€\]t JOtiitl) of Dnnifl 'H'thfitrr. 
 
 SERMON, 
 
 DKl.IYKKED IN THE WARREN STREET CHURCH. 
 
 SUNDAY, NOTKlinER 14, 1862. 
 
 BY OTIS A. SKINNER 
 
'(Tlir lOratli flf IPiniirl il^rlib'tcr 
 
 SERMON, 
 
 DELIVERED IN THE WARREN STREET CHURCH, 
 
 SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 14, 1S52. 
 
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 BY OTIS A> SKINNER 
 
 BOSTON: 
 rUBLISUED BY A. TOMPKINS, 
 
 38, CORNUILL. 
 
 1 852. 
 
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 SERMON. 
 
 " For, behold, the Lord, the Lord of hosts, doth take away from Jerusa- 
 lem, and from Judah, the stay and the stafl", the whole stay of bread, and 
 the whole stay of water, the mighty man, and the man of war, the judge, 
 and the prophet, and the prudent, and the ancient, tlic captain of fifty, and 
 the lionorablc m:in, and the counsellor, and the cunning artificer, and 
 the elofjuent orator.'" — Isaiah iii : 1,2,3. 
 
 These foarfully prophetic wonls found thoir fulfill- 
 ment Avhen the kins: of Ijahvlou canicd awav all 
 Jerusalem, and all the princes, and all the mi<i:hty men 
 of valor, even ten thonsand captives, and all the crafts- 
 men and smiths, so that none remained save the poorest 
 sort of people of the laud. After their great men 
 Vi^erc all removed, children became their princes, and 
 babes ruled over them. 
 
 From this prediction we learn, that in the estimation 
 of the ])rophet, a true ^reat man was one of the chief 
 blessings of a nation; and that his removal Avas a seri- 
 ons national calamitv. Tvpially just was his idea of 
 erreatness. Accordini; to his view, it was not confined 
 to one station or ingai^ed in one semcc. He saw that a 
 man could be great in one department of life as well as in 
 
another. Some speak as though greatness was confined 
 to official stations, or to the learned professions. Such, 
 however, is by no means tlic fact. Isaiah, in his 
 enumeration of great men, mentions the man of war, 
 the judge, and the propliet, and the prudent, and the 
 honorable man, the ancient, the counsellor, the crafts- 
 man, and the eloquent orator. AVc read, in substance, 
 the same in other portions of the sacred volume. It 
 speaks of mighty men of valor, mighty men of wealth, 
 mightv men of war, and mighty men of power. Thus 
 ^reat men are not found exclusivelv in any one depart- 
 ment of life. They belong to all departments, and in 
 all greatness has its mission. 
 
 A great merchant is one of the principal benefactors 
 of a nation. lie opens trade with distant portions of 
 the earth ; he exclianges the commodities of his country 
 with those of other countries ; he makes bushiess for 
 various classes around him ; he infuses energy and life 
 into the masses ; and he enlarges the sph(n-e of culture 
 and enjoyment. Hence the merchant princes of Sidon 
 are mentioned among its ])rinci]ial benefactors. And 
 are not such mercliauts among our principal benefac- 
 tors ■? Who contribute more to tlie prosperity of busi- 
 ness, to the growtli of wealth, to the work of refinement, 
 to the success of learning, n^igion, and cliarity I "Who 
 do more to give lite, and iiiergy, and cliaracter to our 
 nation ? A great mechanic is also a blessing of equal 
 im])ortance. He gives labor to vast numbers ; he turns 
 
the raw material of a country into rich and useful arti- 
 cles, and he makes w(>altli ahound Avliere poverty had 
 its dismal home. It is the same with tlie manufacturer 
 and the former. These three, the mechanic, tlic manu- 
 ilicturer, and tlie fiirmer, have control of all the sources 
 of wealth ; and if their labors were to be discontinued, 
 our pros})crity would come to an end. 
 
 In consequence of this, some think that no greatness 
 is of any service, unless it has a du-ect and immediate 
 connection with the increase of wealth. But such have 
 a partial ^■ie^v of greatness, and look upon a great 
 lawyer, physician, statesman, minister, orator, and judge 
 as renderins: no valuable service to the world. We 
 find an opposite class occupying an extreme equally 
 wide from the truth. They under estimate the great 
 merchant, mechanic, manufacturer, and farmer. While 
 they praise in tenns of the most extravant eulogy the 
 superior orator, physician, lawyer, and preacher, they 
 have no commendation for those who are great as busi- 
 ness men. It was not thus with the prophet. He 
 classed together the counsellor, the cunning artificer, 
 and the eloquent orator. AVe, I trust, with the prophet, 
 are ready to do ample justice to greatness wherever 
 found. Any distmguished talent is a blessmg to be 
 desu-ed. Tlie great orator possesses an enviable power. 
 Who can listen to him, and see him charm the midti- 
 tude, and sway them as he wdls, and not envy him his 
 gift ? The great statesman has talents of rare ^alue. 
 
lie comprehends the nature and operation of laws, sees 
 as with an intuitive eye the wants of his countiy, and 
 the measures best calculated to give it prosperity and 
 power. The ijreat philosopher, the sjreat poet, the 
 great artist, all occupy a proud place, and are among 
 the chief benefactors of mankind. 
 
 I would not pretend to say which order of greatness 
 is the highest, or to wliicli the world, all things con- 
 sidered, is the most indebted. These would both be 
 difRcult subjects to settle. But while they would be 
 difficult to settle, it is very clear, I thmk, that greatness 
 of mind is vastly superior to greatness of wealth and 
 station. There is, I am aware, an old adage, which 
 says, money is poiver. And the adage is true. Money 
 is power. We enthrone the rich ; we bow to their 
 opinions; we copy their fashions; we imitate tlieir 
 manners ; we are flattered by theu- attentions, and when 
 admitted to their ranks, we feel as though some sreat 
 honor had l)een conferred upon us. Vast numbers 
 follow the rich, and stand ready to do tlu>ir l)i(lding, 
 for they wish the friendship of those occupying a high 
 rank, and having tlie means to accomplish any purpose 
 desired. Tlie rich can link tlieir names with ]iowei-ful 
 institutions, witli great manufactories, and witli exten- 
 sile public improvements, and by their patronage exer- 
 cise a wide sway. Still, then^ is not necessarily a 
 connection between mind and Avcaltli. AVe often see 
 men of vast possessions, whose chief ability is to get 
 
moiipy and keep it. Money is frequently in the hands 
 of those who have no appreciation of k^arninp^, no taste 
 for the fine arts, no interest in tlie pul)iic good. They 
 never spend for music, or lectures, or books, or travel ; 
 and when they see one who thinks of something besides 
 stocks and dividends, they call him a spendthrift, and 
 tell how cheap they live, and how much it costs him to 
 live. I would not say that any man shoidd expend 
 beyond his means, for we have no right to another's 
 property. Still, I can see how easy it is for a man of 
 large heart, and large views, and a cultivated taste, and 
 generous impulses, standing in a high position, and 
 moAdiig in the circles of wealth, to go beyond his means. 
 He cannot stop to divide pennies, or even reckon small 
 sums; — he does not understand fractions, — he sees 
 tlimgs on a large scale, — he has great plans, not for 
 money making, but for literature, for religion, for liberty, 
 for his country. No matter how much he earns, he 
 cannot save, — his is a different vocation. 
 
