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/\ TSr A_ D D R E S S 
 
 BY 
 
 IVGRATZ BROWN, ESQ. 
 
 X-- ^SL XT E3 I=L TIT 
 
 III its National Aspects as related to Peace and Wa]'. 
 
 DKLIVKItK!) IJEFOIIK: THE GENERAL EMANCIPATION SOCIRTV OP THE 
 
 «TATE OP 3IISS0UEI, AT ST. LOUIS, 
 
 On AVe.lnesday Kvening, September 17, 18G*J. 
 
 Gentlkmkn: I shall address you this evenin«- 
 upon the subject of "Slavery in its National 
 Aspects, as related to Peace and Wai-." IJad 
 circumstances made it ai)i)roFJriate, it would 
 have given me pleasure to adopt a line of remark 
 more immediately directed to the local objects 
 «l your organization. I'.ut each hour has its 
 supreme duty, and 1 conceive tlie duty of 
 this hour to be the strengthening the hands and 
 uptiolding tlie heart of the National (Jovernmcnt 
 that It may be induced ))oth to feel wherein lies 
 tlie peril tliat most besets us, and to strike at it 
 with the death stroke. 
 
 THK CONSTITUTION— ITS ANNIVEKSAKY. 
 
 This day, as you know, is the anniversary of 
 the adoption of the Constitution of the United 
 States. That instrument was in itself a descent 
 and a compromise from the elevated ground of 
 the Declaration of Indepeiulence of '1770, not 
 less than ot tiie stiiisoquent Ordinance of 1787, 
 and unfortunaU-iy compromises have been the 
 order ol the day ever since. Nevertheless it was 
 the work of earnest men striving to do honestly 
 their appointed task. Let us honor khem for their 
 intent, 'to say that the Constitution was designed 
 to develop into harmonious unity, and liind in 
 perpetual league the States and peoples that were 
 parties thereto would be only to reiterate the 
 languit^rft omployedby its framers in urging its 
 ratiheation. But constitutions do not make na- 
 tions and growths arc sometimes fostered, and 
 moral infiuenees sometimes repressed that pro- 
 duce strange contortions in the body politic. 
 And so It has transpired in this instance. After 
 three quarters of a century of operation there is 
 witnessed division instead of nnion, discord in- 
 stciid ot harmony, hate instead of love, between 
 the jarring sections of the country. No fulsome 
 paiK'gyrie ujion l.y-gone times— no unreasonino- 
 lauilation ot the< 'onsiiiution in itself— will either 
 explain or remedy this unlooked for ending to so 
 many hopes clustered around an almost deified 
 paiehment. And t do not propose to go into any 
 such declamation ; but shall leave it to those who 
 believe nothing good but what is past, nothing 
 possible but what is accomplished, and who stand 
 
 idle singing syren songs to obsolete forms whilst 
 the very ground beneath their feet cracks with 
 the tremor of tin; earthquake, 'fhese davs are 
 full enough of events to have their own elucida- 
 tion ; the Constitution in its narrow fittin'>- i< 
 straining and rending on the athletic body of" an 
 aroused nation, claiming adjustment, not flat- 
 teries; the high noon of the civilization of the 
 continent is eome in storm and darkness, and 
 the out-looks must be watchful, the penetration 
 clear and deep, the sacrifices rapid, unliesitatiii»- 
 suited to the necessities, if we are to rido (.ih' 
 the whorls and breakers tiat surround. 
 
 WK AJIE THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 'J'hey who would forecast the results of the 
 great crisis which is now upon this nation, must 
 do so l)y other lights than those relied on in past 
 partisan controversies regarding our Govern- 
 ment and its functions. This is an age of tran- 
 sition, precipitated on us, it is true, by armed 
 resistance to the national sovereignty, but iionc 
 the less a transition age for all tl'iut. It is a 
 passage from the Old to the New : abiu|)tly, with 
 disjointed efi'ort, impeded by formalism.s reac- 
 tions, civil war ; yet, neverllieless, a veracious 
 passage, and we are the revolution. 
 
 'llu! seceded States began this conflict of arms, 
 and in so far are respousilde for its many calami- 
 ties ; but they only cast <lovvn the Ijarriers to the 
 pent up thonght of the nation, and in the present 
 still more tlmn in the ])ast, that thonght is macrh- 
 ing on with the vast development that ever 
 characterizes revolutionary cycles. A fnll con- 
 ception of this truth is essential to any under- 
 standing, either of the changes that have so far 
 passed upon rulers as well as p(-ople, or of 
 those other and sterner attitudes that are yet to 
 be taken by both. 
 
 The roots of this matter reach further back 
 than it is the purpose here to probe. Freedom, 
 m its relations to property, persons, princi- 
 ples, has been the grand central ligur(> of the 
 century, and its outgrowths are essential fea- 
 tures of the pending conflict. Indeed it requires 
 onlyordinary scrutiny t© trace, during the lat- 
 ter- years of our political life, the lineaments ot 
 
2l 
 
 a great historic revolution. The advance, from 
 the day John Hampden tested the ship money 
 levy, to the day Strafford's impeachment ended 
 Star Chamber procedures, and further, to the day 
 ©harles Stuart's head rolling ia the basket fin- 
 ished the bssincss of divine right — the advance, 
 I say, was not more signal than that which has 
 taken place here touching liberties ; first from 
 resistance against territorial extensions of 
 slavery, next to abolishing the institution in 
 the ny.tion's capital, and now to initiating poli- 
 cies of confiscation and emancipation in the 
 States themselves. A simple contrast of public 
 opinion concerning all the questions involved in 
 this war a year ago, and the public acceptation 
 in which tbe same points are now held, will af- 
 ford sufiicieiit evidence of the progress that has 
 taken place, 'that that progress has come from 
 the people, and been towards radical views of 
 freedoiQ, scarcely needs to be illustrated. The 
 conviction that any infringement of individual 
 liberty if permitted to organize and perpetuate 
 itself in society, imperiled its existence by in- 
 citing a substitution of caste or class rule for the 
 simple equity of republican government, from 
 being a hesitant disputed dogma, has become an 
 accepted national faith girt with armies and 
 navies for its upholding. This is lYansition, 
 this is Progress, this is Eevolution. 
 
