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Autobiography. 
 Poor Richard. Letters. 
 
 By 
 
 Benjamin Franklin 
 
 With a Critical and Biographical Introduction 
 and Notes by Ainsworth R. Spofford 
 
 Illustrated 
 
 New York 
 D. Appleton and Company 
 
 1900 
 
TWO COPIES RECEiVEiJ, 
 
 Library of CjngreB^ 
 Offloa of tha 
 
 JAN f>^> 1900 ■ 
 
 Register of CopyrlghtSc 
 
 
 51527 
 
 Copyright, 1899, 
 By D. APPLETON AND COMPANY. 
 
 SECOND COPY. 
 
 
Benjamin Franklin 
 Autobiography — Poor Richard 
 
 The World's Great Books 
 
 Committee of Selection 
 
 Thomas B. Reed William R. Harper 
 
 Speaker of the House President of the 
 
 of Representatives University of Chicago 
 
 Edward Everett Hale Ainsworth R. Spofford 
 
 Author of The Man Of the Congressional 
 
 Without a Country Library 
 
 Rossiter Johnson 
 
 Editor of Little Classics and Editor-in-Chief of this Series 
 
 Aldine Edition 
 
...I I iMiiy-t ^ 
 
 I I 
 
 \, ^ 
 
y^/ 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 
 
 IN selecting the present volume to form one of the 
 Library of the World's Great Books, the editors have 
 been guided by a controlling sense of the interest and 
 merit of the work, as well as by the world-wide fame of 
 the author. The name of Benjamin Franklin is a house- 
 hold word in all lands. His modest chronicle of his early 
 life, known as his Autobiography, has been read and 
 enjoyed by successive generations. The final test of 
 literary merit, as well as of intrinsic interest, is the con- 
 tinual public demand for new editions. The life of Frank- 
 lin has been reprinted in hundreds of editions, and in 
 nearly all the languages of the globe. In fact, it is one of 
 the half-dozen books for which merit and public demand 
 make a perennial market. 
 
 If we seek for the causes of so wide and so lastinsf a 
 popularity, they are found in the charming simplicity of 
 the style and the engaging interest of the narrative. 
 There are few books of which we can say, as of this, that 
 the style is as clear as crystal. The words are so happily 
 chosen that one thinks no others could convey the author's 
 meaning so clearly or forcibly. Franklin always avoided, 
 in composition, the tendency to figures of rhetoric, or fine 
 language. His sentences, never long or involved, go 
 straight to the point. And the impress of a sincere and 
 honest personality pervades the entire narrative. The 
 author does not play the egotist, modestly records his 
 successes, candidly owns the errors of his early life, and 
 takes the reader irresistibly into his confidence. 
 
iv BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 
 
 A remarkable fact about the Autobiography of Frank- 
 lin is that it first appeared in a foreign language. While 
 he left his manuscripts by will to his grandson, William 
 Temple Franklin, he had sent a copy of this narrative of 
 his life to an intimate friend, M. Veillard, Mayor of Passy, 
 near Paris. Dr. Franklin died in 1790, at the age of eighty- 
 four, and the next year appeared in Paris a French trans- 
 lation of his Autobiography. From this first translation 
 it was at once retranslated into English, and rival editions 
 were published in London in 1793. This imperfect version, 
 made from a French translation, and not at all the original 
 Autobiography, was the only text of this remarkable book 
 ever printed in English up to the year 18 17, when the 
 grandson, after strange and unaccounted-for delays, at 
 last published in London, in six volumes, the Works of 
 Benjamin Franklin, and among them the Autobiography 
 from the Doctor's manuscript. 
 
 The Hon. John Bigelow, long a diplomatic represen- 
 tative of the United States in Europe, found and purchased 
 in 1867, from the family who had inherited it, the precious 
 original manuscript of Franklin's Autobiography, in his 
 own handwriting. INIr. Bigelow edited it, and printed it 
 in Philadelphia in 1868, and it has since gone through 
 several editions. This authentic text is followed in the 
 present publication of the work. 
 
 The " Poor Richard's Maxims," here printed, include 
 all that is most characteristic and interesting in the long 
 series of " Poor Richard's Almanack," which Franklin 
 originated and edited, from 1733 to 1758 inclusive. The 
 originals of these curious almanacs have now become so 
 rare, that a visit to three cities is necessary to secure a 
 sight of all the issues. A partial set in the Library of 
 Congress, embracing forty-one years of the Almanack, con- 
 tains the verv scarce issue for 1758, in which Franklin 
 f>rinted a summary of the " Poor Richard " sayings, 
 scattered through twenty-five years of his Almanack. 
 These pithy, homely adages, so well adapted to plant 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN V 
 
 seeds of prudence and virtue in the common mind, have 
 been multiplied by the presses of every nation in Europe, 
 under the titles of " The Way to Wealth," " The Sayings 
 of Poor Richard," " La Science du bonhomme Richard," 
 etc. Seventy-five editions of them are known in English, 
 sixty in French, and fifteen in German. 
 
 The remaining portions of our edition of the select 
 works of Franklin include his most entertaining and 
 instructive Essays and Letters. He excelled as a letter- 
 writer, and as a story-teller he had no superior. He was 
 also a master of the fine art of irony, and his vein of humour 
 colours a large share of his private correspondence. 
 
 Several bibliographies of Frankliniana, or of books and 
 other publications written by or relating to him, have been 
 published. The list of Franklin publications in the Boston 
 Public Library, with the added titles that could be gath- 
 ered from all sources, was printed in the Bulletins of that 
 Library for i882-'83. A still fuller list was published in 
 1889 by Paul L. Ford, in Brooklyn, N. Y. The titles of 
 the publications of Franklin's own press are pretty fully 
 given in Charles R. Hildeburn's " Century of Printing : 
 issues of the press in Pennsylvania, 1685-1784," in two 
 volumes (Philadelphia, i885-'86). Henry Stevens's list of 
 the books, pamphlets, periodicals, and manuscripts in his 
 "Franklin collection," purchased by Congress in 1882, 
 was printed in Washington in 1881 as a "History and 
 Description of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin." 
 
 How shall we best study this many-sided man, Benja- 
 min Franklin ? Shall we apply the method of analysis, 
 and view separately the component parts which go to 
 make up this impressive whole? We may study him first 
 as a boy, working hard for his living, hungrily devouring 
 the books that came in his way, writing precocious essays 
 for the press, and dropping them secretly in the box of 
 the paper on which he worked, resenting the petty tyran- 
 nies of his apprenticeship, frugal for himself, generous to 
 others, eager to improve, devoting every moment rescued 
 
vi BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 
 
 from toil to his favourite authors, swallowing the many 
 chagrins of his servitude (for he was an apprentice to a 
 hard master-printer) until he was convinced that forbear- 
 ance had ceased to be a virtue — then, with native inde- 
 pendence, shaking the dust of Boston from his feet, to 
 j>lant them in the streets of Philadelphia. 
 
 We may study him next as a writer, master of a clear, 
 forcible, and engaging style, never above his subject, nor 
 below it — grave and earnest when reasoning of public 
 matters, light and even sportive when writing to friends ; 
 full of the happiest analogies, fertile in epilogue, anecdote, 
 and fable, to illustrate the point in hand ; master of a 
 refined irony and a subtle humour, marshalling all his 
 powers to set forth the strongest points in a few words. 
 He wrote poor poetry, for the imaginative faculty was 
 not strong in him ; but he knew it to be poor, something 
 which we can not say of man}- writers of verse and printers 
 of the same. 
 
 We may study him as an inventor, alive from his 
 earliest years to the defects of existing processes, and fer- 
 tile in devising means to improve them ; a keen observer 
 all his life of causes and efTects, and of all natural phenom- 
 ena ; early experimenting with electricity and galvanism, 
 and the first to draw lightning from the clouds, which led 
 .to his invention of the lightning-rod; discoverer of an 
 unfailing remedy for that dreadful evil, the smoky chim- 
 ney ; inventor of the Franklin stove (modestly named by 
 him the Pennsylvania fireplace\ which at once increased 
 the heat and saved the fuel ; discoverer of the temperature 
 of the Gulf-Stream; exhibiting, from youth to old age, 
 the scientific bent of his mind. It is wonderful to find 
 how many ideas of the highest utility were first suggested 
 by Franklin : the first public circulating library, not only 
 in America but in the world, founded by him in 1731 (now 
 the Library Company of Philadelphia); the first philo- 
 sophical or scientific society in America, proposed bv him 
 in 1744; the first volunteer militia, organized in 1747; the 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN vii 
 
 first street pavement in America; the first night-watch, 
 men for the protection of property ; the first plan for 
 street-sweeping ; the first open stove, and the first light- 
 ning-rod, already referred to ; the first hospital in Amer- 
 ica, in 175 1 (for which he secured the means by organi- 
 zation and influence, though he attributed the idea to 
 another) ; the first plan for uniting all the American colo- 
 nies, proposed by him in the year 1754; the first Amer- 
 ican magazine, established by Franklin in 1741 ; and last, 
 but by no means least, the first Academy or High School, 
 in 1749, since become the University of Pennsylvania. 
 
 We may study him as a printer, early making himself 
 master of the art preservative of all the other arts; a 
 rapid and accurate compositor, outworking all his fellow- 
 journeymen ; a laborious pressman ; an ingenious letter- 
 founder upon occasions ; careful of the quality of his 
 work, tasteful in details, carrying away the provincial 
 public printing from all competitors by superior work- 
 manship, promptitude, and strict attention to his business. 
 That Franklin's business as a printer was large is evi- 
 denced by the testimony of his contemporaries, by the 
 handsome profits it yielded, paying him for more than 
 twenty years an income of a thousand pounds a year 
 (a large sum for those days), and by the long catalogue of 
 the productions of his press, which a revived interest in 
 all that concerns Franklin has brought to light. A colla- 
 tion of titles, gathered from all libraries, sale catalogues, 
 and printers' lists, yields the sum total of about four hun- 
 dred books and pamphlets bearing the imprint of Benja- 
 min Franklin, or of Franklin & Hall, from 1729 to 1765, 
 when he relinquished his interest in the printing business, 
 in his sixtieth year, to his partner, Daniel Hall. This, of 
 course, is exclusive of newspapers, as well as of repeated 
 editions of the same work. The list embodies a great 
 variety of publications on multifarious subjects, civil and 
 ecclesiastical ; poems, essays, political treatises, biography, 
 history, classical translations, acts of Parliament relating 
 
viii BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 
 
 to the colonies, conferences and treaties with the Indians, 
 Laws and Journals of Pennsylvania, of New Jersey, and 
 of Delaware, hymn-books, catechisms, religious treatises, 
 almanacs, and broadsides. Of these, no fewer than thirty- 
 five were printed by Franklin in the German language, 
 which was the native tongue of a very large portion of 
 the settlers of Pennsylvania. Of these four hundred pub- 
 lications emanating from Franklin's press, no American 
 library has so many as half, although several are now 
 forming collections of Frankliniana. The Library of Con- 
 gress has many specimens of the typography of Franklin's 
 press, among them Cicero's " Cato Major, or Treatise of 
 Old Age," printed in 1744, with the rubricated title-page, 
 which he always considered the best specimen of his 
 printing. 
 
 The printing-press on which Franklin worked in Lon- 
 don may still be seen in the National Museum in Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 Of " Poor Richard's Almanack," first issued by Frank- 
 lin in 1733, twenty-six annual numbers were published by 
 Franklin, after which, in 1759, it ceased to be edited by 
 him, although continued by Hall & Sellers and other pub- 
 lishers until 1798. In this publication appeared that re- 
 markable series of homely proverbs and pithy counsels 
 which, though not all original with Franklin, form a bre- 
 viary of life and conduct, admirable in most respects for 
 the use of the young. Those who are accustomed to 
 sneer at Franklin's morality as embod^dng onlj^ " the 
 maxims of a low prudence " would do wisely to consider 
 whether they can produce others better adapted, upon the 
 whole, to improve and elevate mankind. 
 
 We may stud}' him next as a journalist, a profession 
 which he may be said never to have relinquished, although 
 it was not pursued as his chief avocation. Franklin was 
 one of the earliest of American periodical writers. From 
 his first political composition, as a 'prentice boy of six- 
 teen, to his last contribution to the Philadelphia " Federal 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN IX 
 
 Gazette " in 1790, three weeks before his death, Franklin 
 was a frequent and always instructive contributor to the 
 press. The columns of the " London Chronicle," pre- 
 served in the Library of Congress, attest his zeal in the 
 discussion of public affairs, and of political and social in- 
 terests, while he was resident in London from 1757 to 
 1775. His journalistic writings were always anonymous; 
 but it is not difficult to trace him by his style, and by 
 contemporary allusions in his own writings and those of 
 others. In this way he discussed questions of science, of 
 administration, and of popular liberty, in a style that fas- 
 cinated the reading world, and left a marked impression 
 on public opinion. Indeed, as a propagandist of liberal 
 thought in politics, on both sides of the sea, Franklin's 
 influence can not be overrated. 
 
 Franklin was a lifelong protestant against human 
 slavery ; not only against the detestable traffic in slaves, 
 but against the existence of the institution itself. He was 
 President of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting abo- 
 lition, and wrote a plan for improving the condition of the 
 free negroes. With members of the Society of Friends 
 and others, he memorialized the first Congress, praying 
 that body " to step to the very verge of the power vested 
 in them for discouraging every species of traffic in the 
 persons of our fellow-men." His last public effort was a 
 letter to the " Federal Gazette " upon the debate in Con- 
 gress in March, 1790, on this petition. In it he exposed, 
 in the guise of an Algerine, the defence of slavery and 
 piracy, the arguments for human bondage, and, with 
 caustic satire and inimitable wit, showed the fallacy of 
 every plea for slavery. This article, signed " Historicus," 
 evinces the spirit that burned in the breast of the dying 
 Franklin, and the acuteness of his intellectual powers, 
 even when he was racked with pain, at the age of 
 eighty-four. 
 
 A large share of his early papers appeared in the col- 
 umns of his own journal, the " Pennsylvania Gazette." 
 
X BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 
 
 This ho ostaMislu\l it\ i7-\x anJ it was continued weekly 
 or semi-wceklv until 17(^5, when Franklin's interest ceased, 
 nlthouiih the "Cia:-ette*' was published under other names 
 until iS.js. when it was nieTi;ed in the Philade^ihia 
 **Noi(h Auiei iean."' atter an existence ol one lunuhed and 
 seveuttUMi years. 
 
 I'ranklin also established the tirst American maga/ine. 
 in januai \ . i-.n, under the title «.^t " The Cicncnil Maza- 
 rine auvl llistoiical Cluonicle tor all the British Planta- 
 tions in America." But this enterprise tailed of adequate 
 support, and attcr six monthly luimbers had appeared it 
 was vliscontinued. The dav ot popular maga.ines mul- 
 tiplied by the hxmdred thousand had not dawned, and 
 Fn\nklin's subscribers, a select tew out ol the sparse 
 population ot reiuisvlvania. did Uvn keep alive tlie new 
 enterprise. 
 
 We may study him also as a philanthropist, as a bene- 
 tactor ot his species; and here he holds a place among- the 
 highest. His was no theoixnical benevolence, preaching 
 g\xxi-\vill to man while putting* forth no effort to aid him. 
 The bent of Franklin's mind, as well as the tenor of his 
 life, was intensely practical. He was ever studying ways 
 aiui means to better the human cv^nditions that surrv>undecl 
 him. To him the American public of a century and a 
 half agv> yven? indebted for the first sug-gestions ever real- 
 ijsed of Siinitarv laws, of the prc»per ventilation of houses, 
 of clean streets, of lighted thoroughfan^s, of pavements in 
 place of mud. of prv'»teotion agi^inst fires, of smv^^ke-con- 
 suming- thies, and of cv^mfortable homes. The homely, 
 practical wisdom of his benevolence w as evinced in his 
 gift to the town of Fn\nklin. Mass^ichusetts, onranired 
 in i,-*S and adoptin^^ his name. The town causevi the 
 philosopher, then reprt^sentin^ his country in l'^aris, to be 
 inf«.>rmt\l of this honour, adding^ that they would build a 
 steeple to their church it he would send them a bell for it. 
 Franklin s reply sagraciouslr advised them to s;ive the cv>st 
 of a steeple, " A new town," he sa\"^ in a letter to an 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN xi 
 
 American friend, " havins: done me the honour of naminc: 
 itself after mc, and proposing to build a steeple to their 
 meeting-house, if 1 would give them a bell, I have advised 
 the sparing themselves the expense of a steeple for the 
 present, and that they would accept of books instead of a 
 bell, sense being preferable to sound." 
 
 Franklin's native benevolence was manifested in his 
 efforts, in negotiating the Treaty of Peace with Great 
 Britain in 1782, to get privateering and the taking of 
 private property on land in time of war condemned and 
 renounced by all the great powers. He failed to secure 
 this, but he showed himself none the less (as in his earlier 
 proposal to substitute arbitration for war in the settle- 
 ment of national disputes) a full century in advance of his 
 time. " In my opinion," he records, with sententious 
 brevity, " there never was a good war, nor a bad peace." 
 
 We may study Franklin as a moralist, and we shall 
 find the keynote to his creed, as well as to his character, 
 in the one word — utility. Franklin firmly believed that 
 the highest good is to be sought in what is most useful to 
 mankind. He was not an idealist on the one hand, and 
 he was far from being a materialist on the other. Some 
 persons, struck with the intense utilitarian bent of Frank- 
 lin's mind, have denied him any considerable measure of 
 the spiritual faculty ; but his writings evince an ever- 
 present faith in immortality and in a Supreme Being. 
 In his Autobiography he sums up a whole system of 
 morals in a sentence, when he suggests that certain ac- 
 tions are not bad because they are forbidden, but they 
 are forbidden because they are bad. His was a benevo- 
 lent and reverential spirit. Writing to a near friend of 
 the departure from the world of those he had known, he 
 says : " Last year carried off my friends Dr. Pringle, Dr. 
 Fothcrgill, and Lord Kames : this has begun to take away 
 the rest. I say to my other remaining old friends, the 
 fewer we become, the more let us love one another." At 
 the age of seventy-eight he writes : " I still exist, and still 
 
xii BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 
 
 enjoy some pleasure in that existence, though now in my 
 seventy-ninth year. Yet I feel the infirmities of age come 
 on so fast, and the building to need so many repairs, that 
 in a little time the owner will find it cheaper to pull it 
 down and build a new one." 
 
