malntenir son autorite, 
 et de tout ce qu'il doit apprehender, ensorte que je puisse etre bien averti, 
 et je formerai mes resolutions sur vos avis. 
 
 Comme je suis tres-satisfait de la conduite que le Comte de Sunderland 
 a tenue, depuis qu'il est rentre dans I'administration des affaires, vous devez 
 lui rendre aupres du Roi d' Angleterre tous les bons oflSces qui dependront 
 de vous, et meme faire connoitre, si vous le jugez necessaire, que sa con- 
 servation me sera tres-agreable. Vous pouvez aussi assurer la Duchesse 
 de Portsmouth de la continuation de ma protection. 
 
 Je viens de donner ordre qu'on vous fasse remettre presentement par 
 lettres de change jusqu'alasomme de cinq cens mille livres, afin que vous 
 puissiez assister le Roi d' Angleterre, selon les plus pressants besoins qu'il 
 en pourra avoir dans le commencement de son gouvernement, m'assurant 
 que vous vous conduirez en cela, avec toute la prudence necessaire pour 
 rendre ce secours le plus utile qu'il le pourra, au bien de ses affaires, et le 
 lui faire considerer comme une preuve la plus essentielle de mon amitie, 
 qui va au-devant de ce qui lui peut etre necessaire dans la conjoncture 
 presente. 
 
 Je ne doute pas, qu'il ne soit assez porte, par son propre interet, a 
 empecher que le Prince d'Orange, ou le Due de Monmouth, ne passent 
 en Angleterre ; mais si, contre mon opinion, il vous paroissoit dispose a y 
 consentir, vous ne sauriez trop lui representer, combien il lui importe de 
 prendre de bonnes mesures, pour empecher qu'ils ne puissent y aborder, 
 et se joindre aux cabales opposees a I'affermissement de son autorite. En 
 un mot, les desseins du Prince d'Orange non seulement sont incompa- 
 tibles avec la surete de sa personne et de son etat, mais aussi avec les 
 liaisons qui peuvent s'entretenir avec les Rois de France et d'An- 
 gleterre. 
 
 Je recois encore presentement par la voye de Londres, vos lettres de 
 12, 14, et 15 '. qui m'informent principalement descirconstances de la ma- 
 iadie et de la mort du feu Roi d'Angleterre ; et comtae dies me; font voir 
 aussi que la fermeture des ports n'avoit ete ordonnee qu'afin d'empecher 
 que le Prince d'Orange ou le Due de Monmouth ne prissent pr^texte de la 
 maladie du feu Roi pour passer en Angleterre, je ne doute.- pas quele Roi 
 
 d 
 
xxvi APPENDIX. 
 
 a present regnant ne prenne encore plus de soin, a empecher qu'aucun 
 d'eux n'y aille susciter de nouveaux troubles centre son gouvernement; et 
 il ne pourroit point se relacher sur cette precaution sans se faire un preju- 
 dice considerable, et s'exposer a de grands perils. 
 
 Dans I'etat present des aflfaires d'Angleterre, je n'ay pas cru pouvoir 
 charger Milord d'Aran d'une lettre pour le Roi, d'autant plus, que celle 
 que je lui ay ccrite sur notre aflBiction commune, et sur son avenement a la 
 couronne, etoit meme contre F usage, et que ce n'etoit que par un pur motif 
 d'amitie,que j'ay passe par-dessusles regies, qui m'auroient oblige d'attendre 
 qu'on m'auroit fait part de ce changement ; c'est pourquoi je desire, que 
 vous informiez le Roi de la raison pour la quelle je n'ai pas donne des 
 lettres au Milord ; et qu'au surplus vous lui rendiez tous les bons oflBces 
 que vous pourrez, pour lui procurer aupres du nouveau Roi tous les avan- 
 tages qui lui peuvent convenir, le regardant comme une personne qui a 
 tousjours fait paroitre tout I'attachement pour le service du Roi, que lui 
 pouvoit permettre le zele qu'il avoit pour le feu Roi d'Angleterre, et qu'il 
 continuera d'avoir pour le Roi d'a-present. 
 
 Je ne reponds point aux articles de votre lettre qui regardent les plaintes 
 que font les Anglois au sujet de quelques vaisseaux de cette nation qui ont 
 etepris et amenes a Toulon; car je m'assure que les ordres que j'ai donnes 
 pour les faire relacher, et tout ce que je vous ai ecrit, aura pleinement 
 satisfait le Roi d'Angleterre, et fait cesser tout sujet de plainte de ses sujets. 
 
 Le Roi a M. Barillon. 
 
 26 Fevrier, I685. 
 
 iVloNSiEUR Barillon, votre second courier m'a rendu vos lettres des 
 18 et 19* de ce mois, dont la premiere m'informe exactement de tout ce 
 qui s'est passe de plus considerable pendant les quatres jours de la maladie 
 du feu Roi d'Angleterre, et I'autre, de la resolution qu'a prise le Roi 
 d'a-pr6sent de convoquer un nouveau parlement, et de I'assembler dans le 
 mois de Mars prochain. Je n'avois rien a desirer sur le premier point, a 
 quoi vous n'ayez pleinement satisfait ; je vous dirai aussi, qu'apres avoir 
 
APPENDIX. xxvii 
 
 donne des marques particulieres au Roi d'Angleteire, de la part que je 
 prenois a sa douleur, je I'ai temoigne aussi publiquement, en faisant cesser 
 d'abord dans ma cour les divertissements de bal et d'opera, et en prenant 
 ensuite le deuil, que j'ai resolu de porter aussi long- terns que le feu Roi 
 I'a garde pour la mort de la feue Reine mon epouse. 
 
 Vous avez vu par ma depeche du 20' de ce mois, que j'ai prevenu 
 la demande qui vous a ete faite par le Roi d' Angleterre d'un secours 
 d'argent, et que vous etes presentement en etat de le faire au-dela de ce 
 qu'il pouvoit esperer. J'approuve aussi la resolution qu'il a prise de convo- 
 quer un nouveau parlement, pour I'assembler au mois de Mars, et les rai- 
 sons sur lesquelles il se fonde me persuadent qu'il ne pouvoit pas prendre, 
 un meilleur parti, ayant d'ailleurs trop bonne opinion des sa sagesse, pour 
 douter qu'il puisse rien arriver qui soit capable de le detacher des liaisons 
 qu'il a prises avec moi. 
 
 Comme le Sieur D'Avaux m'ecrit que le Due de Monmouth est parti 
 de la Haye la nuit du 20". fort secretement, pour passer en Angleterre, je 
 m'assure que j'apprendrai par vos premieres lettres quelles mesures aura 
 prises la Cour ou vous etes pour s'opposer aux desseins que pent avoir ce 
 Due, et que vous me pourrez donner en memes temps une partie des 
 eclaircissements que je vous ai demandes par ma depeche du 20% y ayant 
 bien de I'apparence que les cabales du Prince d'Orange et du Due de 
 Monmouth ne demeureront pas sans action dans ce commencement de 
 regne, et qu'il pourroit aussi etre trouble par les differentes sectes, qui 
 ont interet d'empecher I'etablissement de notre religion. 
 
 J'ai fait choix du Marechal de Lorge pour aller faire compliment au 
 Roi d' Angleterre sur son avenement a la couronne, et sur la mort du feu 
 Roy son frere. Je ne puis pas douter que la cour ou vous etes ne soit satis- 
 faite de ce que je vous ai mande par ma depeche du 12', et par la prece- 
 dente, au sujet des vaisseaux Anglois qui font leur commerce avec la ville 
 de Genes, et j'ay donne ordre que le dernier qui a ete envoye a Toulon 
 soit relache, et qu'a I'avenir il n'y en ait aucun qui soit detourne de sa 
 route, ensorte qu'aussitot que mes ordres auront pu etre rendus a ceux 
 qui commandent mes vaisseaux, il n'arrivera plus rien qui puisse donner 
 sujet de plainte aux Anglois. 
 
xxviii APPENDIX. 
 
 Je vous envoye nne lettre pour J a Duchesse de Portsmouth, et vous poit- 
 vez lui confirmer, en la lui rendant, les assurances que je lui donne de ma 
 protection. 
 
 M. Barillon au Roy. 
 
 26 Fevrier, 168 5. 
 
 J E recus avant hier la depeche de votre Majeste du 20 de ces mois, par le 
 retour du courier que j'avois depeche ; j'allai a I'instant trouver le Roi 
 d'Angleterre ; je lui donnai la lettre de la main de votre Majeste, qu'il eut 
 la bonte de me faire lire ; il me parut recevoir avec une entiere sensibilite 
 les temoignages de I'amitie de votre Majeste ; je crus n'en devoir pas faire 
 a deux fois, et ne pas differer a I'informer du soin que votre Majeste avoit 
 eu, d'assembler en si peu de tems des lettres de change pour la somme de 
 cinq cent mille livres, et de me les envoyer afin que j'en puisse faire I'usage 
 qui conviendroit a son service. Ce Prince fut extremement slirpris, et me 
 dit, les larmes aux yeux, " II n'appartient qu'au Roi votre maitre d'agir 
 d'une maniere si noble et si pleine de bonte pour moi ; je vous avoue, que 
 je suis plus sensible a ce qu'il fait en cela, qu' a tout ce qui pent arriver 
 dans la suite de ma vie ; car je vois clairement ie fonds de son coeur, et 
 combien il a envie que mes affaires prosperent ; il a ete au-devant de ce 
 que je pouvois desirer, et a prevenu mes besoins ; je ne saurois jamais re- 
 connoitre assez un tel precede ; temoignez lui ma reconnoissance, et soiez 
 garant de I'attachement qui j'aurai toute ma vie pour lui." 
 
 Je ne saurois, Sire, exprimer quelle joie eut ce Prince de voir une si 
 prompte et si soiide marque de I'amitie de votre Majeste, et la prompti- 
 tude avec la quelle votre Majeste avoit envoye une somme aussi conside- 
 rable. Je lui dis, que pour ne rien derober a ce qu'il devoit a votre Ma- 
 jeste, je lui avouerois franchement, que dans le trouble ou je me trouvois 
 au moment de la mort du feu Roi d'Angleterre, je n'avois songe qu'a de- 
 pecher un courier pour en informer votre Majeste, et que je ne lui avois 
 pas represente combien il importoit de lui envoyer un prompt secours ; 
 que si en cela j'avois fait un manquement, il etoit bien repare par ce que 
 votre Majeste a fait. Le Roy d'Angleterre m'interrompit, et dit, qu'il 
 
APPENDIX, xxix 
 
 ne pouvoit assez admirer la prevoyance de votre Majeste, et le soin de lui 
 donner si promptement une marque si essentielle de son amide ; que votre 
 Majeste n'y seroit point trompee; et qu'il se souviendroit de ce qu'elle fai- 
 soit pour lui afFermir la couronne sur sa tete. 
 
 Des que je fus sorti, il s'enferma avec Milord Rochester, Milord Sun- 
 derland, et Milord Godolfin, et leur conta ce que je lui avois dit de la 
 part de votre Majeste, en des terrnes qui ajoutent encore a ceux dont il 
 s'etoit servi avec moi. lis vinrent I'un apres I'autre me dire a I'oreille que 
 j'avois donne la vie au Roi leur niaitre, et que quoiqu'il se tint assure de 
 Tamitie de votre Majeste, cette derniere preuve, donnee si a-propos, I'obli- 
 geoit au-dela tout de ce qu'on pouvoit croire. 
 
 Je m'attendois bien, que ce que votre Majeste a fait, produiroit un 
 bon efFet, mais je ne croiois pas en recevoir tant de temoignages de recon- 
 noissance, et je vois par la, que peutetre avoit-on voulu inspirer au Roi 
 d'Angleterre quelque crainte que votre Majeste ne feroit pas de grands 
 efforts pour le soutenir. Je dis pourtant cela de moi-meme, car j'ai vu 
 dans tous le discours de sa Majeste Britannique une grande confiance en 
 I'amitie de votre Majeste. 
 
 Je dois lui rendre compte de ce qui s'etoit passe la veille ; j'eus une con- 
 ference avec les trois ministres. Milord Rochester, comme president du 
 conseil, m'expliqua enpeu demots ce qu'ils avoient en charge du Roi leur 
 maitre de me dire, qui se terminoit a representer a votre Majeste le besoin 
 de ses affaires, et combien il lui importoit d'etre secouru dans le com- 
 mencement de son regne. 
 
 Milord Rochester entra ensuite dans la discussion du traite fait avec le 
 feu Roi d'Angleterre; nous convinmes de tout, meme de ce qui restoit 
 pour le parfait payement de trois annees de subside echiies. Milord Ro- 
 chester dit qu'il y avoit eu toujours entre lui et moi un differend sur ce 
 compte, en ce qu'il s'etoit attendu, et avoit cru, que votre Majeste donne- 
 roit deux millions par an, pendant trois ans ; qu'il etoit vrai que j'avois dit 
 de mon cote, que je n' avois jamais eu pouvoir de promettre que quinze 
 cent mille livres pour chacune des deux derniers annees ; que cette difficulte 
 n' avoit pas ete terminee; et que Ton n'avoitpas meme parle de la quatrieme 
 annee, qui est presqu'echUe, parcequ'on ne prevoyoit pas que votre Ma- 
 
XXX APPENDIX. 
 
 jeste eut voulu discontinuer un subside au feu Roy d'Angleterre, dont la 
 conduite en tout etoit si agreable a votre Majeste, et s'etoit si peu dementie 
 en toutes occasions. Je repondis a cela, queje ne prendrois pas le parti de 
 rien contester sur des matieres de fait, a moins qu'elles ne fussent entiere- 
 ment constantes ; que je n'avois pu exceder mes pouvoirs, et que je ne 
 I'avois pas fait; ainsi qu'il n'y avoit qu' a s'en tenir a ce dont nous etions 
 convenus ; et que je ne laisserois pas de representer a votre Majeste tout 
 ce qui s'etoit dit par eux, afin qu'elle vit ce qu'elle jugeroit convenable a 
 son service, et au bien des affaires du Roy d'Angleterre. 
 
 Milord Rochester finit en disant, Nous n'avons jamais eu de contestation, 
 Monsieur I'Ambassadeur et moi ; car comme ce que le Roy son raaitre a 
 fourni, etoit une gratification sans conditions, je u'etois pas en droit de dis- 
 puter sur le plus ou le moins.; je crois pourtant, que ce que nous avons 
 fait ensemble a ete pour le service des deux Roys, et que I'un et 1" autre ne 
 s'en sont pas mal trouves : il ajouta que son sentiment etoit de traiter encore 
 de la meme maniere, et d'etablir une confiance et une liaison pareille a celle 
 qui a deja si bien reussi. Je convins de ce qu'il avoit avance ; j'y ajoutai 
 que quoique le feu Roi d'Angleterre ne se fut pas oblige formellement a 
 renoncer a son traite avec FEspagne il avoit neannioins tenu sur cela la 
 conduite qu'on devoit attendre ; que le Roy d'a-present etoit encore plus 
 libre ; et qu'il n'etoit en aucun fagon du monde oblige a ce traite, de I'exe- 
 cution duquel le Roy son frere avoit juge etre suffisamment dispense. Les 
 trois mlnistres convinrent de ce queje disois, et me dirent, que le Roy leur 
 maitre se tenoit entierement degage de I'obligation, oil etoit entre le feu 
 Roy, quelque legere qu'elle fut, 
 
 Je promis d'ecrire a votre Majeste efficacement pour favoriser la de- 
 mande, que devoit faire Milord Churchil a votre Majeste, d'un secours pre- 
 sent et considerable. Nous eiimes bier une autre conference par ordre de 
 sa Majeste Britannique, mais il ne fiit plus question de rien de ce qui avoit 
 ete traite dans la precedente. Les ministres s'efforcerent, I'un apres I'autre, 
 de me faire entendre, qu'ils ne croioient plus devoir ni capituler ni discuter 
 les interets du Roy leur maitre avec moi ; que votre Majeste les avoit mis 
 en etatde ne rien dire ; etquun procede si franc et si genereux de sa part 
 avoit oblige le Roy leur maitre a leur donner ordre de me temoigner sa re- 
 
APPENDIX. xxxi 
 
 connoissance, et de me prier dela representer a votre Majeste telle qu'il la 
 ressent ; que Milord Churchil n'avoit autre charge que de remercier votre 
 Majeste, et que pour le surplus, on se remettoit a ce que je connoissois de 
 I'etat des affaires pour porter votre Majeste a faire ce qu'il lui plairoit, 
 jugeant que Ton ne devoit rien demander a un Prince qui a prevenu ce 
 qu'on pouvoit attendre de lui. 
 
 Le Roy d'Angleterre me parla hier plusieurs fois, et me dit, qu'il est 
 penetre de reconnoissance, et qu'il se croit en etat de ne rien craindre, etant 
 assure comme il Test de I'amitie de votre Majeste. Je me suis peutetre 
 trop etendu sur tout cela, mais il est, ce me semble, a-propos, que votre 
 Majeste connoisse combien sa Majeste Britannique et ses ministres ont ete 
 sensibles a ce que votre Majeste a fait. Je n'ai point encore donne d'argent ; 
 il faut quelques jours pour I'echeance des lettres de change, dont on ne 
 veut pas meme que je presse trop le payement, pour ne pas faire soup- 
 9onner a la Bourse ce qui se passe ; ainsi je recevrai encore des ordres de 
 votre Majeste, avant que je sois en etat de faire aucun payement consider- 
 able. II ne me paroit pas meme qu'on ait aucune inquietude icy de toucher 
 de I'argent ; on se fie tellement a votre Majeste, que Ton croit I'argentaussi 
 bien chez moi que s'il etoit a Whitehall. Je suis peut-etre trompe, mais je 
 ne pense pas que votre Majeste puisse rien faire qui lui soit de plus grande 
 utilite pour I'avenir, que d'avoir prevenu ce que I'on pouvoit desirer en 
 une occasion si importante. 
 
 Sa Majeste Britannique me dit encore hier au soir, " Je ne regarde pas 
 I'etat ouje suis, mais I'etat ou je pouvois etre. Tout est paisible en An- 
 gleterre et en Ecosse; mais le Roy votre maitre m'a secouru dans un terns 
 qu'il ne pouvoit savoir s'il y auroit une sedition a Londres, et si je n'en 
 serois pas chasse." 
 
 Le Roi d'Angleterre fut hier publiquement a la messe dans une petite 
 chapelle de la Reine sa femme, dont la porte etoit ouverte ; cela a faft 
 parler le monde fort ouvertement. II me dit un jour auparavant, qu'il 
 falloit que chacun agit selon son sens, et conformement a son tempera- 
 ment ; qu'une dissimulation de sa religion etoit opposee a sa maniere d'agir ; 
 que les mal-intentionnes auroient pris avantage de sa crainte, s'il en avoit 
 temoigne ; que quand il hazarderoit quelque chose en cela, il se croyoit 
 
xxxii APPENDIX. 
 
 oblige en conscience de professer ouvertement sa religion ; qu'il croyoit 
 que Dieu n'avoit pas permis que le Roy son frere put faire une profession 
 publique de sa religion, qu'un peu avant sa mort, parcequ'il avoit trop 
 craint de se montrer aux yeux des hommes tel qu'il etoit, et que cependant 
 il I'avoit pu faire en diverses rencontres, sans aucun peril ; qu'il espere, 
 que Dieu le protegera, et puisque V. M. le veut soutenir, et lui temoigner 
 une amitie si sincere, il ne croit pas avoir rien a craindre. 
 
 Ce Prince m'expliqua a fonds son dessein a I'egard des Catholiques, qui 
 est de les etablir dans une entiere liberie de conscience et d'exercice de la 
 Religion; c'est ce qui ne se pent qu'avec du temps, et en conduisant peu- 
 a-peu les affaires a ce but. Le plan de sa Majeste Britannique est d'y par- 
 venir par le secours et I'assistance du parti episcopal, qu'il regarde comme le 
 parti royal, et je ne vois pas que son dessein puisse aller a favoriser les Non- 
 conformistes et les Presbiteriens, qu'il regarde comme de vrais republicains. 
 
 Ce projet doit etre accompagne de beaucoup de prudence, et recevra de 
 grandes oppositions dans la suite. Presentement on ne sait rien sur cela, 
 que ce que le feu Roi d'Angleterre avoit deja resolu, c'est-a-dire, que tous 
 les Catholiques sortiront des prisons, et on fera des defenses expresses a 
 tous les juges de les poursuivre ny inquieter : c'est ce qui est resolu, et 
 qui sera execute avec fermete. Iln'y a plus aucuns Seigneurs prisonniers 
 a la Tour. 
 
 Le bruit est fort repandu ici que le feu Roi d'Angleterre est mort Ca- 
 tholique ; on en public meme beaucoup de circonstances, et sa Majeste 
 Britannique ne se met pas en peine de les detruire ; son opinion est, qu'on 
 le sauroit blamer d'avoir aide le Roy son frere a mourir dans la religion dont 
 lui-meme fait une profession ouverte. Cependant, la memoire du feu Roi 
 d'Angleterre est dechiree sur cela par les Protestans zeles, qui lui repro- 
 chent, comme une tromperie, d'avoir fait une profession ouverte d'une re- 
 ligion qu'il n'avoit pas dans le coeur ; quelques-uns disent, qu'il a ete 
 obsede par son frere dans sa maladie, et force a se declarer Catholique Ro- 
 main. Les plus factieux soutiennent qu'on voit clairement a present qu'il 
 y a eu un complot de Papistes, que le feu Roi d'Angleterre en etoit, aussi 
 bien que le Due d'York, et que les soupgons qu'on a eus sur cela sont 
 entierement confirmes. 
 
APPENDIX. xxxiii 
 
 Le corps du feu Roi d'Angleterre fut avant hier porte a Westminster, 
 et enterre sans ceremonie le soir; tous les pairs et les officiersde la maison 
 y etoient ; ils rompirent sur la fosse leurs batons, et les marques de leur 
 charge : hier matin sa Majeste Britannique a confirme tous ceux qui pos- 
 sedoient des charges dont il n'y avoit point pareilles dans la sienne lors- 
 qu'il etoit Due d'York, c'est-a-dire, celles de Grand Maitre, de Grand 
 Chambellan, de Tresorier de laMaison, deControUeur, de Vice Ghambellan, 
 et d'autres officiers qui ont une espece de jurisdiction. Ce n'est pas la 
 meme chose a I'egard des Gentilhommes de la Chambre, de Grand Ecuyer, 
 et de Maitre de la Garderobe ; on croit qu'il en pourvoira ceux qui 
 etoient a lui. La confirmation des officiers de la Maison est assez ap- 
 prouvee du monde. Elle n'est pourtant que pour un temps, et 11 y en |i 
 parmi eux, ou je me trompe, qui ne seront pas toujours conserves. 
 
 Milord Sunderland a ete fort sensible a ce que je lui ai dit de I'ordre 
 que j'avois de I'appuyer aupres du Roi son maitre, s'il en avoit besoin. 
 
 Madame de Portsmouth est en inquietude du traitement qu'elle recevra 
 ici sur ses affaires. Ce que je lui ai dit de la continuation de la protection 
 de V. M. lui a donne la seule consolation qu'elle ait eue depuis la mort du 
 feu Roi d'Angleterre. 
 
 Milord Rochester a ete declare aujourdhui Grand Tresorier, et a pris le 
 baton. Sa Majeste Britannique me I'avoit dit il y a deux jours, et qu'il 
 donneroit, comme il a aussi fait aujourdhui, la charge de Chambellan de 
 la ReJne sa femme a Milord Godolfin, le voulant conserver, aussi bien 
 que Milord Sunderland, dans sa plus etroite confiance. Ils ont dresse tous 
 trois ensemble I'instruction de Milord Churchil, qui est parti ce matin, lis 
 m'ont dit que toute I'instruction se terminoit a remercier V. M. et a lui faire 
 bien comprendre la reconnoissance du Roi leur maitre, de ce que V. M. a 
 ete, de son pur mouvement, au-devant de ce qu'on pourroit lui demander. 
 
 On avoit dit a la Cour, que les finances demeureroient entre les mains 
 des commissaires, jusque a I'assemblee duparlement; maisle Roi d'An<rle- 
 terre ne I'a pas juge a-propos. II y en avoit parmi eux, dont la conduite 
 passee lui avoit fort deplu, et il a estime que les affaires ne se pourroient 
 soutenir que par un homme accredite et autorise comme le sera Milord 
 Rochester 
 
xxxiv APPENDIX. 
 
 Les nouvelles d'Ecosse portent que la proclamation s'est faite a Edin- 
 bourg avec un grand concours de peuple, et sans aucune difEcultc. La 
 meme chose s'est passee a York, et dans toutes les villcs d'Angieterre ; on 
 ne doute pas que ce ne soit la meme chose en Irlande. Enfin, il n'y a 
 point d'exemples qu'une si grande succession ait ete recueillie plus paisi- 
 blement, et avec moins de troubles. 
 
 Le Roi d'Angieterre croit etre assure de tous les ports de mer, de toute 
 la flotte, et de toutes les troupes. II saitbien pourtant, qu'il y en a parmi 
 eux de mal-iutentionnes, et qui dans le fond du coeur souhaiteroient des 
 brouilleries ; mais en meme temps ii est persuade quil ne se trouvera per- 
 sonne, qui ose les commencer, et que tout le monde connoit que ce seroit 
 s'exposer d'abord a une ruine certaine. 
 
 Les Compagnies des Indes Orientales, d'Afrique, et de Hambourg, ont 
 offertde payer les droits a I'ordinaire ; toutceladurera apparemmentjusque 
 a I'assemblee du parlement ; c'est alors que s'll y a de la mauvaise volontc, 
 et des desseins formes contre sa Majeste Britannique, ceux qui les ont 
 seront plus hardis a se decouvrir, et a entreprendre quelque chose. 
 
 Le Roi d'Angieterre m'a parle plusieurs fois sur le sujet de M. le Prince 
 d'Orange. J'ai execute ce que V. M. me prescrit, et represente a sa Ma- 
 jeste Britannique, combien il importe a la surete de sa personne, et au repos, 
 de son etat, que M. le Prince d'Orange ne vienne point presentement en 
 ce pays ici. Je n'ai oublie aucunes des clioses que j'ai cru propres adonner 
 des soup^ons legitimes, et bien fondes, de ce que pent entreprendre un Prince 
 heritier presomptif de la couronne, par sa femme, etque les peuples regar- 
 deront comme leur liberateur, ctant de leur religion. II m'a paru que 
 toutes ces considerations font grande impression sur I'esprit du Roi d'An- 
 gieterre, et qu'il a de lui-meme pense les memes choses ; mais cepen- 
 dant, je ne I'ai pas trouve rcsolu a refuser au Prince d'Orange la per- 
 mission de venir, s'il accompagne sa demande des autres choses qui peuvent 
 marquer sa soumission. L'opinion de sa Majeste Britannique est, qu'en 
 I'etat ou sont les affaires en ce pays-ci, M. le Prince d'Orange ne reussira 
 pas, s'il entreprend ouvertement d'y exciter des troubles. J'ai replique, 
 qu'il etoit difficile de croire, que M. le Prince d'Orange changeat si tot de 
 mesures, et de sentiments, et que les regies de la prudence ne permettent 
 
APPENDIX. XXXV 
 
 pas, que dans le commencement d'un regne, qui n'est pas encore affermi, 
 on ne prenne pas toutes les precaations imaginables pour oter aux peuples 
 tout pretexte de remuer. J'ai ajoute a cela, que la liaison que sa Majeste 
 Britannique pretend conserver avec V. M. et les secours qu'elleen attend, 
 ne se peuvent concilier avec les desseins qu'a M. le Prince d'Orange, et 
 dont il se departira fort mal-aisement. 
 
 Ce que j'ai dit n'a pas ete conteste par le Roi d'Angleterre ; mais I'opi- 
 nion qu'il a, de ne devoir temoigner aucune crainte dans le commencement, 
 I'empeche de s'opposer ouvertement au voyage que le Prince d'Orange 
 demandera peut-etre a faire. II y entre un peu de plaisir que sa Majeste 
 Britannique prendra de voir ce Prince reduit a se soumettre. Je n'obmettrai 
 aucun soin pour prevenir les inconveniens qui peuvent arriver de ce cote- 
 la ; je ne puis encore rien mander a V. M. de certain sur cela, jusqu'a ce 
 que Ton ait des nouvelles de ce qui se passe en Hollande, et de la maniere 
 dont le Prince d'Orange se conduira. 
 
 On ne fait ici aucune mention de M. le Due de Monmouth, non plus 
 que s'il n'avoit jamais ete question de lui. On a su aujourdhui que la pro- 
 clamation s'etoit faite a Dublin avec la meme tranquillite qu'en Ecosse et 
 en Angleterre. 
 
 Milord d'Aran est arrive aujourdhui ; je n'ai pas manque a lui rendre 
 tons les oflices que V. M. m'a ordonne. II me paroit, par la reponse que 
 m'a fait le Roi d'Angleterre, qu'il a beaucoup de lieu d'esperer d'etre un 
 des gentilshommes de la chambre, c'est ce qui lui convient d'avantage pre- 
 sentement. Je suis. Sec. 
 
 BARILLON. 
 
 Sa Majeste Britannique m'a donne ce soir une lettre de sa main pour re- 
 ponse a celle que j'ay eu I'honneur de lui donner de la part de votre Ma- 
 jeste. J'arrive presentement de Whitehall. Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a dit 
 que les lettres de Hollande etoient arrivees, et que M. le Prince d'Orange 
 envoyoit ici Overit ; qu'ils avoient ete egalement surpris, M. le Due de 
 Monmouth et lui, de la nouvelle de la mort du feu Roi d'Angleterre ; 
 qu'ils avoient ete en une longue conference, et que Monsieur le Due de 
 Monmouth etoit parti de la Haye, sans qu'on sut oil il alloit. Sa Majeste 
 
xxxvl APPENDIX. 
 
 Britannique ne croit pas, que M. le Prince d'Orange prenne le parti de lui 
 demander a venir ici, et je vois bien qu'il y a moins de disposition dans 
 son esprit a lui en accorderla permission, etant persuade que les intentions 
 de M . le Prince d'Orange ne sont pas rectifiees a son egard. Je prendrai 
 le soin que je dois de faire bien comprendre au Roi d' Angleterre de quelle 
 importance il lui est, de se precautionner eontre les entreprises de M. le 
 Prince d'Orange. Chidley a mande que ce Prince avoit donne quelque 
 argent a M. le Due de Monmouth. 
 
 M. Barillon au Roi, 
 
 Mars 1, 1685. 
 
 Ji OUT est ici dans une tranquillite enticre. Lamesse se dit publiquement 
 a Whitehall, et le Roi et la Reine d' Angleterre y assistent ensemble. La 
 porte de la chapelle, qui est petite, demeure ouverte, et toute I'antichambre 
 est remplie de Catholiques et de Protestans. Ccs derniers se retirent a 
 I'elevation, pour ne se pas mettre a genoux. II ne paroit pas jusqu'a- 
 present que cela ait fait aucun effet dangereux dans les esprits des gens qui 
 ont du sens, et de la raison. J'ai entendu des Protestans zeles dire, qu'il est 
 juste que le Roi d' Angleterre ait I'exercice de sa religion, aussi bien que 
 les deux Reines, et les ministres etrangers. Mais la populace de Londres 
 est aigrie, de ce que le Roi d' Angleterre va publiquement a la messe ; et 
 comme il y a dans Londres beaucoup de Presbiteriens, et de sectaires, qui 
 ne sont point de I'eglise Anglicane, ils auroient voulu que le Roy d' Angle- 
 terre se fut contente de ne point aller a la chapelle du feu Roi, et se fut 
 comporte comme font les Non-conformistes. Sa Majeste Britannique m'a 
 dit, que je verrois, que ce premier pas ne lui nuiroit point, et que se 
 conduisant dans le reste avec sagesse et prudence, il n'arrivera point d'in- 
 convenient d'une chose a la quelle il auroit tousjours fallu venir dans 
 la suite. 
 
 Hier Milord Clarendon fut fait Garde du Sceau Prive, et la charge de 
 President du Conseil, qui vaque par la promotion de Milord Rochester 
 a la charge de Grand Tresorier, fut donnee a Milord Halifax. Le Roi 
 d' Angleterre m'a dit, qu'ayant conserve tous les grands ofEciers de la 
 
APPENDIX. xxxvii 
 
 maison du feu Roi son frere, il avoit voulu donner encore cette marque de 
 moderation, de ne pas laisser entierement sans fonction Milord Halifax ; 
 qu'il le connoissoit, et ne s'y pouvoit jamais fier; qu'il ne lui donnoitaucune 
 part dans le veritable secret des affaires, et que sa charge de President ne 
 serviroit qu'a montrer son peu de credit. Ce Prince ajeuta a cela, que 
 dans ces commencements, il croyoit etre de son interet de changer le moins 
 de choses qu'il lui etoit possible, et de faire que ceux, qui lui ont ete le 
 plus opposes, ne se crussent pas entierement ruines, et sans aucune espe- 
 rance de se pouvoir conserver. 
 
 Ce Prince est entre fort avant avec moi dans les raisons qui I'ont oblige 
 de laisser dans leur fonction ceux qu'on sait avoir ete ses plus dangereux 
 ennemis, pendant la vie du Roi son frere, II sait que cela a donne de 
 I'alarme aux Catholiques en qui il a confiance, et que leur avis etoit, que 
 ces charges cussent ete d'abord remplies de gens de qualite, et d'une fidelite 
 eprouvee. Ceux qui ont ete toujours du parti de la Cour sont faches que 
 les charges n'ayent pas ete changees ; chacun d'eux croit qu'il y auroit eu 
 part. Au fonds, cela meme ne paroit pas nuisible au Roy d' Angleterre pre- 
 sentement, et il lui etoit important de donner quelques marques de douceur 
 dans le commencement, et d'oter au monde I'opinion qui est etablie, qu'il 
 ne pardonne jamais. Le veritable motif est de ne pas desesperer des gens 
 qu'il croit le pouvoir servir a rendre le Parlement plus traitable, et le dis- 
 poser a lui "accorder la continuation de tout le revenu dont il s'est mis en 
 possession. Quoiqu'il n'y ait point d'opposition formelle sur cette jouis- 
 sance, le murmure secret est fort grand, et les Anglois croient tons leurs pri- 
 vileges rompus, de ce que les droits, dont la perception doit finir par la mort 
 du feu Roi, sont leves comme ils I'etoient de son vivant. Les actes du Par- 
 lement, qui ont concede ces droits, sont directement contraires a ce qui se 
 fait; et beaucoup de gens soutiennent qu'on les auroit plus aisement obtenus 
 du Parlement si on avoit eu la consideration et la retenue de ne les lever 
 que de son consentement. 
 
 Cependant, la possession fait une espece de droit, et sa Majeste Britan- 
 nique paroit fort resolue de s'y maintenir a quelque prix que ce soit, ne 
 croyant pas se pouvoir maintenir sans cela. II s'est fait une chose, sur la 
 meme matiere, qui n'est pas de peu de consequence. L'excise qu'on 
 
xxxviii APPENDIX. 
 
 appelle additionelle (ce sont des droits augmentes sur les vins, bierres, et 
 autres boissons) a ete concedee au feu Roi pour sa vie ; niais on remonstra. 
 que si la ferme de ces droits etoit en incertitude, on ne pourroit trouver 
 I'argent dont on avoit besoin alors ; ainsi il fut resolu, et on mit dans 
 Facte du Parlement, que cette ferme seroit donnee pour trois ans, et que la 
 jouissance de ces droits continueroit pour le temps qui resteroit ^ expirer 
 du bail qui auroit precede la fin de la vie du Roi lors regnant. Pendant 
 les derniers jours de la maladie du Roi d'Angleterre, le bail a ete renouvelle 
 et I'adjudication faite la veille de sa mort. Sa Majeste Britannique pretend, 
 que cela s'est fait dans les formes, et aux termes de I'actc du Parlement ; 
 et ainsi il y a une publication pour continuer la jouissance de ce droit, qui 
 monte par an a cinq cens mille pieces. C'est une des plus considerables 
 parties de son revenu. 
 
 Le Roi d'Angleterre a resolu de se faire couronner dans I'eglise de West- 
 minster, avant I'assemblee du Parlement. 11 y a aujourdhui un comite etabli 
 pour regleren quelle maniere cela se fera, et qu'elles ceremonies pourront 
 etre omises, et pour mettre la conscience de sa Majeste Britannique a couvert, 
 et ne pas laisser de faire les ceremonies essentielles du couronnement, qui 
 est estime en Angleterre comme une chose entierement necessaire, pour 
 i'etablissement de I'autorite royale, apres laquelle tout ce qui peut etre dit 
 ou fait contre le Roi est repute haute trahison. On croit trouver des 
 expediens pour concilier les difficultes qui se rencontrent a cause de la 
 difference de religion, 
 
 Ls Sieur Overkerque est arrive ici ; le Roi d'Angleterre m'a dit qu'il 
 lui avoit apporte une lettre du Prince d'Orange con^ue en termes respec- 
 tueux, et fortsoumis ; qu'il ne paroissoit pas avoir aucune intention de venir 
 ici, ny songer a en demander la permission ; que (luoique dans le fonds son 
 voyage ne put etre d'aucun peril n'y inconvenient, il etoit pourtant bien 
 aise que cela ne fut point, ne sachant pas trop bien comment refuser une 
 telle permission, sans temoigner une crainte mal fondee, et qui donneroit 
 du courage a ses ennemis ; que cependant, il a connu, par ce que je lui ai 
 dit, que le sentiment de V. M. n'est pas qu'il donne presentement la per- 
 mission a M.le Prince d'Orange de passer en Angleterre; que sa resolution 
 est prise de se conformer, en tout, a ce qui sera plus agreeable a V. M. et 
 
APPENDIX. xxxix 
 
 que je puis etre assure, qu'il ne fera rien, qui ne soit entierement conforme 
 a ses obligations ; qu'il espere aussi, que V. M. aura assez de confiance en 
 lui pour ne pas desapprouver ce qu'il sera oblige de I'aire pour afFertnir 
 son autorite, et pour le bien de ses affaires ; qu'il connoit son veritable in- 
 teret, et que rieu au monde ne le fera departir de I'attachement qu'il aura, 
 toute sa vie, aux interets de V. M. 
 
 J'ai dit a ce Prince, qu'il ctoit vrai que V. M. n'estime pas qu'il soit 
 convenable que M. le Prince d'Orange vienne en Angleterre dans la con- 
 joncture presente ; qu'on peut juger assez par sa conduite passee, qu'il n'a 
 point d'autres regies que celles de son ambition, qui va jusqu'a I'exces, 
 et qui lui a fait commettre de grandes fautes ; qu'etant heritier presomptif 
 de la couronne, les peuples auront les yeux sur lui, et le favoriseront a 
 cause de la religion ; que cela peut mettre en grand peril sa personne et 
 son etat ; et qu'il ne paroit aucune bonne raison de s'exposer, sans neces- 
 site, a un danger qui ne paroit pas mediocre; qu'il importe, a la verite, 
 de temoigner, dans ces commencements beaucoup de fermete, et de rien 
 apprehender sans fondement, mais qu'il importe encore plus dc prendre 
 toutes ses siiretes, et de ne pas exposer legerement un aussi grand etablisse- 
 ment, que celui dont il se voit en possession paisible : que V. M. considere 
 principalement, ce qui importe a la surete de la personne de sa Majeste 
 Britannique, et de son etat ; qu'elle croit aussi qu'il lui est de grande conr 
 sequence, dans ces commencements, de ne rien faire, qui puisse etre 
 oppose aux liaisons qu'il veut conserver, et qu'il croit lui etre avantageuses ; 
 qu'on ne sauroit douter que I'unique but de M. le Prince d'Orange ne soit 
 d'affoiblir ces liaisons, et de les ruiner tout-a-fait s'il en pouvoit venir a 
 bout ; et que sa Majeste Britannique ne peut trop tot, et trop fortement, 
 oter a ses ennemis toute esperance de s'ebranler, et de lui faire changer 
 de mesures. 
 
 J'ai cru, Sire, devoir parler fortement sur cette matiere; car, comme 
 j'ai eu I'honneur de vous le mander, le Roi d' Angleterre ne seroit pas fachc 
 de voir M. le Prince d'Orange humilie et soumis. Je ne perdrai aucune 
 occasion de lui representer, que la soumission, et le respect de M. le Prince 
 d'Orange, ne seront pas sinceres, et qu'il n'en temoignera qu'autant qu'il 
 y sera force par la necessite. Tout ce que j'appreus jusqu'a-present me fait 
 
xl APPENDIX. 
 
 croire, que M. le Prince d'Orange ne songe pas lui-meme encore a venir, 
 et qu'il a pris la resolution de conformer sa conduite, au moins en appa- 
 rence, a ce que le Roi d'Angleterre pourroit desirer. 
 
