A VINDICATION 
 
 General Samuel Holden Parsons 
 
 AGAINST THE CHARGE OF TREASONABLE CORRESPONDENCE 
 DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 
 
 By HON. GEO. B. LORING. 
 
 From The Magazine of Ajubrican History for October, 1888, with an 
 
 APPENDIX CONTAINING LETTERS FROM GeN. W. T. ShERMAN, 
 
 Hon. Chas. J. McCurdy and Chas. A. Hall, Esq. 
 
 PRINTED AT THE SALEM PRESS 
 SALEM, MASS. 
 1$ 
 
 1 «»» ^i> 
 
A VINDICATION 
 
 OF 
 
 General Samuel Holden Parsons 
 
 AGAINST THE CHARGE OF TREASONABLE CORRESPONDENCE 
 DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 
 
 By HON. GEO. B^LORING. 
 
 From the Magazine of American History for October, 1888, with am 
 
 APPENDIX CONTAINING LETTERS FROM GeN. W. T. ShERMAN, 
 
 Hon. Chas. J. McCuroy and Chas. A. Hall, Esq. 
 
 PRINTED AT THE SALEM PRESS 
 
 SALEM, MASS. 
 1888 
 
"W1&- Hisi, So<J| 
 
 p-T,^ 
 
DEDICATED TO 
 
 GEN. W. T. SHERMAN 
 
 who represents by inheritance the loyalty and patriotism 
 of Connecticut and Ohio, to whose civil organization 
 Samuel Holden Parsons devoted his courage and fidelity 
 as a soldier and his wisdom as a jurist and statesman. 
 
 (3) 
 
LETTER OF VINDICATION. 
 
 Salem ^ Mass., August 10, 1888, 
 
 To Mrs. Martha J. Lamb 
 
 Uditor of the Magazine op American History. 
 
 The appearance in your magazine for October, 1883, 
 and in subsequent numbers, of " Sir Henry Clinton's Orig- 
 inal Secret Record of Private Daily Intelligence " has at- 
 tracted great attention among American historians, and 
 has seriously injured the reputation of General Samuel 
 Holden Parsons whose name and conduct are frequently 
 referred to by W. Heron in letters addressed to the com- 
 mander of the British forces in New York during the early 
 part of the year 1781. The celebrations of the settlement 
 of Marietta in 1883 and 1888 have brought the name of 
 General Parsons conspicuously before the public, and 
 opened discussion with regard to the inculpatory letters 
 discovered in the Clinton record. These letters have been 
 accepted in important quarters as conclusive of General 
 Parsons' guilt. Several attempts have been made to vin- 
 dicate him, but they have not been complete on account of 
 the absence |of suflSicient documentary evidence. I have 
 endeavored, however, to present his true and loyal record 
 from unpublished letters in the U. S. State Department 
 from the Trumbull letters which have been courteously 
 
 (5) 
 
opened for use in the library of the Massachusetts Histor- 
 ical Society, from a few letters offered for sale, and from 
 authentic liistories. 
 
 Among the distinguished officers in the American Army 
 of the Revolution, General Parsons of Connecticut was 
 conspicuous and useful during the war. He was a son of 
 the Rev. Jonathan Parsons, a strong-minded and influen- 
 tial New England minister, who was born hi Springfield, 
 Mass., in 1705, was graduated at Yale in 1729, and was 
 pastor of the Congregational church in Lyme, Conn., in 
 1731- '45, having adopted the Armenian form of faith. 
 Having; become a follower and friend of Whitfield he re- 
 moved to Newburyport, where he joined the great preacher 
 hi his laliors, gave him a home in his declining years and 
 preached his funeral sermon. He died in 1776 just at the 
 breaking out of the Revolutionary war, when his son Sam- 
 uel Holden was nearly forty years old, and was engaged 
 in the active service of life to which he brought the strong 
 intellectual and moral qualities he had inherited from his 
 father. 
 
 General Parsons was graduated at Harvard in 1755, 
 studied law under his uncle Gov. Matthew Griswold, was 
 admitted to the bar in 1759, settled as a lawyer in Lyme, 
 Conn., and entered at once upon important civil service. 
 He was in the state assembly eighteen sessions, an influ- 
 ential member engaged in supporting many measures of 
 interest to the commonwealth, and in adjusting difficul- 
 ties with the adjoining states. He originated the plan of 
 forming the first congress which prepared the way for 
 organizing the continental congress. In 1773 he removed 
 to New London and was a member of the Committee of 
 Correspondence. During these years of active civil life 
 he had turned his attention somewhat to military affairs 
 and "on 26 April, 1775, he was appointed Colonel of the 
 
6th regiment stationed at Roxbury, Mass., until the Brit- 
 ish evacuated Boston, and then ordered to New York." 
 
 Having obtained from Benedict Arnold an account of 
 the condition of Ticonderoga, he projected a plan for the 
 capture of the fort ; and, without consulting the civil au- 
 thorities of the state of Connecticut, he obtained money from 
 the treasury to defray the expenses of the expedition on 
 his own receipt, called Ethan Allen with New Hampshire 
 recruits to his aid, was strengthened by volunteers from 
 Berkshire, Mass., and captured the fortress. He partic- 
 ipated in the battle of Long Island in 1776, was commis- 
 sioned as brigadier general for gallant service, served at 
 Harlem Heights and White Plains and was stationed at 
 Peekskill to protect the important post on North River. 
 "He planned the expedition to Sag Harbor and reen- 
 forced Washington in New Jersey." He commanded the 
 troops in the Highlands in 1778-79, at a time when Gen. 
 Rufus Putnam constructed the fortifications at West Point. 
 He prevented the incursion of the British into Connecti- 
 cut ; was one of the board that tried Maj. John Andre; 
 was commissioned as major general in 1780, succeeded 
 Gen. Israel Putnam and served until the close of the war. 
 During all this period he held the entire confidence of 
 Washington , was in constant correspondence with him, and 
 cooperated with all his military operations in and around 
 New York. Col. Humphreys the scholar and poet of the 
 American Army, the brave soldier, the favorite and confi- 
 dential friend of Washington, in his poem ou "The Hap- 
 piness of America," says of Parsons :- 
 
 "I too 
 
 Shall tell from whom I learned the martial art, 
 With what high chiefs I played my early part, 
 With Parsons first, whose eye with piercing ken 
 Beads through their hearts, the characters of men." 
 
8 
 
 At the close of the war he resumed the practice of law 
 at Middletovvn, Conn., was appointed by Congress a Com- 
 missioner to treat with the Miami Indians in 1785 ; was 
 an active member of the State Constitutional Convention 
 in 1788, and the same year was appointed by Washington 
 the first judge of the Northwest territory. He was an 
 active and efficient member of the Ohio Company and 
 joined Manasseh Cutler and Kufus Putnam in organizing 
 the settlement of Marietta. For all this long life of civil 
 and military service he was deemed worthy of an elab- 
 orate sketch in Hildreth's Pioneers of Ohio ; he was 
 counted among the wise leaders of the Colony in the ora- 
 tion which I delivered at Marietta on the ninety-fifth an- 
 niversary of the settlement of Ohio, and was referred to 
 as "a son of a most learned and pious minister of Massa- 
 chusetts, a sagacious companion of Washington, one of 
 the foremost and ablest citizens of this state of his adop- 
 tion." 
 
 He was also eulogized by the Hon. George F. Hoar in 
 his centennial oration on the same spot, in which he spoke 
 of him as "soldier, scholar, judge, one of the strong- 
 est arms on which Washington leaned, who first suggest- 
 ed the Continental Congress, from the story of whose 
 life could almost be written the history of the Northern 
 War." 
 
 Of this American patriot and statesman who has been 
 considered worthy of this honorable record for nearly a 
 century, the Cyclopaedia of American Biography, recently 
 published, says :- 
 
 "It has recently been discovered in a letter that is pre- 
 served in the manuscript volume of Sir Henry Clinton's 
 original record of daily intelligence, now in the library of 
 Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet of New York City, that Gen. 
 