 He always speaks of death as only a passing from one 
 stage of life to another : " I look upon death to be as neces- 
 sary to our constitution as sleep. We shall rise refreshed 
 in the morning." At the age of fourscore he thus wrote : 
 " When I see nothing annihilated, and not even a drop of 
 water wasted, I can not suspect the annihilation of souls, 
 or believe that God will suffer the daily waste of millions 
 of minds ready-made that now exist, and put himself to 
 the continual trouble of making new ones. Thus, finding 
 myself to exist in the world, I believe I shall, in some shape 
 or other, always exist ; and with all the inconveniences 
 human life is liable to, I shall not object to a new edition 
 of mine ; hoping, however, that the errata of the last may 
 be corrected." 
 
 Franklin was constitutionally, as well as from prin- 
 ciple, an optimist. To do good, and to let results take 
 care of themselves, was his religion. He believed in the 
 best for this world, and for the world to come. And 
 here, familiar as it may be to most readers, I can not omit 
 quoting the epitaph composed by Franklin in very early 
 life for himself ; it is one of the finest passages in the 
 English language : 
 
 The Body of Benjamin Franklin, Printer, (like the cover of an old 
 book, its contents torn out, and stript of its lettering and gilding) lies 
 here, food for worms. But the work shall not be lost ; for it will (as he 
 believed) appear once more in a new and more elegant edition, revised 
 and corrected by the Author. 
 
 We may study Franklin as a humourist, rarely gifted 
 with powers of wit, sarcasm, and irony, which yet were 
 always employed without the smallest sting of animosity. 
 His Autobiography has several touches of this, where 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN xiii 
 
 he tells of Keimer, the printer, a great glutton, who in- 
 vited two friends and Franklin to dine with him, and or- 
 dered a roast pig : " But, it being brought too soon upon 
 table," sa)'s Franklin, " he could not resist the temptation, 
 and ate the whole before we came." Of his long absti- 
 nence from animal food in his youth, and its abandon- 
 ment, he tells us that he once considered the catching and 
 eating of fish as unprovoked murder. " But," says he 
 " I had formerly been a great lover of fish, and when a 
 fine cod came hot out of the frying-pan it smelt admira- 
 bly well. I balanced some time, between principle and 
 inclination, till I recollected that, when the fish were 
 opened, I saw smaller fish taken out of their stomachs ; 
 then thought I, * If you eat one another, I don't see why 
 we may not eat you.' So I dined upon cod very heart- 
 ily, and continued to eat with other people, only return- 
 ing now and then occasionally to the vegetable diet." 
 
 When Franklin was soldiering in Pennsylvania during 
 the French and Indian war, the chaplain complained to 
 him that the men did not attend his prayers. Franklin 
 had observed that the militia were prompt to call for 
 their allowance of spirits, one gill a day to each man, half 
 in the morning and half at night. So he said to the chap- 
 Iain : " It is perhaps below the dignity of your profession 
 to act as steward of the rum ; but if you were to deal out 
 the ration, and only just after prayers, you would have 
 them all about you." The scheme was adopted, " and 
 never," says Franklin, " were prayers more generally or 
 more punctually attended." 
 
 To his friend Mrs. Hewson, an English woman whom 
 he greatly esteemed, Franklin wrote from Paris, in 1777, 
 at the height of the Revolutionary War : " I want all of 
 my friends out of that wicked country (meaning England). 
 I have just seen in the paper seven paragraphs about me, 
 of which six were lies." 
 
 When sent to Canada, in 1776, to aid in detaching the 
 allegiance of its people to the British Crown, Franklin car- 
 
xiv BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 
 
 ried a printing-press, and two papers were issued, de- 
 signed for effect upon the country people, when it was 
 discovered that only about one Canadian in five hundred 
 could read. The Doctor very wisely suggested, that if 
 another mission were to be sent to Canada, it should con- 
 sist of schoolmasters. His burlesque letter from the 
 Count de Schaumburg, ridiculing, with the sharpest irony, 
 the British employment of hired Hessian troops in Amer- 
 ica, is a masterpiece of humour. 
 
 When American Minister in Paris, Franklin was 
 greatly pressed by what he called " mad requests " for 
 recommendations to military commissions from French- 
 men of whom he had never heard. To rid himself of 
 these importunities, he prepared the following form of a 
 letter of introduction: 
 
 Sir : The bearer of this, who is going to America, presses me to give 
 him a letter of recommendation, though I know nothing of him, not even 
 his name. This may seem extraordinary, but I assure you it is not 
 uncommon here. Sometimes, indeed, one unknown person brings 
 another equally unknown to recommend him ; and sometimes they recom- 
 mend one another. As to this gentleman, I must refer you to himself for 
 his character and merits, with which he is certainly better acquainted than 
 I can possibly be. I recommend him, however, to those civilities which 
 every stranger of whom one knows no harm has a right to ; and I request 
 that you will do him all the good offices, and show him all the favour, that 
 on further acquaintance you shall find him to deserve. I have the honour 
 to be, etc. 
 
 Writing to his daughter, Mrs. Sarah Bache, in 1779, 
 who had sent to him for some Paris goods, and among 
 them lace and feathers, he says : " I send all the articles you 
 desire, that are useful and necessary, and omit the rest ; 
 for as you say you should have great pride in wearing 
 anything I send, and showing it as your father's taste, I 
 must avoid giving you an opportunity of doing that with 
 either lace or feathers. If you wear your cambric ruffles 
 as I do, and take care not to mend the holes, they will 
 come in time to be lace ; and feathers, my dear girl, may 
 be had in America from every cock's tail." 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN XV 
 
 Franklin was a merciless satirist of that feature in the 
 military Order of the Cincinnati, after the Revolutionary 
 War, which made their rank hereditary. " Honour worthily 
 obtained, as that of our officers," he wrote, " is in its 
 nature a personal thing, and incommunicable. But the 
 absurdity of descending honours is capable of mathematical 
 demonstration. A man's son, for instance, is but half of 
 his family, the other half belonging to the family of his 
 wife. His son, too, marrying into another family, his share 
 in the grandson is but a fourth ; in the great-grandson it 
 is but an eighth. Thus, in nine generations in a descend- 
 ing ratio, our present Chevalier of the Order of Cincinnati's 
 share in the then existing knight will be but a five hundred 
 and twelfth part. This simple process in arithmetic makes 
 it quite plain that, in proportion as the antiquity of the 
 family shall augment, the right to the honour of the ances- 
 tor will diminish." He tells a correspondent of " a proud 
 girl in my country, who wished and resolved not to marry 
 a parson, nor a Presbyterian, nor an Irishman ; and at 
 length found herself married to an Irish Presb3'terian 
 parson." 
 
 We may study Franklin as a legislator and a statesman, 
 Member of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, and Chairman 
 of the Committee of Safety ; delegate to the Continental 
 Congress in i775-'76> ^•nd one of the committee of five who 
 reported the immortal Declaration of Independence, 
 which, though mainly Jefferson's, bears many marks of 
 Franklin's pen ; member of the Convention that formed 
 the Constitution, now more than one hundred years old, 
 under which we live; and President of Pennsylvania from 
 1785 to 1788. In all these responsible places Franklin 
 was a recognised leading spirit. In the Pennsylvania 
 Legislature men used to say of any proposed measure the 
 success of which was desired : " We must get Franklin to 
 take it up." In the Constitutional Convention of 1787 
 Franklin was the great conciliator, whose influence harmo- 
 nized opposing views, and more than once brought agree- 
 
xvi BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 
 
 ment out of discord. He it was who saved the Union of 
 the States, by proposing, when the Convention was about 
 to split upon the contention of the small States for equal 
 political power with the larger ones, that their claim 
 should be compromised by allowing equal representation 
 in the Senate to all the States, but in the House represen- 
 tation in proportion to numbers only. This happy solution 
 of the difficulty was hailed almost as an inspiration, and 
 was at once adopted. Standing always for popular rights, 
 he insisted on the power of impeaching the President ; as 
 a faithless executive, he said, could not otherwise be got 
 rid of, except by revolution. He opposed, in a vigorous 
 speech, a proposal to limit the suffrage to freeholders, or 
 the owners of property, saying that he did not think that 
 the elected had any right, in any case, to narrow the 
 privileges of the electors. 
 
 It is notable that while Hamilton, a young man of thirty, 
 led the conservatives, Franklin, the patriarch of eighty 
 years, was the exponent of the democratic ideas of the 
 Convention. He had unlimited faith in the capacity of 
 man for self-government. Jefferson himself was not more 
 a republican than was Franklin, and time has amply vin- 
 dicated the wisdom of both. 
 
 We may study him next as a diplomatist, taking his 
 first lessons in that art in councils and treaties Avith the 
 Indians, then sent to London in 1757 as agent for Pennsyl- 
 vania, where he remained five years ; then, returning home 
 for a brief time, he was sent back in 1764 (being soon after- 
 ward chosen agent abroad for Massachusetts, New Jersey, 
 and Georgia), to remain until war broke out in 1775. The 
 very next year, after a brief mission to the people of Can- 
 ada in behalf of the colonies, he was commissioned to 
 France by the Continental Congress, and continued to 
 reside in Paris, joined with other commissioners, or as 
 Minister Plenipotentiary, during ten years, returning to 
 Philadelphia in 1785. During his career as representative 
 in Great Britain and France, extending over nearly a 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN XVU 
 
 quarter of a century, Franklin achieved for his country 
 more consideration and honour than any man that ever 
 lived. George the Third is said to have warned his min- 
 isters against " that crafty American, who is more than a 
 match for you all." His memorable examination before 
 the House of Commons in 1766, which led to the repeal of 
 the odious Stamp Act, exhibited all the great qualities of 
 his mind in full lustre. Clear, cool, good-humoured, saga- 
 cious, prudent, determined, it was Benjamin Franklin 
 against the British Ministry and the whole power of the 
 British Empire, and the sturdy republican triumphed. 
 His answers to the interrogatories put by members of the 
 administration and others in Parliament evince a states- 
 manship as rare as his personal demeanour was admirable. 
 It won him hosts of friends, who became friends of the 
 colonies. It roused the doubtful and indifferent to the 
 justice of the principles asserted in behalf of America, 
 whose people had been denied the birthright of English- 
 men. Franklin's presence in London during this critical 
 period, received continually in the best circles, and assert- 
 ing by voice and pen, in his persuasive style, the rights 
 and liberties of his countrymen, influenced British opinion 
 more powerfully than any other agency. 
 
 Though it did not prevent the war, which an infatuated 
 King and ministry waged for the subjugation of America, 
 it raised up hosts of friends in the very camp of the enemy. 
 And the same consummate skill in diplomacy was quickly 
 transferred to the court of France, where Franklin became 
 a power which is to this day an enigma to all who have 
 not arrived at a true estimate of his character. In less 
 than two years he secured for the struggling colonies a 
 treaty of recognition so broad and generous that other 
 nations followed France in lending aid to America. He 
 fitted out vessel after vessel with ammunition and supplies. 
 He met every doubt or distrust with calm assurance of 
 ultimate success, based upon his intimate knowledge of the 
 spirit and resources of his countrymen, the blunders of 
 
xviii BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 
 
 the enemy, and the divided counsels of the British people. 
 He borrowed, on the faith of the United States, more than 
 eighteen millions of dollars — a great sum at a time when 
 Europe was in the midst of war, when the infant colonies 
 were poor and military reverses frequent. Over and 
 over again, when his colleagues, by their imprudence, were 
 near wrecking the American cause abroad, he saved the 
 alliance by his consummate skill. 
 
 We may study Franklin lastly as a man, and the more 
 we become familiar with his life, his person, and his writ- 
 ings, the higher will our estimate of him rise. Born to 
 poverty, the youngest of seventeen children, with less than 
 two years of schooling, this boy, who began life with sell- 
 ing ballads in Boston streets, rose by unwearied industry, 
 shrewdness, and capacity to be a leader among men, whom 
 two worlds have delighted to honour. He never en- 
 joyed the advantages of a high school, or a university ; but 
 he carried a university in his head, and was made doctor 
 of laws by American and European institutions of learn- 
 ing. After he was twenty-one, he taught himself to read 
 Latin, French, Italian, Spanish, and German, and gathered 
 the largest and best private library in America ; he was a 
 lifelong student and writer, as well as an active man of 
 business, and learned to speak French after he was seventv. 
 The distinguishing elements of his character were modesty, 
 good-humour, application, and unfailing tact ; these, joined 
 with a large-mindedness which impressed all whom he 
 met, and his wholesome, cheerful nature, made him that 
 great master of the art of living whom Ave all recognise. 
 Franklin's economy had in it no element that was penu- 
 rious or sordid. He lived on bran bread and water as an 
 apprentice, but he spent the money he thus saved upon 
 books. If his London lodgings in early years cost him 
 but one shilling sixpence a week, he lent money to needy 
 friends. All will remember his naive relation of how he 
 was moved by the eloquence of the Rev. George White- 
 field, the great Methodist preacher, from a resolve to give 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN xix 
 
 nothing to emptying his pocket of copper, silver, and gold 
 for the evangelist's great charity school in Georgia. 
 While his prudence was great, his generosity was con- 
 spicuous. The errors of his early life, frankly and in- 
 genuously owned in his Autobiography, were all mended, 
 and no man, perhaps, ever achieved more success in sub- 
 duing passions naturally strong. As a worker among 
 men, Franklin had the rarest faculty of accomplishing his 
 purpose by enlisting the zeal of others, and placing them 
 in the apparent lead. He never obtruded Dr. Franklin, 
 let others make speeches and draw eloquent and high- 
 sounding papers, never roused opposition when it could 
 be avoided without sacrificing principle ; and thus he 
 carried measures which men of equal genius but more 
 imperious nature would have lost. He never attempted 
 to drive men ; always to lead them. In the Constitutional 
 Convention, as in his diplomatic career, Franklin was the 
 great conciliator. His wonderful modesty contrasted 
 strongly with the colossal egotism of John Adams and the 
 irritable vanity of Arthur Lee and Ralph Izard. In Paris 
 Franklin shone not only as a man of genius, but as the 
 master of genuine courtesy. Mingling with courtiers, 
 philosophers, and free-thinkers, with his simple republican 
 garb and manners, he taught politeness to the politest 
 nation in the world. He enjoyed and still enjoys a fame 
 abroad never accorded to any other American. He was 
 on terms of familiar correspondence and intercourse with 
 such men as David Hume, Lord Kames, Edmund Burke, 
 Lafayette, Dr. Priestley, Lord Chatham, Wilberforce, 
 Diderot, D'Alembert, Thomas Paine, Charles James Fox, 
 Dr. Richard Price, Sir William Jones, the Abh6 Morellet, 
 Brissot de Warville, Beaumarchais, the Marquis de Chas- 
 tellux, the Abbe Barth^lemy, Voltaire, Condorcet, and 
 Turgot. He was a favourite guest in the salons of Madame 
 du Deffand, Madame Helvetius, and Madame d'Houdetot. 
 Sir James Mackintosh called Franklin " the American 
 Socrates." Madison wrote of him : " His native genius 
 
XX BENJAMIN P^RANKLIN 
 
 was not more an ornament to human nature than his va- 
 rious exertions of it have been precious to science, to free- 
 dom, and to his country." Lord Brougham classes him 
 among the foremost statesmen of George the Third's 
 time, and says: " In this truly great man everything seems 
 to concur that goes toward the constitution of exalted 
 merit." Says George Bancroft : *' Franklin looked quietly 
 and deeply into the secrets of nature. An exquisite pro- 
 priety, parsimonious of ornament, gave ease of expression 
 and graceful simplicity even to his most careless writ- 
 ings." Lord Chatham conferred upon him the splendid 
 eulogy, in a speech in the House of Lords, that he was a 
 man " who was an honour, not to the English nation only, 
 but to human nature." The French historian INIignet, 
 who wrote one of the best of the numerous biographies of 
 Franklin, says of him : " Poor, he achieved wealth by his 
 industry ; ignorant, he raised himself by stud}- to a man of 
 science ; unknown, he won by his discoveries and by his 
 services, by the elevation of his ideas, and by the extent 
 of his benefactions, the admiration of Europe and the 
 gratitude of America. Franklin possessed at once genius 
 and virtue, glory and good fortune. His life, a uniformly 
 happy one, affords the finest vindication of the laws of 
 Providence. He was not only great, he was good ; he was 
 not only just, he was amiable." John Foster, the essayist, 
 wrote of him : " He appears to have possessed an almost 
 invincible self-command, which bore him through all the 
 negotiations, strifes with ignorance, obstinacy, duplicity, 
 and opposing interests, with sustained firmness, and with 
 a prudence of deportment beyond the attainment of the 
 most disciplined adept in mere political intrigue." Jef- 
 ferson wrote of him : " There appeared to me more re- 
 spect and veneration attached to the character of Frank- 
 lin in France than to that of any other person in the same 
 country, foreign or native. The succession to Dr. Frank- 
 lin at the court of France was an excellent school of hu- 
 mility. The commonplace w-as, ' II est vous, Monsieur, 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN xxi 
 
 qui remplacez Ic Docteur Franklin?' — 'It is you, sir, 
 who replace Dr. Franklin?' I generally answered, 'No 
 one can replace him, sir: I am only his successor.'" 
 " The name of Franklin," said President Si^yes to the 
 French Assembly, " will be immortal in the records of 
 freedom and philosophy ; " and he lauds "the simplicity 
 and sweetness of his manners, the purity of his principles, 
 the extent of his knowledge, and the charms of his mind." 
 Dr. Musschenbroek, a learned German philosopher, ad- 
 dressed Dr. Franklin in the stateliest Latin he could com- 
 mand : " Franklino nobilissimo amplissimoque." Mirabeau, 
 foremost of French orators, said to the Assembly, when 
 the news of Franklin's death arrived : " The sage, whom 
 two worlds claim ; the man, disputed by the history of 
 the sciences and the history of empires, holds an elevated 
 rank among the human species. He was one of the 
 greatest men that ever have served the cause of philos- 
 ophy and of liberty." Reviewing one of his moral essays, 
 the French critic Sainte-Beuve says : " Among the phi- 
 losophers of the eighteenth century, I find none but Mon- 
 tesquieu who could have thought in this style ; but 
 Franklin expresses himself in a more touching manner 
 than Montesquieu could have done." Condorcet, who 
 delivered his eulogium in the French Academy, of which 
 Franklin was a member, says of Franklin's writings : 
 " Among them all we look in vain for a single line which 
 can be suspected of having been written for his own glory. 
 His politics were those of a man who believed in the 
 power of reason and the reality of virtue, and who had 
 sought to render himself the instructor of his fellow- 
 citizens before he became their legislator." George 
 Washington, who always measured his words, wrote to 
 Franklin in 1789 (one year before Franklin's death, and 
 ten years before that of Washington himself) : " If to be 
 venerated for benevolence, if to be admired for talents, if 
 to be esteemed for patriotism, if to be beloved for philan- 
 thropy, can gratify the human mind, you must have the 
 
xxii BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 
 
 pleasing consolation to know that you have not lived in 
 vain." 
 
