55: < e forces separately and learn if we can what claims, if any, either of them has to the votes and political support of the Freedmen of this republic. 1. The Democracy. — The democratic party as now organized, judging by its own acts, is just about as much entitled to its assumed name as satan is to that of saint. Ignoring the significancy of its name, it has opposed the anti-slavery movement from the beginning, and after the republican party had, under God, abolished slavery, it opposed all the reconstruction measures adapted to benefit the Freedmen, and make our republic a democracy, and not an aristocracy of slaveholders as before. For a long series of years when the democratic party was in power, its un- blushing and boldly asserted fundamental principle was, u to the victors belong the spoils." In other words, give us the key to the money-chest of the nation and we will run the machine for our own and your benefit. 2. The Slaveocracy. — We use this term for con-' venience. We mean to include in it the old slave oligarchy, which ruled Congress, and through it the country, up to the rebellion, and which represented all the slaveholders of the country. In the anti-slavery battle it was called the slave power. This was the power that wielded twenty-five votes in Congress on account of their slave property. These twenty-five votes decided every question of slavery against liberty, until the republican party, by the Proclamation of Emancipation by President Lincoln and the Amendments of the Constitution, wrenched them from the masters and put them into the hands of the Freedmen to whom they right- fully belong. Now will the Freedmen turn their backs upon their true and tried friends, and help into power their life long enemies? Is that the way to show their gratitude to their deliverers ? God forbid. Nor can we yet believe that they witt surren- der themselves to the papal power, where disobedience to the Vatican is a crime with a death penalty. 3. The Papacy. — The Roman catholic church, which is really the frame-work of the democratic party has been a despotism for fifteen hundred years. It is an apostacy from the true church of Jesus Christ and His apostles. "It stole the livery of heaven to serve the devil in." Its character has never changed for the better, but it has grown worse and worse. Macauley calls her "superb and voluptuous — the sorceress of the golden cup and of the scarlet robe — the beast — the Antichrist — the man of sin — the mystical Jezebel — the mystical Babylon." It has opposed the anti- slavery movement as earnestly as did the democratic party, and if it could have had its own way every Freedman to-day would have been in chains, and slavery would have been extended over every foot of soil in these United States now dedicated to freedom. This was the meaning of the Pope's acknowledgement of the independence of the southern con- federacy, or it had no meaning at all. The Parental Prerogative. — Since writing the foregoing chapters materials have accumulated which seem to require some attention. We have already intimated that the Bible question in our common schools is only a stepping stone to more audacious claims by the papacy, but we were mistaken in supposing that they would wait until they had put the Bible entirely out of the schools before taking the next step in their programme. The reason of their haste is obvious enough. The "parental prerogative" as they term it, includes not only the Bible question in the common schools but also the school system itself, and consequently there is no need of haggling longer on the smaller question, if they can fasten the grappling irons of the Vatican upon the school system. This they can do by establishing the "parental prerogative" doctrine as understood in the Roman church. There is but one party, according to this doctrine, that has any rights and that party is the supreme Pontiff. The parent for whom supreme authority over the child is claimed without exception, is the cat's-paw in the hands of the Pope to pull the chestnuts out of the fire. Both the parent and child, belong to the Pope. The child has no rights, the state has no right to interfere, not even to protect the child, and the parent has the privilege to obey and lead his child into the papal fold where he can be taught the religion of Antichrist, but not the teachings of our common schools. The civil power of this country is not yet under the authority of Home, and consequently the common school system must be eliminated from it, that Rome may not be troubled with a power it cannot control as yet. The Syllabus Errorum promulgated by Pope Pius IX. in 1864 expressly condemns all secular education "which is separated from the catholic faith and from the power of the church." President Grant was wise in calling the attention of the present Congress to the subject of education. Whether he had the said syllabus in Iris mind or not, it will do no harm to remind the American people that their liberties are in danger. The Roman hierarchs are raising a great howl over the American system of education, and claim that their poor people are taxed for the education of the