Parsons was in secret communication with Sir Henry 
 Clinton, and that one William Heron, a representative 
 from Fairtield in the Connecticut legislature was the inter- 
 mediary to whom Parsons wrote letters which witli the 
 knowledge of their author were sent to the enemy's head- 
 quarters. Under date of July 8, 1781, he wrote : 
 
 'The five regiments of our states are mare than 1,200 
 men deficient of their complement, the other states (ex- 
 cept Rhode Island and New York who are fuller) are 
 nearly in the same condition. Our magazines are few in 
 number. Your fears for them are groundless. They are 
 principally at West Point, Fishkill, Wapping Creek and 
 Newburg, which puts them out of the enemy's power, ex- 
 cept they attempt their destruction by a force sufiicient 
 to secure the Highlands, which they cannot do, our guards 
 being sufficient to secure them from small parties. The 
 French troops encamped yesterday on our left, near the 
 Tuckahoe road. Their number I have not had an oppor- 
 tunity to ascertain. Other matters of information I shall 
 be able to give you in a few days.' This letter was sent 
 by Heron to Maj. Oliver DeLancey, to whom Heron wrote 
 that he had concerted measures with Parsons by which he 
 would receive every material article of intelligence from 
 the American camp. Parsons' treason is also corroborat- 
 ed by Revolutionary papers of Major John Kissam of the 
 British Army." 
 
 And Winsor, in a foot-note, in the Narrative and Crit- 
 ical History of the U. S., speaks of Parsons as "a spy for 
 the British Army." 
 
 The letter to Heron, upon which the charge of treason 
 against Gen. Parsons is made to hang, is included in a 
 long list of letters written by Heron to Sir Henry Clinton, 
 and is capable of two interpretations. Had it been writ- 
 ten to Washington it would have been received as a friendly 
 2 
 
10 
 
 communication stating the weakness of both sides, the 
 American and the English — and of no great value as an 
 account of either. On its very face it bears this interpre- 
 tation. But Heron, after repeated promises that he could 
 enlist Gen. Parsons in the British cause against his own 
 country, offers this letter to the enemy as a contribution 
 of Parsons to the British commander, written as to a "con- 
 fidential friend" in order to disguise its purpose. Heron 
 had promised for six months to enlist Parsons as an English 
 ally and his promise had not been fulfilled ; and so on July 
 15, 1781, he wrote to Major DeLancey announcing that 
 "our friend" (Parsons) "was ready to convey all intelli- 
 gence in accordance with a conversation between himself 
 (Heron) and DeLancey in form of "queries and answers," 
 April 25, and stating that Parsons would write to a "con- 
 fidential friend" who could use the information as he 
 pleased. 
 
 The queries were : - 
 
 1. The state of the Army. 
 
 2. The state of the French. 
 
 3. How each army is situated. 
 
 4. What enterprises they mean to undertake. 
 
 5. What supplies, and whence do they expect to 
 subsist. 
 
 6. Where the magazines are and how to be de- 
 stroyed. 
 
 7. The movement of the French fleet and their in- 
 tentions. 
 
 8. News from the southward of consequence. 
 
 9. Situation of the different posts. 
 
 10. News from Europe. 
 
 11. The hopes of the ensuing campaign. 
 All of which Heron answers with great caution. 
 
 And in order to prove Parsons' fidelity Heron announced 
 
11 
 
 his desire to obtain a place for his son in the British Navy. 
 Heron says also that he came iincler the sanction of a com- 
 mission from Gov. Trnml)ull to cruise in the Sound, and 
 that he entered upon the expediti(m "purely to draw in 
 ouv friend,''^ who was not in after six months of Heron's 
 efforts and written promises to Clinton. In this letter 
 Heron enclosed Parsons' letter of July 8, to himself, 
 which the Cyclopaedia publishes as proof of Parsons' dis- 
 loyalty. 
 
 The letter from Lt. Col. DeWurrab to Major Kissam, 
 April 23, 1781, also referred to in the Cyclopaedia is as 
 follows : 
 
 " Sir : I enclose a passport for Mr. Heron and should wish for his 
 return to Stamford whenever the wind will permit it. I have not as 
 yet received answer from New York, but as soon as those things 
 wanted by General Parsons shall arrive I will forward them to the 
 General by another flag. I have the honor to be 
 
 DeWurmb." 
 
 We are not informed what " those things" were, nor is 
 there any further reference to them. 
 
 The correspondence between Heron and Sir Henry 
 Clinton and DeLancey, which ended with Heron's letter 
 of July 15, 1781, commenced Sept. 21, 1780, in a letter 
 written to Clinton, giving an account of affairs in Amer- 
 ica and setting forth the value of his extraordinary oppor- 
 tunities for observing the condition of those affairs. 
 
 Feb. 4, 1781, Heron wrote again to Sir Henry Clinton 
 giving an account of the convention in Hartford to found 
 a coalition between the Eastern and York counties, stat- 
 ing what Parsons and Stark represented to him with re- 
 gard to the wretched condition of the American army and 
 the small number of the troops in the Highlands ; and 
 cautioned Clinton against those who would deceive him, 
 at the same time repeating that he had special chances for 
 knowing the secrets of the cabinet. 
 
12 
 
 Heron's statement, in this letter, of the opinions of 
 Parsons and Stark with regard to the condition of the 
 American army, is merely a repetition of what Parsons 
 had already reported to Washington. 
 
 March 11, 1781, Heron writes: "Gen. Parsons' aid-de- 
 camp, whose name is Lawrence, is soliciting leave to come 
 in to see his mother. He thinks it is in our power to tam- 
 per with him and that from Parsons' mercenary dispo- 
 sition there is little doubt of success." 
 
 April 24, 1781, Heron wrote to Major DeLancey set- 
 ting forth elaborately his delicate negotiations with Par- 
 sons, in which he had infonned him of an interview with 
 a New York gentleman in which Parsons was highly com- 
 plimented. He added that Parsons listened with uncom- 
 mon attention, and considered that it might be best that 
 he should resign his commission in the American army in 
 order to give greater effect to his services for Clinton. 
 He continues his letter by stating : " I have been necessi- 
 tated to use all this circumlocution in order to convince 
 him of the delicacy observed in making the above propo- 
 sitions and that nothing was intended inconsistent with the 
 purest principles of honor." He desired also " to secure 
 himself a retreat" should the matter be " disagreeable to 
 Parsons." 
 
 The next mornins: havino; " renewed his conversation" 
 with General Parsons, he adds : " I shall be in situation 
 this summer (I hope) to render essential service, having 
 carried my election against Judge Sanford who is of one 
 of the first families in the place." 
 
 A note to this letter, made by DeLancey, gives a mem- 
 orandum of the points Heron promises to get from Gen- 
 eral Parsons, such as the exact state of West Point ; what 
 troops ; what magazines ; who commands. 
 
 "Hiram," a signature assumed by Heron, is to let Sir 
 Henry know what Parsons' wish is and " how we can serve 
 
13 
 
 him." Heron makes "no doubt of bringing Parsons to do 
 what we wish." 
 
 About this time Heron wrote an account of the route 
 taken by the French troops, which he said he had thus 
 early from General Parsons, "who had it from the French 
 officers." 
 
 June 17, 1781, Heron wrote that General Parsons as- 
 sisted him in reaching New York at that time and con- 
 certed measures for their future conduct with regard to 
 conveying such intelligence as might come to his knowl- 
 edge, but expressing still a doubt as to how far "intriguing 
 persons" could be relied on ; adding, "I find the gentleman 
 in question will not say he will go such length as I could 
 wish," — meaning General Parsons. 
 
 July 15, 1781, Heron wrote the letter already quoted 
 which he used as a vehicle for conveying the letter of a 
 " confidential friend," the form in which, according to 
 agreement with Sir Henry Clinton, information was here- 
 after to be conveyed to him by Heron. 
 