 In France the name of Franklin is still loved and ven- 
 erated, and his picture is found alike in the cottages of 
 peasants and in fashionable salons. There is no man that 
 ever lived, not even Washington, whose features are more 
 familiar to the world. Engraved in every form of illus- 
 tration, and sculptured in busts and statues, in bronze or 
 marble, from the cheapest woodcut in the primer to 
 Hiram Powers's colossal statue in the Capitol, clad in the 
 authentic costume of his time, we meet everywhere those 
 strongly moulded, benignant features, impressive and win- 
 ning. Sixty-two American towns have been named for 
 Franklin. 
 
 His life and his success bear witness to the fact that 
 true greatness is always allied to simplicity. Study him 
 how we may, we find in him no love of power, of office, 
 or of money, and not the smallest ambition for display. 
 When thrown into the conduct of large affairs, he was 
 easily great ; and his courage and capacity seemed to rise 
 with every crisis or emergency. He had his detractors 
 and calumniators, iust as some of the Athenians de- 
 nounced Aristides, tired of hearing him always called the 
 Just; but time has amply vindicated his fame. His works, 
 of which more than one hundred editions of greater or 
 less fulness have appeared, are his monument. His 
 diplomatic and unpublished manuscript papers, after Iving 
 in Furopc for eightv vears, were finally rescued from 
 oblivion, purchased b}' Congress in 1882, and are now de- 
 posited in the Department of State, with those of Wash- 
 ington, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe. His style — fresh, 
 idiomatic, and strong — was formed upon his early reading 
 of John Bunvan. Plutarch's " Lives," Addison's " Specta- 
 tor." and the Bible. Read his Autobiography, Essa3-s, and 
 other writings, and vou will find them full of sense and 
 humour and practical wisdom. His services to American 
 education can not be overrated. He was one of the great 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN xxiii 
 
 political thinkers of the world. He was deficient in im- 
 agination, but he had a great and powerful understand- 
 ing, and reasoning faculties of the highest order. The 
 extraordinary good fortune which produced, in the great 
 exigencies that marked the formative period in our na- 
 tional history, such a galaxy of men eminent for states- 
 manship, for valour, for broad-mindedness, and for patriot- 
 ism, can never be adequately measured. And when we 
 count up the roll of illustrious Americans, whatever place 
 may be assigned to others, the name of Benjamin Frank- 
 lin will hold a permanent rank among the great benefac- 
 tors of mankind. • 
 
 AiNSwoRTii R. Spofford. 
 
FAMOUS AND UNIQUE MANUSCRIPT AND 
 BOOK ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 A series of fac-similes, showing the development of manuscript and 
 book illustrating during four thousand years. 
 
 THE ANNUNCIATION. 
 
 Miniature from a "Book of Hours," written in Flanders 
 in 1442 A. D. 
 
 :Li I 
 
 '%§ 
 
iOMA? 
 
 ■Ria to h: 
 .itBy[ ba. 
 
 n-ibnem. ai imm^ jiooa** s moil ^wlBiaiM 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Autobiography i 
 
 Sayings of Poor Richard 185 
 
 Essays and Correspondence 249 
 
 XXV 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 FACING PAGE 
 
 Benjamin Franklin Frontispiece 
 
 Photogravure from a painting by Joseph S. Duplcssis 
 
 The Annunciation xxlv ^ 
 
 Miniature from a " Book of Hours," written in Flanders in 1442 
 
 A. D. 
 
 Franklin as a Poet 12 "' 
 
 Photogravure from a drawing made for this work 
 
 Original Buildings of the Pennsylvania Academy, now y 
 
 THE University of Pennsylvania 126 
 
 Photogravure from an old lithograph 
 
 Benjamin Franklin 248 ^ 
 
 Photogravure from a painting by John Martin 
 
 Franklin's Birthplace, which stood on Milk Street, , 
 
 opposite the Old South Church, Boston . . . 382 "^ 
 
 Photogravure from an old lithograph owned by the Bostonian 
 Society 
 
 xxvii 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 TwvroRD, ai the Bishop of Si. Asaph's,^ 1771. 
 
 DEAR SON : 1 have ever had pleasure in obtaining 
 any little anecdotes of my ancestors. You may 
 remember the inquiries I made among- the re- 
 mains of my relations when you were with me in Eng-^ 
 land, and the journey I undertook for that purpose. Im. 
 agining it may be equally agreeable to you to know the 
 circumstances of my life, many of which you are yet unac- 
 quainted with, and expecting the enjoyment of a week's 
 uninterrupted leisure in my present country retirement, I 
 sit down to write them for you. To which I have besides 
 some other inducements. Having emerged from the pov- 
 erty and obscurity in which I was born and bred, to a 
 state of afillucnce and some degree of reputation in the 
 world, and having gone so far through life with a consid- 
 erable share of felicity, the conducing means I made use 
 of, which with the blessing of God so well succeeded, my 
 posterity may like to know, as they may find some of 
 them suitable to their own situations, and therefore lit to 
 be imitated. 
 
 That felicity, when I reflected on it, has induced me 
 sometimes to say, that were it offered to my choice, I 
 
 ' Jonathan Shipley, the bishop referred to, was a firm friend of Ameri- 
 can liberty, and voted with Chatham in 1778 ajjainst the continuance of 
 the war. Franklin often breathed " the sweet air of Twyford," near Win- 
 chester, during his residence in England. — A. R. S. 
 I I 
 
2 FRANKLIN 
 
 should have no objection to a repetition of the same life 
 from its beginning, only asking the advantages authors 
 have in a second edition to correct some faults of the first. 
 So I might, besides correcting the faults, change some 
 sinister accidents and events of it for others more favor- 
 able. But though this were denied, I should still accept 
 the offer. Since such a repetition is not to be expected, 
 the next thing most like living one's life over again seems 
 to be a recollection of that life, and to make that recol- 
 lection as durable as possible by putting it down in 
 writing. 
 
 Hereby, too, I shall indulge the inclination so natural 
 in old men, to be talking of themselves and their own past 
 actions ; and I shall indulge it without being tiresome to 
 others, who, through respect to age, might conceive them- 
 selves obliged to give me a hearing, since this may be read 
 or not as any one pleases. And, lastly (I may as well con- 
 fess it, since my denial of it will be believed by nobody), 
 perhaps I shall a good deal gratify my own vanity. In- 
 deed, I scarce ever heard or saw the introductory words, 
 " Without vanity I may say" etc., but some vain thing im- 
 mediately followed. Most people dislike vanity in others, 
 whatever share they have of it themselves ; but I give it 
 fair quarter wherever I meet with it, being persuaded that 
 it is often productive of good to the possessor, and to oth- 
 ers that are within his sphere of action ; and therefore, in 
 many cases, it would not be altogether absurd if a man 
 were to thank God for his vanity among the other com- 
 forts of life. 
 
 And now I speak of thanking God, I desire with all 
 humility to acknowledge that I owe the mentioned hap- 
 piness of my past life to His kind providence, which lead 
 me to the means I used and gave them success. My be- 
 lief of this induces me to hope, though I must not presume, 
 that the same goodness will still be exercised toward me, 
 in continuing that happiness, or enabling me to bear a 
 fatal reverse, which I may experience as others have 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 3 
 
 done ; the complexion of my future fortune being known 
 to Him only in whose power it is to bless to us even our 
 afflictions. 
 
 The notes one of my uncles (who had the same kind 
 of curiosity in collecting family anecdotes) once put into 
 my hands, furnished me with several particulars relating 
 to our ancestors. From these notes I learned that the 
 family had lived in the same village, Ecton, in Northamp- 
 tonshire, for three hundred years, and how much longer 
 he knew not (perhaps from the time when the name of 
 Franklin, that before was the name of an order of people, 
 was assumed by them as a surname when others took sur- 
 names all over the kingdom), on a freehold of about thirty 
 acres, aided by the smith's business, which had continued 
 in the family till his time, the eldest son being always bred 
 to that business ; a custom which he and my father fol- 
 lowed as to their eldest sons. When I searched the reg- 
 isters at Ecton, I found an account of their births, mar- 
 riages and burials from the year 1555 only, there being no 
 registers kept in that parish at any time preceding. By 
 that register I perceived that I was the youngest son of 
 the youngest son for five generations back. My grand- 
 father Thomas, who was born in 1598, lived at Ecton till 
 he grew too old to follow business longer, when he went 
 to live with his son John, a dyer at Banbury, in Oxford- 
 shire, with whom my father served an apprenticeship. 
 There my grandfather died and lies buried. We saw 
 his gravestone in 1758. His eldest son Thomas lived in 
 the house at Ecton, and left it with the land to his only 
 child, a daughter, who, with her husband, one Fisher, 
 of Wellingborough, sold it to Mr. Isted, now lord of the 
 manor there. My grandfather had four sons that grew 
 up, viz. : Thomas, John, Benjamin and Josiah. I will give 
 you what account I can of them, at this distance from my 
 papers, and if these are not lost in my absence, you will 
 among them find many more particulars. 
 
 Thomas was bred a smith under his father ; but, being 
 
4 FRANKLIN 
 
 iii^onious. aiul oiu\nuai;ci.l in learning' (as all mv brothers 
 wore) by an Esquire rainier, then the principal gentleman 
 in that parish, he qualified himself for the business of 
 scrivener; became a considerable man in the county ; was 
 a chiei mover ot all public-spirited undertakings for the 
 county or town ot Northampton, and his old village, of 
 whieh m.uw instances were related of him ; and much 
 taken notice ot and patronized bv the then Lord Halifax, 
 lie died in 170J, January o, old stvlc, just four years to a 
 day before I was born. The account we received of his 
 lite and character Irom some old people at Kcton. 1 re- 
 member, struck you as something extraordinary, Irom its 
 similarity to what you knew of mine. " Had he died on 
 the same day." you said, '* one might have supposed a 
 transmigration." 
 
 John was bred a dyer, 1 believe of woolens. Benja- 
 min was b; ed a silk dyer, serving an apprenticeship at 
 London. He was an ingenious man. I remember him 
 well, for w hen I was a bov he came over to my father in 
 r>oston, and lived in the house with us some yeai*s. He 
 lived to a great age. His grandson, Samuel Franklin, now 
 lives in Boston. He lett behind him two quarto volumes, 
 MS., of his own poetry, consisting of little occasional 
 pieces addressed to his friends and relations, of which the 
 following, sent to me. is a specimen. He had formed a 
 short-hand of his own. which he taught me, but, never 
 practising it. I have now forgot it. 1 was named after 
 this uncle, there being a particular atTection between him 
 and my tather. He was very pious, a great attcnder of 
 sermons of the best preachers, which he took down in his 
 short-hand, and had with him many volumes of them. He 
 was also much of a politician : too much, perhaps, for his 
 station. There fell lately into my hands, in London, a 
 collection he had made of all the principal pamphlets re- 
 lating to public atTaii-s. from 1641 to 1717: many of the 
 volumes are wanting as appears by the numbering, but 
 there still remain eii^ht volumes in folio, and twentv-four 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 5 
 
 in quarto and in octavo. A dealer in old books met with 
 them, and knowinc^ mc by my sometimes buying- of him, 
 he brought them to me. It seems my uncle must have 
 left them here when he went to America, which was 
 above fifty years since. There arc many of his notes in 
 the margins. 
 
 This obscure family of ours was early in the Reforma- 
 tion, and continued Protestants through the reign of 
 Queen Mary, when they were sometimes in danger of 
 trouble on account of their zeal against popery. They 
 had got an English Bible, and to conceal and secure it, 
 it was fastened open with tapes under and within the 
 cover of a joint-stool. When my great-grandfather read 
 it to his family, he turned up the joint-stool upon his 
 knees, turning over the leaves then under the tapes. One 
 of the children stood at the door to give notice if he saw 
 the apparitor coming, who was an officer of the spiritual 
 court. In that case the stool was turned down again upon 
 its feet, when the Bible remained concealed under it as 
 before. This anecdote I had from my uncle Benjamin. 
 The familv continued all of the Church of England 
 till about the end of Charles the Second's reign, when 
 some of the ministers that had been outed for non-con- 
 formity holding conventicles in Northamptonshire, Ben- 
 jamin and Josiah adhered to them, and so continued all 
 their lives : the rest of the family remained with the 
 Episcopal Church. 
 
 Josiah, my father, married young, and carried his wife 
 with three children into New England, about 1682. The 
 conventicles having been forbidden by law, and frequently 
 disturbed, induced some considerable men of his ac- 
 quaintance to remove to that country, and he was prevailed 
 with to accompany them thither, where they expected to 
 enjoy their mode of religion with freedom. By the same 
 wife he had four children more born there, and by a sec- 
 ond wife ten more, in all seventeen ; of which I remember 
 thirteen sitting at one time at his table, who all grew up 
 
6 FRANKLIN 
 
 to be men and women, and married ; I was the youngest 
 son, and the youngest child but two, and was born in 
 Boston, New England.' My mother, the second wife, was 
 Abiah Folgcr, daughter of Peter Folger, one of the first 
 settlers of New England, of whom honorable mention is 
 made by Cotton Mather, in his church history of that 
 country, entitled " Magnalia Christi Americana," as "« 
 godly, learned EnglisJnnan^' if I remember the words 
 rightly. I have heard that he wrote sundry small occa- 
 sional pieces, but only one of them was printed, which I 
 saw now many years since. It was written in 1675, in the 
 home-spun verse of that time and people, and addressed 
 to those then concerned in the government there. It was 
 in favor of liberty of conscience, and in behalf of the 
 Baptists, Quakers, and other sectaries that had been under 
 persecution, ascribing the Indian wars, and other distresses 
 that had befallen the country, to that persecution, as so 
 many judgments of God to punish so heinous an offense, 
 and exhorting a repeal of those uncharitable laws. The 
 whole appeared to me as written with a good deal of de- 
 cent plainness and manly freedom. The six concluding 
 lines I remember, though I have forgotten the two first 
 of the stanza ; but the purport of them was, that his cen- 
 sures proceeded from goodwill, and, therefore, he would 
 be known to be the author. 
 
 " Because to be a libeller (says he) 
 I hate it with my heart ; 
 From Sherburne town, where now I dwell 
 
 My name I do put here ; 
 Without offense your real friend, 
 It is Peter Folgier." 
 
 M}'' elder brothers were all put apprentices to difTerent 
 trades. I was put to the grammar-school at eight years 
 
 * He was born January 6th, 1706, old style, being Sunday, and the 
 same as January 17th, new style, which his biographers have usually 
 mentioned as the day of his birth. By the records of the Old South 
 Church in Boston, to which his father and mother belonged, it appears 
 that he was baptized the same day. In the old public Register of Births, 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 7 
 
 of age, my father intending to devote nne, as the tithe of 
 his sons, to the service of the Church. My early readi- 
 ness in learning to read (which must have been very early, 
 as I do not remember when I could not read), and the 
 opinion of all his friends, that I should certainly make a 
 good scholar, encouraged him in this purpose of his. My 
 uncle Benjamin, too, approved of it, and proposed to give 
 me all his short-hand volumes of sermons, I suppose as a 
 stock to set up with, if I would learn his character. I con- 
 tinued, however, at the grammar-school not quite one 
 year, though in that time I had risen gradually from the 
 middle of the class of that year to be the head of it, and 
 farther was removed into the next class above it, in order 
 to go with that into the third at the end of the year. But 
 my father, in the mean time, from a view of the expense 
 of a college education, which having so large a family he 
 could not well afford, and the mean living many so edu- 
 cated were afterwards able to obtain — reasons that he gave 
 to his friends in my hearing — altered his first intention, 
 took me from the grammar-school, and sent me to a 
 school for writing and arithmetic, kept by a then famous 
 man, Mr. George Brownell, very successful in his profes- 
 sion generally, and that by mild, encouraging methods. 
 Under him I acquired fair writing pretty soon, but I 
 failed in the arithmetic, and made no progress in it. At 
 ten years old I was taken home to assist my father in his 
 business, which was that of a tallow-chandler and sope- 
 boiler ; a business he was not bred to, but had assumed 
 on his arrival in New England, and on finding his dying 
 trade would not maintain his family, being in little re- 
 quest. Accordingly, I was employed in cutting wick for 
 
 still preserved in the Mayor's office in Boston, his birth is recorded under 
 the date of January 6th, 1706. At this time his father occupied a house 
 in Milk street, opposite to the Old South Church, but he removed shortly 
 afterwards to a house at the corner of Hanover and Union streets, where 
 it is believed he resided the remainder of his life, and where the son 
 passed his early years. — Jared Sparks, " Works of Benjamin Franklin," 
 vol, i, p. 8. Boston, 1840. 
 
