\4 
 
 ^°-nK 
 
 
 
 
 '>i^ 
 
SECESSION UNMASKED, 
 
 OR 
 
 i^lST APPEAL 
 
 PBOV THE 
 
 MADNESS OF DISUNION 
 
 TO THE 
 
 / 
 SOBRIETY OP THE CONSTITUTION 
 
 AND 
 
 COMMON SENSE. 
 
 By A. J. CIINE. 
 
 BBDICATED TO THE CITIZENS OF OUR WHOLE COUNTRV, AND ESPECIALLY TO THK 
 OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS IN THE UNITED STATES SERVICE. 
 
 WASHINGTOX: •■ .- " ,, . . • ^ v -. • ^ . ■ • • 
 
 PRINTED BY HENRY POLKINPfORN 
 186 1. 
 
V ^^ 
 
 o' 
 
 
 
AN A.PPEi^L. 
 
 Fellow titizens awl soldiers : 
 
 A truly alarming and calamitous crisis has overtaken our beloved 
 country. The beautiful fabric of government erected in this western 
 world, once the admiration and hope of European nations, ha-s been, 
 treacherously assailed by our own citizens, and the disgraceful specta- 
 cle is presented to mankind of a people, formerly prosperous and 
 happy, standing, with scarcely any assignable cause, in open rebellion 
 against the constitution and laws they have solemnly sworn to rev- 
 erence and obey. The crisis is one over which thousands of noble and 
 patriotic hearts are shedding tears of bitter agony. Let us endeavor, 
 for a moment, to ascertain its foundation and history. ITie inquiry 
 may teach us a lesson of wisdom which will be useful to ourselves and 
 to our posterity. 
 
 We disclaim every act of rhetorical oompliment when we say, that 
 the men who first framed our admirable system of government achieved 
 a measure of political wisdom, which did equal honor to their under- 
 standings and their hearts. An imperious step-dame had exercised 
 towards them every species of intolerant and coercive subjugation, 
 80 as to compel them for a time to submit implicitly to a system of 
 governmental tyranny. But this hard policy produced a very diff- 
 erent effect on their minds from what was anticipated. Instead of 
 reducing them to the condition of dependent vassals, it opened their 
 hearts to the love of absolute freedom. Instead of crushing the 
 spirit that was but humbly petitioning for the enjoyment of a just 
 measure of social happiness, it imparted strength and expansion to 
 resolutions that otherwise might have expired with the faint breath 
 by which they were first attempted to bo kindled. In the midst of 
 their trials and difficulties, their increasing love of liberty became 
 .greater and greater. The very extremity of their troubles only 
 served to sharpen their faculties, and to fit them for that glorious 
 experiment of a new and rational form of civil polity, which was to 
 gain the applause and approbation of the civilized world. Like tho 
 mineral that is found in the depth of the earth, iheir lustre shone tho 
 brighter the more it was expov-«ed to the burning "-.lys of an oppressive 
 and tropical sun. 
 
At last they were plunged by the injudicious zeal of a false pa- 
 rental policy into the attitude of revolutionary insurgents, struggling 
 at the point of the bayonet for those just rights which were denied to 
 their humble petitions. The contest they sought to avoid on the first 
 occasion of complaint to their mother country, when fairly entered 
 into, they regarded as a contest of life and death for the natural and 
 inestimable rights of man. The anticipated result was equal to their 
 highest expectations, and a young and inexperienced people l:)eheld 
 with admiration, at the end of the struggle, their arms completely tri- 
 umphant, and their rights and liberty permanently established. 
 
 Nor must we overlook the superior statesmanship of our civil rulers. 
 Never before, perhaps, in the history of the world, had a body of men, 
 under similar circumstances, manifested a greater degree of coolness 
 and circumspection — of calm, clear, dignified and patriotic deliberation. 
 They arrived at their conclusions from a conscientious consideration 
 of their own acts and intentions, as well as of the acts and intentions 
 of the mother country, and having taken this stand against unauthor- 
 ized usurj^ation, they piously committed the future issue to the God of 
 battles. No one who even superficially reads our glorious Declaration 
 of Independence, can help being struck by the force of its masterly 
 arguments, the tone of its open and simple sincerity, and its profound 
 but brief exposition of the rights and privileges of humanity. It is 
 a state paper of universal obligation, adapted to no particular people 
 and no particular age, but appealing to the feelings and sympathies of 
 the people of all nations and of all times. 
 