 In this correspondence which had continued with some 
 regularity for five months from Feb. 4 to July 15, with 
 the one exception of Sept. 21, 1780, Heron appears as a 
 spy and an informer whether for General Parsons or for 
 Sir Henry Clinton, contemporaneous events and corre- 
 spondence alone can show. That he was not a sympathizer 
 with the American cause was well known. Todd, in the his- 
 tory of Redding, says of him, " in the revolution he sided 
 with the king and was the recognized leader of the Tories 
 of Redding Ridge. At the time of Tryon's invasion he 
 openly gave aid and comfort to the enemy." He is re- 
 corded as an " enemy of the Declaration of Independence." 
 At the same time he was a member of the Connecticut 
 legislature in 1778, 1779, 1780, 1781, from 1784 to 1790, 
 and in 1795 and 1796. "His position brought him in per- 
 
14 
 
 sonal relations with the leading men of Connecticut and 
 he was in full correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton." 
 " He stands well with the officers of the continental army 
 — with General Parsons he is intimate, and is not sus- 
 pected ;" says General Robertson of the British army. So 
 far as Sir Henry Clinton is concerned, the value of his ser- 
 vices were exceedingly small. The facts he furnished with 
 regard to the American army were few and well known to 
 all. He never succeeded in committing General Parsons 
 to the enemy ; on the contrary, when asked by Major De- 
 Lancey, Jan. 20, 1781, "Is it your opinion that General Par- 
 sons will enter so heartily as to make us hope he will take 
 an open and determined stand in our favor?" he replies, 
 " It is my opinion that he does not wish to take an open 
 and above-board part at present." He records no treason- 
 able act of Parsons, and the only communication he secured 
 from him was the " confidential friend " letter which might 
 or might not have been intended for the eye of Sir Henry 
 Clinton. 
 
 There is abundant evidence, however, that he was acting 
 as a spy and an informer for General Parsons and the Com- 
 mander-in-chief of the American army, who were con- 
 stantly using the information secured by American spies. 
 "Washington, through Captain Walker, one of his agents, 
 was informed that great numbers from Connecticut " are 
 removing to the state of Vermont," which was a place of 
 refuge; and he wrote to General Parsons Feb. 22, 1781, 
 as follows: — "Your knowledge of the country and char- 
 acter of the people will enable you best to conduct the in- 
 vestigation and as you live in one of the counties where it 
 seems to originate you may do it with less risk of suspi- 
 cion. I have therefore to request that you will undertake 
 the affair and in the manner you think most likel}'- to suc- 
 ceed and will set about it immediately. The person who 
 
15 
 
 will serve you as a spy must be assured of some generous 
 compensation such as would be an object to his family and 
 secure his fidelity." 
 
 In his reply to this dated March 14, 1781, General Par- 
 sons sets forth elaborately the state of the case to which 
 Washington refers. He believes an association is formed 
 to submit to the British government ; that the number of 
 associates is daily increasing ; that their names are trans- 
 mitted to New York as often as opportunity presents ; 
 that persons are employed to enlist these men ; that reg- 
 ular stages of intelligence are established from the shores 
 through the country to Canada ; that despatches have lately 
 gone through these channels to Vermont. He thinks it 
 will be difficult to detect the plan in its extent. He en- 
 larges upon the magnitude and danger of the conspiracy 
 and upon the fact that great numbers in many towns are 
 supplying the enemy with provisions, and are demoraliz- 
 ing the young men about them ; suggesting that it is diffi- 
 cult to deal with the evil which has taken so deep root. 
 He informs Washington that the state has passed stringent 
 laws against all who come into the state for plunder, and 
 asks how he shall proceed under the circumstances. He 
 concludes his letter as follows : 
 
 "The spy employed among them has assurances of gen- 
 erous pay for all the time he employs and expenses incurred 
 in the service, or a handsome gratuity when he has done 
 what he can , to be settled in some more secure plan if he 
 is detected and obliged to fly from his present settlement 
 (which will be the case if he is discovered), and if he suc- 
 ceeds in discovering the full extent of the plan, so that the 
 concerned may be detected and it shall prove to be as ex- 
 tensive as is supposed he shall be gratified with an annuity 
 of one hundred dollars per annum for life, as a reward for 
 his services. I believe him faithful and industrious in mak- 
 ijig discoveries necessary." 
 
16 
 
 On April 20, 1781, he wrote to Washington : "The per- 
 son on whom our principal dependence is placed has been 
 very faithful and employed almost the whole time iu the 
 service ; and been at considerable expense which by reason 
 of his indigent circumstauces he is unable to support. I 
 must, therefore, beg Your Excellency to order him to be 
 paid." 
 
 It is altogether probable that these communications re- 
 ferred to Heron of whom he wrote the following letter to 
 General Washington, dated Danbury, Apr. 6, 1782. 
 
 "Dear General: "When last with you I forgot to mention the 
 name of Mr. William Heron of Redding who has for several years had 
 opportunities of informing himself of the state of the enemy, their de- 
 signs and intentions with more certainty and precision than most men 
 who have been employed ; as I have now left service I think it my 
 duty to inform Your Excellency of this person, and my reasons for be- 
 lieving him more capable of rendering service that way than most peo- 
 ple are, that he may be employed if necessary. 
 
 He is a native of Ireland, a man of very large knowledge, and a great 
 share of natural sagacity, united with a sound judgment; but of as 
 unmeaning a countenance as any person in my acquaintance. With 
 this appearance he is as little suspected as any man can be ; an officer 
 in the department of the Adjutant General; is a countryman and very 
 intimate acquaintance of Mr. Heron, through which channel he has 
 been able frequently to obtain important and very interesting intelli- 
 gence ; that he has had access to some of their secrets a few facts will 
 show beyond a doubt. Your Excellency will remember I informed you 
 of the contents of a letter you wrote to Virginia which was intercepted 
 a year ago but not published. This letter his friend shew him of the de- 
 scent made last year on New London, I was informed by liim and made 
 a written representation of it to the Governor and Council three days 
 before it took place. This he had through the same channel. He has 
 frequently brought me the most accurate descriptions of the posts oc- 
 cupied by the enemy and more rational accounts of their numbers, 
 strength and designs than I have been able to obtain in any other way. 
 As to his character I know him to be a consistent national whig; he 
 is always in the field on every alarm and has in every trial proved him- 
 self a man of bravery ; he has a family and a considerable interest in 
 this state and from the beginning of the war has invariably followed 
 the measures of the country. I might add as a circumstdnce of his 
 fidelity his delivering a letter from General Arnold to Major Andre to 
 
17 
 
 nie instead of bearing it where it was directed, which letter you have. 
 In opposition to this his enemies suggest he carries on an illicit trade 
 with the enemy; but I have lived two years the next door to him and 
 am fully convinced he has never had a single article of any kind for sale 
 during that time, nor do I believe he was in the most distant manner 
 connected with commerce at that time or any subsequent period. I 
 know many persons of more exalted character are also accused, none 
 more than Governor Trumbull nor with less reason. I believe the 
 Governor and Mr. Heron as clear of this business as I am and I know 
 myself to be totally free from everything which has the least connec- 
 tion with that commerce. 
 
 I think it my duty to give this full information of his character that 
 if you should think it expedient to employ him you might have some 
 knowledge of the man that you might be better able to satisfy your- 
 self, if you should send for him. I believe on conversation he would 
 give you entire satisfaction. I am, dear General, with the highest es- 
 teem, 
 
 Your Excellency's obedient servant, 
 
 Samukl H. Parsons." 
 