 Sa Majeste Britannique me dit hier que M. le Due de Monmouth avoit 
 ete trouver Madame la Princesse d'Orange, et lui avoit fait des protesta- 
 tions d'une fidelite et d'une soumission entiere, la suppliant instamment 
 de vouloir Tassurer qu'il n'auroit point a I'avenir de sujet plus zele, et plus 
 attache a son service. J'ai dit a ce Prince, que cela ne pourroit etre regarde 
 que comme un artifice, ou un effet de la pure necessite ou M, le Due de 
 Monmouth se trouve, de parler de cette maniere, ou de venir lui disputer la 
 couronne, ce qu'il n'est pas en etatde faire; que le concert de M. le Prince 
 d'Orange, et de M. le Due de Monmouth, lui doit etre fort suspect; que 
 cependant, je vois avec beaucoup de joie, que ses ennemis sont forces a se 
 soumettre, et que V. M. apprendra avec plaisir combien son autorite se 
 fortifie au-dedans et au-dehors. 
 
 Je pris de la occasion de parler a sa Majeste Britannique des nouvelles 
 de Hollande. Je lui donnai a lire une copie de la lettre de M. d'Avaux 
 du 20". ; ce Prince me dit, qu'il savoit les memes choses a-peu-pres par 
 Chidley; qu'il voyoit le soin qu'on a pris de publier beaucoup defaussetes 
 touchant une lettre qu'on suppose qu'il a ecrite a M. le Prince d'Orange ; 
 qu'il me diroit a moi la pure verite ; que le jour de la mort du Roi son 
 frere, I'ordinaire pour Hollande partoit^ qu'il avoit cru en devoir donner 
 part a sa fille, sans envoyer d'expres, et qu'il avoit aussi estime, que c'auroit 
 ete trop d'affectation de ne rien mander du tout a M. le Prince d'Orange, 
 qu'il lui avoit ecrit deux lignes de sa main, pour lui donner simplement 
 part de la nouvelle, sans y ajouter aucun autre temoignage, n'y d'amitie, 
 n'y de bienveillance ; qu'il voyoit pourtant bien I'usage qu'on faisoit de ce 
 billet, supposant que c'etoit une lettre remplie d'amitie et de tendresse ; 
 qu'il en seroit d'avantage sur ces gardes a I'avenir pour ne rien faire qui 
 put etre interprets contre ses intentions. 
 
 Le Due d'Ormond doit revenir ici au mois de Mars, conformement a ce 
 qui avoit ete resolu par le feu Roi d'Angleterre. On ne nomme point 
 encore qui sera Gouverneur d'Irlande. Le Priraat, le Chancelier, et 
 Milord Girenart, qui commande les troupes, auront radministration et le 
 
APPENDIX. xli 
 
 frouvernement jusque a ce qu'il y ait ete pourvu, ainsi qu'il a ete pratique 
 en diverses rencontres. 
 
 Le Marquis de Grave a ecrit au Roi d'Angleterre une lettre en termes 
 fort respectueux, et fort passionnes pour son service. II y mele une con- 
 gratulation sur i'assemblee d'un Parlement, et sur le sujet de M. le Prince 
 d'Orange ; ce qui a ete regarde de sa Majeste Britannique comme une 
 marque de I'intention qu'ont les Espagnols de diriger tons leurs efforts ici 
 par les Parlements, et sur la diminution de I'autorite royale. 
 
 J'arrive de Whitehall : le Roi d'Angleterre m'a mene ce soir dans son 
 cabinet, et m'a dit que le Sieur Overkerque lui avoit fait demander une 
 audience particuliere un peu avant son souper ; que Taiant admis, il lui 
 avoit dit, que M. le Prince d'Orange non senlement se repentoit de sa con- 
 duite aupresdu feu Roi d'Angleterre, mais qu'il reconnoissoit de bonne foi 
 les fautes qu'il avoit commises envers sa Majeste Britannique a present 
 regnante ; qu'il fera toute ce qui sera en son pouvoir pour les reparer, et 
 pour meriter ses bonnes graces par une soumission entiere a ses volontes, et 
 un attachement sincere a ses interets ; et qu'il suivroit ponctuellement ce 
 qui lui seroit prescrit. Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a dit, que sa reponse avoit 
 ete, qu'il verroit toujours avec plaisir M. le Prince d'Orange dans son 
 devoir, et temoigner un veritable repenlir du passe, mais qu'il ne pouvoit 
 admettre ses soumissions, ni croire les protestations qu'on lui feroit de sa 
 part sinceres, si sa soumission n'etoit entiere, et sans exception; que le feu 
 Roi d'Angleterre et lui, avoient etabli une liaison avec votre Majeste, a la 
 quelle M. le Prince d'Orange avoit toujours ete oppose, et que s'il vou- 
 loit changer de sentimens a I'egard du dedans de I'Angleterre, il falloit 
 le faire aussi a I'egard de votre Majeste, et tenir une conduite differente de 
 celle qu'il a tenue depuis longtems a son egard ; que ce premier pas etoit 
 d'une absolue necessite, afin qu'il put ajouter quelque foi a ce qui lui seroit 
 dit de la part de M. le Prince d'Orange. 
 
 Le Sieur Overkerque n'a rien temoigne a ce discours qu'il n'attendoit 
 peut-etre pas. Sa Majeste Britannique m'a dit, que je devois des aujourdhui 
 rendre compte a V. M. de ce qui s'est passe a cet egard, et I'assurer, qu'il 
 ne sera fait aucune demarche que de concert avec moi, et selon que V. M. 
 le jugera le plus a-propos ; que la declaration qu'il a faite a Overkerque fera 
 
 f 
 
xlii APPENDIX, 
 
 comprendre a M. le Prince d'Orange, quel chemin il doit tenir pour se 
 raccommoder avec lui. J'ai dit a sa Majeste Britannique, que je rendrois 
 comptedesaujourdhui a V. M. dudiscoursdcM. Overlcerque ; quejepren- 
 drois cependant la liberie de lui representer, sans avoir eu le temps d'y 
 songer, qu'une chose de telle consequence auroit du etre confiee a un 
 homme plus mur et de plus de poids, que M. Overkerque; que peut-etre 
 on lui avoit donne conseil d'aller plus avant que M. le Prince d'Orange ne 
 lui avoit prescrit ; que cette soumission entiere, et cette offre si grande, 
 auroit du etre exprimee dans la leltre de M. le Prince d'Orange ; que je 
 croyois qu'il seroit sur ses gardes, et ne se laisseroit pas surprendre par des 
 paroles de compliment qui ne sont que dans la bouche d'un envoye de M. 
 le Prince d'Orange. Sa Majeste Britannique m'a dit, Ne croyez pas que 
 je me laisse tromper n'y amuser. Vous voyez que j'ai voulu d'abord parler 
 nettement, et oter toute esperance au Prince d'Orange que je voulusse 
 seulement I'admettre a sa justification qu'il n'ait entierement change de 
 sentiments et de conduite a I'egard du Roi votre maitre. 
 
 Je serai applique, comme je le dois, apenetrerce qui se passera, pour en 
 informer V. M. J'en connois la consequence. Je suis, &:c. 
 
 M. Barillon au Roy. 
 
 5 Mars, I685. 
 J'ai regu la depeche de votre Majeste du 26*. Fevrier par le retour du 
 second courier que j'avois depeche. J'ai rendu compte au Roi d'Angle- 
 terre de ce que V. M. m'ordonne de lui dire sur I'assemblee du parlement, 
 et sur la confiance que V. M. a, qu'il ne se laissera jamais engager a rien 
 quile puisse detacher des liaisons qu'il a prises avec V. M. Ce Prince m'a 
 temoign6 apprendre avec beaucoup de joie, que le projet qu'il a fait d'as- 
 sembler un parlement au mois de Mai est approuve de V. M. et que les 
 raisons qu'il a de le faire lui out paru solides, et bien fondees. II est 
 certain, que cette declaration a beaucoup servi a calmer d'abord les esprits. 
 Le nom de parlement est tellement agreable aux Anglois, qu'il peut les 
 empecher de sentir aussi vivement qu'ils le feroient sans cela, le retablisse- 
 ment de la messe dans Whitehall, et la profession que le Roi d' Angleterrc 
 
APPENDIX. xlill 
 
 fait publiquement d'une religion, contrelaquelle les loix ontetabli des peines 
 fort severes. On ne sauroit douter que les esprits ne soient fort mecon- 
 tents de cet exercice public que sa Majeste Britannique a etabli sans ba- 
 lancer, lis en con9oivent de grands soupgons pour I'avenii", et craignent 
 que le dessein ne soit pris de ruiner la religion Protestante, et de ne 
 souffrir que la Catholique. C'est un projet si difficile dans son execution, 
 pour ne pas dire impossible, que les gens senses ne I'apprehendent pas ; 
 mais le peuple est susceptible de toutes sortes d'impressions, et on leur 
 fait croire qu'ils verront la persecution cantre les Protestants exercee avec 
 autant de rigueur que du temps de la Reyne Marie, lorsque I'Angleterre 
 etoit encore plus remplie de Catholiques que de Protestans. 
 
 Le Roi d'Angleterre et ses ministres font leur possible pour dissiper 
 ces craintes, et pour convaincre tous les gens raisonables, que I'intention 
 de sa Majeste Britannique est de gouverner selon les loix, et de ne rien 
 entreprendre contre la surete de la religion Protestante, pourvu que le 
 Parlement lui accorde le revenu qui est absolument necessaire pour sou- 
 tenir le gouvernement ; on presuppose aussi que le Parlement consen- 
 tira que toute persecution cesse contre les Catholiques, ensorte qu'ilsf 
 puissent vivre en repos, Je suis infornie, que ces questions commencent 
 a etrc agitees, et Ton parle deja de ce que le Parlement fera, quand il sera 
 assemble. On demeure presque d'accord de part et d'autre, que les loix 
 penales contre les Catholiques seront abolies, et que Ton ne poursuivra 
 plus ceux qui se contenteront de I'exercice de la religion Catholique 
 dans le dedans de leur maison; on ne fait pas meme de doute que la 
 seance du parlement ne soit rcndue aux Seigneurs Catholiques. 
 
 La plus grande difficulte regarde les charges publiques de la milice et 
 du gouvernement. C'est surquoi il y a de I'apparence que le parlement 
 sera fort ferme. Car I'interet des principaux Protestans est, de ne pas 
 laisser I'entree libre dans les charges aux Catholiques, parcequ'ils croient 
 que la plus part des charges seroientbientot remplies par eux. On pourra 
 bien trouver quelque temperament a cet egard. On propose deja, que 
 les Catholiques puissent avoir quelques charges dans la Maison du Roi 
 d'Angleterre, pourvu quece ne soit pas des charges qui aient de la juris- 
 diction, ni du commandement. 
 
 Le point le plus important, et qui recevra le plus de difficulte, sera celui 
 
xliv APPENDIX. 
 
 du revenu, que le Roi d'Angleterre pretend avoir pour sa vie. Le 
 Parlement, au contraire, ne le voudra accorder que pour deux ou trois 
 ajns, au plus, afin d'etablir une necessite indispensable d'assembler un 
 parlement de temps en temps. Sa Majeste Britannique fera tous ses 
 efforts pour n'y etre point obligee; mais si cela ne se pent autrement peut- 
 etre qu'a la fin le Roi d'Angleterre se conteutera d'obtenir d'abord pour 
 trois ans la confirmation de son revenu, parcequ'ii croira le pouvoir eusuite 
 obtenir pour sa vie, et qu'il aura le temps de se mettre en tel etat qu'on ne 
 pourra plus le troubler dans une jouissance dont il sera en paisible posses- 
 sion. On pourra peut-etre lui accorder quelque chose pour le retablisse- 
 ment de la flotte; c'est la depense que le parlement fait le plus vclontiers, 
 et qui lui donne le moins de jalousie. II n'est pas possible qu'on fasse des 
 propositions dangereuses et nuisibles a la royaute; mais les plus snges 
 craindront d'irriter le Roy d'Angleterre, et de lui fournir un pretexte 
 d'etablir un gouvernement plus absolu, et d'obtenir par la force ce qui lui 
 aura ete refuse par le parlement, au quel cas il lui seroit aise d'augmenter 
 ce qu'il aura une fois etabli centre les loix. 
 
 Il est aussi fort apparent, qu'on lui fera sous main diverses propositions 
 pour le detacher peu-a-peu des interets de V. M. et I'engager dans d'autres 
 liaisons; mais mon opinion n'est pas, que le Roy d'Angleterre fasse sur 
 cela aucune demarche qui puisse lui faire perdre I'amitie de V. M. II 
 connoit bien que c'est son plus ferme et son plus solide appui. 
 
 Les grands efforts a cet egard ne seront pas sitot, et les cabales qui se for* 
 meront sur cela n'espereront y reussir qu'avec le temps, et lorsqu'ils ver- 
 ront les affaires de I'Europe dans un autre etat que celui auquel elles sont 
 a-present. Cependant, il me paroit que le Roi d'Angleterre est princi- 
 palement applique a ce qui regarde le parlement, et n'obmet aucun soin 
 pour faire, que les merabres qui composeront la Chambre des Communes 
 lui soient favorables, et ne se portent pas aux resolutions extremes qui 
 ont agite les derniers parlements ; on avoit propose un moyen d'exclure 
 les gens, qu'on pent soup^onner ctre mal-intentionnes, en declarant qu'au- 
 cundeceux qui ont ete d'avis d'exclure M. le Due d'York de la succession 
 ne pourroit etre elu, et admis a la seance du parlement; mais cet expe- 
 dient n'a pas ete approuve: ce seroit rendre irreconciliable beaucoup de 
 gens dont on peut attendre une meilleure conduite a I'avenir. L'intention 
 
APPENDIX. idT 
 
 du Roi d'Angleterre est d'abolir autant qu'il se pouria, la iremoire de ce 
 qui s'est passe sur rexclusion, d'autant plus que par un usage etabli depuis 
 longtemps, il n'est pas permis de rechercher, ni de punir, aucun des mem- 
 bres da parlement pour ce qu'il auroit (lit dans I'assemblee. 
 
 Les memes raisons ont oblige le Roi d'Angleterre a confirmer les prin- 
 cipaux ofiiciers de la Maison, et a ne pas chasser Milord Halifax ; cette 
 moderation est fort louee a Londres, et par les Protestans zeles : on I'impute 
 a Milord Rochester, qu'on croit avoir eu par la dessein de menager les 
 esprits, et de donner bonne opinion de lui dans le commencement de son 
 ministere. Gette premiere demarche n'est pas approuvee des Catholiques ; 
 ils croient que c'est un commencement de relachement, et que si le sen- 
 timent de Milord Rochester prevaut, ils se trouveront a la fin mines par 
 les memes considerations qu'on a presentement de menager les gens mal- 
 intentionnes contre eux et contre la royaute. lis disent que M. le Due 
 d'York n'a point eu d'ennemis si dangereux que Milord Arlington ; que 
 c'est lui qui a le premier inspire au feu Roi d'Angleterre les conseils timides 
 qui I'ont mis a deux doits de sa ruine ; que le Comte de Danby n'a fait 
 que suivre ce plan, etque le parlement n'a ete incite a la ruine des Catho- 
 liques, et a entreprendre d'oter la succession a M. le Due d'York, que 
 parcequ'il soutenoit ce projet, et qu'il faisoit tousjours esperer au parle- 
 ment, que sa Majeste Britannique y donneroit les mains, en lui etablissant 
 un revenu considerable pendant sa vie. 
 
 Les autres oflBciers conserves, a la reserve du Due d'Ormond, ont tou- 
 jours ete fort opposes au parti de M. le Due d'York. On croit qu'ils ne 
 changeront de conduite qu'en apparence, et que s'ils trouvent une occasion 
 de faire paroitre leur mauvaise volonte, ils ne la manqueront pas ; que ce- 
 pendant ils peuvent faire beaucoup de mal en donnant courage a ceux qui 
 ont creance en eux, et qui croiront bien faire de suivre les sentiments de 
 gens qui occupent les charges de la cour. Le Roi d'Angleterre a pris 
 cette resolution, sans beaucoup consulter les Catholiques en qui il se fie le 
 plus. II m'en a parle encore depuis que Taffaire est declaree, et m'a dit, 
 qu'il n'avoit pas cru devoir d'abord faire un entier changement dans la 
 Maison; que ceux qui demeurent en possession deleurs charges craindront 
 de les perdre, et que les autres auront esperance de les remplir ; que tout 
 
xlvi APPENDIX. 
 
 cela produira un bon effet dans I'assemblee du Parlement ; et qu'il sera tou- 
 jours assez temps de faire des changements quand on aura connu comment 
 ceux qui sont demeures se conduiront ; qu'a I'egard de Milord Arlington, 
 il y anroit eu de la durete de le dcposseder a I'age on il est, d'une charge 
 dont il ne pent jouir long temps, ses affaires d'ailleurs n'etant pas en bon 
 ^tat ; que s'il avoit change les autres, on auroit dit qu'il renversoit tout ce 
 que le Roi d'Angleterre avoit etabli, et que la resolution etoit prise de 
 changer tout le reste aussi bien que la Maison. 
 
 Sa Majeste Britannique a allegue les memes raisons aux principaux Ca- 
 tholiques, pour les empeclier de paroitre aussi mecontents qu'ils le sont, 
 de ce qui s'est passe a cet egard. II y a une espece de conseil etabli de 
 quatre personnes entre les Catholiques en qui le Roi d'Angleterre a le 
 plus de creance, et dont les avis sont de plus grands poids aupres de lui. 
 Ce conseil est compose de Milord Arondel, de Milord Bellasis, des Sieurs 
 Talbot et Germain. Les deux derniers ont toujours ete attaches a M. le 
 Due de York, et s'attendoient de voir des changements d'abord. L'un et 
 I'autre pretend un titre, et d'etre gentilhomme de la chambre. Cela 
 pourra etre dans la sviite, mais je ne crois pas que ce soit avant rassemblee 
 du Parlement. lis craignent que les memes raisons qui leur serventd'obstacle 
 presentement, ne soient pas aisees a surmonter a I'avenir. 
 
 Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a dit que M. d'Overkerque lui avoit encore repete 
 les assurances d'une entiere soumission de la part du Prince d'Orange, et 
 lui avoit offert ce qu'on appelle la carte blanche ; qu'il avoit confere sur 
 cela avec Milord Rochester, Milord Sunderland, et Milord Godolfin, qui 
 avoient tous trois ete d'avis de repondre d'une maniere qui put faire con- 
 noitre, dans la suite, si les offres de M. le Prince d'Orange sont sinceres ; 
 que pour cela il lui avoit repete plus au long ce qu'il lui avoit dit d'abord, 
 sur le sujet de V. M., et lui avoit declare, qu'a moins que M. le Prince 
 d'Orange ne changeat entierement de sentiments et de conduite a I'egard 
 de la France, il lui seroit impossible de croire que son intention fiit, 
 d'etre veritablement dans ses interets, parcequ'il n'en avoit point de plus 
 considerable, que de conserver I'amitie de V. M.; qu'il etoit aussi ne- 
 cessaire de renoncer a toute sorte de commerce et de liaison avec M. le 
 Due de Monmouth ; et pour donner une preuve claire et certaine de son 
 
APPENDIX. xlvii 
 
 changement acetegard, ileutacasser incessammentles oflSciers des troupes 
 Angloises dont la fidelite etoit suspecte, et qu'on a sujet de croire attaches 
 a M. le Due de Monmouth ; qu'a moins que M. le Prince d'Orange ne se re- 
 solve a faire tout cela d'une maniere convenable, le Sieur Chidley ne recevra 
 point d'ordre de traiter avec lui, n'y de le voir, et sa Majestc Britannique 
 ne croira point que les assurances de sa soumission soient sinceres. 
 
 Je dis au Roy d'Angleterre, que j'avois eu le temps de penser a ce qu'il 
 m'avoit fait I'honneur de me dire, mais que je ne pouvois rien decider de 
 mon chef; qu'il falloit attendre ce que V. M. m'ordonneroit, pour lui 
 pouvoir rien dire qui flit d'aucun poids ; que cependant, je le priois de con- 
 siderer s'il y avoit de I'apparence que M. le Prince d'Orange eut sitot resolu 
 de changer de mesures et de conduite, ne pouvant encore savoir avec cer- 
 titude combien tout est paisible en Angleterre, qu'ainsi on doit presumer, 
 ou que ce que dit M. Overkerque lui est inspire ici, ou que M. le Prince 
 d'Orange peut bien lui avoir donne ordre de faire toutes sortes de soumis- 
 sions en cas que les affaires soient de maniere en Angleterre, qu'il n'y ait 
 aucune apparence de trouble et de desordre ; que M. le Prince d'Orange 
 est naturellement si opiniatre, et si peu docile, que diflficilement se 
 resoudra-t-il a rien promettre que d'oppose a tout ce qu'il a fait jusques 
 a-present ; que quand il le promettroit, et donneroit sur cela de fortes 
 assurances, il n'y auroit guere d' apparence qu'il renoncat de bonne foi aux 
 engagements qu'il a pris avec la Maison d'Autriche, et avec les autres 
 Princes opposes aux interets de V. M., et jaloux de sa gloire ; que V. M., 
 de son cote, ne redonneroit pas aisement ses bonnes graces a M. le Prince 
 d'Orange, et qu'apres tout ce qu'il a fait, il ne doit pas esperer qu'un simple 
 compliment efface le passe, et que V. M. puisse ajouter foi aisement aux 
 assurances qui lui seront donnees de sa part; que V. M. ne desire rien 
 d'avantage que devoir saMajeste Britannique reconnue universellement de 
 ses sujets, et en jouissance paisible de sa couronne ; mais que je ne donte 
 pas que les soumissions de M. le Prince d'Orange ne lui paroissent fort 
 dangereuses, et qu'elle ne trouve sur-tout beaucoup d'inconveniens et de 
 perilalaisser venir ici M. le Prince d'Orange, qui pourra, par sa presence, 
 donner du mouvement, et de la force, aux cabales qui sont si aisees a for- 
 mer en une coujoncture comme celle qui est a present. 
 
xlviii APPENDIX. 
 
 Le Roi d'Angleterre rn'a repondu, qu'il ne croyoit pas que M. le Prince 
 d'Orange prit le parti de demander a venir ici sitot; que s'il y venoit, et 
 que sa conduite fut tant soil peu douteuse, il sauroit bien les moyens de 
 le remettre dans son devoir, et rempecheroit d'exciter aucun trouble; 
 que s'il se soumettoit entierement, et qu'il eut assez de sagesse pour chan- 
 ger de conduite a I'egard des affaires du dedans et de celles du dehors, on 
 leconnoitroit bientot; qu'il ne se laisseroit point tromper; et que son prin- 
 cipal soin seroit toujours de conserver I'amitie de V- M. et de ne rien 
 faire qui put en aucune fagon etre oppose a ses interets. 
 
 Les Ministres m'ont parle dans le metne sens que sa Majeste Britannique. 
 Milord Rochester est Grand Tresorier, et a le principal credit, ainsi il 
 desire tout ce qui pent conserver le repos et la tranquillite, et son senti- 
 ment est, que le Roi son maitrc ne hazarde rien d'eprouver quelle sera la 
 conduite du Prince d'Orange a son egard, et croit qu'on doit lui ouvrir le 
 chernin de rentrer dans son devoir. 11 est oncle de la Princesse d'Orange, 
 et par consequent sa psnte seroit de pouvoir conciher les interets du Roi 
 regnant avec celui des heritiers presomptifs. Mais comme il est bon cour- 
 tisan, et qu'il connoit fort bien que le Roi son maitre prendra assez aisement 
 de la jalousie et du soupgon contre ceux qui pencheront trop du cote du 
 Prince d'Orange, il temoigne fort ouvertenient desirer, preferablement a 
 tout, que sa Majeste Britannique menage I'aniitie de V. M., sans laquelle, 
 il connoit les difFiculies qu'il y auroitde soutenir le gouvernement. 
 
 Milord Sunderland sent bien la superiority qu'a sur lui Milord Ro- 
 chester, par sa charge de Grand Tresorier. Toute son application est 
 d'entrer aussi avant qu'aucun autre ministre dans tous les sentiments du 
 Roi son maitre, et de conserver une part secrette dans sa confiance, en lui 
 faisant connoitre qu'il ne peut avoir aucun autre attachement qu'a lui ; je 
 sais qu'il a parle avec beaucoup de clialeur a sa Majeste Britannique, pour 
 montrer combien M. le Prince d'Orange pouvoit nuire au bon etat oil sont 
 les affaires presentement ; et qu'un heritier presomptif sera regarde en An- 
 gleterre comme pouvant seul remedier aux inconveniens d'avoir un Roi 
 d'une Religion opposee a celle de ses sujets. Milord Godolfin penche 
 plutot du cote de Milord Sunderland, avec qui ses ancienne-s liaisons 
 subsistent. II est encore fort abattu de la perte qu'il a fuite. II est admis 
 
APPENDIX. xllx 
 
 dans les deliberations les plus secretes. Le Roi d'Angleterre m'en paroit 
 fort content, et m'a dit qu'il lui trouve plus de fermete et de hardiesse, 
 qu'il n'en attendoit. 
 
 Cependant tout est ici dans un fort grand calme, et il ne paroit rien qui 
 puisse le troubler ; mais dans le fond les esprits sont fort agites. Le 
 peuple ne sauroit voir celebrer la messe dans Whitehall sans un extreme 
 depit, et sans craindre que cela n'ait des suites. Les gens mal-intentionnes 
 fomentent sous main ces craintes, et inspirent des soupgons, que le Roi 
 d'Angleterre ne se croira point en surete qu'il n'ait entierement etabli la 
 religion Catholique en Angleterre, et qu'il n'ait ote aux Protestans les 
 moyens de leur nuire. II seroit fort difficile de juger, si les affaires de- 
 meureront dans le calme ou elles sont ; il ne faut qu'un refus de payer les 
 droits dont le Roi d'Angleterre s'est mis en possession pour former une 
 contestation qui pourroit avoir des suites. L'opinion des gens les plus 
 habiles est, que tout sera en repos jusques a I'assemblee du parlement, et 
 quq si les affaires s'y passent doucement, il ne sera pas impossible de main- 
 tenir ce pays-ci en repos. Le zele de la religion Protestante, et la crainte 
 d'un gouvernement plus absolu, sont des semences de division dans les es- 
 prits, qui peut eclater aux moindres occasions qui s'en presenteront. Mais 
 les gens sages craignent de voir commencer les desordres; ils se sou- 
 viennent;encore des malheurs des guerres civiles, et ceux qui ont a perdre ne 
 se laissent pas emouvoir aisement. lis sont meme tous dans l'opinion que 
 le parlement peut prendre les precautions necessaires pour empecher les 
 progres de la religion Catholique. et I'augmentation du pouvoir souverain. 
 Cela s'agite presentament, et Ton va etre fort occupe dans les provinces des 
 elections. On pourra former quelque jugement de ce qui arrivera dans le 
 parlement quand onsaura de quelles gens la Chambre des Communes sera 
 composee. Je sais, que quoique la Cour prenne grand soin d'avoir des 
 deputes favorables, il y aura beaucop d'endroits ou le parti des patriotes 
 sera superieur, et ou Ton elira des gens dont les sentiments seront entiere- 
 ment opposes a ce que la Cour desirera. 
 
 J'aurai I'application que je dois pour savoir quelles cabales se formeront 
 pour en informer V. M. J'ai pris des mesures pour lui pouvoir rendre 
 compte de ce qu'il lui a plu m'ordonner par sa depcche du 20\ II 
 
1 APPENDIX. 
 
 faut du temps pour cela. Jusques a-present, les places, les ports de mer, 
 les troupes, et les vaisseaux paroissent etre dans les mains de gens qui sont 
 fort attaches a la royaute ; mais tout cela recevroit de grands changements, 
 s'il arrivoit des desordres, et que la guerre commen9at sur un pretexte de 
 religion ou de changement des loix. 
 
 Je ne vois personne qui croye que le Due de Monmouth ose seulement 
 se montrer en aucun endroit. II sait assez, que le Roi d'Angleterre ne 
 lui pardonneroit pas. Le pardon qu'il a obtenu du feu Roi n'est 
 valable que pour I'Angleterre, ainsi son proces lui pourroit etre fait en 
 Ecosse fort aisement. On pretend meme, que depuis son pardon obtenu, 
 il a eu avec quelques uns des conspirateurs un commerce qui le rend 
 coupable. 
 
 L'Ambassadeur d'Espagne a demande au Roi d'Angleterre comment il 
 d6siroit que M. le Due de Monmouth fut traite a Bruxelles ? Sa reponse, 
 a ce que ce Prince m*a dit, a ete, que ce n'etoit pas une chose sur quoi on 
 le dut consulter : que la conduite de M. le Due de Monmouth a son egard 
 n'etoit ignoree de personne ; et qu'a dire la verite, il ne savoit pas quel 
 dessein pouvoit avoir M. le Due de Monmouth, en demeurant si pres des 
 cotes d'Angleterre dans la conjoncture presente. 
 
 Sa Majeste Britannique m'a dit aussi, que I'Ambassadeur d'Espagne lui 
 avoit parle du traite d'alliance, qui avoit ete conclu il y a quelque temps 
 entre le feu Roi d'Angleterre et sa Majeste Catholique, au quel il ne 
 doutoit pas que sa Majeste Britannique ne se crut obligee, en la meme 
 fa^on que I'etoit le feu Roi son frere ; que sa reponse avoit ete, qu'il etoit 
 fort peu instruit dans ces sortes de matieres ; que si I'Ambassadeur desiroit 
 quelque eclaircissement sur cela, il pouvoit presenter un memoire, qui se- 
 roit examine par ses Ministres afin de lui faire une reponse dans les formes. 
 L'Ambassadeur d'Espagne a ete embarrasse de cette reponse, et a bien 
 compris, que le Roi d'Angleterre ne se tient pas oblige au traite fait 
 par le Roi son frere. Je lui ai dit, qu'outre que les regies ordinaires ne 
 I'engageoient pas a ce traite, il se souvenoit que le feu Roi d'Angleterre s'en 
 tenoit lui meme sufEsamment dsgage par le refus des Espagnols de se sou- 
 mettre a son arbitrage, et par le changement des affaires depuis ce temps 
 la; puis qu'ensuite d'une guerre il s'etoit fait un traite de tr^ve dans la 
 
APPENDIX. li 
 
 garantie du quel le Roi d'Angleterre ne s'etoit pas trop mis en peine 
 d'entrer, et que c'etoit a lui a voir ce qui lui conviendra sur cela. Le Roi 
 d'Angleterre m'a dit, Je ne me tiens en aucune fagon oblige au traite qu'a 
 fait le Roi mon frere avec I'Espagne, mais je me tiens fort oblige a conserver 
 I'amitie et I'appui du Roi votre maitre, et je ferai mon possible poujr les 
 meriter, Je suis, See 
 
 MRILLON. 
 
 Le Roi a M. Barillon. 
 
 Mars 9, 1685. 
 
 JVloNsiEUR Barillon j'ai regu votre lettre des 26 Fevr. et 1 de ce mois, 
 et j'ai vu avec plaisir par la premiere, que le Roi d'Angleterre a ete aussi 
 sensiblement touche que je le pouvois desirer des moyens que je vous ai 
 donnes de I'assister dans ses plus pressans besoins, sans attendre qu'il m'en 
 eut requis; mais quoique je crois que la declaration que vous lui en aver 
 faite sans aucune reserve, ait produitde tres-bons efFets, et qu'elle ait par- 
 faitement bien persuade ce Prince du solide fondement qu'il doit faire sur 
 mon amitie, et combien il la doit preferer a toute autre ; neanmoins, il au- 
 roit ete bon, ainsi que je vous I'ai ordonne par ma depeche du 20 Fevrier, 
 d'attendre qu'il eut eu un plus pressant besoin de ce secours, y ayant 
 de I'apparence, qu' a-prescnt que vous vous en etes entierement explique, 
 ses ministres vous presseront de leur remettre incessamment tout ce fonds 
 entre les mains. Quoi qu'il en soit, je laisse a-present a votre prudence, 
 de vous conduire en cela d'une maniere qui ne puisse point deplaire au 
 Roi ny diminuer I'obligation qu'il m'a, d'une preuve si essentielle de mon 
 amitie. 
 
 Pour ce qui regarde ce que vous m'aviez engage de payer au feu Roi 
 d'Angleterre, comme vous avez assez reeonnu par les ordres que je vous 
 ai donnes, et par les lettre s que vous m'avez ccrites, que je n'ai aceorde 
 deux millions de livres que pour le premier payement, et quinze cens 
 mille livres pour chacun des deux autres qui ont fini au mois d'Avril 
 de I'annee derniere, il vous auroit ete facile de desabuser le Comte de Ro- 
 chester, et les autres Ministres, de leur pretentions mal-fondees ; et pour 
 I'avenir, comme je ne pretends pas abandonner le Roi d'Angleterre dans 
 
lii APPENDIX. 
 
 ses besoins, il faut aussi esperer, que le nouveau Parlement qu'il convoque 
 sera dispose a lui donner dans le commencement de son regne tous les 
 mpyens qui lui sont necessaires pour soutenir sa dignite. II doit cependant 
 prendre d'autant plus de confiance dans la continuation de mon amitie, que 
 je vous ay mis par avance, et de mon pur mouvement, en etat de lui en 
 donner des marques bien effectives. 
 
 Le Roi d'Angleterre ne pouvoit prendre un meilleur parti pour le bien 
 de son etat, et le soulagement de sa conscience, que d'entendre la messe 
 publiquement, et cet acte de fermete est plus capable d'inspirer le res- 
 pect et la crainte a ses sujets, que de donner de nouvelles forces aux me- 
 contents ; vous avez vu par ma dernicre depeche qu'il a prevenu en cela 
 mes sentiments, et queje n'aurois pas pu approuverune longue dissimula- 
 tion de la religion qu'il professe. Vous lui temoignerez aussi, que j'ap- 
 prens avec plaisir que son autorite s'aflfermit de jour a autre par la sou- 
 mission de tous ses sujets, et que je m'assure, que sa bonne conduite dissi- 
 pera toutes les cabales qui pourroient troubler le repos de son regne. 
 
 Milord Churchil m'a parle dans le sens que vous m'avez ecrit, et j'ai or- 
 donne au Marechal de Lorge de partir incessamment pour aller faire mes 
 complimens de condoleance aux Roi et Reines d'Angleterre, et temoigner 
 au premier la part que je prens a son beureux avenement a la couronne 
 de ses ancetres : quelque murinure que puisse exciter la continuation de la 
 levee des memes droits qui ont ete accordes au feu Roi d'Angleterre, il y a 
 lieu de croire, quil s'appaisera par la convocation et I'assemblee du par- 
 lement ; mais quelque effet qu'elle produise, le Roi d'Angleterre fait trcs- 
 sagement de se conserver ce moyen de subvenir aux besoins de son etat. 
 II me paroit aussi, qu'il est plus prudent de se faire couronner avant la tenue 
 du Parlement, que lorsqu'il sera assemble; et je serai bien aise que vous m'in- 
 formiez de toutes les difficultes qui naitront sur cette affaire, et des tempe- 
 raments qui seront pris pour en sortir. 
 
 Vous avez raison de faire connoitre au Roi d'Angleterre qu'il ne doit 
 pas ajouter une entiere croyance a tout ce que le Sieur Overkerque pent 
 avancer de lui-meme sous le nom du Prince d'Orange : mais quand meme 
 il seroit bien autorise, le Roi d'Angleterre est trop bien informe des em- 
 portements que le Prince d'Orange a fait paroitre contre lui lorsqu'il 
 
APPENDIX. liii 
 
 n'etoit que Due d'York, et centre la religion qu'il professe, meme depuis 
 i'avenement du dit Roi a la couronne, pourcroire, que les protestations qui 
 lui seront faites de la part du Prince d'Orange soient bien sinceres ; et si le 
 Ministre d'Angleterre a la Haye rend au dit Roi son maitre un compte 
 fidele de tout ce qu'il a entendu, et connu par lui-meme, des sentiments 
 du dit Prince d'Orange, il jugera bien que Pintention dece Prince n'est que 
 de se servir, contre les interets du Roi, non seulement de la facilite qu'il 
 trouvera a se remettre dans ses bonnes graces, mais aussi, des seules mar- 
 ques exterieures qu'il pourra recevoir de la bienveillance du Roi ; et il ne 
 pent pas plus mortifier le Prince d'Orange, et le rendre soumis, qu'en re- 
 jettant avec hauteur toutes les propositions qu'il fait pour I'amuser ; et I'em- 
 pechant, sur toutes choses, de passer en Angleterre. 
 
 Continuez a m'informer exactement de tout ce qui se passe de plus 
 considerable a la Cour ou vous etes, ne doutant pas que ce nouveau gou- 
 vernement ne vous en fournise d'amples matieres. 
 
 Extrait (Tune Lettre du Roi a M. Barillon. 
 
 Mars 16, 1685. 
 Il y a bien de I'apparence que le Roi d'Angleterre faisant a-present une 
 profession si publique de la religion Catholique demandera bientot au 
 Pape des eveques de sa communion ; et comme il ne faut pas douter que sa 
 Saintete ne les choisisse du clerge d'Angleterre, parmilesquels je suis averti 
 qu'il y a bien des gens qui sontimbus de la doctrine de Jansenisme,je serai 
 aise que vous fassiez connoitre adroitement au Roi I'interet qu'il a de les 
 bien discerner, ensorte que si le bon exemple qu'il donne a tons ses sujets 
 est aussi suivi qu'il est a desirer, ce royaume, sortant d'une heresie, ne tombe 
 pas dans un autre qui ne seroit gueres moins dangereuse. 
 
 M, Barillon au Roi. 
 
 16 Avril, 1685. 
 
 J'ai execute avec le plus de ponctualite qu'il m'a etc possible, les ordres 
 d-e voire Mdjeste porieb par sa depechedu 6 Avril. J'ai tache defairecora- 
 
liv APPENDIX. 
 
 prendre au Roi d'Angleterre et a ses Ministres, que votre Majeste lui avoit 
 deja donne des marques essentielles de son amitie, en prevenant meme 
 ses demandes ; que V. M. continueroit a le secourir dans ses besoins ; et 
 que son dessein etoit de faire plus qu'elle ne promettroit ; que cependant 
 V. M. estimoit qu'il suffisoit de sa part d'executer plutot que de promettre ; 
 et que sans aucun engagement, elle m'avoit envoye le fonds d'une somm^ 
 considerable. Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a temoigne etre fort sensible a ce 
 que V. M. fait pour lui ; mais il m'a dit que I'etat de ses aflfaires e^.oit tel 
 qu'il avoit des mesures a prendre de loin, et qu'il ne pouvoit entreprendre 
 ce qu'il a resolu, sans etre assure positivement de ce que V. M. voudra faire 
 en sa faveur ; que V. M. connoitra par sa conduite a I'avenir quel sera 
 son attachement a ses intercts ; qu'il sera toujours au pouvoir de V. M. de 
 retracter ce qu'elle auroit promis s'il ne se conduisoit pas en la maniere que 
 V. M. peutdesirer; que puisque V. M. veut bien le secourir, ce sera une 
 nouvelle obligation de lui vouloir mettre I'esprit en repos en lui promettant 
 ce qu'il demande ; parce que I'incertitiide sur cela ne lui permettroit pas 
 d'agir avec la fermete necessaire, et qu'une conduite douteuse et incertaine 
 de sa part rendroit ses ennemis plus hardis, et ses amis plus timides. 
 
 Cette reppnse m'a fait entrer plus avant en matiere avec ce Prince. Je lui 
 ai explique ce qui s'etoit passe avec le feu Roi d'Angleterre ; je lui ai fait 
 remarquer, que le traite, quoiqu'il n'eut ete que verbal, a ete execute et 
 accompli ponctuellement de part et d'autre ; que V. M. a acheve le paie- 
 ment de ce qui avoit ete promis ; et que le feu Roi d'Angleterre s'etoit aussi 
 tenu exactement ^ I'engagement qu'il avoit pris de favoriser les pretentions 
 de V. M. contre I'Espagne, et de ne point assembler de parlement ; que prc- 
 sentement V. M. ne demandoit rien de sa Majeste Britannique, qui lui put 
 causer le moindre embarras, n'ayant rien plus a copur que raffermissement 
 de la paix generate ; que cependant son dessein etoit de lui donner des 
 marques essentielles de son amitie, et de I'aider a maintenir son autorite, 
 et a etablir la religion Catholique, que ces deux choses paroissoient unies, 
 et ne se pouvoient separer ; que V. M. avoit resolu d'y contribuer par un 
 motif d'amitie et d'estime pour la personne de sa Majeste Britannique, et 
 par le zele qu'elle a pour la religion ; que quoi qu'il n'y ait point de stipu- 
 lation expresse, V. M. sera suffisamment engagee par ce qu'elle a faitd'abord, 
 
APPENDIX. W 
 
 i continuer k I'avenir ce qui est si bien commence ; qu'ainsi on pent tenir 
 pour assure, que V. M. ne se dementira pas, et voudra soutenir ce qu'elle 
 cntreprend sur des fondements qui ne changeront pas. 
 
 Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a repondu a cela, qu'il n'etoit pas en droit d'exi- 
 ger de V. M. plus qu'elle ne croit devoir faire. Mais qu'il a agi franche- 
 ment avec moi en representant ses besoins, et que la demande qu'il a faite 
 presuppose toute sorte d'engagemens de sa part, et une volonte determinee 
 d'etre entierement attache a V- M.; qu'ainsi V. M. n'a qu'a lui prescrire 
 ce qui conviendra a ses interets, pour lui faire prendre la conduite qui lui 
 sera la plus agreable ; que quand V. M. sera informce a fonds des affaires 
 de ce pays-ci, elle connoitra qu'il est decisif de bien commencer, et de le 
 mettre en «tat de ne pas se relacher d'abord ; qu'on ne pent pourtant pren- 
 dre une conduite ferme et haute, si on n'est bien assure d'un secours qui ne 
 puisse manquer ; et qu'il ne seroit plus saison de negocier sur le plus ou 
 le moins quand le temps de s'en servir seroit venu. 
 