 The national administration of the present is 
 the representative ot this new order, so far as that 
 is developed. The rebellion is a resistance 
 against the national thought as thus reflected, 
 and a determination to l)reak up the government 
 rather than submit. With the formci", freedom 
 is the controlling spirit ; with the latter, slavery 
 dominates all things. In other words, it is but 
 a repetition here of that struggle, that contortion, 
 that inward wrestling which time out of mind 
 has convulsed every nation that has achieved 
 enlarged liberties. 
 
 Applying therefore, the formula of revo- 
 lution to the solution of this crisis, it will 
 lead us to some conclusions that are well worth 
 considering, and to a generalization of the fu- 
 ture not as yet sufficiently meditated by our 
 people. Before doing so, however, it will be well 
 to examine some of the antecedents of this con- 
 flict in which we find ourselves engaged. 
 
 WHAT HAS MADE SrCH A REBELLION POSSIBLE? 
 
 The question is often asked, what has made 
 such a rebellion possible ? All writers of news- 
 papers have hitherto habitually boasted that our 
 oovernment, by its very nature, pliant to popu- 
 lar will, precluded the calamity of civil war. 
 The ballot box was worshijiped as peacemaker, 
 and so ordinarily it fell out ; but here now, at the 
 very acme of votings and hustings and electings, 
 it has failed — has in fact turned up exactly other- 
 wise. Let us strive to comprehend this phe- 
 nomenon. 
 
 In the absence of any alleged tyranny, the ani- 
 nivK of a movement which has hurried half the 
 States into rebellion must be sought in those 
 conditions and conjunctions which give unity to 
 the sentiment of revolt. 
 
 First, then, we see that the line which separ- 
 ates freedom and slavery is everywhere the 
 boundary line of rebellion'; for even those bor- 
 der States that have not formally seceded are 
 only held quiet by martial law. No where, how- 
 ever, has free soil shown any affinity toward the 
 uprising. Its treason cases have been altogether 
 sporadic. 
 
 Second — We find within those limits of rebel- 
 lion the slave system is everywhere appealed to 
 as the sufficient bond of affiliation. The crjm- 
 ?«(w t'a?<Ae is treated as a thing existing, recog- 
 
 nized, undeniable. Even those who hold fer 
 loyalty to the Government in doubtful sections, 
 hasten to profess fidelity to the institution to as- 
 sure their own safety if the revolt succeeds. 
 Sympathizers in our midst, too, all predicate 
 their feeling on the same ground. 
 
 Third— We perceive the result of the slave sys- 
 tem in the outworking of half a century has been 
 to create a social life reposing exclusively upon 
 caste for its honors as well as its industries ; to 
 transform political methods so that only minori- 
 ties can rule, supplanting republicanism by oli- 
 garchy, and to divide or sectionalize the evan- 
 gelical churches, compelling each to interpolate 
 its creed with the slave code as the price of tol- 
 erance. Thus in the relations of man to God, *"- 
 government, to his fellow beings, it has conso. 
 dated those communities where it obtains — n 
 other words, the whole area of the rebellion- 
 into conditions of direct antagonism to the gre: 
 body of the people of the nation. 
 _ It is because of these things that such a rebe 
 lion has been possible ; things that ballot-votin 
 so far has had no tendency to dissipate; requii 
 ing rather, as it would seem, the fierce surger. 
 of revolution and radical reform to cure. Am 
 the same cause which places those communitie 
 in a relation of conjunction as to each other 
 also impels them to regard citizens of the loya 
 States as to all \niQi\isJ'orei(/7ieis. Hence the vin 
 dictiveuess that has been displayed, as also the 
 plausibility of that view whereby their leaders 
 have taught them to regard this war as invasion. 
 
 The conditions that characterize the commu- 
 nities now resisting the National Government, 
 and resisting it because hostile to the national 
 thought, whilst they result directlj^ from the 
 slave system — indirectly are abuses sprung from 
 the constitutional and political system which 
 by fostering and encouraging slavery has per- 
 mitted it to generate such a diseased state. 
 Eevolution in its march must attack these if true 
 to itself, for until it does the solution will be no 
 uearer than at the outset. 
 
 If this be a correct analysis of events hereto- 
 fore, as well as of characteristics now existing, it 
 will follow that so long as the slave system ob- 
 tains, engendering its sectionalism, so long hos- 
 tilities will remain embittered, and tranquillity 
 be impossible, even in the event of a conquest by 
 overwhelming armies. It cannot but be appa- 
 rent to whosoever shall consider the educating 
 forces which slavery must continue exerting as 
 it has heretofore done, to make its communities 
 diverse in all social aspects, abnormal in politi- 
 cal relation, and isolated in their industrial atti- 
 tude, from the residue _ of the United States 
 that a mere conquest without an assimilation 
 of institutions will neither restore the Union 
 among the people of those sections, nor cause the 
 authority of the Federal Government to be ac- 
 cepted in good part. This truth is so clear, that 
 the only wonder is how any administration could 
 pass through a year of fruitless conciliations 
 without ])erceiving the repugnances unremoved 
 and the very cause of them all untouched. In 
 justice, therefore, to the revolted States_ which 
 our arms propose to reduce into submission, we 
 must also make those eliminations — necessary in 
 order that they may develop into unity and com- 
 munity with ourselves. To conquer and then 
 leave them with a social life, a political system, 
 religious fanaticisms continuously engendering 
 and always impelling them to collision and re- 
 sistance, would be neither prudent nor humane. 
 To make war against the logical results of sla- 
 very, and leave slavery to breed other logical 
 results as cause of future conflict, would be nei- 
 
 '>.Z: 
 