 It is safe to assume that Heron was a professional spy 
 and was looked on by Parsons as such. There is no doubt 
 that through him the Governor of Connecticut knew of 
 Arnold's expedition, three days before it took place. And 
 nowhere do we find that Parsons suspected him of treason- 
 able designs. Heron may have been opposed to the doc- 
 trines on which the Revolutionary war was fought ; but 
 we find him engaged in the civil service of the State and 
 we may safely class his inconsistencies with the methods 
 adopted by spies in transacting their business. His re- 
 corded treason is capable of this interpretation ; his alleged 
 treasonable acts are matters of tradition. Todd says : 
 "The history of the Episcopal church in Connecticut in- 
 forms us that the Redding association of loyalists was a 
 strong body whose secret influence was felt throughout the 
 mission of the venerable pastor." The pastor was the Rev. 
 John Beach, an Episcopal minister of great power, who 
 was settled at Redding Ridge, and who "declared he would 
 
18 
 
 do his duty, preach, and pray for the King till the rebels 
 cut his tongue out." Heron belonged to this church. But 
 we should remember that while in the town of Redding, 
 Hawes and Hirlehigh and Hall and Kane and Kellogg 
 and Lacy and Lane and Lyon and Manrow and Captain 
 Morgan and Perry and the six Platts and RoUbins and Sey- 
 mour and Turner, most of whom were Episcopalians and 
 all of whom were loyalists, were banished and their es- 
 tates confiscated. Heron remained in civil service through- 
 out the war and retained the confidence and regard of the 
 American officers. Among the Trumbull papers has been 
 found a significant letter of Heron to Parsons which throws 
 additional light on their relation to each other, and on the 
 status of General Parsons : 
 
 Jan. 5, 1781, Heron writes to Parsons that one McNeil 
 had written him from New York that he had almost closed 
 the settlement of the late Mr. Thompson's estate, and was 
 ready to pay him a sum due him in compliance with a 
 charge of Thompson on his death-bed. He urges his need 
 of money and wants a flag of truce to get to New York. 
 
 The career of Heron, inconsistent as it may appear, is 
 entirely in accordance with that of many men employed in 
 the same service during the Revolutionary war. The con- 
 fusion of that period can hardly be overstated. The skir- 
 mishing battles, the skilful retreats, the endeavors to 
 mislead, the pertinacious courage and defiance of the pa- 
 triots, the widespread devotion to the King, the indecision 
 of Congress, the worse than indecision of the state legisla- 
 tures, the discontents and desertions of the army, the suf- 
 fering of the soldiers starving in the midst of plenty, the 
 desperate system of espionage made tragic by the fate of 
 Hale and Palmer and Andre, all combined to render any 
 account of many of the events doubtful, and any fair inter- 
 pretation of them extremely difficult. It may seem that 
 
19 
 
 such espionage as Heron practised is impossible ; but even 
 the vivid imagination of Cooper has not overdrawn tlie pic- 
 ture, in his delineation of Harvey Birch in tlie Spy. This 
 creation of the fancy was based upon reality. During the 
 war, the "royal cause" gained such preponderance that a 
 secret committee was appointed by Congress for the ex- 
 press purpose of defeating the object of its supporters. 
 In the discharge of the novel duties which devolved on the 
 committee, John Jay, Chairman, "had occasion," Cooper 
 tells us in the introduction to The Spy, "to employ an agent 
 whose services differed but little from those of a common 
 
 spy It was his office to learn in what part of the 
 
 country the agents of the crown were making their efforts 
 to embody men, to repair to the place, enlist, appear zeal- 
 ous in the cause he affected to serve, and otherwise to get 
 possession of as many of the secrets of the enemy as possi- 
 ble." He was often arrested, "but was permitted to escape ; 
 and this seeming, and indeed actual peril was of great aid 
 in supporting his assumed character among the English. 
 By the Americans, in his little sphere he was denounced 
 as a bold and inveterate tory. In this manner he contin- 
 ued to serve his country in secret during the early years of 
 the struggle, hourly environed by danger and the constant 
 subject of unmerited opprobium." 
 
 The story of Elisha H so well told by Cooper in a 
 
 footnote of The Spy, is familiar to every reader of that 
 thrilling tale. "This person," he says, "was employed 
 by Washington, as one of his most confidential spies. 
 He was allowed to enter into the service of Sir Henry 
 Clinton . . . and he was often intrusted by Washington 
 with minor military movements, in order that he might 
 enhance his value with the English general, by communi- 
 cating them. In this capacity he ascertained the force 
 and destination of a detachment ordered on an expedition 
 
20 
 
 against the town of Bedford in Westchester county. This 
 he succeeded in communicating to Washington by a note 
 signed with his own initials, E. H., and forwarded by cour- 
 ier, while he remained in New York. The communication 
 was too late, Bedford was tal^en, the commandant was 
 killed, and the note of E. H. was found on his person. 
 The next day being confronted with the note by Sir Henry 
 Clinton, and asked if he knew the handwriting and who 
 E. H. was, he replied with the quiet and sudden audacity 
 of an accomplished spy of those days, ' it is Elisha Hadden 
 the spy you hanged yesterday at Paulus Hook.' Sir 
 Henry Clinton allowed him to quit his presence and he 
 never saw him afterward." 
 
 Espionage in war is considered an imperative necessity ; 
 but the risk run by employing it cannot be overestimated, 
 both as regards the fate of the spy and the reputation of 
 his employer. It was by this means that Washington kept 
 himself well informed of the secret designs of British com- 
 manders. His spies, unknown to each other, were stationed 
 at every point in New York. They were usually on terms of 
 intimacy with the British officers and were enabled to ob- 
 tain their information from the most reliable sources ; and, 
 had their correspondence been preserved, it is altogether 
 probable that many of them would enjoy a reputation as 
 doubtful as that which Sir Henry Clinton's record of secret 
 correspondence has secured for Heron. 
 
 In order to judge of the connection of General Parsons 
 with the correspondence of Heron, it becomes necessary 
 to ascertain the course he was pursuing as an officer while 
 the correspondence was going on. Of his services in the 
 army prior to this time, it is unnecessary to speak ; he was 
 known throughout the country as a faithful and devoted 
 supporter of the patriot cause on the field and in council. 
 Of his services during the six months from January to July 
 
21 
 
 1781, we fortunately have a record, not hitherto published, 
 but found largely in his unpublished letters to Washing- 
 ton, filed in the State Department. The part he performed 
 in the events of the six months preceding the correspond- 
 ence, and during the period in which Heron's letters were 
 written, is well known to have been efficient and honora- 
 ble. In July, 1780, the French army and navy arrived 
 in Newport and increased the responsibilities and duties 
 of the American army around New York. The campaign 
 was inspired with new vigor ; and as the activity increased 
 the difficulties seemed to increase also. Arnold's treason 
 and Andre's execution as a spy intensified the anxiety of 
 the Americans, and exasperated the British. As the year 
 1781 opened, mutiny among the Pennsylvania troops broke 
 out in Morristown and threatened the destruction of that 
 line. Six hundred troops were taken from the Highlands 
 and under the command of General Howe were marched 
 to New Jersey to quell an insurrection in the Anierican 
 forces there. The powers of Congress were found to be 
 doubtful and inefficient. Of the condition of the army at 
 this time Washington wrote : — 
 
 "Instead of having everything in readiness to take the 
 field we have nothing; and, instead of having the prospect 
 of a glorious offensive campaign before us, we have a be- 
 wildered and defensive one unless we should receive a pow- 
 erful aid of ships, land troops and money from our generous 
 allies, and these at present are too contingent to build up- 
 on." 
 
 On the soil of Connecticut, at Weathersfield, May 23, a 
 conference took place between the American and French 
 connnanders, from which Washington issued a circular 
 letter to the governor of the eastern states making an ur- 
 gent call for reinforcements an appeal received with great 
 indiflcrence. The invasion of Connecticut and the burn- 
 
22 
 
 ing of New London by Arnold gave a local importance 
 to the trying events which oppressed the country at this 
 time. It was under these circumstances that Heron pro- 
 fessed to be able to deliver General Parsons into the hands 
 of Sir Henry Clinton, according to the recently discovered 
 correspondence. At a time when the United French and 
 American forces were preparing to make an attack on New 
 York with every prospect of success, an undertaking which 
 was abandoned by Washington on the arrival of the French 
 forces in the Chesapeake, by whose aid Cornwallis was 
 overpowered ; at a time when the clouds began to 
 break, and treason was especially odious and every sen- 
 timent of patriotism was roused. General Parsons, who was 
 just appointed by the Governor of Connecticut to com- 
 mand the state troops, is charged with holding treason- 
 able correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton. Of his 
 conduct and his opinions at that time his letters to Wash- 
 ington furnish a complete record, a record as I think of 
 entire vindication. 
 