 J'ai dit a ce Prince, qu'il voyoit que V. M. commence par I'execution, 
 et qu'ainsi il n'est pas si essentiel de s'arreter a la forme et a la maniere de 
 promettre; qu'il est necessaire seulement que les affaires prennent ici un bon 
 chemin, et que dans la suite V. M. ne manquera pas d'aider les premiers 
 progres, et de faciliter le succes des desseins de sa Majeste Britannique en 
 faveur de la royaute, et de la religion Catholique. 
 
 J'ai eu plusieurs conferences avec les Ministres, ensemble et separement ; 
 ils m'ont repondu fort froidement lorsque je leur ai parle ensemble ; Milord 
 Rochester, qui porte la parole, m'a repondu, qu'ils avoient deja su ce que 
 j'avois dit au Roi leur maitre, et que leur sentiment ne pouvoit etre diffe- 
 rent du sien ; que la necessite de ses affaires I'obligeoit a avoir recours a 
 V. M.; qu'il etoit question presentement d'etablir son autorite, et de don- 
 ner une forme assuree au gouvernement ; que je connoissois assez combien 
 il importe d'etre en etat ici de donner la loi, et non pas de la recevoir ; que 
 c'est a moi a le represcnter a V. M., et que pour eux, ils se sont acquittes 
 de leur devoir, en exposani siocerement les besoins de leur maitre a unami 
 qui pent y remedier, s'il le trouve a-propos. 
 
 Je lui ai repondu ce que j'avois deja dit au Roi d'Angleterre. J'ai en- 
 tretenu Milord Rochester en particulier, et nous avons agite les matieres ^ 
 
Ivi APPENDIX. 
 
 fonds ; je me suis renferme a dire, que V. M. execute au lieu de promettr^, 
 qu'on voit par la ce qu'on en peut attendre ; qu'il est inusite de pretendre 
 que V. M. prenne des engagements pour fournir des subsides pendant plu- 
 sieurs annees, quand sa Majeste Britannique, de son cote, n'est oblige a 
 rien ; qu'il est vrai que V. M. n'a rien a luidemander presentement ; qu'- 
 aussi croit-elle etre en droit de lui donner des marques de son amitie sans 
 qu'on exige rien d'avantage que ce qu'elle croira devoir faire selon les con- 
 jonctures qui se pr^senteront ; que Ton ne peut douter que V. M. ne veuille 
 continuer comme elle a commence, et qu'on se doit reposer sur sa bonne 
 foi et sur son amitie. 
 
 Milord Rochester m'a dit a cela, que s'il ne connoissoit a fonds les des- 
 seins et les intentions du Roi son maitre, il ne m'auroit pas presse de faire 
 ensorte que V. M. lui fournit d'abord une somme considerable, et lui pro- 
 mit un subside pour trois ans ; que ce qu'on fait de la part de V. M. pre- 
 sentement doit etre considere comme une marque d'amitie, et qu'on s'en 
 accommoderoit ici mieux que d'un plus grand engagement, si on n'avoit pas 
 resolu de s'unir etroitement avec V. M., et de ne se pas dementir dans la 
 suite ; que si Ton n'etoit pas de bonne foi, et qu'on ne regardat pas I'amitie 
 de V. M. comme le fondement de la conduite qu'on veut tenir ; on se con- 
 tenteroit d'une liaison presente : et que le Roi son maitre, apres s'etre 
 etabli, consideroit quel parti il a a prendre ; et que, sans manquer aux obli- 
 gations qu'il avoit a V. M., il se trouveroit alors en etat de former un plan 
 de sa conduite, tel qu'il croiroit le plus convenable a ses interets; que des- 
 a-present il veut prendre un chemin qui dure autant que son regne, et s'at- 
 lacher pour toujours; que Ton a vu que la liaison formee entre V. M. et 
 le feu Roi d'Angleterre a produit de bons effets pour I'un et pour I'autre, 
 que la meme chose arrivera, si on s'entend bien d'abord, et qu'on commence 
 de la part de V. M. a mettre le Roi d'Angleterre en pouvoir de suivre son 
 inclination, et ses veritables interets. 
 
 J'ai repondu a ce Ministre, que le traite fait avec le feu Roi d'Angleterre 
 avoit ete accompli exactement de part et d'autre ; qu'il contenoit des con- 
 ditions et des avantages reciproques, que Ton ne pouvoit pas dire la meme 
 chose de ce qui se traite a-present, V. M. n'ayant rien a souhaiter du Roi 
 d'Angleterre, et voulant pourtant contribuer gratuitement a I'etablii-, et a, 
 
APPENDIX. l^H 
 
 lemettre en etat de regner paisiblement, et avee tranquillite. Milord Ro- 
 chester m'a replique a cela, que le traite que nous avions fait ne contenoit 
 point de conditions reciproques ; que le feu Roi ne s'etoit point engage a 
 ne point assembler de Parlement, ni a renoncer formellement a son traite 
 avec I'Espagne ; que V. M. avoit bien connu que dans le fondselle tireroit 
 les memes a vantages, et que le feu Roi d'Angleterre avoit aussi ete fortifie 
 dans ses resolutions par le secours que V. M. lui avoit fourni, et s'etoit 
 meme dispense d'assembler son parlement, et de defendre I'Espagne lors- 
 qu'il en a ete le plus presse ; que le meme cas arrivera, et que quoique 
 V. M. n'exige rien du Roi son maitre, il ne pent prendre le parti de s'at- 
 tacher a V. M. sans renoncer aux avantages qu'il pourroit tirer du Parle- 
 ment dans d'autres temps, et a tout engagement avec I'Espagne; qu'il sera 
 question, des que le Parlement sera assemble, d'obtenir la continuation des 
 revenus, mais qu'apres cela, il n'en faut rien attendre que des conditions 
 dures et perilleuses, aux quelles le Roi son maitre ne consentira jamais ; 
 qu'ainsi on subsisteracomme on faisoit du temps du feu Roi, et avec moins 
 de menagement encore pour les Espagnols, n'ayant point de traite avec 
 eux, comme il y en avoit un dont on pressoit toujours I'execution. J'ai dit 
 a cela, qu'il n'etoit pas question presentement d'examiner a quelles condi- 
 tions nous avions traite du temps du feu Roi, puisquele traite avoit ete exe- 
 cute et accompli de bonne foi de part et d'autre ; que la conjoncture etoit 
 entierement differente, et que V. M. n'attendoit rien de sa Majeste Britan- 
 nique, et n'avoit pour but que de lui donner des marques solides de son 
 amitie. J'ai remarque, dans tout ce qui s'est passe entre Milord Rochester et 
 moi, qu'il n'est point entre dans la proposition d'un nouveau traite, et il 
 m'a paru au contraire eviter d'entendre ce que je lui ai dit sur cela. II s'est 
 toujours renferme a dire, qu'il faut faire ce qu'on a fait, parce qu'on s'en 
 est bien trouve de part et d'autre. 
 
 Milord Sunderland a compris d'abord qu'il etoit bien plus a-propos de 
 prendre des engagemens formels et reciproques ; que le Roy son maitre 
 doit rechercher tout ce qui lui peut assurer I'amitie de votre Majeste. II 
 pose pour un fondement assure, que le Parlement, le Prince d'Orange, et la 
 Maison d'Autriche doivent etre consideres comme ayant des interets inse- 
 parables, et qu'il est impossible de desunir ; qu'ainsi pour etre bien avec 
 
 h 
 
Iviii APPENDIX. 
 
 votre Majeste, il faut non seulement s'abstenir de toute liaison avec eux, 
 mais meme s'en separer avec eclat, et lever le masque quand il en sera 
 terns ; c'est-a-dire, apres que le Parlement aura accorde les revenus. Je 
 suis demeure dans une grande retenue sur les nouveaux engagemens qu'- 
 on pourroit prendre; je me suis contente d'insinuer la proposition que 
 votre Majeste m'a ordonne de faire a cet egard, et j'ai cru devoir la faire 
 naitre plus comme une suite naturelle de ce qui se traitoit, que comme 
 une ouverture de la part de votre Majeste. Milord Godolfin m'a parle dans 
 le meme sens que Milord Rochester ; quoiqu'il soit du secret, il n'a pas 
 grand credit, et songe seulement a se conserver par une conduite sage et 
 moderee. Je ne pense pas que s'il en etoit cru, on prit des liaisons avec 
 votre Majeste qui pussent aller a se passer entierement de parlement, et a 
 rompre nettement avec le Prince d'Orange. 
 
 J'eus hier au soir un long entretien avec le Roi d'Angleterre ; nous re- 
 petames tout ce qui avoit ete dit avec les Ministres, dont iis lui avoient 
 rendu compte. Je connus bien que Milord Sunderland lui avoit parle a 
 fond, de ce que nous avions dit, et lui avoit represente la necessite de ne 
 rien menager, pour former une liaison entiere avec V. M. Ce Prince me 
 dit, que je savois mieux ses intentions et ses desseins que ses propres mi- 
 nistres ; qu'il ne s'etoit pas ouvert a eux autant qu'il a fait a moi sur I'e- 
 tablissement de la religion Catholique; qu'avant la seance du Parlement il 
 falloit cacher ses desseins et ne pas laisser penetrer jusqu'ou il vouloit con- 
 duire les affaires ; qu'au fond il connoissoit que sa surete dependoit d'une 
 etroite union avec V. M. et de mettre la religion Catholique en etat de ne 
 pouvoir etre detruite ; que son dessein est d'en venir a bout des qu'il le 
 pourra; que cependant, je dois representer a V. M. combien il lui importe 
 d'etre assiste dans un si grand dessein ; que ses premieres demarches avec 
 le Parlement serontdecisives ; que ceux qui ie voudront traverser n'oublie- 
 ront rien pour I'empecher de reussir ; que V. M. connoitra peut-etre trop 
 tard, ce qu'il auroit fallu faire, et que ce qui sera necessaire presentement 
 estbeaucoup moindre que ce que V. M. voudroit contribuer a I'avenir si 
 elle voyoit la royaute, et la religion Catholique, en etat d'etre ruinees en 
 Angleterre. 
 
 J'ai dit k ce Prince qu'il voyoit quelles sont les intentions de V. M. a 
 
APPENDIX. lix 
 
 son egard, que je pouvois tons les jours I'avertir de ce qui se passe ici, et 
 qu'il ne falloit pas douter que V. M. ne prit les resolutions qui convien- 
 dront a I'etat des affaires ; que votre amitie pour sa personne, et votre zele 
 pour la religion, ne vous permettroientpas de I'abandonner dans ses besoinS ; 
 que la conduite que V. M. tient a son egard seroit sontenue, et ne se de- 
 mentira pas ; qu'aussi de son cote, il doit ctre applique a menager une 
 amitie qu'il juge lui etre si avantageuse. Sa Majeste Britannique me dit, 
 en me congediant, " Je me fie entierement a ce que vous me dites ; mais 
 representez au Roi votre maitre, que ce qu'il fera presentement me mettra 
 Fesprit en repos, et m'obligera d'agir avec une fermete et une confiance que 
 je ne puis avoir si je ne suis pleinement assure." 
 
 De tout ce qui m'a ete dit par le Roi d' Angleterre, et par ses Ministres, 
 il me paroit que Ton n'insiste pas tant presentement sur la promesse d'un 
 secours a Tavenir, que sur une somme presente. J'ai dit, ainsi que V. M. 
 me I'a permis, que j'aurois incessarament un fonds de neuf cens mille 
 livres ; mais, si V. M. ne me permet pas de rien fournir de cette somme, 
 c'est comme s'il n'y en avoit point ; on ne croira pas meme qu'elle y soit, si 
 on voitqueje ne fasse pas les payements quand ils me seront demandes. 
 
 Le Roi d' Angleterre seroit, a ce que je puis juger, pleinement content 
 si V. M. prenoit la resolution de faire remettre encore onze cens mille 
 livres ici, avant la seance du parlement, ensorte qu'il put faire etat de 
 toucher deux millions pendant que le parlement sera assemble. Cela 
 pourroit dans la suite etre repute comme une annee d'un subside, et si on 
 convenoit d'en accorder un pour les annees suivantes, on pourroit ne les 
 faire commencer que du mois d'Octobre prochain, et peut-etre meme du 
 mois de Janvier 1686. V. M. m'ordonnera ce qui sera de son service. Je 
 nie tiendrai en etat d'executer ses ordres a la lettre, sans rien faire de mon 
 chef, que ce qui me sera present. 
 
 Les Ambassadeurs de Hollande ont eu une audience particuliere, et 
 sans ceremonie; la difEculte subsiste toujours a I'egard de leur entree et 
 de leur audience publique ; ils veulent avoir un Comte d' Angleterre, 
 comme a eu I'Ambassadeur de Savoye, il n'y a pas d'apparence qu'ils 
 Tobtiennent, et le Roi d'Angleterre paroit resolu de ne rien changer au 
 traitement ordinaire a leur egard. 
 
Ix APPENDIX. 
 
 La sante de la Reine d'Angleterre n'est pas en bon etat ; les personnes 
 qui I'approchent de plus pres croient qu'elle ne vivra pas long temps ; 
 son mal est une espece de fluxion sur la poitrine avec des coliques violentes 
 qui la reprennent souvent ; elle se croit elle-meme en peril, 
 Je suis, 8cc. 
 
 BARILLON. 
 
 Le Roi a M. Barillon. 
 
 24 Avril, 1685. 
 JVloNsiEUR Barillon, j'ai regu vos lettres des 16 et 19 de ce mois, et 
 quoique je me fusse attendu que le Roi d'Angleterre auroit ete fort content 
 des grands secours d'argent que je vous fais remetlre incessamment pour sub- 
 venir, sans aucune stipulation, a ses phis pressants besoins, au cas que I'as- 
 semblee prochaine du Parlement ne lui accorde pas ce qu'il desire, tant pour 
 I'etablissement des memes revenus pendant sa vie dont le feu Roi son frere 
 a joui jusque a sa mort, que pour le libre exercice de la religion Gatholique 
 dans son royaume, neanmoins ce Prince vous a fait connoitre, que s'il 
 n'etoit pas assure de ma part d'une assistance plus considerable il se ver- 
 roit dans la necessite d' avoir des menagements pour le Parlement, qui se- 
 roientfort prejudiciables a I'affermissement de I'autorite royale, et par con- 
 sequent au bien de la religion Gatholique ; raais quoiqu'il ait d'autant plus 
 de sujet de prendre une entiere confiance aux sentiments d'estime etd'ami- 
 tie que j'ai pour lui, qu'il voye bien que j'apporte toutes les diligences 
 possibles a lui en faire ressentir les eJflfets, sans lui demander aucuns autres 
 engagements dans mesinterets que ceux que sa gratitude et sa bonne foi le 
 pourroit porter a prendre quand les occasions s'en presenterout, je veux 
 bien toutes fois lui donner encore de plus grandes preuves de la considera- 
 tion que je fais sur tout ce qu'il vous a represente, et de la sincerite avec 
 laquelle je veux concourir a tout ce qui pent etre de ses avantages : c'est 
 pour cet effet qu'outre les cinq cens mille livres que ja vous fis remettre aus- 
 sitot que j'appris la mortdu feu Roi, et que vous devez avoir encore entre 
 les mains, on continuera a vous faire tenir incessamment les neuf cens mille 
 livres que je vous ai prorais par ma depeche du 6% et je ferai joindre en- 
 
APPENDIX. Ixi 
 
 core une somme de deux cens mille ecus, afin que vous pulssiez avoir en 
 main pendant I'assemblee du Parlement jusqu'a la concurrence de deux mil- 
 lions ; mais comme j'apprens avec plaisir que presque tons les membres du 
 Parlement sont tres-bien intentionnes pour les interets du Roi, et qu'a- peine 
 en connoit on cinq ou six, qui y soient opposes, il y a bien de Tapparence 
 que ce Prince n' aura pas besoin d'un grand fonds, pour se rendre favorables 
 les deliberations dudit Parlement, etqu'en toutcas il se contenlera de faire 
 esperer des recompenses a ceux qui feront bien leur devoir : je consens nean- 
 moins, que vous fassiez payer jusqu' a quatre cens mille livres, pourfournir 
 aux gratifications que le Roi jugera a-propos de faire pendant cette assem- 
 blee ; et a I'egard des seize cens jnille livres restans, vous ne vous en desaisirez 
 qu'en cas que la conduite du Parlement soit assez mauvaisepour obligerle 
 Roi k le casser, ou qu'il trouve d'ailleurs de si fortes oppositions a I'eta- 
 blissement. d'un libre exercice de la religion Catholique, qu'il soit oblige 
 d'employer ses armes contre ses propres sujets. 
 
 Enfin, mon intention est de le secourir de bonne foi, au cas qu'il en ait 
 efFectivement besoin, pour I'afFermissement de son autorite, et pour le bien 
 de notre religion ; mais, si son Parlement se porte de lui-meme a faire ce 
 que le Roi desire, mon intention est que vous reserviez le fonds que je vous 
 fais remettre, jusqu' a ce qu'il me paroisse d'une necessite pressante de I'em - 
 ployer ; et cependant, je consens, ainsi queje viens de vous dire, que vous 
 fassiez payer aux Ministres du Roi, avant la tenue du Parlement, jusqu'a 
 la somme de quatre cens mille livres, au cas que le dit Roi les demande. Je 
 m'assure qu'apres que vous aurez fait connoitre a ce Prince quelles sont mes 
 dernieres intentions, je n'aurai plus de sa part que des remerciments des 
 efforts que je fais pour procurer ses avantages ; mais si, contre mon opi- 
 nion, on vouloit encore faire quelques tentatives pour tirer de moi de plus 
 grands secours, il est bon que vous otiez toute esperance de I'obtenir, 
 et que vous fassiez meme connoitre, que j'apprendrois avec deplaisir 
 que le Roi ne fut pas content des grandes preuves que je lui donne de mon 
 amitie. 
 
 II vous sera facile de tirer leRoi d'Angleterre de I'inquietude que lui 
 donne la declaration que le Marquis de Feuquieres a fait par mon ordre au 
 Roi d'Espagne, et a ses ministres, et je vous depeche ce courier expres afin 
 
Ixii APPENDIX. 
 
 que vous puissie:& informer le Roi d'Angleterre, sans aucun retardement, 
 que je suis d'autantplus satisfait de la reponse du dit Roi Catholique, qu'ou- 
 tre qu'il traite la proposition de ceder au Due de Baviere les Pays Bas, ou 
 de lui en abandonner le gouvernement, de pure chimere, il me donne 
 d'ailleurs des assurances positives d'observer religieusement la treve, et de 
 se conformer en toutes choses a ce qu'elle contient ; ensorte que je n'ai pas 
 lieu de croire, que ce Prince veuille apporter aucun changement a i'etat pre- 
 sent des Pays Bas : et comme je n'ai point eu d'autre intention aussi que de 
 prevenir, par cet eclaircissement, tout ce qui pouvoit troubler le repos de 
 I'Europe, vous pouvez assurer le Roi d'Angleterre, que j'apporterai lou- 
 jours les mcmes soins a le maintenir, et que tant que le Roi Catholique vou- 
 dra concourir de sa part, et rejetter de semblables nouveautes si contraires 
 a la treve, la tranquillite publique ne pourra etre alteree. 
 
 M. Barillon au Roy. 
 
 30 Avril, I685. 
 I'ai re^u la depeche de votre Majeste du 24 Avril par un courier expres. 
 J'allai aussitot apres trouver le Roi d'Angleterre pour I'inforraerde la re- 
 ponse faite a M. de Feuquieres par sa Majeste Catholique. On ne sauroit 
 temoigner plus de joye que ce Prince en fit paroitre d'une nouvelle qui le 
 tire d'une grande inquietude, et lui met I'esprit en repos. Ce n'etoit pas 
 sans fondement qu'il craignoit qu'une rupture entre V. M. et le Roi d'Es- 
 pagne ne rendit le Parlement plus difficile qu'il ne le sera, quand tout 
 paroitra calme au-dehors. Sa Majeste Britannique me chargea de remer- 
 cier V. M. du soin qu'elle avoit eu de Ten avertir par un courier expres, 
 et me temoigna que sa joie se redouble toutes les fois qu'il recoit des mar- 
 ques de I'amitie de V. M. 
 
 Les Ministres ont appris aussi avec beaucoup de plaisir le succes de la 
 proposition de M. de Feuquieres. Milord Rochester est encore plus sen- 
 sible que les autres a tout ce qui pent entretenir la paix au-dehors ; il m'a 
 ete aise de faire voir que I'intention de V. M. etoit seulement de prevenir 
 ce qui auroit pu alterer le repos dont I'Europe jouit, puisquela reponse qui 
 
APPENDIX. Ixiil 
 
 a ete faite a Madrid, met ses affaires dans un etat de calrae et de tranquillite 
 qui, selon les apparences, doit durer. 
 
 Le Roi d'Angleterre m'en a parle encore ce matin, avec beaucoup de satis- 
 faction, et se croit delivre d'un fort grand embarras, ou il croyoit devoir 
 etre expose, si le Parlement avoit ete assemble quand la guerre auroit com- 
 mence entre V. M. et I'Espagne. II me paroit que votre Majeste tire quelque 
 avaritage de ce qui a ete agite sur cette rnatiere, en ce qu'on s'accoutume 
 a entendre parler du droit de Monseigneur le Dauphin a la couronne 
 d'Espagne, sans qu'il paroisse qu'on prenne une trop forte alarme de voir 
 tant de royaumes danS la possibilite d'etre reunis a la couronne de France. 
 II semble du moins que Ton reconnoisse que si sa Majeste Catholique 
 mouroit sans enfans, le droit de Monseigneur le Dauphin, et de ses de- 
 scendansjseroit beaucoup meilleur que de ceux qui n'y pourroient pretendre 
 qu'en vertu d'une renonciation remplie de nullites. Je n'ai parle de tout 
 cela que fort superficiellement comme d'une chose eloignee, mais je n'ai 
 pas cru aussi devoir supprimer ce que V. M. alleguoit pour la principale 
 raison de ce qu'elle avoit dessein de faire pour empecher que I'Electeur 
 de Baviere, et I'Archiduchesse fussent mis en possession des Pays Bas. 
 
 II s'est passe une chose dans le dedans de la cour, qui n'est pas de peu 
 de consequence. Le Roi d'Angleterre ayant resolu d'aller a la chapelle, 
 accompagne comme I'etoit le feu Roi, en parla la veille a Milord Roches- 
 ter, Milord Sunderland, et Milord Godolfin. II leur dit, qu'ayant fait la 
 demarche d'aller ouvertement a la messe, il croyoit y devoir aller avec la 
 dignite requise, et accompagne de ses gardes, et de ses principaux officiers ; 
 qu'ils pourroient demeurer a la porte de la chapelle, et I'y attendre, ou y 
 revenir apres, dans le temps qu'il en devroit sortir. Milord Sunderland ne 
 fit point de difficulte, ni Milord Godolfin, qui est accoutume, comme Cham- 
 bellan de la Reyne, de lui donner la main jusqu'a la porte ; mais Milord 
 Rochester combattit avec vehemence la resolution que sa Majeste Britan- 
 nique temoignoit avoir prise, et apres avoir allegue inutilement les raisons 
 dont il se put aviser, il declara nettement qu'a moins que le Roi d'Angle- 
 terre lui commandat expressement de I'accompagner jusqu'a la porte de la 
 chapelle, il ne le feroit pas. Sa Majeste Britannique lui dit, que son inten- 
 tion n'etoit pas de contraindre personne, ni de lui commander de faire une 
 
Jxiv APPENDIX. 
 
 chose a laquelle il paroissoit avoir tant de repugnance ; que son scrupule 
 paroissoit mal-fonde, et que ce ne devoit pas etre une excuse pour une chose 
 qui seroit mal en soi de la faire commander ; qu'il etoit en liberie de le 
 faire, ou de ne le faire pas. La contestation alia assez avant ; le Roi d' An- 
 gleterre ne se rendit pas, et ne voulut pas commander a Milord Rochester 
 de I'accompagner ; Milord Rochester persista a ne le pas faire sans ordre, 
 et prit I'expedient que lui proposa sa Majeste Britannique d'aller des le 
 meme jour a une maison de campagne ou il devoit aller le lendemain. Mi- 
 lord Sunderland et Milord Godolfin, comme habiles courtisans, presserent 
 Milord Rochester d'avoir cette complaisance pour le Roi, et ne purent rien 
 gagner sur son esprit. V. M. jugera par cet incident quelles oppositions le 
 Roi d'Angleterre pourra trouver dans la suite a ce qu'il voudra entrepren- 
 dre en faveur de la religion Catholique. 
 
 Ce detail est fort secret :il est pourtant assez vraisemblable, que Milord 
 Rochester s'en voudra CaWfeionneur aupres des Protestans zeles, et croira 
 s'autoriser parmi eux sans qu'il pense en cela hazarder sa faveur, ni son 
 emploi. 11 essayera de faire croire au Roi d'Angleterre, que ce qu'il en 
 a fait est pour le service et pour le bien de ses ;iffaires ; qu'il est perilleux 
 de se trop declarer, et trop tot ; que quoiqu'il puisse arriver, il ne peut 
 avoir d'autres interets que les siens ; niais il a affaire a un Prince fort ferme, 
 et qui souffre tres-impatiemnient la moindre contradiction. 
 
 II etoit hierici lejourdePaques; les chevaliers de rordreaccompagnerent 
 le Roi d'Angleterre avec leurs colliers jusqu'a la porte de la tribune ou 
 il entend la messe. Le Due de Sommerset portoit I'epee ; il est deineure 
 a la porte, la cOutume n'etant pas que celui qui porte celte epee entre dans 
 I'eglise, si ce n'est lorsque le Roi communie. Les Dues de Nordfolk, de Graf- 
 ton, de Richemond, et de Northumberland, les Comtes d'Oxford, de 
 Mulgraf, et plusieurs autres Seigneurs, accompagnerent sa Majeste Britan- 
 nique en allant et en revenant. On a remarque que le Due d'Ormond et 
 le Marquis d'Halifax sont demeures dans I'antichambre. Milord Roches- 
 ter ne revint qu'hier au soir de la campagne. Cette resolution que le Roi 
 d'Angleterre a prise d'aller a I'eglise avec ses officiers et ses gardes cause 
 autant de bruit, et fait faire plus de reflexions, que I'on n'en a fait, lors- 
 qu'il alia publiquement a la messe. 
 
APPENDIX. Ixr 
 
 Les Ambassadeurs d'HoUande n'ont fait aucune plalnte de ce qui leur 
 est arrive a Gravesend. M. d' Avaux m*a mande que le Pensionnaire Fagel 
 leur a fait ordonner par les comtnissaires aux affaires etrangeres, de ne tc- 
 moigner aucun ressentiment, et de dissimuler ce qui s'est passe. lis n'ont 
 eu qu'un Milord pour aller au-devant d'eux le jour de leur entree ; ce fut 
 Milord Tenay, Catholique, et gendre du feu Vicomte Montaigne: cela 
 meme a fait parler, et Ton a trouve etrange que le Roi d'Angleterre ait 
 affecte d'employer un Milord Catholique a la premiere entree qui ait etc 
 faite depuis son regne, et de I'envoyer aux Ambassadeurs d'HoUande. lis 
 ont eu audience aujourdhul de leurs Majestes Britanniques a Whitehall ; 
 Milord Nort les y a conduit. 
 
 J'ai dit au Roi d'Angleterre ce que V. M. m'a permis touchant les 
 sommes qui doivent passer ici incessamment. Je lui ai fait remarquer avec 
 combien d'application V. M. va au-devant de ses besoins, et les preuves 
 essentielles qu'elle lui donne de son amitie. Ce Prince m'a temoigne etre 
 fort sensible a ce que V. M. fait en sa faveur. J'espere bien empecher que 
 V. M. ne soit pressee de long temps d'envoyer de nouveaux fonds, pourvu 
 que V. M. me permette de me servir de ceux qui seront ici. Je ne me suis 
 point declare au Roi d'Angleterre, ni a ses Ministres, que V. M. m'ait 
 donne la permission de ne fournir que jusqu'a quatre cens mille livres sur 
 les deux millions dont on peut faire etat : cette declaration, si je la faisois, 
 oteroit tout le merite de ce que V. M. fait presentement en faveur du Roi 
 d'Angleterre, et donneroit occasion ici de croire que I'intention de V. M. 
 est seulement de I'aider en cas qu'il soit expose a une revolte. On ne s'at- 
 tend pas que ce soit la le fondement du secours que V. M. veut bien ac- 
 corder. Sa Majeste Britannique et ses Ministres ne font aucun doute que 
 V. M. ne veuille bien payer ce qui restoit du de I'ancien subside lorsque 
 le feu Roi d'Angleterre est mort. La somme de cinq cens mille livres, 
 que V. M, a envoyee incontinent apres, sera sufEsante pour en faire le 
 parfait payeraent. 
 
 Ce que j'ai dit a Milord Rochester sur I'envoi de nouveaux fonds I'a 
 empeche de me presser comme il auroit fait sans cela ; mais il ne revoque 
 pas en doute que cette somme ne soit fournie quand il la demandera ; je 
 supplie V. M. de m'en accorder la permission ; le refus que j'en ferois 
 
Ixvi APPENDIX. 
 
 causeroit, ce me semble, un prejudice notable au bien de ses affaires, qui 
 seroit fort difficile a reparer dans la suite. Apres I'ancien subside paye, il 
 restera ici quinze cens mille livres ; je ferai mon possible pour ne point 
 diminuer ce fonds, que lorsque j'en serai fort presse ; mais j'ose encore re- 
 presenter a V. M., que si j'en ai des defenses expresses, et que je ne puisse 
 faire quelqiies payements, il me sera impossible de soutenir I'opinion que 
 le Roi d'Angleterre et ses Ministres ont que V. M. desire sinceremeat ses 
 avantages et I'etablissement de son autorite. 
 
 Je n!ai pas explique assez clairement I'etat des affaires de ce pays-ci quand 
 j'ai donne lieu a V. M. de croire que I'argent qu'elle fournira sera employe 
 a des gratifications aux membres du Parlement, pour en obtenir ce que le 
 Roi d'Angleterre desire tant a I'egard des revenus, que du libre exercice 
 de la religion Catholique ; ce n'est pas la le chemin que ce Prince pretend 
 tenir, et rien n'est plus oppose a ce qu'il a dessein de faire. Il aura une 
 conduite ferme et resolue; I'introduction faite par le Comte de Danby 
 d'acheter les voix du Parlement a si mal reussi, qu'on ne songe plus a s'en 
 servir; et, a dire la verite, si on recommen^oit a Je mettre en pratique, on 
 tomberoit dans les memes inconveniens. Le Roi d'Angleterre veut que 
 ses affaires se fassent par la necessite ou le parlement se trouvera de lui ac- 
 corder ce qu'il est resolu de prendre, si on ne le lui accorde pas, c'est-a-dire, 
 les revenus dont le feu Roi jouissoit ; et, selon toutes les apparences, le par- 
 lement les accordera. Mais celane met pas le Roi d'Angleterre en repos, 
 et a son aise ; car il ne pent avec reputation et avec surcte abandonner la 
 protection des Catholiques; cependant, il est fort apparent qu'il trouvera 
 de grandes difficultes a etablir une liberie d'exercice pour la religion Ca- 
 tholique. 
 
 Je sais deja, que les cabales se forment entre les Seigneurs ; on croit qu'il 
 seront plus difficiles que la Chambre des Communes sur I'article de la re- 
 ligion. II est tres-croyable que les revenus seront accordes pour oter au 
 Roi d'Angleterre le pretexte de dire qu'on lui refuse ce qui est necessaire 
 pour le soutien du gouvernement; mais on voudra en meme temps prendre 
 de telles precautions pour la surete de la religion Protestante, que le Roi 
 d'Angleterre ne les pourra admettre sans se trouver en un etat fort perilleux 
 et fort incertain. Les Protestants zeles disent deja tout haut, que ce Prince 
 
APPENDIX. Ixvii 
 
 a manque a ce qu'il a dit au conseil, et a ce qui est porte dans la declaration 
 qui a ete publiee, ayant promis formellement de ne rien faire contre la 
 religion Protestante, quoique, depuis, il ait donne un regiment en IrlandQ 
 au Colonel Talbot; ce qui est, comme ils le disent, avancer lePapisme, et 
 commencer a detruire la religion Protestante. V. M. peut done tenir pour 
 un fondement assure, que le Roi d'Angleterre trouvera d'extremes diffi- 
 cultes a ce qu'il veut faire en faveur de la religion Catholique. On n'omet- 
 tra aucuns soins pour Ten detourner, et pour affoiblir les resolutions qu'il 
 aura prises. V. M. voit par ce qu'a fait Milord Rochester, ce qu'on doit 
 attendre des autres en des choses de plus grande consequence. 
 
 Le meilleur moyen, et le plus sur, pour fortifier ce Prince, et le maintenir 
 dans le bon etat ou il est a I'egard de la religion Catholique, et des interets 
 de V. M., est de se voir assure d'une liaison etroite avec V. M. et dans une 
 entiere surete d'en etre puissamment secouru. Je ne fais aucun doute qu'il 
 ne s'engage aussi avant que V. M. le voudra dans la suite, et il croit deja 
 le faire en recevant des gratifications de V. M. Si je cessois toutes sortes 
 de payements, et que le Roi d'Angleterre et ses ministres prissentle parti 
 de s'expliquer avec froideur sur cela, et de ne pas parler de secours comme 
 d'une chose negessaire, je ne douterois pas que ce Prince ne se crut en 
 etat et en liberte de prendre d'autres mesures. Je ne puis representer 
 trop fortement a V. M. combien il importe de ne donner au Roi d'Angle- 
 terre, et a ses Ministres, aucune occasion de croire que V. M. ne veut pas 
 contribuer a sa grandeur et a son etablissement. Je m'appliquerai a rendre 
 un compte si exact de ce qui se passera ici, que V. M. verra le fonds de 
 tons les interets, autant que je serai capable de les demeler. Cependant, 
 il est, selon mon opinion, tres-necessaire que V. M. ne suspende pas les 
 payements, et qu'elle me permette de fournir au Roi d'Angleterre 
 ce que je croirai devoir donner sur les quinze cens mille livres qui 
 resteront apres le parfait payement de I'ancien subside; j'ose repondre 
 que cet argent aura un aussi bon effet qu'aucun que V. M. ait pu donner. 
 C'est un coup decisif pour ce que V. M. a d'avantage a coeur, c'est-a-dire, 
 pour Tetablissement d'un exercice libre en faveur de la religion Catho- 
 lique. Je supplie V. M. de se souvenir, que j'ai menage les payements 
 du subside passe, en sorte qu'une annee entiere a ete ecoulee sans qu'il en 
 
Ixvlii APPENDIX. 
 
 ait ete fait mention. Je ne puis avoir d'autres vues en tout cela que I'in- 
 teret de V. M. qui pourroit, par un seul contretemps, miner en un jour 
 la confiance qu'elle a etablie ici depuis plusieurs annees, d'une amitie sin- 
 cere pour le feu Roi et pour celui d'a-present. J'espere que V. M. me fera 
 la justice d'etre persuade, que je n'abonde pas en mon sens, et que je sais 
 aussi bien que personne obeir aveuglement a ses ordres;mais il est de mon 
 devoir de representer les choses comrae elles sont, et de me soumettre tou- 
 jours a ce qu'il plaira a V. M. de commander. 
 
 Je suis, avec le plus profond respect, Sec. 
 
 BARILLON. 
 
 Le Roi a M. Barillon. 
 
 9 Mai, 1685. 
 IVloNsiEUR Barillon, je suis bien aise de voir par votre lettre du 30 
 Avril, quele Roi d'Angleterre reconnoisse quelle a ete la sincerite de mes 
 intentions dans la declaration que le Marquis de Feuquieres a faite par 
 mes ordres au Roi Catholique, etque comrae j'ai bienvoulu me contenter 
 de la reponse qui lui a ete rendue de la part du Roi, elle ait fait cesser 
 aussi toute inquietude que cette affaire avoit donne a la cour ou vous etes. 
 Je m'assure que comme cet eclaircissement n'aura pas ete inutile a I'affer- 
 missement de la paix, il contribuera beaucoup aussi a faciliter au Roi d'An- 
 gleterre I'execution de ses desseins, dans la prochaine assemblee du Parle- 
 ment, et que par la seiile disposition des aflfaires presentes de I'Europe, 
 il obtiendra tout ce qu'il desire, sans avoir besoin a I'avenir d'aucune 
 autre assistance que de celle qu'il tirera de son royaume. 
 
 Cependant, je vois par votre lettre, que vous etes persuade qu'il est de 
 mon service non seulement d'achever aussitot qu'il desirera le payement 
 des subsides que vous aviez promis de ma part au feu Roi, mais meme de 
 vous donner la permission de disposer des quinze cens mille livres restants 
 lorsque vous le jagerez necessaire, tant pour le fortifier dans la resolution 
 d'etablir a quelque prix que ce soit, le libre exercice de notre religion, 
 que pour I'attacher inseparablement a mes interets, et I'empecher de pren- 
 dre d'autres mesures ; mais, pour vous eclaircir encore plus particulierement 
 
APPENDIX. Ixix 
 
 de mes intentions, afin que vous ne puissiez point vous eloigner, je suis 
 bien aise de vous repeter ; qu'il est vrai que le principal motif, ou, pour 
 mieux dire, le seul et unique, qui m'oblige de vous faire remettre avec 
 tant de diligence une somme aussi considerable qu'est celle de deux mil- 
 lions, pour en secourir le Roi d' Angleterre dans ses plus pressants besoins^ 
 c'est le zele que j'ai pour Taugmentation de notre religion, seconde de 
 mon estime et de mon affection pour le dit Roi ; il doit etre aussi d'autant 
 plus persuade de cette verite, que je ne stipule aucunes conditions de lui, 
 et que I'intention que j'ai de maintenir la paix dans toute I'Europe ne me 
 laisse pas lieu de croire, que j'y puisse trouver assez d'obstacles pour avoir 
 besoin d'aucune assistance etrangere ; j'ai assez bonne opinion aussi de la 
 fermete du Roi d' Angleterre dans la profession qu'il fait de la religion 
 Catholique, pour etre bien persuade qu'il employera toute son autorite a 
 en etablir le libre exercice, sans qu'il soit necessaire de I'y exciter par une 
 distribution d'argent prematuree, et qui ne doit pas etre employe si le 
 Parlement lui accorde le meme revenu dont jouissoit le feu Roi d' Angle- 
 terre, et consent aussi a I'etablissement du libre exercice de notre religion ; 
 aussi mon intention est que vous continuiez les payements de tout ce qui 
 reste du des subsides promis au feu Roi, qui monte,suiyant le dernier 
 compte que vous m'avez envoye, a 47G mille livres, ensorte que de la re- 
 mise qui vous a ete faite par mes ordres le 15 Fevrier dernier de la somme 
 de 500 mille livres il ne vous en restera, apres les payements faits, que celle 
 de trente mille livres, lesquels joints a toutes les remises qui vous ont ete, ou 
 seront faites encore, feront la somme de quinze cens trente mille livres ; 
 et je veux que vous gardiez ce fonds, pour n'en disposer qu'en cas que le 
 Roi d' Angleterre ne pouvant pas obtenir de son Parlement la continua- 
 tion des memes revenus qu'avoit le feu Roi son frere, ou rencontrant trop 
 d'obstacles a I'etablissement de la religion Catholique, se trouve oblige 
 de le separer, et d'employer son autorite et ses forces pour reduire ses 
 sujets a la raison ; je consens, en ce cas, que vous I'assistiez pour lors de 
 toute la somme de quinze cens trente mille livres, soit en un ou plu- 
 sieurs payements, ainsi que vous le jugerez a-propos, et que vous m'en 
 donniez avis dans le meme tems, par un courier expres. Je m'assure 
 que le Roi et ses ministres seront «atisfaits des ordres que je vous donne, 
 
Ixx APPENDIX. 
 
 au moins n'auront-ils pas raison de se plaindre, que je neveuille assister 
 qu'en cas de revolte, et ils verront, au contraire, que j'ai d'autant plus 
 d'interet que le parlement se porte de lui meme a contenter le dit Roi, 
 qu'il en aura la principale obligation a la bonne intelligence qui est entre 
 moi et lui ; et comme il ne seroit pas juste, qu'il tournat a son profit, et 
 mit dans son epargne, les secours que je lui destine par les seuls motifs 
 que je viens de vous ecrire, il pourra toujours s'assurer de recevoir les 
 memes marques de mon afifection en cas que la necessite de ses affaires 
 I'oblige d'y avoir recours. 
 
 Tachez cependant de bien penetrer quelles seront les negociations qui 
 se feront a la cour ou vous etes, entre les Ministres du Roi, et les Ambas- 
 sadeurs d'Hollande pour un traite d'alliance avec les Etats Generaux ; et 
 prenez garde, qu'en agissant d'aussi bonne foi que je fais avec la cour ou 
 vous etes, elle ne prenne ailleurs des engagements prejudiciables a mes 
 interets. 
 
