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FIFTY REASONS 
 
 WHY THE 
 
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 SHOULD BE 
 
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 ELECTED PRESIDENT 
 
 OF THE 
 
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 BY AN 
 
 IRISH ADOPTED CITIZEN, 
 
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 Baltimore: 
 PRINTED FOR THE AUT.HOR. 
 
 1844. 
 
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 Sj 
 
 
 MURPHY, PRINTER 
 
FIFTY REASONS 
 
 WHY THE 
 
 aONOEABLE HENRY CLAY 
 
 SHOULD BE 
 
 ELECTED PRESIDENT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 BY AN IRISH ADOPTED CITIZEN 
 
 " The Iionest, pufient, and iiulustrious German readily unites with onr people, establishes himself on 
 
 me of our liit lands, fdls a capacious barn, and enjoys in tranquillity the abundant fruity which his 
 
 licence has gatliered aroutid him, always ready to fly to the standard of his adopted country, or of its 
 
 vv's, when called by the duties of patriotism. The cay, the versatile, the philosophical Frenchman, 
 
 j commodatini; himself cheerfully to all the vicissitudes of life, incorporates himself without difficulty 
 
 our society. But, of all Jorrigncrs, none amalgamate themselves so quickli/ with our people as the 
 
 tiDea of the'Emerald Isle, in some of the visions which have passed through my imagination, I have 
 
 pposed that Frehind was oriirinally part and parcel of this continent, and that by some extraordinary 
 
 nvulsion of nature it was torn from America, and, drifting across the ocean, it was placed in the 
 
 fortunate vicinity of Great Britain. The same open-heaitcdness, the same careless and uncalculatiug 
 
 lilference about human lilf, characterizes the inhabitants of both countries. Kentucky has been 
 
 ■nelimes called the Ireland of America. And I have no doubt that, if the emij^ration were reversed, 
 
 d set from America upon the shores of Europe, every American emigrant to Ireland would there find, 
 
 every Irisii emigrant here hnds, a hearty welcome and a happy home." 
 
 Exlract /rem >1k. Clav"s Sftevh in the Senate, Feb. ISiii 
 
 PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR 
 
 1844. 
 
 MURPHY, PRlNTEfi. 
 
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 0^*^ 
 
 Cy\ \ 
 
 EsTBRED, according to the act of Congress, in the year one Uiousand eight hundred and forty-fonr, li 
 
 GEORGE C. COLLINS, 
 
 in the clerk'4 office, of the District coiut of Maryland. 
 
 Steheottped bt 
 FiBLDiNe LccAS, Jr. Baltimokb. 
 
FIFTY REASONS 
 
 WHY THE 
 
 HONORABLE HENRY. CLAY 
 
 SHOULD 3E 
 
 ELECTED PRESIDENT. 
 
 Fellow Citizens: 
 
 Were I possessed of the loftiest attainments 
 in literarj' acquirements, or adorned with all the 
 accomplishments necessary to constitute the states- 
 man and the scholar, the subject would Still be of 
 too great importance, to treat without the greatest 
 circumspection, and the most profound delibera- 
 tion. Years of study are indispensable to the for- 
 mation of the sound politician in mixed govern- 
 ments ; in the most simple forms, more time is ne- 
 cessary than can be generally appropriated. With 
 a mind but ill prepared for so novel an undertak- 
 ing, and therefore inadequate for its proper consid- 
 eration ; I shall nevertheless, confiding in your 
 generous indulgence, attempt to advocate the claims 
 of a luminary as bright, a patriot as pure, and a 
 statesman as eloquent as ever graced the annals of 
 any country, to become the recipient of those lau- 
 rels which he so frequently won, and which have 
 hitherto been so unjustly denied him. The reasons 
 about to be adduced are altogether mine ; if faulty 
 in any respect, I alone am responsible. If there is 
 a:iy thing worthy of approbation, it is original. 
 With this brief exordium, I approach the sub- 
 
 I. THE REASON WHY I HAVE BEEN A 
 WHIG. 
 When I first arrived in this Republic, I was led to 
 believe that the " Whig party" wa,s the Tory party 
 of England — the descendants of those who opposed 
 the Revolution — that they were still in alliance 
 with England — in favor of a monarchical Ibrm of 
 government — opposed to the naturalization of for- 
 eigners — alien and sedition law men — Native 
 American party, Sec. Sec. All these things were 
 received by me as facts. It was an auspicioiis mo- 
 ment to prejudice my min''., particularly as I ar- 
 rived here soon after the Hero of New Orleans was 
 fi'st elected. No arguments were necessary. The 
 Victor of Packenham was opposed by the 'Whirrs, 
 consequently his opponents were adverse to the 
 success of their own arms. I became an ardent 
 
 Democrat. Wlien the question of rechartering the 
 United States Bank agitated the country, I took a 
 decided stand against that institution, though I 
 must acknowledge, that I was as ignorant of tlie 
 merits of the principles involved in the' discussion, 
 as I was of the most secret governmental policy of 
 the Chinese. I was not naturalized in that cam- 
 paign. I was first astonished in seeing the Deve- 
 reux, from Wexford, the most patriotic county in 
 Ireland, sustaining the Whigs. I was not, how- 
 ever, much impressed from this circumstance, a? 
 one of these gentlemen was President and the other 
 a Director of the Branch Bank in Utica, it however 
 was the origin of exciting my suspicion, on othc-r 
 matters. Is it possible, said I, that these gentle- 
 men have been intrusted by this British Tor}', 
 Alien and Sedition Law, Native American Party, 
 with such high and responsible stations.' If (he 
 right of citizenship is denied to foreigners by this 
 partj', said I, why are these men in office ? Many 
 others were enjoying the respect and confidence of 
 their Whig fellow-citizens My prejudices against 
 Mr. Clay were intense. He was always repre- 
 sented as the Arch-Enemy of everj' thing Republi- 
 can — the inveterate foe of all foreigners, but more 
 especially of the Irish. During my residence in 
 Oneida Countj-, I found the Americans (as they 
 usually are) kind, attentive, and hospitable, with- 
 out distinction, to foreigners. From various inci- 
 dents which then occurred, I was led to examine 
 the organization and constituent elements of .so- 
 ciety. I found them nearly equal in both the po- 
 litical parties ; but if Aristocracy might be said to 
 exist at all, it was to be found in the pure unsophis- 
 ticated Democraaj. Their stately edifices excluded 
 from the bustle of the city, were any thing but em- 
 blematic of the sincerity of their professions of Re- 
 publican simplicity. It is true these enthusiastic 
 supporters of the people might be seen on the eve 
 of an important election quite affable, — familiar al- 
 most to a fault ; and in an exceedingly plain and 
 nnassuming dress, taking pains to throw themselves 
 in the way of the bone and sinew — the haxd-fisted 
 
FIFTY REASONS WHY 
 
 yeomanry of the countrj'. When these few days 
 would have passed by, and the shonts of Demo- 
 cratic triumph had already died away on the breeze, 
 ail these social reminiscences were fori^otten'; and 
 a cold salutation, if any, would be returned to the 
 warm "how do you," of the humbler, but not less 
 worthy citizen. Another matter then occurred, 
 which had quite an influence on my mind, as to 
 my future political conduct. As soon as the United 
 States Bank had been overthrown, a new bank was 
 chartered by the Legislature, called the " Oneida 
 Bank." The stock was ardently sought after. 
 Many good Democrats, to my own personal know- 
 ledge, who opposed the old Monster for its corrup- 
 tion, &.C. obtained large quantities of stock through 
 dummies, who received a per centage from the gen- 
 tlemen in whose favor they were obtained'. The 
 amount of stock to be subscribed for was limited, 
 hence this abuse. Each stockholder would have 
 an influence finally in proportion to the capital in- 
 vested, hence the avidity with which they grasped 
 at e\*ery means to gain this influence. This also 
 vastly contributed to reusing additional doubts in 
 my mind. What, said 1, a few days ago, these 
 men werfe loudest in denouncing the corruption of 
 one institution, and they are now foremost in intro- 
 ducing it inlo another. What an anomaly ! I had 
 advanced sufficiently far in the science of politics 
 to lay aside jirejudice, and judge the parties by 
 their principles. The result of my deliberations 
 will form the subsequent reasons. 
 
 II. THE WHfG PARTY OF THIS CGUN^ 
 TRY ARE NOT THE TORY PARTY OF 
 ENGLAND. 
 In all governments of ancient or modern times, 
 men have existed, who devote their whole lives, to 
 the acquisition of a certain knowledge, usually 
 styled demagogueism, which of course, means the 
 leading of the people. In Republics they have 
 flourished more than under the iron rule of despot- 
 ism. The aspirations which emanate from an un- 
 trammeled soul, should be suffered to ascend aloft 
 to its native elements free and unrestrained, with- 
 out any guidance, save its own spontaneous action, 
 without any barriers save the Constitution and the 
 Laws. 
 
 In the study of politics, in the the school of ob- 
 servation, I discovered in no particular branch of 
 the American family a leaning towards England. 
 I heard the Whigs speak in the highest terms of 
 praise of their immortal Washington. I observed 
 them participate in all the anniversaries of their 
 country's redemption. They were not inferior to 
 the other party in talents, in devotion to their 
 countiy, or in any of those accomplishments which 
 make men useful as well as ornamental to society. 
 It is absurd then, to poison the minds of citizens 
 who arrive in this country, by having recourse to 
 
 those vile and unjust expedients to promote party 
 and acquire the spoils. Tltere is, in the generality 
 of European emigrants, a deep and well founded 
 hatred to every thing which has the least tendency 
 to monarchy. It can be easily seen then, how ef- 
 fectual an influence can be used in this manner, to 
 gain them over to the party who profess themselves 
 to be the most Democratic, and of consequence, the 
 most opposed to monarchy. It is also a fact, suscep- 
 tible of demonstration, that all undue measures used 
 by one portion of American citizens to bring another 
 portion into bad repute, has a most pernicious ten- 
 dency and must eventually result in the most de- 
 plorable consequences. It is now high time that 
 every philanthropist should condemn all irrelevant 
 subjects and false issues, and unite in the discus- 
 sion of matters which appertain to the happiness 
 of the people, as well as the prosperity of the Re- 
 public. I am convinced that Americans are all 
 equally attached to freedom, and equally ready to 
 defend their altars anxl their homes. There can be 
 no doubt onXjiis point. 
 
 rii. THE Whigs are not opposed 
 
 TO the NATURALIZATION OF FOR- 
 EIGNERS. 
 
 An adopted citizen, who joins the Whig party, 
 upon due reflection, is frequently accused of sinia- 
 tfer motives, and of arraying himself on the side of 
 the sworn enemies of foreigners. Accusations of 
 every character are heaped upon his devoted head. 
 If this respectable body of men, who are confessed- 
 ly the larger half of the native citizens, be that 
 compound of pride, tyranny, and selfishness, wiiich 
 they are represented to be, it would most unques- 
 tionably be disgraceful to add to their strength in 
 any manner. It would be criminal to whet the 
 sword, which would, in their hands, cut the thread 
 on which the rights and liberties of millions of our 
 Trans-atlantic brethren hang. It is however wrong, 
 and more criminal to charge the Whigs of being 
 desirous to do that, which they never intended to 
 do. 
 
 Such conduct as this will have a direct tendency 
 to bring into their ininds political errors, to which 
 they arc utter strangers. Upon mature reflection, 
 this charge will be found equally groundless as the 
 first. An occasional petition has been forwarded 
 to Congress on this subject, sustained by men of 
 both political parties. It would be well, however, 
 to review this matter very briefly, and call to our 
 minds the causes which have led to such organiza- 
 tions in this country. In the City of New Orleans, 
 the Democratic party is nearly divided numerically 
 between the Americans native and adopted. Some 
 years since a political triumph was achieved by 
 them. In the distribution of the spoils, the adopt- 
 ed citizens received too large a quota ; this enraged 
 the American Democracy, and led them gradually 
 
HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 
 
 into this het-esy which now drags its slow length 
 along through many other cities in the United 
 States. It was not an original measure of the 
 "Whig p;irty, the contrary is the fact. The natives 
 in New Orleans went so far as to organize them- 
 selves into one or more military companies, and 
 nine-tentiis of this valiant and formidable armament 
 were of the old Simon Pure, dyed 171 ike wool Dem- 
 ocratic party. I have known such societies in the 
 Republic, and invariably found, that the causes 
 which led to their formation were not of a party 
 character, but were totally distinct from it, with 
 two exceptions, the one which has been alluded to, 
 and the one which lately started into existence in 
 the City of New York ; and we all know that the 
 Democryis formed that, and it is the most numer- 
 ous, as well as formidable, that ever arose in this 
 country. I would not be understood as laying the 
 censure of thLs odious, prescriptive policy, notwith- 
 standing, ia the Van Buren party. They become 
 entirely separate and distinct from either, morally 
 and politically, and constitute a third party. In 
 this view of the case I am correct, so far as human 
 knowledge can be, and hence the impropriety of 
 laying the charge at the doors of the "Great Whig 
 party " of this Confederacy. It is to all intents 
 and purposes, morally wrong to make an issue of 
 it at the approaching election. I shall then pass 
 to the next negative reason. 
 
 IV. THE WHIGS ARE NOT THE BANK 
 PARTY. 
 
 This charge has been very confidently made 
 against the Whigs during the last eight years ; in 
 manyinstances successfully, but inalmostall wrong- 
 fully. The fact of the supporting the United States 
 Bank, gave this accusation a very fair exterior, and 
 from that circumstance, and under that cloak, the 
 most important impositions have been practised, 
 even long after the Bank had ceased to be. The 
 Administration is always responsible for the politi- 
 cal errors, introduced, as well as for the political 
 abuses unredressed. If it can be shown that the 
 amount of evil counterbalances that of good in any 
 great alterations made, during its existence, the 
 weight of evidence is against the constituted authori- 
 ties. It is admitted, that to the Van Buren Party, 
 belongs the honor of destroying the United States 
 Bank, the entire glory is theirs. That Institution 
 was denominated as dangerous to the liberties of the 
 people, as exceedingly corrupt. It was also attack- 
 ed on the ground of unconstitutionality. Various 
 arguments were at that time introdOced as to the 
 expediency of the entire Baiil.ing system. These 
 were however confined to a portion of the Party. — 
 The President himself promised a Substitute, and 
 it was called by him a Bank. This promise has 
 been disregarded. In referring to the past history 
 of the country, for the la^t twenty years, it will be 
 
 ascertained that this charge is entirely and une- 
 quivocally false. The increase of Banks from 1820 
 to 1830 was 22, of Bank capital $8,000,000. In 
 the next ten years the increase was 3.92 with nearly 
 200 Branches ; the increase of Banking capital for 
 the same time, were .$213,000,000. This ruinous 
 system took its rise from the downfall of the United 
 States Bank. These things are conclusive evi- 
 dence of the truth of the inconsistency of that party, 
 as well in this, as in other matters o( public policy. 
 It is readily seen by the most careless observer, 
 that the Whigs could net possibly be the authors of 
 the Banking system. The administration of the 
 General Government and four-fifths of the States' 
 Governments was in the hands of the opposite 
 part}' ; and they becomejustly chargeable with the 
 faults observable during their term of service. 
 These errors seem to be intentional in many of the 
 leader!), and therefore the more criminal. If they 
 destroyed one Institution on the ground of uncon- 
 stitutionality, why create four or five hundred .' If 
 the former was objectionable, emanating as it did 
 from the sxtprc me power of the whole confederacy, 
 certainly thf latter must "be infinitely more so pro- 
 ceeding from inferior, and in this particular case, 
 perhaps dependent powers, as the Constitution vests 
 the jurisdiction in Congress. If the whole confed- 
 eracy possesses not the power, how can it be possi- 
 ble that even a co-ordinate or concurrent part should 
 possess it? It seems these Monnter hating Demo- 
 crats can bestow on a State, not only a concurrent, 
 but a superior jurisdiction to each division of the 
 "Federal Union" when it suits their purposes, and 
 perhaps sometimes their pockets. I would not be 
 understood, as insinuating now in the least. I 
 thought, however, that State Constitutions cannot 
 conflict with the Constitution of the United States. 
 The National Bank was not expedient, but small, 
 petty, two-penny, good-for-nothing, but swindling 
 Institutions were expedient. I grant it, they were, 
 but for whom ? I answer for those who made them, 
 and a few other hangers-on ; but they were destruc- 
 tive to the great mass of the people. The National 
 Bank was corrupt. It never failed to fulfil its ob- 
 ligations, until it had been crippled by the Nation. 
 But these incorruptible patriots, introduced a re- 
 medy far worse than the grievance. If the United 
 States Bank was comipt, its corrupting influence 
 was not felt so much by the producing classes in 
 sixteen years, as the influence of Shin Plaster 
 shops was in the same number of days. It is then 
 a mischievous as well as bare-faced way to get out 
 of a scrape to accuse men of those errors, into 
 which we have ourselves ran through cupidity or 
 blindness. Let us rather repent, and change our 
 course. This would be manly and prudent. I 
 have not asserted that the Whigs are or have been 
 entirely innocent in this matter, many of them erred 
 in the Pet Bank mania, but they cannot in any 
 
FIFTY REASONS WHY 
 
 manner, or with any propriety be charged with the 
 system ; they were then in a large minority, and al- 
 lowing the Van Biiren party all they can possibly 
 ask in the argument, the Whigs cannot be called 
 the Bank party. Bear your own burdens, gentle- 
 men, sufficient for the day is the evil thereof. Hav- 
 ing disponed of these few negative propositions, I 
 shall approach the main question. Would to God, 
 that my pen possessed ability commensurate with 
 the importance of the principles involved, my mind 
 would rest at ease. The subject is almost too pro- 
 found, and the personage too exalted. I hope you 
 will overlook the imperfections. 
 
 V. HENRY CLAY IS AN AMERICAN. 
 
 He has been educated beneath the influence of 
 Democratic Institutions ; he has been imbued with 
 the purest principles of Republicanism, in the con- 
 secrated land of the " Old Dominion." He had as 
 examples men of the highest order of talents, and 
 the most inflexible attachment to freedom. From 
 his birth in 1777 to the present day, he was witness 
 to events of unparalleled magnitude ; never before 
 were questions of such vast moment at issue be- 
 tween nations. His gigantic intellect was invigo- 
 rated by the continued success of the patriotic efforts 
 of the citizens of this hemisphere, in shaking oft' 
 the servile bonds of European tyranny ; it was en- 
 lightened by the disastrous causes which led to its 
 final overthrow in France. In his own country, he 
 has reason to rejoice that the progress of freedom is 
 onward, and wherever its influence is felt, it is to 
 improve and ameliorate the condition of man, and 
 that it has already carried the blessings of civiliza- 
 tion to distant climes. It has not risen like the 
 dazzling meteor to blaze for a moment, but like the 
 beneficent sun to last for ever. He is an Ameri- 
 can—not because he first drew breath in the land of 
 Washingi'on-, or is a citizen of the happiest form 
 of Government in the world. It is because he is 
 the inflexible advocate of the rights of man, — those 
 everlasting and immutable principles which tend 
 to the equalization of the human race, the subju 'a- 
 tion of every species of tyranny and the grandest of 
 all human theories— self-government. The air of 
 
 this Republic is to him as sacred as his existence 
 
 to preserve it uncontaminated his every effort has 
 been indefatigably devoted, ^n Amenam, not be- 
 cause he moves on the soil, and eats and drinks of 
 its fruits — not because he loves to roam over the 
 land of his fathers, or visit tlie enchanting spot of 
 his childhood, — not because his Colualel^ pos- 
 sesses many commercial and agricultural advan- 
 tages ; or is bountifully supplied with the most 
 beautiful scenery, extensive sea-coasts, innumera- 
 ble internal water communications, lofty moun- 
 tains, fertile vales, boundless forests and trans- 
 parent lakes in an equal or superior degree to any 
 country on the globe. AH these,.it is- true, have to 
 
 him their peculiar fascinations. No! His patriotic 
 bosom, his free soul loves his fatherland for higher 
 and nobler considerations. It is because, whkrk 
 
 LIBERTY DW'ELLS THERE IS HIS COUNTRY. 
 
 Every great measure in this country's glorious 
 epoch, bears the impress of his gigantic intellect 
 and devoted patriotism. No American has con- 
 tributed more to national honor and individual pros- 
 perity than he. His actions are not like the ripple 
 of a minute which bursts upon the shore, but as the 
 long swell of the mighty ocean, wafted from remote 
 regions, and heaved on the bosom of remote anr 
 tiquity. In all his efforts to promote the glory and 
 high destinies of his country, he has never neglect- 
 ed to excite in the breasts of his countrymen simi- 
 lar feelings, and establish amongst them the basis 
 of durable happiness, by affording them means of 
 employment, in the best manner his judgment could 
 devise. During the forty years of his public life, 
 the energies of his whole soul have been directed 
 in exciting industry, encouraging manufactures, 
 extending commerqe, and in defending our flag 
 from foreign insult. \m\A. the expiring embers of 
 Republican Institutions, one has risen here Phosnix- 
 like from the ashes, which if properly managed is 
 destined to exert a most potent influence hereafter 
 on the condition of men, all that is necessary' is a 
 good Captain, and an honest, faithful, moral and 
 sober crew, to guide this youthful vessel into the 
 most distant climes, with healing on her wings, and 
 freedom as her cargo. Such a Captain, we will 
 have, if we elect our late Hon. Senator from Ken- 
 tucky — the Mill Boy of the Slashes. 
 
 VI. HENRY CLAY IS A REPUBLICAN. 
 
 When interest has ceased to blind, panegyric to 
 mislead, and political rivalry to exist, this assertion 
 will be unanimously sustained. — When his noble 
 heart shall cease to throb, and his body be shroud- 
 ed in the awful habiliments of death, it will be grate- 
 fully acknowledged by his countrj'men, when the 
 National records themselves shall moulder away ; 
 monuments of enduring marble will still perpetuate 
 his memory. It is true, our American Statesman 
 cannot publicly exhibit scars and other heroic de- 
 monstrations of patriotic warfare before the enrap- 
 tured gaze of an admiring country; yet these en- 
 viable marks of gallantry, are the fruits of the seed, 
 which he planted in the councils of the Nation. It 
 was his matchless eloquence which in an eminent 
 degree contiibuted to cirouse the nation to arms in 
 the last war, and bury all conflicting interests and 
 sectional collisions in the gulf of everlasting obli- 
 vion. Glorious event ! The eloquent Henry was 
 not more successful in the Revolutionary war in in- 
 fusing ardor into the nation, than our CLAY has 
 been in the second struggle for the existence of the 
 Republic. It was he who voted the means to sus- 
 tain the war, and it wa3 he W'ho nerved the arm 
 
HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 
 
 and whetted the sword to carry it on. The genius 
 and brilliant talents of Mirabeau in the Revolution- 
 ary councils of France, are as nothins;, when com- 
 pared to the glowing ardor and patriotic eloquence 
 of the Kentucky Orator, in that momentous crisis 
 of the American Republic. It is an honor to the 
 country, that such a man then existed to guide 
 her councils. Cainot never drew a sword, yet 
 under his sagacious and wise administration France 
 flourished. Great warriors have immortalized 
 themselves by their valorous deeds and heroic ex- 
 ploits. Yet the warrior yields to the prudent dic- 
 tates of wise legislation. The glory of the warrior 
 is brilliant, but transitory ; the glory of the states- 
 man is bright, but permanent. Pab'iotism exists 
 in botli, but its action is different. The one exe- 
 cutes a part, the other plans all which appertain to 
 the Slate. As to the fact, of Republicanism, every 
 man in tliis country possesses it ; some in a greater, 
 others in a less degree. Our government is Re- 
 publican, consequently, we are all citizens of the 
 same country, and known universally by the same 
 appellation. None are so worthy of the title, how- 
 ever, as those who have been the longest in the 
 councils of the people, and whilst there never be- 
 trayed their trusts. No stronger evidence of this 
 fact, than the approbation of their fellow-citizens, 
 apd more particularly of those who are the more 
 immediately represented. When individuals con- 
 tinue to be honored for nearly half a century in the 
 same career of pursuits, of whatever kind they may 
 be, their conduct must be sanctioned, as well as 
 their fidelity established. This is the best rule, 
 and one which receives the stamp of the silent 
 operation of time. Experience teaches us, that 
 professions are frequently deceptions, unless they 
 are supported by acts, and that political wisdom is' 
 not of a mushroom growth, but that it depends en- 
 tirely on the industry and constant perseverance of 
 3'ear3 to acquire it. It has lately become a habit 
 in young men for the first time intrusted with the 
 guardianship of public affairs, to assume to them- 
 selves the importance of censuring those who 
 have grown grey in the service of their coun- 
 try. It would be better for them and us, if instead 
 of culling a few thorns from a field of roses, they 
 were consulting for the common good. Mr. Clay 
 has forty j^ears experience in public matters. He 
 has faithfully and ably discharged every duty im- 
 posed and every trust confided in him. No State 
 has shed its blood more profusely in the last war 
 than Kentuclcy; and iJL would be an insult to her 
 noble sons, to accuse them of honoring any other 
 than the purest and best Republican. She is proud 
 of her adopted son. She has taken him as her own, 
 and has elevated him from the humble position of 
 the Orphan Boy to the dignified and time hallowed 
 rank of Senator. 
 
 VII. UR. CLAY IS A DEMOCRAT. 
 It is not however, the case, because all the citi- 
 zens of a Repiibhc are Republicans, that they are 
 all possessed of the same views, in relation to the 
 measures which may tend to preserve their institu- 
 tions from char.ge, or their liberties from ruin. The 
 minds of men are operated on differently. In this 
 respect they assimilate nations ; what would bene- 
 fit one individual might injure many. Various 
 causes may contribute to the promotion of political 
 errors. Luxuiy and pride are powerful auxiliaries 
 in destroying the moral principles of communities. 
 Wealth and bigotry are also instruments which 
 eventually weaken the golden links of the fraternal 
 and social compact of citizens of the same country. 
 These and all other causes however, are impotent 
 when brought into contact with the virtue and in- 
 telligence of enlightened freemen, in whose hands 
 the destinies of Republics are. Regardless of all 
 minor considerations, the citizens of this country are 
 justly styled Democrats throughout the worid ; they 
 must also be called such here, until strong and irre- 
 sistible proofs are adduced to the contrary. It is 
 impossible successfully to charge an American citi- 
 zen, with not being a Democrat, so long as he main- 
 tains the Constitution and Laws, which are admit- 
 ted to be Democratic. There may be isolated in- 
 stances of individuals who are opposed to this form 
 of government, though born under its benign and 
 happy influences. Here we are, where freedom 
 has triumphed over bondage, and the effort of la- 
 borious industry has emancipated itself from the 
 servile yoke of monarchical power. Until interest 
 shall cease to be a bond of union, and no reciproci- 
 ty of mutual affection exist, the American people 
 will pride themselves in handing down their glo- 
 rious liberties to posterity, as the richest legacy 
 they can bestow. And their will shall be signed, 
 sealed and delivered under the broad seal of the 
 "Democrats of the United States of America." 
 