8 FRANKLIN 
 
 the candles, filling the dipping mold and the molds for 
 cast candles, attending the shop, going of errands, etc. 
 
 I disliked the trade, and had a strong inclination for 
 the sea, but my father declared against it ; however, liv- 
 ing near the water, I was much in and about it, learnt 
 early to swim well, and to manage boats ; and when in a 
 boat or canoe with other boys, I was commonly allowed 
 to govern, especially in an)^ case of difficulty ; and upon 
 other occasions I was generally a leader among the 
 boys, and sometimes led them into scrapes, of which I 
 will mention one instance, as it shows an early projecting 
 public spirit, tho' not then justly conducted. 
 
 There was a salt-marsh that bounded part of the mill- 
 pond, on the edge of which, at high water, we used to 
 stand to fish for minnows. Bv much trampling, we had 
 made it a mere quagmire. My proposal was to build a 
 wharff there "fit for us to stand upon, and I showed my 
 comrades a large heap of stones, which were intended for 
 a new house near the marsh, and which would very well 
 suit our purpose. Accordingly, in the evening, when the 
 workmen were gone, I assembled a number of my play- 
 fellows, and working with them diligently like so many 
 emmets, sometimes two or three to a stone, we brought 
 them all away and built our little wharff. The next 
 morning the workmen were surprised at missing the 
 stones, which were found in our wharflf. Inquiry was 
 made after the removers ; we were discovered and com- 
 plained of; several of us were corrected by our fathers: 
 and, though I pleaded the usefulness of the work, mine 
 convinced me that nothing was useful which was not 
 honest. 
 
 I think you may like to know something of his person 
 and character. He had an excellent constitution of body, 
 was of middle stature, but well set, and very strong ; he 
 was ingenious, could draw prettily, was skilled a little in 
 music, and had a clear, pleasing voice, so that when he 
 played psalm tunes on his violin and sung withal, as he 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 9 
 
 sometimes did in an evening after the business of the day 
 was over, it was extremely agreeable to hear. He had a 
 mechanical genius too, and, on occasion, was very handy 
 in the use of other tradesmen's tools ; but his great excel- 
 lence lay in a sound understanding and solid judgment 
 in prudential matters, both in private and publick affairs. 
 In the latter, indeed, he was never employed, the numer- 
 ous family he had to educate and the straitness of his cir- 
 cumstances keeping him close to his trade ; but I remem- 
 ber well his being frequently visited by leading people, 
 who consulted him for his opinion in affairs of the town 
 or of the church he belonged to, and showed a good deal 
 of respect for his judgment and advice : he was also much 
 consulted by private persons about their affairs when any 
 difficulty occurred, and frequently chosen an arbitrator 
 between contending parties. At his table he liked to 
 have, as often as he could, some sensible friend or neigh, 
 bor to converse with, and always took care to start some 
 ingenious or useful topic for discourse, which might tend 
 to improve the minds of his children. By this means he 
 turned our attention to what was good, just, and prudent 
 in the conduct of life ; and little or no notice was ever 
 taken of what related to the victuals on the table, whether 
 it was well or ill dressed, in or out of season, of good or 
 bad flavor, preferable or inferior to this or that other 
 thing of the kind, so that I was bro't up in such a perfect 
 inattention to those matters as to be quite indifferent what 
 kind of food was set before me, and so unobservant of it, 
 that to this day if I am asked I can scarce tell a few hours 
 after dinner what I dined upon. This has been a conveni- 
 ence to me in travelling, where my companions have been 
 sometimes very unhappy for want of a suitable gratifica- 
 tion of their more delicate, because better instructed, 
 tastes and appetites. 
 
 My mother had likewise an excellent constitution : 
 she suckled all her ten children. I never knew either 
 my father or mother to have any sickness but that of 
 
lO FRANKLIN 
 
 which they dy'd, he at 89, and she at 85 years of age. 
 They lie buried together at Boston, where I some years 
 since placed a marble over their grave, with this inscrip- 
 tion : 
 
 JosiAH Franklin, 
 
 and 
 
 Abiah his wife, 
 
 lie here interred. 
 
 Thoy lived lovingly together in wedlock 
 
 fift)-five years. 
 
 Without an estate, or any gainful employment, 
 
 l^y constant labor and industry, 
 
 with Ciod's blessing, 
 They maintained a large family 
 
 comfortably, 
 
 and brought up thirteen children 
 
 and seven grandchildren 
 
 reputably. 
 
 From this instance, reader. 
 
 Be encouraged to diligence in thy calling, 
 
 And distrust not Providence. 
 
 He was a pious and prudent man ; 
 
 She, a discreet and virtuous woman. 
 
 Their youngest son. 
 
 In filial regard to their memory, 
 
 Places this stone. 
 
 J. F. born 1655, died 1744, yEtat 89. 
 
 A. F. born 1667, died 1752, 85. 
 
 By my rambling digressions I perceive m3'self to be 
 grown old. I us'd to write more methodically. But 
 one docs not dress for private company as for a publick 
 ball. 'Tis perhaps only negligence. 
 
 To return : I continued thus employed in my father's 
 business for two years — that is, till I was twelve years 
 old : and my brother John, who was bred to that business, 
 having left my father, married, and set up for himself at 
 Rhode Island, there was all appearance that I was des- 
 tined to supply his place, and become a tallow-chandler. 
 But my dislike to the trade continuing, my father was 
 under apprehensions that if he did not find one for me 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY II 
 
 more agreeable, I should break away and get to sea, as 
 his son Josiah had done, to his great vexation. He there- 
 fore sometimes took me to walk with him, and see joiners, 
 bricklayers, turners, braziers, etc., at their work, that he 
 might observe my inclination, and endeavor to fix it on 
 some trade or other on land. It has ever since been a 
 pleasure to me to see good workmen handle their tools ; 
 and it has been useful to me, having learnt so much by it 
 as to be able to do little jobs myself in my house when a 
 workman could not readily be got, and to construct little 
 machines for my experiments, while the intention of mak- 
 ing the experiment was fresh and warm in my mind. My 
 father at last fixed upon the cutler's trade, and my uncle 
 Benjamin's son Samuel, who was bred to that business in 
 London, being about that time established in Boston, I 
 was sent to be with him some time on liking. But his 
 expectations of a fee with me displeasing my father, I was 
 taken home again. 
 
 From a child I was fond of reading, and all the little 
 money that came into my hands was ever laid out in 
 books. Pleased with the " Pilgrim's Progress," my first 
 collection was of John Bunyan's works in separate little 
 volumes. I afterward sold them to enable me to buy " R. 
 Burton's Historical Collections " ; they were small chap- 
 men's books, and cheap, forty or fifty in all. My father's 
 little library consisted chiefly of books in polemic divin- 
 ity, most of which I read, and have since often regretted 
 that, at a time when I had such a thirst for knowledge, 
 more proper books had not fallen in my way, since it wa,s 
 now resolved I should not be a clergyman. " Plutarch's 
 Lives" there was, in which I read abundantly, and I still 
 think that time spent to great advantage. There was 
 also a book of De Foe's, called an " Essay on Projects," 
 and another of Dr. Mather's, called " Essays to do 
 Good," which perhaps gave me a turn of thinking that 
 had an influence on some of the principal future events 
 of my life. 
 
12 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 This bookisli inclination at Icns^th determined my 
 father to make nic a printer, though he had already one 
 son (James) of that profession. In 17 17 my brother James 
 returned from l^ngland with a press and letters to set up 
 his business in Boston. I liked it much better than that 
 of my father, but still had a hankering for the sea. To 
 prevent the apprehended elTect of such an inclination, my 
 lather was iiuj>atient to have me bound to my brother. I 
 stood out some time, but at last was persuaded, and signed 
 the indentures when 1 was yet but twelve years old. I 
 was to serve as an apjuenticc till I was twenty-one years 
 of age, only I was to be allowed journeyman's wages dur- 
 ing the last year. In a little time I made great proficiency 
 in the business, and became a useful hand to my brother. 
 I now had access to better books. An acquaintance with 
 the apprentices of booksellers enabled me sometimes to 
 borrow a small one, which I was careful to return soon 
 and clean. Often 1 sat up in my room reading the great- 
 est part of the night, when the book was borrowed in the 
 evening and to be returned early in the morning, lest it 
 should be missed or wanted. 
 
 And after some time an ingenious tradesman, Mr. 
 Matthew Adams, who had a pretty collection of books, 
 and who frequented our printing-house, took notice of 
 me, invited me to his library, and very kindly lent me 
 such books as I chose to read. I now took a fancy to 
 poetry, anil mailc some little pieces; my brother, thinking 
 it might turn to account, encouraged me, and put me on 
 composing occasional ballads. One was called The Li^^ht- 
 housc Tragt'dw and containetl at\ account of the drowning 
 of Captain Worthilake. with his two daughters: the other 
 was a sailor's song, on the taking of Tt'cich (or Blackbeard) 
 the pirate. They were wretched stutT, in the Grub-street- 
 ballad style; and when thev were printed he sent me 
 about the town to sell them. The first sold wonderfully, 
 the event being recent, having niaile a great noise. This 
 flattered my vanity; but my father discouraged me by 
 
IRANKJJN AS A POlil'. 
 Photogravure from a drawing made tor this work. 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 13 
 
 ridiculing my performances, and telling me verse-makers 
 were generally beggars. So I escaped being a poet, most 
 probably a very bad one ; but as prose writing has been of 
 great use to me in the course of my life, and was a princi- 
 pal means of my advancement, I shall tell you how, in such 
 a situation, I acquired what little ability I have in that way. 
 
 There was another bookish lad in the town, John 
 Collins by name, with whom I was intimately acquainted. 
 We sometimes disputed, and very fond we were of argu- 
 ment, and very desirous of confuting one another, which 
 disputatious turn, by the way, is apt to become a very bad 
 habit, making people often extremely disagreeable in com- 
 pany by the contradiction that is necessary to bring it 
 into practice; and thence, besides souring and spoiling 
 the conversation, is productive of disgusts and, perhaps 
 enmities where you may have occasion for friendship. I 
 had caught it by reading my father's books of dispute 
 about religion. Persons of good sense, I have since ob- 
 served, seldom fall into it, except lawyers, university men, 
 and men of all sorts that have been bred at Edinborough. 
 
 A question was once, somehow or other, started be- 
 tween Collins and me, of the propriety of educating the 
 female sex in learning, and their abilities for study. He 
 was of opinion that it was improper, and that they were 
 naturally unequal to it. I took the contrary side, perhaps 
 a little for dispute's sake. He was naturally more elo- 
 quent, had a ready plenty of words, and sometimes, as I 
 thought, bore me down more by his fluency than by the 
 strength of his reasons. As we parted without settling 
 the point, and were not to see one another again for some 
 time, I sat down to put my arguments in writing, which I 
 copied fair and sent to him. He answered, and I replied. 
 Three or four letters of a side had passed, when my father 
 happened to find my papers and read them. Without en- 
 tering into the discussion, he took occasion to talk to me 
 about the manner of my writing ; observed that, though I 
 had the advantage of my antagonist in correct spelling 
 
l6 FRANKLIN 
 
 And now it was that, being on some occasion made 
 asham'd of my ignorance in figures, which I had twice 
 failed in learning when at school, I took Cocker's book 
 of Arithraetick, and went through the whole by myself 
 with great ease. I also read Seller's and Shermy's books 
 of Navigation, and became acquainted with the little 
 geometry they contain; but never proceeded far in that 
 science. And I read about this time Locke " On Human 
 Understanding," and the "Art of Thinking," by Messrs. du 
 Port Royal. 
 
 While I was intent on improving my language, I met 
 with an English grammar (I think it was Greenwood's), 
 at the end of which there were two little sketches of the 
 arts of rhetoric and logic, the latter finishing with a speci- 
 men of a dispute in the Socratic method ; and soon after 
 1 procur'd Xenophon's " Memorable Things of Socrates," 
 wherein there are many instances of the same method. 
 I was charm'd with it, adopted it, dropt my abrupt con- 
 tradiction and positive argumentation, and put on the 
 humble inquirer and doubter. And being then, from 
 reading Shaftesbury and Collins, become a real doubter 
 in many points of our religious doctrine, I found this 
 method safest for myself and very embarassing to those 
 against whom I used it ; therefore I took a delight in it, 
 practis'd it continually, and grew very artful and expert 
 in drawing people, even of superior knowledge, into con- 
 cessions, the consequences of which they did not foresee, 
 entangling them in difficulties out of which they could 
 not extricate themselves, and so obtaining victories that 
 neither myself nor my cause always deserved. I con- 
 tinu'd this method some few years, but gradually left it, 
 retaining only the habit of expressing mj^self in terms of 
 modest diffidence; never using, when I advanced any 
 thing that may possibly be disputed, the words certainly, 
 undoubtedly, or any others that give the air of positiveness 
 to an opinion ; but rather say, I conceive or apprehend a 
 thing to be sp and so; it appears to me, or / should tJiink 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 17 
 
 it so or so, for such and such reasons ; or / imagine it to be 
 so ; or it is so, if I am not mistaken. This habit, I believe, 
 has been of great advantage to me when I have had occa- 
 sion to inculcate my opinions, and persuade men into 
 measures that I have been from time to time engag'd in 
 promoting ; and, as the chief ends of conversation are to 
 ifiform or to be informed, to please or to persuade, I wish 
 well-meaning, sensible men would not lessen their power 
 of doing good by a positive, assuming manner, that 
 seldom fails to disgust, tends to create opposition, and 
 to defeat every one of those purposes for which speech 
 was given to us, to wit, giving or receiving information 
 or pleasure. For, if you would inform, a positive and 
 dogmatical manner in advancing your sentiments may 
 provoke contradiction and prevent a candid attention. 
 If you wish information and improvement from the 
 knowledge of others, and yet at the same time express 
 yourself as firmly fix'd in your present opinions, modest, 
 sensible men, who do not love disputation, will probably 
 leave you undisturbed in the possession of your error. 
 And by such a manner, you can seldom hope to recom- 
 mend yourself in pleasing your hearers, or to persuade 
 those whose concurrence you desire. Pope says, ju- 
 diciously : 
 
 " Men should be taught as zf you taught them not. 
 And things unknown proposed as things forgot ; " 
 
 farther recommending to us 
 
 " To speak, tho' sure, with seeming diffidence." 
 
 And he might have coupled with this line that which he 
 has coupled with another, I think, less properly, 
 
 " For want of modesty is want of sense," 
 
 If you ask, Why less properly? I must repeat the lines, 
 
 " Immodest words admit of no defense, 
 For want of modesty is want of sense." '*~ 
 
l8 FRANKLIN 
 
 Now, is not %va7it of sense (where a man is so unfortunate' 
 as to want it) some apology for his tvant of modesty ? and 
 would not the lines stand more justly thus? 
 
 " Immodest words admit bttt this defense, 
 That want of modesty is want of sense." 
 
 This, however, I should submit to better judgments. 
 
 My brother had, in 1720 or 1721, begun to print a 
 newspaper. It was the second that appeared in America, 
 and was called the " New England Courant." The only 
 one before it was the " Boston News-Letter." I remem- 
 ber his being dissuaded by some of his friends from the 
 undertaking, as not likely to succeed, one newspaper be- 
 ing, in their judgment, enough for America. At this 
 time (1771) there are not less than five-and-twenty. He 
 went on, however, with the undertaking, and after having 
 worked in composing the types and printing off the 
 sheets, I was employed to carry the papers thro* the 
 streets to the customers. 
 
 He had some ingenious men among his friends, who 
 amus'd themselves by writing little pieces for this paper, 
 which gain'd it credit and made it more in demand, and 
 these gentlemen often visited us. Hearing their conver- 
 sations, and their accounts of the approbation their papers 
 were received with, I was excited to try my hand among 
 them ; but, being still a boy, and suspecting that my 
 brother would object to printing anything of mine in his 
 paper if he knew it to be mine, I contrived to disguise 
 my hand, and, writing an anonymous paper, I put it in at 
 night under the door of the printing-house. It was found 
 in the morning, and communicated to his writing friends 
 when they call'd in as usual. They read it, commented 
 on it in my hearing, and I had the exquisite pleasure of 
 finding it met with their approbation, and that, in their 
 different guesses at the author, none were named but men 
 of some character among us for learning and ingenuity. 
 I suppose now that I was rather lucky in my judges, and 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 19 
 
 that perhaps they were not really so very good ones as I 
 then esteem'd them. 
 
 Encourag'd, however by this, I wrote and convey'd in 
 the same way to the press several more papers which 
 were equally approv'd ; and I kept my secret till my 
 small fund of sense for such performances was pretty 
 well exhausted, and then I discovered it, when I began to 
 be considered a little more by my brother's acquaint- 
 ance, and in a manner that did not quite please him, as 
 he thought, probably with reason, that it tended to 
 make me too vain. And, perhaps, this might be one 
 occasion of the differences that we began to have about 
 this time. Though a brother, he considered himself as 
 my master, and me as his apprentice, and, accordingly, 
 expected the same services from me as he would from an- 
 other, while I thought he demean'd me too much in some 
 he requir'd of me, who from a brother expected more 
 indulgence. Our disputes were often brought before our 
 father, and I fancy I was either generally in the right, 
 or else a better pleader, because the judgment was gen- 
 erally in my favor. But my brother was passionate, 
 and had often beaten me, which I took extreamly 
 amiss ; and, thinking my apprenticeship very tedious, 
 I was continually wishing for some opportunity of short- 
 ening it, which at length offered in a manner unex- 
 pected.' 
 