 The spirit of General Parsons is so well illustrated by 
 a correspondence between himself and Tryon a year be- 
 fore the Heron letters commenced, September, 1779, that 
 I am inclined to introduce it here as preliminary to the 
 more important and direct letters to which I have re- 
 ferred. On Jan. 15, 1779, Tryon wrote to General Put- 
 nam and General Parsons advising them to make no at- 
 tempt to prcJii^t a "reunion with the parent state." On 
 Sept. 7, 1779, Parsons, whom HoUister calls "one of the 
 bravest and most accomplished officers of the Revolution- 
 ary era," replied, denouncing Tryon's conduct " in the de- 
 fenceless towns of Connecticut" reminding him of the 
 declaration of war against England by France, of the 
 English disasters in the West Indies, of the storming of 
 Stony Point, of the surprise of Paulus Hook by Major 
 
23 
 
 Lee, of the flight of General Provost from Carolina, and 
 in closing adds, " Surely it is time for Britons to rouse 
 from their delusive dreams of conquest and pursue such 
 systems of future conduct as will save their tottering em- 
 pire from total destruction." In July, 1779, Washing- 
 ton had directed Parsons to hasten to check Tryon and to 
 guide the efibrts of the people to stop him. This service 
 he performed with great energy and skill and with a small 
 force of only 150 contingent troops harassing and oppos- 
 ing Tryon with his well organized troops of 2,600. On 
 Jan. 31, 1781, just at the time when Heron was in active 
 correspondence with Sir Heiny Clinton, Washington for- 
 warded to Congress two reports of Major General Par- 
 sons and Lieut. General Hull respecting an enterprise 
 against DeLancey's corps at West Chester, in which with 
 small loss on the American side the barracks of the corps 
 were destroyed, and prisoners, cattle and horses were 
 brought off and a bridge burnt. " General Parsons' ar- 
 rangement were judicious," wrote Washington, " and the 
 conduct of the officers and men is entitled to the highest 
 praise." 
 
 The following letters of General Parsons, of which I 
 give in many instances abstracts, cover the entire period 
 of the Heron correspondence, commencing, in fact, a 
 month before any part of that correspondence appears : 
 
 Aug. 15, 1780. General Parsons writes to General Ar- 
 nold requesting an order for Canfield to remove his troops 
 to Horseneck — in great need. 
 
 Aug. 2, 1780. Writes a long and important letter from 
 Danbury to Washington, stating the disposition of the 
 troops and the recruits, and adding that the general as- 
 sembly would undoubtedly at its session next week furnish 
 more men. He also gives some valuable information just 
 received with regard to the movements of the enemy on 
 
24 
 
 Long Island, and Sir Henry Clinton's exploration of the 
 condition of affiiirs with his own troops ; and also with 
 regard to where transports were taking provisions. 
 
 Aug. 25, 1780, writes to Arnold that one Walter, a 
 seaman, can obtain valuable information with regard to the 
 enemy in New York, and he can be relied on. Asks Ar- 
 nold for orders to him to procure a boat and form a regu- 
 lar course of intelligence by the way of Long Island to 
 New York, by which he may get weekly intelligence. 
 This he will undertake for " some certain pay in continen- 
 tal money." 
 
 Aug. 25, 1780. Writes to Arnold with regard to Thomas 
 Osborne who had been condemned as a spy and advises 
 that he be held until the statements he has made incul- 
 pating many persons more important than himself be in- 
 vestigated. 
 
 Sept. 4, 1780. Writes to Arnold asking permission to 
 join his brigade, stating that the volunteers were ready, 
 and asking that the conduct of Captain Sill of Colonel 
 Warner's regiment be inquired into. 
 
 Sept. 5, 1780. Writes to Arnold setting forth the effect 
 of Osborne's confinement as good. He proceeds to criti- 
 cise Congress and says : " The cause of my country I will 
 never forsake ; 'tis a just and glorious cause. The virtues 
 of our General will ever attach us to his fortunes. But 
 the wretches who have crept into Congress are almost 
 below contempt ; our country will never prosper in their 
 hands. They will starve us in the midst of plenty. To 
 deny us very obvious justice and to insult us when we re- 
 quire it is left only for politicians of the new world. My 
 hand shall be added to any representation my brethren 
 agree to make. I think the Insult should not be passed 
 over in silence." 
 
 October 4, 1780. Writes to Washington approving of 
 
25 
 
 Sraallwood's promotion ; but complaining that he himself 
 had been unjustly neglected, having served four years, and 
 half the time commanded a division of the army. "Had 
 the same principles actuated the councils of our states as 
 have been the rules of proceedings in other nations, I 
 should have had the rank due to the command long since 
 conferred upon me." 
 
 October 5, 1780, Camp. Writes to Washington asking 
 leave to return to his family on account of sickness, and 
 suggests that he be appointed on his return "to the com- 
 mand of the troops near New Castle and Horseneck, until 
 their service shall expire which I imagine will nearly end 
 my own." 
 
 November 12, 1780, Redding. Writes to Washington 
 thanking him for promotion and proposing to adjust his 
 private affairs so that he could join the army again, and 
 sending an act of the Legislature of Connecticut for filling 
 the army, " which if executed with spirit I hope will have 
 the desired success." 
 
 November 20, 1780, Redding. Writes to Washington 
 that he has had a return of fever and ague, but will return 
 to the army as soon as possible. 
 
 December 25, 1780, Fishkill. Writes to the commander- 
 in-chief asking that Lieutenants Grant and Cook, taken 
 prisoners at Fort Washington, be restored to rank and pay, 
 as if not captured. 
 
 January 10, 1781, Camp in the Highlands. Writes ask- 
 ing that a garrison of Virginia or Massachusetts or Mary- 
 land or New Hampshire troops be sent to Wyoming, and 
 not Pennsylvania troops of whom the New England set- 
 tlers were jealous. 
 
 January 12, 1781, Camp Highland. He writes to Wash- 
 ington — "Dear General : The instances of firmness in the 
 Connecticut line exhibited among the privates since I had 
 
 4 
 
26 
 
 the honor of seeing you, fully convinces me of the justice 
 of my observations yesterday on that subject ; and I be- 
 lieve the same spirit pervades the whole of the line. In 
 two instances application was made this morning for fur- 
 loughs. The men, privates, who had been three years ab- 
 sent, were informed that in the defection of the Pennsylva- 
 nia line they would be required to reduce them to their duty ; 
 they answered without hesitation they had rather never see 
 home than the cause of their country should suffer by such 
 unjustifiable conduct, or that Your Excellency should be in 
 danger from that or any other misconduct. They went 
 back with great cheerfuhiess and said they would never 
 apply again until they were brought back to their duty. 
 And in many instances the oflScers' servants have begged 
 to be armed and permitted to go on this duty. From these 
 circumstauces and other observations I am convinced the 
 fullest confidence may in this instance be placed in the Con- 
 necticut troops." 
 
 The above letter was written only a short time before 
 Heron wrote to Sir Henry Clinton insinuations against 
 Parsons and Stark. 
 
 Jan. 23, 1781, Horseneck. Writes to Washington of his 
 success in the expedition to "Sawpitts," Horseneck ; and 
 on Jan. 24, of the difficulties of the expedition on ac- 
 count of snow and cold. 
 
 Mar. 31, 1781. He writes to Gov. Trumbull (a letter 
 found among the Trumbull papers) stating the extensive- 
 ness of those concerned in supplying the enemy and in 
 illicit commerce. He extends his examination to com- 
 merce by water as well as by land ; and is astonished at 
 the list of inhabitants of Greenwich, Stamford and Nor- 
 walk, exposed by the examination. He gives a list of 
 them ; and asks how far he is to proceed in apprehending 
 the persons named in the examination. 
 