 M. Barillon au Roi. 
 
 14 Mai, 1685. 
 
 J E re^us hier, par un courier expres, la depeche de votre Majeste du 9*. 
 Mai. J'aurai le soin que je dois, de ne rien faire au-dela de ce que V. M. 
 me prescrit ; je me contenterai de representer a V. M. le fait comme il 
 est, et de suivre ensuite ses ordres avec la derniere exactitude. 
 
 M. d'Avaux m'a envoye la copie des lettres des Ambassadeurs d'Hol- 
 lande au Pensionnaire Faigel du 29 Avril : ces lettres portent que Milord 
 Rochester leur a parle d'une maniere qui leur donne des esperances d'une 
 plus etroite liaison entre sa Majeste Britannique et les Etats Generaux. Je 
 crois savoir positivement que la conference dont il est fait mention dans 
 ces lettres n'a point ete tenue ; et si on avoit dessein ici de jetter les fon- 
 dements d'une plus etroite liaison entre sa Majeste Britannique et les Etats 
 Generaux, ce ne seroit pas par une conference des Ambassadeurs avec plu- 
 sieurs ministres. 
 
 J'ai peine a croire aussi ce qui est porte par ces lettres, que Milord Preston 
 ait ete charge de parler a V. M. sur le sujet de M. le Prince d'Orange. Le 
 Roi d'Angleterre m'cn auroit au moins dit quelque chose, s'il avoit envie 
 
APPENDIX. Ixxl 
 
 que ses offices eussent un bon succcs ; mals il me parle souvent comme 
 ayant une grande defiance et fort bien f'ondee de la conduite et des inten- 
 tions de M. le Prince d' Orange a son egard. Votre Majeste sait bien en 
 quelle maniere Milord Preston lui a parie sur ce sujet du Prince d'Orange. 
 Si cet endroit de la lettre des Ambassadeurs est faux, le reste pourroit bien 
 Tetre aussi. 
 
 Votre Majeste aura vu par les lettres que je me suis donne I'honneur de 
 lui ecrire, que je crois le Roi d* Angleterre dans toutes les dispositions pos- 
 sibles de conserver une etroite liaison avec Votre Majeste, et que c'est sur 
 ce fondement que roulent tous ses desseins. Cependant, il est certain que 
 toute I'application des Protestans zeles, et des partisans de M. le Prince- 
 d'Orange, est de le detacher des interets de V. M. On ne lui proposera 
 rien d'abord qui y soit directement oppose ; mais on voudra insensiblement 
 le faire entrer en des mesures secretes avec le Prince d'Orange seul, ou 
 avec les Etats Generaux. Je ne pense pas qu'on en vienne a bout ; et je 
 croirois plutot que les Ambassadeurs d'HoUande se flattent, et prennent 
 des discours generaux pour des paroles essentielles. 
 
 ^^'Les affaires du Parlement ne seront pas si faciles qu'on se I'etoit imagine. 
 Les esprits de ceux qui composent la Chambre d^s Communes paroissent 
 disposes a accorder la jouissance des revenus. Mais il sc fait tous les jours 
 dans les cabales, de nouvelles propositions qui donneront de I'embarras a 
 sa Majeste Britannique et a ses Ministres. 
 
 II y a eu une chose agitee qui est de grande consequence : Topinion 
 generalement repandue est, que Madame de Portsmouth et Milord Sunder- 
 land sont les principales causes de la liaison etroite qui a paru depuis 
 quelques annees entre V. M. et le feu Roy d' Angleterre. On les a vus, dans 
 les derniers temps de son regne, avec tout le credit; on a vu meme Milord 
 Rochester dechu de faveur, et pret a partir pour I'lrlande ; cela fait que la 
 principale haine du passe tombe sur Milord Sunderland et sur Madame de 
 Portsmouth, qu'on sait avoir agi en tout de concert. On y enveloppe aussi 
 Milord Godolfin. Les factieux pretendent avoir ete abandonees par eux, 
 et leur imputent tous les malheurs dont ils ont ete accables. Sur ce fon- 
 dement le dessein est de proposer, des que le Parlement sera assemble, 
 de chasser de la Chambre des Communes tous ceux qui ont ete, dans les 
 
Ixxii APPENDIX. 
 
 autres parlements, d'exclure M. le Due d' York de la succession. C'est unc 
 proposition specieuse, et qui paroit pleine de respect et de zele pour le 
 Roy d'Ans^leterre ; mais le dessein en cela est d'aigrir les esprits de toute 
 la nation contre lui, et de faire connoitre (s'il y consent) qu'il n'oublie 
 point ce qui a ete fait contre ses interets, et qu'il a toujours envie de 
 s'en venger. C'est aussi un degre pour attaquer ceux de la Chambre Haute 
 qui ont ete d'avis de son exclusion, et principalement Milord Sunderland 
 et Milord Godollin, qui ont traite de la part du feu Roy avec les factieux, 
 et qui les ont portes, en ce temps la, a insister sur une chose a laquelle ils 
 les assuroient que le Prince consentiroit a la fin, si on faisoit sa condition 
 bonne. 
 
 II est fort apparent que ce projet est soutenu par des gens qui ne sont 
 pas tout-a-fait hors des affaires. Milord Halifax a toujours une haine fort 
 vive contre Milord Sunderland, et anime sous main ceux qu'il avoit dis- 
 poses a lui nuire. 
 
 Milord Sunderland a deja parle au Roy.d' Angleterre pour pre venir le piege 
 qu'on lui voudroit tendre sous pretexte dechasser ceux qu'on appelle les 
 Exclusionnaires ; mais si le moyen manque, on en tentera d'autres ; et je cRfis 
 savoir que Milord Sunderland sera fortement attaque, tant par la haine qui 
 reste de lui de son ministere passe, que parce qu'on prevoit qu'il aura beau- 
 coup de part a la confiance de son maitre a I'avenir, si sa liaison subsiste 
 avec V. M., et s'il persiste dans le dessein d'etablir la religion Catholique. 
 
 Je crois que Milord Rochester sera epargne au commencement par le 
 Parlement. On le croit bon Protestant, et il est regarde comme protecteur 
 du parti Episcopal : on le voit a la tete des affaires, et les finances entre les 
 mains ; il est, outre cela, beau-frere du Roy : on croiroit en I'attaquant, 
 fournir a sa Majeste Britannique un pretexte de casser le Parlement. Mais 
 on s'imagine pouvoir attaquer les autres ministres impunement, et que peut- 
 etrc Milord Rochester ne sera pas fache de ce qui se passera contre ceux 
 qui avojent prevalu sur lui dans les derniers temps, et qui I'avoient reduit 
 a se retirer en Irlande. 
 
 Les Gatholiques sont ouvertement pour Milord Sunderland ; cela rendra 
 encore les esprits de la Chambre Basse plus aises a exciter contre lui ; cepen- 
 dant il a fort bien servi leRoy d' Angleterre avanl qu'il par vint a la couronne, 
 
APPENDIX. Ixxiii 
 
 et il a travaille si utileraerit ale faire venir d'Ecosse, et ^ le retablir dans le 
 conseil, et dans I'amiraute, que je ne crois pas que ce Prince I'abandonne, 
 ni qu'il souffre que le Parlement commence par faire une chose aussi preju* 
 diciablea Tautorite royale, que le seroitcelle d'attaquer les ministres. 
 
 Madame de Portsmouth croit aussi devoir etre attaquee ; cela Toblige a 
 presser son depart avant que le Parlement s'assemble. De la fagon dont le 
 Roy d'Angleterre m'a parle sur son sujet, j'ai lieu de croire qu'elle sera con- 
 tente de ce qu'il a resolu sur ses affaires. 
 
 V. M. pent juger par ce que j'ai I'honneur de lui mander, que les affaires 
 ne seront pas si paisibles dans le Parlement qu'on se I'imagine. II est vrai 
 que les anciens factieux ne sont pas choisis ; mais ceux qui composent le 
 Parlement le deviendront aisement : ils ont presque tous une aversion insur- 
 montable contre la religion Catholique, et la plupart sont ennemis de la 
 France, et jaloux de la grandeur de V. M. lis connoissent bien que du 
 succes de cette seance depend I'etablissement des affaires de sa Majeste 
 Britannique ; c'est pourquoi on n'omettra rien pour lui susciter des 
 embarras. 
 
 II y a des avis que les Anglois refugies a Amsterdam veulent envoyer 
 des armes en Ecosse, et ont pris des mesures sur cela ; c'est I'endroit oil il 
 pent plus aisement arriver des desordres, aussi bien que dans le Nord de 
 rirlande, qui joint presqu'a I'Ecosse. Le Roy d'Angleterre ne me paroit 
 point inquiet de I'avenir, ct croit venir a boutde tout aisement. 
 
 Les Ambassadeurs d'Hollande ont eu leur audience du Prince et de la Prin- 
 cesse de Dannemark. lis m'ont rendu la premiere visite apres la Maison 
 royale. Selon ce qui m'est rapporte par quelques uns de leurs confidents, ils 
 nesont pas si contents qu'ilsle temoignent par leurs lettres. Je ne laisserai 
 pas de redoubler mes soins pour penetrer ce qui se passera sur ce sujet. 
 
 II vint hier de fort bonnes nouvelles d'Ecosse. II a ete question dans 
 le Parlement, d'accorder a sa Majeste Britannique pour sa vie, les droits de 
 I'excise et des coutumes qui avoient ete concedes aussi au feu Roy pour sa 
 vie. Non seulement cela a ete fait, mais le Parlement a annexe ces memes 
 droits a lacouronne pour toujours. C'est le Due d' Hamilton qui en a fait 
 la proposition aux Seigneurs, et qui I'a fait reussir par son credit dans le 
 Parlement. 
 
 k 
 
Ixxiii APPENDIX. 
 
 On a arrete ici un ecuyer de M. le Due de Monmouth ; le Roy d'An- 
 gleterre m'a dit qu'il ne s'etoit trouve charge de rien, et qu'il ne s'etoit 
 pas cache, qu'ainsi on i'avoit elargi, en donnant caution de se representer. 
 
 Le Due deNordfolk a I'ordre de la jarretiere ; c'est la place qui a vaque 
 par la mort du feu Roy d'Augleterre. Milord Churchil sera Milord d'An- 
 gleterre : il I'etoit seulement d'Ecosse. M. Germain sera aussi fait Milord, 
 et le Colonel Talbot sera Comte d'Irlande des qu'il y sera arrive. Tout 
 cela sera fait avant I'assemblee du Parlement. 
 
 Je suis avee le profond respect que je dois, 8cc. 
 
 M, de Barillon au Roy. 
 
 17 May, 1685, a Londres. 
 J E vois par la derniere depeche de V. M. que sa resolution est de secourir 
 le Roy d'Angleterre dans ses besoins ; c'est dans cette vue que V. M. envoye 
 ici des sommes considerables. Cependant il me paroit que V. M. n'estpas 
 sans soup^on que le Roy d'Angleterre ne puisse prendre des mesures op- 
 posees a ses interets, et former des liaisons avee les Etats Generaux et avec 
 le Prince d'Orange. Ma principale application doit etre a tacher de le pe- 
 netrer, et je n'omettrai rien de ce qui pent m'cclaircir de ce qui se passe 
 de plus secret ici. Le commerce intime que j'ai avec le Roy d'Angleterre 
 et avec ses ministres me met en tel etat, que ce sera ma faute si je suis 
 trompe. 
 
 V. M. pent tenir pour assure que le Roy d'Angleterre n'a point un plan 
 de liaison avec les Etats Generaux, et encore moins avec le Prince d'Orange. 
 Je ne prends pas cette confiance mal-a-propos, mais sur beaucoup de choses 
 qu'il me seroit difficile d'expliquer a V. M. aussi clairement que je les vois* 
 II faut convenir, cependant, que le Roy d'Angleterre dissimule ; et il lui 
 €st important de le faire jusques apres la seance du Parlement; mais je suis 
 convaincu qu'il levera le masque aussitot aprcs, et qu'il ne se contraindra 
 pas, comme il I'a fait jusqu'a present, a cacher sa pente pour les interets 
 de V. M., et le dessein qu'il a d'etablir Texercice libre de la religion Catho- 
 lique. Je suis persuade qu'il trouvera beaucoup de diflficultes dans I'exe- 
 
APPENDIX. Ixxv 
 
 cution de ce dessein : il n'y a aucune apparence que le Parlement y con- 
 sente : je doute meme que sa Majeste Britannique I'ose proposer. Cela 
 dependra des premieres resolutions qui se prendront sur les revenus. 
 Mais par avance je sais que la defiance est fort grandc dans les esprits de 
 part et d'autre, et que si le Parlement apporte de la facilite a la concession 
 des revenus, il ne se relachera point sur ce qui regarde la religion Catho- 
 liijue. C'est ce qui m'a fait insister jusques a-present aupres de V. M. 
 pour la supplier de ne point ordonner de suspendre les payements aux- 
 quels on s'attend ici. Je trouverois meme beaucoup d'inconvenient a de- 
 clarer au Roy d'Angleterre et a ses ministres, qu'apres I'ancien subside 
 paye V. M. ne lui fournira plus rien, a moins qu'il ne se trouve oblige 
 de forcer ses sujets a se conformer a ce qu'il desire, tant a I'egard de ses 
 revenus que du libre exercice de la religion Catholique. 
 
 Je vois que V. M. regarde comme un inconvenient que le Roy d'Angle- 
 terre puisse mettre dans son epargne, et augmenter ses fonds d'une 
 somme considerable que V. M. fourniroit dans le temps, qui le mettra en 
 etat de subsister coramodement; et que son autorite etant etablie au-dedans, 
 et ayant obtenu ce qu'il souhaite a I'egard de la religion Catholique, il 
 sera en etat de prendre parti sur les alliances qu'il pent faire au-dehors. 
 Si cela etoit ainsi, je croirois que V. M. auroit interet de prevenir ce Prince 
 par une gratification, et I'engager insensiblement dans vos interets par une 
 somme bien moins considerable que ne seroit celle que V. M. donneroit, 
 si une fois il avoit pris la resolution de se joindre a ceux qui sont jaloux 
 de votre grandeur. Mais les affaires de ce pays-ci sont fort eloignees d'un 
 etat si tranquille, V. M. verra que dans la suite le Roy d'Angleterre 
 trouvera des oppositions beaucoup plus grandes qu'on ne le croit. II y a 
 deja des mouvements parmi les Montagnards d'Ecosse ; le Nord de 
 rirlande n'est pas tranquille ; les factieux n'ont pas perdu toute espcrance, 
 et votre Majeste sait que Ton a pris des mesures en Hollande pour leur en- 
 voyer des armes et des munitions. 
 
 Si dans le temps que tout est en mouvement, et que Ton fera les plus 
 grands efforts pour detacher le Roy d'Angleterre de I'amitie de votre 
 Majeste, je lui declarerois, et a ses Ministres, que V. M. ne veut plus le 
 secourir, je fournirois un pretexte fort plausible a ceux qui lui veulent 
 
Ixxvi APPENDIX. 
 
 faire prendre un chemin oppose a celui qu'il a rcsolu de tenir. Je doute 
 encore qu'ils en vinssent a bout ; mais c'est un peril auquel il n'est pas, ce 
 me semble, necessaire d'exposer les affaires de ce pays-ci, qui peuvent 
 (si je ne me trompe,) etre conduites avec une entiere surete, sans que V. M. 
 liazarde beaucoup. Je vois ce qui se passe; il sera mal-aise de me le 
 cacher ; ainsi je ne donnerai pas mal-a-propos ce que j'aurai pouvoir de 
 donner. J'ose encore supplier V. M. de me permettre (apres I'ancien 
 subside paye) de fournir au Roy d'Angleterre, pendant I'assemblee du 
 Parlement, jusques a la somme de deux cent mille ecus sur celle de quime 
 cent trente mille livres qui me restera entre les mains, apres que votre Majeste 
 y aura envoye toute la somme qu'elle a resolu. Je menagerai cette somme 
 de deux cents mille ecus en telle sorte que V. M. connoitra par la suite 
 qu'elle lui aura ete utile. 
 
 V. M. me permet par sa derniere dcpeche, de donner toute la somme 
 que je pourrai avoir entre les mains, si je vois le Parlement casse, et que 
 le Roy d'Angleterre soit reduit a contraindre ses sujets par la force a se 
 soumettre. II n'est pas apparent que les affaires viennent tout d'un coup 
 a une rupture ouverte, et j'aurai toujours assez de temps pour informer 
 V. M. et recevoir ses ordres, pourvu que je puisse cependant fournir 
 quelque somme. Enfin, Sire, les affaires sont ici, selon ce que j'en puis 
 juger, en fort bon etat a I'egard de V. M.; mais je n'en repondrois pas, si 
 V. M. m'otoit la liberte de faire aucane sorte de payement, apres I'ancien 
 subside paye. II me suffit d'avoir connu ses intentions pour n'aller pas 
 trop loin, quand j'en aurai la permission. Le Roi d'Angleterre se croit 
 en quelque fa9on juge lui-meme de ses besoins ; si V. M. veut I'obliger 
 entierement, et lui temoigner une veritable amitie, elle s'en rapportera a 
 lui. Si je jetois dans son esprit une defiance quoique mal-fondee, j'aurois 
 de la peine a le faire revenir, au lieu que presentement j'ai etabli une con- 
 fiance que rien ne detruira pourvu que V. M. me permette de faire ce que 
 je croirai entierement necessaire pour son service. Je ne serois pas assez 
 imprudent pour presser V. M. de faire une chose a laquelle il me paroit 
 qu'elle a de la repugnance, si je n'en connoissois I'importance et (I'utilite) 
 la necessite. Je ne voudrois pas non plus perdre aupres de V. M. ie peu 
 de service que je puis lui avoir rendu en ce pays ci, en lui conseillant de 
 
APPENDIX. Ixxvii 
 
 faire une chose qui pourroit dans la suite etre nuisible, ou du moins in- 
 utile a ses interets. Mais je manquerois a mon devoir, et a la fidelite que je 
 dois a V. M., si je ne lui representois, comme je fais, qu'il est absolument 
 necessaire de me laisser la liberte de donner des marques de votre amitic 
 au Roy d'Angleterre, dans le temps que Ton prendra le plus de soin de 
 I'ebranler. 
 
 La conjoncture presente est decisive : il est question que le Roy d'An- 
 gleterre prenne un parti qu'il soutiendra longtemps. Je crois voir que ce 
 parti est pris dans son esprit, et qu'il est determine a se tenir etroilement 
 uni avec V. M.; il est seulement necessaire de le maintenir dans cette reso- 
 lution, et de I'empecher de donner dans les pieges qui lui seront tendus. 
 
 Les lettres que je regus avant hier de M. d'Avaux me confirment dans 
 I'opinion que les lettres des Ambassadeurs d'Hollande au Pensionnaire 
 Fagel, dont on a eu des copies, sont fausses et supposees. II y a beaucoup 
 d'apparence que c'est un artifice invente pour faire croire en Hollande et 
 ailleurs que le Roi d'Angleterre est entierement dispose a former une nou- 
 velle et plus etroite liaison avec les Etats Generaux, et qu'il y a deja une 
 parfaite intelligence retablie entre sa Majeste Britannique et le Prince 
 d'Orange. Je suis persuade que I'un ni I'autre n'est veritable. La jalousie 
 du Roy d'Angleterre contre M. le Prince d'Orange est trop bien fondee, 
 et trop naturelle, pour etre aisement detruite: je ne vois pas non plus qu'il 
 y ait apparence que les interets de I'Angleterre et des Etats Generaux se 
 puissent aisement concilier sur le point du commerce, puisqu'au con- 
 traire c'est un fondement de division dans I'interet le plus solide des deux 
 nations. 
 
 L'affaire seule de Bantam peut empecher encore longtemps qu'il n'y ait 
 une liaison entre sa Majeste Britannique et les Etats Generaux : leurs de- 
 putes, et ceux de la Compagnie des Indes d' Amsterdam sont arrives. On 
 va entrer en conference avec eux. Cependant, je vois encore bien des gens 
 persuades, que cette affaire ne s'accommodera pas. J'ai su par un des 
 principaux interesses dans la Compagnie des Indes que le Roi d'Angleterre 
 est fort resolu de soutenir leur commerce, et de traverser celui des Hoi- 
 landois. Cette meme personne m'a dit que sa Majeste Britannique a 
 envoye depuis peu un homme expres, charge d'une lettre au Roy de Perse, 
 
Ixxviii APPENDIX. 
 
 pour I'exhorter a ne se point accorder avec les Hollandois au prejudice des 
 autres nations, et lui offrir meme du secours, en cas que la guerre que les 
 Hollandois lui font continue. 
 
 Je suis avec le profond respect que je dois, 8cc. 
 
 M. de Barillon au Roi. 
 
 21 Mai, 1685, a Londres. 
 
 \Jn re^ut hier ici des lettres de la Haye, qui portent que trois vaisseaux 
 charges d'armes et de munitions de guerre avoient fait voile ou pour 
 I'Ecosse, ou pour le Nord d'Irlande. Le Roi d'Angleterre m'en a parle, 
 et m'a dit qu'il voyoit bien le peu de soin que M. le Prince d'Orange avoit 
 pris de mettre ordre a une chose si importante, et que s'il avoit pris les 
 mesures necessaires pour cela, il en auroit ete averti le premier, auroit 
 arretc les vaisseaux, et lui en auroit donne avis ; qu'au lieu de cela, on 
 avoit differe plusieurs jours a la Haye de rien faire sur les remontrances 
 du Sieur Skelton, et qu'on I'avoit oblige de donner un memoire ; que ce- 
 pendant il auroit ete facile d'arreter les vaisseaux, si on en avoit eu I'inten- 
 tion ; que cette lenteur marque peu d'application et de chaleur de la part 
 des Etats Generaux et de M. le Prince d'Orange, et ne repond pas aux 
 belles paroles qu'on lui dit tous les jours de leur part ; que son dessein 
 n'etoit point d'en faire des plaintes dans les formes, mais qu'il connoissoit 
 bien qui sont ceux qui sont veritablement dans ses interets, et dont il attend 
 des marques d'amitie sinceres ; que cependant, il n'est point embarrasse 
 ni inquiet de ce qui arrivera de ces vaisseaux ; qu'il a donne des ordres 
 necessaires pour prevenir les mouvements que les factieux pourroient 
 exciter en Ecosse ou en Irlande ; qu'il a envoye des fregates sur les cotes, 
 et que dans le fonds il croit n'avoir rien a craindre, etant assure de I'amitie 
 de votre Majeste, 
 
 Je repondis a sa Majeste Britannique toutce que je crus devoir augmenter 
 son soupcon de la conduite de M. le Prince d'Orange, et I'assurer de 
 I'amitie de V. M. II convint de ce que je lui dis, et me fit entendre qu'il 
 ne croyoit pas encore devoir se declarer sur cela ouvertement, mais qu'il 
 
APPENDIX. Ixxix 
 
 esperoit n'etre pas encore longtemps oblige de dissimuler ; que c'etoit un 
 personnage qu'il soutenoit mal, et auquel il n'etolt point propre. J'ai su 
 depuis cela, qu'il avoit parle avec beaucoup de ressentiment de ce qu'on 
 n'avoit pas prevenu en Hollande ce que les exiles d'Angleterre pouvoient 
 menager pour I'execution de leurs (manoeuvres) mauvais desseins. II a 
 meme dit tout haut au Gonseil, que si ceux qui y etoit obliges, avoient fait 
 leur devoir du temps du feu Roy et du sien, a I'egard des factieux retires 
 en Hollande, on ne seroit pas en peine presentement de deliberer des moy- 
 ens de s'opposer aux efforts qu'ils font pour exciter des troubles. Cela ne se 
 peut entendre que de M. le Prince d'Orange. 
 
 Les Ambassadeurs d'Hollande paroissent embarrasses de cette nouvelle. 
 lis disent que Ton a fait toutes les diligences possibles pour arreter les 
 vaisseaux, des que Mrs. les Etats ont etc avertis par M. Skelton, mais que 
 kur gouvernement est assujeti a des formes par-dessus les quelles on ne 
 peut passer. 
 
 Le Roy d'Angleterre parla tout haut, il y deux jours, a M. Ziters sur 
 I'affaire de Bantam d'une maniere assez forte, et lui fit entendre que toutes 
 les nations de I'Europe, et principalement les Anglois, avoient un grand in- 
 teret que les Hollandois ne fussent pas maitres tout seuls du commerce du 
 poivre, et des autres epiceries. M. Ziters dit que ce commerce leur coutoit 
 si cher, qu'on ne devoit pas le leur envier ; que meme ils avoient offert aux 
 marchands Anglois qui sont dans les Indes, de partager avec eux la moitie 
 des epiceries qu'ils apporteroient en Europe. 
 
 Le Roy d'Angleterre rcpondit qu'il n'etoit pas juste que ce fut eux qui 
 en fissentla distribution et la part aux autres ; que le commerce devoit etre 
 libre, etqu'enetant les maitres, ilsmettroient le prix qu'ils voudroient aux 
 marcliandises. Le Roy d'Angleterre ajouta, en se tournant vers moi ; 
 " On sait bien en France ce qui en est, et aussi en Dannemark, car on fait 
 la meme chose a leur egard." 
 
 Ce discours fait en public a redouble I'inquietude des Ambassadeurs 
 d'Hollande sur Taffaire de Bantam ; mais je ne pense pas qu'il y ait beau- 
 coup de reflexion a faire sur ce qui se dit publiquement. C'est plutot, a 
 ce que j'en puis juger, dans le dessein de porter les Commissaires a faire 
 des oflfres qui puissent contenter la Compagnie de Londres. 
 
Ixxx APPENDIX. 
 
 Sa Majeste Britannique croit que le Comte d' Argile est dans les mon- . 
 tagnes d'Ecosse. EUe m'a dit qu'elle y fera marcher des troupes reglees, 
 et que cependant les ordres etoient envoyes pour donner pouvoir aux 
 families ennemies du Comte d' Argile et des Cambels de s'armer et de leur 
 courir sus. Milord Dombarton part aujourdhui pour commander les troupes 
 en Ecosse, et les conduire ou Ton verra que les factieux voudront faire 
 leurs premiers efforts. 
 
 Le Colonel Talbot part aussi pour I'lrlande; on a change quantite 
 d'oflSciers dans les troupes qui y sont : on y doit encore faire des change- 
 ments qui y sont necessaires. On attend ici avec impatience de savoir oii 
 les trois vaisseaux charges d'armes et de munitions seront abordes : ils sont 
 sortis du Texel il y a dix jours. Le Roy d'Angleterre m'a dit qu'il y 
 avoit des hommes dessus, et quelques officiers de ceux qui ont ete casscs 
 en Hollande. On nesait point avec certitude si M. le Due de Monmouth 
 est sur un de ces vaisseaux : il a ete depuis peu a Roterdam. On ne doute 
 pas que cette entreprise d'envoyer des vaisseaux ne soit fondee sur un 
 concert secret avec les factieux du pays oii ils doivent aborder, et qu'il n'y 
 ait des mesures prises pour prendre les armes aussitot apres. Le peril est 
 que leurs troupes ne grossissent, et que les mccontents, qui sont en grand 
 nombre dans le Nord de I'lrlande, ne s'assemblent, et ne forment un 
 corps assez considerable pour tenir la campagne, et resister aux troupes 
 reglees qu'on enverra contre eux, a qui meme il n'est pas sur qu'on se 
 puisse fier entierment. Tout cela fait beaucoup parler a Londres, et ar- 
 rive dans le temps que le Parlement va s'assembler. Le moindre incon- 
 venient qui en pent resulter est de rendre le Parlement plus difficile 
 qu'il n'auroit ete si tout avoit ete calme. 
 
 II a ete public ici un ecrit, sous le nom du Due de Buckingham, en 
 faveurde la liberie de conscience pour tous les Nonconformistes. Le Roy 
 d'Angleterre n'a pu s'empecher de louer d'abord cet ecrit ; il n'en a 
 parle depuis que comme d'une chose qui ne merite aucune reflexion. 
 Mais les Episcopaux n'ont pas laisse d'en etre alarmes, et de trouver fort 
 k redire a cet ecrit. J'en envoye une traduction dont V. M. pourra se 
 faire rendre compte : c'est la matiere la plus importante qui puisse etre 
 agitee a I'egard du dedans de I'Angleterre. 
 
APPENDIX. rxxxi 
 
 Le parti des eveques etoit regarde, du temps du feu Roy d'Angleterre, 
 comme le soutien de la Royaute, et les Presbiteriens, aussi bien que les 
 autres sectaires, maintenoient la religion Protestante, et s'opposoient forte- 
 ment a ce qui s'appelle I'accroissement du Papisme. Mais I'etat des affaires 
 de la religion est bien change en Angleterre, depuis que le Roy fait una 
 profession ouverte de la religion Catholique. Tons les Nonconformistes se 
 trouvent dans le meme etat que les Catholiques : les loix sont egalement 
 etablies contre les uns et les autres; il n'y a plus que I'Eglise Anglicane 
 qui soit la religion de I'etat, et qui puisse s'opposer a toutes les autres sectes ; 
 c'est ce qui la fait regarder comme I'unique soutien de la religion Protes- 
 tante en general, n'y ayant point d'autre moyen de s'opposer a I'aggran- 
 dissement de la religion dont le Roy fait profession, qu'en se tenant ex- 
 actement dans I'execution des loix penales. On voit bien cependant qu'ii 
 est impraticable de poursuivre et de punir ceux qui ont la meme religion 
 que le Roy regnant ; et il semble meme que les loix faites contre les Ca- 
 tholiques tombent d'elles^memes, et soient, en quel que sorte, aneanties, 
 quand celui au nom duquel on les poursuit, et au profit de qui les con- 
 damnations et les amendes sont appliquees, est lui-meme de la religion 
 pour laquelle on pretend les devoir punir. 
 
 II y a un autre grand embarras presenteraent dans tous les serments qui 
 se pretent par tous les Protestants : ils jurent de ne reconnoitre autre chef 
 de I'Eglise Anglicane que le Roy d'Angleterre; cependant, il est de no- 
 toriete que lui-meme reconnoit un autre chef de I'eglise, et ne croit point 
 I'etre. Cela forme des contradictions difficiles a concilier : le moindre 
 relachement des loix penales sera regarde par les Protestans zeles comme 
 un chemin a etablir entierement la religion Catholique. La raison essen- 
 tielle de cela est que la religion Catholique etoit la religion de I'etat, et 
 etablie par les loix sous le regne de la Reine Marie. Les loix faites sous 
 le regne de la Reine Elizabeth contre les Catholiques ont etabli la religion 
 Anglicane. Si on abolit cesloix, ou qu'on les suspende, I'ancienne reli- 
 gion redevient la religion de I'etat, et reprend ses premiers droits, et sa 
 premiere force, qui I'autorise meme a poursuivre les autres sectes, comme 
 on a fait du temps de la Reine Marie. Tout cela fera la matiere des deli- 
 berations du Parlement, a moins que I'affaire des revenus ne soit d'abord 
 
Ixxxii APPENDIX. 
 
 achev6e, et que le Roy d'Angleterre ne se resolve a casser ou a proroger 
 le Parlement aussitot apres, et a prendre de lui-meme les resolutions qu'il 
 croira convenables. 
 
 Le proces a ete fait au Sieur Gates, dont les depositions ont servidefon- 
 dement a la pretendue conspiration des Catholiques : il a ete trouve cou- 
 pable de parjure, et on a prouve qu'il etoit a St. Omer lorsqu'il a depose 
 avoir ete present a une assemblee de Jesuites a Londres. II s'est defendu 
 avec beaucoup d'audace et d'impudence ; il a dit que trois Parlements 
 avoient aprouve ses depositions, et I'avoient cru ; que presentement il 
 souffre pour la religion Protestante. Qjaand il sortit de Westminster, 
 Milord Louvelez, qui est signale entre les factieux, Tembrassa, et lui fit un 
 compliment sur sa fermete. La peine etablie par les loix contre le par- 
 jure est d'etre mis au pilori, et d'avoir le bout de I'oreille coupe : le 
 jugement sera execute, et ensuite Gates sera remis en prison, ou il sera 
 retenu longtemps, etant condamne a de grandes sommes pour des discours 
 scandaleux tenus contre M. le Due d'York. On ne peut par les loix 
 rinquieter ni le poursuivre pour les faussetes inventees par lui contre la 
 Reine Douairiere d'Angleterre, et les Pairs Catholiques, n'y ayant point 
 de peines etablies contre la calomnie. Quelques uns croyent qu'on auroit 
 mieux fait de ne point achever presentement le proces d'Oates, et qu'il 
 auroit ete aussi a-propos de ne le pas poursuivre, puisque la condamna- 
 tion ne va qu'au pilori, qui n'est pas une peine proportionnee a ses 
 
 Grimes. 
 
 Je suis, avec le profond respect que je dois, 8cc. 
 
 Le Roi a M. Barillon. 
 
 25 Max, 1685, a Versailles. 
 
 JVIdnsieuii Barillon, j'ai regu votre lettre du 24 May, par la voie 
 ordinaire, et celle du 21 May par le retour du courier que je vous 
 avois depeche. Je ne doute pas que vous ne vous serviez utilement 
 de la faussete qui paroit dans les pretendues lettres des Ambassadeurs 
 d'HoUande au Pensionnaire Fagel pour faire connoitre au Roy d'Angle- 
 
APPENDIX, Ixxxiii 
 
 terre et a ses Ministres, que le Prince d'Orange ne recherche que I'ap- 
 parence d'une bonne intelligence avec le dit Roy, pour augmenter par 
 la son credit dans les Provinces Unies, mais qu'au fonds il veut toujours 
 entretenir une secrete correspondence avec les mecontents d'Angleterre, 
 et rien n'en peut mieux persuader la Cour ou vous etes, que la conni- 
 vence du dit Prince a rarmement qui a ete fait en HoUande de trois vais- 
 seaux pour porter les chefs des dit mecontents, et autant d'armes et de 
 munitions de guerre qu'ils en peuvent avoir besoin pour exciter des sedi- 
 tions et armer les rebelles, soit en Angleterre, en Ecosse, ou en Irlande. 
 Ainsi vous avez raison de ne pas croire que I'Envoye d'Angleterre soit 
 charge de la part du Roy son maitre de me parler en faveur du Prince 
 d'Orange ; et il a seulement dit a Groissy que le dit Roy s'etoit expliquc 
 qu'il ne pouvoit pas avoir d'etroite liaison avec ce Prince, tant qu'il ne 
 seroit pas bien avec moi. 
 
 Je suis, cependant, blen aise d'apprendre que le Roy d'Angleterre n'ait 
 aucun sujet d'apprehender le passage du Due de Monmouth, du Comte 
 d'Argile, et du Sieur Gray, ni tons les efforts que tous les mecontents 
 pouvoient faire pendant I'assemblee du Parlement; et je m' assure nean- 
 moins qu'il prendra toutes les precautions necessaires, pour se garantir de 
 leurs mauvais desseins. 
 
 Je ne vois pas aussi qu'il entre dans la proposition qu'on lui veut faire 
 de chasser du Parlement tous ceux qui ont ete d'avis, dans les assemblies 
 precedentes, de I'exclure de la succession ; et comme le nombre en est 
 grand, et que I'interet qu'ils auront a effacer cette tache par des services 
 considerables, les portera, selon toutes les apparences, a le servir plus 
 utilement que ne pourroient faire ceux qui ont toujours ete les plus 
 attaches a sa personne ; il est de sa prudence et d'une juste et eclairee 
 politique de faire connoitre qu'il n'a aucun ressentiment de ce qui s'est fait 
 centre lui avant qu'il soit parvenu a la couronne, et de reserver seulement 
 a faire dans la suite du temps, la distinction de ceux qui le serviront bien 
 d'avec ceux qui feront voir par leur conduite qu'ils n'ont agi que par un 
 pur esprit de cabale. 
 
 Votre derniere me fait voir qu'il y a plus de disposition qu'on n'en croyoit 
 a quelques mouvements tant en Ecosse qu'en Irlande, et sur ce fondemcnt 
 
Ixxxiv APPENDIX. 
 
 Youz insistez a ce que je vous permette d'employer, outre les 470 mille 
 livres qui restent a payer du subside promis au feu Roy, au moins 6OO mille 
 livres sur les 1530 mille livres que vous avez entre les mains, apres qu'on 
 vous aura remis tous les fonds que j'ai destines pour assister le Roy d'An- 
 gleterre. Mais comme I'ordre que je vous ai donne par ma depeche du 
 9* me paroit snfEsant pour la satisfaction de ce Prince, je ne juge pas a- 
 propos d'y rien changer, d'autant plus que faisant remettre incessamment 
 a Londres toute la somme que je vous permets de donner, en cas de be- 
 soin, leRoy peut bien juger que je ne refuserai pas les assistances neces- 
 saires; car vous me pouvez avertir journellement de ce qui se passera: je 
 vous donnerai aussi mes ordres avec la meme diligence, suivant les 
 difierents evenements. 
 
 Exlrait d'une Letlre du Roy a M. Banllon. 
 
 a Versailles^ 1 Juin^ I685. 
 
 IVl. Barillon vos lettres des 21 et 2A May me font voir qu'encore que 
 le Roy d'Angleterre ne temoigne aucune inquietude des preparatifs que 
 font les proscrits d'Angleterre, tant pour y retourner que pour y exciter 
 quelque mouvement, soit vers I'Ecosse ou vers le Nord d'Irlande ; nean- 
 moins la Cour ou vous etes, et les principaux marchands de la ville de 
 Londres apprehendent que les entreprises de ces factieux n'aient quelques 
 suites qui troublent le commerce et le repos dont les Anglois jouissent a- 
 present, je suis bien aise d'apprendre que le dit Roy ait donne de bons 
 ordres pour prevenir les desseins des Rebelles, et qu'il mette sa principale 
 confiance dans mon amitie. 
 
 II peut aussi s'en promettre la continuation, tant qu'il demeurera dans les 
 memes engagements que le feu Roy son frere et lui-meme avoient pris avec 
 moi ; et comme les discours que le public lui fait tenir sur-tout ce qui re- 
 garde les interets de ma couronne neconviennent pasace quejedoisatten- 
 dre de lui, vous devez observer bien soigneusement quels sont ses veritables 
 sentiments, et m'informer de tout ce que vous apprendrez qu'il aura dit sur 
 ce sujet, soit dans ses discours particuliers, soit dans les discours qu'il aura 
 
APPENDIX. Ixxxv 
 
 tetius aux Ambassadeurs et ministres etrangers; ensorte qu'apres avoir 
 donne des marques de mon zele pour le retablissement de la religion Ca- 
 tholique en Angleterre, et de mon amitie pour ce Prince par les secours 
 que je vous fais incessamment remettre', je ne contribue pas d'avantage, 
 s'il a de mauvais desseins, a le mettre en etat de s'opposer a tout ce qui 
 peut etre de ma satisfaction ; et vous ne sauriez me rendre un compte trop 
 exact de la maniere qu'il vous traite, de tout ce qu'il vous dit sur les af- 
 faires presentes, et de ce que vous pouvez penetrer de ses intentions, tant 
 sur les alliances qu'il pretend faire a I'avenir, que sur les mesures qu'il 
 veut prendre avec ses voisins. 
 
 Vous pouvez cependant I'assurer, qu'il n'y a aucun fondement a I'avis 
 qu'on lui a donne, que le Marquis de BoulHers avoit ordre d'entrer dans 
 la Navarre Espagnole ; que pour ce qui regardel'escadre demes vaisseaux 
 que j'ai envoyee sous le commandement du Sieur de Treuilly vers Cadiz, 
 il n'a ordre que de faciliter le commerce de mes sujets, et le retour des 
 effets qu'ils ont sur la flotte des Indes. Vous savez aussi que le Marechal 
 d'Estrees doit seulement faire la guerre avec les vaisseaux qu'il commande 
 aux Corsaires de Tripoli ; ainsi il n'y a rien de nouveau dans ces com- 
 mandements dont vous n'ayez deja ete averti. 
 
 Vous jugez bien que tout ce qui se passera dorenavant en Angleterre 
 merite une grande attention, et je ne doute point que vous ne donniez tons 
 vos soins a en etre bien averti, et a me rendre un compte exact de ce que 
 vous apprendrez. 
 
 Extrait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon au Roi, 
 
 28 Max, 1685, a Londres. 
 
 JVl. d'Avaux aura envoye a V. M. la copie d'une lettre des Ambassa- 
 deurs d'HoUande, sur laquelle il me paroit faire beaucoup de reflexion. 
 Je ne doute pas qu'il n'y ait des ministres qui parlent a ces Ambassadeurs 
 dans le sens qu'il mandent, et qui ne se flattent d'esperances sur I'avenir 
 mais je n'ai aucun lieu de croire que ces esperances soient bien fondees. 
 Je persiste a ce que j'ai eu I'honneur de mander a votre Majeste sur cela. 
 
Ixxxvi APPENDIX. 
 