 One of the pieces in our newspaper on some political 
 point, which I have now forgotten, gave offense to the 
 Assembly. He was taken up, censur'd, and imprison'd 
 for a month, by the speaker's warrant, I suppose, because 
 he would not discover his author. I too was taken up 
 and examin'd before the council ; but, tho' I did not give 
 them any satisfaction, they content'd themselves with ad- 
 monishing me, and dismissed me, considering me, per- 
 
 ' I fancy his harsh and tyrannical treatment of me might be a means 
 of impressing me with that aversion to arbitrary power that has stuck to 
 me through my whole life. " 
 
l8 FRANKLIN 
 
 Now, is not zvant of sense (where a man is so unfortunate' 
 as to want it) some apology for his zvant of modesty f and 
 would not the lines stand more justly thus? 
 
 " Immodest words admit btct this defense, 
 That want of modesty is want of sense." 
 
 This, however, I should submit to better judgments. 
 
 My brother had, in 1720 or 1721, begun to print a 
 newspaper. It was the second that appeared in America, 
 and was called the ** New England Courant." The only 
 one before it was the " Boston News-Letter." I remem- 
 ber his being dissuaded by some of his friends from the 
 undertaking, as not likely to succeed, one newspaper be- 
 ing, in their judgment, enough for America. At this 
 time (1771) there are not less than five-and-twenty. He 
 went on, however, with the undertaking, and after having 
 worked in composing the types and printing off the 
 sheets, I was employed to carry the papers thro' the 
 streets to the customers. 
 
 He had some ingenious men among his friends, who 
 amus'd themselves by writing little pieces for this paper, 
 which gain'd it credit and made it more in demand, and 
 these gentlemen often visited us. Hearing their conver- 
 sations, and their accounts of the approbation their papers 
 were received with, I was excited to try my hand among 
 them ; but, being still a boy, and suspecting that my 
 brother would object to printing anything of mine in his 
 paper if he knew it to be mine, I contrived to disguise 
 my hand, and, writing an anonymous paper, I put it in at 
 night under the door of the printing-house. Ic was found 
 in the morning, and communicated to his writing friends 
 when they call'd in as usual. They read it, commented 
 on it in my hearing, and I had the exquisite pleasure of 
 finding it met with their approbation, and that, in their 
 different guesses at the author, none were named but men 
 of some character among us for learning and ingenuity. 
 I suppose now that I was rather lucky in my judges, and 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY I9 
 
 that perhaps they were not really so very good ones as I 
 then esteem'd them. 
 
 Encourag'd, however by this, I wrote and convey 'd in 
 the same way to the press several more papers which 
 were equally approv'd ; and I kept my secret till my 
 small fund of sense for such performances was pretty 
 well exhausted, and then I discovered it, when I began to 
 be considered a little more by my brother's acquaint- 
 ance, and in a manner that did not quite please him, as 
 he thought, probably with reason, that it tended to 
 make me too vain. And, perhaps, this might be one 
 occasion of the differences that we began to have about 
 this time. Though a brother, he considered himself as 
 my master, and me as his apprentice, and, accordingly, 
 expected the same services from me as he would from an- 
 other, while I thought he demean'd me too much in some 
 he requir'd of me, who from a brother expected more 
 indulgence. Our disputes were often brought before our 
 father, and I fancy I was either generally in the right, 
 or else a better pleader, because the judgment was gen- 
 erally in my favor. But my brother was passionate, 
 and had often beaten me, which I took extreamly 
 amiss ; and, thinking my apprenticeship very tedious, 
 I was continually wishing for some opportunity of short- 
 ening it, which at length offered in a manner unex- 
 pected.' 
 
 One of the pieces in our newspaper on some political 
 point, which I have now forgotten, gave offense to the 
 Assembly. He was taken up, censur'd, and imprison'd 
 for a month, by the speaker's warrant, I suppose, because 
 he would not discover his author. I too was taken up 
 and examin'd before the council ; but, tho' I did not give 
 them any satisfaction, they content'd themselves with ad- 
 monishing me, and dismissed me, considering me, per- 
 
 ' I fancy his harsh and tyrannical treatment of me might be a means 
 of impressing me with that aversion to arbitrary power that has stuck to 
 me through my whole life. ' 
 
20 FRANKLIN 
 
 haps, as an apprentice, who was bound to keep his mas- 
 ter's secrets. 
 
 During my brother's confinement, which I resented a 
 p^ood deal, notwithstanding our private diflerences, I had 
 the management of the paper ; and I made bold to give our 
 rulers some rubs in it which my brother took very kindly, 
 while others began to consider me in an unfavorable light, 
 as a young genius that had a turn for libelling and satyr. 
 My brother's discharge was accompany'd with an order 
 of the House (a very odd one), that ''James Franklin should 
 no longer print tJtc paper called the ' Nezv England Conrant.' " 
 
 There was a consultation held in our printing-house 
 among his friends, what he should do in this case. Some 
 proposed to evade the order by changing the name of the 
 paper ; but my brother, seeing inconveniences in that, it 
 was finally concluded on as a better wa}^ to let it be 
 printed for the future under the name of Benjamin 
 Franklin ; and to avoid the censure of the Assembly, 
 that might fall on him as still printing it by his appren- 
 tice, the contrivance was that my old indenture should be 
 return'd to me, with a full discharge on the back of it, to 
 be shown on occasion, but to secure to him the benefit of 
 my service, I was to sign new indentures for the remain- 
 der of the term, which were to be kept private. A very 
 flimsy scheme it was ; however, it was immediately exe- 
 cuted, and the paper went on accordingly, under my 
 name for several months. 
 
 At length, a fresh difference arising between my 
 brother and me, I took upon me to assert mv freedom, 
 presuming that he would not venture to produce the new 
 indentures. It was not fair in me to take this advantage, 
 and this I therefore reckon one of the first errata of my 
 life ; but the unfairness of it weighed little with me, when 
 under the impressions of resentment for the blows his 
 passion too often urged him to bestow upon me, though 
 he was otherwise not an ill-natur'd man : perhaps I was 
 too sauc}' and provoking. 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 21 
 
 When he found I would leave him, he took care to 
 prevent my getting employment in any other printing- 
 house of the town, by going round and speaking to every 
 master, who accordingly refus'd to give me work. I 
 then thought of going to New York, as the nearest place 
 where there was a printer ; and I was rather inclin'd to 
 leave Boston when I reflected that I had already made 
 myself a little obnoxious to the governing party, and, 
 from the arbitrary proceedings of the Assembly in my 
 brother's case, it was likely I might, if I stay'd, soon bring 
 myself into scrapes ; and farther, that my indiscrete dis- 
 putations about religion began to make me pointed at 
 with horror by good people as an infidel or atheist. I 
 determin'd on the point, but my father now siding with 
 my brother, I was sensible that, if I attempted to go 
 openly, means would be used to prevent me. My friend 
 Collins, therefore, undertook to manage a little for me. 
 He agreed with the captain of a New York sloop for my 
 passage, under the notion of my being a young acquaint- 
 ance of -his, that had got a naughty girl with child, whose 
 friends would compel me to marry her, and therefore I 
 could not appear or come away publicly. So I sold 
 some of my books to raise a little money, was taken on 
 board privately, and as we had a fair wind, in three days 
 I found myself in New York, near 300 miles from home, a 
 boy of but 17, without the least recommendation to, or 
 knowledge of any person in the place, and with very little 
 money in my pocket. 
 
 My inclinations for the sea were by this time worne 
 out, or I might now have gratify 'd them. But, having a 
 trade, and supposing myself a pretty good workman, I 
 offer'd my service to the printer in the place, old Mr. 
 William Bradford, who had been the first printer in 
 Pennsylvania, but removed from thence upon the quarrel 
 of George Keith. He could give me no employment, 
 having little to do, and help enough already ; but says he, 
 " My son at Philadelphia has lately lost his principal hand, 
 
22 FRANKLIN 
 
 Aquila Rose, by death ; if you go thither, I believe he 
 may employ you." Philadelphia was a hundred miles 
 further ; I set out, however, in a boat for Amboy, leaving 
 my chest and things to follow me round by sea. 
 
 In crossing the bay, we met with a squall that tore 
 our rotten sails to pieces, prevented our getting into 
 the Kill, and drove us upon Long Island. In our way, a 
 drunken Dutchman, who was a passenger too, fell over- 
 board ; when he was sinking, I reached through the water 
 to his shock pate, and drew him up, so that we got him 
 in again. His ducking sobered him a little, and he went 
 to sleep, taking first out of his pocket a book, which he 
 desir'd I would dry for him. It proved to be my old 
 favorite author, Bunyan's "Pilgrim's Progress," in Dutch, 
 finely printed on good paper, with copper cuts, a dress 
 better than I had ever seen it wear in its own language. 
 I have since found that it has been translated into most of 
 the languages of Europe, and suppose it has been more 
 generally read than any other book, except perhaps the 
 Bible. Honest John was the first that I know of who 
 mix'd narration and dialogue ; a method of writing very 
 engaging to the reader, who in the most interesting parts 
 finds himself, as it were, brought into the company and 
 present at the discourse. De Foe in his " Cruso," his 
 " Moll Flanders," " Religious Courtship," " Family In- 
 structor," and other pieces, has imitated it with success ; 
 and Richardson has done the same in his " Pamela," etc. 
 
 When we drew near the island, we found it was at a 
 place where there could be no landing, there being a great 
 surff on the stony beach. So we dropt anchor, and swung 
 round towards the shore. Some people came down to 
 the water edge and hallow'd to us, as we did to them ; 
 but the wind was so high, and the surff so loud, that we 
 could not hear so as to understand each other. There 
 were canoes on the shore, and we made signs, and hal- 
 low'd that they should fetch us ; but they either did not 
 understand us, or thought it impracticable, so they went 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 23 
 
 away, and night coming- on, we had no remedy but to 
 wait till the wind should abate: and, in the mean time, 
 the boatman and I concluded to sleep, if we could ; and 
 so crowded into the scuttle, with the Dutchman, who was 
 still wet, and the spray beating over the head of our boat, 
 leak'd thro' to us, so that we were soon almost as wet as 
 he. In this manner we lay all night, with very little rest; 
 but, the wind abating the next day, we made a shift to 
 reach Amboy before night, having been thirty hours on 
 the water, without victuals, or any drink but a bottle of 
 filthy rum, the water we sail'd on being salt. 
 
 In the evening I found myself very feverish, and went 
 in to bed ; but, having read somewhere that cold water 
 drank plentifully was good for a fever, I follow'd the pre- 
 scription, sweat plentifully most of the night, my fever 
 left me, and in the morning, crossing the ferry, I pro- 
 ceeded on my journey on foot, having fifty miles to Bur- 
 lington, where I was told I should find boats that would 
 carry me the rest of the way to Philadelphia. 
 
 It rained very hard all the day; I was thoroughly 
 soak'd, and by noon a good deal tired; so I stopt at a 
 poor inn, where I staid all night, beginning now to wish 
 that I had never left home. I cut so miserable a figure, 
 too, that I found, by the questions ask'd me, I was sus- 
 pected to be some runaway servant, and in danger of be- 
 ing taken up on that suspicion. However, I proceeded 
 the next day, and got in the evening to an inn, within 
 eight or ten miles of Burlington, kept by one Dr. Brown. 
 He entered into conversation with me while I took some 
 refreshment, and, finding I had read a little, became very 
 sociable and friendly. Our acquaintance continu'd as long 
 as he liv'd. He had been, I imagine, an itinerant doctor, 
 for there was no town in England, or countr}'' in Europe, 
 of which he could not give a very particular account. 
 He had some letters, and was ingenious, but much of an 
 unbeliever, and wickedly undertook, some years after, to 
 travestie the Bible in doggrel verse, as Cotton had done 
 
24 FRANKLIN 
 
 Virgil. By this means he set many of the facts in a very 
 ridiculous light, and might have hurt weak minds if his 
 work had been published ; but it never was. 
 
 At his house I lay that night, and the next morning 
 reach'd Burlington, but had the mortification to find that 
 the regular boats were gone a little before my coming, 
 and no other expected to go before Tuesday, this being 
 Saturday ; wherefore I returned to an old woman in the 
 town, of whom I had bought gingerbread to eat on the 
 water, and ask'd her advice. She invited me to lodge at 
 her house till a passage by water should offer ; and being 
 tired with my foot travelling, I accepted the invitation. 
 She understanding I was a printer, would have had me 
 stay at that town and follow my business, being ignorant 
 of the stock necessary to begin with. She was very hos- 
 pitable, gave me a dinner of ox-cheek with great good 
 will, accepting only of a pot of ale in return; and I 
 thought myself fixed till Tuesday should come. How- 
 ever, walking in the evening by the side of the river, a 
 boat came by, which I found was going towards Phila- 
 delphia, with several people in her. They took me in, 
 and, as there was no wind, we row'd all the way ; and 
 about midnight, not having yet seen the city, some of the 
 company were confident we must have passed it, and 
 would row no farther; the others knew not where we 
 were ; so we put toward the shore, got into a creek, 
 landed near an old fence, with the rails of which we 
 made a fire, the night being cold, id October, and there 
 we remained till daylight. Then one of the company 
 knew the place to be Cooper's Creek, a little above Phila- 
 delphia, which we saw as soon as we got out of the creek, 
 and arriv'd there about eight or nine o'clock on the Sun- 
 day morning, and landed at the Market-street wharf. 
 
 I have been the more particular in this description of 
 my journey, and shall be so of my first entry into that 
 city, that you may in your mind compare such unlikely 
 beginnings with the figure I have since made there. I 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 25 
 
 was in my working dress, my best cloaths being- to come 
 round by sea. I was dirty from my journey ; my pockets 
 were stuff'd out with shirts and stockings, and I knew 
 no soul nor where to look for lodging. I was fatigued 
 with travelling, rowing and want of rest, I was very 
 hungry ; and my whole stock of cash consisted of a 
 Dutch dollar, and about a shilling in copper. The latter 
 I gave the people of the boat for my passage, who at 
 first refus'd it, on account of my rowing; but I insisted 
 on their taking it. A man being sometimes more gen- 
 erous when he has but a little money than when he has 
 plenty, perhaps thro' fear of being thought to have but 
 little. 
 
 Then I walked up the street, gazing about till near 
 the market-house I met a boy with bread. I had made 
 many a meal on bread, and, inquiring where he got it, I 
 went immediately to the baker's he directed me to, in 
 Second-street, and ask'd for bisket, intending such as we 
 had in Boston ; but they, it seems, were not made in 
 Philadelphia. Then I asked for a three-penny loaf, and 
 was told they had none such. So not considering or 
 knowing the difference of money, and the greater cheap- 
 ness nor the names of his bread, I bad him give me three- 
 penny worth of any sort. He gave me, accordingly, 
 three great puffy rolls. I was surpriz'd at the quantity, 
 but took it, and, having no room in my pockets, walk'd 
 off with a roll under each arm, and eating the other. 
 Thus I went up Market-street as far as Fourth-street, 
 passing by the door of Mr. Read, my future wife's father ; 
 when she, standing at the door, saw me, and thought I 
 made, as I certainly did, a most awkward, ridiculous 
 appearance. Then I turned and went down Chesnut- 
 street and part of Walnut-street, eating my roll all the 
 way, and, coming round, found myself again at Market- 
 street wharf, near the boat I came in, to which I went for 
 a draught of the river water ; and, being filled with one 
 of my rolls, gave the other two to a woman and her child 
 
26 FRANKLIN 
 
 that came down the river in the boat with us, and were 
 waiting to go farther. 
 
 Thus refreshed, I walked again up the street, which 
 by this time had many clean-dressed people in it, who 
 were all walking the same way. I joined them, and 
 thereby was led into the great meeting-house of the 
 Quakers near the market. I sat down among them, and, 
 after looking round awhile and hearing nothing said, 
 being very drowsy thro' labor and want of rest the 
 preceding night, I fell fast asleep, and continu'd so till 
 the meeting broke up, when one was kind enough to 
 rouse me. This was, therefore, the first house I was in, 
 or slept in, in Philadelphia. 
 
 Walking down again toward the river, and, looking in 
 the faces of people, I met a young Quaker man, whose 
 countenance I lik'd, and, accosting him, requested he 
 would tell me where a stranger could get lodging. We 
 were then near the sign of the Three Mariners. " Here," 
 says he, " is one place that entertains strangers, but it is 
 not a reputable house ; if thee wilt walk with me, I'll 
 show thee a better." He brought me to the Crooked 
 Billet in Water-street. Here I got a dinner ; and, while 
 I was eating it, several sly questions were asked me, as 
 it seemed to be suspected from my youth and appear- 
 ance, that I might be some runaway. 
 
 After dinner, my sleepiness return'd, and being shown 
 to a bed, I lay down without undressing, and slept till 
 six in the evening, was call'd to supper, went to bed 
 again very early, and slept soundly till next morning. 
 Then I made myself as tidy as I could, and went to 
 Andrew Bradford the printer's. I found in the shop the 
 old man his father, whom I had seen at New York, and 
 who, travelling on horseback, had got to Philadelphia 
 before me. He introduc'd me to his son, who receiv'd 
 me civilly, gave me a breakfast, but told me he did not 
 at present want a hand, being lately suppli'd with one ; 
 but there was another printer in town, lately set up, one 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 27 
 
 Keimer, who, perhaps, might employ me ; if not, I should 
 be welcome to lodge at his house, and he would give me 
 a little work to do now and then till fuller business should 
 offer. 
 