 The Declaration of Independence proclaimed to the world the prac- 
 tical principles of a wise and efficient system of political justice. But 
 it required another instrument to establish these principles on the im- 
 movable basis of a corresponding system of government. This was a 
 task which our forefathers at first found it somewhat difficult to accom- 
 plish. Our Articles of Confederation ])artially failed in the ends they 
 had in view. It was fbund necessary to frame a more perfect Consti- 
 tution, and to define more clearly the rights to which individual States 
 and individual persons were entitled. Let us nevei* forget one of the 
 prominent objects which this new Constitution especially aimed at 
 accomplishing. That object was, as expressed in the Constitution 
 itself, to form a moi'c perfect union. It was soon discovered that the 
 old Articles of Confederation did not work well ; that the States were 
 not cemented by ligaments that bound them together into one insepa- 
 raVjle compact ; that the General Government had too little power, and 
 the individual States too much. The great object of the new Consti- 
 tution was to establish, within its prescribed limits, an independent 
 government, paramount and superior to all the rest, arid t-o which all 
 the rest were to be subservient and subordinate. In other words, the 
 object of the Constitution was to give to the people of this young and 
 rising republic a government and a union that should be lasting and 
 inseparable ; that should exercise a superintending control over all the 
 others ; that should inherently possess the power of defending and 
 protecting itself against all foes, whether foreign or domestic: that 
 should be able promptly to punish rebellion, Avherever found : and 
 that should command the respect and ap])roA'til of the nation> of tlip 
 
earth. This much might be fairly learned from its pluiu and literal 
 meaning. But much, too, wa.s to be gleaned from its spirit and in 
 tent ion. 
 
 That this great in.struiuent of political legislation, like the Declara- 
 tion of Independence, was wisely framed by our leading statesmen, 
 and honestly approved b}- the whole country, no one at tlie present 
 day will have the hardihood to deny. That its objects were such as 
 are represented above, has not only been attested by our own expe- 
 i'iencc for more than thi-ee-quarters of a century, but has been prac- 
 tically acknowledged by the whole civili/.ed world. It must be con- 
 ceded at once that all nations, since the fir.st foundation of our Union, 
 have treated with us on the single consideratit>ii of our exercising all the 
 powers of an efficient government, and that they never would liave 
 treated with us on any other consideration whatever. Our political 
 relations with all countries involve the acknowledgement of this great 
 truth, or else we have been an exceptional rule to one of the most ob- 
 vious principles of the law of nations. A- government is an independ- 
 ent sovereignty, existing as an entirety in its se|»arate departments, 
 and exercising an absolute and undivided control within its proper 
 limits, over those who have given their consent to be governed. That 
 consent once granted, unless changed by the free and voluntary ap- 
 proval of a majority of its citizens, must remain lirm and irrevocable 
 forever. It cannot be withdrawn by the whim oi- caprice of any indi- 
 vidual, or any number of individuals. The Government cannot be 
 destroyed by any course of proceeding disproportioned to the means 
 which lirst called it into existence. It cannot be divided against itself, 
 so long as its legitimate powers are not revoked by the authority 
 which originally granted them. When it is first formed, it constitutes 
 the peo})le, who form it one nation. It cements together an alliance as 
 strong and durable, as firm and inseparable, as the atoms which cojn- 
 pose the solid structures of brass or marble. Nothing can reduce it 
 to its original elements but the free volition of those, and of all those 
 who created it. 
 
 The reason of this must be obvious to the plainest apprehension. 
 What would a government be worth that might at any time be over- 
 turned by the mere arbitrary wishes and desires of the restless and 
 disaffected? In what respect could a community of individuals be 
 regarded as a nation, if the unity and oneness of that nation could be 
 destroyed by the rebellious outbreak of some fragmentary part of it, 
 predicated on a pretext of mere fancied validity, oi- on no pretext at 
 all? What would the wise men who framed our Constitution have 
 said, if they had been told that the solid structure of government 
 which they had established to-day, ndght. by a whimsical change of 
 sentiment on the part of a single State, be destroyed to-morrow ? Was 
 it for such an ephemeral and iuuiginary government as this that our 
 forefathers expo.sed their lives, their liberties, and their fortunes, to the 
 aggressive attacks of a relentless and unforgiving enemy? When 
 they achieved their independence, and established that independence 
 on the basis of constitutional law and order, they either ranked them- 
 selves among the nations of the earth, or tliey did not. If they did not, 
 they could make no preteusions to national power or national greatness. 
 
But if they did, then they proclaimed to the whole family of mankind 
 that they, like the people of other countries, had established a govern- 
 ment on a solid and durable foundation, which nothing but the consent 
 of the governed, or the despotic rule of the governors, could destroy. 
 