 If tyranny has always succeeded by arming one 
 portion of the people against another, freemeu 
 should learn a profitable lesson from it, and never 
 make false issues, when great questions of State 
 policy are kept entirely out of view. Why has one 
 moiety of the citizens of this Confederacy exclu- 
 sively appropriated to themselves the appellation 
 of Democrats ? Every school-boy who has studied 
 Greek on)}- a few months, will look upon this as 
 utterly presumptuous. No man but understands 
 the ordinary acceptation of the term Democracy. 
 It means particularly, a form of government in 
 which the sovereignty rests entirely in the peo- 
 ple — or that they are the source of all power. No 
 American statesman dare deny this. None have 
 denied it. It is however true, that we must give 
 to this proper source, the free and unrestricted pri- 
 vilege of exercising this power, with no abridge- 
 
FIFTY REASONS WHY 
 
 ment of action, save the Constitution and Laws, 
 which they themselves make by their deleg;ates. 
 There is no citizen however, more eminently en- 
 titli.'d to this soul-cheering appellation, than he 
 who has always stood on the citadel, a faithful sen- 
 tinel, an able defender of the inestimable charter 
 of rights, on which not the name but the principles 
 themselves are based. Mr. Clay's efforts from 
 liis first appearance on the stage of political action, 
 (o the day of his leaving the Senate, have been 
 constantly devoted to the preservation of his coun- 
 fry's liberties, as well as to the extension of them 
 over the surface of the habitable globe. If it were 
 possible he has imparted to freedom an additional 
 lustre, by his eloquence, and adorned the sacred 
 cause of liberty by impressing on it the dazzling 
 brilliancy of his own heaven-bom genius. No 
 Democrat loves freedom, and hates tyranny, more 
 tlian he. 
 
 YIII. MR. CLAY IS AN UNRIVALLED 
 ORATOR. 
 In all nations of ancient or modern times, the 
 people look with pride on their eminent men, and 
 1 hough there may be an occasional spot discerned 
 on the escutcheon of their fame, the memory of 
 their distinguished services towards adding to the 
 national dignity causes them to wipe it off rather 
 than magnify it. It is highly characteristic of true 
 greatness, to stand first, as an orator in a country 
 which can justly boast of as bright an array of pub- 
 lic speakers as ever graced the annals of any na- 
 tion. It redounds to a statesman's honor to be 
 capable of enchaining the attention of the most en- 
 lightened audiences, and intellectual popular as- 
 semblies, and draw forth their most enthusiastic 
 applause. This faculty when well applied is a 
 blessing to the entire nation, and has a most potent 
 tendency to stamp the traits of our national charac- 
 ter on the people of other countries. What De- 
 mosthenes has been to Greece, and Cicero to Rome, 
 CLAY has been to America ! The eloquence of 
 the two former has survived the Republics them- 
 selves, and though the countries in which they 
 lived have become enslaved, the monuments which 
 liave been transmitted by thera to posterity will 
 always shed a glorious effulgence on their native 
 land. If the English language possessed the beau- 
 ties of the Greek or Latin, the speeches of CLAY 
 would be equally worthy of admiration, and might 
 be hereafter consulted as text-books of unrivalled 
 beauty and consummate skill. It is a lamentable 
 fact, that we have hitherto not sufficiently well 
 appreciated the importance of imparting to Ameri- 
 can oratory the respect it so justly merits. It is 
 by this powerful weapon that the elements of ty- 
 ranny will be crushed, and all the hereditary ap- 
 pendages of obsolete royalty be utterly annihilated. 
 By this the irresistible growth of freedom will 
 
 be accelerated, and every barrier between citi- 
 zen, kings and liberty, will be eradicated from the 
 earth. 
 
 History is replete with the glowing eloquence 
 of ancient orators. Nations refer to the number 
 of their statesmen as the best evidence of their 
 greatness ; their libraries abound in splendidly 
 executed and methodically arranged piles of speech- 
 es, as living witnesses of their illustrious dead. In 
 no countrj" is it so necessary as in this. In mo- 
 narchies and despotic governments, men are born 
 to distinction, children are dubbed princes ere they 
 have laid aside their swaddling clothes, and misses 
 are crowned queens before they have entered their 
 'teens ; no limits, it would seem, are prescribed to 
 their political absurdities. Upon men, born under 
 such systems, oratory can have no effect, unless to 
 arouse them from their passive obedience to active 
 resistance. Here, the gifts of nature ai^ destined 
 to bless mankind ; and the splendor of genius and 
 powers of thought to add a lustre on all indiscrimi- 
 nately. No man has embellished the leijislative 
 halls of this happy country, more than the cele- 
 brated Clay. None has so eminently contributed 
 to give his nation a character at home and respect 
 abroad. Were all tlie speeches of this distinguish- 
 ed man compiled, they would not only compete 
 with, but excel those of any other orator of ancient 
 or modern times, both in quantity and quality. 
 He is an example for young and helpless men, 
 who may be deprived of the right arm of support, 
 either in a father or mother, to stimulate tliem to 
 untiring action to cultivate their talents. By ele- 
 vating him yet higher, we will cause the example 
 to be still more powerful and efficacious. Oratory 
 has effected the independence of this country. 
 When our rights were tram])led on, and our homes 
 and fire-sides were about to be rendered dreary by 
 foreign opju-ession, the eloquence of our orators, 
 awoke the citizens to resistance. The loud bursts 
 of patriotic indignation might then be heard through 
 this entire country. 
 
 How dear to the patriot's heart is every word 
 connected with the glorious days of '76. Nearly 
 all the agents of that memorable struggle have 
 passed away, many of them died martyrs. Others 
 were collected to their fathers in honorable old age, 
 encircled with the proudest wreaths of freemen's 
 gratitude, all with their deepest reverence and af- 
 fection. We have yet amongst us, one of more 
 recent origin, who in like manner raised his voice 
 against the same tyranny — a similar oppression. 
 The orator of 1S12, the able supporter of the em. 
 bar'^o and war, he has in the second struggle for 
 American independence proved to the world that 
 he was the noble son of noble sires. We have 
 honored the frarners of oui-emHstitution, the authors 
 of our liberties, we will also honor the advocates 
 and defenders of them. Esto perpetua. 
 
HENRY CLAY SHOULD BK PRESIDENT. 
 
 IX. HIS LOVE OF FREEDOM IS NOT 
 CONFINED BY SPACE. 
 Endowed, as he is, with a superior intellect, 
 and a mind well cultivated in the school of expe- 
 rience ; trained up in the nursery of human liberty, 
 we need not be astonished at this fact ; were it 
 otherwise he would be unworthy of the name of an 
 American. His principles, always of a pure and 
 elevated character, have entitled him to an enviable 
 distinction. Intrusted in early life with responsi- 
 ble duties, he never proved inadequate to their per- 
 formance. Without family pretensions or j-rivate 
 wealth, he gradually arose from the orphan li^y to 
 the rank of Senator. He always preferred f., be 
 than to appear deserving. "Esse quam videri 
 bonus malebat, ita quo minus gloriam petebat eo 
 magis adsequebatur." In the various gradations 
 through which he has passed, he had ample oppor- 
 tunity to become familiar with all the requisites 
 necessary to promote true liberty. It would be an 
 insult to the free institutions of this country to as- 
 sert, that any man could rise from the ranks of hum- 
 ble citizenship to senatorial eminence, in any other 
 manner than that which true wisdom and a great 
 mind would direct. Whilst at home, he views 
 liberty, not as a boon to be gained, but as a right 
 to be vindicated, — but when he looks abroad, he 
 maintains the proposition, that every nation is en- 
 titled to the blessings of freedom, not by the viola- 
 tion of present law, but by the restitution of an- 
 cient right. Alike capable to act, either in regard 
 to the past and the future. He traces all things to 
 their first causes, and then the necessary informa- 
 tion is acquired. No American is held in as high 
 estimation as Mr. Clay, by the reading communi- 
 ty of foreign countries. None can forget his stir- 
 ring appeals to his countrymen in behalf of struirgling 
 Greece, and down-trdflden Poland. When his lu- 
 minous views of their situation were publicly an- 
 nounced, they bore down with resistless force 
 every impediment in the way of suffering humani- 
 ty. His active support of the patriots of the 
 South American revolution is still alive in the 
 recollection of every man. His name is still en- 
 shrined in the grateful hearts of the citizens of 
 these sister Republics. And his speeches already 
 translated into their language, are preserved as 
 memorials of his generous efforts in aiding their 
 cause. His allusions to unhappy Ireland are the 
 most beautiful specimens of modern eloquence. 
 He has always been the zealous supporter of uni- 
 versal liberty, and the undisguised enemy of every 
 species of despotic rule. He possesses the indomi- 
 table resolution, the generous impulse and un- 
 quenchable ardor of the sincere Democrat, without 
 the wavering timidity, the selfish reserve, and 
 truckling cunning of the sycophantic demagogue. 
 True to the polar star of rectitude, he battles against 
 every thing which he views as pernicious in its 
 
 tendency, or deleterious in its results ; he counts 
 not upon personal consequences, he looks away 
 into futurity. It is in vain to search for any man 
 in this Republic, who has given such conclusive evi- 
 dence of his love of universal liberty, as Mr. Clay. 
 In all cases, without exception, he has been among 
 the foremost in defending the many from the 
 oppression of the few. Never have the groans of 
 the enslaved sunk deeper into human hearts than 
 into his. Never have the shrill clashing of their 
 swords, when drawn in freedom's sacred cause, 
 sounded more agreeablj' to human ears than to his. 
 Never is his voice as clear, his sentiments as pure, 
 his ardor as entliusiastic, his eloquence as impas- 
 sioned, or his language as sublime, as when advo- 
 cating the eternal truth, the freeman's motto — "All 
 men are born free and equal." 
 
 X. HIS UNWAVERING ADHESION TO 
 PRINCIPLE. 
 In this cardinal doctrine of political science, his 
 genius, his intellect, and his consistency are con- 
 spicuous. He who said, he would not be once 
 wrong to become President, has verified the asser- 
 tion by his uniform adherence to principle. Wlien 
 his eagle eye has once discovered a measure to be 
 practicable, and that its adoption would be produc- 
 tive of public good, he brings all his talents to his 
 aid, to carry it into effect. It frequently happened, 
 that the bill he was about to propose, would, to 
 every appearance, endanger his personal populari- 
 ty, and his friends would remonstrate with him as 
 to the immediate expediency of the measure. Not 
 regardless of the present, he always desired to 
 legislate for the future. All great events have had 
 an origin. His intuitive mind has invariably 
 formed correct conclusions, as to the results of all 
 the legislative enactments of nearly the last half 
 century. Firmness is so prominent a characteris- 
 tic of this statesman, that it has been called ob- 
 stinacy by some. It would be well, if these critics 
 understood, that were it not for this quality, he 
 could never have waded from Virginia to Kentuc- 
 ky, unaided and unknown, and by degrees taken 
 a position amongst the most distinguished men of 
 that chivalrous State, and eventually be clothed 
 with the highest honors they could confer. 
 
 Those opposed to the political views of Mr. Clay, 
 with great exultation refer to his action on the 
 Bank question in ISM. This was a question of 
 currency, and for the first time inti-oduced during 
 his political career. At that time, we were on the 
 eve of a war with Great Britain, and great national 
 interests were at stake. All other questions were 
 of minor consequence to the youthful patriot ; how- 
 ever, the bill then proposed contained many odious 
 features, and one in particular, which he abliorred. 
 The capital about to be invested was chiefly Bri- 
 tish, and the whole control would be almost in 
 
10 
 
 FIFTY REASONS WHY 
 
 their hands. At this juncture, he just'y consider-^ 
 ed that the chartering an Institution of that char- 
 acter, might hereafter prove highly detrimental to 
 the veiy liberties of the Republic. His opposition 
 to that Bank bill, of all other things should be con- 
 sidered as the strongest proof of his patriotism, and 
 an everlasting stigma on those who charge him 
 with a leaning towards English interests. Oh I 
 shame, where is thy blush. He also had some 
 doubts as to its constitutionality. Mr. Madison 
 once and again expressed similcir doubts, and not- 
 withstanding afterwards, recommended and sanc- 
 tioned it under the Constitution which he was 
 sworn to protect. Was President Madison incon- 
 sistent ? There are many men in the opposite 
 party who are lauded to the skies, because they 
 will not now do that which they would do then, 
 and actually did do in a few years subsequently. — 
 On this question, the greatest lights of American 
 politics have burned blue, white and red, to suit 
 circumstances. When peace was restored, and a 
 less objectionable bill proposed, it received his 
 warmest support, and never since has he deviated 
 from his integrity. The public freedom, general 
 intelligence and permenent prosperity of the Re- 
 public, have always constituted the basis of Mr. 
 Clay's conduct, these were consulted in every 
 emergency, and never neglected for any considera- 
 tion. He has not forgotten the local interests of 
 his constituents, or the national interests of the 
 whole community, while at the same time the 
 vigour of his thought and the energy of his soul 
 have been unalterably fixed on the high destinies 
 of man, and the great ends of creation. The great 
 addition which has been made to the public bene- 
 fits we possess and the untrammeled freedom we 
 enjoy, is in a great measure owing to his firmness 
 of resolve and disinterestedness of purpose, which 
 he never failed to manifest, when dangerous ex- 
 periments and selfish innovations were being inter- 
 woven with the time hallowed customs of the coun- 
 tiy. 
 
 XI. HIS EXPERIENCE IN THE PUBLIC 
 SERVICE. 
 A brilliant career of nearly forty years in the vari- 
 ous departments of public life has familiarized him 
 to all the complicated, yet beautiful machinery of 
 this Government, and added to his other accomplish- 
 ments a perfect understanding of matters of State 
 policy — a profound knowledge in those affairs which 
 appertain to our foreign, and an intimate acquain- 
 tance with our domestic relations. His intuitive 
 knowledge of the intricate, and yet almost unintelli- 
 gible as well as unsettled question of currency, 
 which has so long unprofitably agitated this vast 
 country during many administrations, is well known 
 to every impartial observer of all'airs. All men are 
 
 forced to admit that every presentiment uttered by 
 him in the discussion of the Bank question has been 
 verified. Not a sentence of his lucid views on the 
 effects of the Specie Circular, but has been fulfill- 
 ed. Senator Benton has thus spoken of Mr. 
 Clay in 1824 : " The principles which would 
 govern Mr. Clay's administration if elected, are 
 well known to the nation. They have been dis- 
 played upon the floor of Congress for the last 
 seventeen years. They constitute a system of 
 AMERICAN POLICY, based on the Agriculture 
 and IV^nufactures of his own country — upon in- 
 terior as well as foreign Commerce — upon internal 
 as ^;^■ll as sea-board Improvement upon the inde- 
 pendence of the New World, and close commercial 
 alliances w'ith Mexico and South America. If it 
 is said that others would pursue the same system, 
 we answer, that the founder of a system is the 
 natural executor of his own work ; that the most 
 efficient protector of American iron, lead, hemp, 
 wool and cotton, would be the triumphant cham- 
 pion of the new Tariff; the safest friend to interior 
 commerce would be the statesman who has pro- 
 claimed the Mississippi to be the sea of the West ; 
 the most zealous promoter of Internal Improve- 
 ments would be the President who has triumphed 
 over the President who opposed the National Roads 
 and Canals; the most successful applicant for 
 treaties with Mexico and South America would be 
 the eloquent advocate of their own independence." 
 The men who looked upon Mr. Clay then as the 
 ablest man of his day, have since that time veered 
 their course, under the auspices of, as they thought, 
 a more popular gale, but he steadily and uniformly 
 keeps the same landmarks in view, and never has 
 rashly launched his bark into hitherto untried seas. 
 His country has for a while forgot him, but she is 
 returning to the early object of her love. In all 
 matters with which she trusted him, he has never 
 deceived her. In those which she deposited ia 
 other hands, she has been betrayed. When she 
 has forsaken his prudent counsel, she has invaria- 
 bly struck upon shoals. She cannot do better than 
 make him now, what Benton advised her in 1824. 
 No man better deserves it. When the minds of 
 men have been once set afloat by the success of 
 one experiment, subsequent innovations are made 
 from mere trifling causes : the restlessness conse- 
 quent upon an unsettled state of public affairs, is 
 highly pernicious to the stability of free Institu- 
 tions, and imperceptiblj'' weaken the influence, 
 which they are destined to exert on the human 
 family. Mr. Clay has denounced every thing 
 which could not stand the touchstone of sound rea- 
 son, — his whole life has been devoted in establish- 
 ing those principles which would constitute the 
 chief spring of prosperity, elevate still higher the 
 ascending spirit and increasing energy of the poor, 
 and lay a permanent foundation for national wealth 
 
HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 
 
 11 
 
 and national glory, for this pupose he has advo- 
 cated the following measures. 
 
 XII. A REGULATOR OF THE NATIONAL 
 CURRENCY. 
 Mr. Clay on his return from Ghent, was receiv- 
 ed with every testimonial of public approbation. 
 Previous to his arrival, he had been elected to Con- 
 gress. How devotedl)'' attached to her adopted 
 son, was Kentucky. The additional honor of being 
 almost unanimously elected Speaker of tlie House 
 bespoke the gratitude of an admiring country. 
 During his Congressional career, matters of the 
 gravest import were coolly and deliberately discuss- 
 ed, and satisfactorily determined. The apparent 
 embarrassments of the Government in the com- 
 mencement of this session (181.5) were almost in- 
 surmountable. The circulating medium was de- 
 preciated, a heavy debt contracted, public credit 
 impaired and the energies of the nation nearly 
 paralyzed. To remedy these difficulties. President 
 Madison recommended the establishment of a 
 National Bank. Mr. Calhoun, chairman of an 
 appointed committee, reported in favor of it. 
 Many gentlemen were then its warmest supporters, 
 who are now its bitterest enemies. This bill as re- 
 l^orted, differed essentially from that of 1811. In 
 Ihefirst, seven-eighths of the stock would be owned 
 by European capitalists, whereby they might be ca- 
 pable of exercising a controlling influence — the last 
 was measurably exempt from this highly objection- 
 able feature. Mr. Clay's action on the question 
 of 1811 is by no means censurable, if we take into 
 consideration the fact of the instructions which he 
 received from his own State, directing him to oppose 
 the bill, also the state of the country at that period. 
 It must be borne in mind, that we were then on the 
 eve of a war with the Mistress of the Ocean — our 
 ancient foe Great Britain. With this question Mr. 
 Clay grappled, and to this he devoted his untiring 
 zeal and ceaseless efforts. Let it be admitted, 
 however, that he was inconsistent, that he did op- 
 pose a Bank of the United States in 1811, and sup- 
 port one in 1S15 — how many of our public men 
 have not committed a similar error? Mr. Cal- 
 Hou.v at that day reported the bill which Mr. 
 Clay supported, yet Mr. Calhoun is not incon- 
 sistent! Mr. Madison always opposed a National 
 Bank up to the year 1815, and then he recommend- 
 ed one, and sanctioned it upon its passage. Was 
 Mr. Madison inconsistent? The illustrious Jef- 
 ferson always retained scruples on the Constitu- 
 tionality of the same question, yet he suffered 
 branches to go into operation which he could have 
 prevented. Was Mr. Jefferson inconsistent? 
 The immortal Washington and others of our 
 blood-stained revolutionary patriots differed 'on the 
 merits of the Bank question ; were they all incon- 
 sistent ? The war-worn veteran of the Hermitage 
 
 destroyed one, but at the same time promised 
 another, which he deemed to be Constitutional. 
 Was he also on this point inconsistent ? I answer, 
 none of these patriots were inconsistent, they all 
 acted for the good of their common country. It is 
 idle to say that Mr. Clay is so strongly in favor of a 
 Bank, as to recommend its passage, nolens volens. 
 No ; such conduct on his part would be a direct con- 
 tradiction to his whole life. He would consider 
 himself as an instrument in the hands of his coun- 
 trymen, the whole people, to carry out and execute 
 their will, and nothing beyond this would he go ; 
 this has been his chief study, whilst discharging his 
 high and responsible Senatorial functions ; this it 
 will be, when in the Executive chair. It is well 
 known that during the extra session there were 
 various Bank bills proposed, and that different 
 opinions existed in relation to them ; Mr. Clay 
 amongst others submitted one, which in its original 
 form, notwithstanding his great popularity amongst 
 his fellow Senators, was not sustained in all its 
 parts. Did he get angry on this occasion ? No, 
 in his usual spirit of compromise, he gave way to 
 the predilections and opinions as well as prejudices 
 of others : he desired not the position of dictator, he 
 felt proud of being styled and known as associate 
 Senator. He even relinquished the name of Bank, 
 and substituted the term " Fiscal Agent." In view 
 of this matter, nothing is so clear, or evident to our 
 reason and judgment as this : viz — that Mr. Clay 
 will consider himself in no other light, than the 
 faithful Executor of the people's will in all things, 
 when freely and Constitutionally expressed. If the 
 people of this glorious and thrice happy country, 
 are of opinion that a Bank is not necessary, that a 
 Regulator of the National Currency is not neces- 
 sary, it is their previlege to declare, and it shall be 
 the President's duty to obey. There is yet wisdom 
 and intelligence enough, and there ever will be by / 
 the help of God amongst the free and independent 
 citizens of America, to establish salutary measures 
 for the common good. Lay aside prejudices, sac- 
 rifice them on the altar of patriotism, and you will 
 see as clear as day the most worthy of the rival 
 candidates. As for me, give me Clay, and then 
 the Republic will be prosperous. 
 
 XIII. A REGULATOR IS CONSTITU- 
 TIONAL. 
 
 Gold and silver constitute the standard by which 
 all international monetary relations are controlled, 
 as well as regulated. If the supreme power can 
 authorise the issuing of Treasury Notes, it certainly 
 must possess the power of establishing an institu- 
 tion, within the limits of law, of also issuing bills, 
 which are the representatives of the precious me- 
 tals, and otherwise to regulate the Currency. In 
 this country, paper has always been the chief cur- 
 rency ; to it we owe our unparalleled advancement 
 
12 
 
 FIFTY REASONS WHY 
 
 in national improvements, without it we could not 
 have sustained ourselves. If a doubt exists in the 
 minds of any on this question, it should be at once 
 removeil when they refer to its origin and authors. 
 If the patriots v.'ho just returned from the battle 
 fields, with their swords yet crimsoned over with 
 the sanguine fluid, thought it not unconstitutional 
 to establi.-ih a National Bank, even within the lim- 
 its of the Constitution, which was the work of 
 their own hands ; if the immortal Washin'GTON 
 could put his name to such an instrument — if the 
 illustrious Jefferson could sutier additional 
 branches to be extended through the Union, which 
 he could prevent — if the meek and honored Madi- 
 son could, also, contrary even to all his early .scru- 
 ples, when President of the United States, see suf- 
 ficient grounds to change his opinions for his coun- 
 try's good — if the revered Monroe could also 
 sanction such an institution as a Bank, — why, I ask, 
 should such opposition be made to Mr. Clay for 
 his opinions? As I formerly mentioned, General 
 Jackson himself said, he could give a plan for a 
 Bank, which would be constitutional. It has been 
 considered constitutional by five Congresses, four 
 Presidents, by repeated decisions of the Supreme 
 Court, by the people, who are the highest of all 
 authority, and by its forty years' salutary operations 
 on the interests of the country. It is also deemed 
 constitutional by Legislatures to charter Banks in 
 tlieir respective States ; they legalize their notes 
 as a currency, yet their circulation is dependent 
 and fluctuating. One State may issue notes, and 
 another may prohibit their circulation within its 
 limits. Indiana might create an institution, which 
 would be for the interest of Illinois and Ohio to 
 destroy. Now, if the individual States possess 
 banking powers for State purposes, why not the 
 United States for National purposes ? In the case 
 before stated, is not the indispensable necessity 
 observable for a Regulator of the whole curren- 
 cy ? Suppose the sister States, to disagree on these 
 and many other points, so seriously as to cause a 
 rupture— where would rest the healing power? 
 It is evident that a paramount authority must exist 
 somewhere. A National Regulator would possess 
 permanency, stability and uniformity, and operate 
 equally on all throughout the whole Union, where- 
 as the currency of each State possesses none of 
 those requisites. Why the very name of the Uni- 
 ted States in the currency matter is, by many es- 
 teemed as ridiculous — instead of an union in the 
 most important of all things, there is disunion ! 
 Exchanges vary nearly as much between sister and 
 friendly States, as between the most distant and 
 hostile countries. It is said that a National Insti- 
 tution would possess political power and subserve 
 party purposes. What has Mr. Clay said on this 
 point? '-The next consideration which induced 
 ine to oppose the renewal of the old charter, was, 
 
 that I believed the corporation had, during a por- 
 tion of the period of its existence, abused its pow- 
 ers, and had sought to subserve the views 
 or a political party. — I answer, the fate of 
 the old Bank ^^■arning all similar institutions to 
 
 SHUN politics, WITH W^HICH THEY OUGHT NOT 
 
 TO HAVE ANY CONCERN." It is manifest to every 
 reasonable man, that the coining of money is alto- 
 gether in the hands of Congress, and it has power 
 to make all laws which are necessary and proper 
 to execute its prerogative. When the last Fiscal 
 Agent was vetoed, it was thought by many that 
 something Avould be proposed to meet the wants of 
 the country. Mr. Clay then said, " God speed 
 you in any measure which will serve the country, 
 and preserve or restore harmony and concert be- 
 tween the departments of government." 
 
 The people's good is his only aim, and he would 
 never act against their will. 
 
 XIV. IT IS EXPEDIENT. 
 
 It is universally acknowledged, that many of the 
 States are indebted in the sum of millions of dollars. 
 We are notwithstanding told, that we are in a flour- 
 ishing condition, and prayers of thanksgiving areof- 
 fered up to the Supreme Arbiter of Nations for our 
 numerous blessings. If a retrograde progression is 
 admissible, these things are so. If repudiation and 
 insolvency form component parts of national bless- 
 ings, then indeed are we truly blessed. I should, 
 however, prefer my prayers to be offered up to 
 preserve our States from any further disgrace, and 
 ask God to throw over them the mantle of his pro- 
 tection, in this the time of their trial. We are rep- 
 resented as eminently prosperous, when at the 
 same time, we were never so low in credit or 
 abilitj". 
 
 In those days when the States were nearly all 
 solvent, our creHit was good, and our currency uni- 
 form and real. When the shouts of Beinocrucy 
 were not so loudl)* proclaimed, but its spirit and 
 ^elfccts more generally felt, we had reason to be 
 thankful for our happiness. In those days every 
 thing which formed a basis for the welfare of the 
 Republic and the prosperity of the citizens, was 
 interwoven with the then existing institutions of 
 the country. Honcstj- was the pass-word to credit, 
 and industry to wealth. A foreigner who landed 
 here thirteen years ago, would scarcely believe, that 
 it was now the same country. The system of leg- 
 islation has so much changed, and not for the bet- 
 ter. In times of peace, a nation is expected to 
 prosper, and add greatly to her resources. When 
 affairs remain stationary it is an evidence of the 
 declining state of a country. It must be worse, 
 when a nation cannot even remain stationary, but 
 sinks in a few years some hundred millions of dol- 
 lars. If our government were wisely administered, 
 the wealth of the country must necessarily increase 
 
HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 
 
 13 
 
 in proportion to the healthy increase of its popula- 
 tion. This is certainly the case in a country like 
 this, when the producers exceed the consunniers, 
 almost in a ratio of two to one. In order to effect 
 a remedy for those mad steps of innovation, let us 
 retrace our footsteps to first princi|)lcs. 
 
 If we examine the history of this youthful Re- 
 public, we will observe, that after the last war, 
 when a great debt was contracted, the wisdom of 
 the country settled down upon the expediency of 
 establishing a National Bank as a means of relief. 
 It was also thought expedient in the early days of 
 the Republic. The patriots then, I suppose, knew 
 nothing about their Constitution. It is presumed 
 lliat they left it for the wise-acres of this day to 
 settle that question. They talked less then, but 
 did more than is now done. If the country requir- 
 ed any relief, it was granted. The nation was 
 then represented, not faction. If it was expedient 
 formerly to establish a Bank, when the exigencies 
 of the country required it, it is likewise now. If a 
 new and vigorous impulse be again given to the 
 enterprise and industry of the people, ihe resources 
 of the country will be more speedily developed, and 
 now, as formerly, all debts will be washed away 
 from the escutcheon of our national honor, and the 
 integrity of the Union will again be proclaimed by 
 the sister States, and through them to the most re- 
 mote regions of the earth. The amount of capital 
 now invested in the Public Works of the various 
 States of the Confederacy, and producing nothing, 
 would, if a little more could be obtained, shortly be 
 finished, and thenceforward form a source of reve- 
 nue to the States. Illinois has several millions in- 
 vested in her Internal Improvements, which for 
 the most part are useless, and even falling into 
 ruin. One-fourth of what has already been spent, 
 would complete her magnificent Canal, — as it is. 
 the dilapidation gradually taking place, will require 
 ere long double the amount to finish it. " A stitch 
 in time saves nine." It will also save the accu- 
 mulation of interest. This may be said of other 
 States. 
 