rich pro- testants' children. But who pays the taxes from which State aid is derived ? Not the poor people who have nothing to levy taxes upon. If parents were taxed for their children instead of their property, the case might be different. But as it is, the boot is on the other leg. The "rich" pay for the education of the poor. The poor man with half a dozen or a dozen children pays a poll-tax of two dollars per annum. For this trivial sum, which he gets for a half a day or day's work, the State on its part gives him a ballot equal in political influence to the millionaire, and agrees to protect him in " the enjoyment of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." In this the State gets the worst end of the bargain. Nor is this all. The State gets abominably cheated, because it has to pay the bills for pauperism and crime, five-sixths of which is furnished by these same poor people, who are graduated from Eoman catholic institu- tions. And after all this the Roman hierarchy are not satis- fied. How much money do these poor people pay for educating the rich? Their surplus earnings go to their priests, but not a dollar to educate the children of wealthy protestants. But there is another matter in this connection, alluded to in the President's last annual message, to wit: the "untaxed church property." If this is an evil to be remedied by constitutional amendments in the nineteenth century, what may it not become in the twentieth ? Let us look into history and see what it has done for the old world, and we can better judge what it will do for the new. The accumulation of vast amounts of untaxed church property in the old world was begun in the fourth century, under the reign of Constantine the Great, who united church and state under one supreme head. The power to hold real estate was secured to the church in its own right ; after which the accumulations went on increasing for centu- ries, until that institution became the great savings-bank of the then civilized world, with more than half the wealth of Europe under its control. Once there, it was under the directorship of the Vatican. This vast money-power could make war or peace at pleasure, — withhold or dispense crowns, — put kings and emperors under tribute, — consti- tute them fiefs of the papal crown, — divorce queens, — pardon sins, and assume God's earthly prerogatives. The war between England and France, in the thirteenth century, lagged in consequence of the depleted exchequer of both Edward and Philip, caused by the flow of so large a portion of money into the treasury of the Church, instead of that of the State; and when these kings proposed that the Church should pay its fair proportion of war expenses for its own protection, Boniface VIII. interposed his bull from the Vatican. [See more particular account in chapter I.] Under the impetus of this money power the papal beast waxed fat and kicked. As an organization the Church had become a political machine of the most corrupt type. Its religion had become materialized, until it was all Pope and no Christ. Hence it was the work of the Reformation of the sixteenth century to revive and reproduce the primitive Christianity of the Jirst. A century later it was transplanted to this continent, where it erected its majestic edifice upon the foundation stones so laboriously hewn from the quarries of scripture by the reformers, and where it has stood the test of time for two hundred and fifty years. Under a republican form of government the nation has become one of immense wealth, too rich to escape the avarice of the papal power, and the great problem now is how to capture and hide it under the sacerdotal rubbish of the papal system. The question then comes home to the heart and hearth- stone of every protestant in these United States : shall the country to which protestantism fled from the persecutions of Antichrist in the old world be given up without a struggle ? Our forefathers came here to rid themselves of ecclesiastical despotism, and shall their sons ignore the foundations of civil liberty, and receive to their embrace the world-renowned enemy of both civil and religious liberty ? We have done this already too long for our safety. Our hospitality has been extended to the papal church and abused by the man of sin until forbearance is no longer a virtue. Self-preservation is next in order. The audacious claim that the Pope of Rome is the rightful sovereign of all the kingdoms of the earth, virtute clavorum — by virtue of the keys — and, consequently, an oath of allegiance to any protestant government is null and void* 8 and better broken than kept, should be repudiated by every American citizen. Let every papist be made to understand that the very condition of his civil rights and privileges is obedience to our government — that no pope, potentate, or king has a right here on any other condition. Our government made a fatal mistake in framing a special oath for conquered rebels. It is committing political suicide in appointing officers of the army and navy, and filling other offices of trust and power in the nation with papists who owe allegiance to a foreign power. Let