 In these remarks I have no reference to the proud 
 spendthrift, or the reckless prodigal, — to men who live 
 for tlie gratification of their pride, or their appetite. I 
 am speakmg of the great man who has consecrated him- 
 self to his country, to literature, or religion, whose sole 
 aim is to use his gigantic powers for the accomplish- 
 ment of the object which, in his estimation, surpasses 
 all others. He lives for one purpose, and to the execu- 
 tion of that purpose he directs all his energies. It is 
 
8 
 
 not unusual for a man of this character, to rise by his 
 superior talents above men of vast wealth, and rule 
 over them as a king rules his subjects. And what is 
 there more gratifying than to see talent thus rise, and 
 bid the old aristocrat, who had long prided himself on 
 liis name, and station, and property, sit in submission 
 at its feet 1 Such a triumph of mind gi^•es man a con- 
 sciousness of his dignity, and shows him that, notwith- 
 standing the glitter, and pomp, and grandeur of wealth, 
 he is superior to all its might. I never sec mind thus 
 towering above the disthictions and sway of money, and 
 wieldmg its sceptre like a god, without having a new 
 reverence inspired for man. 
 
 We have an admirable illustration of the point before 
 us, in the case of tliat distinguished statesman, whose 
 death has filled our country with sorrow, and in honor 
 of whom our stores, and i)ublic buildings, and private 
 dwellinc-s are covered witli the (Mublems of mourn- 
 ing. He was a ])oor boy, born among the hills 
 of New Hampshire, as it were t)n the borders of 
 civilization. He chii-fiy workc>d his ^^a^ through an 
 academv, and then tluxni^h collei'-e, and then throuii:h 
 the reipiisite studies for his ])rofession. After a few 
 years practice in the law, he located himself in the 
 principal town of his native State, wliere he shortly 
 rose to an eminence etpial to its greate.sL men, and they 
 ranked Avith tlie first in the countiy. Frc^in that ]ilace 
 he rciiioNcd to this citv. He was not lonij liere belbre 
 
his prosonco was felt by all tho ixvcat men of the town. 
 He usod 110 arts to j)iisli liiiiiM-lf forward, llclntda 
 iiL'irkod o\c, a innrkfMl brow, a iiiarl<(>d tVainc as well as 
 a niark(Ml mind, and men sou^dit him <»ut ; and as h(> 
 conversed with tliom, and addr('ss(Ml tin in in the court 
 house, and other idares of ])nl)lie <;ath('rinij:s, they were 
 awe-struck bv his 'daiit intc-llect, h\ the vastness of his 
 knowledf^e, the profoundness of his jndgmeut, the 
 strentrth and cles^nince of his laui^uafje, and the <;randenr 
 of his orat(uy ! And only a few years elapsed before all 
 assigned him th(> iirst phuv in the ranks of greatness; 
 and wherever he was to speak, whether at the bar, in 
 Faneuil Hall at the rdgrim's Landing, or at Bunker's 
 Hill, crowds thronged to hear him. 
 
 There he stood, far above the richest merchant and 
 banker, and the many princely men of which our city 
 could boast. To tliat proud ]dace lie rose l)y the might 
 of mind ; and men of vast wealth were glad to have him 
 share their fortune, if he would but serve his country in 
 the halls of legislation. :Mind ! It is greater than 
 monev. It speaks, and on its word depends the value 
 of vast manufactories ! It commands, and machineiy 
 spread all over the country, which had grown rusty 
 from disuse, moves, and yields a large compensation ! 
 Mind! It governs wealtlil It can create, and it can 
 destroy ! The rich mercliant, and l)anker, and manu- 
 facturer kneel before it, imploring its aid, as if it were a 
 god, presiding over human affairs. It has been the 
 
10 
 
 privilege of our country to have its portion of such 
 men. — men avIio have stood out in our history as the 
 sun stands out in the heavens, and, like the sun, 
 eclipsed by their brightness lights of great magnitude 
 and brilliancy. But among them all, none have stood 
 higher than the one, Avho has just gone from among us; 
 and it is questionable, ^vllether in strength and grandeur 
 of mind, the world has ever had his superior. 
 
 Some one-idea men, who judge all by the estimate in 
 which their idea is held, insist, that he was deficient in 
 the essential elements of greatness, masmuch as he 
 never led off on any one pomt far in advance of his 
 times. I do not read with the ij:lasses of such men. 
 There are tAvo ways of leading off. One is to select out 
 a single point, and push that to its utmost extreme, and 
 in a manner to hazard everythmg else. It is an easy 
 matter to be great according to this idea of greatness. 
 We have any quantity of such great men, for in the 
 various reforms we find persons delving away at some 
 truth not generally admitted. But among all these 
 leaders, what is there new ? That they advocate many 
 truths, and many important truths, I shall not deny; 
 but that they deserve, in consequence of their position, 
 credit for great orii^nnality. I must deny. It is an easy 
 matter to step beyond the masses, to get a glimpse of 
 light that will h^ad far in advance of tlie jiopular senti- 
 ment. There are many truths that lune been known 
 for centuries, whicli, if strenuouslv advocated, would 
 
11 
 
 prodiico excitomont and contention, because not in 
 accordance with the general sentiment, and because 
 their success would disturb existinp: ]K)litical ])arties. 
 
 T wish not to im])lv bv tliese remarks, that he is not 
 entitled to commendation, who links himself with an 
 important unpo])ular truth ; for tliat is one of the 
 methods by which society is iniproNcd; and lie wlio 
 from principle toils and suffers for the truth, should be 
 ranked anujui? its sincere and devoted friends. There 
 are no names that occupy a prouder place on the page 
 of history, than of those, who, without counting the 
 cost, have been true to tlieir con^•ictions, and to whom 
 the rewards of fidelity have been more precious than 
 station and power. But all who toil zealously for a 
 new truth, toil not wisely; the labors of some arc a 
 curse rather than a blessmg. They seem not to under- 
 stand the import of what they advocate, or to have any 
 conception of the measures best calculated for its incor- 
 poration into govemm(>nt. They can agitate, but not 
 construct ; they can unsettle, but not improve ; they 
 can describe existing evils, but have no power for their 
 removal. 
 
 Oth(n-s may see an unpopular truth with all tlie 
 clearness of the most noisy reformer ; but judging differ- 
 entlvfrom hiiu in regard to its relative importance, or 
 the best methods of accomplishing the results desired, 
 they take a course entirely different. Knowing tluit 
 the progress of truth is gradual, and tliat tune is 
 
12 
 
 requisite to effect great changes, they use such means 
 as in their judgment -will be best for their country, — 
 not for one of its interests, but for all of them. 
 