 If the people think that a Bank is unconstitu- 
 tional, it is their high privilege to instruct their 
 Delegates to furnish them with such an institution, 
 as will suit them. Mr. Clay would never veto 
 their request, when so expressed. His whole life 
 is distinguished for his opposition to Executive 
 power, and particularly to the veto power. Elect 
 him and he will obey you. 
 
 XV. THE UNSETTT.ED STATE OF THE 
 CURRENCY. 
 
 A healthy and well regulated Currency is indis- 
 pensable to the well-being of a nation. Great in- 
 juries have been inflicted on many countries by 
 tampering with this branch of political ethics. 
 France was brought to the brink of des-truction by 
 
 her assignais. and England was nearly reduced to 
 bankruptcy b\^ the same means. Reference was 
 had to this subject in the last Presidential election. 
 The Administration of Mr. Yant Bukkn was 
 accused of sanctioning the destruction of the Na- 
 tional Bank, and establishing the Sub-Treasury a3 
 a substitute. Issue was taken on the merits of 
 both, and the latter was almost universally con- 
 demned. The question was not agitated in all the 
 States, I admit, as a great national measure, by the 
 Whig party. However, the Van Buren party in- 
 sisted on it, in all the States as the chief matter in 
 controversy. The result was, notwithstanding the 
 objections made by some of the southern States' 
 Right party, particularly in the State of Virginia, 
 that all entered the lists as Bank or Anti-Bank 
 men. The result of the contest is well known. 
 The issue will not vary in the approaching con- 
 test. It is now time, that innovation and experi- 
 ments should cease, and a more settled state of 
 afi'airs be established. Never was a countiy so 
 trammelled as this has been for the last fourteen 
 years by the ruinous experiments made on the 
 Currency of the people. Nothing would seem to 
 have permanency, save our glorious Constitution, 
 which yet remains inviolate as a future guide. 
 From the date of the multiplication of " Pet 
 Banks," may be traced the mad ambition which 
 jjrompted men to embark on those wild and vision- 
 ary speculations, which terminated in many in- 
 stances so unhappily. When these institutions 
 began to brood over the face of the land, they bore 
 every resemblance to the revival of the "Golden 
 Jge." Their partizans increased in proportion to 
 their numbers and the accommodations they con- 
 ferred. It would seera as if, at certain periods, 
 from causes unknown to human wisdom, a univer- 
 sal frenzy seizes mankind, reason and experience 
 are alike forgotten, and the very men who are to 
 perish in the storm are the fii'st to raise its fury. 
 From individual corporations, the contagion spread 
 into State Legislatures. In the first onset, all tlie 
 plans proposed were effected. Large cities arose, 
 as if by magic. Canals and Rail-Roads wore made 
 to pass by the doors of the good Democrats, who 
 were the chief agents in getting up such a prosper- 
 ous state of things. An occasional murmur might 
 be heard from the unrewarded partizans — but no 
 sooner heard, than mill-sites would be furnished 
 and large quantities of pictures lent them, to erect 
 spacious mills thereon. Some received one borais, 
 others another — and for a while every thing seemed 
 to be index of the most unheard of prosperity. 
 But alas 1 the bubbles soon burst, and left nothing 
 but empty barrels of sand and round stone for the 
 specie, with which the pictures were to be re- 
 deemed, and which they were said to represent. 
 Their fictitious wealth had taken to itself wings 
 and fled, but not without leaving behind the 
 
14 
 
 FIFTY REASONS WHY 
 
 traces of its desolating influence. Napoleon re- 
 warded his generals with splendid titles ; in many 
 instances he placed crowns on their heads. He 
 caused the countries he vanquished to support his 
 armies. Wherever his troops passed they left be- 
 hind them poverty and starvation. The spoils which 
 the victors received were not French, but became 
 Fri'Hch by conquest. In this country, when the 
 war had ceased between the President and the 
 Bank, the generals received high commissions in 
 the new order of things. The old marshals were 
 reduced to the rank and file, and ihe clamorous 
 partizans of the victor were unexpectedly raised to 
 their dignities. Had Mr. Clay's warning voice 
 then been heard, and his advice taken, these disas- 
 ters would not have befallen the States. He is yet 
 living to restore the Currency, and recommend the 
 necessary measures of relief. 
 
 XVI. HIS PROTECTION OF AMERICAN 
 LABOR. 
 
 It is now thirty-four years since this vital ques- 
 tion was introduced in Congress. The discussion 
 arose in reference to the purchasing of various 
 munitions of war. At that time, the duties of im- 
 port were exclusively for revenue. The country 
 was under the necessity of depending upon and re- 
 ceiving from foreign nations all the manufactured 
 articles which were absolutely necessary. It was 
 certainly disgraceful, and the great men of 1S09 
 must have sensibly felt it, that this Republic had to 
 depend on the ingenuity and industry of Europe to 
 be furnished with even the necessary articles of 
 domestic comfort. A bill was introduced in that 
 year, with the following clause: " That preference 
 should be given to articles of American growth 
 and manufacture." Mr. Clay gave this national 
 measure his ardent support — a«(l from that act, 
 may be traced the source of our American manu- 
 factures. In giving the preference to articles of 
 American growth, it excited a general spirit of rival- 
 ry among all classes, to approximate the imported 
 goods. The energies of the artizans were aroused 
 to action ; factories were erfected throughout the 
 country, and a ready market was immediately pro- 
 cured for every thing. The same spirit which ac- 
 tuated freemen to deny themselves tea, now 
 prompted them to reject from their abodes every 
 species of import which came in competition with 
 their own. Mr. Clay in all his public acts, 
 evinces a patriotic inflexibility of purpose, with an 
 extraordinary zeal in the successful termination of 
 their intended effects. He stamps his own identity 
 on his measures, and never shrinks from any re- 
 sponsibility incurred. To show his interest in the 
 protective policy, while a member of the Kentucky 
 Legislature, he moved that each member should 
 clothe himself from head to foot in domestic fabrics. 
 He remarked on the failure of another bill of a 
 
 similar kind in 1820 — " Our complete independence 
 will only be consummated after the policy of this 
 bill shall be recognized and adopted." It is im- 
 possible to deny the paternity of the American 
 system, to this eminent statesman ; already one en- 
 during monument does announce to the world the 
 successful author. On the Cumberland Road it 
 stands. But this, though a proud tropliy, the 
 spontaneous gift of freemen, speaks too feebly ; a 
 louder, a clearer, a more general approbation is 
 now to be bestowed by a grateful nation in elect- 
 ing him to assume a more exalted position, in the 
 chair of State, in the White House in Washington. 
 All mechanics will contribute toward this happy 
 event. Were it nut for the American system, what 
 would be the use of European artizans emigrating 
 hither. The markets here would be all filled with 
 Uie manufactured goods of the countries which they 
 left. Without a patriotic sacrifice on the part of 
 Americans, the same state of things would exist 
 here now, that does there, but infinitely worse. A 
 suit of clothes can be purchased in London or Paris 
 for the price of making here. Cabinet ware is two 
 hundred per cent, cheaper. All the mechanical 
 work can be purchased at from one to four hun- 
 dred per cent, less in Europe than in America. 
 Wages are in the same proportion. A labouring 
 man here receives $1.00 per day, there less thaa 
 25 cents — on an average about 12i cts.— mechanics 
 at the same rate ; consequently a laborer can pur- 
 chase as much in Europe for his daily wages, at a 
 small rate, as he can here for a large rate. By re- 
 moving the protective policy, our markets here 
 will be flooded with their goods, the Americans 
 cannot sell as low as they, hence the British are 
 preferred. They return to their country and enrich 
 it at our expense ; we assist them to elevate the 
 standard of wages there, at the same time we drive 
 our own mechanics from the country. 
 
 But it does not end here ; one of the great 
 avenues which lead to national ruin and degrada- 
 tion is open, and the thousands of artizans who now 
 are busily engaged in bringing this system to per- 
 fection, will be hurried into ruin. None will feel 
 this blow heavier than the adopted citizens. The 
 wao-es which are now received will not be giveu 
 when the manufacturing interests become para- 
 lyzed, and hence arises the necessity of another 
 measure. 
 
 XVII. THE TARIFF. 
 The statesman who removes all restrictions upou 
 personal liberty, industry or property, compatible 
 with the true interests of the people, is justly styled 
 a national benefactor. All efforts which tend to 
 the emancipation of a country from foreign in- 
 fluence, are praiseworthy. True liberty cannot 
 exist without salutary restrictions ; a certain degree 
 of warmth is requisite to vivify and cherish animal 
 
HENRT CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDE.\T. 
 
 15 
 
 life. The first duty of a law-giver is to legislate 
 for his own citizens, to protect his own commerce, 
 incite his own industry, and increase his own re- 
 sources. Free trade necessarily implies fair trade. 
 Should this country admit foreign goods here, free 
 from duty, and other nations deny us the same pri- 
 vilege, it would not be fair ti-ade. If we meet 
 them half-way, we have done our duty. England 
 exports broadcloth, and imports bread-stuffs. She 
 desires light duties. We likewise desire the same. 
 It is said in England that the farming interests will 
 be materially injured by allowing these Republican 
 fellows to make this country a market for their beef 
 and pork ; to prevent this, let us raise an additional 
 tax on their imports. It is immediately done, the 
 duty levied on them is so high, that they become 
 dearer than the English products ; whereas had they 
 not done this, our friends across the waters could eat 
 and drink at a much less expense than they now 
 do. On the other hand, we import many of their 
 goods, which it would be much better for us never 
 to see, and we lay on them a light tax, merely suf- 
 ficient for revenue. John Bull laughs at the Yan- 
 kee Simpletons. These fellows, says he, can fight 
 well ; this I can vouch for by experience, but they 
 cannot come within a ten-foot pole of us in legisla- 
 tion. They allow us the balance of trade, though 
 they decidedly should and ought to have it. Now, 
 we, the plain Democrats of America, can do much 
 better without their supra, superfine broadcloth, 
 tlian their starving millions can do without the 
 staff of life, our grain and pork. We ought to re- 
 sent the tyranny of that relentless power, which 
 famishes the laboring classes of our old acquaint- 
 ances, by protecting their landed agricultural inter- 
 ests. A nation should always be prepared to main- 
 tain itself in the greatest emergency, from its own 
 resources ; in order to this, it should be taught and 
 encouraged to develop them before the danger ap- 
 proaches. The least dependence on foreign inter- 
 course, unless on the broad basis of international 
 reciprocity, is the best. All advancements made in 
 the arts, are a present and lasting benefit to a coun- 
 try. If we can manufacture enough for our own 
 wants, in wearing apparel, it is so much clear gain. 
 If we then look to the various branches of Society, 
 which are employed and indirectly benefitted there- 
 from, the most intelligent will be astounded. Our 
 furniture, in like manner. In fact, every thing. 
 French wines, Italian Puppets, German clocks, 
 English hardware, carpets, &c., could nearly all be 
 dispensed with. Harper's Ferry would not now 
 be the great depot for small arms, or New England 
 almost rival Old England in all things, and excel 
 her in many modern improvements in the arts, 
 were it not for the Tariff. Let sectional feeling be 
 buried. All America should be of one voice and 
 one mind on this subject, and ere long the South 
 itself would benefit therefrom. This can be de- 
 jnourftratcd. 
 
 In the first place, the Northern States through a 
 sense of national brotherhood would alford the peo- 
 ple of the South all tlie means in their power to re- 
 lieve themselves from any grievances introduced by 
 their patriotic sacrifice ; in the next place, they 
 would be thrown on their own resources, and I 
 am sure the chivalrous South possesses many. 
 A commercial spirit would of necessity be reviv- 
 ed, and the enterprize of iheir own sons, in their 
 own ships, would not only bring affairs to a pro- 
 per equilibrium, but would ere long give them 
 also, a preponderating influence. When the en- 
 tire nation is unanimous, then will a new vigour 
 re-animate the citizens, and our extensive prairies 
 will soon be covered with snowy flocks, our 
 rivulets wilt smile with the innumerable factories 
 which will ornament their banks. 
 
 The Tariff is not oppressive, but remedial ; it is 
 not vindictive, but merciful. Mr. Clay is its sup- 
 porter and defender. This, however great a mea- 
 sure, has received his cordial approbation, but 
 when the South revolted at what they called its 
 obnoxious features, we find him again sacrificing 
 his predilections on the platform of the Constitution 
 and integrity of the Union. We behold him at 
 that crisis in our affairs becoming the effectual 
 mediator by introducing the following measure. 
 
 XVIII. THE COMPROMISE ACT. 
 The most stable institutions can be overturned 
 with rapidity, and therefore the necessity of sacri- 
 ficing much, lest they might be endangered. None 
 are so rash as those who are least qualified to 
 govern. None so worthy to govern as those who are 
 least desirous to assume authority. The man whose 
 talents are generally known, and integrity always 
 above suspicion, never fails to excite attention and 
 command respect in matters of great national mo- 
 ment. Never was this Republic in such danger 
 of civil commotion, as in that period of her past 
 history, when it became necessary to have this 
 measure adopted. One rash step, one rash blow, 
 might then precipitate this glorious Confederacy 
 into a civil war. True it is, South Carolina could 
 not make an efl'ectual or successful resistance, but 
 she was a sovereign State, and her interests would 
 eventually be espoused by others, and the flame 
 would be gradually extended, until it had involved 
 the whole people in national strife. The sincere 
 patriot, at every juncture in his country's history, 
 will always be found ready, not only to come half- 
 way to settle disputes, but will, Roman-like, if 
 necessary, sacrifice his life, to save his father-land 
 from the horrors of a civil war. Mr. Clay, with 
 his usual sagacity, perceived the crisis to be two- 
 fold, financial and social, the first caused by em- 
 barrassments from trade, the second and most dan- 
 gerous from sectional causes. He accordingly 
 with the skill of an experienced commander, sug- 
 
16 
 
 FIFTY REASONS WHY 
 
 gested a measure of accommodation commensurate 
 with the exigencies of the case. He well under- 
 stood that the Tariff, as then existing, could not be 
 maintained, and also, that it could not be entirely 
 suspended. Conciliation and harmony were re- 
 stored by a com])romising act, which enabled all to 
 look on each other as citizens of the same Repub- 
 lic, and mutually interested in, and dependent on 
 each other's prosperity. By making concessions 
 then, the confidence of all was restored. It would 
 be fortunate for the people, if a compromise in 
 other matters, could have been made at a later day. 
 between their Delegates and Executive. Much of 
 our present State indebtedness might have been 
 prevented, and much ruinous innovation avoided, 
 and we would be now enjoying a good, uniform 
 currency ; a sound, healthy credit system, and a 
 growing national prosperity. JMr. Clay, on this 
 question, said, — "If there be any who want civil 
 war — who want to see the blood of any portion of 
 our countrymen spilled, I am not one of them. 
 I ^vish to see war of no kind ; but above all, I 
 do not desire to see a civil war. When war 
 begins, whether civil or foreign, no human sight 
 is competent to foresee when, or how, or where 
 it is to terminate. But when a civil war shall be 
 lighted up in the bosom of our own happy land, 
 and armies are marching, and commanders are 
 winning their victories, and fleets are in motion on 
 our coast — tell me, if you can, tell me, if any hu- 
 man being can tell its duration. God alone knows, 
 when such a war would end. In what a state 
 will be left our institutions. In what state our 
 liberties. I want no war ; above all, no war at 
 home. Sir, I repeat, that I think South Carolina 
 has been rash, intemperate, and greatly in the 
 wrong, but I do not want to disgrace her, nor any 
 other member ol' the Union. No ; I do not desire 
 to see the lustre of one single star dimmed, of tliat 
 glorious Confederacy which constitutes our politi- 
 cal system, still less do I wish to see it blotted out, 
 and its light obliterated for ever. Has not the 
 State of South Carolina been one of the members 
 of ihis Union in the ' days that tried men's souls ?' 
 Have not her ancestors fought along-side our an- 
 cestors ? H-ave we not conjointly won together 
 many a glorious battle? If we had to go into a 
 civil war with such a State, how would it termi- 
 nate? Whenever it should have terminated, wliat 
 would be her condition ? If she should ever return 
 to the Union, what would be the condition of her 
 feelings and affections? what the state of the heart 
 of her people ? She has been with us before, when 
 her ancestors mingled in the throng of battle, and 
 a.5 I hope our posterity will mingle with hers, for 
 ages and centuries to come, in the united defence 
 of liberty, and for the honor and glory of the Union, 
 I do not w-ish to see her degraded or defaced as a 
 member of this Confederacy. In conclusion, allow 
 
 me to entreat and implore each individual member 
 of this body, to bring into the consideration of this 
 measure, which I have had the honor of proposing, 
 the same love of country which, if I know myself, 
 has actuated me, and the same desire of restoring 
 harmony to the Union, which has prompted this 
 elibrt. If we can forget for a moment — but that 
 would be asking too much of human nature- — if we 
 could suffer, for one moment, party feelings and 
 party causes — and, as I stand here before my God, 
 I declare 1 have looked beyond those considerations, 
 and regarded only the vast interests of this united 
 people— I should hope that, under such feelings, 
 and with such dispositions, we may advantageously 
 proceed to the consideration of this biU, and heal, 
 before they are yet bleeding, the wounds of our 
 distracted country." Such language, such sen- 
 timents could not fail in restoring mutual harmony. 
 The Tariff was modified, and the Union — the sa- 
 cred Union — still remains inviolate. 
 
 XIX. IT WOULD BE GOOD NATIONAL 
 POLICY. 
 
 It is the duty, as well as the privilege, of the 
 people to investigate the conduct of their public 
 servants. When they find it uniformly on the side 
 of those principles which promote their happiness, 
 and secure their prosperity, they should rest con- 
 tent. That system of national policy which ope- 
 rates unjustly, ought to be instantly abolished. 
 AH useless expenses should be curtailed, and every 
 thing which is irrelevant to the reasonable and just 
 demands of the country, should not be allowed to 
 exist. In the examination of the national expendi- 
 tures, no regard whatsoever should be had to party. 
 Every man is equally interested. There is an er- 
 roneous abuse at this moment existing in the ad- 
 ministration of the affairs of the Post Office depart- 
 ment. Members of Congress, and other privileged 
 persons, are in the constant and criminal habit of 
 cheating the government out of large sums of 
 money, by reason of their abuse of the franking 
 privilege. The Report of the Postmaster General, 
 at a late Session of Congress, has stated " that 
 ninety -five per cent, goes free of all duty, and letters 
 of business and private correspondence have to 
 defray the expenses of the whole." The present 
 postage of letters is too high, and should be imme- 
 diately reduced. 
 
 The following Resolution was proposed bj- Mr. 
 Cl.\y, in March, 1842 : "Resolved, that the frank- 
 ing privilege ought to be further restricted, the 
 abusive uses of it restrained and punished, the post- 
 age on letters reduced, the mode of estimating dis- 
 tances more clearly defined and prescribed, and a 
 small addition to postage made on Books, pamphlets, 
 and packages, transmitted by mail, to be gradu- 
 ated and increased, according to their respective 
 wei'-'hts." Now the great mass of the people 
 
HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDEiVT. 
 
 17 
 
 would be directly benefited by this, and very few 
 would be affected by any portion of the same. It 
 is exceedingly difficult, owing to the present rate 
 of postage, to have correspondences held between 
 the most intimate friends to any extent ; twenty- 
 five cents, frequently spent in this manner, would 
 be very perceptibly felt amongst all the other re- 
 quisitions of a family. It is unjust — it is cruel — 
 that in a Republican government such an unequal 
 mode of legislation should any longer be continued. 
 This order of things should be reversed. I have 
 seen large quantities of blank envelopes, ready 
 franked, to be shared out to friends in common, in 
 the taverns and hotels in Washington. They are 
 sent by hundreds, yea, by thousands, through the 
 country, by mail. The sovereign people must 
 remedy this. 
 
 We have ambassadors in some foreign courts, 
 where they are not necessary. Neither are these 
 diplomatic relations reciprocated by them. The 
 honor of this Republic should insist upon recipro- 
 city of international courtesy, and not force them- 
 selves into any position which might be attributed 
 to causes of doubtful motives. In opening new 
 relations, this would be justifiable; it is dishonor- 
 able to continue them in countries where they are 
 not accredited. Mr. Clay's Resolution on this 
 point: •'Resolved, that the diplomatic relations of 
 the United States with foreign powers have been 
 unnecessarily extended, during the last twelve 
 years, and ought to be reduced." Since Mr. 
 Adam's Administration, he says, that foreign min- 
 isters of the first grade have nearly doubled, and 
 that of ministers of the second grade have nearly 
 tripled. It would seem that the increase of diplo- 
 matists has been made through a desire of reward- 
 ing the partizans of party. We ought to dispense 
 with those ministers who represent us in courts j 
 which do not reciprocate our representation. The I 
 mileage of members of Congress should be rendered | 
 uniform, and its rates materially reduced. As it 
 now is, it forms additional inducements for gentle- 
 men to feed out of the public crib. Those who 
 live at a distance can each save enougli out of their 
 mileage, to support a family of eight or ten per- 
 sons comfortably for a year. I remark here, that 
 every penny saved to the government, is two pence 
 saved to the people, for out of the people's pockets 
 all additional expenses must come. It is not just 
 to cut down the wages of poor messengers and la- 
 borers, in Washington and elsewhere, and, at the 
 same time, leave the high functionaries untouched. 
 Mr. Ci.AY has positively declared, "that we should 
 begin witli ourselves," — if it has not been done, it 
 is not his fault,— and I am certain, that he will 
 contribute to restore the poor watchmen and others 
 to the old standard of wages, and establish a 
 new and beneficial system of equalizing salaries, 
 according to their relative merits. This is too 
 
 3 
 
 much neglected ; every thing is now tending to 
 make the rich richer, and the poor poorer. 
 
 XX. OUR NATIONAL HONOR. 
 
 There is not an individual living, who does not 
 feel desirous to support his character ; those who 
 unfortunately may have lost it, endeavor to reclaim 
 it. Men who render themselves odious to their 
 neighbours, can emigrate to other regions and 
 learn to avoid rendering themselves such in their 
 new associations. Nations sulfer infinitely more 
 under dishonor than individuals; they being made 
 up of many, will proportionably suffer, all indiscri- 
 minately, the innocent with the guilty. 
 
 Nations are deprived of the power of loco-motion, 
 hence their suffering becomes the more intense. 
 It is not intimated now, that the Federal Govern- 
 ment is directly laboring under any imputations of 
 national degradation. No, it never has ; may God 
 grant it never will. Foreign powers, so f;ir as tlie 
 people at large are concerned, view this Republic 
 in a light different to wliat it really is. They in 
 the main consider that each State is not individual- 
 ly capable of separate sovereignty. It is evident, 
 they are correct to a limited degree ; it, however, 
 most unluckily happens that they are mistaken in 
 their general view of the case ; and particularly so 
 in the matter in which they are more immediately 
 concerned, viz : the power of contracting debts, 
 &c. If the State of Illinois borrows money of 
 England on the strength of her State bonds, of 
 course it is a distinct and separate contract made 
 between an individual State, and a Supreme power, 
 or citizens of another Government. The other 
 States who were not parties to the contract could 
 not become responsible more than the several mem- 
 bers of a family would become by the acts of an in- 
 dividual member, who was originally capable to 
 act. However, the same interest which a family 
 feels in the welfare of each individual in it, should 
 be felt by the Federal Union in each State. If one 
 member commits a fault through indiscretion or 
 otherwise, all endeavour to relieve him of the odium 
 attached thereto. Let us extend the figure. A 
 family consists of twenty-six persons, fourteen of 
 tliem have contracted debts of large amounts in 
 money, goods, fee. One of them absolutely refuses 
 to pay, others arc half inclined to legalize the vio- 
 lation of their contract, and all are unable. It is 
 evident that the remaining twelve, suffer in their 
 credit, and must ultimately share in the dishonor. 
 The whole farail}'' are ranked as one, and judged 
 as one. In the same manner, England, France 
 and Holland, will view this Republic, and the in- 
 nocent States will be associated with the guiltj*. 
 It however, is not quite an analogous case. The 
 Slates may have measurably lost their credit 
 abroad, but it has never entered into tlieir serious 
 thoughts one moment, to repudiate tlieir lawful and 
 
18 
 
 FIFTY REASONS WHY 
 
 honorable debts. And the Federal Government 
 knowinej this, should immediately recommend to 
 their consideration every feasible plan to expedite 
 them to discharge the uttermost farthing. It would 
 not be advisable to have the nation assume the 
 debts of the States, it would be a ruinous precedent 
 to establish, where such various rival interests 
 would be reached. Many States have no debts 
 hanging over them, they should not be included. 
 It would be impossible to bring this supposition to 
 a favourable issue. But infuse into the members of 
 the Confederacy a healthy fluid, which will wash 
 away all the old leaven, and create a new circula- 
 tion in the political arteries, and erelong the whole 
 matter will be set to right. Remedial measures 
 are now necessary; let them be used. In the first 
 place let the national pruning knife be applied to 
 all excrescences, and immediate aid afforded to those 
 States which now have works lying unfinished, and 
 becoming irrecoverably dilapidated. Millions will 
 be saved to the country, by the prudent counsels 
 of a benevolent Government. Our national honor 
 has suffered abroad, but at home it remains invio- 
 late. Every dollar will be paid, without reference 
 to the opinion of others, through a high sense of 
 moral obligation. Rally round the standard of 
 Clay, who has maintained at all times, and on 
 every occasion an undying love for the honor of his 
 country ; he is the father of the Internal Improve- 
 ment system. You have not heard his fatherly ad- 
 vice ; he warned you of both Scylla and Charybdis. 
 Return like the prodigal child, to your father's 
 house, and in the true spirit of contrition, say, 
 father we have sinned, and are no more worthy to 
 be called thy children. You will be received, and 
 I have no doubt, that, laying aside all party feelings 
 you and all of us will rejoice at the happy results. 
 Read his last speech but one in the Senate — 
 "The true policy of the nation," and you cannot 
 but be convinced of his wisdom and abilitj' to adopt 
 it. 
 
 XXI. OUR CHARACTER ABROAD. 
 
 It would be a matter unworthy of consideration 
 to bring this reason before the public eye, particu- 
 larly as our national honor has just been alluded to, 
 were it not of all others the most momentous, and 
 pre-eminently important. We live in a country of 
 recent origin, one which has but just burst asunder 
 the manacles of antiquated servility, and launched 
 forth from the contest, free, regenerate and disen- 
 thralled. It would be in vain for us to examine 
 the pages of history, to find any nation in ancient 
 or modern times placed in corresponding relative 
 position with this. Ancient Greece once was the 
 ornament of the world, yet her example was to 
 this as a cipher to infinity. Rome spread her con- 
 quests far and wide, and her victories were marked 
 with beneficent traces, and attended with vivifying 
 
 and soul-cheering results. The conquests of Rome 
 in no case begot subjugation, their object was 
 fraternization. Her antagonists, for the most part, 
 were feeble, ignorant and barbarous. The Gre- 
 cians now are the subjects of a foreign King, and 
 Italy is dismembered and partitioned oif between 
 other powers. France attempted to start into a 
 new existence. She commenced in blood ; she 
 terminated her inelfectual attempts in monarchy. 
 Anarchy and the Reign of Terror, butchered in cold 
 blood tens of thousands of their own citizens. In 
 the short space of twenty-six years, she passed 
 through every form of Government, and every 
 shade of crime known to humanity. Svvitzeiland 
 is but a feint echo of freedom. San Marino alone 
 in the Old World, stands erect in the freedom of 
 Nature's God. It may be said that this country is 
 the only consistent Republic that ever existed. It 
 possesses all the beauties of the ancient Common- 
 wealths, with none of their deibrmities,— all their 
 strength, with none of their weakness. 
 