 The old gentleman said he would go with me to the 
 new printer; and when we found him, "Neighbor," says 
 Bradford, " I have brought to see you a young man of 
 your business; perhaps you may want such a one." He 
 ask'd me a few questions, put a composing stick in my 
 hand to see how I work'd, and then said he would em- 
 ploy me soon, though he had just then nothing for me to 
 do ; and, taking old Bradford, whom he had never seen 
 before, to be one of the town's people that had a good 
 will for him, enter'd into a conversation on his present 
 undertaking and prospects ; while Bradford, not discover- 
 ing that he was the other printer's father, on Keimer's 
 saying he expected soon to get the greatest part of the 
 business into his own hands, drew him on by artful ques- 
 tions, and starting little doubts, to explain all his views, 
 what interest he reli'd on, and in what manner he in- 
 tended to proceed. I, who stood by and heard all, saw 
 immediately that one of them was a crafty old sophister, 
 and the other a mere novice. Bradford left me with 
 Keimer, who was greatly surpris'd when I told him who 
 the old man was. 
 
 Keimer's printing-house, I found, consisted of an old 
 shatter'd press, and one small, worn-out font of English, 
 which he was then using himself, composing an Elegy on 
 Aquila Rose, before mentioned, an ingenious young man, 
 of excellent character, much respected in the town, clerk 
 of the Assembly, and a pretty poet. Keimer made verses 
 too, but very indifferently. He could not be said to write 
 them, for his manner was to compose them in the types 
 directly out of his head. So there being no copy, but one 
 pair of cases, and the Elegy likely to require aj^. the letter, 
 no one could help him. I endeavor'd to put his press 
 (which he had not yet us'd, and of which he understood 
 
28 FRANKLIN 
 
 nothing) into order fit to be work'd with ; and, promising 
 to come and print off his Elegy as soon as he should have 
 got it ready, I return'd to Bradford's, who gave me a lit- 
 tle job to do for the present, and there I lodged and dieted. 
 A few days after, Keimer sent for me to print off the 
 Elegy. And now he had got another pair of cases, and 
 a pamphlet to reprint, on which he set me to work. 
 
 These two printers I found poorly qualified for their 
 business. Bradford had not been bred to it, and was very 
 illiterate ; and Keimer, tho' something of a scholar, was a 
 mere compositor, knowing nothing of presswork. He had 
 been one of the French prophets, and could act their en- 
 thusiastic agitations. At this time he did not profess any 
 particular religion, but something of all on occasion ; was 
 very ignorant of the world, and had, as I afterward found, 
 a good deal of the knave in his composition. He did not 
 like my lodging at Bradford's while I work'd with him. 
 He had a house, indeed, but without furniture, so he could 
 not lodge me ; but he got me a lodging at Mr. Read's, be- 
 fore mentioned, who was the owner of his house ; and, my 
 chest and clothes being come by this time, I made rather 
 a more respectable appearance in the eyes of Miss Read 
 than I had done when she first happen'd to see me eating 
 my roll in the street. 
 
 I began now to have some acquaintance among the 
 young people of the town that were lovers of reading, 
 with whom I spent my evenings very pleasantly ; and 
 gaining money by my industry and frugality, I lived very 
 agreeably, forgetting Boston as much as I could, and not 
 desiring that any there should know where I resided, ex- 
 cept my friend Collins, who was in my secret, and kept it 
 when I wrote to him. At length, an incident happened 
 that sent me back again much sooner than I had intended. 
 I had a brother-in-law, Robert Holmes, master of a sloop 
 that traded between Boston and Delaware. He being at 
 Newcastle, forty miles below Philadelphia, heard there of 
 me, and wrote me a letter mentioning the concern of my 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 29 
 
 friends in Boston at my abrupt departure, assuring me of 
 their good will to me, and that everything would be ac- 
 commodated to my mind if I would return, to which he 
 exhorted me very earnestly. I wrote an answer to his let- 
 ter, thank'd him for his advice, but stated my reasons for 
 quitting Boston fully and in such a light as to convince 
 him I was not so wrong as he had apprehended. 
 
 Sir William Keith, governor of the province, was then 
 at Newcastle, and Captain Holmes, happening to be in 
 company with him when my letter came to hand, spoke 
 to him of me, and show'd him the letter. The governor 
 read it, and seem'd surpris'd when he was told my age. 
 He said I appear'd a young man of promising parts, and 
 therefore should be encouraged ; the printers at Philadel- 
 phia were wretched ones ; and, if I would set up there, he 
 made no doubt I should succeed ; for his part, he would 
 procure me the public business, and do me every other 
 service in his power. This my brother-in-law afterwards 
 told me in Boston, but I knew as yet nothing of it ; when, 
 one day, Keimer and I being at work together near the 
 window, we saw the governor and another gentleman 
 (which proved to be Colonel French, of Newcastle), finely 
 dress'd, come directly across the street to our house, and 
 heard them at the door. 
 
 Keimer ran down immediately, thinking it a visit to 
 him ; but the governor inquir'd for me, came up, and with 
 a condescension and politeness I had been quite unus'd to, 
 made me many compliments, desired to be acquainted 
 with me, blam'd me kindly for not having made myself 
 known to him when I first came to the place, and would 
 have me away with him to the tavern, where he was go- 
 ing with Colonel French to taste, as he said, some excel- 
 lent Madeira. I was not a little surprised, and Keimer 
 star'd like a pig poison'd. I went, however, with the gov- 
 ernor and Colonel French to a tavern, at the corner of 
 Third-street, and over the Madeira he propos'd my set- 
 ting up my business, laid before me the probabilities of 
 
30 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 success, and both he and Colonel French assur'd me I 
 should have their interest and influence in procuring- the 
 public business of both governments. On my doubting 
 whether my father would assist me in it, Sir William said 
 he would give me a letter to him, in which he would state 
 the advantages, and he did not doubt of prevailing with 
 him. So it was concluded I should return to Boston in 
 the first vessel, with the governor's letter recommend- 
 ing me to my father. In the mean time the intention 
 was to be kept a secret, and I went on working with 
 Keimer as usual, the governor sending for me now and 
 then to dine with him, a very great honor I thought it, 
 and conversing with me in the most affable, familiar, and 
 friendly manner imaginable. 
 
 About the end of April, 1724, a little vessel offer'd for 
 Boston. I took leave of Keimer as going to see my 
 friends. The governor gave me an ample letter, saying 
 many flattering things of me to my father, and strongly 
 recommending the project of my setting up at Philadel- 
 phia as a thing that must make my fortune. We struck 
 on a shoal in going down the bay, and sprung a leak ; we 
 had a blustering time at sea, and were oblig'd to pump 
 almost continually, at which I took my turn. We arriv'd 
 safe, however, at Boston in about a fortnight. I had been 
 absent seven months, and my friends had heard nothing 
 of me ; for my br. Holmes was not yet return'd, and had 
 not written about me. My unexpected appearance sur- 
 priz'd the family ; all were, however, very glad to see 
 me, and made me welcome, except my brother. I went 
 to see him at his printing-house. I was better dress'd 
 than ever while in his service, having a genteel new suit 
 from head to foot, a watch, and my pockets lin'd with 
 near five pounds sterling in silver. He receiv'd me not 
 very frankly, look'd me all over, and turn'd to his work 
 again. 
 
 The journeymen were inquisitive where I had been, 
 what sort of a country it was, and how I lik'd it. I 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 31 
 
 prais'd it much, and the happy life I led in it, expressing 
 strongly my intention of returning to it ; and, one of 
 them asking what kind of money we had there, I pro- 
 duc'd a handful of silver, and spread it before them, 
 which was a kind of raree-show they had not been us'd 
 to, paper being the money of Boston. Then I took an 
 opportunity of letting them see my watch ; and, lastly 
 (my brother still grum and sullen), I gave them a piece 
 of eight to drink, and took my leave. This visit of mine 
 offended him extreamly ; for, when my mother some time 
 after spoke to him of a reconciliation, and of her wishes 
 to see us on good terms together, and that we might 
 live for the future as brothers, he said I had insulted 
 him in such a manner before his people that he could 
 never forget or forgive it. In this, however, he was mis- 
 taken. 
 
 My father received the governor's letter with some 
 apparent surprise, but said little of it to me for some 
 days, when Capt. Holmes returning he show'd it to him, 
 ask'd him if he knew Keith, and what kind of man he 
 was; adding his opinion that he must be of small discre- 
 tion to think of setting a boy up in business who wanted 
 yet three years of being at man's estate. Holmes said 
 what he could in favor of the project, but my father was 
 clear in the impropriety of it, and at last gave a flat 
 denial to it. Then he wrote a civil letter to Sir William, 
 thanking him for the patronage he had so kindly offered 
 me, but declining to assist me as yet in setting up, I 
 being, in his opinion, too young to be trusted with the 
 management of a business so important, and for which 
 the preparation must be so expensive. 
 
 My friend and companion Collins, who was a clerk in 
 the post-office, pleas'd with the account I gave him of my 
 new country, determined to go thither also ; and, while I 
 waited for my father's determination, he set out before 
 me by land to Rhode Island, leaving his books, which 
 were a pretty collection of mathematicks and natural 
 
32 FRANKLIN 
 
 philosophy, to come with mine and me to New York, 
 where he propos'd to wait for me. 
 
 My father, tho' he did not approve Sir William's 
 proposition, was yet pleas'd that I had been able to 
 obtain so advantageous a character from a person of 
 such note where I had resided, and that I had been so 
 industrious and careful as to equip myself so handsomely 
 in so short a time ; therefore, seeing no prospect of an 
 accommodation between my brother and me, he gave 
 his consent to my returning again to Philadelphia, ad- 
 vis'd me to behave respectfully to the people there, 
 endeavor to obtain the general esteem, and avoid lam- 
 pooning and libeling, to which he thought I had too 
 much inclination ; telling me, that by steady industry 
 and a prudent parsimony I might save enough by the 
 time I was one-and-twenty to set me up ; and that, if I 
 came near the matter, he would help me out with the 
 rest. This was all I could obtain, except some small 
 gifts as tokens of his and my mother's love, when I 
 embark'd again for New York, now with their approba- 
 tion and their blessing. 
 
 The sloop putting in at Newport, Rhode Island, I 
 visited my brother John, who had been married and set- 
 tled there some years. He received me very affection- 
 ately, for he always lov'd me. A friend of his, one Ver- 
 non, having some money due to him in Pensilvania, about 
 thirty-five pounds currency, desired I would receive it 
 for him, and keep it till I had his directions what to remit 
 it in. Accordingly, he gave me an order. This after- 
 wards occasion'd me a good deal of uneasiness. 
 
 At Newport we took in a number of passengers for 
 New York, among which were two young women, com- 
 panions, and a grave, sensible, matronlike Quaker woman, 
 with her attendants. I had shown an obliging readiness 
 to do her some little services, which impress'd her I sup- 
 pose with a degree of good will toward me ; therefore, 
 when she saw a daily growing familiarity between me 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 33 
 
 and the two young women, which they appear'd to en- 
 courage, she took me aside, and said, " Young man, I am 
 concern'd for thee, as thou has no friend with thee, and 
 seems not to know much of the world, or of the snares 
 youth is expos'd to ; depend upon it, those are very bad 
 women ; I can see it in all their actions ; and if thee art 
 not upon thy guard, they will draw thee into some danger ; 
 they are strangers to thee, and I advise thee, in a friendly 
 concern for thy welfare, to have no acquaintance with 
 them." As I seem'd at first not to think so ill of them as 
 she did, she mentioned some things she had observ'd and 
 heard that had escap'd my notice, but now convinc'd me 
 she was right. I thank'd her for her kind advice, and 
 promis'd to follow it. When we arriv'd at New York, 
 they told me where they liv'd, and invited me to come 
 and see them ; but I avoided it, and it was well I did ; 
 for the next day the captain miss'd a silver spoon and 
 some other things, that had been taken out of his cabbin, 
 and, knowing that these were a couple of strumpets, he 
 got a warrant to search their lodgings, found the stolen 
 goods, and had the thieves punish'd. So, tho' we had 
 escap'd a sunken rock, which we scrap'd upon in the 
 passage, I thought this escape of rather more importance 
 to me. 
 
 At New York I found my friend Collins, who had 
 arriv'd there some time before me. We had been intimate 
 from children, and had read the same books together ; 
 but he had the advantage of more time for reading and 
 studying, and a wonderful genius for mathematical learn- 
 ing, in which he far outstript me. While I liv'd in Bos- 
 ton, most of my hours of leisure for conversation were 
 spent with him, and he continu'd a sober as well as an 
 industrious lad ; was much respected for his learning by 
 several of the clergy and other gentlemen, and seemed to 
 promise making a good figure in life. But, during my 
 absence, he had acquir'd a habit of sotting with brandy ; 
 and I found by his own account, and what I heard from 
 
34 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 others, that he had been drunk every day since his arri- 
 val at New York, and behav'd very oddly. He had 
 gam'd, too, and lost his money, so that I was oblig'd to 
 discharge his lodgings, and defray his expenses to and at 
 Philadelphia, which prov'd extremely inconvenient to me. 
 
 The then governor of New York, Burnet (son of 
 Bishop Burnet), hearing from the captain that a young 
 man, one of his passengers, had a great many books, de- 
 sir'd he would bring me to see him. I waited upon him 
 accordingly, and should have taken Collins with me but 
 that he was not sober. The gov'r. treated me with great 
 civility, show'd me his library, which was a very large 
 one, and we had a good deal of conversation about books 
 and authors. This was the second governor who had 
 done me the honor to take notice of me ; which, to a 
 poor boy like me, was very pleasing. 
 
 We proceeded to Philadelphia. I received on the 
 way Vernon's money, without which we could hardly 
 have finish'd our journey. Collins wished to be employ'd 
 in some counting-house ; but, whether they discover'd his 
 dramming by his breath, or by his behaviour, tho' he had 
 some recommendations, he met with no success in any 
 application, and continu'd lodging and boarding at the 
 same house with me, and at my expense. Knowing I had 
 that money of Vernon's, he was continually borrowing of 
 me, still promising repayment as soon as he should be in 
 business. At length he had got so much of it that I was 
 distress'd to think what I should do in case of being call'd 
 on to remit it. 
 
 His drinking continu'd, about which we sometimes 
 quarrel'd ; for, when a little intoxicated, he was very 
 fractious. Once, in a boat on the Delaware with some 
 other young men, he refused to row in his turn. " I will 
 be row'd home," says he. " We will not row you," says 
 I. "You must, or stay all night on the water," says 
 he, "just as you please." The others said, " Let us row ; 
 what signifies it ? " But, my mind being soured with his 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 35 
 
 other conduct, I continu'd to refuse. So he swore he 
 would make me row, or throw me overboard ; and com- 
 ing along-, stepping on the thwarts, toward me, when he 
 came up and struck at me, I clapped my hand under his 
 crutch, and, rising, pitched him head-foremost into the 
 river. I knew he was a good swimmer, and so was under 
 little concern about him ; but before he could get round 
 to lay hold of the boat, we had with a few strokes puU'd 
 her out of his reach ; and ever when he drew near the 
 boat, we ask'd if he would row, striking a few strokes to 
 slide her away from him. He was ready to die with vexa- 
 tion, and obstinately would not promise to row. How- 
 ever, seeing him at last beginning to tire, we lifted him 
 in and brought him home dripping wet in the evening. 
 We hardly exchang'd a civil word afterwards, and a 
 West India captain, who had a commission to procure a 
 tutor for the sons of a gentleman at Barbadoes, happen- 
 ing to meet with him, agreed to carry him thither. He 
 left me then, promising to remit me the first money he 
 should receive in order to discharge the debt ; but I never 
 heard of him after. 
 
 The breaking into this money of Vernon's was one of 
 the first great errata of my life ; and this affair show'd 
 that my father was not much out in his judgment when 
 he suppos'd me too young to manage business of impor- 
 tance. But Sir William, on reading his letter, said he 
 was too prudent. There was great difference in persons ; 
 and discretion did not always accompany years, nor was 
 youth always without it. "And since he will not set you 
 up," says he, " I will do it myself. Give me an inventory 
 of the things necessary to be had from England, and I 
 will send for them. You shall repay me when you are 
 able ; I am resolv'd to have a good printer here, and I 
 am sure you must succeed." This was spoken with such 
 an appearance of cordiality, that I had not the least doubt 
 of his meaning what he said. I had hitherto kept the 
 proposition of my setting up, a secret in Philadelphia, and 
 
36 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 I still kept it. Had it been known that I depended on 
 the governor, probably some friend, that knew him bet- 
 ter, would have advis'd me not to rely on him, as I after- 
 wards heard it as his known character to be liberal of 
 promises which he never meant to keep. Yet, unsolicited 
 as he was by me, how could I think his generous offers 
 insincere ? I believ'd him one of the best men in the 
 world. 
 
 I presented him an inventory of a little print'g-house, 
 amounting by my computation to about one hundred 
 pounds sterling. He lik'd it, but ask'd me if my being on 
 the spot in England to chuse the types, and see that every 
 thing was good of the kind, might not be of some advan- 
 tage. " Then," says he, " when there, you may make ac- 
 quaintances, and establish correspondences in the book- 
 selling and stationery way." I agreed that this might be 
 advantageous. " Then," says he " get yourself ready to 
 go with Annis ; " which was the annual ship, and the only 
 one at that time usually passing between London and 
 Philadelphia. But it would be some months before An- 
 nis sail'd, so I continu'd working with Keimer, fretting 
 about the money Collins had got from me, and in daily 
 apprehensions of being call'd upon by Vernon, which, 
 however, did not happen for some years after. 
 