 But it may be said that " ours is a government of peculiar forma- 
 tion, resting on the express gi'ants contained in a written Constitution, 
 and that its delegated ]:)ersons may be revoked at any time by the par- 
 ties to the original compact. The union of these States was entered 
 into from considerations of mutual convenience and benelit, and its 
 several members reserved to themselves certain rights which guaranteed 
 to each of them a subordinate government, that might at any time be 
 withdrawn from the confederacy, and be exercised as an independent 
 sovereignty." This is the whole argument made use of by our South- 
 ern brethren, and the right of an individual State, or any number of 
 individual States to secede from the Union without assigning any other 
 cause than the mere exercice of voluntary choice, must depend on the 
 ir^olidity and truth of the argument. Let us endeavor to test its cor- 
 rectness by the obvious principles of the Constitution, and the dictates 
 of reason and common sense. 
 
 We have already conceded the principle that all free governments 
 are established for the benefit of the people, and that the people alone, 
 that is, the whole people, possess the power of fundamentally altering 
 the forms of government thus instituted for their benefit. This im- 
 portant truth constitutes one of the first and most prominent axioms 
 of our Declaration of Independence. The language made use of by 
 the euligbtened fi-amcrs of that celebrated instrument, will be found to 
 read as follows : " That to secure the inalienable rights of life, liberty, 
 and the pursuit of happiness, governments are instituted amongst men, 
 deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed : that 
 ■whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, 
 it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a 
 new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organ- 
 izing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likel}" to effect 
 their safety and happiness." This is a brief and comprehensive decla- 
 ration of the principle of political liberty— a principle Avhich all may 
 understand, and to which every sensible mind wil) give its unhesitat 
 ing assent. 
 
 There are two leading considerations involved in this imj>ortant 
 declaration. The first is, that any government may be abolished when 
 it becomes destructive of the ends for which it was instituted ; and the 
 second is, that the force or authority necessary to accomplish this great 
 purpose must proceed from the Avhole people for whose benefit the gov- 
 ernment ostensibly exists. It may be well enough to inquire how far 
 these two considerations will be formed to bear on the alleged right of 
 secession, Avliich is now seeking to subvert the foundations of our gov- 
 ernment, and the glory and. prosperity of our inestimable Union. 
 
 In what manner, fellow citizens and soldiers, lias our government 
 become subversive of the ends for which it was originally instituted ? 
 What liberty has it destroyed ? What law has it violated ? What 
 privilege haij it denied ? What power has it abused ? To what de- 
 partment of this government niay we justly ascribe the least intention 
 
7 
 
 of subverting our constitutional rights ? In wliat particulars has our 
 present, or any of our former executives attempted to interfere with 
 these rights ? Where is there a single instance of the national legis- 
 tature enacting a law in derogation of the life, libci'ty, or happiness of 
 the people ? In what respect has the judicial department of our gov- 
 ernment willingly transcended the limits of the wise^ sober, and equit- 
 able administration of justice ? We ask in all sincerity that our 
 brethren of South would point to that clause or section of the Consti- 
 tution which has been directly or indirectly infringed or disregarded 
 by the rulers of this great country. Let us have a fair and honest 
 presentment of the offences laid to their charge. Show us the record. 
 We will not attempt to evade it by any technical subtilty that so often 
 disgraces political as Avell as judicial tribunals. We will hold the ac- 
 cused, in all respects, to the strict requirements of the law, and will 
 disdain to secure them from the alleged criminality contained in the 
 bill of indictment by any other means than a full and fair investigation 
 of its merits. 
 
 It is utterly impossible that such a cliarge should be sustained, and 
 this is just a.s well known to the leading advocates of secession as it is 
 to ourselve. "But," say these misguided formenters of rebellion 
 amongst the people, " we do not complain of being exposed to any set- 
 tled or systematic scheme of govermental tyranny. We cannot point 
 to the passing of any law, or the perpetuation of any act, tlie object of 
 which has been to deprive us of our just rights imder the laws and 
 Constitution of our county. Our disaffection to the government under 
 which we have so long lived and prospered, is based on a feeling of 
 disrespect, cheri.shed by a portion of our fellow-citizens, for our pecu- 
 liar institutions, and on the fraud regard we ourselves entertain for 
 our sectional interests as distinct members of the great American fam- 
 ily. The spirit of Northern Abolitionism is muttering in fearfu] tones 
 its fanatical objurgations against us. A president has been elected 
 whose princi])les are hostile to our domestic habits and manners. A 
 congress has been elected whose legislation may interfere materially 
 with the cheri.shed schemes and established trade of our people. A]i 
 increasing degree of Northern prejudice is arrayed against us. We 
 are contemptuously spoken of by men who neither respect nor under- 
 stand us. Our motives are misconstrued, and our characters are slan- 
 dered. Exposed to injuries like these, our only alternative is to dis- 
 s<:)lve the ties which bind us together as a united people." 
 