 There is a radicalism ^vhich would sacrifice the 
 Vnion, the Constitution, and all tlie blessmgs of fi-ee- 
 dom, rather than wait till truth can have time to work 
 out tlie object it seeks. On the other hand, there is a 
 conservatism that would put its cumbrous brake upon 
 every wheel that would go forward. Between these ex- 
 tremes lies a high and a broad way, where many of our 
 best patriots, and wisest statesmen, and noblest philan- 
 thropists, and truest Christians are traveling. 1'hey 
 say, for instance, in regard to slavery. We will give it 
 no more territory, — we will not permit its power to 
 increase ; and we will do what we can to make its true 
 character known all over our land ; but we will not be 
 false to compacts while we avail ourselves of their bless- 
 ing ; and w(> m ill not infringe upon rights which have 
 been legally vested m others. 
 
 Slaveiy I abhor, and regard as a monstrous curse ; 
 but on its account, I would not dissolve the Union, or 
 break doAvn our government ; for by either course free- 
 dom would lose intinitely more than it would gain. 
 There is one c:uarantv which we have that ought to 
 make us satisfied, and that is, the right to speak and 
 the right to vote. Witli this guaranty, why need we 
 go for revolution ^ I would say. Speak on, till truth 
 prepares the way for the peaceful triumph of freedom. 
 
13 
 
 We of the free states can do no more, for we liavc no 
 direct control over slavery, and cannot have. Abolition, 
 ^vhen it comes, mnst come from the slaveholder himself. 
 For one, therefore, 1 regaid the adherence of onr 
 lamented statesman to the Constitntion and the Union, 
 as one of the proofs of his transcendent greatness. He 
 wonld not sweep away all tliat we have, in the vain 
 hope of helpinij: the canse of freedom and eqnal rights. 
 He knew too mnch to join with those who make the 
 land rinix nnceasin^lv with dennnciation ; for he saw 
 that, as the unhappy, peevish tongue cannot correct the 
 evils of home, so the cry of denunciation can never 
 remove the national evils, which he, as much as any 
 patriot, deplored. He looked upon our country as a 
 whole ; he comprehended in his measures all its inter- 
 ests, east, west, north, and south, and devoted the ener- 
 gies of his giant mind to its elevation, advancement, and 
 honor. His country was the synonymc of all that 
 should command his talents and his time. Its wise and 
 equal government ; its excellent institutions ; the wis- 
 dom, and talents, and enterprise of its people, made it 
 his pride and his joy. No man ever entertained more 
 just views in regard to tlie measures essential to its 
 permanent prosperity. He did not look for its welfare 
 so much in the force of arms and in the power of law, 
 as in intelligence and r(>ligion. Speaking of his coun- 
 try, he says, " This lovely land, this glorious liberty, the 
 dear purchase of our fathers, arc ours ; ours to enjoy, 
 
14 
 
 ours to preserve, ours to transmit. Generations past, and 
 generations to come, hold us responsible for this sacred 
 trust. Our ilithers from behind admonish us with theu* 
 anxious paternal voices ; posterity calls out to us from 
 the bosom of tlie future ; the world turns hither its 
 solicitous eyes ; — all, all conjure us to act wisely and 
 faithfully in the relation which we sustain. AVe can 
 never, mdeed, pay the debt which is upon us ; but by 
 virtue, bv moralit^', bv reliction, bv the cidtivation of 
 every good principle and every good habit, we may hope 
 to enjoy the blessing through our day, and leave it un- 
 impaired to our children." In his Plymouth oration, 
 he says, "Our ancestors established their system of 
 government on morality and religious sentiment. Moral 
 habits, thev believed, cannot be safelv trusted on any 
 other foundation than religious principle, nor any gov- 
 ernment be secure wliich is not supported by moral 
 habits. Living under the heavenly light of revelation, 
 they hoped to find all the social dispositions, all the 
 duties which men owe to each other, and to society, 
 enforced and ]ierf(n-med. AVhatever makes nu^n good 
 Christians makes them good citizens. Our fathers came 
 here to enjoy tluir religion free and unmolested, and, 
 at the end of two centuries, there is nothing upon which 
 we can pronounce more confidently, nothing of which 
 we can express a more deep and earnest con\iction, 
 than of the inestimable importance of that religion to 
 man, both in regard to this life and tliat which is to 
 
15 
 
 come." In his speech on the Girard bequest, his defence 
 of religion is one of the most able ever made. He gave 
 it the same high place in his speech at the com- 
 pletion of Bunker Hill Monument. Always, whether 
 before the Bar, in the Senate, or in a popular assem- 
 bly, he was the defender and the eulogist of Christianity. 
 It was the basis and the guardian of freedom. 
 
 On the means essential to the greatness and pros- 
 perity of his country, his ^-iews were equally just. 
 Knowing that agriculture, trade, and the mechanic arts 
 were the sources of a nation's wealth, he embraced 
 every opportunity that offered to give them his sanction 
 and support. Knowing that law was the protection of 
 human right and freedom, he sought for the enactment 
 of laws founded upon equity, and gave the whole weight 
 of his influence to have laws wisely and faithfully admin- 
 istered. He w^as no ultraist; he coidd not be fi'om the 
 framework of his mind. It was too large, it saw and 
 embraced too much ; it comprehended too clearly the 
 relative connection of all thmgs in our government, to 
 leave uncared for its great and varied interests, and give 
 himself exclusively to one of them. He never got so 
 mad on any subject as to denounce government, and 
 everything which flivorcd not his peculiar views. Those 
 may do this who have not minds sufficient to grasp the 
 whole interests of our country, — who are not able really 
 fully to master one mterest. He had a broader and 
 greater work, — a more comprehensive mission. It was 
 
16 
 
 his to aid in guarding the welfare of our entii-e country; 
 in giving a right direction to the policy of our nation ; 
 in defending the constitution ; in adding strength to 
 the basis of our freedom ; in explaining the rights of 
 the States and the rights of the general government. 
 
 Some idea may be formed of his broad views, and his 
 interest in all that belongs to our nation, by a paragraph 
 in his masterly speech on Bunker Hill. He says, " Let 
 our conceptions be enlarged to the circle of our duties. 
 Let us extend our ideas over the whole of the vast field 
 in wliich we are called to act. Let our object be our 
 country, our whole country, and nothing but our coun- 
 try. And by the blessing of God may that country 
 become a vast and splendid monument, not of oppres- 
 sion and terror, but of wisdom, of peace, and of liberty, 
 upon which the world may gaze with admiration 
 forever." 
 