 I believe I have omitted mentioning that, in my first 
 voyage from Boston, being becalm'd off Block Island, our 
 people set about catching cod, and hauled up a great 
 many. Hitherto I had stuck to my resolution of not eat- 
 ing animal food, and on this occasion I consider'd, with 
 my master Tryon, the taking every fish as a kind of un- 
 provoked murder, since none of them had, or ever could 
 do us any injury that might justify the slaughter. All 
 this seemed very reasonable. But I had formerly been a 
 great lover of fish, and, when this came hot out of the fry- 
 ing-pan, it smelt admirably well. I balanc'd some time 
 between principle and inclination, till I recollected that, 
 when the fish were opened, I saw smaller fish taken out 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 37 
 
 of their stomachs ; then thought I, " If you eat one an- 
 other, I don't see why we mayn't eat you." So 1 din'd 
 upon cod very heartily, and continued to eat with other 
 people, returning only now and then occasionally to a 
 vegetable diet. So convenient a thing it is to be a reason- 
 able creature, since it enables one to find or make a reason 
 for every thing one has a mind to do. 
 
 Keimer and I liv'd on a pretty good familiar footing, 
 and agreed tolerably well, for he suspected nothing of my 
 setting up. He retained a great deal of his old enthusi- 
 asms and lov'd argumentation. We therefore had many 
 disputations. I used to work him so with my Socratic 
 method, and had trepann'd him so often by questions ap- 
 parently so distant from any point we had in hand, and 
 yet by degrees lead to the point, and brought him into dif- 
 ficulties and contradictions, that at last he grew ridicu- 
 lously cautious, and would hardly answer me the most 
 common question, without asking first, " What do you in- 
 tend to infer from that ?'' However, it gave him so high 
 an opinion of my abilities in the confuting way, that he 
 seriously proposed my being his colleague in a project he 
 had of setting up a new sect. He was to preach the doc- 
 trines, and I was to confound all opponents. When he 
 came to explain with me upon the doctrines, I found sev- 
 eral conundrums which I objected to, unless I might have 
 my way a little too, and introduce some of mine. 
 
 Keimer wore his beard at full length, because some- 
 where in the Mosaic law it is said, " Thou shalt 7wt viar the 
 corners of thy beardy He likewise kept the Seventh day. 
 Sabbath ; and these two points were essentials with him. 
 I dislik'd both ; but agreed to admit them upon condition 
 of his adopting the doctrine of using no animal food. " I 
 doubt," said he, " my constitution will not bear that." I 
 assur'd him it would, and that he would be the better for 
 it. He was usually a great glutton, and I promised my- 
 self some diversion in half starving him. He agreed to 
 try the practice, if I would keep him company. I did so. 
 
38 FRANKLIN 
 
 and wc held it for three months. We had our victuals 
 dress'd, and brought to us regularly by a woman in the 
 neighborhood, who had from me a list of forty dishes, to 
 be prepar'd for us at different times, in all of which there 
 was neither fish, flesh, nor fowl, and the whim suited me 
 the better at this time from the cheapness of it, not cost- 
 ing us above eighteen pence sterling each per week. I 
 have since kept several Lents most strictly, leaving the 
 common diet for that, and that for the common, abruptly, 
 without the least inconvenience, so that I think there is 
 little in the advice of making those changes by easy gra- 
 dations. I went on pleasantly, but poor Keimer suffered 
 grievously, tired of the project, long'd for the flesh-pots 
 of Egypt, and order'd a roast pig. He invited me and 
 two women friends to dine with him ; but, it being 
 brought too soon upon table, he could not resist the 
 temptation, and ate the whole before we came. 
 
 I had made some courtship during this time to Miss 
 Read. I had a great respect and affection for her, and 
 had some reason to believe she had the same for me ; but, 
 as I was about to take a long voyage, and we were both 
 very young, only a little above eighteen, it was thought 
 most prudent by her mother to prevent our going too far 
 at present, as a marriage, if it was to take place, would be 
 more convenient after my return, when I should be, as 
 I expected, set up in my business. Perhaps, too, she 
 thought my expectations not so well founded as I imag- 
 ined them to be. 
 
 My chief acquaintances at this time were Charles 
 Osborne, Joseph Watson, and James Ralph, all lovers 
 of reading. The two first were clerks to an eminent 
 scrivener or conveyancer in the town, Charles Brogden ; 
 the other was clerk to a merchant. Watson was a pious, 
 sensible young man, of great integrity ; the others rather 
 more lax in their principles of religion, particularly 
 Ralph, who, as well as Collins, had been unsettled by 
 me, for which they both made me suffer. Osborne was 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 39 
 
 sensible, candid, frank ; sincere and affectionate to his 
 friends ; but, in literary matters, too fond of criticising. 
 Ralph was ingenious, genteel in his manners, and ex- 
 tremely eloquent ; I think I never knew a prettier talker. 
 Both of them great admirers of poetry, and began to try 
 their hands in little pieces. Many pleasant walks we four 
 had together on Sundays into the woods, near Schuylkill, 
 where we read to one another, and conferr'd on what we 
 read. 
 
 Ralph was inclin'd to pursue the study of poetry, not 
 doubting but he might become eminent in it, and make 
 his fortune by it, alleging that the best poets must, when 
 they first began to write, make as many faults as he did. 
 Osborne dissuaded him, assur'd him he had no genius for 
 poetry, and advis'd him to think of nothing beyond the 
 business he was bred to ; that, in the mercantile way, tho' 
 he had no stock, he might, by his diligence and punctual- 
 ity, recommend himself to employment as a factor, and in 
 time acquire wherewith to trade on his own account. I 
 approv'd the amusing one's self with poetry now and 
 then, so far as to improve one's language, but no farther. 
 
 On this it was propos'd that we should each of us, at 
 our next meeting, produce a piece of our own composing, 
 in order to improve by our mutual observations, criti- 
 cisms, and corrections. As language and expression were 
 what we had in view, we excluded all considerations of 
 invention by agreeing that the task should be a version 
 of the eighteenth Psalm, which describes the descent of a 
 Deity. When the time of our meeting drew nigh, Ralph 
 called on me first, and let me know his piece was ready. 
 I told him I had been busy, and, having little inclination, 
 had done nothing. He then show'd me his piece for my 
 opinion, and I much approv'd it, as it appear'd to me to 
 have great merit. " Now," says he, " Osborne never will 
 allow the least merit in any thing of mine, but makes 1000 
 criticisms out of mere envy. He is not so jealous of you ; 
 I wish, therefore, you would take this piece, and produce 
 
40 FRANKLIN 
 
 it as yours ; I will pretend not to have had time, and so 
 produce nothing. We shall then see what he will say to 
 it." It was agreed, and I immediately transcrib'd it, that 
 it might appear in my own hand. 
 
 We met ; Watson's performance was read ; there were 
 some beauties in it, but many defects. Osborne's was 
 read ; it was much better; Ralph did it justice; remarked 
 some faults, but applauded the beauties. He himself had 
 nothing to produce. I was backward ; seemed desirous 
 of being excused ; had not had sufficient time to correct, 
 etc. ; but no excuse could be admitted ; produce I must. 
 It was read and repeated ; Watson and Osborne gave up 
 the contest, and join'd in applauding it. Ralph only made 
 some criticisms, and propos'd some amendments; but I 
 defended my text. Osborne was against Ralph, and told 
 him he was no better a critic than poet, so he dropt the 
 argument. As they two went home together, Osborne 
 expressed himself still more strongly in favor of what he 
 throught my production ; having restrain'd himself be- 
 fore, as he said, lest I should think it flattery. " But who 
 would have imagin'd," said he, " that Franklin had been 
 capable of such a performance ; such painting, such force, 
 such fire ! He has even improv'd the original. In his 
 common conversation he seems to have no choice of 
 words ; he hesitates and blunders ; and yet, good God ! 
 how he writes!" When we next met, Ralph discovered 
 the trick we had plaid him, and Osborne was a little 
 laught at. 
 
 This transaction fixed Ralph in his resolution of be- 
 coming a poet. I did all I could to dissuade him from it, 
 but he continued scribbling verses till Pope cured him. 
 He became, however, a pretty good prose writer. More 
 of him hereafter. But, as I may not have occasion again 
 to mention the other two, I shall just remark here, that 
 Watson died in my arms a few years after, much lamented, 
 being the best of our set. Osborne went to the West 
 Indies, where he became an eminent lawyer and made 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 4I 
 
 money, but died young. He and I had made a serious 
 agreement, that the one who happen'd first to die should, 
 if possible, make a friendly visit to the other, and acquaint 
 him how he found things in that separate state. But he 
 never fulfill'd his promise. 
 
 The governor, seeming to like my company, had me 
 frequently to his house, and his setting me up was always 
 mention'd as a fixed thing. I was to take with me letters 
 recommendatory to a number of his friends, besides the 
 letter of credit to furnish me with the necessary money 
 for purchasing the press and types, paper, etc. For these 
 letters I was appointed to call at different times, when 
 they were to be ready ; but a future time was still named. 
 Thus he went on till the ship, whose departure too had 
 been several times postponed, was on the point of sailing. 
 Then, when I call'd to take my leave and receive the let- 
 ters, his secretary. Dr. Bard, came out to me and said the 
 governor was extremely busy in writing, but would be 
 down at Newcastle before the ship, and there the letters 
 would be delivered to me. 
 
 Ralph, though married, and having one child, had de- 
 termined to accompany me in this voyage. It was thought 
 he intended to establish a correspondence, and obtain 
 goods to sell on commission ; but I found afterwards, 
 that, thro' some discontent with his wife's relations, he 
 purposed to leave her on their hands, and never return 
 again. Having taken leave of my friends, and interchang'd 
 some promises with Miss Read, I left Philadelphia in the 
 ship, which anchor'd at Newcastle. The governor was 
 there ; but when I went to his lodging, the secretary came 
 to me from him with the civillest message in the world, 
 that he could not then see me, being engaged in business 
 of the utmost importance, but should send the letters to 
 me on board, wish'd me heartily a good voyage and a 
 speedy return, etc. I returned on board a little puzzled, 
 but still not doubting. 
 
 Mr. Andrew Hamilton, a famous lawyer of Philadel- 
 
42 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 phia, had taken passage in the same ship for himself and 
 son, and with Mr. Denham, a Quaker merchant, and 
 Messrs. Onion and Russel, masters of an iron work in 
 Maryland, had engag-'d the great cabin ; so that Ralph 
 and I were forced to take up with a berth in the steerage, 
 and none on board knowing us, were considered as ordi- 
 nary persons. But Mr, Hamilton and his son (it was James, 
 since governor) return'd from Newcastle to Philadelphia, 
 the father being recall'd by a great fee to plead for a 
 seized ship ; and, just before we sail'd, Colonel French 
 coming on board, and showing me great respect, I w^as 
 more taken notice of, and, with my friend Ralph, invited 
 by the other gentlemen to come into the cabin, there be- 
 ing now room. Accordingly, we remov'd thither. 
 
 Understanding that Colonel French had brought on 
 board the governor's despatches, I ask'd the captain for 
 those letters that were to be under my care. He said all 
 were put into the bag together and he could not then 
 come at them ; but, before we landed in England, 1 should 
 have an opportunity of picking them out ; so I was satis- 
 fied for the present, and we proceeded on our voyage. 
 We had a sociable company in the cabin, and lived 
 uncommonly well, having the addition of all Mr. Ham- 
 ilton's stores, who had laid in plentifully. In this passage 
 Mr. Denham contracted a friendship for me that con- 
 tinued during his life. The voyage was otherwise not 
 a pleasant one, as we had a great deal of bad weather. 
 
 When we came into the Channel, the captain kept his 
 word with me, and gave me an opportunit}^ of examining 
 the bag for the governor's letters. I found none upon 
 which my name was put as under my care. I picked out 
 six or seven, that, by the handwriting, I thought might 
 be the promised letters, especially as one of them was 
 directed to Basket, the king's printer, and another to 
 some stationer. We arriv'd in London the 24th of De- 
 cember, 1724. I waited upon the stationer, who came 
 first in my way, delivering the letter as from Governor 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 43 
 
 Keith. " I don't know such a person," says he ; but, 
 opening the letter, " O ! this is from Riddlcsden. I have 
 lately found him to be a compleat rascal, and I will have 
 nothing to do with him, nor receive any letters from 
 him." So, putting the letter into my hand, he turn'd on 
 his heel and left me to serve some customer. I was sur- 
 prized to find these were not the governor's letters; and, 
 after recollecting and comparing circumstances, I began 
 to doubt his sincerity. I found my friend Denham, and 
 opened the whole affair to him. He let me into Keith's 
 character ; told me there was not the least probability 
 that he had written any letters for me; that no one, who 
 knew him, had the smallest dependence on him ; and he 
 laught at the notion of the governor's giving me a letter 
 of credit, having, as he said, no credit to give. On my 
 expressing some concern about what I should do, he ad- 
 vised me to endeavor getting some employment in the 
 way of my business. "Among the printers here," said 
 he, "you will improve yourself, and when you return to 
 America, you will set up to greater advantage." 
 
 We both of us happen'd to know, as well as the sta- 
 tioner, that Riddlesden, the attorney, was a very knave. 
 He had half ruin'd Miss Read's father by persuading him 
 to be bound for him. By this letter it appear'd there was 
 a secret scheme on foot to the prejudice of Hamilton 
 (suppos'd to be then coming over with us); and that 
 Keith was concerned in it with Riddlesden. Denham, 
 who was a friend of Hamilton's, thought he ought to be 
 acquainted with it; so, when he arriv'd in England, which 
 was soon after, partly from resentment and ill-will to Keith 
 and Riddlesden, and partly from good-will to him, I waited 
 on him, and gave him the letter. He thank'd me cordially, 
 the information being of importance to him ; and from that 
 time he became my friend, greatly to my advantage after- 
 wards on many occasions. 
 
 But what shall we think of a governor's playing such 
 pitiful tricks, and imposing so grossly on a poor ignorant 
 
44 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 boy ! It was a habit he had acquired. He wish'd to 
 please everybody; and, having little to give, he gave ex- 
 pectations. He was otherwise an ingenious, sensible man, 
 a pretty good writer, and a good governor for the people, 
 tho' not for his constituents, the proprietaries, whose in- 
 structions he sometimes disregarded. Several of our best 
 laws were of his planning and passed during his adminis- 
 tration. 
 
 Ralph and I were inseparable companions. We took 
 lodgings together in Little Britain at three shillings and 
 sixpence a week — as much as we could then afford. He 
 found some relations, but they were poor, and unable to 
 assist him. He now let me know his intentions of remain- 
 ing in London, and that he never meant to return to Phila- 
 dcl[>hia. He had brought no money with him, the whole 
 he could muster having been expended in paying his pas- 
 sage. I had fifteen pistoles ; so he borrowed occasionally 
 of me to subsist, while he was looking out for business. 
 He first endeavored to get into the playhouse, believing 
 himself qualify'd for an actor ; but Wilkes, to whom he 
 apply 'd,advis'd him candidly not to think of that employ- 
 ment, as it was impossible he should succeed in it. Then 
 he propos'd to Roberts, a publisher in Paternoster Row, 
 to write for him a weekly paper like the •' Spectator," 
 on certain conditions, which Roberts did not approve. 
 Then he endeavored to get employment as a hackney 
 writer, to copy for the stationers and lawyers about the 
 Temple, but could find no vacancy. 
 
 1 immediately got into work at Palmer's, then a famous 
 printing-house in Bartholomew Close, and here I continu'd 
 near a year. I was pretty diligent, but spent with Ralph 
 a good tleal of my earnings in going to plays and other 
 places of amusement. We had together consumed all my 
 pistoles, and now just rubbed on from hand to mouth. 
 He seem'd quite to forget his wife and child, and I, by 
 degrees, my engagements with Miss Read, to whom I 
 never wrote more than one letter, and that was to let her 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 45 
 
 know I was not likely soon to return. This was another 
 of the great errata of my life, which I should wish to cor- 
 rect if I were to live it over again. In fact, by our ex- 
 penses, I was constantly kept unable to pay my passage. 
 
 At Palmer's I was employed in composing for the sec- 
 ond edition of WoUaston's " Religion of Nature." Some 
 of his reasonings not appearing to me well founded, I 
 wrote a little metaphysical piece in which I made remarks 
 on them. It was entitled " A Dissertation on Liberty and 
 Necessity, Pleasure and Pain." I inscribed it to my friend 
 Ralph ; I printed a small number. Itoccasion'd my being 
 more consider'd by Mr. Palmer as a young man of some 
 ingenuity, tho' he seriously expostulated with me upon the 
 principles of my pamphlet, which to him appcar'd abomi- 
 nable. My printing this pamphlet was another erratum.' 
 While I lodg'd in Little Britain, I made an acquaintance 
 with one Wilcox, a bookseller, whose shop was at the next 
 door. He had an immense collection of second-hand books. 
 Circulating libraries were not then in use ; but we agreed 
 that, on certain reasonable terms, which I have now for- 
 gotten, I might take, read, and return any of his books. 
 This I esteem'd a great advantage, and I made as much 
 use of it as I could. 
 
 My pamphlet by some means falling into the hands of 
 one Lyons, a surgeon, author of a book entitled " The 
 Infallibility of Human Judgment," it occasioned an ac- 
 quaintance between us. He took great notice of me, 
 called on me often to converse on those subjects, carried 
 
 me to the Horns, a pale alehouse in Lane, Cheapside, 
 
 and introduced me to Dr. Mandeville, author of the " Fable 
 of the Bees," who had a club there, of which he was the 
 soul, being a most facetious, entertaining companion. 
 Lyons, too, introduced me to Dr. Pemberton, at Batson's 
 Coffee-house, who promis'd to give me an opportunity, 
 
 ' NoTB. — This anonymous pamphlet of 32 pages appeared at London 
 in 1725. An edition of it was printed in Dublin in 1733. Both are in the 
 Library of Congress. — A. R. S. 
 