 Le Roy d'Angleterre me paroit tous les jours connoitre d'avantage com- 
 bien I'amitie de V. M. lui est necessaire. Tous les eflforts que Ton fera 
 pour I'ebranler seront inutiles, si V. M. fait de son cote tout ce qui est 
 necessaire pour le maintenir dans les sentiments ou il est. Je ne serois 
 pas assez imprudent pour en assurer V. M. si je ne croyois en avoir de$ 
 preuves convaincantes. 
 
 Extrait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon au Roy. 
 
 2 Juin, 1685, a Londres. 
 
 X^E chagrin et I'inquietude que cette nouvelle peut donner au Roy d'An- 
 gleterre ont ete fort diminues par ce qui se passa hier au Parlement : la 
 Ghambre des Communes a accorde a sa Majeste Britannique, pour sa vie, 
 les memes revenus dont le feu Roy son frere jouissoit : la resolution en a 
 ete prise d'un comun consentement ; M. Seymer seul s'y opposa, et ha- 
 rangua inutilement contre la forme des elections, et sur le peril ou Ton est 
 de voir introduire la religion Catholique, et un gouvernement contre les 
 loix. Son discours ne fut suivi ni applaudi de personne. 
 
 La Ghambre Haute delibera, en meme temps, sur Taffaire des Seigneurs 
 accuses de haute trahison, et cassa un reglement de la meme Ghambre qui 
 ordonne que les accusations intentees par la Ghambre Basse subsisteront d'un 
 parlement a I'autre. Gela s'etoit fait pour perpetuer I'accusation contre 
 le Gomte de Danby et les Pairs Gatholiques, qui par ce raoyen demeure- 
 ront toujours en etat d'etre condamnes sur les temoignages rendus contre 
 eux. lis sont presentement libres de I'accusation, et il faudroit pour les 
 poursuivre recommencer une nouvelle accusation, et une nouvelle proce- 
 dure, Cette deliberation de la Ghimbre Haute annule tout ce qui a etc 
 fait sur la pretendue conspiration des Gatholiques, qui sans cela auroit 
 subsiste : c'est un coup fort important a I'egard de sa Majeste Britan- 
 nique. Les Milords Devanscher, Anglesey, Claire, et Radnor furent d'un 
 avis contraire, et temoignerent seulement leur mauvaise volonte. 
 
 Le Roy d'Angleterre me parla hier au soir avec beaucoup de chaleur 
 de son attachement pour V. M. et de I'envie qu'il a de conserver son 
 
APPENDIX. Ixxxvii 
 
 amitie, et d'augmenter, s'il est pgssible, les liaisons etablies. II me dit 
 qu'il se croyoit encore plus en etat de se conduire suivant son inclination 
 et ses interets, se trouvant en possession du revenu dont le feu Roy son 
 frere jouissoit ; que cependant il auroit toujours un grand besoin de 
 I'amitie et des secours de V. M. pour executer les choses qu'il a dans 
 I'esprit, et sans lesquelles il ne peut etre en surete ; que V. M. verroitavec 
 quel soin il menagera I'honneur de ses bonnes graces, et avec quelle fer- 
 mete il sera dans ses interets. Ce Prince me dit ensuite le detail des nou- 
 velles d'Ecosse ; et ajouta, qu'il ne doutoit pas que I'Electeur de Brande- 
 bourg et d'autres Princes d'Allemagne n'eussent contribue sous main a 
 I'entreprise du Comte d' Argile, et qu'il seroit soutenu de tons les Protestans 
 de I'Europe ; que cela lui montroit le chemin qu'il doit tenir, et a qui il 
 se peut fier. Je lui dis que j'informerois V. M. de ce qui se passoit, et 
 que je pouvois I'assurer per avance que V. M. n'omettroit rien pour le 
 soutenir, et lui donner des marques essentielles de son amitie. 
 
 Les lettres que j'ai regues de M. d' Avaux, du 29 May, me font voir que 
 les Ambassadeurs d'Hollande qui sont ici, ecrivent comme s'ils etoient 
 persuades que le Roy d'Angleterre est dans une entiere disposition a faire 
 une nouvelle et plus etroite alliance avec les Etats Generaux. 
 
 V. M. jugerace qui est a faire ici pour son service dans la conjoncture 
 presente. Je me tiendrai en etat d'executer ses ordres, sans m'avancer 
 au-dela du payement de I'ancien subside. Je ne doute pas que Milord 
 Rochester, et nieme le Roy d'Angleterre, ne me pressent bientot de leur 
 fournir d'autres sommes dont ils sgavent que les fonds sont ici. II me 
 paroit que le cas contenu dans les ordres de V. M. est a-peu-pres arrive, 
 puis qu'il y a une rebellion formee en Ecosse qui a ses racines et son fon- 
 dement en Angleterre et en Irlande. J'attendrai ce qu'il plaira a V. M. 
 de m'ordonner ; mais ce qui se fera bientot, et du pur mouvement de 
 V. M., sera, ce me semble, d'un autre poids, et d'un plus grand merite, 
 que les secours qu'on accordera, lorsqu'ils seront demandes avec empresse- 
 ment. 
 
 Je sais que des sommes considerables ne se fournissent pas ordinaire- 
 ment sans des stipulations prealables, et sans des assurances positives de 
 Teffet qu'elles peuvent produire. Je ne fais aucun doute que le Roy 
 
Ixxxviii APPENDIX. 
 
 d'Angleterre n'enlre dans la suite dans tous les engagements que V. M. 
 pourra desirer: je ne me suis point ouvert sur cela, parce que je n'ai pas 
 eu d'ordre positif de V. M. de le faire : j'ai meme apprehende, si j'en 
 commengois le discours, qu'on ne demandat des conditions qui ne lui 
 conviendroient peutetre pas, corame celle de ne point faire, de son cote, 
 d'alliance avec d'autres Princes. Cette egalite n'est pas raisonnable ni ad- 
 missible entre V. M. et le Roy d'Angleterre, dont la puissance est si diffe 
 rente et si inegale avec la sienne. Mais les Anglois presument toujours 
 d'avantage qu'ils ne doivent, et ceux qui voudroient erapecher ou aSbiblir 
 les liaisons entre V. M. et sa Majeste Britannique, trouveroient peut-etre 
 des pretextes dans les clauses d'un traite pour en eluder les conclusions. 
 Je fais cette reflexion par avance, sur une chose dont il n'est pas encore 
 question, mais qui pourroit venir en son temps. 
 
 II s'agil seulement a-present de ce que V. M. m'ordonnera de faire de 
 I'argent qu'elle a fait passer ici. II me paroit que le Roy d'Angleterre 
 s'engage a mesure qu'il revolt de I'argent de V. M., et que c'est le meilleur 
 et le plus sur moyen de rendre inutiles tous ces efforts qu'on fera pour 
 Tebranler, et pour lui faire prendre un chemin oppose aux interets de 
 V. M. je crois voir cela clairement, et qu'il y auroit du peril a laisser le 
 Roy d'Angleterre sans secours, dans le temps qu'il pent en avoir plus de 
 besoin, II est vrai que le Parlement lui a accorde le revenu du feu Roy ; 
 il pourra meme dans la suite donner quelque chose pour la flotte ; mais la 
 guerre civile est commencee en Ecosse, et je vois des gens fort senses qui 
 sont persuades que I'entreprise du Comte d'Argile est plus considerable 
 encore qu'elle ne paroit. 
 
 Des que I'acte des revenus sera passe, les affaires qui regardent la reli 
 gion seront sur le tapis, et quantite d'autres affaires. J'estime qu'il seroit 
 utile, en ce temps la, pour le service de V. M. de pouvoir menager quel- 
 ques gens du Parlement, et leur inspirer une conduite telle qu'il convient 
 aux interets de V. M. : une somme de quinze cent ou deux milJe pieces 
 suffiroit pour conserver a V. M. un credit dont elle pourroit avoir besoin 
 en d'autres temps. Je ne ferai rien sur cela, quand j'en aurois la per- 
 mission, qu'avec de grandes precautions. 
 
 Milord Montaigu m'est venu trouver avant son depart pour France; il 
 
APPENDIX. Jxxxix 
 
 m'a fort presse d'ecrire a V. M. pour le parfait payement de ce qui lui 
 reste du. II m'a dit qu'au lieu de cinquante mille ecus qui lui sont dus, il 
 se contenteroit d'une pension pendant sa vie ; qu'il pretendoit ne pouvoir 
 etre moindre que de vingt mille livres: il croit que ce seroit un moyen de 
 satisfaire a ce qui lui est legitimement du, sans que V. M. fut obligee de 
 debourser une somme considerable, et que ce seroit meme une surete de sa 
 conduite dans tous les temps, puisque V. M. pourroit faire cesser le paye- 
 ment de la pension, si V. M. n'etoit pas contente de lui. Je n'ai pu me refuser 
 a rendre compte a V. M. de cette proposition. II est certain que M. de Mon- 
 taigu a rendu un grand service. II en doit parler lui-meme a M. de Croissy, 
 
 Extrait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon au Roi. 
 
 4 Juin, J 685, a Londres. 
 J_jE discours de M. Seymer a fait beaucoup de bruit a Londres, et a la 
 Cour, quoiqu'il n' ait point retarde la resolution de la Chambre Basse pour 
 la concession ; mais dans la suite il sera souvent parle de ce discours, dans 
 lequel les questions importantes ontete traitees a fonds. M. Seymer ne 
 s'est point oppose a ce que Ton donnat au Roy d'Angleterre les revenus 
 dont le feu Roy jouissoit ; mais il a propose qu'on remit a en deliberer 
 jusqu'a ce que les formes dans lesquelles les elections des membres du Par- 
 lement ont ete faites, eussent ete examinees. II a soutenu qu'elles etoient 
 pour la plupart vicieuses,et faites par cabale, et par autorite, ce qui est direc- 
 tement contraire aux loix d'Angleterre, qui etablissent une entiere liberte 
 sur le sujet des elections, en sorte que la moindre corruption en argent 
 etant prouvee rend I'election nuUe ; que les sherifs et autres ofEciers qui 
 avoient preside a ces elections, avoient ete tous prcposes en vertu des nou- 
 velles chartres accordees depuis peu au lieu des anciennes qui ont ete re- 
 voquees ; que I'exemple de ce qui a ete fait a I'egard de la ville de Londres, 
 dans la revocation de ses chartres, et de ses privileges, avoit ete suivi dans 
 les autres villes et bourgs, quoique selon les loix et I'usage, il ne soit pas 
 au pouvoir du Roi de revoquer ni de rendre nulles des chartres accordees 
 par les Rois ses predecesseurs, confirmees par un temps immemorial, etpar 
 
xc APPENDIX. 
 
 Tapprobation expresse et tacite de plusieurs parlements ; qu'ainsi le principe 
 des elections etant (vicieux) defectueux, les deputes n'ctoit pas de veritables 
 membres du parlement, choisis par la nation contra la liberte requise et 
 dans les regies usitees ; que cependant il n'y avoit pas eu de temps au quel 
 il fut plus necessaire d'avoir un Parlement compose de gens bien intentionnes 
 et attaches aux loix d'Angleterre, parce que la nation etoit en un peril 
 evident de voir changer ses loix et sa religion ; que Taversion des peuples 
 d'Angleterre contre la religion Catholique Romaine, et leur attachement 
 pour leurs loix etoient tellement etablis dans les esprits, qu'on ne pouvoit 
 detruire leur religion et leurs loix que par des actes du Parlement, ce qui 
 ne seroit pas difficile, quand un Parlement se trouve entierement depen- 
 dant de ceux qui peuvent avoir de tels desseins ; que Ton parloit deja 
 d'abolir le Test, qui etoit le seul rempart capable d'empecher I'introduc- 
 tion du Papisme ; et que des que cet obstacle seroit leve, les Papistes 
 viendroient aisement a bout de rentrer dans les charges et dans les emplois, 
 et d'etablir leur religion sur la destruction de la religion Protestante ; que 
 Ton disoit aussi que I'intention etoit de casser I'acte 6! Habeas Corpxis, qui 
 est le plus ferme Ibndement des libertes des Anglois ; que si cet acte etoit 
 revoque, le gouvernement arbitraire se trouveroit bientot etabli ; que ce 
 qu'il avangoit etoit connu de tout ie monde, et n'avoit pas besoin de 
 preuves ; qu'ainsi, avant de prendre aucune resolution de consequence, 
 il etoit necessaire d'examiner la validite des elections, et de decider, selon 
 les regies etablies en Angleterre, si les Deputes etoient capables de constituer 
 un veritable et legitime Parlement qui put representer la Nation. 
 
 Ce discours fut prononce avec beaucoup de force, et eut I'approbation 
 secrete de beaucoup de gens ; mais personne ne se leva pour I'aprouver. 
 Ceux de son parti crurent qu'ils le feroient inutilement, et que la contes- 
 tation qu'ils formeroient, ne serviroit qu'a montrer leur foiblesse et leur 
 petit nombre, en comparaison des autres qui se croyent elus. Ces memes 
 questions reviendront souvent dans la suite, et serviront de fondement a 
 tout ce qui sera allegue contre les resolutions du Parlement presentement 
 assemble. Ceux qui lui contestent son pouvoir nont point d'autres juges 
 que les memes gens a qui on dispute la validite de leurs elections ; c'est 
 ce qui fit mettre a la Tour, pendant un assez longtemps. les Pairs qui 
 
APPENDIX. xci 
 
 voulurent soutenir, il y a quelques annees, que le Parlement n'etoit pas un 
 veritable Parlement, et ils furent obliges a la fin de se retracter. 
 
 Le fils aine du Comte d'Argile, nomme Milord Lorn, est venu se re- 
 mettre entre les mains du Roy d'Angleterre, et a ofFert de servir centre 
 son pere ; il y a un autre de ses enfants avec lui. On croit tous les jours 
 d'avantage ici que cette affaire est considerable. 
 
 Extrait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon au Roy. 
 
 7 Juin, 1685} aLondres, 
 On eut hier des nouvelles d'Irlande qui portent que le Comte d'Argile 
 avoit descendu dans I'ile d'Yle, qui est a lui ; les 500 hommes qui y 
 avoient ete mis par le Marquis d'Atol s'etoient deja retires. Plusieurs des 
 habitants en sont aussi sortis pour ne se pas declarer en faveur du Comte 
 d'Argile. On croit ici qu'il lui seroit impossible de demeurer long temps 
 dans cette ile, a moins qu'il ne soit secouru par les gens du Nord de I'lr- 
 lande : il n'y paroit aucune disposition. Les troupes de sa Majeste Bri- 
 tannique se sont avancees, et ont occupe les endroits propres a empecher 
 les peuples de s'assembler ni de rien entreprendre : cela fait dire ici que 
 I'entreprise du Comte d'Argile n'aura aucun succes. On ne sait pourtant 
 point encore ce qui se passe dans la terre ferme d'Ecosse ou il a d'abord 
 mis pied a terre, et ou le bruit est qu'il a laisse un de ses enfants pour as- 
 sembler les gens du pays qui sont pour lui. Personne ne doute que son 
 dessein ne soit fonde sur I'esperance que M. le Due de Monmouth essaye- 
 roit en meme temps d'exciter une revoke en Angleterre ; mais on croit 
 que M. le Due de Monmouth n'a ose hazarder d'y venir. On a commence 
 en Ecosse a lui faire son proces. L'acte de la concession des revenus sera 
 passe dans trois ou quatre jours ; il a ete lu pour la seconde fois a la 
 Chambre des Pairs. Le Parlement ne s'assemble point aujourdhui, parce 
 qu'il est le jour de I'Ascension, ni demain, parce que c'est le jour du Re- 
 tablisssment du feu Roy d'Angleterre, et qu'on veut en celebrer la fete. 
 
 II se passa avant-hier une chose de grande consequence dans la Cham- 
 bre Basse : il fut propose le matin que la chambre se metiroit en comite 
 
3fcii APPENDIX. 
 
 I'apres-diner pour considerer la harangue du Roy sur I'affaire de la rell-^ 
 gion, et savoir ce qui devoitetreentendupar le itxme de religion Protestante. 
 La resolution fut prise unanimement, et sans contradiction, de faire une 
 adresse au Roy pour le prier de faire yne Proclamation pour I'execution 
 des loix contre tous les Nonconformistes generalement, c'est-a-dire, contra 
 tous ceux qui ne sont pas ouvertement de I'Eglise Anglicane ; cela en- 
 ferme les Presbiteriens et tous les sectaires, aussi bien que les Catholiques 
 Romains. La malice de cette resolution fut aussitot reconnue du Roy 
 d'Angleterre et de ses ministres : les principaux de la Chambre Basse 
 furent mandes, et ceux que sa Majeste Britannique croit etre dans ses in- 
 terels: il leur fit une reprimande severe de s'etre laisses seduire et entrainer 
 a une resolution si dangereuse et si peu admissible. II leur declara que 
 si Ton persistoit a lui faire un pareille adresse, il repondroit a la Chambre 
 Basse en termes si decisifs et si fermes qu'on ne retourneroit pas a lui faire 
 un pareille adresse. La maniere dont sa Majeste Britannique s'expliqua, 
 produisit son effet hier matin, et la Chambre Basse rejeta tout d'une voix 
 ce qui avoit ete resolu en comite le jour auparavant. 
 
 On fait grande reflexion ici sur cette marque de deference et de sou- 
 mission que la Chambre Basse a donnee. Mais ceux qui savent les motifs 
 de la premiere deliberation, voient bien quelaseconde estforcee, etquece 
 qui se fait par autorite n'empeche pas que le sentiment unanime n'ait ete de 
 donner un coup aux Catholiques, et de faire meme comprendre au Roy 
 d'Angleterre combien il trouveroit de difficulte a rien obteuir du Parlement 
 en leur faveur. 
 
 Ce Prince a temoigne beaucoup d'algreur contre ses domestiques et autres 
 gens attaches particulierement a lui, qui ont donne les mains, par malice 
 ou par ignorance, a une resolution si peu respectueuse a son egard : il 
 connoit le ridicule et le danger qu'il y a pour lui d'etre pric par le Parle- 
 ment de poursuivre avec rigueur I'execution des loix contre les Catho- 
 liques et les Nonconformistes. Cependant il en tire cet avantage, qu'il a 
 connu le fonds des intentions de la Chambre Basse, et qu'il a fait un coup 
 d'autorite en les obligeant a se retracter des le lendemain d'une resolution 
 prise unanimement. 
 
 Sa Majeste Britannique salt tres-mauvais gre aux eveques qui, sous pre- 
 
APl^ENDiX. xclli 
 
 leXte de zele pour FEglJse Anglicane, avoient fait prendre une resolution 
 si absurde et si dangereuse. Les gens opposes a la Cour temoignent 
 secretement leur joie de ce que la Chambre Basse a montre a tout le monde 
 quels etoient ses sentiments sur la religion : ils ne comptent pas pour beau- 
 coup que la Chambre Basse ait ete obligee de se retracter, esperant qu'en 
 une autre occasion elle aura plus de fermete, et que le Roy d'Angleterre 
 ne sera pas toujours en etat et en volonte de faire des coups d'autorite. 
 
 On a parle dans la Chambre Basse d'exclure ceux qui avoient ete d'avis 
 d'exclure M. le Due d' York de la succession ; mais les principaux de la 
 Chambre avoient ordre de s'opposer a cette proposition, ainsi elle n'a eu 
 aucune suite. C'etoit une tentative contre plusieurs des Ministres, qui 
 sont a-present dans la confiance du Roy d'Angleterre. 
 
 Onvoit par ce qui s'est passe hier et avant-hier combien il est difficile 
 de prevoir ce qu'un Parlement pent faire. Cela fait dire deja que le Par- 
 lement ne sera pas long temps assemble : eux-memes ont envie d'etre pro- 
 roges ou ajournes, voyant bien qu'ils ne sont pas en etat de prendre une 
 resolution de consequence, et de la soutenir, quand elle ne sera pas 
 agreable a sa Majeste Britannique. Ils sont aussi fort incommodes dans 
 leur Chambre, qui est trop petite pour contenir le nombre dont elle est 
 composee, qui est de cinq cents treize personnes. II est pourtant apparent 
 que la Cour fera encore quelque effort pour les obliger a donner quelque 
 chose pour mettre la flotte en bon etat. 
 
 Les Commissaires de la Compagnie des Indes d'Amsterdam, et ceux de 
 la Compagnie de Londres se sont assembles : ils ne paroissent pas encore 
 disposes a convenir ensemble, ni a s'approcher : ceux de Hollande veulent 
 gagner du temps, et traiter par ecrit dans les delais ordinaires ; les An- 
 glois veulent abreger la matiere, et aller au fait, c'est-a-dire, convenir de 
 la restitution dans Bantam. Les HoUandois auroient bien de la peine a y 
 donner de bonne foi les mains 
 
 Je sais qu'il a ete agite dans les assemblees particulieres qui se font des 
 gens du Parlement de proposer quelque chose k I'egard de la France, et de 
 marquer au Roy d'Angleterre le chemin qu'il doit tenir. On n'a pas trouve 
 de pretexte apparent de rien proposer presentement sur cela ; s'il y en 
 avoit quelque occasion dans la suite on ne la manqueroit pas, autant par 
 
xciv APPENDIX. 
 
 mauvaise intention contre le Roy d'Angleterre, que pour I'embarrasser 
 par la jalousie de la grandeur de V. M. qui est natureilement dans les 
 esprits des Anglois. On a parle dans une de ces conferences de faire une 
 adresse pour prier sa Majeste Britannique de s'employer a conserver le 
 repos a I'Europe : cette proposition a ete trouvee trop generale, et sujette 
 a interpretation : on a meme cru qu'elle pourroit donner lieu a sa Majeste 
 Britannique de s'unir plus etroitement avec V. M., sous pretexte de la 
 conservation de la paix. 
 
 Le Roy d'Angleterre vient de me dire qu'il est arrive un courier exprcs 
 d'Ecosse, parti d'Edinbourg le 4. de ce mois ; que le Comte d'Argile est 
 entre dans le pays de Cantir, qui lui appartient: c'est une languede terre 
 qui s'etend devers I'lrlande. II s'est avance jusques au pays qui porte 
 le nom d'Argile, pour aller au-devant des troupes du Marquis d'Atol, et 
 empecher qu'elles ne se joignent avec les autres royalistes. Les lettres 
 portent que le Comte d'Argile a trois mille hommes avec lui. L'opinion 
 de sa Majeste Britannique est que ses troupes grossiront encore. Son fils 
 est dans le pays de Lorn, et il leur est aise de se joindre, Toutes les 
 lettres qui viennent d'Ecosse font juger que le Comte d'Argile s'attendoit 
 que M. le Due de Monmouth se mettroit en devoir d'exciter une revoke en 
 Angleterre. Je suis avec le profond respect que je dois, Sec. 
 
 Le Roy a M. Barillon. 
 
 d Versailles ^ le 15 Juin^ I685. 
 JVloNsiEUR Barillon, j'ai re^u par la voie ordinaire vos lettres des 4 
 et 7 de ce mois, et par le courier que vous m'avez depeche, celle du 10% 
 qui ne coutient rien de plus considerable que les precedentes, sinon les 
 raisons que vous avez de croire qu'il est du bien de mon service que je 
 vous donne pouvoir de faire payer au Roy d'Angleterre la somme de cent 
 mille ecus, outre et par-dessus ce qui lui reste du, a cause du subside promis 
 au feu Roy son frere. Mais il me paroit, au contraire, par tout ce que 
 contiennent vos dernieres lettres, que ce Prince a moins de besoin de mon 
 assistance a-present, qu'il en a eu depuis qu'il est parvenu a la couronne. 
 
APPENDIX. xcv 
 
 Et en effet je vois premierement que toutes les remontrances que le Sieur 
 Seymer a faites dans la Chambre Basse, et tout ce qu'il a dit pour attaquer 
 la valldite des elections, n'a servi qu'a determiner plus promptement le 
 Parlement a continuer au Roy les memes revenus dont jouissoit le feu Roy 
 son frere; que d'ailleurs le bruit que fait le debarquement du Comte 
 d'Arp-ile en Ecosse avec une petite suite de rebelles mal pourvus de toutes 
 choses, et pen capables d'une grande entreprise, a fait prendre aussi la reso- 
 lution au Parlement d'accorder encore au dit Roy jusqu'a la somme de seize 
 cent mille livres sterlings qui feront plus de vingt millions de livres; qu'enfin ce 
 Prince n'a pas plutot temoigne combien lui seroit desagreable la propo- 
 sition que toute la Chambre des Communes avoit resolu de faire d'une 
 proclamation pour I'execution des loix contre tous les Nonconformistes, 
 qu'elle a rejette d'un commun consentement la deliberation des comniis- 
 saires ; ensorte qu'on peut dire que jamais Roy d'Anglelerre n'a agi avec 
 plus d'autorite dans son Parlement que ce Prince fait a-present, et qu'il n'y 
 a rien qu'il ne s'en dolve promettre pour I'affermissement de son autorite, 
 et pour la punition du petit nombre de rebelles qui ont ose paroitre. 
 Ainsi j'ai sujet de me promettre que non seulement il ne desirera point de 
 moi, dans la conjoncture presente, d'autre assistance que celle que je vous 
 ai promis de lui donner, c'est-a-dire, le payement de ce qui reste du de 
 subsides, mais meme qu'il demeurera persuade que les temoignages pub- 
 lics de mon amitie, et la crainte des secours que je n'aurois pas manque de 
 lui donner, s'il en avoit eu besoin, ont beaucoup contribue a xnaintenir ses 
 sujets dans le devoir, et a lui faire obtenir de son Parlement tout ce qu'il 
 en a desire jusqu' a-present. 
 
 II ne reste done plus, tant pour ma satisfaction que pour la sienne, qu'a 
 obtenir le revocation des loix penales en faveur des Catholiques, et le libre 
 exercice de notre religion dans tous ses etats, et vous savez que c'est aussi 
 le principal motif qui m'a porte a vous faire remettre avec tant de dili- 
 gence des sommes si considerables. Mais corame ce Prince ne juge pas 
 a-propos de tenter, quant a-present, cette demande, je ne veux pas aussi 
 le presser de se mettre au hazard d'un refus dans une matiere si impor- 
 tante, et pour le succes de la quelle il est de sa prudence de prendre des 
 mesures bien justes. Je croirois neanmoins qu'a-present que le Parlement 
 paroit dispose a ne lui rien refuser, soit que la seulfe affection le fasse 
 
xcvi APPENDIX. 
 
 agir, ou que la crainte y soit melee, ce Prince feFoit tres-sagement d'en 
 profiter, et d'en tii-er ce qu'il desire en faveur de notre religion, sans leur 
 donner le temps de se reconnoitre, et de concerter avec ceux qui sont le plus 
 animes centre notre religion ce qu'ils auront a faire pour en empecher le 
 progres ; et si le Roy prenoit ce parti la, et qu'il trouvat quelque obstacle 
 qu'il ne put vaincre qu'avec mon assistance, je la lui accorderois volontiers, 
 aussitot que vous m'auriez informe de ses besoins. Mais jusqu'a ce qu'il 
 prenne cette resolution, et qu'il I'execute, mon intention n'est pas de rien 
 changer aux ordres que je vous ai donnes ; et je veux que vous gardiez les 
 fonds que je vous ai fait remettre, pour n'en disposer que lorsque je le 
 jugerai necessaire. Cependant, si le Grand Tresorier d'Angleterre vous 
 presse de lui faire quelque payement au-dela de I'ancien subside, vous lui 
 direz seulement que, comme le Parlement se conduit selon mes soubaits et 
 ceux du dit Roy, je n'ai pas sujet de croire que ce Prince puisse avoir 
 besoin a-present d'une assistance extraordinaire, et qu'ainsi vous n'avez pas 
 pouvoir de disposer de ce que vous avez de fonds. 
 
 Je vous envoye la lettre de ma main que vous m'avez propose d'ecire 
 au Roy tant sur la satisfaction que lui donne son Parlement, que sur ce 
 qui regarde les mouvements d'Ecosse; et je desire que sur I'un et I'autre 
 de ces points vous ne parliez qu'en conformite de ce que j'ecris au Roy, et 
 de ce que contient cette depecbe, ne jugeant pas a-propos d'offrir ouverte- 
 ment un secours de troupes a un Prince qui ne m'en demande point, et 
 pour une affaire qu'il pent terminer par ses propres forces. 
 
 Extrait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon an Roy. 
 
 18 Juin, 1685, a Londres. 
 1l y a des gens ici qui voudroient faire tomber sur la France k soup^on 
 qu'on rejette sur la ville d' Amsterdam, comme s'il y avoit assez d'intelli- 
 gence entre V. M. et cette ville pour presumer que tout ce qui s'y fait 
 est de concert avec V. M. 
 
 Le Roy d'Angleterre rejette avec aigreur et dedain ce qu'on dit en sa 
 presence de I'interet qu'a V. M. d'entretenir les divisions en Angleterre. 
 Ce Prince s'explique tout liaut que les rebelles sont soutenus et aides des 
 
APPENDIX. . xcvli 
 
 Protestants zeles des autres pays, et traite de ridicule tout ce qui se dit 
 d'oppose a cela. 
 
 Je suis avec le profond respect que je dois, k.c. 
 
 Le Hoy a M. Barillon. 
 
 h Versailles^ le IS Juillet, 1685. 
 
 JVloNsiEUR Barillon, j'ai recu vos lettres des deux et cinq de ce mois, 
 et elles m'ont donne d'autant plus de satisfaction qu'elles ne me laissent 
 aucun lieu de douter que le Roy de la Grande Bretagne n'ait la meme 
 facllite a dissipper le peu qui reste de revokes en Angleterre, qu'il en a 
 eu a punir la rebellion d'Ecosse ; et comme le Due de Monmouth a deja 
 perdu ses vaisseaux, et n'a aucune ville considerable ou il se puisse retirer, 
 il y a bien de I'apparence qu'il aura bientot le meme sort que le Comte 
 d'Argile, et que son attentat aura serviarendre leRoy d'Angleterre beau- 
 coup plus absolu dans son royaume qu'aucun de ses predecesseurs. 
 
 J'apprends cependant qu' outre les trois regiments Anglois qu'il fait re^ 
 venir d'Hollande le Prince d'Orange a encore demande pour lui aux Etats 
 Generaux un secours de trois mille hommes ; que meme il en a fait 
 demander a I'Electeur de Brandebourg ; et comme ilra'a paru jusqu'a-prc- 
 sent, par tout ce que vous m'avez ecrit, que le Roy ne vouloit pas se servir 
 de troupes etrang^res, pour ne point donner d'ombrage a ses sujets, je serai 
 bien aise que vous me fassiez savoir si c'est par ses ordres que le Prince 
 d'Orange a fait cette demande, celui-ci pouvant bien, pour ses fins particu- 
 lieres, desirer d'avoir beaucoup de troupes en Angleterre qui lui seroient 
 devouees, etdontil pourroit disposer ensuite contre les interets du dit Roy, 
 
 Continuez aussi a m'informer exactement de tout ce qui se passera au 
 lieu ou vous etes, dans une conjoncture si importante, et donner tous vos 
 soins a en etre bien averti, et a m'en rendre un compte exact. 
 
 Comme je vois avec plaisir que le Parlement d'Angleterre fournit ample- 
 ment a tous les besoins du Roy de la Grande Bretagne, et que ce Prince 
 ne trouvera pas meme d' obstacle au retablissement de la Religion Catho- 
 lique, lorsqu'il voudra I'entreprendre, apres qu'il aura acheve de dissiper 
 
xcviii APPENDIX. 
 
 le peu qui reste de revokes, j'ai juge a-propos de faire revenir les fonds que 
 je vous avois fait remettre pour appuyer, en cas de besoin, les desseins que 
 ce Prince voudroit former en faveur de notre religion. Ainsi mon inten- 
 tion est que, si cet argent est dans votre maison, vous le fassiez remettre a 
 plusieurs fois entre les mains des banquiers avee le meme secret qu'ils i'y 
 ont porte, et s'il se peut, d'une maniere encore plus impenetrable, voulant 
 que, soit qu'il soit demeure entre les mains des dits banquiers ou chez vous, 
 il soit renvoye par les memes vo'ies, et remis en mon epargne, jusqu'a ce 
 que je juge necessaire de i'employer en faveur du Roy d'Angleterre. 
 
 M. de Barillon au Roy. 
 
 16 Juillet, 1685, a Londres. 
 Je n'ai pu, apres la separation du Parlement, differer de m'expliquer a 
 Milord Grand Tresorier sur les instances qu'il m'a faites de continuer les 
 payements du subside. Je lui ai dit que je ne pouvois disposer des fonds 
 qui avoient ete envoyes ici, sans avoir de nouveaux ordres ; que ces fonds 
 etoient destines pour les plus pressants besoins du Roy d'Angleterre, et 
 que ce besoin pressant ne paroissoit pas presentement, apres que le Parle- 
 ment avoit accorde des sommes fort considerables pour I'augmentation de 
 ses revenus pendant plusieurs annees, et avoit meuie accorde un subside 
 extraordinaire, dont I'avantage pouvoitetre re^u des-a-present par emprunt. 
 Je me doutois bien que ce discours ue plairoit point au Grand Tresorier. 
 II me parut fort surpris, et me fit entendre qu'il ne pouvoit s'imaginer 
 quelle raison V. M. avoit de faire cesser le payement de sommes envoyees 
 ici dans le temps auquel le Roy son maitre en avoit le plus de besoin, et 
 lorsqu'il s'attendoit de recevoir plus de marques de I'amitie de V. M. ; qu'il 
 etoit vrai que le Parlement avoit accorde des droits pendant plusieurs 
 annees, outre le revenu, mais que ce qui s'en pouvoit tirer n'etoit pas pre- 
 sent, et que si on consumoit ces fonds par avance, le Roy son maitre se 
 trouveroit k I'avenir tres-mal dans ses aflfaires ; ce qu'il ne pouvoit eviter 
 avec trop de soin, connoissant en quel embarras se jette un Roy d'Angle- 
 terre qui a un grand besoin de son Parlement, qu'il ne croyoit pas que 
 
APPENDIX. xci3c 
 
 V. M. fut pleinement informee de ce qui se passe en Angleterre presente- 
 ment ; et que dans le temps qu'il y a une guerre civile allumee dans le 
 coeur du royaume, et lorsque le Roy son maitre a besoin non seulement de 
 ses forces, mais du secours de tous ceux qui prennent interet a sa conserva- 
 tion, V. M. veuille retrancher les subsides qu'elle a fournis dans le temps 
 qu'il en avoit moins de besoin, et lorsque ce retranchement n'auroit pl[i 
 etre d'aucune consequence ; au lieu que dans la conjoncture presente les 
 secours de V. M. sont non seulement utiles, mais necessaires. Enfin, ce 
 ministre n'omit rien pour me faire connoitre que ce que je lui avois dit 
 etoit un contretemps dont il ne pouvoit penetrer le motif, ne croyant pas 
 que V. M. eut change de sentiments pour le Roy son maitre, ni qu'il voulut 
 (quand cela seroit) le faire paroitre en une occasion comme celle-ci. 
 
 Je fis mon possible pour expliquer a ce Ministre que V. M. avoit sim- 
 plement juge que le Roy d' Angleterre etoit en etat de n'avoir aucun besoin 
 de secours de dehors ; que la revoke du Comte d'Argile avoit dure si pea 
 qu'on ne pouvoit la regarder que comme un effort inutile du parti des fac- 
 tieux, qui n'avoit eu aucune suite ; qu'on ne s'imaginoit pas non plus en 
 France que I'entreprise de M. le Due de Monmouth put avoir aucun succes, 
 et qu'on s'attendoit tous les jours d'apprendre que ses troupes se seroient 
 dissippees, et qu'il auroit ete pris ou qu'il se seroit sauve ; que V. M. avoit 
 temoignc son amitie au Roy d' Angleterre, en envoyant si prompteraent des 
 fonds pour ses plus pressants besoins, et qu'elle les reservoit aussi pour 
 une occasion qui ne paroit pas arrivee. 
 
 Le Grand Tresorier me repliqua qu'il n'arriveroit jamais, du regne du 
 Roy son maitre, une occasion si pressante que celle-ci, et qu'il ne pouvoit 
 s'imaginer que V. M. sachant bien ce qui se passe ici, lui voulut laisser 
 demeler une affaire si decisive sans lui donner de nouvelles marques de son 
 amitie. Au sortir de chez^e Grand Tresorier, je fus trouver le Roy d' An- 
 gleterre, pour le prevenir, et empecher que le Grand Tresorier ne lui ex- 
 pliquat ce que je lui avoit dit d'une fa^on qui I'auroit plus aigri et plus 
 aigri que je ne ferois. Je fis souvenir ce Prince de toutes les marques 
 d'amitie qu'il a revues de V. M. dans tous les temps, et de la promptitude 
 avec laquelle V. M. lui a fait connoit»e la sincerite de ses intentions, pour 
 le soutenir lors de son avenement a la couronne. Je lui fis connoitre que 
 
« APPENDIX. 
 
 rien ne pouvoit diminuer les sentiments de V. M. a son egard qu'un 
 changement de conduite de sa part, que je croyois qui n'arriveroit jamais ; 
 qu'ainsi il pouvoit s'assurer d'une amitie ferme et constante de la part de 
 V. M. dont il recevroit des marques eclatantes et essentielles, quand les 
 occasions s'en presenteroient ; que cependant, V. M. croyoit les affaires de 
 ses finances en si bon elat, qu'elle n'avoit pas estime qu'il eut besoin pre- 
 sentement de nouveaux secours, et que ce qu'il avoit recu du Parlementle 
 mettoit en pouvoir de soutenir de plus grandes depenses que celles qu'il 
 etoit oblige de faire. 
 
 Le Roy d'Angleterre me parut assez embarrasse, et s'imagina d'abord 
 que V. M. etoit mecontente de sa conduite, et vouloit, en quelque fa^on, 
 renoncer a son amitie. Je lui dit que je ne savois rien qui eut rapport ace 
 qu'il me disoit; que seulement il etoit vrai que je n'avoit point d'ordre de 
 continuer les payements au-dela de I'ancien subside; que V. M. m'avoit ce- 
 pendant ordonne de I'assurer que les fonds qu'elle avoit envoyes ici, seroient 
 reserves pour le secourir dans un pressant besoin, et que s'il entreprenoit 
 d'etablir I'exercice libre de la religion en faveur des Catholiques, et qu'il y 
 trouvat des difficultes dont il ne put venir a bout sans le secours de V. M. 
 elle employeroit tout le fonds qui est ici pour le secourir et pour I'aider; 
 qu'il pouvoit voir par la les intentions de V. M., et la sincerite de sa con- 
 duite. Ce que je dis remit, en quelque fa^on, I'esprit de ce Prince, qui me 
 parut d'abord fort agitc. 
 
 II me repondit a ce que je venois de lui dire, que je connoissois le fonds 
 de ses intentions pour I'etablissement de la religion Catholique ; qu'il 
 n'esperoit en venir a bout que par I'assistance de V. M. ; que je voyois 
 qu'il venoit de donner des emplois dans ses troupes aux Catholiques aussi 
 bien qu'aux Protestants; que cette egalite fachoit beaucoup de gens, mais 
 qu'il n'avoit pas laisse passer une occasion si importante sans s'en prevaloir; 
 qu'il feroit de meme a I'egard des choses praticables, et que je voyois plus 
 clair sur cela dans ses desseins que ses propres ministres, s'en etant souvent 
 ouvert avec moi sans reserve. II ajouta, que j'etois temoin de son attache- 
 ment pour la personne de V. M., et de Tenvie sincere qu'il avoit de ne se 
 jamais separer de ses interets ; qu'il avoit plus compte sur I'assistance de 
 V. M. et sur son amitie, que sur aucune autre chose au monde, et qu'il ne 
 
APPENDIX. ci 
 
 croyoit pas que V. M. voulut dans la conjoncture presente cesser des sub- 
 sides dont il avoit plus de besoin qu'il n'en aura de sa vie. 
 
 Je repon^is ^ cela que V. M. n'avoit point change de sentiment, et 
 qu'elle jugeoit seulement qu'il n'avoit pas besoin des memes assistances, 
 ayant ete mis par le Parlement en etat de s'en passer. Je me contentai 
 d'avoir entame la matiere et d'y avoir mele Taffaire de la religion, dans 
 la quelle le Grand Tresorier n'entre part fort avant, quelque credit qu'il 
 ait dans les autres choses. J'informai Milord Sunderland de ce qui se 
 passoit, afin qu'il fut prepare, quand le Roy son maitre lui parleroit. 11 
 m'a dit : " Le Roy votre maitre peut avoir des desseins que je ne penetre 
 pas ; mais ceci est un contre-temps auquel j'espere qu'on remediera, en 
 faisant voir que c'est une meprise fondee sur ce qu'on n'a pas ete pleine- 
 ment informe de ce qui se passe dans ce pays-ci ; autrement vous donneriez 
 des armes a ceux qui veulent rompre I'union des deux Rois. Si Ton ne 
 s'en soucie pas en France, je n'ai rien a dire ; mais si on fait quelque cas 
 de nous, je sais bien que vous pouvez etre assure du Roy d'Angleterre pour 
 toujours ; et que ses desseins, et ses intentions, ne peuvent reussir qu'avec 
 I'assistance et I'amitie du Roy votre maitre." 
 