Sf 
 
 ther wise uor well. We must not only put down 
 the men in arms, but wo must also destroy the 
 influences actively generatini^ the s])irit of disu- 
 nion. We must eradicate as we march that ele- 
 ment which alone makes rebellion possible in 
 the present, and which will make it chronic in 
 the_ future, if suffered to remain. Conditions 
 which develop loyal, cohering, harmonizing 
 States, and those which breed diverging, inimi- 
 cal, antagonistic States, arc before us in their 
 results — the former come of freedom, the true 
 basis of constitutionalism, the latter of slavery 
 its exceptional abuse — and we have but to insist 
 upon the former and abolish the latter to elfect 
 national assimilation. The French Revolution 
 |17S9 accomplished itself by laying the axe to 
 je root of the feudal system, which had grown 
 le inequalities and social evils that set French- 
 aen at war with each other, and threatened the 
 ismemberment of a ^reat nation; and so we, in 
 .epublicaniziug the institutions of this people, 
 nd confirming our free government to future 
 ;;enerations, must obliterate that slave system 
 .?^hich has dismembered the States and inark- 
 .■;d out the lines of rebellion, and without abol- 
 ishing wliich any transition in the slave sections 
 .rom the old to the new is a moral and physical 
 ';impossibility, 
 
 WHAT jrSTIFIES THIS WAR? 
 
 ■ If I differ from those who assign purely tech- 
 'nical breaches of constitutional law as the 
 justification to theGeneral Government for a sub- 
 jugation of the seceding States, it is not that I 
 value constitutional law less, but that I prize 
 the moral attitude and responsibility of my coun- 
 try more. 
 
 The principle of self-government is as applica- 
 ble to the South as to tlie North, to one State as 
 another, and I should be loth to utter one word 
 which might disparage that fundamental doc- 
 trine of political freedom. But the principle of 
 self-government as conceded toothers, is limited 
 by the principle of self-nreservation as related 
 to ourselves. While it might be matter of grave 
 doubt, therefore, whether the expenditure of so 
 much blood and treasure could be justified before 
 God and man for the mere enforcement of con- 
 1^ formity to this or that governtiieiital form, there 
 " can be no question of the rightfulness of sup- 
 '] pressing by force and at every cost an armed 
 "' principle of antagonism that seeks to erect itself 
 within our limits — fatal to our government, our 
 freedom and our future. Believers in the right of 
 revolution cannot advocate the absolute rule of 
 the strongest solely because the majority exists. 
 We know there is no dirine rujht in "constitutions 
 any more than in kingships, and that in resolv- 
 ing the grave problem of enforcement there must 
 be higher and more vital reasons for resort to 
 wai' — that last arbitrament of nations — than the 
 preservation of the simple unities of the past. 
 If it were otherwise, if the limi ts of a State were 
 all sufficient for its maintenance intact at every 
 cost, then in all the great crises of the world's 
 history Right would rest with establishment in 
 opposition to reform, with geography as against 
 revolution. But it is not so; the geueral ver- 
 dict of mankind has decided quite to the con- 
 trary, and the page that kindles the eye of youth- 
 and quickens the blood of age, is ever found re- 
 citing the story of progress, of change, of the rise 
 of republics, of the remodelling of institutions. 
 Self-preservation, however, intervenes as imperi- 
 ously with nations as with individuals, and 
 without question it is now such preservation 
 against a^es of strife resulting from slavery as a 
 social principle, consolidated militarily on the 
 
 frontiers of freedom, that we each and all feel 
 and know to be the truejustification of our peo- 
 ple, for pur])osing a forcible reduction of the se- 
 ceded States. 
 
 'Ihe mind can scarce conceive the frightful 
 succession of calamities that would result from 
 such a proximity of hostile elements, if permit- 
 ted to take the shape of separate nationalities, 
 and strengthen for a conflict involving the em- 
 pire of this continent. War would be an erup- 
 tive volcanic destruction, multiplying desola- 
 tions beoynd the recujierative powers of peace, 
 and peace would be but the giant struggle to 
 outreach in the number, magnitude and costli- 
 ness of the prejjarations of war. And war would 
 be the rule, peace tiie exception — hatred intense, 
 enveloping both as with a garment of fire. It is 
 to take bond of the future against such a fate ; 
 to confirm our liberties tranquilly to our chil- 
 dren; and to restore moral forces to their proper 
 ascendency in the councils of the nation not less 
 than the minds of the people, that a million of 
 men arQ now enrolled in the armies of the Repub- 
 lic. This is the argument and the only argu- 
 ment that will at last be plead before the bar of 
 history in vindication of our refusal to recog- 
 nize the right of the rebellion to self-government. 
 
 THE LIMITS OF THAT JUSTIFICATION. 
 
 But this argument does not stop here. In 
 justifying a coercion it also imposes a duty. If 
 it carries with it the destiny of a whole section, 
 and legitimates the sacrifice of rebellion on the 
 altar of self-preservation, it likewise sternly 
 enjoins that the means used shall confront the 
 inherent cause of the revult, and that the end at- 
 tained shall correspond with the basis on which 
 alone the war can be justified. It necessitates, 
 by its very logic, that hostilities shall adjust 
 themselves to the higher veason that underlies 
 the resort to force. Hence it follows that if we 
 be houest in the prosecution of this war — if we 
 intlend it as a guarantee for the future, and not 
 a mere sj)oliation of the present — if we seek an 
 assimilation and confirmation of the Republic, 
 and not a mere subjugation of adjacent prov- 
 inces for Proconsular rule — if we are truly pene- 
 trated with a resolve to subdue that antagonism 
 of asocial and political state, resting on slavery, 
 and threatening all U-i^Q institutions, which con- 
 stitutes the life of the rebellion — then does our 
 very sincerity demand that we address ourselves 
 at once to the work necessary to insure a tutnre 
 of peace, honor and safety, by proclaiming 
 eraaucipation as the precursor "of our armies. 
 This is fundamentally a limitation upon thejus- 
 tice of this war; for if we shall fail to strike at 
 that which we set forth as the substance of the 
 ]>eril that demands such terrible repression, 
 then will this nation stand convicted before the 
 world cither as an imposter, or else an imbecile. 
 Logically we may not halt between the extremes 
 of a concession to tlie projected Southern slave 
 Confederacy of the right to choose its forms of 
 government and association, subject of course 
 to the equities of separation, or else compelling 
 those States into unity and su})Hussiou upon 
 grave policies of self-def(uise, we are bound in 
 honor and truth to eradicate that clement whicli 
 creates our danger, and makes such concession 
 exceptional and inadmissible. 1 am aware thai 
 there arc geographical reasons urged, such as the 
 division of mountain and plain, the command 
 of navigable^ streams, and control of inter- 
 oceanic transit lines, in vindication of the war 
 policy, and 1 fully admit their force and perti- 
 nency, simply remarking, however, that such 
 reasons only go the propriety of exacting secu- 
 
•ities to rcommerce and intercourse — might be 
 iolred by a TxM- Vevtiu perhaps — and do not 
 ;ouch, as does the slave question, the vital prin- 
 ■iple of tlie very existence of our government. 
 Let us then accept the limitation equally with 
 hejustificatiou, and take that step forward de- 
 nanded by the triumvirate of reason, justice, 
 safety. 
 