 In these noble and patriotic views, we see why he 
 was so often charged with favormg Southern interests. 
 He was the friend of the South the same as of the North ; 
 the friend of the Avliole country. I know it is thought 
 that he acted with an eye to the support of the South 
 for the presid(nirv. Rut Avlu^n or where did he utter a 
 syllable to sanction slaver) ; A\hen or where did he give 
 his intluence to extend its area I Often, and in lan- 
 "■uao-e of whicli no other man was master, did he de- 
 nounce slavery. At Plymouth Rock, on Bunker Hill, 
 in Faneuil Hall, and various other places, he declared 
 
17 
 
 it as the great curse of our nation. Liberty was a word 
 ever upon his lips, and uqxcy was it with him an unmean- 
 ing sound. Even his defamers admit that, up to 1850, 
 his course in regard to slavery was just and honorable. 
 Of that course he was not afraid or unwilling to 
 speak, even when it was said he was giving his whole 
 influence for slavery, in order to gain the presidency. 
 In his celebrated Speech at Buffalo, he said, " I con- 
 tend, and have always contended, that, after the adop- 
 tion of the Constitution, any measure of the government 
 calculated to brine: more slave territory into the United 
 States was beyond the power of the Constitution, and 
 against its pronsions. That is my opinion now, and it 
 always has been my opinion." In the same Speech, he 
 argues tliat the admission of Louisiana was unconstitu- 
 tional. He took the same ground in regard to Florida; 
 and he showed how he opposed the admission of Texas. 
 On these questions he never had but one opinion ; he 
 always believed that we had no power to admit slave 
 States into the Union ; and he never consented that 
 there should be one foot of slave territoiy beyond what 
 the old thirteen States had at the time of the forma- 
 tion of the Union. Still more obnoxiously does he 
 express himself in tlic same Speech, in regard to con- 
 cessions. He says, " If the South wish any concession 
 from me, they will not get it ; not a hair's breadth of 
 it. If they come to my house for it, they will not find 
 it, and the door will be shut. I concede nothing." 
 
18 
 
 Now, ^^•hcn I read that Speech, I was confident that 
 the South would never give him its support for the 
 presidency, for I saw that it contamed doctrines and 
 avowals which they would not sanction. But while the 
 South spurned him because lie Mould not go for the 
 extension of slavery, some among us spumed him be- 
 cause he said, " I will mamtain for them, as I will 
 mamtain for you, to the utmost of my power, and in the 
 face of all danger, their rights under the Constitution, 
 and your rights under the Constitution. And I shall 
 never be found to falter in one or in the other." 
 
 It is not the pro\ince of man to judge the motives of 
 his brother; and yet Mr. Webster has been judged with 
 as much assurance as if the human eye could read un- 
 erringly the human heart ; and he has been denounced 
 as acting the traitor to human freedom, because he sup- 
 ported the compromise measures. His heart has been 
 dissected, and we have been told that its ingredients 
 were ambition, cruelty and selfishness ; and the part he 
 acted has been stimnatizcd as his fall from heaven to 
 hell. That he was wholly right in his compromise 
 measures I do not believe ; but it is much easier to 
 suppose that his error arose from a regard for the con- 
 stitution, than from a traitorous spirit. For the fugitive 
 slave law I have no favor; to me some of its features 
 are unreasonable and unjust. Still, I do not think that 
 the South will gain much by it ; for it is impossible to 
 make it eflective in restoring fugitives. Mr. Webster 
 
19 
 
 approved of the law ; he approved of it because, accord- 
 ing to tlie Constitution, the vSouth had the same right 
 to its fugitives, that it had to any of its goods or chattels. 
 That rij?ht Mr. Webster did not create; over it he had 
 no power; but he felt that it was his work to see that 
 it was regarded accordini^ to the terms of the compact. 
 He regretted the existence of the right, but this regret 
 did not lessen his constitutional obligation. Besides, 
 the South was excited, angry, and open in its movements 
 for breaking up the Union. ^Nlr. Webster declared that 
 the Union was in danger. That he was honest in that 
 declaration I have no doubt; for other great men enter- 
 tained the same views. Besides, we know the causes 
 which created the danger. Texas was arrayed against 
 the general government in regard to a boundary question ; 
 and thousands on thousands, in several of the South- 
 em States, were ready to join with Texas. But what 
 of that ? ^Ir. Webster, in his Buffalo Speech, answers, 
 " There arc two sorts of foresight. There is a military 
 foresight, which sees what will be the result of an ap- 
 peal to arms, and there is also a statesman-like foresight, 
 which looks not to the results of battles and carnage, 
 but to the results of political disturbances, the violence 
 of faction carried into military operations, and the hor- 
 rors attendant on civil war." That the forces of the 
 general government would have triumphed in such a 
 contest, Mr. Webster had no doubt. But while he had 
 no fear on that account, he had fear of ci\'il war; he 
 
20 
 
 had fear of evils more dreadful, a thousandfold, than a 
 contest between two nations. Why, then, need we 
 suppose him to have acted the traitor ? 
 
 But suppose these fears were unfounded; in one 
 sense, all will agree that there was danger. There was 
 danger that the spuit of the Union would become ex- 
 tmct, that the Xortli and the South would become as 
 hostile nations, and that alienation would take the place 
 of friendship. And should such become the case, the 
 Union would exist only in name; and the first storm of 
 angry excitement that should arise, would sever our 
 bonds, and split us into a thousand fragments. Mr. "Web- 
 ster, therefore, wished for amity, for reciprocity of spirit ; 
 and as bv the action of several of the States, barriers 
 had been thrown in the way of the execution of that 
 provision in the Constitution, which gave the South a 
 right to its fugitives, he went for the enactment of a 
 law for their return. The law he proposed ga-\e the 
 fugitive the right of trial by jury, and thus was far less 
 objectionable than the present law. AVhy, then, charge 
 him with treason, and selling himself for power"? If he 
 erred in going for an arbitrary law, we should seek the 
 cause for it in the considerations named, and in his 
 ardent love for the Union, in his high appreciation of 
 its worth, in his efforts to give it strength and endur- 
 ance. We should also seek the cause in his reverence 
 for the Constitution, and in his desire to see all its 
 provisions equally respected. 
 
21 
 
 I know not that he can be charp^ed -with an undue 
 love of power. Never, to my knowledge, did he ^how 
 an unholy and)ition. Power was liis, and to a dei^ree 
 that no living man possessed, — power at the Bar, ])ower 
 in the Senate, power over the affairs of his country. 
 Judges bowed to him with deference, and Presidents 
 sought him as their first counsellor; and wlien our 
 countrv had any sreat work to do, it felt at ease, if he 
 would undertake it. 
 