 Is it nothing then for the oppressed, the down- 
 trodden cause of humanity, that this country should 
 present to the world the glorious example of its 
 superior form of Government; millions of millions 
 of living souls like ours.-'lves, look up to this Repub- 
 lic as the great lever by which their civil burdens are 
 to be removed. Already the European press — the 
 hireling of base tyranny is pouring out its venom 
 upon us, in relation to our cheating propensities ; 
 the tourists who visit our Republic and are treated 
 as Angels, return home, and calumniate us most 
 unmercifully ; some of them say we eat too fast, 
 others say we are filthy, all say we arc dishonest. 
 It would be much more to the credit of these base 
 revilers — these babbling strollers, tiiat they fii-st 
 looked at home, and then travel. The immorality, 
 dishonesty, lewdness, tyranny, poverty, squuiid- 
 ness, filth, fee. of Englaml are as much beyond 
 those of this country as Chimberazo is above 
 the mountains of Derbyshire. American jour- 
 nalists when they return from Europe, write and 
 speak like gentlemen, of the countries which 
 they visited. We can learn from Allison and their 
 other iBodern histoiians that this R'epublic has 
 wofuUy failed, and they haive the impudence even 
 now to state that we are utterly and irretirievabiy 
 lost. They had belter be cautious ; they might per- 
 haps have a chance ere long, to t,7iiell of the fuires 
 of the Democracy of this country, in a manner 
 which might give their olfactories a more serious 
 cause of oiience. All these things show that com- 
 in"^ events cast their shadows before ; that they utter 
 the sentiments oftheir minds, the promptings of their 
 prejudices; that they desire our ruin. Our mole- 
 hills are magnified into mountains. Their moun- 
 tains are levelled down to mole-hills. Oar credit 
 is on the wane abroad, this is abundantly suscepti- 
 ble of proof; and we have reason to lament the 
 
HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 
 
 19 
 
 truth of the accusation to some extent. The mari- 
 ner who descries an approaching storm, may with 
 certainty predict that its violence will he ultimate- 
 ly stilled, but he knows not whether his own vessel 
 will survive its fuiy. It would be madness to entrust 
 the management of bringing back lost credit, to 
 those who have been the cause of it ; by continuing 
 the same mode of legislation, we can never recover 
 it ; on the contrary, by analysis we sliall become 
 worse. The destructive policy which disables the 
 energies of a people and empoverishes a country, 
 should be condemned. By entrusting the aliairs 
 into t^ie handsof those who o])posed the unwarrant- 
 
 ' ed and headlong course of the men who introduced 
 these suicidal measures, we act as judicious and 
 sensible citizens. Mr. Clay proposes a plain, 
 tangible proposition, by means of which the gov- 
 
 ' ernment will sustain itself without the aid of any 
 taxation on the citizens of his country, and at the 
 same time save two millions towards paying off the 
 debt of the Federal Union, and two millions more 
 for contingent expenses. He will also introduce a 
 policy which will enable the Slates to pay olf their 
 debts, and preserve their credit abroad. No man 
 ever lived in this or any other country, more de- 
 sirous than he to see his honored — his loved — his 
 idolized father-land out of the njach of foreign 
 Capitalists and domestic Shin-Plaster, Red Dog, 
 Wild Cat, Sand Stone, Canal Scrip influence. 
 
 ! ■ Would to God, that every act of his life, and every 
 motive of his heart were properly understood by 
 his generous countrymen ; they would tlien nem. 
 con. place him where his talents would adorn, and 
 his wisdom guide^they would make him Presi- 
 dent — they will do so — he has been a calumniated, 
 an abused patriot. Our country needs him. We 
 shall — we must have him. 
 
 ^ XXII. OUR DOMESTIC RELATIONS RE- 
 QUIRE IT. 
 It is a fact worthy of admiration, that our happy 
 Constitution has fulfilled the expectations ofits most 
 sanguine friemis, and hitherto entirely frustrated the 
 hopes ofits most deadly foes. It cannot, however, 
 be denied that there are some ardent, needy, profli- 
 gate and ambitious individuals prowling abroad 
 amongst us, in tiie various capacities of journalists, 
 lecturers, ti-act-mongers, abolitionists, natives, anti- 
 popeiy men, &c.. Sec, who are generally British 
 Agents in disguise, commissioned by the deluded 
 fanatics or wily diplomatists of that jealous power 
 to promote sedition amongst us, or sow the seeds of 
 discord in the ranks of the moft united and hap- 
 piest citizens the world ever saw. The Alien and 
 Sedition law was passed in 1798, when no greater 
 cause existed than now. It is true that odious 
 measure was repealed, and the gallant Kentuckians 
 
 I were the first to set their faces against it, and none 
 opposed it more manfully than Henry Clay. Let 
 
 this be remembered, it was one of his first acts, 
 and it is one which should immortalize him in the 
 estimation of all adopted citizens. It would be 
 well if the naturalized citizens would organize 
 themselves openly and constitutionally in all our 
 large cities, for the purpose of watching those 
 prowling English saints — those emissaries of an- 
 archy and blood, and report their treacherous 
 machinations to the proper authorities. The Abo- 
 lition question is fraught with evil consequences to 
 the perpetuity of our institutions, the peace and 
 harmony of our citizens, and should as such be dis- 
 countenanced by every sincere patriot. Prudence, 
 however, is necessary on the part of the South — 
 the 21st rule should be repealed. It increases the 
 number of these misguided men, and constitutes an 
 issue which is entirely foreign from the Abolition 
 question. The proscribing the sacred right of 
 petition appears to the world an extraordinary en- 
 actment in the freest government on the globe. 
 Slavery is certainly incompatible with liberty, but 
 liberty could not be enjoyed here without slavery. 
 This is strange, but it is true. IMr. O'Connell, my 
 much respected and talented countryman, through 
 his excessive fondness for freedom, has run into an 
 error of great magnitude, on this question ; and 
 with his opinion we have nothing to do. Mr. 
 Clay has endeavored to effect the emancipation of 
 the slaves in Kentucky after the manner of Penn- 
 sjdvania. He is not in favor of rejecting petitions 
 on this or any other question. He understands the 
 true policy. 
 
 Every thing for the Union and the Union for us. 
 It was said in the campaign of 1840, that if the 
 Whigs came into power, the naturalization laws 
 would be repealed. Tliey did come into power, 
 and what is strange, I understand that not a single 
 petition was presented for their repeal. If we are to 
 judge the future by the past, the Native American 
 party will not receive any countenance from him, 
 or his party. The uncompromising foe of the 
 Alien and Sedition law, the unwavering friend of 
 Greece, Poland and South America, will not shut 
 out the sons of bondage, who will emigrate to ids 
 shores, or abridge their privileges. He who was 
 the first to encourage the nation to Internal Im- 
 provements, whereby we received employment ; 
 who urged a war with Great Britain, almost ex- 
 clusively because she claimed us as her citizens, 
 and forcibly impressed us into her service. He, to 
 proscribe the foreigners, in defence of whom his 
 whole life has been devoted ! He, abridge the 
 rights and liberties of citizens on Ids own soil, who 
 has so generously battled for them for those of 
 other soils, would bo a contradiction of his whole 
 life. We need not be alarmed on this ground. 
 None desire this, but a few discontented residents 
 of large cities, who are disappointed in some of 
 their foi;d expectations. We should not be seduced 
 
20 
 
 FIFTY REASONS WHY 
 
 from the path of duty, by the professions of inter- 
 ested partizans and designing demagogues. There 
 are not three ; I know not, that there is one emi- 
 nent or distinguished citizen in either party, known 
 as a politician, who would countenance such an 
 obnoxious measure. Certainly, Mr. Clay never 
 would. In view then of this statesman, hitherto 
 distinguishing himself on all occasions of public 
 excitement, by compromising ditficulties. and as 
 some very important ones now begin to embroil our 
 domestic relations, it would be wise to call him in, 
 and get a litUe of his old panacea to cure ever}'' 
 thing which afflicts the nation. 
 
 XXIII. GRATITUDE FOR HIS ABLE SUP- 
 PORT OF THE WAR. 
 
 Mr. Clay was elected a member of the House 
 of Representatives in 1811, his Senatorial term 
 having then expired. He was honored with the 
 Speaker's Chair by an almost unanimous vote. 
 Our foreign relations were then in a very critical 
 condition. The conduct of Great Britain in par- 
 ticular toweirds us was overbearing and insulting ; 
 she was then Mistress of the Seas, — her flag was 
 decorated with the trophies of Camperdown, the 
 Nile and Trafalgar, — on that element her dominion 
 was nearly complete. Her armies, flushed with 
 the victories of Portugal, and the conquest of Hin- 
 dostan, again excited in Briton's breasts, the latent 
 revenge for their inglorious Surrender at Yorktown. 
 She first attacked our commerce, then she impress- 
 ed our seamen. In 1812, she had seven thousand 
 of our gallant tars enrolled under her tlying Jack, 
 and was still increasing in her arrogant pretensions. 
 An Embargo was first recommended ; to this, Mr. 
 Clay gave his cordial support. War was soon 
 after declared. In his speech for arming for the 
 v/ar, he says : — '• I do not stand on this floor as the 
 advocate of standing armies in time of peace ; but 
 when war becomes essential, I am the advocate of 
 raising able and vigorous armies, to ensure its suc- 
 cess. The danger of armies in peace arises from 
 their idleness and dissipation ; their corrupted 
 habits, which mould them to the will of ambitious 
 chieftains. We have been the subject of abuse for 
 years by tourists through this country, whether on 
 horseback or on foot, in prose or in poetry ; but, 
 although we may not have exhibited as many 
 great instances of discoveries and improvements in 
 science, as the long establishe<l nations of Europe, 
 the mass of our people possess more general politi- 
 cal information than any people on earth ; such in- 
 formation is universally diffused among us. This 
 circumstance is one security against the ambition 
 of military leaders. Another barrier is derived 
 from the extent of the country, and the millions of 
 people spread over its face. Paris was taken, and 
 
 all France consequently subjugated. London might 
 be subdued, and England would fall before the 
 conqueror. But the population and strength of this 
 country are concentrated in no one place. Phila- 
 delphia may be invaded; New York or Boston 
 may fall ; every seaport may be taken ; but the 
 country will remain free. The whole of our terri- 
 tory on this side of the Allegany may be invaded, 
 still liberty will not be subdued. — Can we let our 
 brave countrymen, a Davies and his associates in 
 arms, perish in manfully fighting our battles, while 
 we meanly cling to our places. — But my ideas of 
 duty are such, that when my rights are invaded, I 
 must advance to their defence, let what may be the 
 consequence ; even if death itself were to be my 
 fate." 
 
 In the concluding part of his speech in favor of 
 the Navy Bill, in January, 1813, he says : — " And 
 whilst I thus discharge what I conceive to be my 
 duty, I derive great pleasure from the reflection, 
 that I am supporting a measure calculated to im- 
 part additional strength to our happy Union. Di- 
 versified as are the interests of its various parts, 
 how admirably do they harmonize and blend to- 
 gether ! We have only to make a proper use of 
 the bounties spread before us, to render us pros- 
 perous and powerful. Such a Navy as I have con- 
 tended for, will form a new bond of connexion be- 
 tween the States, concentrating their hopes, their 
 interests, and their affections." 
 
 Thus stood this youthful statesman, in the midst 
 of a talented and powerful opposition, battling with 
 liis irresistible eloquence in the cause of justice 
 and of his country : he was not alone in this crisis 
 of American history, but he was the master-spirit. 
 An additional force of twenty-five thousand troops 
 was authorized, and the Navy bill also passed. 
 The most vigorous measures were adopted. It is 
 impossible to refuse the highest tribute of admira- 
 tion to this intrepid and fearless man, for the deci- 
 sion and resolution which he then evinced for his 
 country — for liberty. What would avail the heroic 
 achievements of the glorious and successful Revo- 
 lution, if we had not then taken this stand ? We 
 would again become a conquered and enslaved 
 people. Nothing can be done to render Mr. Clay 
 a sufficient compensation for this one act of his life. 
 Were it not for the war of 1812, this country, in- 
 stead of being tlie asylum of the oppressed of all 
 nations, as it now is, would be the most cruelly 
 oppressed of all the British colonies. Let us now 
 lay aside ill-founded prejudice, and the spirit of 
 party, and act for the interests of the Republic. 
 A financial war is to be waged. A new order of 
 things is to be established — and none will be found 
 more adequate for the task than the able advocate 
 of the war, the second apostle of American liberty, 
 and the friend of universal freedom. 
 
HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 
 
 21 
 
 XXIV. THE TREATY OF GHENT. 
 What a joyful theme for congratulation to us, 
 that amidst the general convulsion of empires, and 
 shaking of thrones, our Republic alone was capa- 
 ble of standing the shock, and, single-handed, 
 achieve the most signal victories on record over a 
 haughty and triumphant foe. What a moral is con- 
 tained in the second American war, — an example 
 for future generations. Defeat would then be 
 ruinous, but the Gk)d of battles ordained youthful 
 liberty a higher destiny. The patriots of this 
 country were not the mercenary soldiery of tyrants, 
 they were the voluntary agents of their own pa- 
 triotism ; each soldier in himself stood forth a citi- 
 zen king. Victory perched on their standards, and 
 an honorable peace ensued. Congress, in token 
 of their marked respect for Mr. Clay's signal ser- 
 vices to his country, from the commencement to 
 the end of the contest, appointed him one of the 
 Commissioners to negotiate the Treaty of Peace. 
 The duties devolving on the gentlemen appointed 
 were highly responsible ; but they were equal to 
 the undertaking. Unanimity prevailed throughout 
 tlie whole proceedings, with but one exception, 
 which was in relation to the navigation of the Mis- 
 sissippi ; a majority of the Commissioners were in 
 favor of exchanging the right of navigating the 
 " father of waters," in lieu of the privilege of the 
 fisheries on the coast of Labrador and Newfound- 
 land. They thought the British were entitled to it, 
 on the ground of its source being in their acknowl- 
 edged territory. It cannot be asserted with truth 
 however, that the majority of the Commissioners 
 were actuated with unpatriotic motives. — No, all 
 were equally interested in treating to the best ad- 
 vantage for their common country. Mr. Clay 
 peremptorily refused his assent to any Treaty 
 which would surrender to the British any right to 
 the free navigation of the Mississippi, under any 
 pretext whatsoever. He succeeded, and the whole 
 matter was satisfactorily arranged. On his return, 
 he was greeted with the thanks of the Republic, — 
 and found, on his arrival in Kentucky, that he was 
 so signally honored, as to have been elected to 
 Congress in his absence. However, he had to en- 
 counter the animadversions of a few envious spirits, 
 who charged the Commissioners with ratifying a 
 Treaty, which left the matter in controversy, as to 
 impressment, in statu quo, as it was before the war. 
 They could not have acted otherwise, having been 
 instructed " to omit any stipulations thereon," with 
 the express understanding, " that the United States 
 did not intend to admit the Bri'ish claim, or relin- 
 quish theirs." The British answered the American 
 interrogatories thus : — " With respect to the forcible 
 seizure of mariners from on board merchant vessels 
 on the high seas, and the right of the King of Great 
 Britain to the allegiance of all his subjects, and with 
 respect to the rights of the British empire, the un- 
 
 dersigned conceive, that, after the pretensions as- 
 serted by the government of the United States, a 
 more satisfactory proof of the conciliatory spirit of 
 His Majesty's government cannot be given, than 
 not requiring any stipulation on those subjects, 
 which, though most important in themselves, no 
 longer, in consequence of the maritime pacification 
 of Europe, produce the same practical results." 
 The British had always previously not only claimed, 
 but actually exercised this right. Since tiiat Treaty 
 they have never attempted to exercise this preroga- 
 tive. They went to war on account of it. They 
 have virtually abandoned it, by ceasing to enforce 
 it. Four years subsequently, the questions relating 
 to the fisheries were satisfactorily settled. Those 
 malignant spirits who are always lying in wait, 
 watching an opportunity to elevate themselves at all 
 hazards, occasionally show themselves, to the utter 
 astonishment of the unsuspecting masses, arrayed in 
 opposition to the wisest and best of the land. Such 
 characters hold constant secret interviews, in de- 
 liberating on the best means to destroy the rising 
 greatness of their more fortunate, because more 
 worthy fellow-citizens. Mr. Clay has been the 
 victim of such designing demagogues. He has 
 been accused of much, and found guilty of nothing. 
 We are told that he has a leaning towards royalty, 
 an attachment towards England. His whole life is 
 a contradiction to these charges. Would to God, 
 (and it would be well for the interests of this coun- 
 try,) that those men, who originated these vile 
 calumnies to poison the public mind, were weighed 
 in the balance and found as little wanting. Every 
 act of his life, every aspiration of his soul, and all 
 the energies of his mind, have been diametrically 
 opposed to every thing royal — every thing British ; 
 yes, the history of his country will convince the 
 world, that when he leaned towards England, it was 
 by bringing Republican steel in contact with Eng- 
 lish blood. There is a season for every thing under 
 heaven — a season for the slanderers, and a season 
 for the slandered ; they had theirs — Mr. Clay will 
 soon have his! His democracy was so well known 
 in England, that whilst in London, on his return 
 home from Ghent, he was asked by Lord Liverpool, 
 a few days after the battle of Waterloo, '• If Napo- 
 leon — who, it was thought, might have fled to 
 America — would not give his countrymen much 
 trouble." " None, whatever," said Mr. Clay, 
 " we shall be glad to receive him, and will soon 
 make a good Democrat of him." 
 
 XXV. THE INFAMOUS CHARGE OF COR- 
 RUPTION, IN THE ELECTION OF 
 ADAMS. 
 When the chimeras of every enthusiast, the 
 dreams of every visionary, seem equally deserving 
 of attention with the sober conclusions of reason 
 and observation ; when the minds of men are sha- 
 
oo 
 
 FIFTY REASON'S AVHT 
 
 ken, as by the yawning of the ground during the 
 fury of an earthquake, and reason is for ever de- 
 throned — when truth has taken its final flight from 
 the earth and falsehood reigns supreme, then, and not 
 till then, will this base calumny — this unpardona- 
 ble fiction of human depravity, be believed. 1 beg 
 leave to say, that this was the chief reason why Mr. 
 Clay was odious to me. and I am confident, that 
 this matter has, in a great measure, injured this 
 aistinguished citizen. I have examined both sides 
 of the question impartially, and the conclusion I 
 came to was, that he was not only iimocent, but 
 Ihat he was an injured, an abused, and a calumni- 
 ated man. It is a well known, but lamentable 
 fact, that many of the highest, as well as the lowest 
 offices of this Republic, have been bought and sold 
 by political demagogues — that they have had regu- 
 lar offices where their private intrigues have been 
 carried on — runners employed to report progress — 
 hands hired to pull wires, and various other such 
 systems of political legerdemain. The Presi- 
 dential election took place in 1S25: General Jack- 
 son received 99 votes, Mr. Adams 84, and Mr. 
 Crawford 41. Neither having a majority of the 
 whole votes, it was thrown into the House. Mr. 
 Clay being then a member of the House, exercis- 
 ed his undoubted right to vote for him whom he 
 preferred. He accoidingly did so, and Mr. Adams 
 was elected. A letter appeared soon after in a 
 Pliiladelphia paper, purporting to be from a mem- 
 ber of Congress, stating unqualifiedly, that Mr. 
 Clay was offered the Secretarysiiip of State, if he 
 would aid in electing Mr. Adams, which was in- 
 stantly accepted. Mr. Clay instantly denied the 
 charge, pronounced it false, in whole and in part. 
 Mr. Kremek, a member of the House, from Penn- 
 sylvania, avowed himself the author of the allega- 
 tion, and said he stood ready to prove it. Mr. 
 Clay then asked for a Committee of Inquiry — it 
 was granted, and a day appointed. The accuser 
 backed out. The accusation was not established ; 
 and why ? because it could not be established. 
 Their inglorious and scurrilous attacks upon Mr. 
 Clay did not end there : Mr. Beverly wrote a 
 letter, which was published, that overtures were 
 made to General Jackson also, by the friends of 
 Mr. Clay — otfering him their support, if he would 
 give the Secretaryship to Mr. Clay, and not con- 
 tinue Mr. Adams. It would seem that a deej) and 
 premeditated plan had been contrived for Mr. 
 Clay's ruin. To give additional weight to this 
 libel, they prevailed on the General to confirm the 
 accusation over his own name. He replied, with 
 a direct charsje, that the alleged overtures were made 
 bv a distinguished member of Congress to him. 
 Mr. Clay immediately demanded the name of the 
 member of Congress, through whom these over- 
 tures had been made, and he received the name of 
 Mr. Buchanan, of Pennsylvania. This gentleman 
 
 (and he certainly deserves the title,) flatly denied 
 the statement, and said, that in the only conversa- 
 tion he ever had with General Jackson about re- 
 taining Mr. Adams as Secretary of Stale, "he had 
 not the most distant idea that the General believed, 
 or suspected, he came on behalf of Mr. Clay or 
 his friends." To place this charge for ever in the 
 shade, no further j)ioof is necessary than to read a 
 letter, written by Mr. Beverly himself, in 1841, 
 which says, that there was not the slightest Ibunda- 
 tion for it, and that it was utterly i'alse. In the 
 height of the excitement arising oat of these inge- 
 nious fabrications. Mr. Clay visited Kentucky, in 
 1827, whilst Secr-etary of State. He was invited 
 to a public dinner, when the following toast was 
 given : — '• Our distinguished guest, Henry Clay'- 
 — The furnace of persecution may be heated seven 
 times hotter, and seventy times more he will come 
 out unscathed by the fire of malignity, brighter to 
 all, and dearer to his friends ; while his enemies 
 shall sink with the dross of their own vile mate- 
 rials." Mr. Clay, in the concluding part of a 
 most brilliant speech in reply to this, thus alludes 
 to the vile charge of corruption : " Pronouncing 
 the charges, as I again do, destitute of all founda- 
 tion, and gross aspersions, whether clandestinely 
 or openly issued from the Halls of the Capitol, the 
 saloons of the Hermitage, or by press, by pen, or 
 by tongue, and safely resting on my conscious in- 
 tegrity, I demand the witness and await the event 
 with fearless confidence." How can men who de- 
 stroy the character of others expect mercy for their 
 own, when the sanctuary of truth is violated, they 
 ma}' themselves be sacrificed at the altar which 
 they have erected, victims to their own villainy 
 and crime. The fruits of injustice contain within 
 them the seeds of their own destruction. The 
 sword which has been taken from the scabbard, to 
 murder the character of Mr. Clay', will yet rust in 
 the gall of their bitterness. Thus, those who se- 
 cretly hatched these slanders, had to sustain them 
 in public, — the usual consequence of all crime is 
 to compel men to plunge deeper into the stream of 
 wickedness, and commit the greater crimes to save 
 themselves from the odium of the lesser, which 
 they have already perpetrated. 
 
 XXYI. THE MISSOURI QUESTION. 
 
 Whenever any great national calamity is about 
 to happen, it is then that true patriotism is more 
 particularly brought into action. In public men 
 we alwa)'S expect not only good intentions, but 
 prudent conduct. When great political changes 
 arise, it is not only the immediate, but the most 
 remote consequences, which ought to be taken into 
 consideration. As society is constitutedj men will 
 always be found, who, even in the greatest emer- 
 gency of the State, are indifferent as to the conse- 
 quences of their actions, having nothing them- 
 
HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 
 
 23 
 
 selves to lose ; always ready to accommodate them- 
 selves, having no settled principles, to the interests 
 of those most likely to succeed. The ablest Gen- 
 erals endeavour to promote dissentions in the 
 armies of their enemies ; the wisest, in unitins: 
 their own. The greatest benefactor is he who has 
 done the most good, at the greatest sacrifice to 
 himself. When questions arise in a government, 
 having a tendency to excite intestine broils, and 
 create sectional prejudices, the able statesman will 
 throw himself into the breach, with the (lag of his 
 country in his hand, beseecliing his countrymen to 
 look at Scylla on the one side and Charybdis on the 
 other ; keep a central course, he says, all hands 
 aloft — pilots to the helm, &c. While the danger 
 threatens, he is always ready, with the scales of 
 conciliation to weigh the claims of the contending 
 parties. There is no topic in tlie politics of this 
 country which is fraught with such intense interest 
 as the slave question. A bill was introduced into 
 Congress in the sessions of 1818 and 1819, provid- 
 ing for the admission of jVIissouri into the Union, 
 on condition that all the children of Slaves, born 
 after the passage of tlie act, should be free when 
 twenty-five years, and slavery forever after pro- 
 hibited. The bill passed the House, the Senate 
 struck out the conditions ; the House adhered to 
 them, and thus the bill was lost. The North and the 
 South took issue on this question, an intense ex- 
 citement pervaded all classes of citizens ; the pub- 
 lic press teemed with violent and inflammatory ap- 
 peals to sectional prejudices. The subject came 
 up for discussion in the next Congress. Mr. Clay 
 urged the admission in the manner which the Mis- 
 sourians themselves desired it; at the same time 
 declaring his detestation of the system, and had he 
 been a citizen of the State of Missouri, it should 
 never receive his sanction. Above all things he 
 urged concession and forbearance to all. The 
 safety of the Union was his grand object, and this 
 was to him of the most incalculable importance. 
 A compromise was effected through his exertions, 
 and an act was passed, giving to Missouri the right 
 of forming a Constitution and State Government, 
 " not repugnant to the Constitution of the United 
 States." The ])eople of the State in pursuance of 
 this act, formed a constitution in whicli a section 
 was inserted, provided for the "exclusion of free 
 Negroes from the State." The former animosities 
 were again enkindled, the controversy broke out 
 anew, and with increased violence. When things 
 were at the highest pitch of popular excitement, 
 Mr. Clay again interposed by referring the whole 
 subject to a select committee of thirteen. The 
 Chairman soon after reported that Missouri be ad- 
 mitted, provided she does not pass any laws pre- 
 venting any description of persons, who ivere ciii- 
 sens of any other State from coming into her terri- 
 tory. This resolution left 'he power of determin- 
 
 ing who were or who were not citizens to the pro- 
 per tribunals. It was lost by a majority of three. 
 The next day it was re-considered, and Mr. Clay 
 sustained the report of the committee Vvfith the 
 greatest zeal, most profound argument, and sublime 
 eloquence, in order that the peace of the country 
 might be preserved by the settlement of this vexed 
 question ; the resolution was again lost. Upon the 
 rejection of the bill the third time, the greatest 
 aiixiet}- prevailed for the fate of the Union itself ; 
 all were filled with apprehension and alarm. The 
 minds of men were in violent commotion ; already 
 many symptoms of dissolution became apparent. 
 Congress now became really alarmed, and they 
 looked to the great Pacificator for counsel. Mr. 
 Cl,ay was at his post, he introduced a resolution 
 instanter for the appointment of a joint committee 
 to consult wilh alike committee from the Senate, as 
 to admitting Missouri into the Union. This resolu- 
 tion was adopted in both Houses; the joint committee 
 met, and the next day Mr. Clay reported a reso- 
 lution precisely like the one before rejected. It 
 passed by a majority of six in the House, and the 
 Senate concurred. Thus was settled the famous 
 Missouri question, the most momentous which ever 
 agitated this Republic. For this act, Mr. Clay is 
 eminently entitled to the country's gratitude. And 
 he ought, independently of any other cause what- 
 ever, receive from her the highest meed of praise. 
 