 THE BAKBAKISM OF FORCE. 
 
 The lover of his country is not apt to be dis- 
 v)uraged as to the eventual triumph of its arms. 
 I'he lostbattle, the miasmatic campaign, aban- 
 loned lines and blown up magazines are re- 
 rarded as incidents of war. They are deplored 
 lut not held as conclusive, or even significant of 
 he ending. There are "signs of the times," 
 lowever, in our horizon that have a gloomier 
 ook than lost battles. And darkest and strangest 
 )f all the discouragements that have of late 
 JC'fallen, must be considered the spectacle 
 iresented by the Government in its dealings 
 vith this^terrible crisis — repnuing itself altogether 
 ijimi ilie mere liar-hariism of fmr-e. One would 
 hink, when reading the call for six hundred 
 housand men to recruit our armies, and seeing 
 here no appeal to or recognition of the ideas 
 hat rule this century, not less than this hour, 
 -hat, as a<!overument ours was intent on sui- 
 ;ide— as a nation we had abandoned our progres- 
 ;ion. Can it be lihat those [Iwho have been ad- 
 vanced for their wisdom and worth to such high 
 slaces of rulership do not understand that since 
 ,his world began the victories of mere brute 
 brce have been as inconsequent as the ravages 
 )f pestilence, and as evanescent as the genera- 
 ions of men. Or can it be that, understanding, 
 hey care only for tiding over the present con- 
 ,est_ to bequeath revolt and internecine war as 
 ,he inheritance of those who are to come after 
 hem. That would be virtual disintegration — 
 lational death. If the Government undertakes 
 o abandon tliu revolution in its very birth-pains 
 -if it intends to have no reference to the ideas 
 )f which it is the representative — if it contem- 
 plates a disregard of the progressing thought 
 hat not only installed it, but has carried it so 
 ar forward since installation — if it is deter- 
 nined to found its dominion over subjugated 
 Hates not in the name of a principle that shall 
 issimilate its conquests and assure their liber- 
 ies, but of simple power — then will it place it- 
 >elf, hj its own action, in the attitude of other 
 md equally gigantic powers that have attempted 
 he same work and have failed. It may have its 
 lay of seeming successes, but even that will en- 
 ail an age of complications. Does not Poland, 
 IS fully alive to-day, after ninety years of forci- 
 3le suppression, as on that morning of the first 
 )artition, convince us that thife thing of the do- 
 ninion of power without the assimilation of na- 
 ions can only continue upon condition of 
 in ever-recurring application of those forces 
 ,hat achieved the first reduction ? Does 
 lot the uprising and the cry for a united Italy, 
 d'ter live hundred years of fitful effort, continu- 
 )ns conflict, and successive disintegration under 
 be tramp of a multitudinous soldiery, tell how 
 ixed are social laws, how faithful to freedom are 
 )eoi>les, and how certain the retribution follow- 
 ng upon those policies of government that sacri- 
 ice the future to the present, the moral to the 
 nere material, the consolidating the foundations 
 )f a great commonwealth to the hollow conquest, 
 he mock settlement, tlie outward uniformity, 
 listory is full of such illustrations, because liis- 
 ory repeats itself. But 1 need not go with you 
 urther in citing its judgments in condemnation 
 
 of that reliance upon physical force which deems 
 itself able to dispense with any appeal to prin- 
 ciple. We cannot if we would cast behind us 
 the ex))ericnce of eighteen centuries ol' Christian 
 amelioration, in which mankind have been learn- 
 ing to rely upon moral and intellectual forces 
 rather than simple violence in their dealings 
 with each other as nations. Not that civiliza- 
 tion has surrendered its rights of war, but that 
 it insists that ideas shall march at the head of 
 armies. Napoleon 111, when he announced that 
 the French nation alone in Europe made war for 
 an idea, intended to represent it as leading, not 
 relapsing from the civilization of the age. And 
 therein he both uttered a philosophic truth, and 
 penetrated the secret of success. Strip the 
 choicest legions of the inspiration they derivi 
 from a controlling, elevating cause — esi)eciallv 
 tliat cause whose magic watchword cheers tir 
 victory in every laud — and iji vain will you ex- 
 pect the heroic in action or the miracle in con- 
 (iuest. It is a coward thought that God is on 
 the side of the strongest battalions. The bat- 
 tles that live in memory — that have seeme;! 
 to turn the world's equanimity upside down, 
 have been won by the lew fighting for a 
 principle as against the multitude enrolled in 
 the name of power. When theretbre it is con 
 ceded that the mere announcement of a police 
 of freedom as the policy of this war would i)a!- 
 alyze the hostility of all the sovereigns of En- 
 rope and wed to us the encouragement of their 
 peoples, why is it that so little faith obtains 
 among our rulers tb;it it would equally 
 strengthen the Government here amid the niii- 
 lions of our own laud ? Have the populations 
 oi' our States fallen so low — become so iri'e-*i)on- 
 sive to the watchwords of liberty thai it is not 
 fit to make such an appeal to them ? Is there no 
 si^Tiificance in the lact that amid thi; livi; tliou- 
 sand stanzas that have vainly attenii)ted to exalt, 
 the unities of the past into a nation's anthem — a 
 song of war kindling the uncontrollable ardors of 
 the soul— one alone, proscribed like the Marseil- 
 laise, has been adopted at the camp fire — 
 
 " John Brown's boflj' lies a mouldering in tlie grave, 
 ilis soul is inarclimg on." 
 