as strong an oath of allegiance to this government as can be framed from the English language be required, instead of back-door and mental-reservation oaths, and then let those who refuse take the back seats forthwith. If this is not done, our liberties are a myth, and only await a union of these natural allies, under the name of the democratic party, to bury republic- anism beyond the possibility of resurrection. Before closing this chapter, we will introduce a witness who is a convert from the papal priesthood to Christianity. This witness, for many years a priest in Europe, and sub- sequently in this country, during the first half of this century, is supposed to know what he testifies to, and to give us the true character of the papal church in its " mod- ified form," as is claimed by its friends in this country. We cannot accuse him of using the English language to cover up and conceal crime, as is too much the fashion with the pulpit and the press of the present age. To debauchees and libertines he attaches the titles they have earned for themselves, though clothed in clerical robes — and to pros- titutes and adulteresses he gives the names they have volun- tarily assumed, whether under a white or black veil. The confessional is so important an element in the papal system, that we cannot complete our task of unmasking that system without an inside view of it. Every protestant voter in this republic should understand the true character of this institution we are tolerating and even nursing among us. Every protestant parent should be thoroughly posted in the morals of most of the teachers in the convent schools, which constitute the connecting link between popery and protestantism. 'Every daughter should be taught the nature and allurements of each successive step before she takes it. 11 to wit : the seventh commandment, delivered to Moses by God himself on Mount Sinai and has never since been repealed, except in the infallible papal church. THE LEGITIMATE FRUITS OF THE COMBINATION. Having dissected "the political trinity of despotism" and k examined each separately, let us consider the legitimate fruits of the combination ot these elements, in this American Republic. It does not require the spirit of prophecy to affirm that the horse will neigh, or that the lion will roar, or that the bull will bellow. It is the nature of these beasts to do so, and putting all into one fold will only develop their natures, not destroy them. So with the elements of despot- ism we find in our republic. Should we put the adminis- trative powers of the government into their hands for the next four or more years, some things will be as sure to follow as effect is to follow cause. Every tree will bear fruit of its kind. 1. The late slave masters would claim pay for all the slaves emancipated by the late war. Not to pay their slaves for their lives of unrequited toil, for not one dime would they get, but to pay the master for their wicked investments in the bodies and souls of men. Of course the Freedmen would be taxed their share to pay this little bill ! Look at it ! ye voters. You have paid your masters for their^ in- vestments many times over in hard work, and your wives by their increase. But they are not satisfied until they get it again in hard cash from the United States treasury, of which you are among the proprietors. 2. The second item for which this combination would be likely to clamor, is the issuing of United States bonds in exchange for Confederate bonds, and placing them both on the same level. This would be the same thing, in a round- about way, as paying the rebel war debt, or promising to pay it, without the slightest intention of ever redeeming the promise. 3. The losses and destruction of property during the war, other than slave property, including Sherman's march ■to the sea, The claims for losses are already shadowed 12 forth in the democratic House of Representatives as an entering- wedge to the whole. 4. The fourth thing to be met, in case these powers combine and succeed, is the pensioning the rebel soldiers and placing them in the same category with our Union soldiers. The above four propositions, you will observe, are all in the interest of the first two elements of this political trinity. The last one, to wit: the papacy, must be provided for or the conspiracy fails ; for be it remembered that the Jirst thing to be done by the combination is to get full possession of the government, and the second is to divide the spoils so -as to satisfy the three factors. 