27 
 
 Mar. 3, 1781. Parsons in another letter to Gov. Trum- 
 bull avows knowledge of constant intercommunication be- 
 tween the disaffected scattered from New York to Canada. 
 He says he knows who conveys the intelligence. He 
 states the objections to intermeddling to be a doubt how 
 far force may be employed for the purpose of discovery, 
 and says he is under the most solemn engagements not 
 to disclose the names of spies. He alludes to some slan- 
 ders against him because he had made some similar dis- 
 closures the previous summer. 
 
 April 20, 1781. Writes to Washington giving an ac- 
 count of his ill health and advising him that the operations 
 of the disaffected have been brought to a stand, and urging 
 the fitting out of an expedition to Lloyd's neck to cut off 
 the enemy and asks to command it. 
 
 April 30, 1781. Writes to Washington of his "still very 
 feeble health ;" thinks a considerable check is put to the 
 proceedings of the disaffected ; says a report is confiden- 
 tially circulated among them that the British government 
 "have given assurances to Colonel Allen thsit the state of 
 Vermont shall be made a separate province if the war ter- 
 minates in their favor, and that he shall be appointed 
 Governor of the new province ;" and concludes by a rec- 
 ommendation of the spy which I have already quoted. 
 
 May 2, 1781. Writes to Washington that he has learned 
 from New York that General Arnold was every hour ex- 
 pected there to take command of the expedition (into 
 Connecticut). "Admiral Arbuthnot is going to Eng- 
 land, his officers refusing to serve longer with him." Ad- 
 miral Graves who commands the fleet was in New York 
 Saturday but expects to sail in a few days. Five ships 
 of the line are in the East River, the rest in North River. 
 The fleet with provisions had arrived without loss and the 
 enemy are in high spirits. "Great dependence is placed 
 
28 
 
 on the defection of Vermont ; they say their measures are 
 fully secured there and that an army may be expected 
 from Canada soon." No doubt Heron furnished him this 
 information. 
 
 June 26, 1781, Peekskill. Writes to Washington of the 
 disaffection of Connecticut troops on account of the fail- 
 ure of the state and the nation to pay them. He writes 
 " by request." 
 
 July 10, 1781, Camp, Peekskill. Writes stating the 
 terms on which the officers expect to be paid. 
 
 July 10, 1781, Camp near Dobbs' ferry. Writes urg- 
 ing again the paying of the Connecticut troops and says : 
 
 " Every other state has done much towards satisfying 
 the just demands of the troops and Connecticut, the best 
 able of any state in the Union, has done nothing." 
 
 July 28, 1781. Writes that the inhabitants in the rear 
 of the army are connected with the refugees who are on 
 the roads in the rear and are acting the part of robbers and 
 suggests a remedy. 
 
 Autograph letters of General Parsons, written at this 
 period, have recently been sold in Boston by Libbie & 
 Co., exhibiting the same spirit as those I have presented. 
 They are not addressed, but the dates of all are pre- 
 served : — 
 
 (1) Jan. 1, 1781, he writes from Camp Highland, con- 
 gratulating a friend on his release and marriage, and giv- 
 ing him notice that he would be called soon into service. 
 
 (2) April 9, 1781, he writes to his correspondent, "please 
 to present my compliments to your fellow-prisoners and 
 that obstinate Tory, Parson Walter, my old friend." 
 
 (3) May 3, 1781, he writes ordering the seizure of one 
 Willard by a file of soldiers and denounced him as a vil- 
 lain. 
 
 (4) May 8, 1781, he writes ordering the execution of 
 
29 
 
 one Rowland and directing the prisoners to attend the ex- 
 ecution. 
 
 These letters written in 1781, of which that of July 28 
 to Washington is the last, cover the entire period of the 
 Heron correspondence. The next letter on the file was 
 written May 17, 1782, and announces his retirement from 
 the army on account of " extreme ill health." 
 
 To my mind these letters are conclusive with regard to 
 the loyalty of General Parsons. They indicate a spirit of 
 devotion to his country and they record acts in her ser- 
 vice. They were evidently written by one who had the 
 entire confidence of Washington, who was not deceived 
 in his estimate of men, and whose suspicions of Parsons 
 had he been in long communication with the enemy would 
 have been roused as they were by the irregularities of Ar- 
 nold. The spirit which produced these letters was ac- 
 cepted as the true spirit of Parsons throughout the war 
 and secured for him the confidence of his associate ofli- 
 cers, Putnam and Hazen and Scammell and Wolcott and 
 Hull and Heath, and of the community in which he lived 
 when the war had ended, and a place in the councils of 
 Manasseh Cutler and Rufus Putnam when they entered 
 upon their great work of settling the northwest territory. 
 
 In the diary of Cutler we find General Parsons alluded 
 to often. On March 8, 1787, at a meeting of the Ohio 
 Company held in Boston, Gen. Samuel H. Parsons, Gen. 
 Rufus Putnam and the Rev. Manasseh Cutler were chosen 
 directors to apply to Congress for the purchasing of land. 
 On March 16, 1787, Cutler writes to Nathan Dane, "Gen. 
 Parsons will make application to Congress in the name of 
 the other directors in order to make the purchase for the 
 company." On his journey to New York and Philadel- 
 phia he spent an evening with General Parsons, settled all 
 
matters relatino' to his business with Cono^ress and re- 
 ceived many letters from the general to the members. On 
 July 5, 1787, he was ready to support Parsons for Gov- 
 ernor, but found that General St. Clair had forestalled 
 him, and consequently urged successfully his appointment 
 as United States judge of the territory. On July 29, 
 1787, he records with evident satisfaction "when I in- 
 formed General Parsons of my negotiations with Congress 
 I had the pleasure to find it not only met his approbation 
 but he expressed his astonishment that I had obtained 
 terms so advantageous." On his way from New York to 
 Boston after the negotiation he "dined with Gen. Par- 
 sons." 
 
 Sept. 18, 1787, he writes that Generals Parsons and 
 Putnam "are to go with 100 men to Oliio." On May 6, 
 1789, Directors Parsons, Putnam and Griffin Green or- 
 dered Putnam and Cutler to apply to Congress for addi- 
 tional purchases. In all the important business of the 
 company Parsons was constantly employed as a wise coun- 
 sellor and an honest agent and director. 
 
 It has beeu said of him that "all who knew him had sup- 
 posed that he was a poor man, and to the surprise of every 
 one he had a large amount of ready money to invest in the 
 lands of the company. This was the fifty thousand dol- 
 lars that Clinton had given him for his services." In an- 
 swer to this charge I am informed by Douglas Putnam, 
 Esq., a most respectable and venerable citizen of Mari- 
 etta : — 
 
 "I find in the list of the original proprietors in the Ohio 
 Company's purchase the name of Parsons, Samuel H., as 
 the proprietor of 2 shares ; 
 
 Parsons, Samuel H. ( Proprietors of 
 
 Parsons, W. W., and others, c tJiree shares. 
 
31 
 
 In the division of the lands a share consisted of 11 73 J 
 acres (in plots) of which the cost was understood to be 
 $1000 in continental money and $10 specie." 
 
 This disposes of the fifty thousand dollars charge. 
 
 In conclusion, I place over against Heron's reputation 
 and record and occupation, the services and correspond- 
 ence and civil and military associations of General Parsons, 
 and rest on them his vindication and his title in our sfen- 
 eration to the esteem and confidence he enjoyed in his own. 
 
 George B. Loring. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 LETTER OF HON. CHAS. J. MCcORDY. 
 
 Lyme, Conn., Oct. 15, 1888. 
 Hon. George B. Loring. 
 
 Dear Sir: 
 Your letter of the 10th Inst, was duly received. Your vindica- 
 tion of General Parsons is exhaustive and conclusive, and I am glad 
 that it is to be published in a pamphlet form ; not only his family and 
 friends but our states must feel under obligation to you for it. 
 