 It is, perhaps, unnecessary to say that scarcely one of these alleged 
 causes of comj)kaint is founded in truth. There, is no truth in the as- 
 sertion that the feelings of the President are hostile to the feelings 
 and in.stitutions of the South. Neither have we just warrant for saying 
 that the general sentiments of the NortluTU peoph- are inimical to the 
 rights and interests of their Southern neighbors. Such sentimeuts do 
 indeed pervade the minds of a few fanatical leaders. It is but fair to 
 acknowledge too that these leaders have been industriously employed 
 in seeking to make converts to their own opinions, and in some in- 
 stances their exertions have not been without success. But that suc- 
 cess has been but partial and limited, and perhaps not one mind in 
 lifty has been corrupted by the taint of their fanatical doctrines. The 
 
overwhelming odds largely sympathizes with the fcelittga of our of- 
 fended brethren in the South. 
 
 But let us suppose for a moment that the complaints uttered by our 
 Southern fellow-citizens are true — that the President is really opposed 
 in sentiment and feeling not only to the further extension of slavery, 
 but to the very existence of that institution — that thousands of mis- 
 guided jicople in the North arc cherishing the same fanatical feelings — 
 have been railed and slandered, antl that the boldness and impudence 
 of the Northern Abolitionists arc well calculated to provoke the slave- 
 holder to the very highest degree . of exasperation. How will this 
 serve to impart a different complexion to the erroneous principle of 
 secession ? Rebellion, at any time, and \mder any circumstances, ought 
 to be a reluctant and an exceedingly cautions movement. *' Prudence 
 will dictate," says our Declaration of Independence ; "that govern- 
 ments long established should not be changed for light and transient 
 causes ; and accordingly all experience has shown that mankind are 
 more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right them- 
 selves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed." The 
 truth of this sentiment must come home to the feelings of every sensi- 
 ble and reflecting mind. But what is the case in regard to the men 
 who have rashly seceded from our glorious Union, and have sought to 
 overturn what the wisest statesmen everywhere have esteemed the best 
 government in the world ? Had they any but a light and transient 
 cause for their hasty and precipitate movement ? Nay, had they any 
 cause at all ? Look at this terrible movement in the full exercise of 
 that candor and concern which its great importance demands. Sup- 
 posing the President, as we have said, professed and cherished the 
 principles that we believe are falsely attributed to him. Supposing a 
 large minority of the people of the North entertained the same prin- 
 ciples. Would that be a sufficient cause for rebellion? Has there 
 been any open aggressive act of unconstitutional authority exercised 
 by either ? Ought the government of the United States be made re- 
 sponsibUi for the private opi)uons of lier chief magistrate, or for the 
 private opinions of any number of her citizens ? Where has been the 
 open, persistent, and determined oppression that justilied this rebellion ? 
 Was it ever heard of before that tjn-anny and oppression may be de- 
 nounced by anticipation, and that treason may be founded on the con- 
 jectural hypothesis of what a government may become instead of the 
 certain evidence of what it is already ? Such a doctrine, if true, would 
 effectually destroy every government under heaven. There would be 
 no longer any securit}' left for the repose and happiness of society. 
 All the elements of anarchy and discord would be let loose on a suf- 
 fering and disordered world. 
 
 But again, Ave all know that the Constitution under which we live 
 was established by the people, and we have intimated above that the 
 people alone are competent to the task of altering or abolishing it. 
 l^he right to do this is an essential feature of every form of republican 
 government, and this right must be exercised in a w^ay corresponding 
 to the means by whi(;h the government was originally established. 
 Has it been done so in the wild attempt recently made to destroy the 
 integrity and symmetry of our glorious Union? Wei'c the people of 
 
9 
 
 these United States, who iVained and ratitied our compact of govera 
 raent consulted on the great measure of reducing it to its primary 
 elements? Let us, for the sake of the argument, yield an unqualified 
 admission to what we must otherwise flatly deny, tliat a sufhcieut cause 
 existed in the country for ahrogating our fundamental law, and sever- 
 ing the ties which bound us together as one people. Was it competent 
 for such a revolution to be brought about by a single individual, or a 
 single State ? Had South Carolina the right to constitute herself the 
 sole umpire in deciding on a measure of such vast and overwhelming 
 magnitude ? Is it reasonable to say that her own self-willed presump- 
 tion in seceding from the Union, constituted a legal warrant for all the 
 other States to follow in her footsteps ? The acknowledgment of such 
 a doctrine would leave us without law, without authority, and without 
 a government. It would reduce us to a pitiful association of petty 
 independent sovereignties, where there would be no order, because 
 there would be no controlling influence, — where there would be no 
 strength, because there would be no union. 
 