 But pow(M-, it is said, was not enough; he wanted 
 station. I an ill not deny that such was the tact, though 
 I have yet to learn that he preferred station to prin- 
 ciple. I will say that no station could have added to 
 his honor, or glory, or greatness. lie ncAcr yet filled a 
 station which he did not honor more than it honored 
 him; and he will go down to posterity with as much 
 renown, and live as long in history, and occupy as liigh 
 a place among the great men of the earth, as though he 
 had filled the presidential chair. Some men derive 
 greatness from station. The fortune that throws them 
 into place, invests them with a temporary importance. 
 But, after all, men are remembered more for what they 
 are, than for any station they have filled. Europe has 
 had many crowned heads, which are unknown in history 
 except as crowned heads. There is danger that, not 
 our great men, but our available men, will most fre- 
 quently fill the first office in our country. There is, 
 also, danger that even that office may be so lowered, 
 
90 
 
 that our best men -will not accept it. ^Ir. "Webster 
 tilled with honor and fidelity every place he occupied. 
 At the bar he had no superior; and in every case he 
 defended, he was equal to his opponent, however great 
 he mio-ht be. In the Senate it was the same. The 
 greater the antagonist he met, the greater the effort he 
 made. lie was always equal to his work. Great deeds 
 and great speeches mark his whole career as a public 
 man. His orations and his important speeches form 
 epochs from which dates are reckoned ! How true this 
 is with reference to his defence of the Union, in reply 
 to llayne. It is equally true with reference to his 
 orations at Plymouth, on Bunker Hill, and his Eulogy 
 on Adams and Jefferson. For stren"th and ofrandeur 
 of thought, for force and beauty of style, for complete- 
 ness in symmetry and finish, for thoroughness in the 
 discussion of his themes, they have never been surpassed. 
 It is no uncommon thing to find men distinguished 
 in one particular. Some are remarkable for acuteness 
 of mind, some for strength, some for grasp, and some 
 for logical power. One man writes with great beauty, 
 anotlun- a\ ith great elegance, anotlun- with great jnirity, 
 and another with great strength. One man captivates 
 witli liis oratory, another Avitli his rhetoric, and another 
 with his happy presentation of truth. Ihit, tell me, 
 what excellence is there m liicli our d(>parted statesman 
 did not possess "? For years his styh^ lias been a model 
 in all our colleges; and in ages to come his speeches 
 
23 
 
 will be studied as are the orations of Cicero and 
 Demosthenes! How Avondeiful that a man should be 
 thus great in all things! He was the model writer, the 
 model speaker, the model lawyer, the model legislator, 
 the model statesman, and the model minister of state. 
 To be in any one thing great as Webster, has for years 
 been the summit of American ambition. 
 
 IMr. AVebster had all the (xualities of mind that be- 
 long to true greatness. He had understanding, reason, 
 and imagination. Who, among all the mighty men of 
 our country, was ever so full and complete in his pre- 
 sentation of a subject as he was 1 Who could strengthen 
 or enlarge upon points which he had discussed 1 Hayne 
 was a great man, the star of the South; but W^ebster's 
 reply to him was so transcendent in power, so over- 
 whelming in argument and eloquence, that the nullifier 
 and nullification both became extinct. If no other 
 speeches in Congress or at the Bar were equal to this, 
 it was because the occasion did not demand it. In his 
 Euloffv on Adams and Jefferson he had no equal, and 
 what orations delivered m this country, or hi the most 
 classic countries of the old world, will surpass his best 
 orations ? They exhibit all the qualities of a great in- 
 tellect. They are marked alike by power and imagery. 
 His loft) imagination makes them as gorgeous and 
 attractive as liis understanding does strong and con- 
 clusive. Majestic imagery was as natural to him as 
 thought. Smce the days of Milton, no man has ap- 
 
24 
 
 pcared with an imagination so great and fertile. So 
 ricli ^vas it, and so varied -were its creations, that his 
 speeches are among the most popular productions of 
 our literature, even with the young and those who liave 
 a passion for the fanciful. His imagination transformed 
 the monument on Bunker Hill into the great orator 
 of freedom and patriotism for our nation through all 
 ages ! Hear him. " Tlie powerful speaker stands mo- 
 tionless hefore us. It is a plain shaft. It hears no m- 
 scription fronting to the rising sun, from which the 
 future antiquarian shall wipe the dust. Nor does the 
 rising sun cause tones of music to issue from its sum- 
 mit. But at the rising of the sun and at the setting of 
 the sun, in the hlaze of noonday, and heneath the mild 
 effulgence of lunar light, — it looks, it speaks, it acts to 
 the full comprehension of every American mnid, and 
 tlie awakening of glowing enthusiasm in e^erv Ameri- 
 can heart. * * * To-day it speaks to us. Its future 
 auditories will he the successive generations of men, as 
 they rise up hefore it, and gather around it. Its speech 
 will ho of patriotism and courag(>; of civil and religious 
 liherty; of free government ; of the moral improvement 
 and eknation of mankind; and of tlie immortal memory 
 of those wlio, witli lieroic devotion, have sacrificed their 
 lives for their country." Equally glowing was Mr. 
 Webster's imagination, in his speech at the laying of 
 the corner-stone of the monument. " Let it rise till it 
 meet the sun m his commg ; let the earliest light of the 
 
25 
 
 morning gild it, and parting day linger and play upon 
 its summit." AVhat, in grandeur and sublimity, could 
 surpass portions of his speech in defence of the Union ? 
 If they are equalled, it is in that magnificent 2)assage in 
 his Eulogy on Adams and Jefferson, where he intro- 
 duces those immortal patriots, and gives them an 
 eloquence which even they never equalled ! So com- 
 pletely did he have control of his audience, that they 
 turned to see the door open, and the old patriots enter ! 
 "What power of imagination ! 
 
 The other qualities of Mr. Webster's mind were 
 equal to those mentioned. He had great firmness and 
 independence, an iron will, a retentive memory, and a 
 quick perception. In these characteristics, we see why 
 he was so true to the convictions of his mind, even 
 when they required him to differ fi-om those to whom 
 he was under special obligations. So controlling was 
 his sense of duty, that nothing could move him to relin- 
 quish his independence. Hence, when Secretary of State 
 under ^Ir. Tyler, he retained his place in opposition to 
 the wishes of his party, for he believed that he could 
 settle a long disputed national question. His country 
 demanded his labors, and he would not leave his post. 
 How sublimely does the patriot here rise above the 
 partizan. In his compromise measures, he knew that 
 he should give great offence to Massachusetts ; that he 
 would be abused and disowned by vast numbers ; but 
 he took the step because he thought the Union and the 
 
26 
 
 Constitution demanded it. Often did he depart from 
 his party, thus showing that he was more ambitious to 
 serve his country, than his party. AVe may say, then, 
 not only that ho was great, but tliat he was a great 
 patriot ; not only that he was wise, but a wise patriot. 
 The measures which ^Ir. Webster origmated, and 
 the measures which he carried, are full proof of his 
 greatness. I am aware that he had no ambition to be 
 known as the author of movements, and that many 
 which had their ori^fin ^ith him, and in regard to 
 which his counsel was followed, were introduced by 
 others. I am also aware, that where all the leading 
 principles of government are established, and the gen- 
 eral policy of a nation is settled, but little opportunity 
 is aiforded for the introduction of any great principle 
 that is new. Besides, he believed that our government 
 had all the elements essential to the highest greatness 
 and happiness, and that we had only to adhere laithfully 
 to its principles, in order to secure our greatest good. 
 But when in the progicss of events, experience or 
 chancre demanded some new measure, no eve was 
 quicker than his to see what was required. At the close 
 of the war of 181 'J, the country was filled with irre- 
 deemable bank paper, for the banks had no specie found- 
 ation. He procured, therefore, the adoption of what 
 has been termed the specie resolution, by which the 
 currency of the country was restored to a sound basis. 
 To him are Ave indebted for a complete revision of the 
 