5. The fifth thing to be done then is to give the papal church the share of the spoils belonging to it. This is the lion's share, as the democracy will find out, after it is too late. The Vatican makes moderate demands at first, but the time will soon come when it will tolerate no partners in power. Its demands are .always in proportion to the power at command to enforce them. The Bible out of our com- mon schools — the school system itself under the control of papists — a liberal supply of public funds to papal institu- tions — untaxed church property — the police forces of all our largest cities under the control of the Roman priests — a large majority of the officers of the army and navy acknowledging supreme allegiance to a foreign potentate — the priests forming and drilling military companies in the papal churches — the building of the most expensive churches and cathedrals in our land, and especially at the South for colored voters and their families — these and other things are already in progress and only await a change of administra- tion to be consummated. But the papal church will not wait the slow process of political action. It has already a commission on its way to Europe to employ papal teachers to come over to this country and reap the fields already white for the harvest. We have, moreover, seen that the Pope expressly condemns all secular education " which is separated from the Catholic faith and from the tower of the church." Their chil- dren must be trained to know nothing but the CHURCH. Let us now for a moment glance at the situation. These paragons of despotism tried the sword and failed. Instead 13 of capturing the government, they lost slavery. Now they are trying another plan, and they are far advanced in its execution. Our mistaken politicians have relieved most of the ex-rebels of their political disabilities, and, as a reward, the -latter are sent to Congress to make laws for the nation ! They have a majority already in the popular branch, and the Union soldiers have had to give place to ex-rebels, who have been conquered but not subdued. This is only a straw which shows the way of the wind, but the political tornado which is to sweep over the country under democratic rule, for which they are now intriguing, will sweep every repub- lican out of office, every colored American into slavery, and saddle a national debt upon posterity which will foot up nearer ten thousand millions than two. If any man, colored or white, contemplates voting a democratic ticket next Fall, let him consider seriously the responsibility he incurs by depositing his sovereignty in the hands of such a combina- tion for the next four years. The things in embryo we have enumerated may not be demanded in the same order we have recorded them. Probably they will not. The smaller ones which require congressional action will be brought forward to pave the way for the larger. Indeed, some of them are already before Congress, and a strong lobby pressure is brought to bear upon the ex-rebel members. The fact that the repub- licans have yet a majority in the Senate may save the country at least $100,000,000 this session. The majority of the democratic House clamor for a reduction of expenses of some $40,000,000 — but put in Southern claims of five times that amount. But there is another thing of which we may be sure. If this corrupt combination should succeed in controlling the money chest of the nation for the next four years, and if they succeed in paying off the claims we have enumerated above, by which our national debt would be quadrupled at least, if not quintupled, then that would be the point of repudiation. It would be the acme of the democratic edifice, "to the victors belong the spoils," and the national debt might follow the "niggers" and the constitution to the devil. It would not matter a picayune who occupied the presidential chair. The party would rule him if he were the angel Gabriel, and the pope would rule the party. 14 Let us not forget that the papal church of America is the ground work of the democratic party, and that its head is in Rome. Eliminate from that party the papal element, and the remainder would not constitute a political factor worth mentioning. Let us not forget in the second place, that said church is pushing for political power in this country, and has cun- ningly allied itself with this party in which are concentrated all the elements most hostile to our liberties. The banns were duly solemnized at the national democratic convention, recently held at St. Louis, where a representative of the Vatican officiated as chaplain. Let us not forget in the last place that our greatest point of danger is in the Southern States, once the seat of the slave r power, but now the objective point of the papal power, for tho destruction of the republic and the substitution of a papal despotism. Beware of this political trinity of des- potism, and send all corrupt politicians, of whichever party, to the rear. Nor should we ignore the fact that the repub- lican party is honeycombed with military men demoralized by the very war that emancipated the slave. But let it reform and live, or cling to the ring rascals and die. Judging from its doings at the late Cincinnati convention it is on the straight road to reformation. Unlike the demo- cratic party, it has, in the past, paid some attention to its professions, and we have a right to expect, nay, demand fidelity to republican liberty, from the fact that it is chiefly made up of protestants. And this brings us to the great question, what are protestant republicans doing to meet the encroachments of papal despotism? The papal forces are concentrating their power on our weakest point, which we have already said is the South, where the danger lies. The protestant