 Six hundred thousand soldiers summoned to 
 to the field, ('«'/ forwlutt'^ 'fhe nation asks of 
 the President,/'/?' what f^ Is it that the Govm'n- 
 nient may wring a submission from the possible 
 exhaustion on the part of the seceding Stab^s, 
 that shall be a jiostponement, not a settlement, 
 of this great crisis, and that shall be uuiclat- 
 ed to the causes that have produced it or the 
 progression on our part that has put on the ar- 
 mor of revolution ? If so, the Government will 
 find when, perhaps, it is too late, that in addi- 
 tion to the rel)ellion, it will have to confront a 
 public opinion that has no sympathies with 
 reaction and that will withdraw, as unitedly as 
 it has heretofore given all its trust, from 
 those in power. Or, is it that grounding 
 this great struggle upon its true basis, upholding 
 the national honor whilst battling for the na- 
 tional thought, our armies are to be marshaled 
 under the tlag of freedom, and the peace achieved 
 is to be one that shall assure personal and poli- 
 tical liberty to evei'y dweller in the land ? If 
 that be so, let the fact be proclaimed, not hidden 
 from the people, and there will need no call from 
 President, no conscription from Congress to 
 recruit the ranks of the soldiers of the Eepublic. 
 
 EMANCIPATION AS A WAR MEASURE. 
 
 Jhe two great revolutions of modern time 
 which mark the most signal advance in political 
 freedom, that of England during the Common- 
 
^</ 
 
 wealth aud that of France in 178!) have this 
 among many other striking features of similari- 
 ty—that iu each case a large part of the empire 
 resisting the advent of free principles, took up 
 arms against the government to contest theissue. 
 In Vendee, as in Ireland, it became necessary to 
 establish by force the supremacy of the new or- 
 der. It was antagonism by th'e population ol 
 whole sections, and iu both instances, courses 
 of conciliation having proved worthless, astern 
 aud vigorous policy of sulyugation was re- 
 quired. That even the suecos.s which crowned 
 sn(!h measures was only partial and transient, 
 demanding a supjilemental work of assimila- 
 tion, is also well worthy ot attention. But iu 
 subduing the resistance now presented, this na- 
 tion Inis that to contend with, not less than that 
 to assist it, which was not present in either of 
 the parallels cited. I allude to slavery, the 
 strength and the weakness of the South. 
 
 Look steailily at the prospect. Nine millions 
 of people in all— five millions and a half of 
 whites addressing themselves exclusively to 
 warfare, sustained by three millions and a 
 half of blacks drilled as slaves to the work of 
 agriculture. Such are the official statistics of 
 the seceding States. 
 
 Witii the whites the conscription for military 
 purposes reaches to every man capable of bear- 
 ing arms; with the blacks the conscription for 
 labor recognizes neither weakness, nor age, nor 
 sex. Solitary drivers ply the lash over the whole 
 manual force _ to transform jilantations into 
 granaries. This allotment necessai'ily gives to 
 war the largest possible number of soldiers, and 
 extracts from labor the greatest possible produc- 
 tion of food. Coml)i>ied, protected, undisturbed, 
 Die relation so developed presents a front that 
 may well shake our faith in any speedy subjuga- 
 tion. 
 
 < )f these five and a half millions white popula- 
 tion, the ratio over the age of twenty-one, which, 
 according to statistical averages is one in si.v, 
 will give all-action over 900,000 men, from which 
 deduct as exempts or incapables twenty per cent 
 leaving 720,000, and add on the score of minor 
 enlistments, one half those between the ages of 
 sixteen and twenty-one, or 55,000, and there ex- 
 isted 775.000, as the total possible Confederate 
 force in the outset. If from this number 100,000 
 be stricken off as the aggregate of the killed, dis- 
 abled, imprisoned and parolled since the out- 
 break ot the war. and 70,000 be added as the pro- 
 bable number of recruits from Kentucky, Mis- 
 souri and Jfaryland, there will result 745,000 as 
 the effective force. From these are to be taken 
 the men needed for the civil service, for Provost 
 and Police duties, and for regulating the 
 transmission or exchange of productions 
 —certainly not less than 90,000, and there 
 remains an aggregate of 655,000 as the 
 Iruit of _ thorough conscription. Perhaps 
 liowever, it is right to make from such ri"-id 
 possible military array, a deduction in favor of 
 llie population which abandoned the secedino- 
 states since the war began, and that which in° 
 tnnsically loyal has evaded enrollment. In de- 
 liuilt of any certain information this may be 
 placed at 55,000 men, thus leaving 600,000 
 soldiers fit for service and ready to be concen- 
 trated and marched as the skill of their com- 
 manders may determine. 
 
 Such is tlie strength of the array that now 
 contests and resists the cause of advancing- free- 
 dom in the nation. That the strength fs not 
 overestimated; that the conscription has been 
 remorseless is proven by every critical battle 
 Beld wliere our armies heve been outnumbered 
 
 and IS to-day doubly attested by our beleagued 
 Capital, and widely nuMiaced frontiers. There 
 then is the rebellion strii)))cd to the skin. Look 
 at it squarely. Those dOO.doO soldiers stand be- 
 tween us and any future of hauor, liberty, or 
 peace. How are they to be disposed of, defeated, 
 suppressed ? 
 