 As you were aware that I had taken much interest in the matter and 
 had once begun a similar article, you asli if I would like to add a 
 supplementary letter. It would be close gleaning where you had 
 reaped. But one or two points I would respectfully make, arising 
 chiefly from the internal evidence of the Heron letters alone. It is 
 known that General Washington kept direction of the " Spy bureau" 
 exclusively in his own hands. On the twenty-second of February, 
 1781, he wrote to General Parsons a confidential letter requesting him 
 to employ a spy and promise him a generous compensation. On the 
 fourteenth of March following. General Parsons answered that the 
 spy employed had an assurance of generous pay. When General 
 Washington wrote. Heron was undoubtedly in the British service and 
 was at the same time on intimate terms with General Parsons, for he 
 says in his letter of Feb. 4, 1781, " I spent apart of the night with 
 Gen. Parsons and another with Gen. Stark" and am "intimate with 
 both." 
 
 This letter is long and minute and there is no hint of any defection 
 of General Parsons, and there is no intimation of the kind until his 
 letter of the twenty -fourth of April following; so that the evidence 
 from the sequence of the dates is that on the twenty-second of Feb- 
 ruary, General Washington requested General Parsons to employ a 
 spy. On the fourteenth of March, General Parsons answered that he 
 had employed one, and on the twenty-fourth of April, Heron writes 
 for the first time in his letter giving an account of his first proposing 
 the treason to General Parsons. 
 
 The manifest conclusion from these facts, taking in connection with 
 (32) 
 
33 
 
 his proverbial sagacity and his selection and control of instruments 
 that General Parsons knew his man all the time and had turned him 
 from his former employers and probably with the full ^knowledge of 
 "Washington. It is well known that along the line between the two 
 armies this double espionage was a common occurrence. 
 
 To one other point I will call your attention. The inducements 
 purporting in the correspondence to have been held out to Gen. Par- 
 sons as a reward for his treachery are oflfered by a subordinate indi- 
 vidual without apparent authority, and are all vague, indefinite and 
 ridiculous. In exchange for his command-in-chief of the Connecticut 
 line of the continental army he is oflfered a position in the British army 
 but the grade is notintimated. He is to have money, of course, "pieces 
 of silver," but the amount is uncertain. He is to have a cask of 
 wine, but whether a ten gallon or sixty gallon cask, and whether old 
 Madeira or of the Jersey vintage are also left uncertain. It is suggested 
 that he might share in the glory of Benedict Arnold, the miscreant 
 whom he would have hung, if as was proposed, he could have been 
 kidnapped in the manner of Gen. Prescott. Last, but not least, of the 
 conditions of the infamous (pretended) bargain wasjthe promotion of 
 Gen. Parsons' son Enoch. This is twice mentioned in the correspon- 
 dence and was made a sine qua non. He was to "be taken into the 
 British service and sent out of the country." It was perhaps thought 
 by British officers that the doting father secretly hoped his son might 
 in time rival the Clives and Hastings and other great commanders, 
 "conquerors on foreign shores and the far wave." In this proposition 
 also the rank was left indefinite. But certainly no less an office than 
 the command of a regiment, perhaps a brigade, would be likely to 
 satisfy the aspirations of such a father, and pay for the risk of his life 
 and the sacrifice of his soul. 
 
 Now who and what was this Enoch, and what had been the history 
 of his exploits and his previous career? 
 
 By a reference to Chancellor Walworth's genealogy of the Hyde 
 Family it will be seen that this son of General Parsons was born on the 
 fifth of November, 1769, and so was at this time eleven years and four 
 months old. It would seem that the sham was too transparent to de- 
 ceive even " the most credulous or obtuse of the enemy." I will 
 only add that General Parsons was the last person who would trust 
 himself within their lines for he was the one who sent his brother-in- 
 law, Capt. Ezra Lee of Lyme, in Bushnell's torpedo under their ship 
 of war in the harbor of New York for which both of them if taken 
 would have been hung, the act being then denounced as outside the 
 pale of civilized warfare. 
 
 Yours, etc., 
 
 Chas. J. McCURDY. 
 
34 
 
 LETTER OF HON. CHA8. S. HALL. 
 
 Binghamton, N. F., Oct. 16, 1888. 
 Hon. George B. Loring. 
 
 My dear Sir: 
 Your "Viudication of General Samuel Holden Parsons" I have read 
 with the greatest interest. It seems to me complete and to remove 
 every shadow of suspicion which may have been thrown by the unex- 
 plained correspondence in " Clinton's Secret Service Record" over 
 the reputation of an ancestor whom I have always been taught to re- 
 gard as one of the most devoted and trusted leaders in the war for 
 American independence. 
 
 A man worthy to be described as " one of the bravest and most ac- 
 complished officers of the revolutionary era;" as the "sagacious com- 
 panion of Washington;" as "one of the strongest arms on which 
 Washington leaned; who first suggested the CJontinental Congress; 
 from the story of whose life could almost be written the history of the 
 Northern War;" should not have been denounced as a traitor on such 
 insufficient evidence as the letters of William Heron. 
 
 A Puritan of Pui'itans in his descent; possessed of high moral and 
 intellectual qualities ; a graduate of Harvard and a member of the 
 Connecticut bar; an intimate associate of the leading spirits and him- 
 self a positive force in the revolt against Great Britain ; a member of 
 the General Assembly for eighteen years ; intrusted frequently by his 
 native state with important business; a colonel in the army at the 
 breaking out of the war, and then successively brigadier and major 
 general in the regular army by appointment of Congress ; who planned 
 and carried through the capture of Ticonderoga; who through his 
 whole career, both civil and military, was distinguished for his zeal, 
 his bold, daring and fervent patriotism, his vigilance, activity, fore- 
 sight and sagacity, his determined hostility to British rule and his bit- 
 ter hatred and contempt for a tory ; — such a man is not the material 
 out of which traitors are made. 
 
 His correspondence shows the lofty tone and determined, uncom- 
 promising spirit of the man. 
 
 In his letter to Samuel Adams in 1773 suggesting a Continental Con- 
 gress, he writes : — " The idea of inalienable allegiance to any prince 
 or state, is an idea to me inadmissible ; and I cannot see but that our 
 ancestors, when they first landed in America were as independent of 
 the Crown or King of Great Britain, as if they had never been his sub- 
 jects." 
 
 To the Boston committee of defence he writes in 1774, " we consider 
 the cause the common cause of all the colonies, and doubt not the 
 concurrence of all to defend and support you. Let us play the man 
 
35 
 
 for the cause of our countrv, and trust the event to Him who orders all 
 events for the best good of His people." 
 
 Governor Tryon in 1778 had burned several houses uear the Ameri- 
 ican lines and turned women and children half clad into the streets in 
 a severe night. Parsons reproached him for his savage barbarity and 
 threatened to retaliate by burning the houses of Colonel Phillips and 
 the DeLancey family. Tryon in his answer addressed Parsons as " a 
 revolted subject of Great Britain." Parsons, with great spirit replied, 
 "a justifiable resistance against unwarrantable invasions of the natu- 
 ral and social rights of mankind, if unsuccessful, according to the 
 fashion of the world, will be termed rebellion ; but if successful, will 
 be deemed a noble struggle for the defence of everything valuable in 
 life. Whether I am considered as a revolted subject of the King of 
 Great Britain, or in any other light by his subjects, is very immaterial, 
 and gives me little concern. Future ages, I hope, will do justice to 
 my intentions, and the present to the humanity of my conduct." 
 
 Just before he invaded Connecticut and burned Norvvalk in 1779, 
 Tryon addressed a letter to Putnam and Parsons in which in closing 
 he exclaims, " Sui'ely it is time for rational Americans to wish for a 
 reunion Avith the parent state and to adopt such measures as will most 
 speedily effect it." Parsons, replying, retorts, " Surely it is time for 
 Britons to rouse from their delusive dreams of conquest, and pursue 
 such systems of future conduct as will save their tottering empire from 
 total destruction." 
 
 In a letter to Washington reporting the battle he had fought with 
 Tryon and the burning of Norwalk, Parsons writes: — " A few Tory 
 houses are left which I hope our people will burn. I imagine Stam- 
 ford will be the next object to wreak their hellisli malice upon." 
 