27 
 
 law for the punishment of crime against the United 
 States; in otlier words, for the code of the criminal 
 jurisprudence of the United States, as distinct from the 
 several States. Before the establishment of this, a 
 great many crimes went unpunished, because no exist- 
 ing power had jurisdiction over them. lie originated 
 the leading measures against nullification, and proved 
 himself superior to all the master-spirits which arrayed 
 themselves against the general government. He saved us 
 fi-om a war with England, by disputing the right of armed 
 cruisers to search vessels, though conceded by France, 
 Russia, Austria, and Prussia. Mr. Webster succeeded 
 m getting the idea repudiated, and thus gave a death- 
 blow to the English doctrine of impressment, search 
 and visit. He, too, settled the northeastern boundary, 
 and after it had been in dispute for almost sixty years. 
 It was one of the most vexed of all questions that had 
 troubled our country, and some of our most efficient 
 presidents had done their best to have it settled. Mr. 
 Webster did the work in a short time, and at a small 
 cost, and to the satisfaction of all. By this he probably 
 saved us from a war with England, and proved himself 
 to be the first diplomatist of the country. No act of his 
 whole life gained him so much honor and renown, or will 
 do more to give him place in the annals of greatness. 
 These are a specimen of the plans originated and 
 executed by Mr. Webster ; and they show that his was 
 a leading mind, and that none saw farther and clearer 
 
28 
 
 than he saw. He had great sagacity, and judged 
 with wisdom. He opposed the restrictive policy 
 which preceded the war of 1812, by which an em- 
 bargo Avas put upon our vessels, in order to with- 
 draw them from the grasp of foreign cruisers ; and he 
 maintained that, as our country was commercial as well 
 as agricultural, our commerce must be defended. He 
 was of the opinion that war should be conducted more 
 with reference to destroying England's fancied suprem- 
 acy upon the sea, than to gaining foreign territory by 
 conquest. He was also opposed to the provision in the 
 bill for rechartering the United States Bank, by which 
 it was relieved of the necessity of redeeming its notes in 
 specie. His history is full of facts, showing with equal 
 clearness his great sagacity. AVith them stand another 
 class of facts, showing his nobleness of heart. He 
 introduced a bill designed to aid Greece, when dis- 
 tressed and distracted by the tyrants who were wasting 
 its energies, and he defended it with an eloquence 
 worthy of that classic land. He was foremost in op- 
 posing the slave trade, and a leader among those who 
 were readv to send bread to starvinc: Ireland. He did 
 much to lessen the severity of penalties, which punished 
 unjustly offenders against the laws of the general gov- 
 ernment. He spoke out for Hungary in language that 
 shall yet shake the throne of its oppressor. If any still 
 ask what he has done, let me refer them to constitu- 
 tional law, and they will see how much he did for its 
 
29 
 
 elucidation. "Who has accom])lishGd so much as Mr. 
 Webster, in exphiining the rights and (hitics of the 
 State "overnments. and the rights and duties of the 
 general government ? Most of his forensic life was 
 devoted to their investigation. On questions of inter- 
 national law, the country owes more to him than to all 
 other men. 
 
 If any thing be required to confiiTii these views, let 
 me refer to his inichanging course through a period of 
 thirty years. I know it is said, that he was first for 
 free trade and then for the tariff, first against the bank 
 and then for it. Such, however, is not the fact. His 
 views on the tariff never changed, though after, by a 
 high rate of duty, capitalists had been invited to invest 
 largely in manufactories, he was in favor of sustaining 
 them. Against the bank he never contended, but 
 against the bank with powers which he thought dan- 
 gerous, he did contend. This unchanging career is 
 as creditable to his integrity, as his judgment and 
 sasracitv. He soujjht the good of his country, and not 
 promotion. He did not unfurl his sails for every wind 
 that would bear him into power. He had no hobbies; 
 he used no arts or expedients; he never engaged in 
 bargainmg and wire pulling; what he accomplished 
 was by truth, argument, eloquence, and earnestness, — 
 by a direct and straightforward course. He was no 
 adventurer, no experimenter, and was never dazzled by 
 the new lights of the political world. His eye was as 
 
30 
 
 calm and steady as it was keen and penetrating. He 
 believed in the march of liberty, and he was ambitious 
 to make our nation so wise, so great, so free, that it 
 should be a lialit to lead others on to freedom and 
 independence! lie was the friend of progress; but 
 progress with him did not consist merely in agita- 
 tion and change ; it consisted rather in perfecting 
 constitutional and international law ; in lifting up all 
 parts of the country to their privileges and duties ; in 
 strengthening the bond of union between the States ; 
 in promoting labor, learning, and religion. He had 
 reliance on right, and he believed that it would ulti- 
 mately triumph ; but he saw no necessity for its employ- 
 ing anv agencies sa^'e those which are proAided by our 
 wise and efficient government. Though he would not 
 discard law, or trample upon a single provision of the 
 Constitution, he was not unwilling to serve as torch- 
 bearer to those who felt the pressure of evils inherited 
 from ancient despotisms. He was the author of more 
 new truths than any man of the present age. He never 
 traveled with his flice to the past ; his eye and his step 
 were forward. He may not have been duly indulgent 
 to the oAcrhoated agitator ; but it was not for the want 
 of sympathy for man, but because he saw that the 
 measure proposed could not subserve any useful pur- 
 pose. If he M-as sometimes severe, it was not until 
 goaded by invecti^■c and abuse. His position, and 
 talents, and power made him an object of special dislike 
 
31 
 
 to demagogues and dreamers. They looked upon him 
 not only as the Alps to be crossed, but as the Rome to 
 be captured, before their purposes could be accom- 
 plished. It has been thought that, if he had been less 
 the companion of the rich and aristocratic, he -would 
 have been more a man of the people. That would be a 
 fair inference with regard to most men, but Daniel 
 Webster was too great to be moulded by show and 
 wealth ; he was born a king, and his reign was supreme. 
 A great man has a great heart. Mere intellect 
 never raised one to the highest rank of c^reatness. 
 All those who have swayed the world, and left the im- 
 press of their mind the deepest upon their age, have been 
 men of heart. Such a man was Mr. AVcbster, though 
 by many he was thought cold, and some said his 
 heart, like his intellect, was made of steel. I see not 
 how any could have judged thus, who were in the least 
 familiar with his wiitings. You see at once from them 
 his strong feelings, his genial sympathies, his warm 
 affections. No man had more heart than Webster; 
 and no man understood its nature better than he 
 did. He was acquainted with all its fibres, and knew 
 how to move all its powers. Here was one of the 
 secrets of his influence, one of the sources of his great- 
 ness. If any still think that he was wanting in heart, 
 let me refer them to those touching words, addressed to 
 an intimate friend, in his last sickness. Among all his 
 great sayings, his splendid figures, his majestic sentences, 
 