 It is an imposing column of attack, but it has 
 also its element of weakness aud dispersion. 
 IJemembcr that in making such an estimate, it 
 has be(!n predicated upon the fact that the whole 
 available white pojiulation was devoted to the 
 formatiou of armies. Ko part was assigned to 
 the labor of the field or workshop, to production 
 or manufacture ; but all this vast organization 
 reposes for sustenance— not to speak of 
 efficiency, on the hard wrung toil of slaves. 
 Eeflect, furthermore, that this whole founda- 
 tion is mined, eruptive, ready to shift 
 the burden now resting on it so heavily. The 
 three and a half millions of black population 
 engaged in supplying the very necessaries of 
 hie and movement to the Confederate armies are 
 all loyal in their hearts to our cause, ana re- 
 quire only the electric shock of proclaimed free- 
 dom to disrupt the relation that gives such 
 erectness and impulsion to our adversaries, and 
 such peril to ourselves. Years of bondage have 
 only sharpened their sensibilities toward liberty, 
 aud the word spoken that causes such "a 
 hope will penetrate every quarter of the South 
 most speedily and most surely. Emancipate 
 the industry that upholds the war power of the 
 South; destroy the repose of that system which 
 has made possible a levy en tmsKe of every white 
 male able to bear arms; recall to the tillage of 
 the field; to the care of the plantation; to the 
 home supports of the community a correspond- 
 ing number of the five and a" half millions 
 whites, and there will be put another face to this 
 war. Compel the rebels to do their own work, 
 hand for hand, planting, harvesting, victualing, 
 transporting— to the lull substitution of the 
 three and a half millions blacks, now held for 
 that purpose, and where now they advance with 
 armies they will fall back with detachments; 
 where abundance now reigns in their camps 
 hunger will hurry them to other avocation. It 
 needs only that the word be spoken. A national 
 declaration of freedom can no more be 
 hidden from the remotest sections of 
 the slave States than the uprisen sun 
 in a cloudless sky. The falsehoods, the 
 doubts, the repulsions that have heretofore 
 driven them from us, will givepla«e to the kind- 
 ling, mesmeric realization of protection and de- 
 liverance. In the very outset their forces, which 
 now march to the attack, will be compelled to fall 
 back upon the interior to maintain authori- 
 ty, and prevent escapades 6w?«(/,vv.;. Insui'rec- 
 tion will not so much be apprehended, for where 
 armies are marshaled and surveillance with- 
 drawn, the slave is wise enough to know that a 
 plot with a center— an uprising would be sure to 
 meet with annihilation, whilst desertion from 
 the plantations is only checked by the repressive 
 rules of our own lines. The right to do these 
 things needs not to be argued ; i' is of the mu- 
 niments of freedom, of the resorts of self-preser- 
 vation, of the investure that charges the govern- 
 ment with the defense of the national life. And 
 in this hour can be effected that which hereafter 
 may not be practicable. Occupancy of the en- 
 tire coast with many lodgments made by our 
 navy, a penetration of the Valley of the Lower 
 Mississippi, giving access to all its tributary 
 streams, and the exposed front of Virginia, 
 Tennessee and Arkansas, give ample basis for 
 
stending such a proclamation. Eesumingthe 
 xlvance ourselves, with augmented forces, we 
 hall find the 600,000 Confederaten compelled to 
 Letach one half thoir force for garrisoning the 
 otton States, whilst of the remaining 300,000, 
 arge numbers will necessarily fall out te replace 
 be industrial support of tBeir families 
 .long the border. State by State, as it is 
 iccupied and liberated, will recall for sub- 
 titution those spared to offensive war in 
 eliance upon slave production. The 300,000 will 
 ipeedily become 100,000, and instead of concen- 
 rating back upon their reserves, massed in ira- 
 )osing column, as has heretofore been their 
 )olicy when temporarily checked, ike very condi- 
 ioii of the Smith loill reqiiire a wide dispersion o/ 
 heir forces. Conquest and suppression will thus 
 )e rendered matters of absolute certainty. The 
 louble result of immensely diminished numbers 
 n the Confederate armies, and of its separa- 
 ion into broken columns for local surveillance 
 iver all threatened slave territory, is thus seen 
 flow from emancipation as a war measure. 
 
 AFRICAN BRIGADES. 
 
 In the grave contest on which we have entered 
 or life and for death no appreciative judament 
 ;an be formed of the absolute necessity of writ- 
 ng freedom on the flag that leaves out of view 
 he organization of the labor and the valor, for 
 nilitary purposes, of the population thereby lib- 
 srated. The substitution of freed blacks, when- 
 ;ver they can relieve for other duties the en- 
 isted soldier, has already so far commended 
 tself, in defiance of slave codesand equality 
 ears, as to have been adopted in some divis- 
 ons of our armies. The wisdom that should have 
 breseen in such a policy extended as far as prac- 
 icable the addition to-day of 50,000 soldiers 
 the effective fighting force of the Gov- 
 'rnment, perhaps changing the fate of crit- 
 cal campaigns, has been unfortunately wanting, 
 ^nd yet the army regulations as applied to 
 he muster rdflls of our forces will show that near 
 .wice that number of disciplined troops could 
 lave been relieved of ditching, teaming, serving 
 )r other occupation, and sent to the front. More- 
 )ver, any policy which looks distinctly to the 
 aibjugating and occupying, militarily, until the 
 lational authority shall be sufficiently respected 
 work through civil processes, the States now 
 n rebellion, rnust embrace within its scope the 
 jmployment of acclimated troops for garrison 
 md other duties, during those seasons fatal to 
 ,he health of eur present levies. The diseases 
 )f a warm climate have already been far more de- 
 structive to the lives of our soldiers, as shown by 
 iggregated hospital reports at Washington, than 
 ill our battle-fields, and hereafter, in the preva- 
 ence of those epidemics so common in the Gulf 
 Hates, our battalions, if subjected to Southern 
 service, would melt away disastrously. It is 
 lot possible, therefore, to separate the holding 
 )f the rebel States from the employ of acclima- 
 ;ed troops. And for that purpose but one re- 
 source exists — the liberated blacks, whose veins 
 3ourse with the blood of the tropic. Arm them, 
 irill them, discipline them, and of one fact we 
 nay be sure — they will not surrender. I take it 
 ;hat a race liberated by the operation of hostili- 
 bies, is entitled, by every usage of warfare, to be 
 irmed in defence of those who liberated them, 
 ind furthermore, I take it that a people made free 
 in accordance with the humanities of this cen- 
 tury, is entitled by every right, human and di- 
 vine, to be armed as an assurance of its own re- 
 jovered freedom. 
 