 The great mistake undoubtedly, consists in acc(jrding to each 
 individual State, what belongs to the aggregate capacity of the entire 
 people alone. It is assumed as an inferential maxim in our govern- 
 ment, that, because certain rights were Constitutionally reserved to 
 each separate State, and that because each separate State came into the 
 Federal Union agreeably to its own consent, formally expressed in a 
 written covenant, that therefore it may at any time resurnt' its standing 
 as an independent sovereignty, and peacefully withdraw its consent 
 from the political compact into which it had so solemnly entered. But 
 such an assumption we cannot help regarding as a rank political heresy. 
 All governments are in the very nature of things, founded originally 
 on the consent of the people. Nor does it make any difference whether 
 this consent is expressed or implied — whether it was gradually yielded 
 by the tacit agreement of its members, or was at once openly avowed 
 by the more formal language of a written Constitution, — whether the 
 parties to the same were only single and individual persons, or whether 
 they were separate societies, having in a variety of particulars separate 
 and distinct interests. The only question to be asked is, was the con- 
 sent of the people originally given and obtained ? When once that is 
 done the government is forevej* established, and whether it consists of 
 separate individuals or separate societies, — whether it has been created 
 by an implied or a written Constitution, — it cannot be sundered or 
 destroyed except by the free determination of the parties who formed 
 it. Take the United Kingdom of Great Britain for instance. It con- 
 sists of three distinct States or Territories, incorporated into a union 
 by consent of the contracting ]-)arties, although this consent was not 
 fully given until Scotland and Ireland had been subjugated by the 
 overpowering conquests of the English nation. Supposing that Ireland 
 should express a determination to secede from the other two, and should 
 take up arms with the view to accomplish this purpose, and to form a 
 separate government of her own. Would this be tolerated by the other 
 parties to the compact ? Would not the whole world pronounce such 
 a movement rebellious and unconstitutional, although force was uaed. 
 in the lirst place to obtain an unwilling cou>*ent to the terms of the 
 
10 
 
 oontract ? When a government has long existed by consent of the 
 governed, no mattei" how it originated, is it not bound to see that every 
 part of the National domain shall remain true to its loyalty and alle- 
 giance, and shall be subject to the superintending restraint, as well as to 
 the superintending protection of the national authority ? If this be the 
 case when the consent of the governed has been reluctantly granted, 
 with how much more force will the principle apply when that consent 
 has been fully and voluntarily given from the commencement? In 
 both cases the rule is enforced with a view to the peace and repose of 
 eociety. 
 
 We have thus shown that not only was there no just cause for the 
 extraordinary movements of our Southern brethren, but even if there 
 had been, these movements were not brought about by the declared 
 will of the whole people, the only authority which could legally and 
 peacefully sanction them. Circumstances may liappen indeed, in the-, 
 history and experience of all governments, which will fully justify the 
 most decided acts of rebellion, even when committed by only a frac- 
 tional part of an oppressed and down-trodden people. But can it be 
 said with the least shadow of propriety that this remark is applicable 
 to the case in question ? We might ask here, as we have done before, 
 tor the evidence of any systematic or wanton oppression— of any 
 unjust or tyrannical misrule, — either on the part of the regular govern 
 ment, or any of its subordinate divisions belonging to the people. W( 
 are not sure that even the Fugitive Slave Law Vi'as ever attempted t( 
 be illegally evaded, or unconstitutionally abrogated. There may havt 
 been a few instances of this kind by single States, or single individuals 
 But who does not know that such attempts, even when serioush' 
 threatened and intended, must always fall short of the mischief aimei 
 at by their perpetrators ? With this fanatical incendiarism, however 
 if it existed at all, the general government had nothing to do. No. 
 was it ever supposed by any delibei-ate and rellecting mind that it couh 
 in a single instance materially impair the obligation of the laws, o 
 weaken the purposes of justice. Ever}^ one knows that the moment ai 
 appeal coxdd be made to the proper tribunal, the paramount majest;. 
 and force of the Constitution and laws would be vindicated, and a severe 
 rebuke would be administered to the inconsiderate foil y which attempted ; j 
 to disturb the repose of society. Every judicial decision asked for, hauj^ 
 been rendered in favor of law and justice, and the ])opula]- voice in th' U 
 North, in many instancies, clamored loudly in defence of Southern rights,j| 
 and the propriety of Southern conciliation, even in cases where our 
 very sensitive brethren were sometimes asking for considerably more 
 than an exact award of merit Avould have justly entitled them to. 
 