 A man with treason in his heart does not breathe this spirit. Such a 
 man, of necessity, stands far above suspicion. The tongue of slander 
 may revile him, but none but the clearest and most incontrovertible evi- 
 dence can weigh much against him in any candid and unprejudiced mind. 
 
 It is against a man of this character that the charge of treason is 
 brought on the strength of Heron's letters found in "Clinton's Secret 
 Service Record." To anyone knowing Parsons, this charge is absurd- 
 ity itself. His unhesitating reply would be, "these letters ai'e not 
 what they seem ; there is unquestionably an explanation behind, which 
 will dispel every suspicion." 
 
 The explanation comes with your recent discovery amongthe Wash- 
 ington papers of a letter written by Parsons to General Washington in 
 April, 1782, in which he recommends William Heron as a suitable per- 
 son to be employed as a spy, giving his reasons therefor and stating 
 how useful and trustworthy he had found him in that capacity for sev- 
 eral years. 
 If this letter was written in good faith by Parsons, and, in view of 
 
36 
 
 the character of the man and his confidential relations with "Washing- 
 ton, it would not be just or reasonable to infer anything to the con- 
 trary, then we must conclude that William Heron, during the period 
 covered by his correspondence with Clinton, was a spy in the American 
 service. This view of the case is fully supported by the circumstances 
 you narrate in your "Vindication ;" and from all we can learn it is cer- 
 tain that Heron did furnish information of great value to the patriot 
 cause, while it nowhere appears that he was of any special service to 
 Clinton. 
 
 If Heron was an American spy, then the negotiations with Parsons 
 which he professes to detail in his letters to Clinton are purely imagi- 
 nary. They are the cunning inventions of the shrewd and sagacious 
 man Parsons describes Heron to be, and were intended as a means to 
 gain the confidence of Clinton and create in him the belief that his in- 
 formant was most zealous in the British cause and able to render effi- 
 cient and valuable service. 
 
 After the defection of Arnold, Clinton seemed possessed with the 
 idea that it would be easy to corrupt any American officer, and lost 
 no opportunity ot attempting it. Hei-on exhibited his shrewdness and 
 perception of character when he held out to Clinton this bait. So 
 credulous was Clinton, that even the absurd suggestion that Parsons 
 could be won over by a little money, a cask of wine and a commission 
 in the navy for his son, did not seem to strike him as suspicious. 
 
 Parsons' letter to Heronof July 8, 1781, was the final and conclusive 
 proof which Heron presented to Clinton to convince him that he was 
 able to fulfil his promise to enlist Parsons in the British service. 
 
 And now, as to the true character of this letter which the Cyclopce- 
 dia publishes as proof of Parsons' disloyalty and on which those who 
 have doubted Parsons have laid great stress. 
 
 It is now certain that this letter was not written to give information 
 to Clinton, as was assumed before the discovery of Parsons' letter to 
 Washington of April 6, 1782. 
 
 It may have been written to Heron as a known friend of the cause 
 and been used by him to effect his purposes without the knowledge 
 of Parsons. It may have been concerted between Parsons and Heron 
 to help out the deception Heron was practising on Clinton ; or it may 
 have been forged by Heron. 
 
 It does not seem probable that Parsons wrote this letter to Heron 
 in order that he might use it to mislead Clinton. There was a risk 
 and impropriety in such a step, which must have suggested itself to a 
 man of Parsons' experience, which forbids the supposition. Besides, 
 we have no evidence that Parsons had the least suspicion of the use 
 Hei'on was making of his name with Clinton, nor is it likely that this 
 would have been permitted had it come to his knowledge. 
 
 On its face the letter is a Iriendly one and nothing more. And cex"' 
 
37 
 
 tainly, there is an entire absence of anything to indicate a conscious 
 ness of wrong doing, and a man of his character and previous associa- 
 tions could not have been guilty of so base an act without leaving 
 some ear mark to betray his purpose. The clause in the letter, "As 
 the object of the campaign is the reduction of New York, we shall now 
 effectually try the patriotism of our countrymen who have always 
 given us assurances of assistance when this should become the object; 
 of this I have had my doubts for several years, and wished it put to 
 the test," sounds like Parsons aud is perfectly characteristic of him, 
 and reads just as he would have written to Washington or Trumbull. 
 But these ideas, while entirely natural aud in place in a letter to a 
 friend, would hardly have come to mind, much less have found expres- 
 sion, had he been writing a letter which he intended Heron to give to 
 Clinton, whether to inform or mislead him. 
 
 It is worthy of note tliat while this letter gives no information of 
 value to Clinton, it is careful to mention in the most incidental way 
 that "the reduction of New York is the object of the campaign, and 
 to get in the fact that "the Minister of France is in camp and that the 
 French troops encamped on our left near the Tuckahoe road." 
 
 Lafayette at this time had succeeded in forcing Cornwallis down 
 the Peninsula and everything else had been postponed to give him 
 aid. Clinton was firm in his belief that New York and not Yorktown 
 was the object of the preparations in the Highlands, and it was of the 
 highest importance at this juncture that he should not be undeceived. 
 What so well calculated to confirm him in his opinion, as the concen- 
 tration of the French troops opposite his lines, and to lead him to 
 think the danger imminent, as that the French Minister deemed the 
 occasion important enough to warrant his presence in camp. The 
 result was, as probably intended, that Clinton not only refused to re- 
 inforce Cornwallis but ordered to New York tliree thousand of his 
 troops. 
 
 The artful way these facts are brought into the letter furnishes the 
 strongest evidence of a careful preparation with intent to mislead. 
 It may be merely a coincidence, but such paiusare taken to state these 
 facts, and they were so likely to have impressed Clinton, that it is not 
 improbable that this letter was the handiwork of Heron and part of 
 his elaborate scheme of deception. 
 
 Heron in his letter enclosing Parsons' letter to Clinton, in a post- 
 script, very significantly says, "I thought it advisable to cut the name 
 off the enclosed." Clinton was probably acquainted with the signa- 
 ture of Parsons, although he may not have known his handwriting, 
 and if this letter was a forgery, it was prudent of Heron to remove 
 the signature to prevent deiection. 
 
 It seems certain that this letter was either written to Heron as a 
 
S8 
 
 friend and used by hira without authority, or else was forged by Heron ; 
 and one supposition is perhaps as likely to be true as the other; but 
 it is immaterial which, so far as Parsons' fame is concerned. 
 
 It is unfortunate that Heron's real character was not known at the 
 time his letters were discovered, and the charge which they seemingly 
 implied thus prevented from going into the histories. These letters 
 were of course a surprise even to Parsons' friends, and an explanation 
 would naturally be sought for; but, as against the character and whole 
 life of the man, they were not even prima facie evidence, and no one 
 should have doubted for a moment that an explanation would in time 
 be forthcoming. Thanks to your reseai'ches, the mystery is cleared 
 up and the question I trust put to rest. 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 Charles S. Hall. 
 
 1,etteu of gen. w. t. sherman. 
 
 75 West 7lst Street, 
 New York, Oct. 25, 1888. 
 Hon. George B. Loring, Salem, Mass. 
 My dear friend : 
 
 Your kind note of Oct. 24, 1888, is just received, and I shall be 
 coraplimented by the dedication of the pamphlet you name, the vindi- 
 cation of General Parsons of the Revolutionary army and a prominent 
 member of the Ohio Land Company which did so much to shape the 
 destiny of the great northwest. . . . 
 
 No man can escape calumny if he be a man of purpose and earnest- 
 ness. . . . 
 
 I was raised to venerate the names of Generals Rufus Putnam, Tup- 
 per, Parsons, etc., and especially that of Chaplain Manasseh Cutler. 
 My recollection is that General Parsons was of Connecticut, and that 
 he was of the committee chosen by the Ohio company whose head- 
 quarters were at Boston, to go in person to New York and urge on 
 Congress the justice and wisdom of the purpose to found a new state 
 northwest of the Ohio River. 
 
 Always your friend, 
 
 W. T. Sherman. 
 
LIBRPRY OF CONGRESS 
 
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 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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