 XXVII. OUR MEXICAN RELATIONS. 
 
 It would be useless and unprofitable to urge the 
 necessity of a sound currency, or stability of 
 domestic legislation, whilst we neglect the impartial 
 administration of justice towards foreign nations, 
 according to the well known and time sanctioned 
 principles of international law. When our institu- 
 tions are already noticed by European journalists 
 and historians as a complete failure, — our glorious 
 liberties as the/wmes of Democratic frenzy, we ought 
 to learn to cultivate the friendliest relations with 
 our sister institutions on this Continent. Never 
 were a people so insulted,' or their hospitalities so 
 grossly abused as we have lately been by those 
 Trans-atlantic strolling scribblers. It is high time 
 that these shameless intinerants were stopped in 
 their unthankful course, by closing against them 
 for ever the hospitalities of this Republic. They 
 come here as vipers, they are honored as Gotls. 
 None more despicable in this regard than the hired 
 satellites which revolved around the throne of 
 British despotism Every Republican has a deep 
 interest in the progress of free institutions, he cares 
 not beneath what clime liberty finds a refuge. 
 The descendants of the besieged of Saragossa are as 
 worthy and as capable of enjoying freedom as any 
 people on the face of the earth. The Peninsular 
 war is a conclusive evidence of the patriotism of 
 the Spaniards. There is not on record, save the 
 
24 
 
 FIFTY REASONS WHY 
 
 war of American Independence, a more heroic ex- 
 ample of indefatigable patriotism — of determined 
 hostility to foreijrn ursurpation, than that which 
 Spain has exhibited. Oft defeated by superior 
 numbers, the Spaniards were nevertheless uncon- 
 quered; they became stronger by disaster and 
 braver after defeat. The Cortes of Cadiz declared 
 for a Republic, and they sowed the seed from which 
 germinated tlie liberties of their colonies; had it 
 not been for the interference of the allied sover- 
 eigns, their declaration would have been consum- 
 mated. The Mexicans have waded through seas 
 of kindred blood, for the achievement of their in- 
 dependence ; they love their altars and their homes. 
 What monster is there whom the love of fatherland 
 does not excite to deeds of daring and of fame. 
 " Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori." It is to 
 many a subject of regret and serious alarm, that 
 civil discord abounds to such an alarming extent, 
 in our sister Republics. It is not within the scope 
 of my knowledge to elucidate the causes which 
 lead to this unhappy state of public feeling, or 
 within the range of my subject to deal in matters 
 which do not immediately interest ourselves; 
 though I am free to admit that when I see the 
 cause of freedom sinking in the scale of nations, 
 RepubUcs becoming not only stationary, but retro- 
 grade ; the energies of their citizens exhausted, 
 their glowing ardor diminishing, and discord, de- 
 generacy and decline rapidly advancing, I tremble 
 for the effects of such an example, the influence of 
 such a state of things on the destinies of mankind. 
 Sliall time, which brought on this continent the 
 most glorious changes on man's political condition, 
 again witness the restoration of the ancient dynas- 
 ties on any portion of this hemisphere ? Shall 
 British gold and British diplomacy triumph over 
 the liberties of an additional inch of American ter- 
 ritor)' ? No, never ! As long as twenty-six States 
 continue to form one united Confederacy, so long 
 shall the operations of that wily power be kept 
 within its prescribed limits. There are certain 
 general principles contained in the infinite diver- 
 sity of human affairs, which always operate alike, 
 and are productive of similar consequences. It is 
 certain, however, that without wisdom and general 
 information no government can guarantee security to 
 national or individual welfare. We are now surround- 
 ed with a pressure of events, to rise superior to which 
 requires the highest effort of philosophical power, 
 and the most perfect knowledge of political science. 
 Whilst we are discussing matters of finance, and 
 questions of domestic policy without arriving at 
 any definite conclusions, there may be seen in the 
 distant, though not very remote back-ground, sub- 
 jects which ere long will engross the attention of 
 statesmen, and excite the passions of the people. 
 The annexation of Texas to this Union is amongst 
 them. The career of freedom on this continent is 
 
 to be unstained with blood ; the fabric of American 
 liberty is to be sustained by the intelligence, 
 morality and religion of the people ; our forests, 
 our lovely valleys shall not be crimsoned o'er with 
 freemen's blood, each drop of which will tell in 
 Europe the sad tale of tlie dying struggles of free- 
 dom in her last, her only resting place. In rela- 
 tion to this important topic, it behooves me to be 
 silent ; every American understands well the object 
 of this reason. It is the necessity of the country 
 being prepared to act, and to have a man at the 
 head of affairs who will understand how to con- 
 ciliate and compromise with Republics — and resist 
 unto death the farther encroachments of monarchy 
 in our neighborhood. Henry Clay is that man. 
 Every act of his life has been for America, for 
 liberty. 
 
 XXVIII. OUR CANADA RELATIONS. 
 
 To every impartial observer of affairs, all inroads 
 made on a free government by violence or innova- 
 tion diminishes the efficacy of law and order, and 
 increases anarchy and libertinism. When a govern- 
 ment concedes to the demands of a revolutionary 
 portion of its citizens, for an increase of political 
 power, it almost invariably excites the insurgents 
 to further encroachments ; this would be nothing 
 less than the subversion of the government itself. 
 Where every man has a right to the exercise of his 
 free suffrage, it is his prerogative to redress his 
 grievances in a peaceable and constitutional man- 
 ner. In a counti-y of freedom, where the greatest 
 possible liberty is enjoyed, there can never exist a 
 reasonable ground for a revolution. The danger 
 lies in extending our territory too far, in local or 
 sectional jealousies, interfering with the rela- 
 tions of others, &.c. The immortal Washington 
 recommended to his countrymen strict neutrality 
 on matters of foreign policy, where we were not 
 directly or immediately interested. There is a 
 limit to men's passions when they act from reason, 
 resentment or interest ; but none when they are 
 spurred an by imagination or ambition. For our 
 domestic grievances we can demand those conces- 
 sions and reforms which are best calculated to 
 remove them ; with those of others we can sympa- 
 thize, but we cannot remedy them. In our rela- 
 tion with affiliated institutions, we evidently should 
 be on more friendly terms, than willi those which 
 are diametrically opposite to us. " Pares cum 
 paribus simil congregantur," — birds of one feather 
 flock together. An exauiple of this is now fresh 
 in our memory, the late billing and cooing of 
 Philip and Victoria, the rulers of two powers, the 
 very antipodes of each other. The King of Prus- 
 sia has honored Victoria also with his presence at 
 the christening of the young prince. Negotiations 
 are already on feoffor many pleasant interviews, to 
 take place ere long between these confederated 
 
HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 
 
 25 
 
 enemies of freedom, all of which no doubt are in- 
 tended to stop the progress of free principles, and 
 give additional security to their respective diadems. 
 They are conscious that the dark infatuation which 
 bound men to monarchy is gradually Jiminishin"- 
 before the brilliant lustre of human freedom.— 
 Awake, the earth !— To arms, the world ! ! Would 
 to God, that these insignia of the degradation of 
 our race were utterly annihilated— extirpated from 
 the earth ! ! ! England yet retains a large portion of 
 the American Continent in vassalage. The influ- 
 ence and example of this Republic have operated 
 favorably for many years on the people of Canada. 
 Not long since they asserted their rights. As the 
 stag eagerly longs for the cool shade or limpid 
 brook, when exposed to the scorching sun— so the 
 Canadians anxiously desired their liberty. They 
 arose in an inauspicious moment, when their plans 
 were not at maturity, — the result was disastrous. 
 They had the sympathies of thousands in this coun 
 try. Many actuated by the motives which led volun- 
 teers to Texas, enrolled themselves under the flying 
 pennant of freedom. Associations were formed, and 
 the work had already gloriously commenced — yes, 
 and would have more gloriously terminated, had it 
 not been for Martin 1st, who issued his Proclama- 
 tion, and caused the civil and military authorities to 
 interfere. The frontier lines were filled with armed 
 soldiery, the patriots on this free soil were denomi- 
 nated brigands and bandit. The rising genius of 
 Canada's liberty was crushed by that man, who sat 
 silently in his chair, dealing out an occasional gentle 
 rebuke towards those who had acted more numer- 
 ously and more openly against Mexico, a sister Re- 
 public. I lay this matter before the public, to prove 
 that Mr. Van Buren is leaning towards monarchy ; 
 or why did he not use his prerogative similarly to- 
 wards the two governments ? Why, Mexico was a 
 Republic and weak ; England a monarchy and pow- 
 erful. If the gentleman could be blind towards his 
 relations with Mexico, why so keen-sighted towards 
 Canada ? He loves hereditary honors. Eight 
 years of the history of this Republic will bear wit- 
 ness to his desire of strengthening the Executive, 
 and weakening the popular power. Not a daily 
 mail arrives from beyond the St. Lawrence, that 
 does not bring us an account of the hatred of the 
 Canadian Tories towards us. Since the com- 
 mencement of this Session of Congress, we are 
 told by them, we dare not take any action upon the 
 occupation of Oregon ; that the Hudson Bay Com- 
 pany will be able to sustain their rights, and ivill 
 sustain them — that the Indians laugh at our vain 
 attempts in settling their country. They wind up 
 as usual, with their Tory bombast, by saying, if 
 the Hudson Bay Company and the Indians cannot 
 prevent the d d Yankees, they will do it them- 
 selves. Be aisy, Johnny, don't be quite so forget- 
 ful of Lake Erie and Charaplain, Look at Mon- 
 
 mouth, Saratoga, and Yorktown ! And I assure 
 .you, that if Martin had not liked you so well, 
 there were Hunters enough here to hunt Toryism 
 and Monarchy out of Canada. They are yet alive, 
 and only wait a favorable moment to give you a 
 decent dressing. If Canada should rise to join the 
 Hudson Bay Company, it would be dangerous to 
 the liberties of this country, to have Mr. Van Bu- 
 ren in the chair, if we are to judge from his past 
 Administration. I have, in this Reason, endeavor- 
 ed to show the inconsistency of the conduct of the 
 party in power, on grave matters of State policy — 
 lenient to MonaVchy, oppressive to Republicanism. 
 Then, if they had erred in more weighty matters, 
 they certainly must have erred in lesser. I have 
 not that interest in the subject now discussed, that 
 the principles involved would indicate, it is done 
 for the sake of justice and truth ; and to bring the 
 two gentlemen, Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Clay, 
 to be estimated by the Adopted Citizens according 
 to their relative merits — this is my object, and no 
 other. 
 
 XXIX. OUR SOUTH AMERICAN RELA. 
 TIONS. 
 
 The evils of despotism had been bitterly experi- 
 enced by the South American Colonies. The 
 United States had set them a glorious example; 
 from this country the most important lessons were 
 learned, not only by them, but by the whole civil- 
 ized world. Mr. Clay, the ardent supporter of 
 the unalienable rights of man, gave the infant Re- 
 publics all the aid he possibly could. He had, at 
 that time, as he always has, an eye to the interests 
 of his own country, which was then disputing as to 
 a portion of the Territory of Florida, with Spain. 
 When a bill was introduced in Congress to " pre- 
 vent our citizens from selling vessels of war to a 
 foreign power," it was opposed by Mr. Clay, as 
 it would be understood as having a direct reference 
 to the preventing aid to the Southern patriots. He 
 made the most elequent speech in the House that 
 has ever been delivered on the South American 
 Independence. He says, — "Wherever in Ameri- 
 ca her sway extends, every thing seems to pine 
 and wither beneath its baneful influence. The 
 richest nations of the earth ; man, his happiness 
 and his education, all tlie fine faculties of his soul, 
 are regulated, and modified, and moulded to suit 
 the execrable purposes of an inexorable despotism. 
 But I take a broader and a bolder position. (^ 1 
 maintain, th.\t an oppressed people are 
 authorized, whenever they can, to rise 
 
 AND BREAK THEIR FETTERS. .-^ This WaS the 
 
 great principle of the English revolution. It was the 
 great principle of our own. Vattel, if authority were 
 wanting, expressly supports this right. We must 
 pass sentence of condemnation on the founders of 
 our liberty — say that they were rebels — traitors- 
 
26 
 
 FIFTY REASONS WHY 
 
 and that we are at this moment legislating without 
 competent powers, before we can condemn the 
 cause of Spanish America. Our Revolution was 
 mainly directed against the mere theory of tyranny. 
 We had suffered comparatively but little ; we had, 
 in some respects, been kindly treated ; but our in- 
 trepid and intelligent fathers, saw in the usurpa- 
 tion of the power to levy an inconsiderable tax, 
 the long train of oppressive acts that were to fol- 
 low. They rose — they breasted the storm — they 
 achieved our freedom. Spanish America, for cen- 
 turies has been doomed to the practical effects of 
 an odious tyranny. If we were justified, she is 
 more than justified. I am no propagandist, I would 
 not seek to force upon other nations, our principles 
 and our liberty, if they do not want them. I would 
 not disturb the repose even of a detestable despot- 
 ism. OCr" But, if an abused and oppressed people 
 will their freedom ; if any seek to establish it ; if, 
 in truth, they have established it, we have a right, 
 as a sovereign power, to notice the fact, and to act 
 as circumstances and our interests require. -^ I 
 will say, in the la\iguage of the venerated Father of 
 my country : — ' Born in a land of liberty, 
 
 MY ANXIOUS recollections, MY SYMPATHETIC 
 FEELINGS, AND MY BEST WISHES, ARE IRRE- 
 SISTIBLY EXCITFD, WHENSOEVER, IN ANY COUN- 
 TRY, I SEE AN OPPRESSED NATION UNFURL THE 
 
 BANNERS OF FREEDOM.' Whenever I think of 
 Spanish America, the image irresistibly forces it- i 
 .self upon my mind, of an elder brother, whose edu- 
 cation has been neglected, whose person has been 
 abused and maltreated, and who has been disin- 
 herited by the unkindness of an unnatural parent. 
 And, when I contemplate the glorious struggle 
 which that coimtry is now making, I think I be- 
 hold that brother rising, by the power and ener- 
 gy of his fine native genius, to the manly rank 
 which nature, and nature's God, intended him. In 
 the establishment of the Independence of Spanish 
 America, the United States have the deepest inte- 
 rest. I have no hesitation in asserting my firm be- 
 lief, that there is no question in the foreign policy 
 of this country, which has ever arisen, or which I 
 can conceive as even occurring, in the decision of 
 which we have had or can have so much at stake. 
 This interest concerns our politics, our commerce, 
 our navigation. There cannot be a doubt that 
 Spanish America, once independent, whatever may 
 be the form of the governments established in its 
 several parts ; these governments will be animated 
 by an American feeling, and guided by an Ameri- 
 can policy. They will obey the laws of the sys- 
 tem of the New World, of which they will 
 compose a part, in contradistinction to that of 
 Europe. — AVe are their great example. Of us 
 they constantly speak as of brothers, having a 
 similar origin. They adopt our piinciples, copy 
 our institutions, and in many instances, employ 
 
 the very language and sentiments of our Revolu 
 tionary papers." 
 
 This speech, from which the preceding extracts i 
 have been talcen, was published in the Spani.sh Ian 
 guage, and read by the generals and otlier officers to i 
 the armies, and is still, with his many other eloquent t 
 appeals in their behalf, preserved in all the sister • 
 Republics. General Bolivar wrote Mr. Clay • 
 letters, declaratory of the high esteem and regard I 
 in which he was held by the freemen of the South, , 
 at the same time returning him their sincere grati- ■ 
 tude. I defy the world to produce a man, whose ' 
 life has been more devoted to the extension of libe- 
 ral principles, or one more capable of sustaining 
 them b}'solid argument, or better calculated to throw 
 around them that lustre which imparts to them an 
 additional beauty. Were he President in days that 
 are past, the whole American Continent would 
 now be Jlincricanized — and not a vestige of royalty 
 would disgrace its virgin soil. It would seem that 
 Mr. Clay has always desired to have this hemis- 
 phere be entirely separate and distinct in its politi- 
 cal relations from the Old World. It has been a 
 favorite object of his, whenever an opportunity of- 
 fered to make it public. The speech on the Eman- 
 cipation of South America needs no comment, to 
 establish this fact. Hide your diminished heads, 
 and secrete yourselves, ye Vulpine race of politi- 
 cians. What a contrast — Martin on Canada, and 
 Clay on South American Independence. 
 
 XXX. THE FAVORABLE IMPRESSION 
 MR. CLAY'S ELECTION WOULD MAKE 
 ON SOUTH AMERICA. 
 Never were objects of such magnitude offered to 
 the enterprise of any people, as the Soutli Ameri- 
 can States offer to those of this country. We are 
 seventeen millions of fieemen, enjo}'^ing innumera- 
 ble advantages from our commanding position, on 
 the American Continent, destined undoubtedly to 
 give a character, at no distant day, to the most re- 
 mote regions, and liberty perhaps to the world. 
 The closer the links which bind these Cis-Atlantic 
 Republics together are drawn, the stronger will be 
 the influence towards ameliorating the condition of 
 the down-trodden and oppressed of other nations. 
 The air of liberty is sweet, though beneath the 
 lurid rays of the equinoctial skies. The various 
 States of this Union form one grand integral, asso- 
 ciated together by the closest ties of kindred — all 
 speaking the same language — all free to worship 
 the same God — ail not Anglo-Saxons, none the 
 worse for that, but all I hope true Republicans. 
 The people of the South American and Me.xican 
 Republics, are all allied by kindred, by language, 
 and by religion, in these respects, more so than we 
 are. An insult offered to a portion of this great 
 family, is indirectly received by all. A favor con- 
 ferred, is in like manner reciprocated. A constant 
 
HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 
 
 27 
 
 rivalry exists between the European powers in es- 
 tablishing^ commercial relations, on the most advan- 
 tageous terms possible, with our sister States. They 
 have already contracted matrimonial alliances. Mo- 
 narchical influence would seem to be gradually in- 
 creasing; it is established in its worst ibrra in Bra- 
 zil. Guiana is still divided into three dependen- 
 cies — each one under the power of a foreign mon- 
 arch. England has also, by its seductive policy, 
 obtained the Balize, and has an eye upon more im- 
 portant acquUitions. It is clear to every diplomat- 
 ist, that these affiliated Republics have little re- 
 spect for JVlr. Van BunEN, daring whose term of 
 office, inroads were made vvilh impunity, upon a 
 portion of the Mexican territory, by citizens of 
 Texas, aided by the sanction of this government. 
 I know not what course Mr. Clay would pursue 
 towards Texas, neither can I determine ; suffice it 
 to say, he has not been an auxiliary in bringing 
 about the present juncture in which our affairs are. 
 It is however, clear, that he would be the best cal- 
 culated to restore good feelings all around. Mr. 
 Clay always has been, and ever will be, on the 
 side of his own country, and will say and do noth- 
 ing which would, in the least, dishonor her tiag, 
 or degrade her character. 
 
 However, a difficulty now exists, and it has 
 taken a deeper root in the Spanish American 
 breast, than we have any idea of; yes, it has sunk 
 deep into that race, from Monterey to Conception. 
 If any American in our Republic can restore the 
 most perfect unanimity, it is Mr. Clay. There is 
 not a man in these States who does not idolize this 
 .statesman, and who would not be willing to sacri- 
 fice much at his request. His influence would be 
 potent in the cultivation of our commercial rela- 
 tions. The Colonies which enriched Spain, and 
 now possess more of the precious metals than the 
 world besides, have not been sufficiently well at- 
 tended to, by our late Administrations. It is as- 
 tonishing to behold what immense quantities of 
 bullion are transported across the Atlantic annually, 
 a great deal of which might have had a stopping 
 place here, were the manufacturing interests in a 
 more flourishing condition. It would appear, that a 
 desire to conform to European customs and fashions 
 is taking a foothold on American soil. The latest 
 London and Paris fashions are eagerly sought for ; 
 the fact of an article being European enhances its 
 value, whereas the contrary should be the case. 
 Our travellers, instead of visiting the palaces of the 
 Incas, and the smiling valleys of the Amazon and 
 Paraguay, prefer the tents of royally, and the luxu- 
 riant fields of the Thames and Seine. If Wash- 
 ington could but address his countrymen, from 
 the tomb, he would tell them, to keep more on 
 their own Continent, and visit Europe less. Mr. 
 Clay, in this particular, is a Republican ; he de- 
 sires the citizens to use their own manufactures, 
 
 and cultivate friendship on their own Continent ; 
 he knows that tyrants pamper themselves on the 
 ruins of freedom. 
 
 XXXI. MR. CLAY IS NOT AN ALIEN 
 AND SEDITION LAW MAN. 
 The famous Alien and Sedition Law was passed 
 in the Session of 179S, under the Administration 
 of the elder Adams. The Mien law gave to the 
 President power, whenever he should deem it 
 necessary to the safety of the Republic, to order 
 from her territory any Alien, whose presence he 
 might judge hostile to the public peace. The 
 Sedition law subjected to an action at law, such 
 persons as should '• indite, or publish any writ- 
 ings, with intent to defame the Government of 
 the United States, the President, or either House 
 of Congress, to bring them into disrepute, or to 
 excite the hatred of the people against them :" 
 upon conviction before a United States' Court, 
 such persons were to pay a fine of not more than 
 two thousand dollars, and to suffer imprisonment 
 for not more than two years : upon trial the accus- 
 ed had the right to give in evidence, in their de- 
 fence, the truth of the matter charged as libellous, 
 and the jury were to determine both the law and 
 the fact. There can be no doubt, but the Ameri- 
 cans had just grounds for entertaining strong sus- 
 picions against many foreigners as well as natives 
 in that day. French emissaries were sent from 
 Paris to a'most every part of the world, to enlist 
 the people in behalf of their Revolution ; in order 
 to effect this, it was necessary that they should 
 establish clubs, through which they might the more 
 successfully operate. The public press went so 
 far as to denounce the immortal Washington, 
 then on the verge of the grave, and ripening fast 
 for a glorious immortality ; they accused him of 
 acts, which, if proved, would have consigned him 
 to the penitentiary or the scaffold, and even pro- 
 claimed of President Adams, that "• the hoary trai- 
 tor had only completed the scene of ignominy 
 which Mr. Washington had begun." Such pro- 
 ceediu'TS as these on the part of the Jacobin inter- 
 ests in this youthful Republic, were certainly high- 
 ly indecorous and insulting. This coercion, how- 
 ever, on the part of the Administration, was not 
 effected without exciting the most violent local 
 discontents. The manner in which they were 
 viewed by the great body of the people, may be 
 judged from what Mr. Jefferson said of them, at 
 their passage. " For my own part," said he, " I 
 consider these laws as merely an experiment on 
 the American mind, to see how far it will bear an 
 avowed violation of the Constitution. If this goes 
 down, Vi'e shall immediately see attempted another 
 Act of Congress, dfclaring the President shall con- 
 tinue in otiice during life, reserving to anofhcr oc- 
 casion the transfer of the svrccession to his heirs. 
 
28 
 
 FIFTY REASONS WHY 
 
 and the establishment of the Senate for life. That 
 these things are in contemplation, I have no doubt, 
 nor can I be confident of their failure, after the 
 dupery of which our counirj'men have shown them- 
 selves susceptible." It certainly appears from the 
 langua£;e of this great apostle of Democracy, that 
 these acts were direct inroads on the Constitution, 
 and would eventually lead to results any thing but 
 favorable to Democracy : yea, were even the pre- 
 cursor to Monarchy. When the news of the pas- 
 sage of this abominable measure had reached Ken- 
 tucky, public meetings were called all over the 
 commonwealth ; the laws were denounced in angry 
 and decided terms. The Legislature also passed a 
 Resolution unqualifiedly condemning them, and de- 
 manding their immediate repeal. None amongst 
 these gallant Republicans acted a more conspicu- 
 ous part, than Mr. Clay, in opposing them ; he 
 pronounced them unjust, tyrannical, inexpedient, 
 and unconstitutional. His opposition was so man- 
 ifest, that he received the title of the "Great 
 Commoner." by which name he is still known in 
 his adopted State ; from this circumstance ne also 
 became the leader of the Democratic party in the 
 State. In the election of 1800, between the elder 
 Adams and Thomas Jefferson, the canvass 
 in Kentucky was exceedingly animated. The 
 " Great Commoner," as tisual, was on the side 
 of the people, and took a bold and effective part in 
 the struggle ; it is admitted by all, that Mr. Jef- 
 ferson was deeply indebted to him for his elec- 
 tion, yes, believe it, it is true, he voted for Jef- 
 ferson twice, and spoke for him on almost every 
 stump in Kentucky. 
 
 XXXII. MR. CLAY IS A PRACTICAL 
 FARMER. 
 In all countries the ardent will follow objects not 
 the most reasonable, but the most captivating ; the 
 selfish or indifferent, the most accommodating; and 
 the wise and the good, the most practically useful. 
 Individuals who are about to build will select the 
 best architects — farmers who require stewards, will 
 inquire after good agriculturalists. Every man 
 wishes to be suited in his several relations of life. 
 Those who live by the support of the public, will 
 generally know how to conform to their inclina- 
 tions ; it might be rightly said, on all occasions, 
 that the most "proper study of mankind is man." 
 Political wisdom is a science which, in the posses- 
 sor, is scarcely known but by very few,— its salu- 
 tary effects are not experienced until after the lapse 
 of time. When a man shines as an orator, he 
 creates a temporary effulgence — as a lawyer, a tran- 
 sient celebrity — as a statesman, he is a public ben- 
 efactor — but as a farmer, the noblest work of God. 
 How is it then, when all these qualities are blended 
 in one individual, and that too in an eminent 
 degree ? Mr. Clay possesses them all. No man 
 
 has contributed more towards bringing the agricul- 
 tural interests of his State, and of the Union, to 
 perfection. His farm is the index of his mind. 
 His stock is unsurpassed for beauty and utility. 
 His orchards abound with every variety of the 
 most exquisite fruit, — in a word, notliing can beat 
 his farm for beauty and taste, and I should like to 
 find a match for the farmer himself. It was to en- 
 courage the farming interests that he first launched 
 his almost solitary bark on the ocean of the Protec- 
 tive Policy. His great love for England, which 
 his opponents say he possesses, may be found in 
 the following language, used by him in 1810, in 
 Congress. " For many years after the war," said 
 he, " such was the partiality for her productions, 
 in this country, that a gentleman's head could not 
 withstand the influence of the solar heat, unless 
 covered with a London hat ; his feet could not bear 
 the pebbles or the frost, unless protected by Lon- 
 don shoes ; and the comfort or ornament of his per- 
 son was consulted only, when his coat was cut out 
 by the shears of a tailor, just from London. At 
 length, however, the wonderful discovery has been 
 made, that it is not absolutely beyond the reach of 
 American skill and ingenuity, to provide these ar- 
 ticles, combining with equal elegance, greater du- 
 rability. And I entertain no doubt, that in a short 
 time, the no less important fact will be developed, 
 that the domestic manufactures of the United 
 States, fostered by government, and aided by house- 
 hold exertions, are fully competent to supply us with 
 at least every necessary article of clothing. I there- 
 fore, /or one, {io use the fashionable cant of the da}^) 
 am in favor of encouraging them ; not to the extent 
 to which they are carried in England, but to such 
 an extent as will redeem us entirely from all de- 
 pendence on tbreign countries." Mr. Clay was 
 opposed in his arguments, by many distinguished 
 statesmen, who asserted that the encouragement of 
 domestic manufactures would reduce those who 
 engaged in them, in the capacity of operatives, to 
 the wretchedness and degradation of the poor in 
 the manufacturing towns and districts in Great 
 Britain. Mr. Clay very justly maintained the 
 doctrine of producing for ourselves, all those arti- 
 cles necessary for home consumption, and thereby 
 render ourselves, in case of a war, or any other 
 eme gency, able to close our ports against their 
 trade, and depend altogether on our resources. 
 " A judicious American farmer," said he, " in the 
 household way, manufactures whatever is requisite 
 in his family. He squanders but little in the gew- 
 gaws of Europe. He presents in epilome, what 
 the nation ought to be in extenso. Their manufac- 
 tures ought to be in the same proportion, and 
 effect the same object in relation to the whole 
 community, which the part of his household em- 
 ployed in domestic manufacturing, bears to the 
 whole family." It is the part of a wise legislator 
 
HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT 
 
 29 
 
 to attend to the wants of his own people, and en- 
 \ courage nationality at every risk. Irishmen have 
 i reason to admire Mr. Clay in this particular, as 
 I Mr. O'CoNNELL is adopting at this moment a 
 similar course in Ireland — that illustrious states- 
 man is doing for his native land, in encouraging 
 the native agriculturalists and artizans, exactly 
 what Mr. Clay has done and will do for his coun- 
 try. To encourage the arts and sciences in Ireland, 
 has now become a shie qua non, to attain political 
 distinction. Have Americans any national pride ? 
 I reckon they have. Why do they not use national 
 pen-knives in their legislative halls, or national 
 carpets on the floor of their Capitol. Look to this, 
 farmers. Remember the Farmer of Ashland, who 
 is emphatically the true American and the devoted 
 Republican. 
 