 This step will be at once the guarantee against 
 future attempt at re-enslavement, and the bond 
 that no further revolt on the part of the States 
 occupied shall be meditated. Above all else, \i 
 will be assurance unmistakable that no Hiz- 
 graceful peace, ho dismembered country, no 
 toresworn liberties will end this war. What, 
 shall we stand halting before a sentimentality, 
 blinking at shades of color, tracing genealogies 
 up to sons of Noah, when our brothers in arms are 
 being weighed in the scales of life and death ! 
 Go, ye men of little faith; resign your high char- 
 ges, if it be you cannot face a coward clamor in 
 the throes of a nation's great deliverance. Go and 
 look yonder upon the pale mother in the far 
 Northland, weary with watching by her lonely 
 hearth for the bright-faced boy's return. Her 
 hope had nerved itself to trust his life to the 
 chances of the battle field ; but the trundling 
 wheels bear back to her door a stricken form, in 
 coarse pine box, with the dear name chalked 
 straggling across, indorsed "Fever." Listen 
 then to the wail of crushing woe sobbed out by 
 a broken heart, and say to her, if you can, 
 General, Statesman or President, that you re- 
 fused the aid that would have saved that double 
 life of mother and son. Verily, the graves of 
 the Northmen have their equities equally with 
 those of the rebellion. 
 
 COLONIZATION SCHEMES. 
 
 There are those, strange to say, who, in addi- 
 tion to the war now waged by us against five and 
 a half million of whites, would add to the task 
 of reduction thus imposed upon our government, 
 the further work of taking possession of and de- 
 porting to other lands the three millions and a 
 half of blacks. Disregarding the assistance that 
 might be derived from the co-operation and en- 
 franchisement of the slave labor of the seceding 
 States, they would not only strip the slaves of 
 the present uncertain hope of personal freedom 
 which may be found within our lines, but, still 
 viewing them as " chattels," to be dealt with as 
 fancy may dictate, would serve a notice on the 
 world that the best usage they can hope for 
 from risking life to render us aid will be trans- 
 portation to climes and countries beyond the 
 reach of their knowledge, and that only inspire 
 ignorance with terror. According to such, the 
 practical solution of the present crisis consists : 
 
 First. In conquering the rebellion by making 
 its cause a common cause, as against us, by both 
 master and slave. 
 
 Second. In holding the conquered territory and 
 and superinducing a state of peace, plenty and 
 obedience by the deportation of all who are loyal 
 and of all who labor. 
 
 With such the magnitude, not to say imprac- 
 ticability, of migrations that would refjuire — 
 even if all were favoring — transport fleets larger 
 and costlier than those employed for the war, is 
 not less scouted at as an obstacle, than the re- 
 sistance to be foreseen from the unwilling and 
 the depopulation that may be objected by the in- 
 terested is treated as a fanaticism. Without 
 challenging the sincerity of those who advocate 
 such views, it will be sufficient to say that I dif- 
 fer from them altogether. I do not believe tihe 
 Government has " chattel rights " in the slaves 
 emancipated by act of war any more than the re- 
 bellion had ; and I do believe that the doctrine 
 of personal liberty, if it be worth anything — if 
 it be not a sham and a delusion — if it is to 
 have any application in this conflict — must be 
 applied to them. It is not in behalf of 
 the noble and the refined, the generous and 
 the cultivated, that the evangels of freedom have 
 
been heretofore borne by enthused armies in the 
 deliverances history so much loves ta delineate 
 and extoll ; but to the down-trodden — to the ig- 
 norant from servitude — to the enfeebled in spirit 
 fiom long j'ears of oppression. Why, then, shall 
 those liberated in this country be bereft of the 
 rights of domicil and employ ? Because they 
 are black, forsooth ! That answer will scarcely 
 stand scrutiny by the God who made us all. It 
 would moreover justify slavery as fuily as ex- 
 tradition. Deportation, if forcible, is in princi- 
 ple but a change ot masters, and in practice will 
 never solve the problem of the negro question as 
 growing out of this war. If voluntary, it needs 
 not to be discussed in advance of emancipation. 
 The lot of the freed race will be to labor — in the 
 future as in the past — but to labor tor the wage 
 and not for the lash. That there must be coloni- 
 zation as a resultant of the complete triumph of 
 the national arms, and the complete restoration 
 of the national authority, no one can reasonably 
 doubt. But it will be a colonization of loval meu 
 int'i, and not "ut ot\ the rebel States. Tne great 
 forces of immigration, fostered, and directed, will 
 work out the new destiny that awaits the seceded 
 States — the assimilation that must precede a per- 
 fect union. What it has done for the Lake shore, 
 for the Pacific coast, for the Center and the West, 
 that will it do for the South also, when no blight 
 of slavery lingers there to repel its coming or 
 divert its industrial armies. And if in the de- 
 velopment caused by its vast agencies, those 
 natural afiBnities, so much insisted on by many, 
 shall lead the African race toward the tropics, 
 to plant there a new Carthage, it will be one of 
 these dispensations of Providence that will meet 
 with support and co-operation, not hinderance 
 and antaijonism from the friends of freedom on 
 this continent. 
 
 THE UNION AS IT WAS. 
 
 The half-way house where halt the timid, the 
 doubtful, the reactionary in this conflict, hangs 
 out a sign : " The Union as it was." Within its 
 enclosure will be found jostling side by side the 
 good man who is afraid to think, the politician 
 who has a record to preserve, the spy who needs 
 a cloak to conceal him, and behind all these the 
 fluctuating camp followers of the army of free- 
 dom. Not that there are no wise and brave men 
 who phrase their speech by the attachments of 
 the past; but that such have another and purer 
 significance in their language than the received 
 meaning of " the Union as it was." All who 
 look at events which have come upon us see 
 that " the Union as it was " contained the 
 seeds of death — elements of aggression against 
 liberty and reaction through civil war. Its very 
 life-scenes, as time progressed, were ever and 
 anon startled by the bodeful note of coming 
 catastrophe, to be lulled again into false security 
 by pa-an songs to its excellence— like some old 
 Greek tragedy with its inexorable tVite and its 
 recurring chorus. And tragic enough it would 
 seem has been its outcome to dissipate any illu- 
 sion. Is it believed that the same causes would 
 not produce the same results to the very ending 
 of time? Is it wis'hed to repeat the miserable 
 years of truckling and subserviency on the part 
 of the natural guardians of free institutions 
 to the exaction, arrogance and dominisu 
 of the slave power through fear of break- 
 ing the thin ice of a hollow tranquil- 
 lity? Is it longed to undergo new expe- 
 riences of Sumner assaults, Kansas outrages. 
 Pierce administrations, Buchanan profligacies, 
 knaveries and treasons, with spirited interludes 
 of negro catching at the North, and Abolition 
 