32 
 
 none have ever moved more. "Harvey, I am not so 
 sick but that I know you. I am "svell enough to know 
 you. I am "well enough to love you, and well enough \ 
 
 to call down the richest of heaven's blessings upon you 
 and vours. Harvcv, don't leave me till I am dead, — 
 don't leave ^larshficld till I am a dead man !" Here is 
 heart, — a heart full of tenderness and affection, — a 
 heart clinging like a tendril to its stock, to the 
 friend who had proved faithful! O ye, who despise 
 it, who trifle with its affections, and who vainly 
 think that glory and rcnoAvn will furnish all the 
 support and comfort you need, look at this great 
 man, Avho had the ear of the whole civilized world 
 when he spoke, and see him leaning on the bosom 
 of affection, and feeling stronger and happier for 
 the presence of a friend. His whole life was in 
 keeping with this beautiful instance. You see his 
 heart bursting forth in the glowing language of ten- 
 derness, even in his business letters. Writing to 
 John Taylor, he says, '■ Take care to keep my mother's 
 garden in good order, even if it cost you the labors of a 
 man to take care of it. I have sent vou manv c:arden 
 seeds ; distribute them among your neighbors ; send 
 them to tlie stores in the village, that every body may 
 have them without cost." Again, he says, " Give my 
 kindest remembrance to your wife and children, and 
 when you look from your eastern windows upon tlie 
 graves of my family, remember that he who is the 
 
33 
 
 autlior of tliis letter, will soon follow them to another 
 world." In writinfi; to an intimate friend, he speaks 
 thus of his father: " The grave has closed on him, as it 
 has on all my brothers and sisters. We shall soon be 
 all together. But this is melancholly, and I leave it. 
 Dear, dear kindred blood, how I love you all!" In 
 the same letter, he describes an mterAiew with his 
 fatlier in the field, when the good man bade him ham, 
 learn, if hv would have power and success. The son 
 wept, and when ripened age was upon him, and he had 
 risen to a greatness never surpassed, the recollection 
 of the scene made him weep again. We see the same 
 e\idence of heart in the kind manner in which he 
 treated his opponents. Read his speeches, delivered m 
 the most stormy times of his country, and they have no 
 bitterness, no malignity, no unkindness. In spirit, 
 thev are as noble as in thou2:ht : in character as lion- 
 orable to his heart as to his head. 
 
 But we may not only learn from liim the ^alue of 
 affection, we may also learn the value of religion. 
 There was a majestic calmness in his last hours, that 
 clothes his name with a new grandeur and power! 
 Wliat strong faith ! what quiet submission ! what serene 
 peace! Mighty as he was, he found strength in the 
 gospel. Vast as was his knowledge, he found none 
 like the knowledge of God. Proud as was his position, 
 he was not ashamed to humble himself before the 
 Saviour! O ye, wlio say that religion will do for the 
 weak and the superstitious, look, and you will see the 
 
34 
 
 comfort and strengtli it can give to the greatest man of 
 our country ; look, and you will sec that no poMcr of 
 intellect, no human learning, no splendor of fame, can 
 meet the "wants of the soul in the hour of death. — then. 
 nothing, nothing hut religion, with its resplendent 
 faith and glowing hope, can impart peace! Let those 
 who regard it as a mark of greatness to doubt, remem- 
 ber the faith of Webster ! Great as he Avas, he asked 
 to have engraved upon his tombstone, this simple sen- 
 tence, He was a believer in Jesus. 
 
 That nature was liberal to this great man, it would 
 be idle to denv. That but few are intellectuallv en- 
 dowed like bun, all will admit. It would seem as if 
 ProA^dence gave him to the world, that we might see 
 the greatness of which mind is capable ; and that by its 
 vast achievements and its mighty sway, we might be led 
 awav from the fascmations of wealth to that hio:her 
 realm, where mind presides. Still, it should be remem- 
 bered that nature did not do all for him. From early 
 life to the last days of his eventful existence, he was an 
 untiring student. So eager was he for an education, 
 that when his father told him tliat he should no to col- 
 lege, he laid his head upon the good man's shoulder, 
 and wept aloud. How lie found tune for study is a 
 marvel. His labors at the bar Mere immense, and who 
 in toil surpassed him in Congress I AVhat question, 
 connected- with any of our interests as a nation, was 
 there, which he did not understand ? And vet, he was 
 liimiliar with the classics, the poets, with history, and 
 
35 
 
 was ono of the most accomplished masters of the English 
 lano-uage ! What an example to the young ! How 
 should it stimulate all who would rise to eminence, and 
 render great service to their country or to religion. 
 Such was the greatness of Mr. Webster. But in the 
 
 simple fact that he was great, there is no reason for the 
 wails of wo ascending from all parts of our land. 
 Often when great men die nations rejoice. The mere 
 agitator and demagogue who do nothing for their 
 country, but divide it and destroy its peace, die and are 
 forgotten, and the good hope that a season of rest will 
 come. You may make false issues, you may seek to 
 carry arbitrary measures, you may gain notoriety by 
 management, but the heart has an mstinctive eye, which 
 will not permit us to be deceived ; and for such men we 
 have no honor. Mr. Webster was a true man. If 
 there was any doubt of that previous to his death, the 
 deep grief with which it filled our country, removed all 
 reason for doubt. Greatness and usefulness are terms 
 that always must be associated when speaking of him. 
 It would be pleasant to trace his life, and see how faith- 
 fully he sought to serve his country. In this respect, 
 he may be held up as a most splendid example, and 
 classed with Adams, and Jefferson, and Washington. 
 America has never had a statesman who seemed more 
 anxious to promulgate truth, — truth of all kinds, 
 moral and religious, scientific and historical. — truth in 
 relation to freedom and government, the Constitution 
 and the Union. This is a point so creditable to 
 