 XXXIII. MR. CLAY IS OPPOSED TO DI- 
 RECT TAXATION. 
 
 The State is not the proprietor of private pro- 
 perty either for use or dominion, but only the 
 guardian and regulator. This doctrine should be 
 as stable as the earth on which it stands, and never 
 capable of fluctuation. Every encroachment made 
 on the fruits of honest industry, constitutes a 
 species of spoliation, far worse than private pillage, 
 especially inasmuch as the spoliator is beyond the 
 reach of accountability. Mr. Clay's opposition 
 to a direct tax was manifestly declared by him, 
 subsequently to the negotiations of the treaty of 
 Ghent It was proposed in Congress that this direct 
 tax upon the United States should be reduced. 
 Mr. Clay supported the bill, and at the same time 
 remarked that the land tax, even then, was too 
 hWh for the ordinary season of peace. He laid 
 down this important general principle, that in time 
 of peace we should look to foreign importations as 
 the chief source of revenue ; and in war, when they 
 are cut off, " that it was time enough to draw deep- 
 ly on our internal resources. His plan was to make 
 up for a still farther decrease of the land tax by an 
 increase of the duties on import." In the foregoing 
 paragraph there is much useful information, and 
 unanswerable political truths : the principles in- 
 volved therein will, if carried out to their full ex- 
 tent, give a degree of durability to our institutions 
 unknown to any other country on the globe. What- 
 ever might be said in opposition to the salutary- 
 maxims contained in that system of political ethics 
 which sustains itself by a protective policy, it can- 
 not have the least influence in forming the opinions 
 of an intelligent people. They look abroad, and 
 they behold every nation on earth, not only pro- 
 tecting their own interests by their several Tariffs, 
 but actually creating a fund for contingencies, out 
 of the balance of trade in their favor : and even pay- 
 
 ing off their debts with the advantages of their 
 diplomatic financieiing. It would be good policy 
 in this Government, to have a contingent fund 
 always on hand to enable it to uphold the fabric of 
 society, through every change which it may be 
 destined to undergo, as well as resist the progress 
 of despotic rule. Public policy would dictate the 
 propriety of strengthening our weak points, and add- 
 ing to our national arm of defence, when no other 
 matters of a more pressing nature engross our at- 
 tention. " In peace prepare for war," '•' in life 
 prepare for death," '• in health prepare for sick- 
 ness." These things should be well digested. 
 Peace ha* crowned our shores with its benign in- 
 fluence for the last twenty-six years, and we have 
 made but little preparation for war ; it is true the 
 former years of this number witnessed the payment 
 of a heavy national debt, which had been contracted 
 in the last American war. We have been exceed- 
 ingly healthy, yel there seems to be disease in the 
 body politic — instead of having treasures hoarded 
 up, we are reduced to borrowing and penury. 
 There is something rotten in Denmark, or else 
 why a national debt of some seventeen millions, 
 and State debts to the amount of several hundred 
 millions — and this too, in time of life, health and 
 peace. It has been done. Americans ask — im- 
 peratively demand the names of the authors, the 
 cognomen of the party which have inflicted your 
 lovely land with such dreadful calamities ; have 
 they shown themselves to be the guardians, the 
 regulators of your estates — of your liberties ? You 
 require a change of policy, an entire subversion of 
 those dangerous experiments which have reduced 
 you to the odious, the execrable system of direct 
 taxation. Who ought to have your confidence 
 now ? those who created these disasters or those 
 who manfully opposed them through every stage 
 of their destructive progress? During the last 
 fourteen years, all these grievances under which 
 you now labor have been introduced. And by 
 whom ; By the party in power, most unquestionably. 
 Who resisted these innovations — these political 
 paradoxes ? Mr. Clay ! ! When they were labor- 
 ing OH the public rostrum to infuse their poison into 
 the minds ofthe innocent and unwary, on questions 
 of no reference to the public good, they then said that 
 the men we are contending against, are the black 
 cockade Federalists and the Tories of England ; at 
 the same time they were holding caucusses, wherein 
 your rights and privileges were ieo])ardized. Yes. 
 direct taxation — it would not have been known to 
 this country, where the people enjoy more privi- 
 leges than in any other countiy on the globe, had it 
 not been for the mad innovation of political dema- 
 gogues. No man ever opposed it more, or offered 
 sounder principles for its prevention than Mr. 
 Clay. Citizens, remember this — it is true. 
 
30 
 
 FIFTY REASONS WHY 
 
 XXXIV. MR. CLAY'S POLICY HAS 
 BEEN AND WILL BE PROFITABLE 
 TO ADOPTED CITIZENS AND FOR- 
 EIGNERS. 
 
 We are constrained to estimate the merits of 
 political parties in proportion to the amount of good 
 conferred on their country whilst in power. Dur- 
 ing President Jackson's administration (however 
 much we may admire the man) we in vain look for 
 any permanent utility or even immediate benefit 
 conferred on any, unless the leaders and partizans 
 of his political party. This gallant military Hero 
 received the almost unanimous vote of the adopted 
 citizens, particulaily the Irish and Germans. The 
 friends of freedom every where were rejoiced at 
 the blow which tliis martial veteran gave to the 
 inveterate foe of human liberty. It was useless to 
 stem the current of public opinion. All matters 
 of State policy were merged in the grateful recol- 
 lection of New Orleans. For his gallant defence 
 of that city, as well as all his military exploits, the 
 Republic owed him a debt of gratitude, which she 
 has nobly paid. However valiant were his acts 
 or heroic his achievements, a majority of his own 
 countrymen were notwithstanding arrayed against 
 him, on the ground of the general incapacity of 
 military men to preside over the destinies or guide 
 the reins of a Republican government. In the 
 election of General Jackson, the adopted citizens 
 showed their regard for the conqueror of Packen- 
 ham, and their enmity to England. The Internal 
 Improvement system of which Mr. Clay is the 
 acknowledged author, has given to the emigrants 
 constant employment; in 1824 this system was in 
 successful operation ; and by means of the wages 
 received on the numerous Rail Roads and Canals 
 from that year to the year 1836, thousands have 
 been enabled to purchase large tracts of land and 
 build themselves houses ; they also remitted large 
 sums of money to their friends in Eiirope. When 
 the currency was good and wages high, Europeans 
 had some inducements to leave the homes of 
 their iathers, to better their condition. In late 
 days, how has it been ? Why thousands have re- 
 ceived in the Western States Canal scrip, instead 
 of good National Bank notes, and instead of the 
 gold and silver promised them, provided they helped 
 to kill the Monster ; they received fictitious notes 
 on broken Banks. Tens of thousands of honest 
 laborers were ruined by fraudulent contractors and 
 odious shin-plasters. I ask the laboring class of 
 men who worked on the Illinois and Michigan Ca- 
 nal, how they have been treated — the same of those 
 of Michigan, Indiana and Ohio? You have been 
 shamefully treated, you have received money on 
 the newly improved patent Banks, not worth a 
 cent on tlie dollar in many instances. You have not 
 been able to pay for your supper and lodgings, 
 though you have had hundreds of their spurious 
 
 notes in your pocket. Every mail which arrived 
 in Chicago in 18.38, brought ruin and bankruptcy, 
 as the harbinger of every successive Democratic 
 triumph. Well might you now say, by your fruits 
 ye shall know them. Let us lay money matters 
 aside, and look at another question of greater im- 
 portance. The adopted citizens, for the most part, 
 desired a change in the School law of the State of 
 New York, in order that certain charitable institu- 
 tions, and other schools for public instruction might 
 receive a portion of the public fund towards enabling 
 them to have their children instructed without being 
 iniluenced by Sectarian prejudices. They asked 
 only an equivalent for what they paid into the pub- 
 lic treasuiy for educational purposes. To this they 
 thought there could be no just or reasonable objec- 
 tion, particularly as their good old Democratic 
 friends were in power, and they had always assisted 
 them towards getting there. But mark well, they 
 were refused. A change took place ; the Whigs 
 came into power — and tlie generous and high- 
 minded Seward, the Whig Governor, not only re- 
 commended in his message the passage of a law, 
 in unison with the feelings of the Old Countrymen, 
 but actually discussed it at length, and threw addi- 
 tional light on the whole subject. After much op- 
 position, it was finally passed, and became a law. 
 In the city of New York, the Democracy were in 
 power, and the Board of Education, though Demo- 
 cratic, still refused to give the relief proposed to 
 the petitioners. After several months, trifling con- 
 cessions were made. In view of this and other 
 things, the Loco Foco party have not the interests 
 of tbreigners either naturalized or otherwise at 
 heart. All their professions are hollow and insin- 
 cere ; in a word they are '• all talk and no cider." 
 In the State of New Hampshire, A CATHOLIC 
 CANNOT HOLD AN OFFICE UNTIL THIS 
 DAY, atid it is necessary for all to be freeholders. 
 Yes, the good old Democratic New Hampshire, 
 which they say is as true to principle as their ever- 
 lasting granite hills, which was never contaminated 
 by black cockade Federalism. I should be pleased 
 to know what species of Federalism was ever so 
 black as that which proscribes the conscience. 
 Contrast this with North Carolina ; a similar re- 
 striction was supposed to exist in that State, until 
 the good and patriotic Gasto.v effected its repeal. 
 Peace to his ashes. Oh ! is it possible, Judge Gas- 
 To.v was a Whig ; it is really astonishing ; how will 
 this comport with their account of the Whigs. 
 
 XXXV. MR. CLAY'S ELECTION WILL 
 BENEFIT IRISHMEN. 
 It is well understood that the founders of liberty 
 should be the last to invade the rights of others ; 
 he who has always supported national glory and 
 public prosperity, will be desirous to extend their 
 influence to all. In all nations the early promoters 
 
HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT, 
 
 31 
 
 of liberty are uniformly neglected, and more auda- 
 cious deraagoguea have succeeded. The highly 
 gifted statesman invariably excites jealousy in the 
 breasts of the envious, who well know that as long 
 as he remains at the head of affairs, it checks the 
 elevation of inferior ambition, and promotes none to 
 eminence who are not well deserving. The Euro- 
 pean emigrants (with few dishonorable exceptions) 
 have always proved their attachment to " the land 
 of the free and the home of the brave." However, 
 none have contributed more than Irishmen to 
 achieve American Independence ; none have been 
 treated worse. The Poles received under a solemn 
 act of Government several townships of land, as a 
 token of American respect and regard, though not 
 one ounce of Polish blood was spilt in the Revolu- 
 tion for every ton of Irish. I am not opposed to 
 this act of a Democratic Congress and President, 
 only inasmuch as it forms a system of exclusive 
 legislation, which is always a dangerous precedent. 
 It must be universally admitted, tlsat no native or 
 adopted citizens have contributed more to the ad- 
 vancement of the internal prosperity of the Repub- 
 lic and none more ready to defend it than the Irish. 
 The course of political demagogues towards my 
 countrymen has been highly exceptionable : in 
 public meetings and great gatherings they repre- 
 sent themselves as their best friends and the Whigs 
 as their worst enemies. By this means they have 
 succeeded in estranging the affections of the Irish 
 citizens politically, and in many instances socially, 
 from the larger half of the Americans. This has 
 of consequence drawn forth an occasional bitter in- 
 vective from a portion of the Whig press against 
 them. I could never read the least indecorous at- 
 tack on my countrymen, let it come from what 
 source it may, without feelings of resentment. I 
 am however, constrained to say that the Whigs do 
 not abuse the Irish half as much as the Irish would 
 abuse them, were they to emigrate to Ireland and 
 associate themselves politically with one portion 
 of the Irish citizens to annoy another portion. 
 Might it not be said with truth that it is the undue 
 influence which demagogues exercise over us in 
 the large cities, which first led to the formation of 
 Native Jssocialions. I am bold to say it was, and 
 I will further say, that if it were not for the effect 
 which these things have produced on the American 
 mirid, no class of citizens would be more respected 
 than we. 
 
 Taking every thing into consideration, we can- 
 not but admire the forbearance whicli the Whigs 
 have shown ; it is conclusive evidence of their 
 high Republican feelings, and their regard for the 
 principles of true liberty. Let us again imagine 
 ourselves in Ireland, and two men are up for mem- 
 bers of Parliament, who ai-e nearly equal in ability 
 — party feelings run high. An hour before the 
 polls are closed, the friends of one of the candidates 
 
 pronounce him elected; however, a few minutes 
 before the time elapses, twenty or thirty English- 
 men step up and change the aspect of the matter. 
 What do you think must have been the disappoint- 
 ment of those who just now were elated v/ith suc- 
 cess, to have their rival candidate elected by a 
 majority of one or two votes ? You may judge the 
 rest yourselves. The case is somewha; analogous. 
 The right in adopted citizens is unquestionable, 
 but this right should be cautiously exercised, not 
 only by us, but by all other citizens. Gen. V/ash- 
 r.VGTON is dead ; Jeffersox is no more. Madi- 
 son, Monroe, Adams and Harrison, also sleep 
 in honored graves, mingling their ashes with their 
 kindred and illustrious dead. Jackson yet lives, 
 and will ere long be also gathered to his fathers. 
 The (lag of freedom yet waves over this happ^' 
 land, and the man who would not desire to see it 
 wave every where, has no claim on freemen's suf- 
 frages. We desire to see the Harp and Eagle join- 
 ed together. Ireland, unhappy land, may my eyes 
 never become dim in death, or my body slumber in 
 the silent tomb, until I see thee free and untram- 
 melled. Canada is not to be attacked if Martin is 
 on the throne; that selfish non-committal letter which 
 he sent to the Repeal Association, is not half the 
 index of his mind ; he possesses not that generous 
 impulse which urges patriots on to freedom. He 
 is cold and indifferent to every thing, save that 
 which will promote his own interests. Let Mr. 
 Clay's conduct be contrasted witli his. The gen- 
 erous, noble, ardent, patriotic Mill-Boy has always 
 sustained the rising freedom of every country, and 
 will never call men, devoted to liberty, " Brigands." 
 
 XXXYI. THE CAUSE OF IRISH LIBERTY 
 WILL BE PROMOTED. 
 One false step in the progressive state of a nation 
 towards freedom is frequently ruinous. A victory 
 is sometimes followed by more disastrous conse- 
 quences than a defttat. The victory on the field 
 of Borodino, was followed by the capture of Mos- 
 cow; this triumph was the cause of Napoienn's 
 fall. Circumstances occasionally occur, whicii if 
 properly managed in the hands of able men, would 
 lead to the most important results. We have late- 
 ly witnessed events of sufficient moment, which, 
 if properly directed, might have resulte<l favorably 
 to liberty in Canada, in Ireland, and perhaps 
 throut^hout the world. As large rivers diminish in 
 proportion as theii- streams cease to discharge their 
 waters into them, so the strength of an enemy is 
 weakened by cutting off his resources. Menacing 
 and inflammatory speeches unsupported by power, 
 serve to strengthen those ajainst whom they are 
 directed. In proportion to the threats, the enemy 
 considers the danger, and makes corresponding 
 preparations. Bonaparte's unusual and imprece- 
 dented success was in a measure owing to short 
 
32 
 
 FIFTY REASONS WHY 
 
 speeches, brief diplomatic correspondences — but 
 quick and decisive action. The best principles in 
 impotent hands, are utterly ineffectual to the at- 
 tainment of any great national measure. It is a 
 losing game to preach too much and fast too long. 
 Political aspirants and orators should consider well 
 their words, on questions of such vital importance 
 as those upon which the lives and liberties of mil- 
 lions are suspended. Our action here influences 
 the two parties in Ireland— the one to prepare, the 
 other to strike. Unhappy Ireland ! my lovely, 
 native land, I fear you will ere long need more than 
 classic speeches or distant sympathy. I admire 
 the oratory which whets the sword, and I would 
 still more admire to see the swords to whet. One 
 tangible proposition brought before the public rela- 
 tive to the liberties of Ireland, would be preferable 
 to one thousand eulogies on her daughters, or 
 bushels of crocodile tears over her wrongs. The 
 cause of liberty is worth a struggle, and to have it 
 successful, calm deliberation, and then determined 
 action, is necessary. The whole energies should 
 be directed upon certain data, which would have a 
 given object in view. We have talked loud and 
 long in this country on the subject of Repeal, and 
 what has been effected ? It has caused England to 
 prepare ; her garrisons are now manned and forti- 
 fied, 8cc. The blow, to weaken the enemy of our 
 father-land, must be given here. Every matter in 
 controversy between this country and England, 
 should be watched with an anxious eye. Canada 
 is on the eve of anotlier revolution, and if we should 
 in the most remote degree contribute towards elect- 
 ing Martin Van Bure.v, we commit an act 
 with our eyes open, which will in that event prove 
 suicidal. It is not forgotten, by the lovers of uni- 
 versal liberty, that he, when seated in authority, 
 aided Great Britain indirectly in the last struggle. 
 It would be in vain for patriotic citizens to pour 
 out their private wealth towards crushing ty- 
 ranny, if the Man of Kinderhook should be elect- 
 ed. An army would be stationed on the St. Law- 
 rence, and the whole line, to prevent any assistance 
 that might be rendered. On the other hand, when 
 has freedom beckoned, and Mr. Clay refused to 
 follow ? Never ! Always firm, intrepid and saga- 
 cious, he stood on the side of sutiering humanity 
 and popular rights. By the natural ascendant of 
 an irresistible passion for liberty, he is allied to the 
 masses. Endowed with splendid talents — gifted 
 with a clear intellect — sagacious in the perception 
 of truth, and with great information, derived from 
 study and experience, he cannot be otherwise than 
 an ardent devotee to the rights of man. His great- 
 est talent consists in a strong and ardent imagina- 
 tion, a powerful elocution, and an incomparable 
 power of seizing at once, the spirit of the assembly 
 which he addresses, and applying the whole force 
 of his mind to the object under immediate consid- 
 
 eration. Honor blushes for those who forget their 
 reverence for a patriot, whose whole life has been 
 devoted to the cause of human emancipation. His- 
 tory does not furnish a more striking example of 
 self-denial on the altar of universal liberty. Ask 
 Poland, Greece, Mexico, and all the South Ameri- 
 can Republics, whom of all others they most ad- 
 mire ? — They will answer, CLAif ! ! The warm- 
 est friend of freedom, if he has a spark of humanity 
 in his bosom ; the most ardent Republican, if not 
 steeled against every sentiment of honor, must ac- 
 knowledge this statesman to be the ablest advocate 
 and firmest supporter of her institutions, now liv- 
 ing. A word from him would be important on the 
 fate of Ireland — his past history will show what 
 that word would be. 
 
 XXXVII. THE UNPRECEDENTED STATE 
 or AFFAIRS. 
 From the origin of the Republic until now, there 
 never were so many intricate problems for political 
 solution. The Constitution, the most perfect Bill 
 of Rights that ever adorned any nation of ancient 
 or modern times, (it could not be otherwise, ema- 
 nating as it did, from the wisest heads and purest 
 hearts of the country,) has been, for the first time, 
 tested. This glorious instrument contains a provi- 
 sion, authorizing and empowering the Vice Presi- 
 dent, in case of the demise, &c. of the President, 
 to act in his capacity. Mr. Tyler, upon the 
 death of the lamented Harrison, was called to his 
 present high destiny, and entrusted with the most 
 responsible, as well as the highest duties which 
 can be bestowed upon man. How he has accom- 
 plished the task, is now ascertained bj^ experience. 
 Time, the great vindicator of truth, will unfold his 
 errors and illustrate his virtues. It is a matter of 
 great and inexpressible delight to every true pa- 
 triot, that though the triumphant party have been 
 refused the sanction of the President, to their lead- 
 ing and cardinal measures, yet the great machinery 
 of the Confederacy has not the less ceased to ope- 
 rate harmoniously, in all its wide-spread and vari- 
 ous ramifications, and answer all the ends which 
 the immortal Jefferson and his associates had so 
 wisely contemplated. It cannot be denied, that 
 though dissatisfaction pervades the public mind as 
 to the course which the Executive has pursued, in 
 reference to his administrative policy, that yet, he 
 has always expressed an anxious desire to adminis- 
 ter the affairs of State, with as much impartiality 
 as the exigencies of the case demanded, or his 
 critical position warranted him. It would be high- 
 ly censorious in the writer, to attribute the course 
 which his Excellency has pursued towards the 
 great Whi^ party, to any sinister motives. It is 
 certainly clear, that sound judgment, as well as 
 gratitude should dictate to the President a dilierent 
 mode of proceeding towards those who elevated 
 
HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 
 
 33 
 
 him to his exalted dig^nity — an honor, per se, which 
 will add a lustre to his posterity unto the most re- 
 mote generations. Nothing would be a greater 
 source of pleasure to all men, and satisfaction to 
 the country likewise, than to have the will of the 
 people gratified by the constitutional Chief Magis- 
 ti-ate. Had he not listened to the seductive songs 
 of the Van Buren party, it would be well for him! 
 Did he but possess the firmness and consistency of 
 Talmadge and Rives, when they were at swords' 
 points with the confederated pmices of Loco Foco- 
 ism, he would stand high to-day ! It is well 
 known to the country, and this impression will be 
 everlasting, that Mr. Tyler is the victim of Loco 
 Foco intolerance. When they succeeded in gain- 
 ing him over, step by step, from his friendly rela- 
 tions with his cabinet and his party, and had irre- 
 coverably entangled him in their treacherous 
 snares, they then opened their batteries upon their 
 unsuspecting victim. He is now denied the right 
 of a private citizen; that proscriptive cry, which 
 has chased away many bright stars from the politi- 
 cal horizon of America, for their non-conformitij to 
 established usos:es, has been raised against him — he 
 is denied admission into their Convention — his 
 claims are refused to be canvassed. This is all 
 done towards the Chief Magistrate of our common 
 country, in defiance of every rule of propriety. It 
 does not add much to the dignity of that portion of 
 the American press, called Democratic, to treat Mr. 
 Tyler in so shameful a manner, This treachery 
 towards a man, who vetoed the Bank Bill, amidst 
 their most unbounded applause — who threw him- 
 self entirely, and without reason, into their ranks, 
 will be properly appreciated by an intelligent peo- 
 ple, and will aid effectually in establishing a fact 
 of the greatest importance to the American com- 
 munity, viz. that there exists in this Government 
 a faction, so well organized, as to be united on all 
 questions relating to national policj'' — that the 
 Government is virtually in their hands for future 
 years — that they know who will be President and 
 Cabinet officers, a fourth of a century ahead — and 
 tins organization is more powerful than our Consti- 
 tution. No politician can but observe, that Mr. 
 Van Buren was nominated by a caucus of this 
 organization, before General Harrison was inau- 
 gurated — the people of these United States to the 
 contrary notwithstanding. It is time that freemen 
 should put down this influence, behind the throne, 
 which is greater than the throne itself. Up — to 
 the contest — the time is now at hand. Such an 
 organization is dangerous to our liberties. I care 
 not what you call it — Democratic, Demagogueic, 
 Wliig, or Tory. Establish your sovereignty. — 
 Down with dictation. I feel for Mr. Tyler, 
 though I cannot sustain him. A difference has 
 lately arisen between Mr. Clay and him. Every 
 thinking man knows which has the greatest cause 
 
 of being offended. Mr. Tyler regretted to tears, 
 that Mr. Clay did not receive the nomination at 
 Harrisburg. He well knew his views at that time. 
 Since his elevation to the Presidency, he has look- 
 ed on Mr. Clay with a cool indirf'erence. — Ah ! 
 there must have been a motive in this change of 
 sentiment. — Mr. Clay has not changed — he is the 
 same now that he was before that Convention. But 
 look at the course of Mr. Clay. — He says, on his 
 return to Kentucky: "I hope they (the Whigs) 
 will do their duty towards the country, and render 
 all good and proper support to Government ; but 
 they ought not to be held accountable for his 
 conduct." Contrast this with the Globe articles 
 on Henshaw, Porter, &.c. Comment is unne- 
 cessary 
 
 XXXVIII. OUR SELF - RESPECT RE- 
 QUIRES IT. 
 
 Whenever an expression of the popular will takes 
 place, it should be respected. This will, when 
 freely expressed, constitutes the Democracy of the 
 Republic, without regard to the merits or demerits 
 of the question. It is not necessary that every 
 man should think and act essentially alike, to be 
 entitled to the much abused appellation, Bemoaal 
 — if this were the case, there could be no govern- 
 ment, as there would not be governors and govern- 
 ed. The will of the majority is the law of the 
 land — yet the minority is not to be utterly disre- 
 garded. When the majority is large, on any mea ■ 
 sure, it denotes its popularity ; when small, it is 
 more questionable. It is well known ihatthe par- 
 ty which held the reins of government for the last 
 fifteen years, styled themselves Democrats. They 
 were so, in the strictest sense of the term ; yet 
 their measures might have been bad. When it be- 
 comes manifest, that the ruling powers are incom- 
 petent, and their measures inexpedient, the people 
 aemand the removal of the former, and the sup- 
 pression of the latter. This is the most beautiful 
 feature of a free government, and is productive of no 
 greater ^vil than placing outs in, and ins out. De- 
 mocracy in fact, then, entirely depends on the ac- 
 tion of the people. As has been before remarked, 
 the government established on their will, is Demo- 
 cratic, and the form is called a Democracy. It is 
 now apparent, that a man who is for a Bank, is a 
 Democrat, as well as a man who opposes the same. 
 The'man who denies that the people are the source 
 of all power, is not a Democrat. This great splut- 
 ter about names is perfect nonsense. It is never- 
 theless astonishing to behold, what a charm is 
 sometimes in a name, and what ai-rant hypocrites 
 have not every age and every nation witnessed un- 
 der assumed names and false titles ? Admitting 
 that the Van Buren, alias Loco Foco party, was 
 Democratic formerly, they ceased to be so in 1810. 
 And the Whigs became Democratic then ; their 
 
34 
 
 FIFTY REASONS WHY 
 
 ascendancy was short-lived, — it lasted but one 
 month. The present Administration, which now is 
 ( O), of course, is not Democratic, though it pro- 
 fesses to be — it acts contrary- to the will of the peo- 
 ple, and the instructions of their Delegates. The 
 question now resolves itself into this, — Shall the 
 Democrats, who elected Harrison, cease to be 
 such, by the death of their President? Why, this 
 would be virtually admitting that we had no prin- 
 ciples, or if we had, that fhey were all vested in 
 our lamented Executive. The people who achiev- 
 «'d that triumph, are not yet prepared to be charged 
 with corruption, venality, and all kinds of debauch- 
 ery. Decisive action is necessary to teach those 
 '^}-cophants of the people when in power, and their 
 slanderers when out, that their will is sovereign 
 and STipreme. A majority of one hundred and 
 forty-five thousand freemen is not to be trifled with. 
 >nneteen of these sovereign States have been ac- 
 cused of being duped, and Hai'd Ciderified out of 
 fheir senses. Not only so ; they say, that a little 
 sprinkling of British gold, wrapped up in Coon 
 Skins, has also assisted towards the overthrow of 
 the good old Democratic party. Self-respect and 
 Democratic consi.'tency, require of us to teach 
 those men, that we are not to be dictated to — and 
 though the election of Mr. Clay might not be 
 very agreeable to them, our will shall so declare, 
 
 A.\D WE, THE PEOPLE, SHALL BE SUPREME. 
 