 It was not oppression, therefore, either on the part of the governmeut|jbe 
 or the people, of wliich the South had any just right to complain 
 Nor indeed did the)- even- attempt to make it appear that there was an} 
 dii'ect or immediate interference by the government, or any personiine 
 connected with the government. In any institution, jui-isdictivm, oi je; 
 privilege, whicn they might claim as being peculiarl}- identified witlUii 
 tiheir own section of country. The most they dared to say, was, thaiila 
 thestj rights had been threatened, and that if they wei'e not in realit} )ei 
 violated now, there was some danger that they might l)e violated here 
 
11 
 
 after. On this remote and uncertain contingency they persisted in 
 founding all their complaints, until at last they succeeded in persuading 
 themselves that they not only had a sufficient cause for discontent, but 
 in reality had a proper excuse for a precipitate, wanton, and terrible 
 rebellion. This brings us to the far most important part of the subject 
 we have been discussing. We have readily seen the ilimsy ])retext^ 
 urged by anibitious men for overturning our government, and rending 
 our happy Union asunder. But to be able to understand the notions 
 for urging these [)retcxts is a task attended -with much more difliculty — at 
 least it ts something mucli more important — for us to know, on the 
 knowledge of which indeed the writer of these pages believes our 
 political happiness essentially to depend. Let us, therefore, examine 
 these motives with the attention which their great importance would 
 seem to demand. On what ])rinciple has it happened that our South- 
 ern brethren have been so far blinded as to attempt to justify a rebellion 
 that is founded on causes absolutely and wholly insufficient ? By what 
 J)Owerful stimulus has their minds been so far corrupted, and their 
 imaginations pei'verted, as to make them reconcile to their own con-. 
 •ciences such a stupendous outbreak of folly, disorder, and wickedness ? 
 , The ruling principle of every unregenerate mind is, ;n a greater or 
 '?ss degreJe, a principle of seliishness. The evils of our nature are s»_> 
 adically perverse, that they often exist to a most alarming extent, even 
 ■/here their presence is least felt or suspected. They are so sly and 
 -tealthy in their approaches, that we are seldom in a situation to dis- 
 over the ambush until we are elfectually surrounded and taken pris- 
 ■ners by the enemy. As it is with individuals, so it is with communi- 
 
 * es and nations. The minds of our people have been gradually infected 
 ■y this principle of selfishness, until our country has been over-run 
 nd almost ruined oy it. This selfishness in the political world assumes 
 !ie cunning and malignity of what is called party spirit. It is party 
 '/)irit then which has been the fruitful source of all the evils under 
 
 Inch we are now suffering, and it is against this formidable enemy of 
 'our political peace and happiness that the Avriter of this address would 
 'lost affectionately warn you. 
 
 ♦ The first patriots of a country are perhaps always the sincerest and 
 Jost exalted, as the first Christians werejcertainly the purest and most 
 ♦ioly. Washington entered on the administration of the affairs of our 
 overnment, to Avhich he had been called l)y unanimous vote of the 
 feople, with little or no apprehension of any immediate danger arising 
 *ora party strife or social discord, lie had for his assistants men of 
 ried virtue and superior dignity. He had for his constituents the 
 nembers of a recent and experimental organization, whose souls had 
 )een purified by the severe agitation of political tempests, and whose 
 ntellects had been sharpened by incessant contact with foreign enemies 
 broad, and with domestic enemies at home. Tlie danger to be appre- 
 lended previous to that time, was not so much a danger sj:)ringing from 
 ealousy and discontent, — fron\ c\ipidity and selfishness, — as a danger 
 rising from the uncertain principles of an unsettled government. The 
 loment these principles were agreed upon, and the government became 
 ermanently settled, that moment the danger was at an end, and tht; 
 
 LofC. 
 
14 
 
 bat of a dissevered and distracted country. At length the crisis came. 
 " Divide and conquer " was again the unprincipled watchword by 
 which these political demagogues sought to accomplish their selfish 
 purpose. But this time their unscrupulous injunction had a more ter- 
 rible meaning. It aimed at the disintegration of our vast republic. 
 It urged the dismemberment and destruction of our young but pow- 
 erful Government. It openly advocated the dissolution of our happy 
 Union. 
 