forces, with the exception of a half manned and half endowed missionary society or two, "are busy here and there," suffering the chief point of attack to be exposed. New England is well provided with schools, colleges, and churches, the great West is partially so, but the South is to- day suffering criminal neglect. If the general of an army should thus conduct a campaign he would be immediately cashiered and sent to the rear. We would ask with all deference to the faithfulness of these struggling societies, 15 what headway can they be expected to make against the combined forces of the sham-democracy, the old slave oligarchy, and the corrupt papacy, all sandwiched with intemperance, licentiousness, profanity, murder, disloyalty, ignorance, infidelity, lawlessness, and the like. The Freed- men can do much towards maintaining their liberties, by voting for the republican party, but the churches can do more by infusing into it those stern old puritan principles which harmonized voting and praying, principles which never would admit a christian citizen to pray for good rulers and vote for bad ones. Let us now review the whole question, and see what is to be done. The papal church, as an organization, is a unit which embraces both continents. Where a great battle is to be fought it has the wisdom to mass its forces at the weakest point of its antagonist, and use such political instruments as it can command. In this country the weakest point is the late slave states, and its political machine, the democratic party. Despotism is cunning enough to nominate its figure- heads, with which to catch votes, from the ranks of its adversaries, and cry reform ! reform ! before election, which means nothing of the kind after the close of the polls. On the other hand, protestantism and republicanism are twin cherries of the same stock. Their principles are in harmony, but their forces are scattered. Protestants are divided into sects, but unlike the divisions of an army, they have no head. Each division fights on its own hook, with- out concert of action, and when attacked by a well-organized enemy, its defeat is all but certain. Look at our weakest point, in the South. Protestantism has a few missionary societies, half endowed, half manned, half supported — 'Struggling for very life, while its political ally is busy here and there with railroad schemes, Freed- men's National Banks, and such like financial swindles. Now let the national government deal justly with the depositors in the late Freedmen's Bank, and pay them back their money, with interest, whether they can recover it from the thieves that stole it or not. Let the republican party pledge itself to this measure and send its corrupt politicians to the rear. Then it may save the Freedmen's votes, but not till then. Let protestantism back the party, and the work is done. 16 One word more in regard to the Freedmen's Savings Bank and we are done. While it was located in New York under its original charter, with a Board of Directors of honest men, its business appears to have been conducted strictly in accordance with mercantile honor. But after its removal to Washington, it was manipulated by a ring of rascals, its charter amended by Congress, to suit the ring, which amendments opened the doors to corruption and made easy the stealing of its funds. Some fifty odd millions of their deposits have been paid back to the depositors, but when the ring at Washington had brought the institution to bankruptcy, about three millions of the money of the Freed- men still remained on deposit. Now then we say it is the plain duty of the United States government to see every dollar of this money paid to the depositors with interest, no matter how much or how little it can get out of the assets of the bank or the rascals. By amending the charter as it did. Congress made the government morally, if not legally re- sponsible to the depositors. Since the above was written a new development of papal despotism has appeared in St. Mary's Church, Cambridge- port, Mass. The autocrat of that pulpit issued an edict that no fans should be brought into the church, and placed a guard at the door to enforce it. One pew-holder, more jealous of his rights than the rest, refused obedience, took his seat as usual, ladies, fans and all ; and refusing a second time to deliver up the obnoxious article, was seized by the pious fraud, who descended from the pulpit for the purpose. The pew being more than a match for the pulpit in a hand to hand fight, the latter called for assistance, which was rendered, and the offender, after a hard struggle, was put- out of the church. In this melee the priest of course did not act in the official capacity of spiritual advisor, after he came down from the pulpit, but as captain of the military company he had organized ; although in his haste he forgot to put off his clerical robes and put on his military costume. \Kgr~ Orders for this tract should bo addressed to the "Pmn- CIPIA Club, box 104, Cambridge, Mass.*' Price, $5,00 per hundred, or $00,00 per thousand. - § < 1 ccc. • ^^¥^&^< ' <: ■■■.<£& re cc *«^ V V-^i:- *» '£- 5^- S&- ^^K^Sg -_^.-. tt< o C