 XXXIX. THE TRIUMPH OF 1840. 
 
 This glorious triumph has been alluded to, but 
 being in itself the peisonification of every thing 
 which should be dear to Republicans, and on the 
 merits of which wiU, in a great measure, depend 
 the issue of the approaching election — allow the 
 decisive and unexam])led results of that victory to 
 be buried in the tomb of the lamented Harrison, 
 and what a picture would not be presented ! Why 
 the ashes of that honest and illustrious personage 
 would rise from the tomb, and upbraid us with 
 cowardice, with dishonor, and with shame. I well 
 know, that if the spirits of the illustrious dead are 
 ever allowed to visit the earth, our Harrison's 
 will hover over his countrymen in the approaching 
 contest, and smile with approbation at the success 
 of those principles which he would have carried 
 out, had he been spared amongst us. 
 
 During that eventful struggle, who can forget 
 the intense anxiety which occupied every heart, as 
 to its result. The party in power, flushed with 
 many victories, and sustained with the patronage 
 of the government, defied resistance. They had 
 all their strongholds and fortresses well manned. 
 Their desire to retain their authority knew no 
 bounds. The people, on the other hand, the de- 
 scendants of the Whigs of '76, rallied to the con- 
 test, relying on the Great Jehovah and the justice 
 of their cause. Well disposed and good humored. 
 
 instead of cries and lamentations, they sang the 
 songs of patriots, congratulating each other upon 
 surviving the shock and convulsion through which 
 they had passed, and that, even like the children 
 of Israel, they were about to be delivered from 
 their twelve years' thraldom. We had no sentinel 
 save the sleepless Coon, which held its unwearied 
 watch over the circuitous and wily movements of 
 the Fox. Secured by the watchfulness of the 
 COON, and refreshed with the draughts of our 
 CIDER, we met the myrmidons, mid they were ours. 
 It is asserted that the virtue and intelligence of the 
 nation had suffered from the " Coon Skin and Hard 
 Cider Campaign." It is not so. — Humility being 
 the greatest virtue, was then represented by a Log 
 Cabin — and intelligence, the greatest earthly bless- 
 ing, by music and song. The selection of a Eog 
 Cabin for our motto, was emblematic of the sim- 
 plicity of Republican institutions, and the wearing 
 them on our buttons, showed that their inmates 
 had resolved on settling the affairs of government 
 in their own way. Never was music like that of 
 '40. Search the Tyrolese Alps, or the gorgeous 
 aisles of St. Peter's — and there it will not be found. 
 That was the music of the heart, the spontaneous 
 burst of patriotic indignation, rushing forth from 
 its pent up caves — bearing with it, comfort to the 
 oppressed, and anguish to the oppressors. It was 
 a nation's voice ascending aloft for a redress of 
 grievances. I cannot forget the silent tears which 
 trickled down the furrowed cheeks of the aged 
 yeomanry, as the youthful choirs chanted their 
 thrilling melodies, concerning the nation's woes. 
 This is called a disgrace. If it be a disgrace to 
 accomplish a peaceful revolution in .so extensive a 
 country as this, witliout a life being lost, then in- 
 deed so it is. It would be well for those who slan- 
 der the agents of that day, to look back, and see 
 whether our little sprinkling of Hard Cider would 
 compare with the Rum and Brandy used by the 
 old Hickory Clubs, either in quantity or quality. 
 The sovereign people will occasionally feel inclin- 
 ed to act in conformity with their inclinations, and 
 they are the judges of the matter, and therefore I do 
 not censure the people — it would be treason to 
 censure the sovereign power. Alas ! our victory 
 has been for nought, and ere long the people will 
 again come forth to assert their supremacy. The 
 Hag of 1840 will again be unfurled to the breeze, 
 with our principles nailed to the staif. If we de- 
 sire to sing songs, we shall sing them. " Vox 
 populi, vox Dei." 
 
 XL. ONE PRESIDENTIAL TERM. 
 It is almost useless to bring this matter before 
 the American people. Every citizen is so deeply 
 interested, that it would be almost an insult to 
 their judgment to discuss it. Yet, in a great airay 
 of truths, this, though a self-evident proposition. 
 
HENRY CLAT SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 
 
 35 
 
 may form a link to the unbroken chain. The more 
 frequently the people are heard through the ballot 
 boxes, the more secure their liberties ; the less fre- 
 quently, the nearer the approach to monarchy. 
 
 It is said, that it would be injurious to the inter- 
 ests of the countiy, to stop the career of a faithful 
 and well tried servant, after the lapse of so short a 
 time, and bestow the honor on a citizen yet un- 
 tried. It is honor enough for (he most distinguish- 
 ed citizen to be once at the head of a free people. 
 When he knows that his Administrative otiice is 
 limited, he redoubles his zeal to administer the af- 
 fairs of the nation with fidelity, in order that he 
 might hand down to posterity an unsullied reputa- 
 tion. It does not prevent him from bestowing favors 
 on those whom he may prefer ; it encourages him to 
 select the most meritoiious, not for partizan pur- 
 poses, but for official duty. Nothing is more dan- 
 gerous to a free government, than to allow any 
 avenues to remain open, through which corruption 
 may pass without detection. A mere supposition, 
 that it could possibly pass, should be sufficient 
 ground for determined action, when the salus popu- 
 Li, suprema lex est— the safety of the people is the 
 supreme law. We have created our Chief Magis- 
 trate, for the very reason that he has endeared him- 
 self to his country, and to us, by a long and faith- 
 ful public life. 
 
 We should, however, always bear in mind, that 
 the love of power is a most insidious foe, and that 
 men become slaves to it, before they are aware of 
 it. The disgrace of our honored citizen is not de- 
 sired. He has sailed in the Ship of State one voy- 
 age, and his old friends eagerly desire his return 
 to their associations. It is understood, that during 
 his voyage, he has officially associated w-ith the 
 Ministers, Charges des Affaires, Embassadors, En- 
 voys, and Plenipotentiaries, of Kings and Empe- 
 rors. He witnesses that pomp and pageantry, to 
 which his country is yet almost a stranger, (save 
 and except in the large cities, where there is a 
 right smart sprinkling of them already.) He be- 
 holds men in livery, and gazes at the fascinating 
 trappings of royalty. He looks with admiration on 
 their fine coaches — sprigs of royalty, with their 
 mustachios and coats of arms. — " Evil communica- 
 tions corrupt good manners." Four years' con- 
 nexion with such humbuggery is, in all conscience, 
 sufficient for every useful purpose. Men's better 
 judgment will dictate, that the quicker their hon- 
 ored friend cuts such acquaintance, the better will 
 it be for him and his coimtry. A successor from 
 the plain walks of Republican life, will be better 
 proof against these seductive appearances, than one 
 already initiated in them. Our national gallery 
 would be benefitted by the One Term policy. The 
 laudable ambition of the people would be excited 
 to a more vigorous action. True greatness would 
 receive a quicker and more certain reward. Ail 
 
 servile partizanship would be eradicated, and un- 
 due influence removed. Every man would then 
 rise or fall on his own merits, and a more unre- 
 strained expression of public opinion could be had. 
 The curtains behind which the old well trained 
 and systematic wire-workers pull their mysterious 
 strings, would then be torn off. What a spectacle 
 of electioneering and forestalling machineiy would 
 then present itself to the public eye. The press, un- 
 trammeled by Executive patronage, would assume 
 a higher and more independent tone, and the sovei- 
 eigrity of the people would be the better establish- 
 ed. So thought the people in 1840 ; they have had 
 no reason to change their opinion, but every cause 
 to confirm them in this salutary doctrine. The 
 Mill-Boy of the Slashes has nobly maintained this 
 reform, and merits well enough of his country, to 
 be the first Chief Magistrate under its auspices. 
 
 XLI. THE LAND DISTRIBUTION BILL. 
 The bill proposed in December, 1835, directed 
 " that ten per cent, of the n'ett proceeds of the pub- 
 lic lands, sold within the limits of the seven new 
 States, should be set apart for them in addition to the 
 five per cent, reserved by their several compacts 
 with the United States ; and that the residue of the 
 proceeds, whether from sales made in the States or 
 Territories, shall be divided among the twenty-four 
 States in proportion to their respective Federal 
 population." In the event of a war breaking out 
 with any foreign power, the bill was to cease, and 
 the fund which it distributed was to be applied to 
 the prosecution of the war. The object of the 
 bill was to enable the several States, the more ef- 
 fectually, to carry on and complete the Internal Im- 
 provements : experience has shown that in this as 
 well as in all other projects, which Mr. Clay 
 originated, the successful issue of State enterprize 
 was the basis of his political action. He said '■ if 
 the bill had passed, about twenty millions of dol- 
 lars would have been, during the last three years, 
 in the hands of the several States, applicable by 
 them to the beneficent purposes of Internal Im- 
 provement, Education or Colonization. What im- 
 mense benefits might not have been difiused 
 throughout the land by the active employment of 
 that large sum ! What new channels of commerce 
 and communication might not have been opened ! 
 What industry siiimdated ! AVhat labor rewarded ! 
 How many youthful minds might have received 
 the blessings of education and knowledge, and been 
 rescued from ignorance, vice and ruin ! How 
 
 MANY DESCENDANTS OF AFRICA MIGHT HAVE 
 BEEN TRANSPOKTED FROM A COUNTRY WHERE 
 THEY CAN NEVER ENJOY POLITICAL OR SoCIAL 
 EQUALITY, TO THE NATIVE LAND OF THEIR 
 FATHERS, WHERE NO IMPEDIMENT EXISTS TO 
 THEIR ATTAINMENT OF THE HIGHEST DEGREE 
 OF ELEVATION, INTELLECTUAL, SoCIAL A.V0 
 
36 
 
 FIFTY REASONS WHY 
 
 Political ! And, sir, when we institute a com- 
 parison between what might have been effected, 
 and what has in fact been done, with that large 
 amount of national treasure, our sensations of re- 
 gret, on account of the failure of the bill of 1833, 
 are still keener. Instead of its being dedicated to 
 the beneficent uses of the whole people, and our 
 entire country, it has been an object of scrambling 
 among local corporations, and locked up in the 
 vaults, or loaned out by the directors of a few of 
 them, who are not under the slightest responsibility 
 to the Government or people of the United States. 
 Instead of liberal, enlightened and national pur- 
 poses, it has been jiartially applied to local, limited 
 and selfish uses. Applied to increase the semi- 
 annual dividends of favorite stockholders in favorite 
 Uanks ! Twenty millions of the national treasure 
 are scattered in parcels among petty corporations ; 
 and while they are growling over the fragments 
 and greedy for more, the Secretaries are brooding 
 in schemes for squandering the whole. The Gen- 
 eral Government, by an extraordinary exercise of 
 executive power, no longer affords aid to any new 
 works of Internal Improvement. Although it 
 sprung from the Union, and cannot survive the 
 Union, it no longer engages in any public improve- 
 ment to perpetuate the existence of the Union. 
 But the spirit of improvement pervades the land, 
 in every variety of form, active, vigorous and en- 
 terprising, wanting pecuniary aid as well as intel- 
 ligent direction. The States have undertaken what 
 the General Government is prevented from accom- 
 plishing." 
 
 What voluminous truths are contained in the 
 foregoing prophetic language ! What evidence of 
 the highest patriotism is not here evinced ! The 
 States would not present such a frightful picture 
 of indebtedness as they do now, if the principles 
 involved in this bill had been realized by them. 
 If it were good then, in 1835, it certainly is much 
 better now. The more a man examines this doc- 
 trine, the better he will like it. Mr. Clay is its 
 able advocate and friend. 
 
 XLII. THE VETO POWER. 
 
 Had this power, vested by the Constitution in 
 the Chief Magistrate, been wisely exercised, it 
 would not now bo necessary to discuss its merits. 
 There is nothing more to be dreaded in a free Gov- 
 ernment than the increasing power of the Execu- 
 tive. In a Republican state of society, the superior 
 intelligence and moral energy of the people, should 
 prompt them effectually to resist its dangerous ten- 
 dency. Ambition and love of power first arise in 
 those who claim jiretensions to a superior rank, 
 they then descend to the less favored, and finally 
 infuse a withering influence throughout the whole 
 body politic. The producing classes would be in- 
 finitely better circumstanced, had this power never 
 
 been exercised. In the case of the veto of tliei 
 Land Distribution bill in 1833, they were the suf- ^ 
 ferers ; if the States had received their respective 
 quota, under the act, they could have paid a large 
 portion of their liabilities in good money, and would 1 
 thereb)'' have prevented the laborers being desper- 
 ately cheated as they have been. In that case the 
 power was exercised by the President retaining; 
 the bill in his possession beyond the limited time. 
 It had passed by a majority of two-thirds in the 
 House, and it was thought that it would have pass- 
 ed with a like majority in the Senate, after the 
 Compromise Act had been settled. It is strange, , 
 that every veto yet issued, has been in direct con- 
 tradiction to the will of the people. When mat- 
 ters occur which are novel in their nature, it is 
 well that they should be duly considered before 
 they receive the sanction of the President. It was 
 for this end, that the Power was originally vested. 
 In protracted Sessions of Congress, measures might 
 arise for action, upon which the people had not ex- 
 pressed their opinion ; the Executive cannot be too 
 cautious in overlooking the progress of such 
 things. 
 
 When the people have, however, acted deliberately 
 on a question, and in pursuance of such action it 
 becomes a law, by a respectable majority, it theu 
 should receive the Executive sanction, and this 
 should be imperative. It is the greatest character- 
 istic, and the most censurable attribute of royalty, 
 that the will of the King is so often exercised in 
 opposition to the will of the people. Men who 
 have experienced the tyranny and oppression of 
 kingly despots should be first in discountenancing 
 the undue exercise of the veto power. It is more 
 criminal in a Republic, than in an Empire or a 
 monarchy. It almost amounts to an absurdity, to 
 have a President elected for the express purpose 
 of carrying out and perfecting the popular will, to 
 veto that will according to his pleasure or caprice. 
 Such conduct has frequently bi'ought Kings them- 
 selves to the block. A measure which might be 
 expedient for the people this season, might be in- 
 expedient in three or four years hence — hence 
 arises the necessity of limiting the veto power, in 
 order that the people might enjoy the immediate 
 benefits arising from the enactment of laws to suit 
 their expressed necessities. The people speak out 
 their wants through their delegated authorities 
 fresh from among them, and their Chief Magis- 
 trate lends a deaf ear to their requisition. What 
 an usurpation of power is here presented ! This 
 great prerogative has been too freely exercised 
 lately, it would be much better to have it not e.vist 
 at all, if its existence of itself constitutes an abuse. 
 Let it be at least modified, so that it will be more 
 congenial to our institutions, aiu' less capable of 
 tramplina on the rights, and annulling the will of a 
 whole people. This is a favorite measure of the 
 
HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 
 
 37 
 
 people's candidate — the nation's friend — the Hon. 
 Henrv Clay ! ! ! 
 
 XLIII. THE MEMORY OF HARRISON. 
 
 It cannot be denied that the most devoted patriots 
 of the Republic convened in Harrisburg for the 
 puqiose of bringing Mr. Clay's name before the 
 Convention, which nominated the illustrious Hak- 
 KisoN. None contributed more than he to the 
 preference given to that distinguished individual, 
 none labored more arduously towards his election. 
 Napoleon never achieved a more signal triumph 
 over the enemies of France, by his brave warriors, 
 than did the statesman of Kentucky over the well 
 diilledand hitherto almost unconquerable veterans 
 of the dominant party. When the tocsin of victory 
 was sounded, and the peals of triumph rang through 
 the mountains tops and lowly glens — when the 
 shouts of an exulting nation had reached his ears, 
 and bore with them an invitation to become a 
 member of the new Cabinet ; he remained unmov- 
 ed, and followed the directions of his conscience, 
 which dictated to him another course. The Senate 
 Chamber was his field ; it was there that his ser- 
 vices were required. He well understood that it 
 was necessary that strength and stability should be 
 imparted to the Administration by every depart- 
 ment of it : that great changes in the policy of 
 Slate affairs were to be effected ; that it was for 
 this purpose, the voice of freemen had been raised, 
 and the victoiy achieved ! Who does not remem- 
 ber the warm friendship, the devoted attachment 
 and the sincere affection which existed between 
 Mr. Clay and the deceased? During the awful 
 struggle which existed between this and the future 
 world, the one desirous of retaining the object of 
 its regard, the other of bearing aloft so glorious a 
 trophy. Anxiety was deeply seated on llie heart 
 of CLAY ! When the struggle had ceased, and 
 the earth so recently triumphant, had been utterly 
 discomfited, and the spirit of HARRISON had 
 for ever left us, it was then that Atlas lilce, he put 
 his shoulder under the Constitution and laws— it 
 was then that his soul yearned for his country, and 
 tagerly desired to gratify the waiting hearts of an 
 afUicted people ! ! How nobly did he struggle ! 
 How indefatigable were his efforts, — how ujan}' 
 sleepless nights did he not spend in preparing those 
 measures of relief which the public weal so im- 
 peratively demanded ! What a manifest inconsis- 
 tency would not the citizens be justly charged with 
 if they should sanction those very principles which 
 they so recently condemned ! What an insult to tlieir 
 sovereign will, to continue the greater part and re- 
 establish all the measures which were the subjects 
 upon which they were more directly called on to 
 act ! Mr. CLAY well knew that the majesty of the 
 people was violated, that their cries for a chanue 
 were unheeded I For some time he stemmed the 
 
 torrent. History will record his efforts as the 
 noblest acts of the noblest son of the Republic, and 
 award to him the credit of disinterested patriotism,. 
 The honor, the dignity and the consistency of our 
 institutions loudly demand that the victory of 1840 
 should be followed up, and the obnoxious measures 
 against which the people protested, be consigned 
 to everlasting oblivion ! Why was a majority of 
 one hundred and forty-five thousand given to the 
 honest Harrison ? Why did nineteen States of 
 this glorious Confederacy insist on a change of 
 Administration ? It was not to repeal the Sub- 
 Treasury, and then not grant a Substitute. The 
 country desired a fundamental change ; there was 
 never before a more decided expression of its will 
 given. The people possess wisdom, virtue and in- 
 telligence enough to elect a President who icill carry 
 out thij change, and in all things cxeaite their will. 
 He who disdained a seat in the greatest earthly as- 
 semblage, where he could not be useful to his 
 countrj'men — he who scorned to eat the bread of 
 idleness, or pamper himself on the public patronage, 
 whilst the vetoes of the Executive were once and 
 again laid on their fondest hopes. Glorious resig- 
 nation ! Important event I ! Yet how affecting, 
 how thrilling a scene ! An everlasting separation 
 from his brother Senators — a final adieu from those 
 walls, v^hich if they could but speak, would be the 
 strongest evidence of the patriotism — the greatness 
 of the man. Nations will fall — principles will sur- 
 vive ! CiNCiNNATUs retired for the salvation of 
 Rome — Clay sacrificed himself to his country 
 when he had nearly filled the measure of her glory, 
 but it will be an additional lustre to his name. 
 Posterity will view it as the most disinterested act 
 of his existence. Official station had no charm for 
 hiui, when the Executive had refused to co-operate 
 in the cause dearest his heart — the welfare of the 
 people. 
 
 XLIV. THE RIGHT OF PETITION. 
 
 In a Republic, composed of many States, there 
 must of necessity be many conflicting interests : in 
 a government of this kind, it is the duty of those 
 who are entrusted with its destinies, to conciliate 
 and harmonize all its different antagonisiical prin- 
 ciples. In all matters the Constitution should be 
 scrupulously maintained, and the rights of every 
 citizen, however humble, religiously protected. 
 The supreme power of this country is the reflection 
 of the will of the whole people, without tlie exclu- 
 sion of any. Of a'l rights, that of Petition, is 
 deai-est to freemen : a denial of this is in fact, by 
 many, supposed to be a violation of the Constitu- 
 tion, and must eventually if persisted in, be pro- 
 ductive of much evil. The Southern States feel 
 alarmed at the course of the Northern Abolitionists, 
 but this is not a sufficient ground for them to refuse 
 the prayers of even tliat portion of American cjli- 
 
38 
 
 FIFTY REASONS WHY 
 
 zens. If AboliUohists are citizens, they are evi- 
 dently entitled to all their immunities, if they are 
 a;uilty of treason or any other misdemeanors, they 
 are subject to the laws of their country. Inasmuch 
 as they have never been arraigned before the civil 
 bar for the crime of Abolition, and still enjoy in 
 their respective States all the rights and privileges 
 of other men, it is unreasonable that they should 
 be denied this, the most sacred of all rights, by the 
 General Government. The Consjress of the United 
 States would, in the judgment of many, have acted 
 more prudently in even attempting to disfranchise 
 tliis class of men altogether, than to exclude their 
 petitions without reference or report. Mr. Clay 
 on this question says : " It is well known to the 
 Senate, that I have thought that the most judicious 
 course with Abolition petitions has not been of late 
 pursued by Congress. I have believed that it 
 would have been wisest to have received and re- 
 ferred them, without opposition, and to have reported 
 against their object in a calm and dispassionate and 
 argumentative appeal to the good sense of the 
 whole community. I am, Mr. President, no friend 
 of slavery. O^J-The Searcher of all Hearts 
 knows that every pulsation of mine beats 
 itigh and strong in the cause of civil 
 Liberty. Wherever it is safe and prac- 
 ticaele i desire to see every portion of 
 THE Human Family in the evjoyment of 
 IT. .4:15 But I prefer the Liberty of my own coun- 
 try to that of any other pi ople ; and the liberiy of 
 iny own race, to that of any other race. The liber- 
 ty of the descendants of Africa in the United States 
 i.-! incompatible with the safety and liberty of the 
 European descendants. Their slatery forms an 
 exception — an exreption resulting from a stern and 
 inexorable necessity — to the general liberty in the 
 United States. We did not originate, nor are we 
 responsible for, this nacessity. Their liberty, if it 
 were possible, could only be established by violating 
 the incontestible powers of the Stales, and subvert- 
 ing the Union. And beneath the ruins of the Union 
 would be buried, sooner or later, the liberty of both 
 races." This is in accordance with Mr. Clay's 
 whole life. He is in favor of the Right of Petition 
 in all cases, though oi)posed to their contents. In 
 a late controversy I had with an Irish gentleman, 
 he said he could not vote for Mr. Clay, because 
 he presented a petition from Sullivan county in the 
 Slate of New York for the Repeal of the Naturali- 
 zation law. But it can be seen that he holds this 
 nglit as inalienable to every citizen, and a.s such 
 he felt himself bound to present it. That matter 
 waH, or at least ought to be for ever settled, by the 
 able exposition which he gave Mr. Gallitzin in 
 relation thereto. He is a devoted friend to ail the 
 rights of men, and more particularly to tho Right 
 of Petition. Adopted citizens read this state-stnan's 
 life, and you will vote lor liisn to becoiiie your Chief 
 .Magistrate. 
 
 XLV. THE CREDIT SYSTEM. 
 
 In no department of American politics can we 
 find a topic of such intense importance as the 
 Credit System. Many have attributed the almost 
 innumerable bankruptcies of individuals to this 
 cause. It is, nevertheless, a mistaken idea, to 
 charge it with what its abuse has effected. When 
 a desire of novelty, an ambition for power, and a 
 restless anxiety for change, seize the minds of the 
 unfortunate and disappointed; they are, whilst in 
 this state, utterly incapable of properly estimating 
 the advantages accruing from those sources, which 
 they have abused. No men in this Republic were 
 louder in their approval, or more earnest in extend- 
 ing the influence of credit, from 1828 to 1833, than 
 those who have recently been heard to denounce 
 it, whilst standing on the smouldering ruins of the 
 altars which they erected — the last remains of their 
 unskilful workmanship. 
 
 It may here be remarked, that when the cause 
 is corrupt, the eflect will also be corrupt. So long 
 as the Currency was good, Credit was healthy ; in 
 the same proportion that it became spurious. Cred- 
 it became aU'ected. Small Banks, conscious of 
 their own rottenness, were not particular to whom 
 they made their loans, they rather boasted of the 
 amount of their issues, as well as the extent of 
 their speculations. As the money, so called, 
 increased in circulation, so did the desire of bor- 
 rowing delusively attract the producing and indus- 
 trious classes. All were eager to become rich — 
 none were willing to be called poor. All the citi- 
 zens flattered themselves that they still had the 
 Republican virtue of their fathers, because they 
 were neither addicted to the frivolities, the ex- 
 penses or the vices of the palace, they however 
 forgot that the zeal of party, the love of power, the 
 thirst of popularity, were gradually exciting amongst 
 them a love lor pleasure, a longing for gold, and an 
 inclination for Aristocratic distinction, which 
 would inevitably, if persisted in, cast a sombre 
 cloud over the simplicity and innocence of their 
 lising greatness and increasing glory. The most 
 distinguished actors in this bloated and corrupt 
 Credit System, were the most violent and the least 
 respected demagogues. Men who possessed the 
 power of obtaining, at pleasure, large sums of 
 money, would soon imperceptibly acquire a pre- 
 ponderating influence, in giving to whole commu- 
 nities the impress of their destructive operations. 
 How was it possible, that a credit based on rotten- 
 ness and bad faith could exist? Five hundred Pet 
 Banks, engaged in their respective traihc, with 
 their agents and emissaries, buying up the public 
 demesne, and otherwise imposing on the public 
 credulity, could not but result in irretrievable ruin 
 to all persons who wore interested in their more 
 remote operations': Millions of dollars of credit 
 were received, without ihe means of paying one cent 
 
HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 
 
 39 
 
 of it. • Swamps were sold for cities, and frog-,ponds 
 for the most delightful mill sites. The intelligent 
 and virtuous could not look at such a state of things 
 without deep concern. In the city of Chicago, 
 some three or four gentlemen destroyed, in the 
 Lake House, in one night, in 1836, some twelve 
 hundred dollars worth of bar utensils, k.c. This 
 bill, and many others of a similar character, were 
 paid in the spurious currency of the .shin-plaster 
 shops, and everything was again in statu quo. It 
 is astonishing, from what unjust causes, men will 
 frequently draw their conclusions. Is the Credit 
 System to be denounced, because these bubbles 
 burst : Why, the most healthy man can become 
 unhealthy by the abuse of his faculties, — the blood 
 which flows through our veins, pure and whole- 
 some, can become, by the infusion of poison, im- 
 pure and unhealthy. In the political, as well as in 
 the animal world, a due regard must be had to uni- 
 formity, regularity and consistency. A close ad- 
 hesion must be also had to correct and honest 
 principles, every deviation from which will always 
 be attended with pernicious consequences. When 
 the Banks failed, of course the credit which they 
 sustained fell with them, then it seems it was the 
 creating power which was incapable of sustaining 
 its own offspring, and consequently the cause of so 
 much individual bankruptcy, must be attributed to 
 the creation of so many Banks, and the issue of so 
 much spurious money. 
 