 J'expliquai a Milord Sunderland ce que j'avois dit au Grand Tresorier, 
 et a sa Majeste Britannique, du bon etat des finances et du peu de besoin 
 qu'on a ici du secours de dehors. II me repliqua: " Vous voyez a quelles 
 depenses Ton s'engage, et ce qu'il faudra pour les soutenir; vous savez ce 
 que coutent des troupes qu'il faut entretenir, et ce que c'est qu'une guerre 
 civile dans le dedans, qu'on ne peut s'assurer de voir sitot finir; mais pour 
 le present on n'est pas ici en etat de se passer du secours du Roy votre 
 maitre, et je ne crois pas qu'il puisse faire de depense qui lui soit plus 
 utile." 
 
 J'ai eu une seconde conference avec le Roy d'Angleterre dans son 
 cabinet, ou nous fumes longtemps seuls. II me parut persuade que le refus 
 de continuer le payement vient de ce que V. M. croit qu'il est en etat de se 
 passer de secours etrangers. II entra sur cela dans le detail de ses affaires, 
 et me dit que je savois en quel desordre le feu Roy son frere avoit laisse 
 ses magazins et ses vaisseux ; que les droits d'augmentation qui lui avoient 
 ete accordes pourroient a-peine etre suffisants pour remettre une flotte 
 
cii APPENDIX. 
 
 mediocre en etat de tenir Ja mer ; que le dernier secours accorde par le 
 Parlement seroit consomme par avance pour I'entretien des troupes, dont 
 il ne se pouvoit passer a I'avenir, connoissant le peu de fonds qu'il peut 
 faire sur les milices ; que les charges du gouvernement etoient telles (sans 
 compter que la guerre civile peut durer) qu'il n'auroit de sa vie plu§ de 
 besoin d'etre assiste qu'il en a presentement ; que je le connoissois assez 
 pour savoir qu'il seroit fort aise d'etre attache et uni a V. M- sans avoir 
 besoin d'un secours d'argent; et qu'il se feroit un grand plaisir de pouvoir 
 meriter d'autres marques de son amitie ; mais que dans la conjoncture pre- 
 sente les secours de V. M. lui etoient necessaires, et qu'il ne croyoit pas 
 que V. M. voulut reserver pour d'autres temps le secours qu'elle a destine 
 pour lui, n'y ayant pas d'apparence qu'il puisse arriver de conjoncture oii 
 il en puisse avoir un plus grand besoin ; que je connoissois le fond de 
 ses desseins, et que je pouvois repondre que tout son but etoit d'etablir la 
 religion Catholique ; qu'il ne perdroit aucune occasion de le faire ; qu'il 
 avoit arrae les Catholiques en Irlande ? que Milord Dumbarton avoit eu le 
 commandement de son armee d'Ecosse; que le Due de Gordon avoit ete 
 mis a la tete des milices ; que presentement il mettoit les charges de guerre, 
 autant qu'il pouvoit dans les mains des Catholiques d'Angleterre ; que 
 c'etoit en quelque fa^on lever le masque, mais qu'il n'avoit pas voulu laisser 
 passer I'occasion de le faire, la croyanL decisive ; qu'il savoit combien de 
 gens en etoient cheques, mais qu'il iroit son chemin, et que rien ne Ten 
 detourneroit, pourvuque votre Majeste veuillel'assisterdans un si grand et 
 si glorieux dessein ; que deja le regiment de dragons d'Hamilton etoit com- 
 pose entierement de Catholiques ; qu'il avoit donne des compagnies de 
 cavalerie franches a Bernard Howard, et a plusieurs Catholiques consi- 
 derables ; que peu-a-peu il va a son but, et que ce qu'il fait presentement 
 emporte necessairement I'exercice libre de la religion Catholique, qui se 
 trouvera etabli avant qu'un acte de Parlement I'autorise ; que je connoissois 
 assez I'Angleterre pour savoir que la possibilite d'avoir des emplois et des 
 charges fera plus de Catholiques, que la permission de dire des messes pub- 
 liquement; que cependant il s'attendoit que V. M. ne I'abandonneroit pas, 
 quand il a un ennemi dans le milieu de son royaume qui lui dispute la cou- 
 ronne; et qu'il est favorise secretement d'un grand nombre de gens qui 
 
APPENDIX. ciii 
 
 sont plutot pour la pretention d'un Batard Protestant que pour leur Roy 
 legitime parce qu'il est Catholique, 
 
 J'ai eu aussi 4eux autres conferences avec Milord Tresorier et avec 
 Milord Sunderland separement. Milord Tresorier me repeta ce qu'il 
 m'avoit dit, et me fit comprendre qu'il savoit bien que le Roy son maitre 
 seroit fort aise de n' avoir point besoin d'un secours d'argent; que dans un 
 autre temps, il n'auroit pas repljque a ce que j'avois dit, et qu'on auroit songe 
 a donner et a recevoir des marques d'amitie reclproques de V. M. ; mais 
 qu'il ne me falloit pas celer que leRoy son maitre avoit besoin des secours 
 presents de V. M. et que ce n'est pas une obligation qu'il voulut lui avoir, 
 si son dessein n'etoit d'en conserver une reconnoissance proportionnee au 
 fait ; que le bonheur et lasurete du regne duRoy son maitre dependoit de 
 I'amitie de V. M. , qu'il la conserveroit avec soin, et que je pouvois etre assure 
 qu'a son egard (de lui qui me parloit) il ne croyoit rien de si important au 
 Roy son maitre, que de conserver I'amitie de V. M., et que rien ne lui 
 pouvoit faire tant de mal que d'en etre prive. 
 
 Je ne repondis a cela que des choses generales, et que V. M. avoit donne 
 assez de marques de I'envie qu'elle a que les affaires du Roy d'Angleterre 
 soient dans un etat avantageux et assure. 
 
 Milord Sunderland est entre fort avant avec moi, et m'a paru informe a 
 fonds de ce qui s'est passe entre le Roy d'Angleterre et moi, sur le sujet de 
 la Religion Catholique. Ce ministre m'a dit, " Je ne sais pas si on voit 
 en France les choses comme elles sont ici ; me je defie ceux qui les voyent 
 de pres de ne pas connoitre que le Roy mon maitre n'a rien dans le coeur 
 si avant que I'envie d'etablir la Religion Catholique; qu'il ne pent meme, 
 selon le bon sens et la droite raison, avoir d'autre but, que sans cela il ne 
 sera jamais en surete, et sera toujours expose au zele indiscret de ceux qui 
 echaufferont les peuples contre la Catholicite, tant qu'elle ne sera pas plus 
 pleinement etablie : il y a une autre chose certaine, c'est que ce plan la ne 
 pent reussir que par un concert et une liaison etroite avec le Roy votre 
 maitre; c'est un projet qui ne peut convenir qu'a lui, ni reussir que par 
 lui. Toutes les autres Puissances s'y opposeront ouvertement, ou le tra- 
 verseront sous main. On sait bien que cela ne convient point au Prince 
 d'Orange ; mais il ne sera pas en etat de Tempecher si on veut se conduire 
 
civ APPENDIX. 
 
 en France comme il est necessaire, c'esta-dire, manager ramitie du Roy 
 d'Angleterre, et le soutenir dans son projet. Je vois clairement I'appre- 
 hension que beaucoup degens ont d'une liaison avec la France, et les eflforts 
 qu'on fait pour I'afFoiblir; mais cela ne sera au pouvoir de personne, si 
 on n'en a pas envie en France; c'est sur quoi il faut que vous vous expli- 
 quiez netteraent, et que vous fassiez connoitre que le Roy votre maitre, 
 vent aider de bonne foi le Roy d'Angleterre a etablir fermement ici la 
 religion Calholique." 
 
 II ajouta a cela, qu'il avoit eu un long entretien avec sa Majeste Britan- 
 nique, et qu'il I'avoit laissee persuadee que le refus de continuer les 
 payements n'etoit fonde sur aucun changement de V. M. a son egard, 
 mais sur une supposition qu'il est en etat de n'en avoir pas besoin ; que 
 cependant, il etoit possible de rectifier cet incident, si on ne vouloit pas 
 que le Roy d'Angleterre crut qu'apres I'avoir assiste, quand il n'en avoit 
 pas grand besoin, votre Majeste I'abandonne dans la conjoncture de sa vie 
 la plus importante ; que peut-etre V. M. avoit quelque egard au bruit 
 repandu d'une reunion entre le Roy d'Angleterre et le Prince d'Orange ; 
 que dans le fonds il n'y avoit rien de plus difficile ; que I'un etoit posses- 
 seur d'une couronne que I'autre attend avec impatience ; que la difference 
 de leur religion et de leur sentiments en tout, ne promet pas qu'ils se re- 
 unissent de bonne foi ; qu'ils sont obliges I'un et I'autre de dissimuler, et 
 de garder les bienseances, mais que leurs desseins et leurs projets sont trop 
 opposes pour se pouvoir concilier ; que lui qui me parloit voyoit tout cela 
 clairement, et que si onse vouloit donner la peine de le bien examiner, on 
 verroit au travers de tout ce qui se passe, un fonds de jalousie et de me- 
 contentement entre le Roy d'Angleterre etle Prince d'Orange que rien ne 
 pent faire cesser ; que sa Majeste Britannique ne lui permettroit jamais 
 de venir ici, et que le Prince d'Orange avoit toujours envie d'y venir, et 
 de se montrer aux Anglois. 
 
 Je dis a Milord Sunderland, que, par beaucoup de choses, on donnoit 
 lieu de juger que le Roy d'Angleterre etoit fort adouci pour le Prince 
 d'Orange, et que cela produisoit un assez mechant effet partout, parce que 
 le Prince d'Orange agissoit toujours avec la mcme animosite contre les 
 interets de la France ; que je comprenois assez que I'interet de sa Majeste 
 
APPENDIX. cv 
 
 Britannique n'etoit pas de pousser le Prince d'Orange au point de le mettre 
 du parti des rebelies, mais le trop de menagement le mettroit en etat d'etre 
 plus dangereux, et de pouvoir nuire d'avantage aux affaires; que pour moi, 
 je ne me laissois pas seduire aux artifices des partisans de M. le Prince 
 d'Orange, et que j'etois fort persuade que le Roy d'Angleterre connoissoit 
 trop bien son interet pour se separer de ceux de V. M. et prendre des 
 liaisons qui lui sont opposees, et que de ma part, je ferois mon possible pour 
 bien eclaircir la verite a V. M 
 
 J'eus encore hier au soir une conversation avec le Roy d'Angleterre ; 
 il me pressa de rendre compte a votre Majeste de tout ce qu'il m'a dit, et 
 me parut s'attendre que V. M. me donnera des ordres differents de ceux 
 que j'ai, et qu'elle ne lui refusera pas un secours present dans le temps 
 qu'il en a tant de besoin. II me dit que si V. M. avoit quelque chose a 
 desirer de lui, il iroit au-devant de tout ce qui peut plaire a V. M. ; mais 
 que rien ne le pouvoit toucher plus sensiblement que de voir que V. M. eut 
 de la confiance en lui, et ne crut pas qu'il voulut recevoir ses secours et 
 son assistance, s'il n'etoit resolu de demeurer inviolablement attache a ses 
 interets ; qu'il avoit ete eleve en France, et mange le pain de V. M. ; que son 
 coeur etoit Francois ; qu'il ne songeoit qu'a se rendre digne de I'estime de 
 V. M. et qu'elle ne se repentiroit pas de I'avoir assiste, et de lui avoir 
 affermi la couronne sur la tete. 
 
 Je lui dis que je rendroit compte a V. M. de tout, le plus exactement qu'il 
 me seroit possible ; que le fonds de ses intentions m'etoit connu, et que 
 V. M. avoit pour principal motif I'etablissement de la religion Catholique; 
 qu'en faisant voir clair sur cela a V. M. je ne doutois pas qu'elle n'entrat 
 dans les mesures qu'il pouvoit attendre. 
 
 Le Roy d'Angleterre me dit qu'il avoit parle plus clairement sur cela a 
 Milord Sunderland, qu'aux autres ministres, que je pouvois en conferer 
 avec lui. II finit en me disant : " Je conjure le Roy votre maitre de se 
 fier a moi, et de ne croire pas que j'aie un autre but que celui que je vous 
 ai dit, auquel je ne puis parvenir que par son secours et son assistance. 
 
 Voila, Sire, ce qui s'est passe avec le Roy d'Anglettere et ses ministres, 
 sur quoi il plaira a V. M. de me donner ses ordres ; s'ils sont tels qu'on les 
 espere ici, et que je puisse continuer les payements du subside, il dependra 
 
 o 
 
cvi APPENDIX. 
 
 de V. M. d'entrerdans de plus grands engagements, et de jeter les fonde- 
 ments d'une liaison etroite qui puisse durer longtemps, et dans laquelle 
 V. M. pourra trouver ses avantages, selon qu'elle I'estimera a-propos. 
 Mais il me paroit que, pendant la negociation, il seroit necessaire de con- 
 tinuer quelques payements, a moins que V, M. ne se determinat a donner 
 toiit le fonds qui est ici, ce qui combleroit de joie le Roy d'Angleterre, lant 
 pour I'utilite presente qu'il en recevroit, que par la surete qu'il croiroit avoir 
 de I'amitie de V. M. Je ne doute pas qu'en ce cas il ne prit toutes les reso- 
 lutions qui pourroient etre le plus avantageuses a la religion Catholique, et 
 qu'il ne les executat ; mais outre cela il prendroit, autant que je le puis 
 juger, tons les engagements que V. M. pourroit desirer sur les affaires du 
 dehors. Jai connu dans tout ce qui m'a ete dit, qu'il seroit fort perilleux 
 au Roy d' Angleterre d'etre mal avec V. M., il le seroit encore plus qu'on 
 ne sel'imagine; et le parti oppose a la royaute en Angleterre est si nom- 
 breux, et les semences de division dans les esprits sont si fortes, que sans 
 Tamitie de V. M., il seroit fort difficile que le Roy d'Angleterre eut un 
 regne paisible et heureux. J'ai cru voir dans tout ce qui m'a ete dit par 
 ce Prince, une envie fort sincere d'etre etroitement uni a V. M : s'ii avoit 
 dessein de s'en separer, il ne presseroit pas si vivement pour un secours pre- 
 sent, et se contenteroit de demeurer dans un etat de bienseance avec V. M. 
 sans desirer une ligue si etroite. Je crois aussi connoitre en lui un dessein 
 forme pour I'etablissement de la religion Catholique, qui ne sera interrompu 
 ni retarde, que lorsqu'il ne pourra surmonter les obstacles qui s'y ren- 
 contreront, Mais il travaillera tous les jours a en venir a bout ; c'est a 
 quoi il voit bien que V. M. seule pent I'aider. 
 
 Le Parlement a temoigne beaucoup d'eloignement de consentir a tout ce 
 qui auroit pu efre tire a consequence en faveur des Catholiques : leur pre- 
 mier mouvement a ete de les poursuivre et d'executer les loix contre eux. lis 
 s'en sont departis, mais contre leur sentiment, et par un coup d'autorite 
 qui ne reussiroit pas toujours. Le Bill de la restitution de Milord Stafford 
 est demeure dans la Chambre des Communes, sans etre admis, parce que 
 dans le preambule il y a eu des mots inseres qui semblent favoriser la re- 
 ligion Catholique ; cela seule a retarde cet acte de rehabilitation du Comte 
 de Stafford dont tous sont d'accord a I'egard du fonds. Dans le dernier 
 
APPENDIX. evil 
 
 Bill que la Chambre des Communes a resolu pour la surete de la personne 
 du Roy d'Angleterre, il a ete mis expressement qu'il seroit permis aux 
 ministres de precher, et aux zfutres de parler contre le Papisme. La Reine 
 en a marque beaucoup d'animosite et d'aigreur; et le Roy d'Angleterre a 
 mieux aime que cet acte ne fut point passe, quoiqu'il contint beaucoup 
 d'autres choses tres-avantageuses pour le gouvernement. Cela meme 
 (autant que j'en puis juger) a avance la separation du Parlement. 
 
 Je fais ces remarques afin que V. M. observe que le Roy d'Angleterre 
 n'a pas ete en etat ni en pouvoir d'etablir I'exercice libre de la Religion 
 Catholique. II n'auroit pu le tenter sans s'exposer non seulement a un refus, 
 mais a quelque chose de pire, c'est-a-dire, que cela auroit pu empecher les 
 secours d'argent qui lui ont ete accordes par le Parlement. Cependantle 
 Roy d'Angleterre fait, ce me semble, tout ce qui est en lui en faveur des 
 Catholiques, leur accordant les principaux emplois de guerre, et mettant 
 dans les charges subalternes tous ceux qui se presentent. II est difficile 
 d'exprimer combien on a trouve a redire ici que Milord Dombarton ait ete 
 fait general de toutes les troupes en Ecosse, et que M. Talbot ait eu la 
 direction sur toutes celles d'Irlande. On voit qu'insensiblement les Ca- 
 tholiques auront les armes a la main ; c'est un etat bien different de I'op- 
 pression oil ils etoient, et dont les Protestants zeles regoivent une grande 
 mortification: ils voyent bien que le Roy d'Angleterre fera le reste quand 
 il le pourra. La levee des troupes, qui seront bientot complettes, fait 
 juger que le Roy d'Angleterre veut etre en etat de se faire obeir, et de 
 n'etre pas gene par les loix qui se trouveront contraires a ce qu'il veut 
 etablir. Toutes ces vues ne s'accordent pas avec des liaisons opposees aux 
 interets de V. M. 
 
 Je sais bien ce qui se dit dans les pays etrangers, et que le bruit y est 
 fort repandu d'une reunion secrette entre le Roy d'Angleterre et le Prince 
 d'Orange. J'ai toute I'application que je dois pour penetrerce qui se passe a 
 cet egard : mais je n'ai rien connu qui aille au-deia de ce que le Roy d'An- 
 gleterre est oblige de faire pour ne pas jeter ouvertement le Prince d'Orange 
 dans le parti de ses ennemis, ce qui ne seroit pas prudent dans la conjoncture' 
 presente. II etoit naturel de retirer d'Hoilande les troupes composees 
 de sujets de sa Majeste Britannique, pour avoir un prompt secours. 
 
cviii APPENDIX. 
 
 M. d'Avaux m'a mande, par sa derniere lettre, qu'on lui avoit donne 
 avis que Skelton a demande des troupes de I'Electeur de Brandebourg 
 au Sieur Fuches. J'al approfondi ce bruit, auquel il n'y a aucun fondement. 
 C'est sans doute un artifice du Prince d'Orange pour faire croire a I'Elec- 
 teur de Brandebourg, qu'il auroit inspire au Roy d'Angleterre d'avoir re- 
 cours a lui. 
 
 Je crois aussi peu de fondement a ce qu'on pretend qui a ete dit a la Have 
 d'un mecontentement secret que le Roy d'Angleterre a contre la France, 
 et qui eclatera en son temps. Si cela etoit, on ne le confieroit pas a un 
 des commis de Milord Middleton: cela n'a aucune vraisemblance, et dans 
 le temps qu'on I'a dit, le Roy d'Angleterre ne savoit pas que les pave- 
 ments seroient sursis, et etoit pleinement content de V. M. 
 
 II est encore aussi peu apparent que Bentem ose parler au Roy d'Angleterre 
 sur la religion Catholique. V. M. jugera si ce Prince se laissera ebranler 
 sur cette matiere, et si quelqu'un lui osera faire la proposition de changer de 
 religion sans lui deplaire beaucoup. Le fond de la mission de Bentem a 
 ete apparemment pour obtenir la permission au Prince d'Orange de venir. 
 Le Roy d'Angleterre m'a dit qu'il I'avoit refuse, et qu'il le refuseroit tou- 
 jours. V. M. pent avoir des connoissances certaines de ce qui se 'passe 
 partout; mes vues sont bornees a ce qui se passe ici. Mais il paroit que 
 la plupart des choses qui se debitent en Hollande sont fausses, et qu'on 
 y raisonne sur des fondements entierement eloignes de la verite. 
 
 Pour roe renfermer dans le fait dont il est question presentement, je rae 
 tiendrai en etat d'executer les ordres que V. M. me donnera : il me sufiBt 
 d'avoir expose a V. M. les choses comme elles me paroissent etre en ce 
 pays-ci. II me reste a lui rendre un compte exact, autant que je le pourrai, 
 de I'etat de I'afTaire de M. le Due de Monpiouth. On ne sait pas au vrai 
 ce qu'il a de gens : on dit a Londres vingt niiile hommes : je crois qu'il 
 en a bien huit au dix, dont il y en a six raille assez bien armes ; le reste ne 
 Test pas suffisamment pour un jour de combat. 11 est constant que jusques 
 a-present ses forces se sont toujours augmentees; et il semble que Ton 
 n'ait pas agi contre lui avec la promptitude et la vigueur qui auroient ete 
 iiecessaires pour finir d'abord une affaire dont les suites peuvent etre dan- 
 gereuses. Mais le petit nombre de troupes de sa Majeste Britannique n'a 
 
APPENDIX. cix 
 
 pas ete sufEsant pour pouvoir d'abord tomber sur M. de Monmouth, et 
 empecher ses premiers progres. II auroit fallu dcgarnir Londres, ce qui 
 auroit ete fort imprudent ; car les esprits sont en une telle disposition, 
 que le moindre incident pourroit y causer de grands desordres. On y a 
 fait arreter plus de 200 personnes suspectes, parmi lesquelles il y a plu- 
 sieurs riches marchandes et d'autres gens riches et considerables. Cela 
 cause une grande alteration dans les esprits, et beaucoup d'interruption 
 dans le commerce. Le peuple favorise secretement M. de Monmouth, et 
 cela eclateroit, s'il arrivoit une occasion qui leur permit de se pouvoir de- 
 clarer sans grand peril. Le Roy d'Angleterreconnoit bien cela, et est fort 
 resolu de ne point quitter Londres pour aucune consideration. 
 
 Le bruit a couru depuis quelques jours, que Milord Delamer etoit alle 
 en Chester Shire (c'est au-dela du pays de Galles), et qu'il avoit com- 
 mence d'y assembler des gens en faveur de M. de Monmouth. On a dit 
 aussi, sur ce que Milord Grey de Stanford ne paroissoit plus, qu'il etoit alle 
 faire la meme chose dans le Nord. Je ne vois point encore de fondement 
 solide a ces bruits ; mais il est certain que si on remuoit en quelque endroit 
 d'Angleterre, Taffaire de M. de Monmouth deviendroit bien plus difficile, 
 parce qu'il faudra separer les, troupes qu'a le Roy d'Angleterre ; car on ne 
 pent faire aucun fond sur les milices, qui sont plutot disposees a favoriser 
 M. de Monmouth que le parti du Roy. Les nouvelles qu'on eut hier sont, 
 que M. de Monmouth, apres avoir pris et pille la ville de Wells, est alle a 
 Bridgewater, qu'il pretend fortifier ; c'est un poste ou I'on dit qu'il peut 
 subsister commodement, ayant derriere lui un pays fort abondant, et 
 rempli de factieux ; on dit meme qu'il ne pourra etre attaque dans Bridge- 
 water, qu'en separant les troupes, et faisant des ponts de communication 
 sur la riviere, qui est fort large en cet endroit. Cela demande du temps, 
 et plus de troupes reglees que n'en a Milord Fergusson [Feversham] 
 sous son coramandement. Les trois regiments Ecossois sont passes dans 
 Londres pour Taller joindre. Le Sieur Lasnis aura dans peu de jours un 
 regiment de 600 chevaux en etat de marcher. Les trois regiments Anglois 
 sont dans la riviere, et marcheront aussi vers I'armee. Tout cela ensemble 
 pourra faire sept mille hommes dans douze ou quinze jours. 
 
 Jusques a-present Milord Fergusson [Feversham] n'a pas ete en etat de 
 
ex APPENDIX. 
 
 rien entreprendre de for t vigoureux centre M. de Monmouth. La perte des 
 Royalistes a ete plus grande qu'on ne I'a dit dans la rencontre arrivee k 
 Philip's-Norton ; il y eut bien cent hommes tues ou blesses a I'endroit ou 
 le Due de Grafton s'avan^a. II est constant que le Due de Monmouth 
 subsiste avec facilite, etque les peuples lui fournissent des vivres plus vo- 
 lontiers qu'aux troupes de sa Majeste Britannique. 
 
 Le Comte d'Argile a ete execute a Edinbourg, et a laisse une ample 
 confession par ecrit, dans laqnelle il decouvre tous ceux qui I'ont secouru 
 d'argent, et qui ont aide ses desseins : cela lui a sauve la question. Le che- 
 valier Cochrane et son fils, qui etoient les principaux complices du Comte 
 d'Argile, ont ete arretes dans une maison ou ils s'etoient refugies. II y a 
 encore beaucoup de gens a Londres qui ne croyent pas que Milord 
 d'Argile soit pris. 
 
 Je suis, avec le profond respect que je dois, 8cc. 
 
 Le Roi a M. Barillon. 
 
 d Versailles, le 26 Juillet, I685. 
 IVloNSiEUR Barillon, j'ai re^u vos lettres du 16 et 19 de ce mois, et 
 j'ai vu avec bien de la jole, par la derniere, que la rebellion du Due de 
 Monmouth a eu la meme fin que celle du Comte d'Argile, ainsi que je 
 vous I'avois predit par toutes les lettres que je vous ai ecrites sur ce sujet. 
 Vous temoignerez au Roy d'Angleterre la part que je prends a la satisfac- 
 tion qu'il a d'avoir entierement dissipe par ses propres forces tout ce qui 
 pouvoit troubler son regne, et retabli en meme temps ses revenus et son 
 autorite a un plus haut point qu'aucun de ses predecesseurs ne les a pu 
 porter. Je m'assure aussi qu'il n'y aura plus personne dans son royaume 
 qui ose s'elever contre lui, et qu'il jouira aussi longtemps que je le sou- 
 haite du plein repos qu'il s'est acquis. J'enverrai meme inces>samment M. 
 le Marechal d'Humieres aupres de ce Prince, pour lui faire connoitre plus 
 particulierement quels sout mes sentiments sur cet eveucment, et vous lui 
 en pouvez cependant parler en conformite de ce que je vous ecris. 
 
 Tout le reste de votre premiere lettre ne contenant rien qui ne tende a 
 
APPENDIX. cxi 
 
 m'obliger de donner des secours d'argent au Roy, j'aurois cru que dans le 
 bon etat ou sont a-present ses affaires, il seroit assez inutile de vous faire 
 savoir sur cela mes sentiments. Mais comme je vois par votre derniere 
 que vous insistez encore a ce que je vous laisse un fonds pour les besoins 
 qui peuvent survenir a la Cour ou vous etes, je ne puis m'empecher de 
 vous dire que j'ai ete extrement surpris de voir qu'apres vous avoir instruit 
 de mes intentions par plusieurs de mes depeches, vous n'ayez pas entiere- 
 ment desabuse les Ministres de la Cour ou vous etes de I'esperance qu'ils 
 ont concue avec si peu de raison, que, dans le temps que le Roy leur 
 maitre jouitd'un plus grand revenu qu'aucun de ses predecesseurs, je vou- 
 drois encore epuiser mon epargne, et $acrifier, sans necessite, le fonds q;je 
 je ne m'etois ote a moi-meme que pour donner au dit Roy des preuves plus 
 extraordinaires de mon amitie, au cas que le mauvais etat de ses affaires 
 I'eut oblige d'y avoir recours : elles sont, par la grace de Dieu, maintenant 
 au point qu'il les pouvoit soubaiter, et ainsi je ne puis croire qu'on renou- 
 velle dorenavant les memes instances. Mais si, coptre mon opinion, on 
 vous faisoit encore de semblables sollicitations vous pouvez declarer nette- 
 ment que je n'ai rien epargne pour vous donner moyen d'assister le Roy 
 d'Angleterre, lorsque j'ai eu sujet d'apprehender que la religion Catho- 
 lique dont il fait profession ne servit de pretexte aux factieux pour susciter 
 de grands troubles dans son royaume et pour I'empecher de jouir des 
 revenus qui expiroient par la mort du feu Roy ; mais qu'apres tant de 
 satisfaction que son Parlement lui a donnee, la defaite entiere de ses en 
 nemis, ou plutot de ses sujets rebelles (revokes) et le retablissement de son 
 autorite a un si haut point, j'ai cru avec raison qu'il ne pouvoit avoir aucun 
 besoin de mon assistance, et que je pouvois employer aux autres depenses 
 que j'ai a soutenir, le fonds que je lui avois destine, sans qii'il fut moins 
 persuade de la sincerite de mon amitie ; que si neanmoins, contre toute 
 apparence, et par quelque accident que je ne puis prevoir, il arrivoit qu'il 
 eut un pressant besoin de mon assistance, il ne doit pas douter qu'il neme 
 trouve toujours aussi dispose que je lui ai temoigne, a lui donner des 
 preuves effectives de la part que je prends a tout ce qui le touche. 
 
 Vous vous renfermerez a cette expression qui doit sufEre pour faire ces- 
 ser des demandes d'argent d'autant moins soutenables dans la conjoncture 
 
€xii APPENDIX. 
 
 presente, que la Cour ou vous etes sait bien que les conventions verbales 
 que vous avez faites avec le feu Roy etoient expirees avant sa mort, et 
 qu'encore que j'aie assez de raison de croire que s'il eut vecu d'avantage, 
 ilauroit ete satisfait des subides que j'ai fait payer jusqu'a la fin de I'annee 
 derniere, sans en pretendre d'avantage, neanmoins je n'ai pas hesite a 
 vous promettre de payer 500,000 livres, qu'on considere au lieu ou vous 
 etes comme reste de subside, lorsque j'ai pu croire que le Roy d'Angle- 
 terre en avoit besoin. Enfin, vous voyez bien que mon intention est que 
 vous ne laissiez a la Cour ou vous etes ancune esperance de tirer de vous 
 le fonds qui est entre vos mains, et qu'au contraire vous devez le remettre 
 incessamment en celles des banquiers, a6n qu'ils le fassent repasser dans 
 mon royaume par toutes les occasions qu'ils en auront. 
 
 Je m'assure que le dit Roy sera assez excite par sa reconnoissance envers 
 la divine Providence des heureux succes qu'elle vient de lui donner, a 
 retablir dans son royaume I'exercice de la vraie religion que nous pro- 
 fessons, et vous devez aussi aider ces bons mouvements avec douceur et 
 adresse dans toutes les occasions que vous aurez. 
 
 Le Roy d M. Barillon. 
 
 a Versailles, Aoui, I685. 
 
 JVxoNsiEUR Barillon j'ai re^u vos lettres des 23 et 26 Juillet, qui 
 m'informent seulement de tout ce qui s'est passe dans I'execution du Due 
 de Monmouth, et comme il ne faut pas douter que cet exemple ne retienne 
 3 1'avenir tons les sujets du Roy de la Grand Bretagne dans le devoir, et que, 
 quand meme le nombre des mecontents ne seroit pas diminue, il ne s'en 
 trouvera plus qui ose s'en rendre le chef, et s'elever contre I'autorite royale, 
 il sera facile au Roy d'Angleterre, et aussi utile a la surete de son regne 
 qu'au repos de sa conscience, de retablir I'exercice de la religion Catho- 
 lique, qui engagera principalement tons ceux qui en font profession dans 
 son royaume, a le servir bien plus fidelement, et avec beaucoup plus dt 
 soumission qu'aucun autre de ses sujets ; au lieu que s'il laisse perdre une 
 conjoncture aussi favorable qu'elle Test a present ; il ne trouvera peul-etre 
 jamais tant de disposition de toutes parts ou a concourir a ses desseins, ou 
 
APPENDIX cxiii 
 
 a souffrir qu'ii les execute. Vous devez neanmoins vous contenter d'aider 
 le penchant qu'il y peut avoir, sans lui en faire des instances trop pres- 
 santes qui pourroient etre plutot capables de retarder cette resolution que 
 de I'avancer. 
 
 Observez bien cependant, queiles sont les mesures qu'il prend avec le 
 Prince d'Orange, et s'il ne se negocie pas quelque traite de nouvelle alliance 
 entre le Roy et les Etats Generaux des Provinces Unies. 
 
 J'apprends aussi deplusieurs endroits que les Espagnols comptent beau- 
 coup sur le penchant que ce Prince temoigne a favoriser leurs interets, et 
 vous devez bien prendre garde au traitement qu'il fait a I'Ambassadeur 
 d'Espagne, si ce dernier a de plus frequents entretiens, ou avec le Roy ou 
 avec ses Ministres, et s'il y a apparence a quelque renouveliement de traite 
 entre I'Espagne et I'Angleterre. 
 
 Tachez aussi d'etre bien exactement informe du nombre de troupes et 
 de vaisseaux que ce Prince pretend d'entretenir, et a quoi il les destine. 
 Enfin, vous devez dans cette conjoncture-ci, renouveller votre attention a 
 tout ce qui se passe au^pays ou vous etes, et a m'en rendre un compte exact 
 par toutes vos lettres. 
 
 Le Roy a M. Barillon. 
 
 d Versailles^ le 24 Aoui, 16 85. 
 IVl. Barillon, vos lettres des 13 et 16 de ce mois m'informent de la 
 resolution qu'a prise le Roy d'Angleterre de renouveller avec les Etats 
 Generaux les traites d'alliance qu'ils avoient avec le feu Roy son frere, et 
 de toutce qu'il vous a dit sur ce sujet. 
 
 J'ai ete d'autant plus surpris de la conclusion de cette affaire qu'il ne 
 m'a pas paru, dans toutes vos lettres, qu' on vous en ait donne aucune part; 
 et je trouve que les ministres etrangers ont raison de ne le pas regarder comme 
 une simple formalite, ainsi que la Cour ou vous etes veut vous le persuader. 
 J'estime, au contraire, qu'elle jette par la le fondement d'une ligue qui 
 peut donner courage a ceux qui ne peuvent souffrir le repos dont I'Europe 
 jouit a-present ; que les Etats Generaux, qui vouloient demeurer dans une 
 
 P 
 
cxiv APPENDIX. 
 
 parfaite neutralite, ou plutot le Prince d'Orange et le Pensionnaire Fagel, 
 parlent a-present d'un renouvellement d'alliance avec I'Empereur, le 
 Roy d'Espagne, et celui de Suede ; que I'Electeur de Brandebourg est 
 sur le point de conclure son traite avec eux, et que cette disposition ou le 
 Roy d'Angleterre temoigne etre de renouveller les traites du feu Roy son 
 frere, non seulement avec les Etats Generaux, mais meme avec I'Espagne, 
 faite dire aux ministres de cette couronne, que ce Prince est deja entiere- 
 ment dans leurs interets. On ajoute meme d'autant plus de creance aux 
 bruits qu'ils en repandent, qu'on salt que le feu Roy d'Angleterre n'etoit 
 entre dans ces engagements que pendant la mesintelligence qu'il y a eu 
 entre moi et lui, et que I'amitie n'a pas ete plutot retablie par la conven- 
 tion verbale que vous avez faite par mon ordre, qu'il a bien fait voir qu'il 
 ne se tenoit plus oblige a ces traites, et qu'il etoit bien eloigne de les vouloir 
 renouveller. Ainsi je ne comprends point par quel motif le Roy d'Angle- 
 terre s'empresse si fort de rentrer dans le meme embarras, principalement 
 dans un temps oii il voit bien que toUs mes desseins tendent a la conserva- 
 tion de la paix, et qu'elle ne pent etre troublee que parde semblables com- 
 mencements de ligue, qui ne peuvent, en quelque maniere que ce soit, con- 
 venir a ses interets. Vous en pouvez meme encore parler dans ce sens, y 
 ayant moins d'inconvenient de temoigner que je ne puis pas etre satisfait 
 de cette resolution, que de la confirmer par un espoir d'acquiescement de 
 ma part; et peut-etre que quand le Roy d'Angleterre verra qu'il me 
 donne par la un juste sujet de mecontentement, ou il ne s'empressera plus 
 de donner la derniere perfection a ce traite, ou il y apportera tant de 
 modifications et de changements, qu'on ne le pourra plus regarder en effet 
 que comme une simple formalite. Mais s'il desire effectivement de con- 
 server mon amitie, il n'entrera dans aucun autre engagement qui puisse y 
 etre contraire, soit directement ou indirectement. 
 
 J'apprends aussi que le Parlement d'Angleterre a fait une nouvelle et 
 forte imposition sur les denrees et marchandises etrangeres, qui entrent dans 
 ce royaume. Vous ne manquerez pas de me faire savoir au plutot si cette 
 imposition est generale, ou si elle se reduit aux sftules denrees et marchan- 
 dises qui sont portees de mon royaume en Angleterre, et a combien elle 
 se monte. 
 
APPENDIX. cxv 
 
 Continuez a m'informer le plus exactement qu'il vous sera possible de 
 tout ce qui se passe de plus considerable au lieu ou vous etes. 
 
 Je suis suipris que vous ne fassiez aucune mention dans vos lettres du 
 Comte de Sunderland, quoiqu'on ait ici plusieurs avis de son eloignement 
 en Irlande en qualite de viceroy. Manclez-moi ce qui en est. Conservez 
 ce qui vous reste de fonds entre les mains, sans en remettre aucune partie 
 aux banquiers, jusqu'a ce qiieje vous aie donne de nouveaux ordres. 
 
 Le Roy a M. Barillon. 
 
 d Versailles, le 30 Aout, 16 85. 
 JVl. Barillon quoique vos lettres des 20 et 23 de ce mois ne me parlent 
 encore de la negociation qui se fait entre les commissaires du Roy d'An- 
 gleterre et les Ambassadeurs des Etats Generaux, que comme d'une dis- 
 position prochaine a un renouvellement de traite ; neanmoins les dernieres 
 lettres du Sieur d'Avaux du 24 m'assurent que celles des dits Ambassadeurs 
 qui venoient d'arriver d'Angleterre a la Haye, portoient qu'ils venoient 
 de conclure I'acte de renouvellement de ces dits traites ; et la declaration 
 que vous a faite le Comte de Sunderland, qu'on se garderoit bien de rien 
 mettre dans le traite qui puisse engager le Roy d'Angleterre au-dela de ce 
 que I'etoit le feu Roy son frere, est d'aulant moins considerable, qu'on sait 
 bien que le defunt Roy n'avoit contracte ces obligations, que dans le temps 
 qu'il n'etoit pas en bonne intelligence avec moi, et que depuis qu'elle a 
 ete retablie, il ne leur a point donne d'autres intrepretations que celles que 
 je pouvois desirer; au lieu que le Roy d'Angleterre a-present regnant, les 
 renouvellant volontairement, et dans le temps que rien ne I'y oblige, les 
 voudra executer a la lettre, et donnera moyen au Prince d'Orange d'en faire 
 une ligue capable de troubler le repos de I'Europe. Quoiqu'il en soit, il n'est 
 plus temps de faire des remontrances sur ce sujet, et vous ne devez plus 
 les employer que pour empecher le renouvellement d'un traite avec I'Es- 
 pagne, ou avec quelqu'autre Prince ou Etat que ce puisse etre. 
 
 Le Marechal de Crequy est a-present aupres de moi, et quelque bruit 
 qui se repande a la Cour oil vous etes sur mes desseins, vous pouvez assurer 
 
cxvi APPENDIX. 
 
 le Roy d'Angleterre qu'ils ne tendent qu'4 afFermir le repos que les derniers 
 traites ont retabli dans toute TEurope. 
 
 Ex trait <Vune Lettre du Roi g, M. Barillon. 
 
 d Char Ires, 4 Septembre, J 685. 
 VJEPENDANT comme vous me faites entendre par Tun des articles de votre 
 lettre, qu'il sera a mon pouvoir de renouveller avec ce Prince les memes liai- 
 sons que j'avois avec le feu Roy son frere, et de les rendre encore plus fermes 
 et plus assurees, je vous depeche ce courier pourvous avertir de bonne heure, 
 que vous devez bien vous garder de vous engager dans aucune negociation 
 sur ce sujet ; et que comme je vous ai assez fait connoitre par toutes mes 
 depeches, et par celle ci, que je n'ai point d'autre dessein que de maintenir 
 la paix dont toute I'Europe jouit apresent, j'ai lieu de croire aussi que 
 dans le florissant etat ou j'ai mis toutes les affaires de mon royaume, non 
 seulement le Roy d'Angleterre, par I'interet qu'il a pareillement a la con- 
 servation de la tranquillite publique, mais aussi tous les autres Princes et 
 Etats de I'Europe, seront bien aise qu'elle ne soit pas troublee, et qu'il n'y 
 en aura point qui ose malgre raoi renouveller une guerre qui ne tourneroit 
 qii'a son dommage, Ainsi il n'est pas necessaire de rentrer pour cet effet 
 dans des liaisons avec TAugleteri e, qui ne se concluent jamais qu'a mes 
 depens, et meme par des subsides capables de porter un grand prejudice 
 aux affaires de mon royaume ; et toutes les fois qu'on vous fera de sem- 
 blables propositions, vous devez seulement repondre, que je suis assez per- 
 suade de I'amitie du Roy d'Angleterre, et qu'il a assez de sujet de faireun 
 fondement certain sur la mienne, pour n'avoir pas besoin I'un et I'autre de 
 nous en assurer par aucune traite- 
 
 Le Roy a M. Barillon. 
 
 d Chambord, le 13 Septembre, 1 68 5. 
 JVloNsiEUR Barillon, le compte que vous me rendez par votre lettre 
 du 3\ de I'entretien que vous avezeu avec le Roy d'Angleterre au sujet du 
 
APPENDIX. cxvii 
 
 traite qu'il a renouvelle avec les Etats Generaux, ne m'oblige pas de vous 
 donner d'autres ordres que ceux que vous avez regus par mes precedentes 
 dep^ches, cest-a-dire, de ne plus temoigner de mecontentement de ce qui 
 s'est passe, mais de profiter le plus adroitement qu'il vous sera possible de 
 I'embarras ou Ton vous a t6moigne d'etre d'avoir conclu cette affaire avec 
 trop de precipitation, pour empecher qu'on n'en fasse plus de semblables 
 ni avec I'Espagne ni avec aucune autre Puissance. 
 