 And now, alas ! our glorious Union has indeed been shaken to its, 
 foundations. The same spirit that at first only divided parties and 
 factions, has most cruelly divided our beloved country. Patriotism 
 weeps over the broken fragments of a mutilated and despised Cousti < 
 tution. Loyalty weeps ovei' the sad spectacle of a disaffected and 
 alienated people. The whole world is alarmed at the threatened 
 downfall of republican liberty and intelligence in this western, hemis- 
 phere. But let us not timidly yield to the weak suggestions of dis- 
 couragement and despair. The proud fabric of our Government haa 
 been basely attacked, but it has not been irreparabl}- injured. There 
 are thousands and millions of patriotic hearts beating high in th* 
 cause of constitutional rights and constitutional supremacy. There 
 are thousands and millions of brave men busy in gathering up the 
 dispersed fragments of the temple of liberty, which, when brough; 
 together will form a structure more beautiful and more solid than ever 
 You, fellow citizens and soldiers, have the high honor of being engager 
 in this blessed work. On you devolves the double task of first re 
 storing the proud edifice of political light and knowledge, which dis 
 loyal traitors have sought to overthrow, and afterwards of defending 
 it from future attacks proceeding from the same cause. You arc 
 battling nobly for the flag under which our fathers fought and achieves 
 their independenee. You are fighting nobly for the laws and Consti 
 tution of your country. But you have another duty to perform 
 which in its consequences is not less momentous and important 
 When peace shall be restored to our bleeding country — when yoi 
 shall have re-established the boundaries and blessings of the Union- 
 forget not the obvious causes which so disgracefully led to its dissolu. 
 tion. Resolve at once to discard from amongst yourselves all partt, 
 spirit. Determine to acknowledge no longer any dift'erenco betwee.; 
 the words republican and democrat. Ilegard that man as your polit" 
 cal enemy who would continue to urge these distinctions. Ilemembe' 
 that their inevitable tendency is, not only to alienate the affections Oi 
 friends and brothers from each other — not only to corrupt and demoiicoi 
 fJize the human heart — but, as you have iearfully experienced, tiijafi 
 overturn the best of governments, and to encourage bad and ambitiouitec 
 men to found their anticipated greatness on the ruins of their countrj 
 Let us fondly exclaim with Mr. Jeft'erson, ''we are all republicans — w|Jead 
 are all democrats!" In seeking to redress the wrongs your countr 
 has suffered, you have forgotten for a time your party separations, an 
 of j^ourse you fight all the better for having forgotten them. So whe 
 you return to the pursuits of civil life would you prosper the bettt, 
 for the same reason. Lot me urge you, by every noble feeling an 
 aflcction you cherish for your beloved country, not only to forgot yo\. liije 
 party hoBtilitie^s for a time, but to forget them forever. 
 
w 
 
 I know it Is sometimes said that parties an; a wholc.-iomo check on. 
 each other, and arc necessary to the health and vigor of a republican 
 form of government. "But this is one of those plausible arguments in- 
 vented by cunning men in order to practice with the greater degree of 
 impunity their shameful acts of duplicity and wickedness. Two par- 
 tics can only serve the pernicious purpose of inflaming and corrupt- 
 ing each other. They are no more conducive to the general welfare 
 of ihe body politic than war and pestilence, when brought together, 
 are conducive to the general repose and health of society. They are 
 no more salutary as counteracting agents in the conflict of moral good 
 and evil, than hunger and contagion are salutary as neutralizing prop- 
 erties in the conflict between health and disease. They are found, on 
 the »X)utrary, mutually to aggravate and increase each other's destruc- 
 tion and violence. IMiis we learn from every day's experience. Just 
 in proportion as ].)arty spirit runs high, venality, corruption and dis- 
 order infect every department of our political organization. 
 