 hanging at the South ? Is it desired to recall 
 the time when the man of Massachusetts dared 
 not name his residence to the people of Carolina; 
 when free speech was a half forgotten legend in 
 the slave States; when the breeding of human be- 
 ings to sell into distant bondage was the occupa- 
 tion of many of the elite of the border land ; and 
 when demoralization, that came from sacrificing 
 so much self respect to mere dread of any crisis 
 or mere hope of political advancement, had 
 dwarfed our statesmen, corrupted our journal- 
 ism, and made office-holding disreputable as a 
 vocation ? For one, I take witness here before 
 you all, that I want no such Union, and 
 do not want it, because it contained that which 
 made those things not only possible but proba- 
 ble._ \ trust that I value as much as another the 
 purities of a Union, the excellencies of a Consti- 
 tution, the veracities and accomplishments of a 
 former generation, but who would be the blind 
 worshiper of form rather than substance — of a 
 name, rather than a reality — of a bond that did 
 not bind, and a federation that has resulted only 
 in disjunction ? There aro those 1 know who re- 
 gard "the Union as it was" as a sentiment signifi- 
 cant of material prosperity— unrelated to rights 
 or wrongs, and as such they worship it, just as 
 they would a State Bank corporation with large 
 dividends, or any named machine that would 
 enable them to buy cotton, sell goods, or trade ne- 
 groes. But such should be content to pass their ig- 
 noble lives on the accumulation of other days, and 
 not dare to dictate to others a return to such 
 debasing thraldom. Of one thing they may be 
 sure — that the great Democracy of this nation 
 will insist that the Union of the futm-e shall be 
 predicated upon a principle uniting the social, 
 moral, and political life of a progressive people 
 — and purged of the poison of the past. When 
 asked, therefore, as the cb" -tans 'of the hour 
 often do ask, would you nc . .sh the "' Union as 
 it was " restored, even if sidvery were to remain 
 intact and protected— say, emphatically. No ! 
 Say No ! for such an admission would be'a self- 
 contradiction — a yielding of all the longings of 
 the spirit to an empty husk whose only possible 
 outcome we see to-day iu the shape of civil war. 
 
 PRO-SLAVERT OENERALS. 
 
 It is, perhaps, the fate of all revolutions in- 
 volving social changes, to be officered at the out- 
 set by the inherited reputations, great and small, 
 of the foregoing time, and so far as this fate has 
 fallen on our nation it is less to be wondered at 
 than deplored. But soon there comes the time 
 for change, when the Fairfaxes, the Dumouriers, 
 the Arnolds must give place to soldiers of the 
 faith. And hopeful to say, it has ever happened 
 that conjointly with the public assumption of 
 the principle of the revolution, mediocrity, rou- 
 tine, half-heartedness have passed from command, 
 and victory has replaced disaster. So much is 
 historic. We may take comfort then ; for the 
 uses of adversity are ours. Pro-slavery generals 
 at the head of our armies are the result of pro- 
 slavery influence in our national councils, and 
 the hesitancy of the Government to proclaim 
 officially any distinct policy of freedom 
 has kept them there. Yij no possibility, 
 however, can such, even if the chance victors of 
 to-day, remain possessed of the future. I do not 
 underrate the prestige of military success — but 
 military prestige is as nought before the march 
 of revolution ; and it is only when revolutions 
 are accomplished, that the reputations of great 
 captains become great dangers. Pro-Slavery 
 Generals, therefore, are only dangerous now 
 from the disasters that accompany their admin- 
 
cil: 
 
 -.-.^ or The eonsegnenees 
 -err has i-aiig~ir5LToi. and 
 
 ^e-m as s :: 
 
 ■Lie >.-:-: :;r. Ii ini; - ^.on 
 
 for?:./.. - of the C:: . :iie 
 
 rnicr. :: .. _ . ' ill be aske:. , ■ . ~ : in 
 
 •ih.Su Tnucli laiidcd paTC^TneTit iLii ae-igiic is lie 
 ■srarrani for the>e things speeificaUy ? But I 
 ' - — - '- ; -"---■:- -; ralities. Give Mm railier 
 .ry — eiTe Mm any trust 
 -iV lei it be not -vrithoTit 
 iTiil. -ini T- : — i-;i all iMs sacriSce, "with all 
 tMs efforr. "«riLh quiak ^spcnse to every demand 
 for men anf. " ~r>-r what do '^- ---' .-- be- 
 ieaz-.ere'i c ; >aTed by ._ a 
 
 Ivo I It nee-is cot thai j. 
 •■— ^ 3II ?T2'?h ir!TisT ii'^e "^^s"^ 
 
 sicoio-i in no »» iiis^icreu. »oice oj* liicu. «jju niTe 
 i!ei"er kno'ST! fe.ax in set ■peril, can This countrr 
 
 
 i t^ iliif of the nation. 
 
 «aa»{£- r->MTftTD I StOTtCuta"?. 
 
 s r€.cTA!r.s.. 
 more toudnng spee- 
 
 J-el 
 :ir 
 
 ins, or Tamisn^j. giories, stanu lorin suia say, 
 ■w^th TTTnh "ii]'i bonor. "t^ %t^ anv np*3j"er a solti- 
 
 ^ol- 
 
 plisi the ending ? I do not beliere it. 
 
 T' -"- " -rnee-ther"":"" "' '■" / *' ' 
 
 Pre?-; 
 
 of 
 
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 armies... and a snbstiTution 01 other 
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