 Je suis bien aise d'apprendre que le Roy d'Angleterre ait decouvert la 
 nouvelle conspiration qui se formoit contre lui, et il me semble qu'elle 
 doit servir a lui Faire connoitre qu'il s'en pourroit encore faire de semblables, 
 si la crainte des liaisons qu'il a avec moi, ne retenoit ceux qui seroieut, sans 
 cette consideration, bien plus hardis a entreprendre. 
 
 Extrait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon au Roy. 
 
 10 Septembre, 16 85, a Windsor, 
 JLe Roy d'Angleterre m'a lu sur 1' original la deposition du Sieur Mathieu, 
 escuyer du Due de Monmouth ; elle contient qu'il a su de M. de Monmouth 
 que le Baron de Freize lui avoit parle a la Haye de la part des Protestants 
 de France, et lui avoit communique leur projet, qui etoit de prendre les 
 armes au commencement de cet ete, et de se revolter en plusieurs endroits 
 de la France; qu'ils offroient au Due de Monmouth de le recevoir a leur 
 tete; que ce dessein a ete communique a I'Electeur de Brandebourg, aux 
 Princes de la Maison de Brunswick, et a M. le Prince d'Orange, qui tous 
 I'ont approuve; que ce Baron de Freize a fait plusieurs voyages en France 
 pour concerter avec les Protestants des diverses provinces. C'est tout ce 
 que contient la declaration, sans rien specifier de particulier a I'egard des 
 lieux ni des personnes avec qui ce Baron de Freize a traite. II est Allemand, 
 et a ete autrefois a la cour de Saxe, dont il est sorti poUr un demele qu'il 
 eut avec le favori de I'Electeur de Saxe. 
 
 J'ai prie le Roy d'Angleterre de me dire s'il ne savoit rien d'avantage 
 sur cette matiere: sa reponse a ete, qu'il ne savoit que ce qui est porte par 
 
cxviii APPENDIX. 
 
 cette declaration, et qu'il ne me cacheroit rien sur une ma»iere de telle 
 importance, s'il en avoit la moindre connoissance ; que je pouvois assurer 
 V. M. que rien ne lui etoit si cher que ses interets, et qu'il ne laisseroit 
 passer aucune occasion de lui donner des marques de son amitie. Je Tai 
 prie de presser encore les autres confidents de M. le Due de Monmouth, 
 et du Comte d'Argile, pour decouvrir quelque chose de plus purticulier 
 que ce qui m'a ete communique. Sa Majeste Britannique me la promis. 
 
 Extrait d'une Lettre du Roy a M. Barillon. 
 
 20 Semptembre, I685, a Chambord. 
 JVl. Barillon, j'ai regu vos lettres des 6 et 10 de ce mois, qui me font 
 voir que la Cour ou vous etes ne temoigne jusqu'a present aucune dispo- 
 sition a conclure un traite avec I'Electeur de Brandebourg, ni a renouveller 
 celui d'Espagne. 
 
 Vous devez aussi tacher de maintenir toutes choses dans cet etat, et de- 
 tourner, autant qu'il vous sera possible, la Cour ou vous etes de toutes 
 sortes d'engagements qui pourroient alterer la bonne intelligence que je 
 desire maintenir avec le Roy d'Angleterre. Mais il est bon aussi d'eloigner 
 les propositions d'une plus etroite liaison avec moi, qui seroient d'autant 
 plus inutiles, que le desir que j'ai de maintenir la paix s'accordant par- 
 faitement avec les sentiments du dit Roy, il y a blen de I'apparence que 
 nos intentions et nos interets se trouvant si conformes, rien ne sera capable 
 d' alterer cette bonne union, et qu'elle s'entretiendra mieux d elle-mcme que 
 par tons les traites qu'on pourroit faire. 
 
 Le Roy d'Angleterre a raison de dire qu'il n'est ni de mon interet ni 
 du sien que le commerce des Indes soit trouble, et cela n'arrivera pas aussi 
 demonconsentement, tantque les Espagnols ne voudront faire surce sujet 
 aucune nouveaute contraire a ce que portent les traites de paix et de treve. 
 
 Ce que vous m'ecrivez de la deposition du nomme Mathieu et trop 
 general et trop vague pour decouvrir par ce moyen quel pourroit etre le 
 chef et les complices des mouvements qu'on prctendoit exciter dans mon 
 royaume, sous le pretexte de la religion pretendue reformee. 
 
APPENDIX. cxix 
 
 Je suis bien aise d'apprendre que le Roy d'Angleterre dissipe de jour 
 a autre les restes de la rebellion, et je m'assure que Milord Maxfield, 
 ni aucun autre, n'osera rien entreprendre centre son autorite. 
 
 Je re^ois encore presentement une lettre du 4» qui m'informe que vous 
 Yous etiez deja conduit par avance, suivant les ordres que je vous ai donnes 
 par ma depeche du 4, et que vous demeuriez encore plus reserve sur les 
 ouvertures qui vous pouvoient etre faites de nouvelles liaisons. 
 
 Je n'ai rien a vous dire sur le choix que le Roy d'Angleterre a fait du Che- 
 valier Trumbal pour remplir la place du Sieur Preston; mals il me paroit 
 que la qualite de jurisconsulte Anglois n'est pas la plus convenable pour 
 maintenir la bonne intelligence entre moi et le Roy d'Angleterre, et qu'elle 
 ne sert souvent qu'a trouver des difficultes oii il n'y en doit point avoir. 
 
 Pour ce qui regarde la demande qu'on vous fait de la part du Roy 
 d'Angleterre du remboursement de quelques rentes sur Hotel de Ville 
 auquel il a interet, je me ferai informer par le Sieur Courtin de I'etat de 
 cette ajffaire, et je vous ferai savoir ensuite raa resolution. 
 
 Extrait (Vune Lettre de M. Barillon au Roy. 
 
 17 Septembre, 16 85, a Windsor. 
 LiE Prince de Mourbach est ici de la part de M. I'Electeur de Cologne ; 
 il m'a dit qu'il avoit ordre,de se conduire en tout comme je lui dirois. II 
 m'a rendu compte d'un entretien qu'il a eu avec le Comte de Toun, dans 
 lequel ce Ministre s'est explique sur les dispositions favorables auxquelles 
 il croit qu'est le Roy d'Angleterre pour la Maison d'Autriche, et qu'il y 
 avoit lieu d'esperer que tout se reuniroit pour empecher la grandeur 
 immense de la France de s'augmenter encore ; que le Roy d'Angleterre 
 connoisoit bien la necessite qu'il y a d'etablir une paix ferme et durable, 
 et plus equitable que n'est la treve, dans laquelle la France a donne la loi, 
 et a trouve toute sorte de facilite a se maintenir dans ses usurpations. Le 
 Comte de Toun a paru rempli des esperances de I'avenir ; il lui est pour- 
 tant echappe de dire que le Roy d'Angleterre s'etoit explique avec chaleur 
 sur la continuation de la treve, il y a quelques jours, et avoit dit, que si 
 
cxx APPENDIX. 
 
 les Espagnols etoient assez imprudents pourrorapre la treve, et commencer 
 la guerre, il se declareroit contra eux, et se joindroit ouvertement a la 
 France. Le Comte de Toun a paru choque de ce discours du Roy d' Angle- 
 terre, qui marque peu de disposition de sa part a entrer dans les projets 
 de la Maison d'Autriche. 
 
 Je rends compte a V. M. de ce detail, qui peut servir a lui faire con- 
 noitre que les esperances dont ces Ministres Autrichiens se flattent sur le 
 sujet du Roy d' Angleterre n'ont pas tout le fondement qu'ils veulent faire 
 croire. 
 
 Les Ambassadeurs d'HolIande parlent de s'en retourner aussitot apres 
 que les ratifications qu'on attend de HoUande auront ete echangees. 
 
 Le Sieur Skelton a ecrit que le Sieur Fuches I'avoit prie d'ecrire au Roy 
 sonmaitre pour I'exhorter d'entrer dans le traite qu'il a fait avec les Etats: 
 il ne paroit pas qu'on y ait ici aucune disposition. 
 
 Le Roy d' Angleterre tient souvent des discours tout haut, qui marquent 
 combien il croit les Princes et Calvinistes opposes a ses interets, et ennemis, 
 en general, de toute royaute, et principalement d'une royaute en Angleterre. 
 Ces discours faits en public deplaisent fort aux Ambassadeurs d'Hol- 
 Iande, qui savent bien que c'est des peuples de Hollande dont sa Majeste 
 Britannique entend parler. 
 
 Ex trail d'une Letlre du Roy a M. Barillon. 
 
 28 Oclobre, 1 6 83, a Fontainebleau. 
 J E m'assure que la seance du Parlement qui est convoquee au igNovembre, 
 ne sera pas moins avantageuse au Roy d' Angleterre que la precedente ; et 
 il y a lieu de croire que s'il n'en etoit pas bien persuade, il se garderoit 
 bien d'assembler si souvent un corps qui partage avec lui I'autorite souve- 
 raine. Je n'aurai point d'autre ordre a vous donner sur ce sujet que de 
 bein observer tout ce qui s'y passerapour m'en rendre compte. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 a M. Barillon. 
 
 1 JYovembre, 1685, a Fon(ainebleau> 
 
 J'ai fait voir au Roy, Monsieur, la lettre que vous avez pris la peine de 
 m'ecrire par la quelle vous me raandez que, depuis la mort du feu Roy 
 d'Angleterre, vous avez paye au Roy a-present regnant la somme de huit 
 cent mille livres, et qu'il ne vous reste entre les mains que celle de quatre 
 cent qiialre vingt mille livres^ sur laquelle vous devez retenir deux cent mille 
 livres^ d'une part, et soixante deux mille livres d'autre ; mais comme sa 
 Majeste croit que le pouvoir qu'elle vous a donne par ses depeches, a tou- 
 jours ete restraint au seul payement des subsides que vous aviez promis 
 verbalement, en son nom, au feu Roy, et dont il n'etoit du | sa mort que 
 quatre cent soixante dix mille livres^ elle m'a ordonne de verifier, dans toutes 
 ses depeches s'il y en auroit quelqu'une qui vous pe^rmit de faire cette avance 
 de trois cente trente mille livres de plus ; et comme je n'en trouve point dans 
 toutes celles que j'ai ici, je vous prie, Monsieur, de m'eclairer plus parti- 
 culierement la-dessus, et de m'envoyei" meme I'extrait de la depeche de sa 
 Majeste qui vous donne ce pouvoir. Je suis, Monsieur, See. 8cc. 
 
 Ex trait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon au Roy. 
 
 29 Octobre, 1685, a Londres. 
 Il [le Roy d'Angleterre] me mena hier matin dans son cabinet, et me dit 
 qu'il avoit plusieurs choses a me dire pour les faire savoir a V. M. ne 
 voulant rien faire d'important et de consequence dont il ne lui fit part; 
 que la premiere etoit la resolution qu'il avoit prise de ne pas laisser plus 
 longtemps Milord Halifax dans le ministere, et qu'il lui oteroit s?. place de 
 President du Conseil; que je savois que, des le temps du feu Roy son frere, 
 il avoit eu mauvaise opinion de ses sentiments, et de sa conduite, et ne 
 I'avoit pas cru assez attache a la royaute ; que, depuis son avenement a la 
 couronne, il avoit essayede lui inspirer de meilleurs sentiments, etl'obliger 
 a tenir des maximes conformes a celles que doit avoir le ministre d'un Roy, 
 
 q 
 
Gxxii APPENDIX. 
 
 et meme celles d'un bon sujet ; qu'il avolt vii que le fonds de Milord 
 Halifax ne se pouvoit changer, et qu'ainsi sa resolution etoit prise de ne 
 s'en plus servir, que Ton avoit voulu le detourner de faire cet eclat avant 
 t'assemblee du Parlement, et de se servir plutot de Milord Halifax dans 
 cette Assemblee pour obtenir plus aiscment les choses qu'il desiroit; mais 
 que c'etoit par cette meme raison qu'il vouloit le chasser de son conseil ; 
 que son exemple pouvoit gater beaucoup de gens, et fortifier le parti de 
 ceux qui lui voudroient resister; qu'il connoissoit les inconvenients d'un 
 conseil partage, et de souffrir que ses ministres eussent des sentiments 
 opposes aux siens ; que le feu Roy son frere s'en etoit mal trouve, et qu'il 
 tiendroit une conduite difierente. II ajouta, que son dessein etoit de faire 
 revoquer par le Parlement I'acte du Test, et I'acte de Y Habeas Corpus, dont 
 Tun est la destruction de la religion Catholique, et I'autre de Tautoritc 
 royale ; qu'il espere en venir a bout, que Milord Halifax n'auroit pas 
 eu le courage et la fermete de soutenir le bon parti, et qu'il feroit moins de 
 mal, n'ayant plus de part aux affaires, et etant disgracie. 
 
 Sa Majeste Britannique me parla encore d'une auire resolution qui doit 
 paroitre avant I'assemblee du Parlement, c'est celle d'envoyerun Ambassa- 
 deur extraordinaire a Rome, jugeant qu'il est de sa dignite, etant Catholique, 
 de faire ce que les Rois ont accoutume a Tcgard du St. Siege. 
 
 Je remerciai le Roy d'Angleterre de tout ce qu'il m'avoit fait I'honneur 
 de me communiquer. Je lui dis que j'en rendrois compte a V. M. et que 
 j'osois lui repondre par avance que V. M. approuverolt entierement ses 
 resolutions, et auroit beaucoup de joie de le voir en etat d'entreprendre 
 des choses si importantes pour I'avantage de la religion Catholique, et 
 pour raffermissement de son autorite. Sa Majeste Britannique me dit en 
 riant ; " Je ne pense pas que le Roy votre mailre soit fache que j'eloigne 
 Milord Halifax de mes conseils. Je sais bien du moins que les ministres 
 des confederes en seront mortifies, et qu'ils avoient une grande opinion de 
 son credit." 
 
 Je repondis a cela que j'avois agi de concert avec lui du temps du feu Roy 
 son frere, pour oter du ministere Milord Halifax ; mais que je n'avois pas 
 cru qu'il eut le moindre credit depuis samort; que je convenois cependant 
 que son eloignement des affaires produiroit un bon effet en Angleterre, et 
 
APPENDIX. cxxiii 
 
 dans les pays etrangers pour detruire ropinion que les ministres de 
 la Maison d'Autriche tachent d'y etablir, que la bonne intelligence et 
 Tamitie sont fort diminuees entre V. M. et lui ; que je savois meme que les 
 Ambassadeurs d'Holiande etoient partis depuis deux jours fort persuades 
 que Milord Halifax etoit un des ministres les plus accredites, et sur Tamitie 
 du quel le Prince d'Orange pouvoit faire le plus de fondement. J'ai dit 
 x:eci pour voir sile Roy d'Angleterre me parleroit d'une affaire qui regarde 
 le dedans de la maison du Prince d'Orange, qui n'a pas encore eclate, 
 mais qui sera bientot publique; il ne m'en parla point, et je ne jugeai pas 
 lui en devoir parler le premier, 
 
 Le jPrince d'Orange a decouvert que le ministre de la Princesae d'Orange, 
 sa nourrice, et une femme de chambre qu'elle aime fort, etoient en com- 
 merce avec Skelton, et I'avertissoient de tout ce qui venoit a leur cpnnois- 
 sance de plus secret. Cela a ete su du Prince d'Orange par une lettre qui 
 a passe par les mains de Dalonne, secretaire de la Princesse d'Orange. Le 
 Prince d'Orange a pris cette affaire avec tant d'aigreur, qu'il a chasse le 
 ministre, la nourrice, et la femme de cbambre, et les a renvoyes a la Haye: 
 je ne sais meme s'ils ne sont point deja partis pour I'Angleterre. Le Roy 
 d'Angleterre me paroit, de son cote, fort aigri, et croit que le Prince 
 d'Orange marque clairement sa mauvaise volonte a son egard, d'etre si 
 trouble que son ministre ait connoissance[de ce qui se passe dans la maison 
 de sa fille et de son gendre. 
 
 Je n'ai pas presse le Roy d'Angleterre de me dire le nom de rAipibas- 
 sadeur qu'il envoye a Rome, afin de lui laisser toute la facilite de s'expli- 
 quer avec moi en confiance, sans lui faire croire que je veuilie savoir plus 
 qu'il n'a envie de me dire; mais j'ai su d'ailleurs que c'etoit le Comte de 
 Castelmaine, mari de Madame la Duchesse de Cleveland. Je ne doute 
 pas que V. M. ne fasse la meme reflexion que je sais avoir ete faite par 
 ceux qui ont apprls ce choix. II semble d'abord qu'il y ait quelque ridi- 
 cule a envoyer un homme si peu connu par lui meme, et si connu par Ma- 
 dame de Cleveland. Le Roy d'Angleterre ne s'est point arrete a cela; et I'a 
 choisi parce que les Catboliques ont une grande confiance en lui, qu'il a fait 
 plusieurs voyages enltalie, qu'il le croit fort habile et fort zeleCatholique, 8cc, 
 
 Je suis, kc. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Extrait d'une Lettre du Roy a M. Barillon. 
 
 6 JYovemhre, 1685, a Fontainebleau. 
 1l [le Roy d'Angleterre] a raison de croire que Milord Halifax n'ayant 
 aucune religion, ne peut pas etre un ministre fortfidele et fortaffectionne au 
 maintien de I'autorite royale. 
 
 Le dit Roy ne peut employer plus utilement pour lui ses soins et son 
 pouvoir, qu'a faire revoquer par le Parlement, I'Acte qu'ils appellent du 
 Test, qui oblige ses sujets de faire des serments si horribles, et si contraires 
 a ce qu'on doit a Dieu et meme a la royaute. 
 
 II n'est pas moins important aussi pour la maintenir de I'oter de Terabarras 
 que lui donne ce second acte que vous appellez Habeas Corpus, et j'ap- 
 prendrai toujoiirs avec plaisir qu'il ait reussi dans ces deux projets. 
 
 J'avois deja appris I'eloignement des domestiques de la Princessc 
 d'Orange ; et j'ai bien cru que le Roy d'Angleterre n'agreeroit pas qu'on 
 leur lit un crime de I'informer par son ministre des nouvelles de la sante 
 de sa fiUe, et de I'etat de ses affaires. 
 
 M. Barillon au Roy. 
 
 5 JYovcmbre, I685, a Londres. 
 
 On fait beaucoup de diJBTerentes reflexions sur la disgrace de Milord 
 Halifax. II a declare a ses amis qu'il n'auroit pas voulu s'engager a soulenir 
 les desseins que sa Majeste Britannique a pour le prochain Parlement, et 
 qu'il avoit mieux aime se retirer de la cour, que de demeurer a condition 
 de se declarer ouvertement pour tout ce que Ton entreprendra de faire eu 
 faveur des Catholiques, et pour raugmentation de Tautorite royale. Beau- 
 coup de gens disent que le Roy d'Angleterre auroii mieux fait d'engager 
 insensiblement Milord d'Halifax a seconder ses desseins, et a s'en servir 
 pour menager dans le Parlement ce qu'il en voudra obtenir, que de le 
 disgracier seulement parce qu'il ne veut pas entrer dans des mesures 
 opposees aux lois etablies, et a tout ce que les Anglois ont le plus avant 
 
APPENDIX. cxxv 
 
 enracine dans le cceur : mais sa Majeste Britannique raisonne fort differem- 
 ment, et croit que rien ne seroit si dangereux pour le bien de ses affaires, 
 que de conserver un ministre qui a des sentiments et des principes opposes 
 aux siens, et qu'il est meme apropos qu'on connoisse, que le seul moyen 
 d'etre bien a la cour, est de conserver ses bonnes graces, est de suivre 
 aveuglement ses volontes, et d'avoir un attachement a ses interets qui ne 
 soit sujet a aucune interpretation ni reserve. 
 
 Get incident est regarde aussi avec beaucoup d'attention des ministres 
 etrangers ; ceux qui sont ici les mieux informes ne croyoient pas que Milord 
 Halifax eut un grand credit ; rnais la plupart s'imaginoient que son credit 
 augmenteroit a mesure que le Roy d'Angleterre entreroit dans des mesures 
 opposeesacelles que le feu Roy son frere etlui, ont tenues jusques a-present. 
 Milord Halifax prenoit grand soin de flatter les esperances de ceux qu'il 
 connoissoit desirer que sa Majeste Britannique s'unit etroitement avec le 
 Prince d'Orange, et se relachat un peu d'une liaison trop etroite avec V. M. 
 On pretendoit etendre cela dans la suite a une entiere separation de vos 
 interets et des siens. Ce projet etoit soutenu par Milord Halifax, qui 
 croyoit bien que, tant que V. M. et le Roy son maitre seroient en bonne 
 intelligence, il n'auroit pas une grande part dans sa confiance ; mais que 
 venant a s'alterer, les autres ministres perdroient quelque chose de leur 
 credit, et que le sien augmenteroit. Les Ambassadeurs d'Espagne et 
 d'HolIande I'ont regarde comme leur principal eonseil depuis quelques 
 annees, et aidoient ^ fortifier le bruit repandu dans les pays etrangers, que 
 Milord Halifax avoit beaucoup de part aux resolutions qui se prennoient. 
 Le secretaire du Comte de Toun qui est demeure ici avec la quallte de 
 secretaire de I'Empereur, ne s'est pu retenir de dire a plusieurs personnes, 
 qu'il etoit fort etrange que le Roy d'Angleterre chassat Milord Halifax 
 de son eonseil, apres 1' obligation qu'il lui avoit d'avoir soutenu avec tant 
 de force son parti, ou plutot son droit, dans le Parlement, lorsqu'il etoit 
 question de I'exclusion. 
 
 Ge discours est revenu au Roy, qui I'a trouve fort a redire. La verite est, 
 que Milord Halifax, pour entrer dans la confiance du feu Roy d'Angleterre, 
 soutint fortement la succession contre Milord Schafbery, et se trouva lors 
 a la tete de ceux qui s'opposerent dans la Chambre Haute au Bill d'Exclu- 
 
exxvi APPENDIX. 
 
 sion contre M. le Due d' York, qui avoit deji pass6 dans la Ghambre Basse: 
 
 Hiais des le lendemain que ce Bill d'Exclusion fut rejete, Milord Halifax 
 proposa des temperaments contre le Due d'York, plus ruineux pour lui 
 que I'Exclusion. Le principal etoit un banissement perpetuel pendant la 
 vie du feu Roy, et de si grandes restrictions a son autorite, en cas qu'il vint 
 a la couronne, que Ton jugea ces conditions plus dangereuses et moins 
 admissibles que I'exclusion. Depuis cela Milord Halifax s'est toujours 
 declare ouvertement contre M. le Due d'York, et s'est oppose a tout ce qui 
 a et€ de ses avantages. 
 
 On m'a assure que la Reine Douairiere ne conservera pas a Milord Ha- 
 lifax la charge qu'il a de son Chancelier, et lui-meme ne juge pas la pouvoir 
 garder : il est pourtant assez bien aupres d'elle, et a fait donner la charge 
 de Tresorier de sa Maison au Sieur Tin, son cousin. 
 
 A-present que I'assemblee du Parlement approche, on commence a parler 
 dans Londres des matieres qui seront agitees dans cette assemblee : il est 
 encore diflficile de juger quel en sera le sUcces ; car quoique le plus grand 
 nombre des deputes paroissent bien intentionnes pour sa Majeste Britan- 
 nique, les Actes du Test^ et d" Habeas Corpus sont regardes par tous les 
 Anglois comme les remparts de la religion Protestante, et des privileges de 
 la nation. Le Roy d'Angleterre espere venir a bout de les faire revoquer; 
 autrement ce seroit une imprudence de Tentreprendre, et de se trouver 
 oblige de separer le Parlement, sans en avoir obtenu ce qu'il croit neces- 
 saire pour raffermissement de son autorite. Le retablissement des Pairs 
 CathoHques sera une suite de la revocation du Test, et aussi la confirmation 
 des officiers de guerre, et de la Maison qui sont Catholiques. Tout cela 
 est regarde comme tres-important, et presque tous les Anglois voient avec 
 grande douleur que I'autorite royale prend tous les jours de nouvelles forces, 
 et que les loix etablies contre la religion Cathollque ne pourront s'etablir 
 sous le regno d'un Roy qui en fait une profession ouverte. 
 
 L'eveque que le Pape a envoye ici est arrive ; il n'y Cera point encore 
 defonction publique; mais son arrivee n'est pas secrete. Le Roy d'Angle- 
 terre me paroit fort content de lui. Tous les ecclesiastiques seculiers 
 d'Angleterre sont soumis a sa direction. Son titre est in partibiis. 
 
 Milord Preston est Chancelier de la Reine Douairiere a la place de Milord 
 
APPENDIX. cxxvii 
 
 Halifax. La charge de Chambellan, vacante par la mort du Comte 
 d'Ailesbury, a ele donnee au Gomte de Mangraf [Mulgrave] ; et la charge 
 deGentilhomme de laChambre, qu'avoit Milord Mangraf, a Milord Brousse, 
 qui est a- present Comte d'Ailesbury par la mort de son pere. 
 
 Le Sieur Corniche a ete execute, et une femme nomme Gaunt, agee de 
 soixante ans, brulce pour avoir retire des rcbelles chez elle. 
 
 J'envoye a votre Majeste la copie du Memoire qui a ete donne a Milord 
 Sunderland par I'Ambassadeur d'Espagne. Je suis, 8cc. 
 
 Le Roy cu M. Barillon. 
 
 16 JVovembre, 1685* 
 
 JVl. Barillon, votre lettre du 5 de ce mois m'informe des differents 
 raisonnements qu'on fait au lieu oii vous etes sur la disgrace dc Milord 
 Halifax: mais quelque effet qu'elle puisse produire, vous jugez bien qu'il 
 ne pent etre que fort avantageux a mes inlerets qu'un ministre si devoue a 
 ceux d'Espagne, et si contraire a la religion Gatholique, soit eloigne des 
 conseils du Roy d' Angleterre, et je m'assure aussi que cet acte de fermete 
 augmentera encore I'autorite du dit Roy, et rendra meme I'assemblee du 
 Parlement plus soumise ace qu'il desirera d'elle. Je laisse a votre prudence 
 a rinfbrmer de mes sentiments sur ce sujet, si vous le jugez a-propos. 
 
 Quelque repugnance que puissent avoir les Anglois a soufTrir quelque 
 changement dans les deux points qu'ils croient etre si essentiels a la conser- 
 vation, tant de la religion Protestante, que de leurs droits et privileges, ils 
 sent neanmoins d'ailleurs d'une si grande consequence pour le succes des 
 desseins que le dit Roy a formes, qu'il a grande raison d'employer toute 
 son autorite a les obtenir. II y a d'autant plus d'apparence aussi qu'il y 
 reussira que I'etat paisible ou est aujourdhui toute I'Europe, ne laisse 
 envisager aux factieux aucune ressources ni desirer aux bien intentionnes 
 une conjoncture plus favorable. 
 
 Le memoire que I'Ambassadeur d'Espagne a remit entre les mains du 
 Comte de Sunderland, ne regarde que ce qui est du a des parliculiers par les 
 Etats de Haynault, et n'est pas capable de produire de nouveaux troubles* 
 
cxxviii APPENDIX. 
 
 Mais les continuelles contraventions que lesEspagnols font au traite de treve, 
 par les prises et enlevement des vaisseaux de mes sujets, pourroient leur 
 attirer de plus.facheuses suites, s'ils ne rendentau-plutotce qu'ils ont pris. 
 
 Je regois encore presentement votre lettre du 8, avec le memoire des 
 payements que vous avez faits depuis la mort du feu Roy d' Angleterre ; et 
 apres que j'aurai fait examiner s'il se rapporte au compte que vous avez 
 ci-devant envoye des payements faits par vos ordres jusqu'a la raortdufeu 
 Roy d'Angleterre, je vous ferai savoir mes sentiments sur cet article. 
 
 J'apprends detoutes parts que le Roy d'Angleterre temoigne une grande 
 disposition a entrer dans toutes sortes d'engagements contraires a mes 
 interets. L'on me confirme encore I'avis que je vous ai deja donne que le 
 Roy Catholique envoye a son Ambassadeur en Angleterre le pouvoir de 
 conclure une ligue avec la Cour oii vous etes, sur les assurances que ce 
 . ministre a donnees qii'il y trouveroit dans la conjoncture presente de tres- 
 grandes facilites. Vous devez neanmoins temoigner au Roy d'Angleterre 
 que je suis persuade qu'il rejettera si loin les propositions de ligue que ce 
 ministre pourroit faire, que la Cour d'Espagne sera bientot desabusee de 
 I'esperance qu'elle a eue d'un bon succes dans cette affaire. 
 
 II me paroit par tout ce que vous m'eci ivez que le Roy d'Angleterre n'a 
 pas sujet d'etre content du Prince d'Orange ; et il est a souhaiter, pour le 
 maintien de la paix, et pour le bien de notre religion, qu'il n'y ait pas entre 
 eux une plus grande intelligence. 
 
 Exlrnil (Tune Lettre de M Barillon au Roy. 
 
 12 A^ovembre, ICS5, o Londres. 
 Le Roy d'Angleterre m'a dit qu'il en etoit persuade et fort aise [il s'agit 
 ici du desir que temoignoit et quavoit Louis Xlf^. d'offermir le repos donl 
 jouissoil alors V Europe\ que je voyois combien il lui importoit qu'il 
 n'arrivat pas de rupture entre V. M. et le Roy d'Espagne, et que jesavois 
 quels avantages cela donneroit a ceux qui veulent traverser ses dessems a 
 regard de la religion Catholique. 
 
 Le Chevalier Trumball est parti pour France. Le Roy d'Angleterre 
 
APPENDIX. cxxix 
 
 m'a dit iqu'il lui avoit donnedes instructions et des ordres precis d'apporter 
 tous ses soins pour la continuation d'une bonne intelligence avec V. M. 
 J'ai prie sa Majeste Britannique de lui ordonner sur tout de ne se point 
 meler des affaires qui regardent ceux de la religion pretendue reformee ; je 
 ne doute pas que cela n'ait ete fait ; et autant que j'en puis juger sur ce que 
 m'a dit le Sieur Trumball, il se conduira d'une maniere dont V. M. aura 
 sujet d'etre satisfaite. 
 
 Tous les projets et les plans se forment a I'egard du Parlement. II est 
 certain qu'on y agitera des matieres fort importantes : on ne sauroit encore 
 juger de revenement. Le Roy d'Angleterre espere venir a bout de la 
 plupart des choses qu'il demandera, et il paroit resolu de ne se point 
 relacher de ce qu'il desire obtenir pour I'avantage des Catholiques, et pour 
 raffermissement de son autorite. La defiance est grande dans le parti des 
 Protestants zeles : ils connoissent bien que de ce qui se passera dans cette ses- 
 sion, depend a I'avenir la surete de la religion Protestante. Les Catholiques 
 ne sont pas touta-fait d'accord entre eux : les plus habiles, et ceux qui ont 
 le plus de part a la confiance du Roy d'Angleterre, connoissent bien que 
 la conjoncture est la plus favorable qu'on puisse esperer, et que si on la 
 laisse echapper, elle pourra bien n'etre de si longtemps si avantageuse. Les 
 Jesuites sont de ce sentiment, qui sans doute est le plus raisonable ; mais 
 les Catholiques riches et etablis craignent I'avenir, et apprehendent un 
 retour qui les ruineroit ; ainsi ils voudroient admettre tous les tempera- 
 ments possibles, et se contenteroient des plus mediocres avantages qu'on 
 leur voudroit accorder, comme seroit la revocation des loix penales, sans 
 s'attacher a la revocation du Test qui rend les Catholiques incapables des 
 charges et des emplois. 
 
 Ce parti est soutenu de tous les gens qui favorisent secretement le Prince 
 d'Orange, et leur avis prevaudroit, si les autres ne prennoient tous les soins 
 possibles pour faire comprendre au Roy d'Angleterre que s'il ne se sert 
 de I'occasion, et qu'il n'etablisse presentement ce qu'il a dessein de faire 
 pour les Catholiques et pour lui-meme, il verra tous les jours naitre de plus 
 grands obstacles a ses desseins. Le naturel du Roy d'Angleterre le porte 
 a tenir une conduite ferme et vigoureuse. Ceux de ses ministres qui sont 
 dans les niemes sentiments paroissent augmenter de credit ; I'exemple de 
 
cxxx APPENDIX. 
 
 Milord Halifax fait craindre ceux qui voudroient tenir une conduite 
 moderee, et garder des temperaments. Tout cela forme beaucoup de 
 cabales dans la Cour et dans le Parlement. Le Roy d'Angleterre me 
 parle souvent de ce qu'il veut faire, et me paroit fort resolu de se prevaloir 
 de la conjoncture presente. II me dit toujours que la paix au-dehors lui 
 est entierement necessaire, et me charge de representer cela a votre Ma- 
 jeste, comme une chose decisive pour les avantages de la religion Catho- 
 lique. Je me tiens dans les bornes que V. M. m'a prescrites, et sans 
 m'ingerer de lui rien inspirer de trop vehement, je fortifie la resolution ou 
 il paroit etre de profiter de I'occasion. Je serai applique a penetrer ce 
 qui se passe, et a rendre compte a V. M le plus exactement que je pourrai. 
 II n'y a point eu de seance du Parlement depuis longlemps plus impor- 
 . tante. Je prcvois meme qu'il se traitera beaucoup de choses sur I'avenir 
 a quoi on ne s'attendoit pas, Je n'omettrai aucun soin pour etre bien 
 informe. Je suis, Sec, 
 
 Ex trait d*une Lett re du Roy a M. Barillon. 
 
 d. Versailles, le 19 JSi''ovembre, 1685. 
 I'apprends cependant par les dernieres lettres de Madrid, que ce qui 
 cloigne le Conseil d'Espagne de faire raison sur les justes plaintes de mcs 
 sujets, est I'esperance dont les Ministres Espagnols se flattent, d'atlirer 
 bientot le Roy d'Angleterre dans les interets de la Maison d'Autriche, et 
 de faire avec lui un traite d'association. On ajoute meme qu'ils croyent 
 que ce Prince ne differe a y entrer que jusqu'a ce qu'il ait obtenu de son 
 Parlement ce qu'il a resolu de lui demander dans la prochaine assemblee. 
 C'est ce qui vous doit obliger a renouveller vos soins et votre application 
 a bien penetrer les veritables desseins de la Cour ou vous etes, et examiner 
 tons les partis qu'il y auroit a prendre, en cas de changement, pour lebien 
 de mon service : car comme je serai toujours bien aise de contribuer au 
 bon succes des desseins du Roy d'Angleterre, tant qu'il ne tendront qu'a 
 I'augmentation de notre religion, a I'affermissement du repos public, et a 
 celui de son autorite; je dois vous dire aussi, pour votre instruction 
 
APPENDIX. cxxxi 
 
 particuliere, que je ne serai pas facbe qu'il trouve dans son Parlement des 
 obstacles a ses projets, quand je reconnoitrai qu'il voudra prendre des 
 mesures avec mes ennemis, pour par la leur donner la hirdiesse de 
 troubler la paix que j'ai retablie par les derniers traites. Ainsi vous devez 
 bien observer qu'elle est la disposition des esprits des principaux membres 
 du Parlement, et quel est le pencbant de ceux qui auront le plus de credit 
 dans cette assemblee, ensorte que, sans donner aucun pretexte au Roy 
 d'Angleterre de se detacher des sentiments de reconnoissance qu'il croit 
 devoir aux temoignages d'amitie que je lui ai donnes avant et depuis son 
 avenement a la couronne, vous puissiez, s'il s'en eloigne, laisser entrevoir 
 aux Pariementaires les plus attaches a la conservation de leurs droits et 
 privileges, que les liaisons que j'ai avec le Roy leur maitre ne sont pas 
 assez fortes pour leur nuire, et qu'ils peuvent agir avec liberie, et sans 
 craindre ma puissance. Mais comme vous jugez bien qu'il importe extreme- 
 ment au bien de mon service que votre conduite soit si mesurce, si sage, et 
 si prudente, qu'elle ne puisse donner aucune prise contre vous, vous devez, 
 sur toutes choses, vous appliquer a connoitre le terrain, avant que de faire 
 aucune tentative qui puisse nuire a mes interets. Meme vous ne devez 
 faire aucune demarche dans une negociation si delicate et si dangereuse, 
 qu'apres que vous m'aurez donne avis de ce que vous aurez reconnu des 
 intentions de laCourou vous etes, et que je vous aurai donne de nouveaux 
 ordres. II estbon, cependant, que vous vous serviez de toutes les occasions 
 qui se presenteront, pour insinuer adroitement au Roy d'Angleterre I'in- 
 teret qu'il a d'employer son autorite au retablissement de la religion Ca- 
 tholique, et de ne la pas laisser plus longtemps exposee a toutes les loix 
 penales qui ont ete faites contre elle dans les regnes precedents. 
 
 Ex trait d'une Lett re du Roy a M. Barillon. 
 
 d Versailles, le 29 JVovembre, I685. 
 JVloNSiEUR Barillon, j'ai recu votre lettre du I9 de ce mois, avec la 
 copie du discours que le Roy d'Angleterre a fait a son Parlement, tant pour 
 I'obliger a lui fournir le fonds necessaire pour le payement des troupes 
 
cxxxii APPENDIX. 
 
 qu'il pretend en obtenir, que pour I'informer des raisons qu'il a de con- 
 server les officiers qui I'ont fidelement servi dans la derniere rebellion. 
 
 Je m'assure qu'il n'aura pas de peine a obtenir ce secours de cette 
 assemblee : elle croira avec raison avoir beaucoup gagne, s'il n'entreprend 
 rienen faveur de la religion Catholique, et qu'il la laisse dans le deplorable 
 etat ou elle est encore a-present, sujette aux loix penales, et a tout ce que 
 la fureur et les emportements de ses plus grands ennemis pourroient attenter 
 contre elle dans une conjoncture plus favorable pour eux. Je suis bien 
 persuade aussi que ce Prince connoit assez I'interet qu'il a de laretablir, et 
 que d'ailleurs il a tout le zele qu'on pent desirer pour ne pas manquer d'en 
 procurer ses avantages ; et comme vous savez bien mes intentions sur la 
 conduite que vous devez tenir pendant la seance de ce Parlement, je ne 
 doute point que vous ne les suiviez aussi exactement qu'il vous sera possible, 
 et que vous ne m'informiez de tout ce qui se passera dans les deliberations 
 des deux Charabres, et des mesures que le Roy d' Angleterre prendra pour 
 parvenir a ses fins. 
 
 Extrait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon au Roy. 
 
 22 A^ovembre, 1685, a Londres. 
 On dit que Milord Grey a depose que plusieurs Seigneurs devoient se 
 joindre a M. de Monmouth, entre autres Milord Devincher ; il est gendre 
 du Due d'Ormond, et le plus grand Seigneur d' Angleterre en fonds de 
 terre. Beaucoup de gens prennent interet a ce qui le regarde, et s'entre- 
 mettent pourle recommander; mais il ne s'aide pas lui-merae autant qu'il 
 faudroit. Cela commence a causer les agitations ordinaires en ce pays-ci 
 lorsque le Parlement est assemble. 
 