 But you have still further services to perform, in order to promote 
 the lasting welfare and happiness of your suffering country. The 
 ^moment that peace is restored, there will be occasion for a judicioua 
 amendment, in one or two particulars, of our matchless Constitution. 
 This ought to be done readily and promptly, and with a marked de- 
 gree of wise and prudent circumspection. It may be necessary to 
 define, with greater precision than has heretofore been done, the 
 edrespective pretensions to certain exclusive peculiarities belonging both 
 re to the North and the South. Amongst these, the most prominent and 
 isimportant, of course, will be the institution of slavery, an institution 
 Djguaranteed to our southern brethren by a solemn provision of the 
 >rs Constitution, and wliich it was never intended should be interfered 
 'ffiwith by any hostile authority exercised, by the general or any of the 
 iti State governments. We do not meaii to say that that influence has in 
 miny substantial manner been already exercised. But our southern 
 int ellow citizens have complained, and perhaps have not complained 
 lOUvithout cause, of our language and sentiments so freely and so gratti 
 i-tously expressed on this subject — of our eager and officious inter- 
 ilttiieddling in that which did not politically concern us, and which wa« 
 irt)^:;riously calculated to provoke their anger and resentment. Ought 
 ee!.ve not to pause for a moment, and think whether there is not some 
 liti'cason to question the wisdom and propriety of our own conduct? 
 krhey rebelled, it is true, without cause, l^ut is not a reasonable 
 ioijlowance to be made on account of the alleged provocation — on ac- 
 aorjount of that disorder of the imagination which our own imprudence 
 l.tiiad some agency in exciting? Such inquiries should regulate our 
 lonicmper and feelings, if not towards their leaders, at least towards the 
 try^reat mass of those who have been so dreadfully imposed on by these 
 Wicaders, They are politically brethren with us, under the protection 
 Dtrmd government of the same great republic, and the moment they re- 
 aiK.urn to their duty, our first object ought to proclaim ftloud our ardent 
 heiiesire to secure them in the full enjoyment of their political rights, 
 tnd to establish these on the firm basis of a constitutional guarantee. 
 !Hi( Another subject of immense interest to the political and civil wel- 
 jouiiJe of our country, is connected with the extravagant expenditure of 
 
1« 
 
 our public revenue, and the corruption whicli there is too much reason 
 to fear has been gradually tainting, more and more, the minds of our 
 public men. Much of this corruption may be fairly attributable to the 
 prevalence of that party spirit which we have taken occasion to 
 reprehend above, and which has been so fearfully undermining the 
 purity and stability of our political institutions. Where politics is 
 made a trade, all the arts of an illicit trafic will be naturally resorted 
 to for the purpose of benefiting the individual engaged in the disgrace 
 i'ul calling. How far these abuses are susceptible of amendment by 
 Constitutional enactment, may become matters of serious inquiry to 
 those who shall be entrusted with the task of reforming them. Some 
 of them might certainly be reached in this manner. One of the very 
 worst,— one that has done more than any other, as we verily believe, 
 to distract our public councils, and waste our public treasure. — one 
 which is anti-democratic and anti -republican in every aspect in which 
 it can be viewed, is that feature in the administration of our govern- 
 ment which give-sto our representatives in Congress the right of fixing . 
 a proper allowance for their own services, and constituting themselves 
 the sole umpires of the amount of compensation to which they are 
 e-ntitled. Every public servant, as any other laborer in the common 
 affairs of life, is undoubtebly worthy of his hire. But no one can fail 
 to see at a glance, that where men.liave the right to regulate the time 
 during which their public services are to continue, as well as the 
 amount of their compensation for these services, no matter how digni- 
 fied these men may be supposed to be in their characters and standing 
 before the public, they will be strongly tempted to betray the trust 
 which has been so lil»erally confided to tliern. This is made evident 
 tx) us every day by the abuse of the franking privilege. And precisely 
 the same fact may be inferred from the long, protracted, and tedious 
 duration to which, formerly, the scs^sions of Congress every otlier year 
 were extended. May we not reasonably believe, that with a fair com-ii; 
 pensation for the needed-services of our repi'esentativcs at Washington, 
 secured to them Ijy some competent and independent organ of the 
 government, our public business would be T)etter done, and, what would 
 be of almost equal benefit to the country, would be done in a much 
 shorter time ? Tt will be admitted by the great majority of the intelli-i 
 gent citizens oi' our country, that if we had less talking on our floorai 
 of Congress, we should most certainly be placed under the enjoymeiii 
 of better laws. 
 
 Our Constitution undoubtedly meant, as I liine endcavoi'cd to showil 
 above, to guarantee to all the States the equal l)enefits of a perpetual 
 Union. But as some of our Southern friends aflect to question this 
 position, an explanatory clause should be incorporated in the original 
 instrument which would leave no one the slightest pretence for advo-i 
 eating a diftcrent doctrine. The perpetuity of the Union should be 
 declared to be, what it really is, the corner stone on which our govern- 
 ment rests, and tlie essential life of t)ur political existence, which nonei 
 should be suffered to touch or violate with profanii hands. It was the 
 very iirst blessing which our lathers attempted to secure to u? after 
 they had established tlieir inde]wnd(^i!(je. Ft is tlic very last that should 
 bf suiTcndrred b>- t.hoii- children. 
 
 W 6 1 
 

 .^^•^ 
 
 
 
 >*'% '^W-' /\ \W-' **'^** '" 
 
 
 ftV . o ■ • 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 *bv^ 
 
 
 .^^^ 
 
 
 
 .^y"^ 
 
 
 
 
 r. '^^ A^ *if