36 
 
 Mr. "Webster, tliat I must dwell upon it a moment. 
 He seemed never to forget his cardinal doctrine, so 
 beautifully and powerfully set forth at Plymouth, — that 
 religion is the basis of virtue; and virtue the basis of 
 freedom. In the strongest terms of condemnation he 
 denounced those, who, though they preached freedom, 
 equality, and fraternity, counselled men to lawlessness 
 and ^■iolence, and encouraged them to carry their points 
 by stratagem and deception. His appeal was not to 
 the passions, but to the reason, judgment, and con- 
 science. In the whole range of sacred literature, we 
 cannot find more splendid and truthful pictures of 
 virtue and vice than in his speeches. The most elo- 
 quent and faithful diA ines may learn lessons of him. 
 j\Ir. Webster delivered a vast number of reception 
 speeches, and they also, are rich in moral and religious 
 instruction. Indeed, on all occasions, he urged upon 
 his countrymen those lessons of virtue and religion, 
 which arc alike indispensable to the happiness of indi- 
 viduals, and the success of freedom. Though a man of 
 extraordinary humor, he never sought in his speeches 
 simply to anuise, or to please the fancy; his aim was 
 always higher; he labored to instruct, to convince, to 
 lead the people ouAvard. Hardly cxcv did he speak 
 without giving his theme an important bearing upon the 
 country. If he spoke in the South or the North, the 
 East or the West ; if ho spoke on agriculture or the 
 mechanic arts; on literature or religion ; on politics or 
 public men, such was his invariable course. His coun- 
 
37 
 
 try was the great absorbing themc^ of his soul ; and for 
 his country he lived ! 
 
 But he is gone! All that was mortal of him is no 
 more ! "With reference to him, ^vv may say hi imita- 
 tion of his own eloquent language, used in speaking of 
 Adams and Jefferson : Webster, I have said, is no 
 more. As a human being, indeed, he is no more. He 
 is no more as in vears sfone bv, — no more as in the 
 Senate, pleading for the Constitution and tlie Union ; 
 no more as the expounder of the principles of our gov- 
 ernment ; no more as the advocate of freedom ; no more 
 as a mmister to settle long vexed questions between 
 America and other nations ; no more as the man to 
 whom we all pointed with an honest pride, when asked, 
 who is vour srreat man? He is no more. He is dead. 
 But how little is there of the great and the good which 
 can die. To his country he yet lives, and will live for- 
 ever ! He lives in all that perpetuates the remembrance 
 of men on eartli ; in the recorded proofs of his own 
 great actions, in the offspring of his intellect, in the 
 deep engraved lines of public gratitude, and in the 
 respect and homage of mankind. He lives in his ex- 
 ample ; and he lives emphatically, and will live, in the 
 influence which his life and efforts, his principles and 
 opinions, now exercise, and will continue to exercise, in 
 the affairs of men, not only in his own coimtry, but 
 throughout the ciA'ilized world. 
 
 Were I to single out one lesson from all that he 
 taught, on which I would lay a special stress, I woidd 
 
38 
 
 select liis lesson in repfard to the Constitntion and the 
 Union ; and perliaps I cannot do a better service to his 
 memory, or to yon, than by repeatmg that lesson, and 
 commendino- it to vour attention. Hear hhn. "While 
 the Union lasts Ave have high, exciting, gratifying pros- 
 pects spread out before us, for us and our children. 
 Beyond that I seek not to penetrate the veil. God 
 grant that iu niv dav, at least, that curtain mav not 
 rise ! God grant that on my vision may never be opened 
 what lies behind ! AVlien my eyes shall be turned to 
 behold for the last time the sun in heaven, may I not 
 see him sinning on the broken and dishonored frag- 
 ments of a once glorious Union ; on States dissevered, 
 discordant, and belligerent ; on a land rent with ci"\il 
 feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood ! Let 
 their last feeble and lingering glance rather behold the 
 gorgeous ensign of the Republic, now known and lion- 
 orcd thrnughout the earth, still full higli advanced, its 
 arms and trophies streaming in then- original lustre, not 
 a stripe erased or polluted, nor a single star obscured, 
 bearing for its motto no such miserable interrogatory, 
 as. What is all this worth Y Nor tliose other words of 
 delusion and folly, liberty first, and Union afterwards ; 
 but every A^liere sprt^ad all' over in characters of livhig 
 light, blazing on all its ample folds, as they float over 
 tlie sea and over the land, and in every Aviud under the 
 whole heavens, tliat other sentiment, dear to every 
 American heart, Libertj/ and Union, now and forever, 
 one and inseparable." 
 
39 
 
 Such were the sentiments of My. Webster long years 
 ago. His late efforts in behalf of the Union, sprung 
 from no new thought relati\e to its worth. During the 
 whole of his public career, he kept steadih' in a iew the 
 prosperity and the honor of the whole country, and the 
 preservation of our Federal Union. In the speech from 
 which I have just quoted, he said, " I have not allowed 
 mvself to look bevond the Union, to see what mi^ht lie 
 hidden in the dark recess be hind. I have not coolly 
 weighed the chances of preserving liberty, when the 
 bonds that unite us together shall be broken asunder. 
 I liaA'e not accustomed myself to hang over the preci- 
 pice of disunion, to see whether with my short sight, I 
 can fathom tlie depths of the abyss below: nor could I 
 regard him as a safe counsellor, whose thoughts sliould 
 be mamly bent on considering, not how the Union shall 
 be preserved, but how tolerable might be the condition 
 of the people when it shall be broken up and de- 
 stroved." He held the Constitution to be the most 
 s?.cred of all human instruments ; and he believed that 
 the perpetuity of freedom depended upon a faithful 
 adherence to it. Wherever he was called to speak and 
 act, he spoke and acted for the Union ; and no man 
 has done so much to make us appreciate its worth, or 
 render it secure. It was in consequence of his exertions, 
 that New Hampshire had no delegates in the Hartford 
 Convention. He, too, more tlian any other man, has 
 incorporated into our literature the doctrines, and 
 prhiciples, and maxims of freedom. In this one re- 
 
 /" 
 
40 
 
 spect, he has rendered a service -which would give him 
 imperisliable renown. Open to any one of his speeches, 
 and tlie iirst idea you meet is hi rehition to the bless- 
 ings of freedom, and the means of its preservation. 
 
 But I must close. I have not claimed for !Mr. 
 Webster unerring judgment, and I will only claim that 
 in moral character he stood with the men with Avhom 
 he mingled. They were our most hononxl citizens, 
 and they say, that he was a good man. But it was 
 not of him as a private citizen that I intended to 
 speak, but chiefly as a statesman. As such, you have 
 mv idea of the man. There he stands, great in talents, 
 and gi-eat in the service of his whole country. He has 
 linked his name with Washington, and Adams, and 
 Jeftcrson, by proving himself equal to the work of 
 unfolding their o^reatness, and bv defendiuG: their mem- 
 ory and upholding their principles. He, too, has 
 linked his name with the Pilgrims, and with the 
 Constitution, and with the Union, and -svitli the battles 
 of freedom, in such a proud manner, that he seems 
 like a corni-r-stone in our temple of libi'rty. — like one 
 of its most massive ])illars. and to be the great spirit 
 which rendered it liallowed and radiant. Truly, then, 
 mav we say, (iod has taken aAvay a stay and a 
 staff. — a mighty man. the ancient and thi' honor- 
 able, the prudent, the counsellor, and the eloquent 
 orator. 
 
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