 M. Barillon au Roy 
 
 26 J\''ovembre,\6%5, a Londres. 
 JE re^us avant hier la depeche de votre Majeste du 19 Novembre, par un 
 courier expres ; avant que d'y repondre, je crois devoir rendre corapte a 
 
APPENDIX. cxxxiii 
 
 V. M. de ce qui s'est passe ici depuis le dernier ordinaire. La deliberation 
 de la Chambre des Communes du 22. Novembre fut pleine de chaleur et 
 de contestation. Les partisans de la Cour obtinrent pourtant une resolu- 
 tion de donner un secours d'argent. Ceux du parti oppose avoient eu 
 Tadresse d'ajouter a la proposition de donner de I'argent, que ce secours 
 seroit pour entretenir I'armee, ce qui auroit fait rejeter la proposition 
 par le plus grand nombre de voix. Mais le Speaker^ et quelques autres, 
 firent mettre simplement la question de donner de I'argent, sans specifier 
 ^ quel usage : il passa de quelques voix, mais en meme temps, la Chambre 
 prit la resolution de representer a sa Majeste Britannique, que la veritable 
 force du royaume consiste dans les milices, et qu'elle apportera tous les 
 soins, et prendra tous les expediens possibles, pour les rendre utiles : 
 c'etoit declarer nettement que la Chambre ne pretend pas que I'armee 
 subsiste. Beaucoup de gens parlerent avec vehemence contra I'armee et 
 contre les officiers Catholiques, etsoulinrent que le Discours duRoy ne se 
 rapportoit point a ce qu'il avoit dit dans la seance precedente, puisqu'en 
 celle-ci il se declaroit ouvertement contre les loix etablies qui font la surete 
 de la religion Protestante. M. Seymer parla fort aprement, le Sieur Clergis 
 de meme ; un nomme Jennins, creature de Milord Danbi, et un nouveau 
 membre de la Chambre, nomme Tuesden, parlerent aussi avec beaucoup de 
 force, et d'applaudissemens. Tous leurs discours se terminoient a ne pas 
 souffrir une armee sur pied, et a ne pas permettre qu'il y ait des officiers 
 Catholiques. Un des deputes dit qu'il ne voyoit pas que I'Angleterre fit 
 une figure considerable dans le monde dont il etoit fait mention dans le 
 Discours du Roy. Milord Preston repondit a cela, qu'il savoit, et etoit 
 bien informe, que V. M. auroit, cet ete, attaque I'Espagne en quelque 
 endroit, si le Roy d'Angleterre ne I'avoit empeche, et que V. M. n'en 
 avoit ete detournee que parce qu'elle avoit cru qu'une rupture avec I'Es- 
 pagne mettroit I'Angleterre dans le parti de ses ennemis. II y en eut 
 d'autres encore qui firent entendre qu'il n'y avoit que le Roy d'Angleterre 
 qui put empecher les progres et I'augmentation de cette puissance qui fait 
 trembler toutes les autres, et que le veritable interet de la nation Angloise 
 est que le Roy soit en etat de s'y opposer, ce qui ne se peut, s'il n'a des 
 forces suffisantes et toutes pretes. Ce raisonnement futcombattu indirecte- 
 
cxxxiv APPENDIX. 
 
 m^.nt par d'autres membres, qui soutinrent que le veritable interet des 
 Anglois est de vivre en repos et en tranquillite dans le dedans, avec la 
 surete de leurs loix et proprietes, aussi bien que de leur conscience dans 
 lexercice de leur reli;iion, et que, quand cela sera, I'Angleterre aura 
 assez de consideration au-dehors. Cette deliberation parut si opposee a ce 
 que sa Maj ste Britannique pouvoit desirer que Ton disoit deja que le 
 Parlement seroit proroge ou casse. II s'etoit fait beaucoup de cabales la 
 veille: les vieux Parlementaires qui ne sont pas du present Parlement 
 avoient instruit les nouveaux deputes. 
 
 La Chambre se rassembia le 23; la chaleur fut encore plus grande, et le 
 parti oppose a la Cour emporta de trois voix la question qui avoit ete raise, 
 si on delibereroit sur lesecours d'argent, ou si on considereroit le Discours 
 du Roy ; ce dernier avis prevalut, parce que beaucoup de gens attaches ou 
 dependants de la Cour etoient absents, et il y en eut meme qui en furent 
 d'avis, entre autres, le Sieur Fox, qui est Commis au payement des troupes : 
 son pere est officier de la Maison, et avoit cet employ du payement des 
 troupes, dans lequel il s'est enrichi. Un Lieutenant des Gardes a Cheval, 
 norame Darze, homme de qualite, fut aussi de Pavis oppose a la Cour. 
 On parla encore avec beaucoup plus de chaleur que le jour precedent 
 contre Tarmee et les officiers Catholiques, et le sentiment presque unanime 
 de la Chambre parut etre de ne point donner d'argent pour faire subsister 
 I'armee, et dene pas souffrir qu'il y eut d'officiers Catholiques. 
 
 La Chambre se rassembia avant hier, 24 Novembre, et delibera sur le 
 Discours du Roy. On s'attendoit que la chaleur et I'emportement seroient 
 encore plus grands que les jours precedents: mals la moderation fut beau- 
 coup plus grande qu'on ne I'avoit attendu : il n'y eut presque personne 
 qui repetat rien de ce qui avoit ete dit dans les jours precedents: mais le 
 fonds de la deliberation fut fort ferme, et la Chambre parut determinee 
 absolument a ne point permettre que le Roy se servit d'officiers Catho- 
 liques, puisque les loix y sont directement contraires. On proposa divers 
 expedients pour accommoder cette difficulte ; celui de souffrir que ceux 
 qui sont etablis, demeurent, et que le Roy promette de n'en plus ajouter 
 d'autres, fut rejete par la Chambre, et la conclusion fut de faire une 
 adresse, pour supplier sa Majeste Britannique de remedier aux soupcons 
 
APPENDIX. exxxv 
 
 et a la jalousie que donnoita la nation I'lnexecutlon des loix. On attribue 
 la moderation quia paru dans cette derniere deliberation, alacrainte qu'on 
 a eue de donner occasion a la cassation du Parlement. D'autres disent que 
 c'est un conseil des vieux Parlementaires qui ont inspire de la fermete et 
 de Topiniiitrete pour le fonds, en temoignant de la moderation au dehors. 
 
 11 etoit hier dimanche. On delibere aujourdhui sur le fonds d'argent. 
 Toute la question se terraine a savoir si la Chambre des Communes 
 accordera de I'argent, sans y meler aucune condition, et si elle se con- 
 tentera d'avoir temoigne combien la subsistance de I'armee, et I'emploi des 
 Catlioliques lui sont odieux, sans insister d'avantage sur une satisfaction 
 prealable. En ce cas la le Roy d'Angleterre aura obtenu ce qu'il y a de 
 plus essentiel ; car le mecontentement general ne I'empechera pas d'avoir 
 ses troupes sur pied, et de quoi les payer. La deliberation d'aujourdhui 
 decidera de la duree de la seance du Parlement, car le Roy d'Angleterre 
 paroit resolu de ne se relacher en rien, et sa fermete etonne ceux qui 
 croyoient que ce qui s'est passe dans la Chambre des Communes, le feroit 
 resoudre d'admettre quelques temperaments, et de ne se pas opiniatrer a 
 emporter dans cette seance tout ce qu'il desire. 
 
 De toutce que j'ai I'honneur de mander a V. M. elle voit que les affaires 
 de ce pays sont fort changeesdepuis quelques jours: elles peuvent recevoir 
 des adoucissements et des changements. Je sais que I'on emploie de 
 I'argent pour remettre les gens les plus opposes a la Gour dans des senti- 
 ments plus moderes ; mais il n'est pas facile que le concert se retablisse 
 parfaitement, et qu'il ne reste pas de grandes defiances de part et d'autre. 
 
 Le parti oppose a la Cour est celui du Prince d'Orange, que beaucoup 
 de gens favorisent secretement. La division meme est dans la Cour ; 
 c'est ce que j'expliquerai, autant que je le pourrai, a V. M. dans la suite 
 de cette Lettre. II me paroit, cependant, que je n'ai rien a faire en 
 execution des ordres portes par la derniere depeche de V. M. que d'em- 
 ployer tous mes soins pour etrebien informe, et pour lui rendre un compte 
 exact de ce qui se passe. 
 
 J'ai conserve quelques liaisons avec des gens accredites dans les prece- 
 dents Parlements, et il ne seroit pas impossible d'augmenter, s'il etoit 
 necessaire les divisions qui semblent naitre; il ne seroit pas inutile au service 
 
cxxxvi APPENDIX. 
 
 de V. M. d' avoir toujours quelques gens dans sa dependance ; cela pent 
 meme, dans les occasions, etre utile au Roy d'Angleterre, et au bien de 
 la religion. Je ne vois rien qui presse presentemeut : il semble que les 
 affaires prennent d'elle-meme le chemin qui peut etre le plus avantageux 
 a V. M. ; c'est au moins ce qui paroit aujourdhui. II est cependant diffi- 
 cile de prevoir les revolutions et les changements inopines qui arrivent 
 en ce pays-ci, et V. M. voit bien que les affaires sont faites ou terminees 
 avant que Ton ait le temps de recevoir de nouveaux ordres. 
 
 J'ai ete informe des demarches de I'Ambassadeur d'Espagne, depuis 
 le commencement de la seance du Parlement. J'ai ete aussi averti que 
 quelques jours auparavant, il avoit fort presse le Roy d'Angleterre de 
 renouveller le traite de I680. La reponse de sa Majeste Britannique a 
 ete undelai plutot qu'un refus absolu. Cette Ambassadeur a temoigne 
 en etre surpris, et le Roy d'Angleterre a bien juge de ce que M. Ron- 
 quille a dit qu'il avoit donne des esperances a Madrid, que le traite se 
 pouvoit renouveller. Je n'ai pas cru, pendant ces derniers jours, devoir 
 parler au Roy d'Angleterre surcerenouvellement du traite avec I'Espagne, 
 sachant qu'il n'y avoit rien a craindre presentement, et trouvant plus con- 
 venable qu'il m'en parle le premier, ce que je crois qu'il fera, des qu'il sera 
 un peu moins accable d'affaires. 
 
 L'Ambassadeur d'Espagne fondoit de grandes esperances sur I'assemblee 
 du Parlement. J'ai ete averti que ses partisans insinuoient une alliance 
 avec les Etats Generaux et la Suede ou I'Electeur de Brandebourg, pour 
 tenir lieu de ce qu'etoit autrefois la triple ligue. Je sais meme que Ton 
 devoit joindre a ces projets d'alliances, des offres de sommes considerables 
 pour y engager sa Majeste Britannique. Tout cela se trouve renverse, ou 
 du moins eloigne par tout ce qui s'est passe jusques a aujourdhui. 
 
 J'ai eu encore une raison pour ne me pas hater de parler du traite d'Es- 
 pagne a sa Majeste Britannique, c'est d'eviter toute proposition de secours 
 d'argent qu'on me pourroit faire, ce qui arriveroit plus aisement, si je te- 
 moignois apprehender le renouvellement d'une alliance avec I'Espagne, 
 et que je parlasse pour rempecher. Ce n'est pas a moi d'en faire naitre 
 I'occasion. Je serai meme fort retenu dans ce que je dirai au Roy d'Angle- 
 terre s'ii casse le Parlement, et que toute esperance d'accommodement soil 
 
APPENDIX. cxxxvii 
 
 rompue, afin que V. M. soit en pleine liberte de me prescrire ce que j'au- 
 rai a dire, et la conduite que je devrai tenir. 
 
 Apres avoir rendu compte a V. M. des affaires du Parlement, je crois la 
 devoir informer, autant que je le pourrai, de ce qui regarde le dedans de la 
 Cpur, Depuis que Milord Sunderland est rentre dans les affaires, il a 
 pris beaucoup de soin de me donner des marques de son attachement aux 
 interets de V. M.; je ne ferai mention que de ce qui s'est passe depuis la 
 mort du feu Roy. Mais ce ministre a bien reconnu que le Grand Treso- 
 rier avoit une liaison avec le Prince d'Orange, fondee sur des interets qui ne 
 peuvent changer, et qu'ainsi son credit s'affoibliroit insensiblement aupres du 
 Roy d' Angleterre, ou qu'il seroit contraint d'agir contre ses sentiments et 
 contre ses maximes, ce qui est fort difficile a faire long temps. Cela est arrive, 
 et Milord Sunderland est entre siavantdans la confidence de sonmaitre, et 
 a tellement soutenu les projets que ce Prince a en tete, qu'il paroit meme 
 aux moins penetrants avoir la principale part du ministere. Les Catho- 
 liques sont ouvertement declares pour lui, et sont au contiaire fort raecon- 
 tents de Milord Rochester, qu'ils croyent trop zele pour la religion Pro- 
 testante, et oppose a tout ce qui est des avantages de la religion Catholique. 
 Cela cause.une grande division dans la Cour ; et quoiqu'il y ait eu des eclair- 
 cissements, efedes raccommodements entre ces deux ministres, on volt bien 
 cependant (^ue leur conduite et leurs interets sont fort differents. Leurs amis 
 se partagent. Le Roy d' Angleterre voit tout cela, et sait ce qui se passe. II 
 se sert du Grand Tresorier dans la direction des finances ; mais il ne lui 
 laisse pas lepouvoir de disposer d'aucune somme considerable, et veut lui- 
 meme entrer dans le detail, ce qui rend I'autorite et le credit de Milord 
 Rochester bien moindre. C'est de Milord Sunderland que je sais ce qui 
 s'est passe sur le renouvellement du traite avec I'Ambassadeur d'Espagne ; 
 il m'a fort assure que le Roy d'Angleterre n'avoit aucune envie presente- 
 ment de renouveller ce traite, et que je serois averti aussitot qu'il y verroit 
 la moindre disposition. 
 
 Milord Sunderland m'a confie depuis peu des choses fort secrettes qui le 
 regardent; il m'a dit que le Roy d'Angleterre a promis positivement de le 
 faire President du Conseil, apres I'assemblee du Parlement. Cette dignitc, 
 ajoutee a la fonction de Secretaire d'Etat,relevera encore beaucoup ropinion 
 
cxxxviii APPENDIX. 
 
 de son credit. Sa Majeste Britannique a ete determinee a lui promettre 
 cette charge, par un Jesuite nomme le Pere Piters, qui a beaucoup de part 
 dans sa confiance ; c'est un homme de condition, et frere de feu Milord 
 Piters : il lui a represente fortement combien il importoit d'accrediter 
 et de recompenser un ministre qui le sert plus fidelement et plus cou- 
 rageusement que les autres. Le Chancelier, qui est fort uni avec Milord 
 Sunderland, et qui tient la mcme conduite, avoit presse le Roy d'Angleterre 
 de lui donner cette place de President du Conseil. Lorsque Milord Halifax 
 a ete chasse, il n'avoit pu en venir a bout, parce que sa Majeste Britannique 
 avoit declare a beaucoup de gens, que cette charge ne seroit donnee k 
 personne. 
 
 Milord Sunderland m'a dit une autre chose de grande importance, et 
 qui, si elle est vraie, et que le Roy d'Angleterre la sache, diminuera fort 
 le credit de Milord Rochester, c'est que lorsque M. de Sidney est alle en 
 Hollande, Milord Rochester le pria de le voir le dernier, et un moment 
 seulement avant que de s'embarquer avec Bentem ; dans cette entrevue, 
 Milord Rochester dit a M. Sidney, qu'il avoit un conseil a doHner a 
 M. le Prince d'Orange, qui etoit de venir en Angleterre, a quelque prix 
 que ce fut, el meme malgre le Roy d'Angleterre, et que c'etoit le seul et 
 unique moyen de redresser les affaires, qui prennoient un mauvais che- 
 niin, auquel il seroit impossible dans la suite de remedier. M. de Sidney 
 s'est acquitte de sa commission, et dit que M. le Prince d'Orange a etc 
 ebranle, mais qu'il n'a ose hazarder de venir. 11 en a parle a Bentem, a 
 qui M. de Sidney n'en avoit rien dit, et qui auroit etc assez d'avis que 
 M. le Prince d'Orange passat en Angleterre. Je vois bien que le motif de 
 M. de Sunderland, en me disant une chose si importante a ete de ra'oter 
 toute srote de confiance a I'egard de Milord Rochester, et de me le faire 
 regarder comme un homme entierement oppose aux interets de V. M. et 
 attache a ceux du Prince d'Orange. J'ai peine a croire que ce fait soit in- 
 vente; je sais bien que Milord Sunderland pent, parM. Sidney, conserver 
 des liaisons avec le Prince d'Orange, qui pourroient eclater en d'autres 
 temps ; mais en attendant, il tient une conduite entierement favorable aux 
 Catholiques, et qui eloigne le Roy son maitre de tout autre attachement 
 qu'aux interets de V. M. 
 
APPENDIX. cxxxix 
 
 Les ordres que V. M. m'a donnes depuis quelques temps, sont d'eviter 
 avec soin d'entrer d^ns aucun traite qui la puisse engager de fournir 
 des subsides au Roy d'Angleterre ; cependant, V. M. desire, en meme 
 temps, que ce Prince ne prenne aucune liaison nouvelle avec les autres 
 Puissances de I'Europe, a quoi je me suis applique, et m'applique comme 
 je le dois. Milord Sunderland peut 6tre en cela d'un grand secours, et 
 il me I'a ete en m'avertissant de ce qui se passe ; ,mais son zele et son 
 attachement pour les interets de V. M. peuvent se refroidir, principalement 
 si sa faveur augmente. Je crois qu'ii seroit du service de V. M. d'achever 
 de le mettre dans ses interets par une gratification qui I'engageroit entiere- 
 ment. Je suis persuade qu'il ae s'eloignera pas de recevoir des marques de 
 la bienveillance de V. M.: il croit les avoir meritees, et temoigne les vouloir 
 meriter a I'avenir. Le poste ou est Milord Sunderland, et I'apparence 
 qu'il sera encore plus en credit, font que si V. M. juge a-propos de I'en- 
 gager tout-a-fait, on ne doit pas lui faire une gratificjation mediocre ; et 
 il vaudroit mieux ne lui rien donner, que de lui offrir moins de six mlUe 
 pieces, et faire entendre, en meme temps, que cette gratification continuera 
 tous les ans. V. M. sera toujours en pouvoir de juger si elle devra etre 
 continuee. Je ne pense pas qu'il puisse y avoir de depense mieux em- 
 ployee en ce pays ici que cel!e-la, surtout dans le dessein qu'a V. M. de 
 ne point donner de subside au Roy d'Angleterre, et de I'empecher pour- 
 tant d'entrer dans d'autres liaisons. II y a longtemps que j'hesite a faire 
 cette proposition a V. M. ; je comprens que je prends as&ez mal mon 
 temps presentement qu'il paroit que V. M. penche plutot a menager les 
 membres du Parlement les plus accredites; mais je me crois oblige pour le 
 bien du service de V. M. de proposer ce qui me paroit de plus avantageux 
 et de plus solide. II peut etre que Ton ne retrouvera pas I'occasion si 
 favorable, si on la laisse echapper. G'est a V. M. a juger combien il lai 
 importe que 1' Angleterre n'entre pas dans d'autres interets et dans d'autres 
 mesures. V., M. a bien reconnu que la cessation des payements a produit 
 le renouvellement du traite avec les Etats Generaux: V. M. sait si le re- 
 nouvellement de ce traite n'a pas ete nuisible a ses interets, et quels avan- 
 tages en ont tires les ennemis de sa grandeur, et entre autres, M. le Prince 
 d'Orange, qui en ont au moins congu de grandes esperances pour Tavenir 
 
cxl APPENDIX. 
 
 Je me garderai bien de me jamais avancer a rien dire ou faire par mon 
 propre sens, et je me tiendrai seulement en etat d'executer a la lettre les 
 ordres de V. M. 
 
 La Chambre des Communes a commence ce matin par la lecture de 
 I'Adresse qui doit etre presentee a sa Majeste Britannique. On m'a assure 
 qu'elle est congue en des termes extremements forts et positifs contre les 
 officiers Catholiques. On a mis ensuite en deliberation, de prier la Chambre 
 Haute de se joindre sur cette Adresse a la Chambre des Communes ; la 
 proposition a ete rejetee, et le parti de la Cour a prevalu. On a delibere 
 sur le subside, et, apres beaucoup de contestation, on est demeure d'accord 
 de donner sept cent mille livres sterling une fois payes. Le Roy d'Angle- 
 terre en pretendoit quatorze cent ; mais cependant je crois qu'ii ne sera pas 
 mal content, pourvu que le fonds de cette somme soit bien etabli, et que 
 la Chambre Basse n'insiste pas sur I'Adresse qu'elie doit presenter comme 
 sur une condition piealable ; c'est ce qui est encore incertain ; il faut 
 attendre pour voir s'il n'arrivera point quelque incident qui empeche reffet 
 de la resolution qui a ele prise. Si Taffaire de I'argent se pent separer 
 entierement des autres choses qui sont agitees, le Roy d'Angleterre aura 
 son compte, et pourra se passer de Parlement, au moins pendant quelque 
 temps. Milord Sunderland vient de me dire qu'il ne croit pas que le Roy 
 et le Parlement puissent convenir, parce que chacun de son cote veut des 
 choses entierement opposees. Je suis, Sec. 
 
 M. Barillon au Roy. 
 
 30 .Yovembre, I685, a Londres. 
 J_jE Parlement a ete prorogc ce matin jusques au 20 Fevrler. Le Roy 
 d'Angleterre a bien reconnu, par ce qui se passa hier dans la C'.hanibre, 
 que le parti des factieux augmentoit et se fortifioit tous les jours, et qu'il y 
 avoit beaucoup d'inconvenients de les laisser plus longteraps ensemble. 
 J'apprends que la surprise a ete grande, et qu'on ne s'attendoit pas que le 
 Parlement dut etre separe avaut que I'acte pour le subside fut passe. 
 La prorogation rend nul tout ce qui a ete propose et commence sans ctre 
 
APPENDIX. cxli 
 
 acheve, Ainsi la concession d'lin subside tombe entiereraent comme non 
 avenue. II n'y a pas d'apparence que la prorogation du Parlement produise 
 d'autre efFet que celui d'augmenter le mecontentement des gens qui sont deja 
 aigris. Ceci apporte un grand changement dans les affaires d'Angleterre. 
 Je serai applique, comme je le dois, a en rendre un compte exact a V. M. 
 pour pouvoir recevoir ses ordres sur la conduite que j'aurai a tenir. 
 
 Je suis, 8cc. 
 
 Le Roy a M. Barillon. 
 
 a Fersailles, le 6 Decembre, 16 85. 
 
 JVl. Barillon j'ai recu depuis trois jours, tant par le retour du courier 
 que je vous avez depeche, que par la voie ordinaire, cinq de vos lettres 
 des 22, 25, 26, 29, et 30 Novembre, avec les remontrances faites par les 
 deux Chambres du Parlement d'Angleterre au Roy leur maitre, les repbnses 
 de ce Prince, et le journal de ce qui s'est passe dans les dernieres seances 
 jusqu-a la prorogation. 
 
 II y a bien de I'apparence que la mortification que le dit Roy vieht de 
 donner a cette Assemblee rendra ceux qui la composent plus soumis a ses 
 volontes, et qu'il obtiendra plus facilement a leur retour ce que le chagrin 
 de quelques particuliers avoit pu rendre douteux dans cette conjoncture. 
 Quoiqu'il en soit, sa fermete a maintenir les ofEciers Catholiques, et a ne 
 pas souffrir que la religion dont il ftiit profession deroeure plus longtemps 
 exposee aox loix penales, ne pent produire que de bons effets pour sa 
 reputation, et pour la surete de son gouvernement. 
 
 Je m'assure cependant qu'il ne s'empressera pas de rencuveller une 
 alliance avec I'Espagne, et que le peu de secours qu'il pouvoit tirer de 
 cette couronne, rempecliera de faire aucune demarche qui puisse rompre 
 les liaisons d'amitie et de bonne intelligence qu'il y a entre moi et iui. 
 Puisque vous jugez que le ministre dont vous m'avez ecrit, peut beaucoup 
 contribuer a I'entretenir, je veux bien que vous I'y obligiez encore plus 
 etroitement par une gratification qui le puisse contenter, et I'attacher for- 
 tement a mes interets, Je consens pour cet effet que vous la puissiez 
 
cxlii APPENDIX. 
 
 porter jusqu'i 20, et meme 25 mille ecus, et je continuerai a lui faire 
 payer la meme somme d'annee a d'autre, tant qu'il contribuera, en tout ce 
 qui depend de lui, au maintieu d'une bonne correspondence entre moi et 
 le Roy son maitre, et a eloigner tout engagement qui pourroit etre con- 
 traire a mes interets. Je laisse a votre prudence de faire les premiers 
 payements de cette somme, lorsque vous le jugerez necessaire pour le bien 
 de mon service. 
 
 L'eclaircissement que vous me donnez de I'emploi des deniers qui ont 
 passe par vos mains, me fait croire que vous n'avez effectivement payc 
 que la somme de cent mille livres au-dela de mes ordres, et comme je 
 suis bien persuade que vous ne I'avez fait que parce que vous I'avez 
 cru necessaire pour le bien de mon service, il ne m'en reste aucun sujet de 
 mecontentement. 
 
APPENDIX. cxlili 
 
 II. Correspondence between the Earl o/* Sunderl and awrf/Ae Bishop 
 of Oxford, respecting Mr. Locke. See p, 51, et seqq. 
 
 [In the hands of the late Anthony Collins, Esq.] 
 From Birch's Papers in the British Museum — Copies in Birch's hand-writing. 
 
 To the Lord Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 My Lord, Whitehall, JVovenaber 6, I684. 
 
 1 HE King being given to understand that one Mr. Locke, who belonged to 
 the late Earl of Shaftesbury, and has, upon several occasions, behaved himself 
 very factiously and undutifully to the Government, is a student of Christ- 
 church ; his Majesty commands me to signify to your Lordship, that he 
 would have him removed from being a student, and that in order there- 
 unto, your Lordship would let me know the method of doing it. 
 
 I am, my Lord, 8cc. 
 
 SUNDERLAND. 
 
 To the Right Honourable the Earl of Sunderland, Principal Secretary 
 
 of State. 
 
 Right Hon. JVovember 8, I684. 
 
 1 HAVE received the honour of your Lordship's letter, wherein you are 
 pleased to emiuire concerning Mr. Locke's being a student of this House, 
 of which I have this account to render; that he being, as your Lordship 
 is truly informed, a person who was much trusted by the late Earl of 
 Shaftesbury, and who is suspected to be ill affected to the Government, I 
 have for divers years had an eye upon him, but so close has his guard 
 been on himself, that after several strict enquiries, I may confidently affirm, 
 
cxliv APPENDIX. 
 
 there is not any one in the College, however familiar with him, who had 
 heard him speak a word either against, or so much as concerning, the 
 Government. And although very frequently, both in publick and private, 
 discourses have purposely been introduced, to the disparagement of his 
 master, the Earl of Shaftsbury, his party, and designs, he could never be 
 provoked to take any notice, or discover in word or look, the least con- 
 cern ; so that I believe there is not in the world such a master of taciturnity 
 and passion. He has here a physician's place, which frees him from the 
 exercises of the college, and the obligation which others have to residence 
 in it, and he is now abroad upon want of health ; but notwithstanding that, 
 I have summoned jiim to return home, which is done with this prospect, 
 that if he comes not back, he will be liable to expulsion for contumacy, 
 and if he does, he will be answerable to your Lordship for what he shall 
 be found to have done amiss ; it being probable, that though he may have 
 been thus cautious here, where he knew himself to be suspected, he has 
 laid himself more open in London, where a general liberty of speaking 
 was used, and where the execrable designs against his Majesty, and his 
 Government, were managed and pursued. If he does not return by the 
 first day of January next, which is the time Umitted to him, I shall be 
 enabled of course to proceed against him to expulsion. But if this method 
 seem not effectual, or speedy enough, and his Majesty, our founder and 
 visitor, shall please to command his immediate remove, upon the receipt 
 thereof, directed to the Dean and Chapter, it shall accordingly be exe- 
 cuted by, My Lord, 
 
 Your Lordship's most humble and obedient servant, 
 
 J. OXON. 
 
 To the Bishop of Ox on. 
 Mv Lord, Whitehall, Aorember 10, I684. 
 
 jriAViNG communicated your Lordship's of the 8th to his ALijesty, he 
 has thought fit to direct me to send you the enclosed, concerning his com- 
 mands for the immediate expulsion of Mr. Locke. 
 
 SUNDERLAND. 
 
APPENDIX. cxlv 
 
 To the Right Reverend Father in God, John Lord Bishop of Oxon, Dean of 
 Christ- church, and to our trusty and well-beloved, the Chapter there. 
 
 Right Rev. Father in God, and trusty and well beloved, We greet you 
 well. Whereas we have received information of the factious and disloyal 
 behaviour of Locke, one of the students of that our College, We have 
 thought fit hereby to signify our will and pleasure to you, that you forthwith 
 remove him from his student's place, and deprive him of all the rights and 
 advantages thereunto belonging, for which this shall be your warrant; and 
 so we bid you heartily farewell. Given at our Court at Whitehall, the 11th 
 day of November, 1684. By his Majesty's command, 
 
 SUNDERLAND. 
 
 To the Right Honourable the Earl of Sunderland, principal Secretanj 
 
 of Stale, 
 Right Hon. JVovemher 16, I684. 
 
 X HOLD myself bound in duty to signify to your Lordship, that his 
 Majesty's commands for the expulsion of Mr. Locke from this College, is 
 fully executed. 
 
 J. OXON. 
 
 To the Bishop of Oxom 
 My Lord, 
 
 1 HAVE your Lordship's of the 16th, and have acquainted his Majesty 
 therewith, who is well satisfied with the College's ready obedience to his 
 commands for the expulsion of Mr. Locke. 
 
 5UNDERLAND. 
 
cxlvi APPENDIX. 
 
 III. The Bill for the Preservation of the King's Person. See p. 154. 
 
 A Bill for the Preservation of the Person and Government of his Gracious 
 Majestie King James the Second. 
 
 VV HEREAs impudent, scandalous, and seditious Speeches and Pamfletts 
 have oft, (by sad Experience,) produced Insurrection and Rebellion within 
 this Kingdom, and great Contempt of the sacred Person of the King and 
 the best of Governm". both in Church and State, now establish't in this 
 Realm ; which audacious Mischief, seldom heard of in other Kingdoms, 
 is now more frequently practised in this Kingdom than formerly. An 
 horrid Effect whereof appeared very lately in the barbarous Assassination 
 and hellish Plott, design'd upon and against our late merciful and blessed 
 Soveraine, King Charles the Second, and his dearest Brother and un- 
 doubted Successor, our most Gracious Soveraigne, King James the Second, 
 (whom God long preserve) ; And whereas it is still plain, that the same 
 or the like damnable Plotts are yet design'd and carrying on by the same 
 means and by Persons of the same mallicious and irreconcilable Spirrit 
 against the happy Peace and Settlement of these three Kingdoms: We 
 THEREFORE, the Lords and Commons, in Parliament assembled, having 
 duly considered the Promises; and remembrinji that in the thirteenth 
 Year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, (of ever blessed Memory,) a right 
 good and proffitable Law was made for Preservac~on of her Maj"". Person, 
 and that in the thirteenth Year of the Reigne of King Charles the Second, 
 of happy and glorious Memory,) anoti\er right good and profhlable Law, 
 was made for the Safety of his Majestie's Person and Government, against 
 treasonable and seditious Practices and Attempts, Doe most humbly be- 
 beseech Yu'. most Excellent Majestie that it may be enacted, and be it 
 enacted by the King's most excellent Majestie, by and with the Advice and 
 Consent of the Lords Spirltuall and Temporall and Commons in this p'sent 
 Parliament assembled, and by the Autliority of the same, that if any Person 
 
APPENDIX. cxlvii 
 
 or Persons whatsoever, after the first day of July, in the Year of our Lord 
 one thousand six hundred and eighty-five, during the naturall Life of our 
 Most Gracious Sovraigne Lord the King, (whom Ahnighty God preserve 
 and bless with a long and prosperous Reign,) shall, within the Realm, or 
 without, compass, imagine, invent, devise, or intend Death, or Destruction, 
 or any bodily Harme tending to the Death or Destruction, maim, or 
 wounding Imprisonmente, or Restraint of the Person of the same Our Sove- 
 raigne Lord the King, or to deprive or depose him from the Stile, Honour 
 and Kingly Name of the Imperiall Crowne of this Realm, or of any other 
 his Maj"*'. Dominions or Countries ; or to levy Warr against his Majestie 
 within this Realme, or without ; or to move or stirr any Forreigner or 
 Strangers with Force to invade this Realm, or any other his Majesties 
 Dominions or Countries being under his Majesties Obeysance : And 
 such Compassings, Imaginacons, Inventions, Devices, or Intentions, or 
 any of them, shall express, utter or declare, by any Printing, Writ- 
 ing, Preaching, or malicious and advised Speaking, being legally con- 
 victed thereof, upon the Oaths of two lawful and credible Witnesses, 
 upon Tryal, or otherwise convicted or attainted by due Course of Law, 
 then every such Person or Persons so as aforesaid offending, shall be 
 deemed, and declared, and adjudged to be a Traitor or Tray tors, and 
 shall suffer Pains of Death, and also lose and forfeit as in Cases of High 
 Treason. 
 
 And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that if any Per- 
 son or Persons at any Time, after the first Day of July aforesaid, shall by 
 any Printing, Writing, Preaching, or other malicious or advised Speak- 
 ing, declare or assert that James late Duke of Monmouth is the legitimate 
 Sonn of our late Blessed Soveraigne King Charles the Second, or that the 
 said James hath a Tytle or good Claime to the Imperial Crowne of this 
 Realm, or of any other his Maj"". Dominions and Countries ; that then 
 every such Person or Persons so offending, and upon the Oaths of two 
 lawful and credible Witnesses, upon Tryal, or otherwise convicted or 
 attainted by due course in Law ; then every such Person or Person^ shall 
 bee deemed declared and adjudged to be a Tray tor or Tray tors, and shall 
 suffer Pains of Death, and also lose a Forfeit as in Case of High Treason. 
 
cxlviii APPENDIX. 
 
 And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that if any Person 
 or Persons at any time after the first Day of July, in the Yeare of our Lord 
 one thousand six hundred and eighty-five, during his Maj*'" Life shall ma- 
 liciously and advisedly, by Writing, Printing, Preaching, or other Speak- 
 ing, express, publish, utter, or declare any Words, Sentences, or other 
 Thing or Things, to incite or stir up the People to Hatred or Dislike of 
 the Person of his Maj"' or the establish't Government, then every such 
 Person and Persons being thereof legally convicted, shall be disabled to 
 have or enjoy, and is hereby disabled and made incapable of having, hold- 
 ing, enjoying, or exercising any Place, Office, or Promotion, ecclesiastical, 
 civil, or military, or any other Employment in Church and State, and 
 shall likewise be liable to such further and other Punishments as by the 
 Common Lawe and Statutes of this Realm may be inflicted in such cases. 
 
 Provided always, and be it declared, that the asserting and main- 
 taining by any W^riting, Printing, Preaching, or any other Speaking, the 
 Doctrine, Discipline, Divine Worship or Governm^ of the Church of 
 England, as it is now by law established, against Popery, or any other 
 different or dissenting Opinions, is not intended and shall not be inter- 
 preted or construed to be any offence w"'in y* Words or Meaning of 
 this Act. 
 
 Provided always, that no Person be prosecuted upon this Act, for any of 
 the Offences in this Act mentioned, unlesse the Information thereof be given 
 upon Oath, before some Justice of the Peace, and taken in Writing within 
 forty-eight Houres after the Words soe spoken, or the Fact discovered, and 
 unless it be by Order of the King's Majestic, his Heirs or Successors, 
 under his or their Sign Manuel; or by Order of the Councell Table of his 
 Majestie, his Heirs or Successors, directed unto the Attorney General for 
 the time being, or some other of the Councell learned to his Majestie, his 
 Heirs or Successors, for the Time being, nor shall any Person or Persons 
 by vertue of this present Act, incurr any of the Penalties herein before 
 menc^oned; unless He or They be prosecuted within six Months next after 
 the Offence committed, and indicted thereupon within three Months after 
 such Prosecution, any thing herein conteyned to the Contrary notwilh- 
 stand ino;. 
 
APPENDIX. cxhx 
 
 Provided always, and be it enacted, that no Person or Persons shall be 
 indicted, arraigned, or condemned, convicted, or attainted for any of the 
 Treasons or Offences aforesaid, unless the same Offender or Offenders be 
 thereof accused by the Testimony and Deposition of two lawful and cre- 
 dible Witnesses, upon Oath, which Witnesses, at the Time of the said 
 Offender or Offenders Arraignment, shall be brought in Person before hira 
 or them. Face to Face, and shall openly avow and maintain upon Oath what 
 they have to say against him or them concerning the Treason or Offences 
 conteyned in the said Indictment, unless the Party or Parties arraigned 
 shall willingly without violence confess the same. 
 
 Provided always, and be it enacted, that this Act, or any thing therein 
 conteyned, shall not extend to deprive either of the Houses of Parliament,, 
 or any of their Members, of their just ancient Freedom and Priviledge of 
 debating any Matters or Business which shall be propounded or debated 
 in either of the said Houses, or at any Conferrences or Committees of 
 both, or either of the said Housesof Parliament, or touching the Repeal or 
 Alterac~on of any old, or preparing any new Laws, or the redressing of 
 any public Grievance. But that the said Members of either of the said 
 Houses and the Assistants of the House of Peers and every of them shall 
 have the same Freedom of Speech, and all other Priviledges whatsoever, 
 as they had before the making of this Act : any Thing in this Act to the 
 Contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding. 
 
 Provided alwayes, and bee it further enacted, that if any Peer of this 
 Realme, or Member of the House of Commons shall move or propose in 
 either House of Parliam^ the Disherision of the rightfuU and true Heir of 
 the Crown, or to alter or change the Descent or Succession of the Crown in 
 the right Line ; such Offence shall be deemed and adjudged High Treason, 
 and every Person being indicted and convicted of such Treason, shall be 
 proceeded against,, and shall suffer and forfeite, as in other Cases of High 
 Treason menc~oned in this Act. 
 
 Provided always, and be it ordained and enacted, that no Peer of this 
 Realm shall be tryed for any Offence against this Act but by his Peers: 
 and if his Majestie shall grant his Pardon to any Peer of this Realm or 
 Commoner convicted of any Offence against this Act after such Pardon: 
 
cl APPENDIX. 
 
 granted, the Peer or Commoner so pardoned shall be restored to all in- 
 tents and Purposes, as if he had never been convicted : any thing in this 
 Law to the contrary in any vj^ise notwithstanding. 
 
 IV. Account of RvMEOLD, from Lord Fountainhall'^ MS. Memoirs. 
 
 See p. 2,32,. 
 
 I>>«0L0NEL Richard Rumbold, another Englishman, was also taken at Les- 
 mahago, by Hamilton of Raploch and his militia-men. He was flying 
 into England, being conducted by one Turnbull, a man of Polwart, (for 
 Polwart had secured himself by flight sooner than the rest had done.) He 
 was bold, answerable to his name, and killed one, and wounded two, in the 
 taking, and if one had not been some wiser than the rest, by causing shoot 
 his horse under him, he might have escaped them all; however, he under- 
 valued much our Scots soldiers, as wanting both courage and skill. What 
 had unfortunately engaged him in this enterprise was, that he had been 
 from his infancy bred up in the republican and antimonarchic principles ; 
 and he owned he had been fighting against these idols of monarchy and 
 prelacy, since he was nineteen years of age ; (for he was now past sixty- 
 three,) and was a lieutenant in Oliver Cromwell's army, and at Dundee, 
 and sundry of the Scots battles ; and by the discovery of the English 
 fanatick plot in 1683, it was proved and deponed against him, that this 
 Rumbold had undertaken to kill the late King in April I683, as he should 
 return from Newmarket to London, at his own house, at the Rye in Hogs- 
 down, in the county of Hertford, where he had married a maltster's relict, 
 and so was designed the Maltster ; and intended to have a cart overturned 
 in that narrow place, to facilitate their assassination. But God disap- 
 pointed them, by sending the accidental fire at Newmarket, which forced 
 the King to return a week sooner to London than he designed; see all this 
 in the King's printed declaration. But Rumbold absolutely- (Unied an/- 
 knowledge 0/ that designed murder ; though on the breaking out of that plot 
 he fled with others to Holland, and there made acquaintance with Argyle. 
 
APPENDIX. cli 
 
 FountainhallV Decisions, Vol. I. p. 365. 
 
 On the 28th (June, 1685,) the said Richard Rumbold, maltster, was brought 
 to his trial. His indictment bore, that he had designed to kill the late 
 King, at the Rye or Hogsdown, in his return from Newmarket to London, 
 in April, 168 3. But in regard he positively denied the truth of this, (though 
 sundry had sworn it against him in England,) the King's advocate passed 
 from that part, lest it should have disparaged or impaired the credit of the 
 said English plot ; therefore he insisted singly on the point, that he had 
 associated himself with the late Argyle, a forfeited traitor, and invaded 
 Scotland, 8cc. All this he confessed and signed ; and being interrogated 
 if he was one of the masked executioners on King Charles the First's scaf- 
 fold, he declared he was not, but that he was one of Oliver Cromwell's 
 regiment then, and was on horseback at Whitehall that day, as one of the 
 guard about the scaffold ; and that he was at Dunbar, Worcester, and 
 Dundee, a lieutenant in Cromwell's army. He said that James Stewart, 
 advocate, told them Argyle would ruin all their affair, by lingering in the 
 Isles and Highlands, and not presently marching into the inland country; 
 wherein he had proved a true prophet, but might see it without a spirit 
 of divination. And being asked if he owned the present King's autho- 
 rity, he craved kave to be excused, seeing he needed neither offend them, 
 nor grate his own conscience, for they had enough whereon to take his 
 life beside. He was certainly a man of much natural courage. His rooted 
 ingrained opinion was, for a republick against monarchy, to pull which 
 down, he thought a duty, and no sin. And on the scaffold he began to 
 pray for that party which he had been owning, and to keep the three 
 metropolitan cities of the three kingdoms right ; and if every hair of his 
 head were a man, he would venture them all in that cause. But the drums 
 were then commanded to beat, otherwise he carried discreetly enough, and: 
 heard the ministers, but took none of them to the scaffold with him.. 
 
 I'rinted by W. Bulmer and Cc. 
 Cleveland-row, St. James's. 
 

 
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