 The ruinous policy of the Administration was 
 not only seen in this instance, but also in the reme- 
 dy—which, instead of drawing a little blood from the 
 arveries, and thus gradually endeavoring to restore 
 things to a proper equilibrium — drew the sword 
 against its own pets, and unnaturally beheaded 
 th*m, by the issue of the Specie Circular. This 
 was the finale of the dishonest and ruinous war on 
 the Currency — then was perfected the odious doc- 
 trine of gold and silver for the othce-holders, and 
 rags for the people. This swallowed the remain- 
 ing vitality of those cursed vipers, and in it we 
 know not which the most to abhor, the grievance 
 or the remedy. Mr. Clay has always opposed 
 one currency for the government, and another for 
 the people. He desires a healthy Credit System, 
 and high wages for the poor. 
 
 XLVI. THE WAGES OF LABOR WOULD 
 BE INCREASED. 
 The policy of Mr. Clay has always been salva- 
 tion, not destruction. He has never opposed the 
 introduction of any measure v.hich he thought 
 would be beneficial to his country. In those great 
 national acts, which bear the impress of his undying 
 patriotism, he has given way in many instances to 
 the judgment of others. He has always evinced 
 great hopes in the success of everything which he 
 deemed constitutional. Sometimes he vvas riot in- 
 
 sensible to the faults of others, and though he 
 would suggest tiieir modification in several particu- 
 lars, yet he trusted to time, and their returning 
 good sense, to effect the proposed changes, which 
 they may on a fair trial deem expedient. 
 
 It is clear to all, that confidence is now nearly 
 destroyed, our finances low, our credit impaired, 
 and the whole machinery of government too much 
 under Executive control, to expect things to be- 
 come restored to Iheir wonted channel. It would 
 be worse than madness to continue in power the 
 authors of such disorder and ruin. Affairs, if per- 
 mitted to remain in the present retrograde state, 
 Avill ere long produce in this happy country, ail the 
 miseiy and poverty which we have witnessed in 
 Europe. Already an Aristocratic class has arisen 
 out of the general failure of the enterprising and 
 adventurous masses, who possess large quantities 
 of ill-gotten wealth ; whereby they can exercise an 
 all-powerful influence. It is preposterous to sup- 
 pose, that Specie can form the only and exclusive 
 Currency of this extensive Republic. Yet there 
 are men who openly proclaim such doctrines. The 
 labouring classes especially, who have emigrated 
 from Europe, know the destructive tendency of 
 such a policy. It is said that money will become 
 more valuable, as its circulation becomes less ; 
 grant it — but do our foreign wants proportionabiy 
 decrease .' Why this principle of an exclusive me- 
 tallic currency, would not only compel us to have 
 recourse to a high Tariff for protection, but even 
 to an almost entire exclusion of everything foreign. 
 In this state of things we would be reduced to the 
 European standard of wages immediately, and of 
 consequence, to more misery and poverty, owing 
 to our extent of territory, distance from markets, 
 &c. — we would be less able to sustain ourselves 
 here on double the wages which we had in Europe. 
 Add to this, the length of winter, and other incon- 
 veniences to which we are subject. It is indis- 
 pensable to the successful performance of many 
 manufacturing arts, that we still patronize the old 
 country. The result of the pusillanimous system 
 which certain good citizens now propose, would be 
 a worse state of tilings, than exist in the most un- 
 favored lands. It is readily perceived, that a dan- 
 gerous monied Aristocracy would be immediately 
 created, who could hold the labor and industry of 
 our people at their nod. How could we ever be 
 able to pay off our State and individual indebted- 
 ness under such a state of things ? These debts 
 were contracted wlien the country was inundated 
 with shin plasters, more worthless than the assig- 
 nats of France. Why, to pay one hundred dollars, 
 we would require as much labor as would, when 
 the debt was contracted, ])ay five hundred dollars. 
 It is evident then, that such a system as proposed, 
 would for over incapacitate the citizens and States 
 for paying tlieir debts, anci eventually expel Hon- 
 
40 
 
 FIFTY REASONS WHY 
 
 esty from the heritage which Washington be- 
 queathed to his countrymen. How many men of 
 brilliant talents, and generous souls, are now strug- 
 gling for a bare subsistence in this fruitful and de- 
 lightful country, who, if they had but a few hun- 
 dred dollars, might receive a start into a prosperous 
 and lucrative business. Several i.i.^dred Germans 
 have lately returned home, owing to the want of 
 that employment which this former El Dorado of 
 the New World always previously afforded to the 
 enterprising emigrant. Examine the whole policy 
 of this government for the last fifteen years, and 
 you will find its tendency has invariably been to 
 make the rich richer, and the poor poorer. When 
 in the employment of the Government in the West, 
 I received specie for my pay. When the day ar- 
 rived on which we were to be paid, numbers 
 would call on the clerks for their specie, giving 
 them twenty per cent for the gold and silver, in or- 
 der to enter their lands. I have known as high as 
 thirty. It is not necessary to say that one of the 
 Secretaries of the present Administration sold his 
 money, and paid an honest and industrious mechanic 
 some three or more hundred dollars in one dollar 
 notes — the good natured man, when he beheld the 
 pile, coolly remarked : Sir, had I known that I 
 should have such a burden to carry home, I would 
 have hired a Negro. We are told that the Whigs 
 promised two dollars a day and roast beef, if they 
 got into power. Such a promise has not, I hope, 
 had any eifect on the incorruptible Democracy of 
 the country. I have never heard such language 
 used. But suppose it had been used, was it pos- 
 sible that a whole nation could be relieved in one 
 short month, whilst the honored Harrison lived. 
 When he died we lost our HEAD, and instead 
 thereof we received one which was ere long cooked 
 and seasoned, with the essence of the old leaven. 
 Why he declared he was a people's man, the Con- 
 stitutional President — and finally a Jeffersonian 
 Democrat — though such a thing as an Exchequer 
 or a Bank veto cannot be discovered in the Adminis- 
 trative policy of that extraordinary statesman, 
 Thomas Jefferson. A good Regulator of the 
 currency will render it uniform — the laboring man 
 and the office holder will be paid in the same coin. 
 Credit will be restored — Internal Improvements 
 will revive — the resources of the country will be 
 developed, and all nature will again be reinvigor- 
 ated. Let us look to tliese matters — Magna est 
 Veritas et prevalcbit. 
 
 XLVII. THE STATE OF KENTUCKY IS 
 ENTITLED TO A PRESIDENT. 
 
 UHi^never passions have been stirred up, pride 
 excited or wounds inflicted, in any portion of the 
 citizens, it is always good policy to apply soothing 
 remedies, and by a sense of justice restore the love 
 of country in all. Every signal of alarm sounded 
 
 by us, excites the jealousy of all the European 
 powers. In the distribution of National honors, a 
 due regard should always be had to all the conflict- 
 ing interests of the Confederacy. It would be a 
 wise plan not only to limit the Executive rule to 
 one terra, but also to restrict it still further, by not 
 allowing a State to be represented in the Executive 
 chair twice in succession. Kentucky — the chival- 
 rous Kentucky can justly boast of the patriot, who 
 relatively stands in the annals of his country as the 
 Sun does amongst tie lesser constellations. A 
 Democrat lately observed to me — " Sir, I cannot 
 deny that iVIr. Clay is not only the greatest man in 
 this country, but the greatest now living." Why 
 not vote for him, then, said I ? " No, I shall not 
 desert my parly. I will vote for the nominee of 
 the Democratic National Convention, be he whom 
 he may. But as for Mr. Clay, on the platform of 
 his country, he stands a head and shoulders taller 
 than any other man in it. I am proud of him, and 
 if I heard him insulted, I would stand in his defence. 
 He is an American and so am I." The gentleman 
 alluded to, is too strongly attached to party to sus- 
 tain the greatest man living. But is his language 
 in consonance with that wisdom which it is neces- 
 sary for citizens to possess ? It would seem to be 
 involved in this — my party first — m)- country next. 
 Yes, the land which produced the most daring — the 
 bravest — the noblest set of soldiers that ever lived 
 should now be represented in the Chief Magistracy. 
 Two-thirds of the citizens of Kentucky ai-e descend- 
 ed from Irish ancestiy, and three-fourths of the 
 State are in favor of Mr. Clay, politically, perhaps 
 all socially ; hence Mr. Clay i-eceives the votes of 
 the Irish in that State, where he is best known. 
 Kentucky is entitled to a President, and Pennsyl- 
 vania ought to look at home, and not allow th^ 
 Albany regency to dictate terms to her and the 
 Uiuon. Why, if New York cannot produce a 
 stronger man than the Hon. Martin Van Buren 
 — the Hero of Canada — the Knight of the Sub- 
 Treasur)', she ought at once resign the title of the 
 Empire State ! A man on whom the indignation 
 of a majority of one hundred and forty-five thousand 
 freemen fell — and the ponderous weight of nineteen 
 States. Why really, so well merited a castigation 
 ought to bring New York to her senses I ! Go 
 ahead gentlemen, you are resolved on your course, 
 and so is the Union resolved on its course. Never 
 was an individual so abused as Mr. Clav has been 
 by this same regency! Never has an individual 
 merited it less! Eveiy man well understands that the 
 most skilful and intriguing politicians may be found 
 in the Democratic caucusses of Albany. Aside 
 from this influence the New Yorkers are an intel- 
 ligent and hospitable people, who will act as it 
 suits them, when they are convinced of any un- 
 known or private intrigue being set on foot to in- 
 fluence their political action. The people of Ken- 
 
HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 
 
 41 
 
 tucky should issue a National Manifesto, without 
 distinction of party, on their claims for the Presi- 
 dency; the Union should and will respond to it. 
 Colonel Johnson, who lately said, that Mr. Clay 
 was an honor to Kentucky, will give his honored 
 Senator an impartial notice, when his foes pour 
 upon him their venom and abuse. Yes, the de- 
 fender of the' abused, the slandered Harrison, will 
 now, true to himself and his country, say to the 
 world : Gentlemen, here is HARRY — Kentucky's 
 favorite — beat him, if you can, in an open field and 
 fair fight ; but I beg you not to abuse him ! If 
 they could not find a rifle in Old Kentuck to brini;; 
 down this Coon, I reckon old Kinderhook can't 
 come it. 
 
 xlVhi. the sovereignty of the 
 
 PEOPLE. 
 
 He who would trifle with this great fundamental 
 principle, upon which all governments should 
 rest, is no friend to Republics. Every man is free 
 1.0 act according to the dictates of his own con- 
 science ; any restraint imposed on this action, pro- 
 vided it doos not injure society, is tyranny. It is 
 insulting to the sovereign people, to treat them 
 with contempt, in any manner; when they speak 
 through their constitutional organs, they should be 
 heard. When they command, they should be 
 obeyed. Every citizen desires the inviolability of 
 the great principle — Vox populi, vox Dei. None 
 can be found who are more worthy of popular 
 favor, than they who invariably act in subservience 
 to the popular will. None are less worthy than 
 they who set that will at defiance. The Whig 
 party have, during the last fifteen years, calmly 
 submitted to the laws of their country, they have 
 always endeavored to enlighten the people, through 
 the press, and in every other rational mode within 
 their power. Whenever accusations have been made, 
 they were applied to those who were the professional 
 leaders, never to the people themselves. Defeat fol- 
 lowed defeat, still they insisted on the sovereignt}'^ 
 of the people. V^ictory at length crowned their 
 enduring perseverance, and the Democracy of the 
 country redeemed themselves from the improper 
 influence which was exercised over their political 
 action. They established the truth of the doctrine, 
 which of all others is the most sacred — that their 
 will is supreme. No sooner, however, had they 
 effected their deliverance from the demagogueic 
 meshes, in which they were for a long season en- 
 tangled, and stood forth redeemed and disenthrall- 
 ed, than the party, who had brought upon them- 
 selves their indignation, instead of blaming them- 
 selves for their mal-administration, threw all the 
 Ddium on the source of all power — the people. 
 They then and now assert, that the change was 
 effected by British gold, and the demoralization of 
 ■he people. If the people are capable of being 
 
 6 
 
 bought with British gold, they are not the people 
 they should be ! If they have been demoralized, 
 it was from the effect of the bad example of their 
 demagogues, and the ruinous policy of the country. 
 But these charges are not true, they are base libels 
 on the people of the United States. There never 
 was a more intelligent, or a more moral people, 
 than the people of this country. They cannot be 
 insensible to these gross attacks. When tliey act, 
 they are determined that their motives shall not be 
 condemned. However, it seems, from the present 
 appearance of things, that the vanquished party are 
 fully bent upon dictating to the sovereigns of the 
 country — they are now taking measures to resusci- 
 tate the men and the measures, which have been 
 so recently condemned. How will these matters 
 appear before the world! Why, they will say. 
 Republics are inconsistent — to-day they condemn, 
 to-morrow they sanction. Now they elect men to 
 pass certain laws~by-and-by the laws are vetoed. 
 This year they say a Sub-Treasury is anti-Repub- 
 lican— next year it is Republican. In a word, 
 nothing is stable in such governments. Why, this 
 action taken upon General Jackson's fine is, of 
 itself, a cause for comment. His party is in power 
 some twelve years, and the old veteran is, all this 
 time, forgotten— but when they are out, they bring 
 up this matter for political capital. There can be 
 no doubt, but that this has been resolved on years 
 ago, and the conclusion is irresistible, that the 
 party, finding that the military fame of the General 
 was sufficient political capital for his life-time, that 
 the fine should be laid up lor a breeder, when they 
 had exhausted all their other electioneering clap- 
 traps. Now that the bill is passed by a Whig Sen- 
 ate, therefore the capital is lost. Now, our sove- 
 reignty is to be established our political rights 
 maintained, and Van Bueen again defeated. 
 
 XLIX. MR. CLAY IS REMARKABLY 
 FRIENDLY TO FOREIGxNERS. 
 
 Whilst on my route to Washington from the far 
 West, I had frequent opportunities of ascertaining- 
 the Great Commoner's opinion, relative to the 
 emigration of Europeans to this country as well as 
 their naturalization when here. I invariably found 
 that in the more remote regions, where he was but 
 little known, much prejudice existed against him, 
 but when in Louisville, and other cities and towns 
 in his own State, w-hcre he was best known, these 
 narrow-minded \iews were not only narrowed 
 down to a small compass, but absolutely removed 
 altogether, and in his own immediate neighborhood 
 he is a great favorite amongst the adopled citizens. 
 It would be well for us and the country, that we 
 had never acted almost in concert against this emi- 
 nent statesman. Facts are stubborn things ; hear 
 him in a Speech delivered in the Senate Chamber 
 of his native land, before as large and as respecta- 
 
42 
 
 FIFTY REASONS M'lIY 
 
 ble an assemblage, as ever graced its galleries, on 
 this subject. Mr. Clay, on the 3d of February, 
 1832, said :— 
 
 " The honest, patient, and industrious German 
 readily unites with our people, establishes himself 
 on some of our fat lands, fills a capacious barn, and 
 enjoys in tranquillity the abundant fruits, which 
 his diligence has gathered around him, always 
 ready to fly to the standard of his adopted country, 
 or of its laws, when called by the duties of patriot- 
 ism. The gay, the versatile, the philosophical 
 Frenchman, accommodating himself cheerfully to 
 all tlie vicissitudes of life, incorporates himself 
 without difficulty in our society. But of all 
 Foreigners, none amalgamate themselves 
 so quickly with our people as the natives 
 of the emerald isle. In some of the 
 visions which have passed through my 
 imagination, I have supposed, that Ire- 
 land was originally part and parcel of 
 THIS Continent, and that by some extra- 
 ordinary convulsion of nature, it was 
 torn from America, and, drifting aciioss 
 the Ocean, it was placed in the unfor- 
 tunate vicinity of Great Britain. The 
 same open-heartedness, the same careless 
 
 and UNCALCULATING indifference ABOUT 
 HUMAN LIFE, CHARACTERIZES THE INHABI- 
 TANTS OF BOTH COUNTRIES. KENTUCKY HAS 
 BEEN SOMETIMES CALLED THE IRELAND OF 
 
 America. And I have no doubt, that, if 
 
 THE EMIGRATION WERE REVERSED, AND SET 
 
 FROM America upon the shores of Europe, 
 EVERY American emigrant to Ireland 
 
 WOULD THERE FIND, AS EVERY IrISH EMIGRANT 
 HERE FINDS, A HEARTY WELCOME AND A 
 HAPPY HOME." 
 
 Such were the sentiments, and such are they 
 now, and such will they ever be, of this Great 
 Commoner, in respect to foreigners. This speaks 
 for itself, and ought to be sutncient evidence of his 
 great liberality to adopted citizens, and before all, 
 to Irishmen. Mr. Clay has never been known to 
 record his vote in favor of the abridgment of 
 popular rights!! What has Mr. Van Buren 
 done ? Why, he voted for the restriction of the 
 right of suffrage in White Citizens, and for its 
 extension to tlie Blacks ! .' .' ! His name stands in 
 bold relief, for a i)erpetual notoriety, in the organ 
 of the New York Native American party, called 
 the New York Citizen, as one of their greatest 
 champions. He said, when in the full tide of State 
 popularity, that "Foreig.vers will render 
 OUR Elections a curse, instead of a bless- 
 ing." What! Is such language as the foregoing 
 nothing ? Shall we overlook every thing in the 
 Hero of the Proclamations, the Knight of the Caro- 
 line, because, forsooth, he is styled a Democrat ! ! ! 
 Shall this mantle envelop in obscurity all the sins 
 
 of the Kinderhook politician, because of a name ? 
 No ; it will already take years to heal the wounds 
 which he has so cruelly inflicted on the rising ge- 
 nius of American liberty. That party who set on 
 foot tlie Native American party, in New York city, 
 for political effect, ought to be ashamed ! I deal 
 in facts. When Porter was executed in Penn- 
 sylvania some years since, for mail robbery, &c. 
 his accomplice was pardoned by General Jackson, 
 though under sentence of death; this, however, 
 was effected by means of a petition forwarded to 
 the old veteran, which was numerously signed. 
 General Jackson, of course, supposed that there 
 were some mitigating circumstances connected 
 with the pardoned criminal's case, by reason of the 
 petition; he therefore justly deserved no censure, 
 as, witliout doubt, he would have acted in a simi- 
 lar manner towards Porter, under similar circum- 
 stances. However, Porter happened to be an 
 Irishman, therefore his execution, and the pardon 
 of his accomplice, operated rather unfavorably on 
 the Irish citizens. The cunning demagogues of 
 that day, observing that the adopted citizens were 
 becoming daily more indignant, resolved on an ex- 
 periment, which proved eminently successful to- 
 wards allaying the growing prejudices, viz. a small 
 delegation from Washington was speedily despatch- 
 ed to New York, in order to establish a Native 
 American Association, this was done ; when in full 
 operation, the Administration press opened its vol- 
 leys on the society, it was denounced by them, 
 from Maine to Georgia — from one extremity of the 
 Union to the other — it was called a Whig measure 
 — a Federal project, &c. By this means they ef- 
 fected all that their secret and dangerous intrigues 
 had first suggested— the Democrats were called upon 
 to come out from among them, &c. Thus the 
 Porter prejudice was allayed, and the adopted 
 citizens were gained over. Reaiiers, the foregoing 
 is, in the main, true. It is susceptible of proof, 
 and can be proved. I now ask, as a man who, 
 God knows, is honest in his political sentiments, 
 what can you expect of men who would descend 
 so low, to gain your influence ? — Shame on such 
 chicanery. — Down with such legerdemain. — Gi\'e 
 truth a fair field, and she asks no favor. 
 
 L. THE ECONOMICAL ADMINISTRA- 
 TION OF THE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Everj^ citizen is interested in the expenditures 
 of each branch of the civil, military, and maritime 
 departments of his country. It is not only the 
 financial interest of this matter which should be 
 examined, but also the profligacy which it encour- 
 ages, the corruption which it promotes, and the 
 avenues to fraud which it lays open. It would be 
 well to examine this matter by comparison. 
 
 Our beloved Washington's Administration, 
 for 8 years, was . - - - $ 15,892.138 
 
HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 
 
 43 
 
 John Adams', 4 years, - $21,450,351 
 Thomas Jefferson's, 4 years, 41,300,788 
 Mr. Madison's, 8 years, including 
 the war expenses, ... 144,684,939 
 Mr. Monroe's, 8 years, - 104,463,400 
 J. Q. Adams', 4 " - 50,501,914 
 
 General Jackson's, 8 " - 145,792,735 
 
 M. Van Buren's, 4 " ^- 140,585,321 
 From the above table, it is clearly seen, that the 
 last Administration had swelled the current of 
 national expenses, in the short term of four years, 
 to nearly the amount of James Madison's eight 
 years, including the war with England. Much 
 has been said by the Loco Foco part)% concerning 
 the Extra Session of Congress, and its ineffectual 
 and abortive attempts to accomplish good for our 
 common country. The Twenty-Seventh Congress 
 has done much more than its most sanguine friends 
 could expect, considering tlie position in which it 
 was placed. It reduced the annual appropriations 
 more than one-half, when compared with the aver- 
 age expenditure of each year of Van Buren's 
 Administration. Here are the facts : 
 Van Buren's expenditure in 1837, $37,265,037.15 
 
 1838, 39,455,438.35 
 
 1839, 37,614,936.15 
 " " " 1840, 27,249,909.51 
 
 Total, 
 
 $140,535,321.16 
 
 The annual average on this amount 
 is $35,146,330.29 
 
 The last, or Twenty-Seventh Con- 
 gress, which was Whig, reduced this 
 enormous annual expenditure to - 16,332,837.00 
 Which is less by $2,-580,656.19, than half the an- 
 nual average expenditure of Van Buren's Admin- 
 istration. Mr. CLAY gave all measures which 
 had reference to retrenchment and reform, his most 
 sanguine support. On this subject, he says : — 
 " The next thing recommended is retrenchment in 
 the national expenditure, and greater economy in 
 the administration of the government. And do we 
 not owe it to this bleeding country, to ourselves, 
 and the unparalleled condition of the times, to ex- 
 hibit to the world a fixed, resolute and patriotic 
 purpose to reduce the public expenditure to an 
 economical standard. But a much more important 
 advantage than either of those I have yet adverted 
 to, is to be found in the check which the adoption 
 of this plan will impose on the efllux of the pre- 
 cious metals from this country to foreign countries. 
 I shall not now go intc the causes by which the 
 
 country has been brought down from the elevated 
 condition of prosperity it once enjoyed, to its pre- 
 sent state of general embarrassment and distress. I 
 think that those causes are as distinct in my under- 
 standing and memory, as any subjects were ever im- 
 pressed there, but I have no desire to go into a discus- 
 sion, which can only revive the remembrance of un- 
 pleasant topics. My purpose — my fixed purpose on 
 this occasion has been, to appeal to all gentlemen, on 
 all political sides, of this Chamber, to come out and 
 make a sacrifice of all lesser differences, in a patri- 
 otic, generous and general effort for the relief of 
 their country I shall not open those bleeding 
 wounds, whicn have, in too many instances, been 
 inflicted by brothers' hands — especially will I not 
 do so at this time, and on this occasion. — I have 
 persuaded myself, the system now brought forward, 
 will be met in the spirit of candor and of patriot- 
 ism ; and in the hope that, whatever may have 
 been the diflerences in the Senate in days past, we 
 have now reached a period in which we can forget 
 our prejudices, and agree to bury our transient ani- 
 mosities deep at the foot of the altar of our common 
 country, and come together as an assemblage of 
 friends and brothers and compatriots, met in com- 
 mon consultation, to deviso the best mode of re- 
 lieving the public distress. — Let us lay aside pre- 
 judice ; let us look at the distresses of the country 
 and those alone." How admirable such senti- 
 ments ! How patriotic such language ! ! Never 
 did man evince so anxious a desire as he to elevate 
 the high destinies of his country still higher, and 
 transmit them to posterity, in all respects worthy 
 of their authors. It is necessary that mildness and 
 moderation should become more prevalent in the 
 administration of public affairs. It is true, that 
 peace now exhibits to our view, the enchanting 
 prospect of rich fields, flourishing cities, spacious 
 harbors, growing population, increased resources, 
 and almost countless avenues to prosperity : it is 
 for us to awaken the patriotic and generous affec- 
 tions, to rouse that noble ardor, which, spreading 
 from breast to breast, obliterates for a time the self- 
 ishness of private interest, and leads to the admis- 
 sion of great and heroic feelings, in order that we 
 may dignify that Chair, in which the most illustri- 
 ous men of any age or any country sat, by placing 
 in it the generous, the patriotic, the high-minded, 
 the magnanimous, the eloquent, the able, the 
 Republican Senator from Kentucky — HENRY 
 CLAY. 
 
 Si hostoriam quceritis, circumspicile. 
 
FROM MR. CLAY'S SPEECH IN THE SENATE, FEBRUARY, 1832. 
 
 The honest, patient, and industrious German readily unites with our people, establishes himself on some 
 of our fat lands, fills a capacious barn, and enjoys in tranquillity the abundant fruits which his diligence has 
 gathered around him, always ready to fly to the standard of his adopted country, or of its laws, when called 
 , by the duties of patriotism. .The gay, the versatile, the philosophical Frenchman, accommodating himself 
 cheerfully to all the vicissitudes of life, incorporates himself without difficulty in our society. But, of all 
 foreigners, none amalzainate themselves so quicklif with, our people as the natives of the EmeraUl hie. In 
 some of the visions which have passed through my imagination, I have supposed that Ireland was originally 
 part and parcel of this continent, and that by some extraordinary convulsion of nature it was torn from 
 America, and, drifting across the ocean, it was placed in the unfortunate vicinity of Great Britain. The 
 same open-heartedness, the same careless and uncalculating indifference about human life, characterizes the 
 inhabitants nf both countries. Kentucky has been sometimes called the Ireland of America.' And I have no 
 doubt thai, if the emigration were reversed, and set from America upon the shores of Europe, every American 
 emigrant to Ireland would there find, as every Irish emigrant here finds, a hearty welcome and a happy 
 home. 
 
 SENATOR BENTON'S OPINION OF HENRY CLAY IN 1824. 
 
 The principles which would govern Mr. Clay's adtninistration, if elected, are well known to the nation. 
 They have been displayed upon the floor of Congress for the last seventeen years. They constitute a 
 system of American Policy, based on the Agriculture and Manufactures of his own country — upon interior ' 
 as well as foreign Commerce — upon intpmal as well as sea-bogrd Improvement— upon the independence of, 
 the New World, and close commercial alliances with Mexico and South America. If it is said that 
 others would pursue the same system, we answer that the founder of a system is the natural executor of.j 
 his own work; that the most efficient protector of American iron, lead, hemp, wool, and cotton, would be 
 the triumphant champion of the new Tariff; the safest friend to interior commerce would be the statesman 
 who has proclaimed the Mississippi to be the sea of the west ; the most zealous promoter of Internal 
 Improvements would be the President who has triumphed over the President who opposed the construction 
 of national Roads and Canals ; the most successful applicant for treaties with Mexico and South America I 
 would be the eloquent advocate of their own independence. 
 
 JOHN TYLER'S OPINION OF HENRY CLAY. 
 
 I do declare, in the presence of my heavenly Judge, that the nomination given to me was neither 
 solicited nor expected : I uent to the Convention in honor of Henry Clay ; and, in the defeat of the wishes 
 of his friends. I, as one of them, made a sacrifice of feeling, even though my own name was associated with 
 that of Harrison. . . I am a true and genuine Whig, and in the Capitol yonder I have shown my love of 
 Whig principles. 
 

 
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