46 FRANKLIN 
 
 some time or other, of seeing Sir Isaac Newton, of which 
 I was extreamely desirous ; but this never happened. 
 
 I had brought over a few curiosities, among which the 
 principal was a purse made of the asbestos, which purifies 
 by fire. Sir Hans Sloane heard of it, came to see me, and 
 invited me to his house in Bloomsbury Square, where he 
 show'd me all his curiosities, and persuaded me to let him 
 add that to the number, for which he paid me hand- 
 somely. 
 
 In our house there lodg'd a young woman, a milliner, 
 who, I think, had a shop in the Cloisters. She had been 
 genteelly bred, was sensible and lively, and of most pleas- 
 ing conversation. Ralph read plays to her in the even- 
 ings, they grew intimate, she took another lodging, and 
 he followed her. They liv'd together some time ; but, he 
 being still out of busmess, and her income not sufficient to 
 maintain them with her child, he took a resolution of going 
 from London, to try for a country school, which he thought 
 himself well qualified to undertake, as he wrote an excel- 
 lent hand, and was a master of arithmetic and accounts. 
 This, however, he deemed a business below him, and con- 
 fident of future better fortune, when he should be unwill- 
 ing to have it known that he once was so meanly em- 
 ployed, he changed his name, and did me the honor to 
 assume mine ; for I soon after had a letter from him, 
 acquainting me that he was settled in a small village (in 
 Berkshire, I think it was, where he taught reading and 
 writing to ten or a dozen boys, at sixpence each per week), 
 
 recommending Mrs. T to my care, and desiring me to 
 
 write to him, directing for Mr. Franklin, schoolmaster, at 
 such a place. 
 
 He continued to write frequently, sending me large 
 specimens of an epic poem which he was then composing, 
 and desiring my remarks and corrections. These I gave 
 him from time to time, but endeavor'd rather to discour- 
 age his proceeding. One of Young's " Satires " was then 
 just published. I copy'd and sent him a great part of it, 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 47 
 
 which set in a strong light the folly of pursuing the 
 Muses with any hope of advancement by them. All was 
 in vain ; sheets of the poem continued to come by every 
 
 post. In the mean time, Mrs. T , having on his account 
 
 lost her friends and business, was often in distresses, and 
 us'd to send for mc, and borrow what I could spare to 
 help her out of them. I grew fond of her company, and, 
 being at that time under no religious restraint, and presum- 
 ing upon my importance to her, I attempted familiarities 
 (another erratum) which she repuls'd with a proper resent- 
 ment, and acquainted him with my behaviour. This made 
 a breach between us ; and, when he returned again to Lon- 
 don, he let me know he thought I had cancell'd all the 
 obligations he had been under to me. So I found I was 
 never to expect his re[)aying me what I lent to him, or 
 advanc'd for him. This, however, was not then of much 
 consequence, as he was totally unable ; and in the loss of 
 his friendship I found myself relieved from a burthen. I 
 now began to think of getting a little money beforehand, 
 and, expecting better work, I left Palmer's to work at 
 Watts's, near Lincoln's Inn Fields, a still greater print- 
 ing-house. Here I continued all the rest of my stay in 
 London. 
 
 At my first admission into this printing-house I took 
 to working at press, imagining I felt a want of the b(jdily 
 exercise I had been us'd to in America, where presswork 
 is mix'd with composing. I drank only water ; the other 
 workmen, near fifty in number, were great guzzlers of 
 beer. On occasion, I carried up and down stairs a large 
 form of types in each hand, when others carried but one 
 in both hands. They wondered to see, from this and 
 several instances, that the Water- American, as they called 
 me, was stronger than themselves, who drank strong beer ! 
 We had an alehouse boy who attended always in the 
 house to supply the workmen. My companion at the 
 press drank every day a pint before breakfast, a pint at 
 breakfast with his bread and cheese, a pint between 
 
48 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 breakfast and dinner, a pint at dinner, a pint in the after- 
 noon about six o'clock, and another when he had done his 
 day's work. I thought it a detestable custom ; but it was 
 necessary, he suppos'd, to drink strong beer, that he 
 might be strong to labor. I endeavored to convince him 
 that the bodily strength afforded by beer could only be 
 in proportion to the grain or flour of the barley dis- 
 solved in the water of which it was made ; that there was 
 more flour in a pennyworth of bread ; and therefore, if 
 he would eat that with a pint of water, it would give him 
 more strength than a quart of beer. He drank on, how- 
 ever, and had four or five shillings to pay out of his 
 wages every Saturday night for that muddling liquor; an 
 expense I was free from. And thus these poor devils 
 keep themselves always under. 
 
 Watts, after some weeks, desiring to have me in the 
 composing-room, I left the pressmen; a new bien venu or 
 sum for drink, being five shillings, was demanded of me 
 by the compositors. I thought it an imposition, as I had 
 paid below ; the master thought so too, and forbad my 
 paying it. I stood out two or three weeks, was accord- 
 ingly considered as an excommunicate, and had so many 
 little pieces of private mischief done me, by mixing my 
 sorts, transposing my pages, breaking my matter, etc., 
 etc., if I were ever so little out of the room, and all as- 
 cribed to the chappel ghost, which they said ever haunted 
 those not regularly admitted, that, notwithstanding the 
 master's protection, I found myself oblig'd to comply and 
 pay the money, convinc'd of the folly of being on ill 
 terms with those one is to live with continually. 
 
 I was now on a fair footing with them, and soon ac- 
 quir'd considerable influence. I propos'd some reason- 
 able alterations in their chappel laws, and carried them 
 against all opposition. From my example, a great part 
 of them left their muddling breakfast of beer, and bread, 
 and cheese, finding they could with me be supply'd from 
 a neighboring house with a large porringer of hot water- 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 49 
 
 gruel, sprinkled with pepper, crumb'd with bread, and a 
 bit of butter in it, for the price of a pint of beer, viz., three 
 half-pence. This was a more comfortable as well as 
 cheaper breakfast, and kept their heads clearer. Those 
 who continued sotting with beer all day, were often, by 
 not paying, out of credit at the alehouse, and us'd to make 
 interest with me to get beer ; their light, as they phrased 
 it, being out. 1 watch'd the pay-table on Saturday night, 
 and collected what I stood engag'd for them, having to 
 pay sometimes near thirty shillings a week on their 
 accounts. This, and my being esteem'd a pretty good 
 riggite, that is, a jocular verbal satirist, supported my 
 consequence in the society. My constant attendance (I 
 never making a St. Monday) recommended me to the 
 master ; and my uncommon quickness at composing oc- 
 casioned my being put upon all work of dispatch, which 
 was generally better paid. So I went on now very 
 agreeably. 
 
 My lodging in Little Britain being too remote, I 
 found another in Duke-street, opposite to the Romish 
 Chapel. It was two pair of stairs backwards, at an Italian 
 warehouse. A widow lady kept the house ; she had a 
 daughter, and a maid servant, and a journeyman who at- 
 tended the warehouse, but lodg'd abroad. After sending 
 to inquire my character at the house where I last lodg'd, 
 she agreed to take me in at the same rate, 3s. 6d. per week ; 
 cheaper, as she said, from the protection she expected in 
 having a man lodge in the house. She was a widow, an 
 elderly woman ; had been bred a Protestant, being a 
 clergyman's daughter, but was converted to the Catholic 
 religion by her husband, whose memory she much re- 
 vered ; had lived much among people of distinction, and 
 knew a thousand anecdotes of them as far back as the 
 times of Charles the Second. She was lame in her knees 
 with the gout, and, therefore, seldom stirred out of her 
 room, so sometimes wanted company ; and hers was so 
 
 highly amusing to me, that I was sure to spend an even- 
 4 
 
50 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 ing with her whenever she desired it. Our supper was 
 only half an anchovy each, on a very little strip of bread 
 and butter, and half a pint of ale between us ; but the 
 entertainment was in her conversation. My always keep- 
 ing- good hours, and giving little trouble in the family, 
 made her unwilling to part with me ; so that, when I 
 talk'd of a lodging I had heard of, nearer my business, for 
 two shillings a week, which, intent as I now was on sav- 
 ing money, made some difference, she bid me not think 
 of it, for she would abate me two shillings a week for the 
 future ; so I remained with her at one shilling and six- 
 pence as long as I staid in London. 
 
 In a garret of her house there lived a maiden lady of 
 seventy, in the most retired manner, of whom my land- 
 lady gave me this account : that she was a Roman Catho- 
 lic, had been sent abroad when young, and lodg'd in a 
 nunnery with an intent of becoming a nun ; but, the 
 country not agreeing with her, she returned to England, 
 where, there being no nunnery, she had vow'd to lead the 
 life of a nun, as near as might be done in those circum- 
 stances. Accordingly, she had given all her estate to 
 charitable uses, reserving only twelve pounds a year to 
 live on, and out of this sum she still gave a great deal in 
 charity, living herself on water-gruel only, and using no 
 fire but to boil it. She had lived many years in that 
 garret, being permitted to remain there gratis by succes- 
 sive Catholic tenants of the house below, as they deemed 
 it ;a blessing to have her there. A priest visited her to 
 confess her every day. " I have ask'd her," says my 
 landlady, " how she, as she liv'd, could possibly find so 
 much employment for a confessor?" "Oh," said she, 
 " it is impossible to avoid vain tho7ights." I was permitted 
 once to visit her. She was cheerful and polite, and con- 
 vers'd pleasantly. The room was clean, but had no other 
 furniture than a matras, a table with a crucifix and book, 
 a stool which she gave me to sit on, and a picture over the 
 chimney of Saint Veronica displa3nng her handkerchief, 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 5 1 
 
 with the miraculous figure of Christ's bleeding face on 
 it, which she explained to me with great seriousness. 
 She look'd pale, but was never sick ; and I give it as an- 
 other instance on how small an income life and health 
 may be supported. 
 
 At Watts's printing-house I contracted an acquaint- 
 ance with an ingenious young man, one Wygate, who, 
 having wealthy relations, had been better educated than 
 most printers ; was a tolerable Latinist, spoke French, 
 and lov'd reading. I taught him and a friend of his to 
 swim at twice going into the river, and they soon became 
 good swimmers. They introduc'd me to some gentlemen 
 from the country, who went to Chelsea by water to see 
 the College and Don Saltero's curiosities. In our return, 
 at the request of the company, whose curiosity Wygate 
 had excited, I stripped and leaped into the river, and 
 swam from near Chelsea to Blackfryar's, performing on 
 the way many feats of activity, both upon and under 
 water, that surpris'd and pleas'd those to whom they 
 were novelties. 
 
 I had from a child been ever delighted with this exer- 
 cise, had studied and practis'd all Thevenot's motions and 
 positions, added some of my own, aiming at the graceful 
 and easy as well as the useful. All these I took this occa- 
 sion of exhibiting to the company, and was much flatter'd 
 by their admiration ; and Wygate, who was desirous of 
 becoming a master, grew more and more attach'd to me 
 on that account, as well as from the similarity of our 
 studies. He at length proposed to me travelling all over 
 Europe together, supporting ourselves everywhere by 
 working at our business. I was once inclined to it ; but, 
 mentioning it to my good friend Mr. Denham, with 
 whom I often spent an hour when I had leisure, he dis- 
 suaded me from it, advising me to think only of returning 
 to Pennsilvania, which he was now about to do. 
 
 I must record one trait of this good man's character. 
 He had formerly been in business at Bristol, but failed in 
 
52 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 debt to a number of people, compounded and went to 
 America. There, by a close application to business as a 
 merchant, he acquir'd a plentiful fortune in a few years. 
 Returninj:^ to England in the ship with me, he invited his 
 old creditors to an entertainment, at which he thank'd 
 them for the easy composition they had favored him 
 with, and, when they expected nothing but the treat, 
 every man at the first remove found under his plate an 
 order on a banker for the full amount of the unpaid 
 remainder with interest. 
 
 He now told me he was about to return to Philadel- 
 phia, and should carry over a great quantity of goods in 
 order to open a store there. He propos'd to take me 
 over as his clerk, to keep his books, in which he would 
 instruct me, copy his letters, and attend the store. He 
 added, that, as soon as 1 should be acquainted with mer- 
 cantile business, he would promote me by sending me 
 with a cargo of flour and bread, etc., to the West Indies, 
 and procure me commissions from others which would be 
 profitable ; and, if I manag'd well, would establish me 
 handsomely. The thing plcas'd me ; for I was grown 
 tired of London, remembered with pleasure the happy 
 months I had spent in Pennsylvania, and wish'd again to 
 see it ; therefore I immediately agreed on the terms of 
 fifty pounds a year, Pennsylvania money ; less, indeed, 
 than mv present gettings as a compositor, but affording 
 a better prospect. 
 
 I now took leave of printing, as I thought, for ever, 
 and was daily cmploy'd in ni}' new business, going about 
 with Mr. Denham among the tradesmen to purchase vari- 
 ous articles, and seeing them pack'd up, doing errands, 
 calling upon workmen to dispatch, etc.; and, when all 
 was on board, I had a few days' leisure. On one of these 
 days, I was, to my surprise, sent for by a great man I 
 knew only by name, a Sir William Wyndham, and I 
 waited upon him. He had heard by some means or 
 other of my swimming from Chelsea to Blackfriar's, and 
 
AUTOI5IOGRAPHY 53 
 
 of my teaching Wygatc and another young- man to swim 
 in a few hours. lie had two sons, about to set out on 
 their travels ; he wish'd to have them hrst taught swim- 
 ming, and proposed to gratify me handsomely if I would 
 teach them. They were not yet come to town, and my 
 stay was uncertain, so I could not undertake it; but, from 
 this incident, 1 thought it likely that, if I were to remain 
 in England and open a swimming-school, I might get a 
 good deal of money ; and it struck me so strongly, that, 
 had the overture been sooner made me, probably I should 
 not so soon have returned to America. After many years, 
 you and I had something of more importance to do with 
 one of these sons of vSir William Wyndham, become Earl 
 of Egremont, which I shall mention in its place. 
 
 Thus I spent about eighteen months in London ; most 
 part of the time I work'd hard at my business, and spent 
 but little upon myself except in seeing plays and in books. 
 My friend Ralj)h had kept rnc poor ; he owed me about 
 twenty-seven pounds, which I was now never likely to 
 receive; a great sum out of my small earnings! I lov'd 
 him, notwithstanding, for he had many amiable qualities. 
 I had by no means improv'd my fortune; but I had 
 picked up some very ingenious acquaintance, whose 
 conversation was of great advantage to me ; and I had 
 read considerably. 
 
 We sail'd from Gravesend on the 23d of July, 1726. 
 For the incidents of the voyage, I refer you to my Jour- 
 nal, where you will find them all minutely related, f^er- 
 haps the most important part of that journal is \k\c plan to 
 be found in it, which I formed at sea, for regulating my 
 future conduct in life. It is the more remarkable, as being 
 formed when I was so young, and yet being pretty faith- 
 fully adhered to quite thro' to old age. 
 
 We landed in I^hiladelphia on the nth of October, 
 where I found sundry alterations. Keith was no longer 
 governor, being superseded by Major Gordon. I met 
 him walking the streets as a common citizen. He seem'd 
 
54 FRANKLIN 
 
 a little asham'd at seeing me, but pass'd without saying 
 any thing. I should have been as much asham'd at seeing 
 Miss Read, had not her friends, despairing with reason of 
 my return after the receipt of my letter, persuaded her to 
 marry another, one Rogers, a potter, which was done in 
 my absence. With him, however, she was never happy 
 and soon parted from him, refusing to cohabit with him 
 or bear his name, it being now said that he had another 
 wife. He was a worthless fellow, tho' an excellent work- 
 man, which was the temptation to her friends. He got 
 into debt, ran away in 1727 or 1728, went to the West 
 Indies, and died there. Keimer had got a better house, a 
 shop well supply 'd with stationery, plenty of new types, 
 a number of hands, tho' none good, and seem'd to have 
 a great deal of business. 
 
 Mr. Denham took a store in Water-street, where we 
 open'd our goods ; I attended the business diligently, 
 studied accounts, and grew, in a little time, expert at 
 selling. We lodg'd and boarded together ; he counsell'd 
 me as a father, having a sincere regard for me. I re- 
 spected and lov'd him, and we might have gone on to- 
 gether very happy ; but, in the beginning of February, 
 172^-, when I had just pass'd my twenty-first year, we both 
 were taken ill. My distemper was a pleurisy, which very 
 nearly carried me off. I suffered a good deal, gave up 
 the point in my own mind, and was rather disappointed 
 when I found myself recovering, regretting, in some de- 
 gree, that I must now, some time or other, have all that 
 disagreeable work to do over again. I forget what his 
 distemper was ; it held him a long time, and at length 
 carried him off. He left me a small legacy in a nuncupa- 
 tive will, as a token of his kindness for me, and he left me 
 once more to the wide world ; for the store was taken 
 into the care of his executors, and my employment under 
 him ended. 
 
 My brother-in-law, Holmes, being now at Philadelphia, 
 advised my return to my business ; and Keimer tempted 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 55 
 
 me, with an offer of large wages by the year, to come and 
 take the management of his printing-house, that he might 
 better attend his stationer's shop. I had heard a bad 
 character of him in London from his wife and her friends, 
 and was not fond of having any more to do with him. I 
 tri'd for farther employment as a merchant's clerk ; but, 
 not readily meeting with any, I clos'd again with Keimer. 
 I found in his house these hands: Hugh Meredith, a 
 Welsh Pensilvanian, thirty years of age, bred to country 
 work ; honest, sensible, had a great deal of solid obser- 
 vation, was something of a reader, but given to drink. 
 Stephen Potts, a young countryman of full age, bred to 
 the same, of uncommon natural parts, and great wit and 
 humor, but a little idle. These he had agreed with at ex- 
 tream low wages per week, to be rais'd a shilling every 
 three months, as they would deserve by improving in 
 their business ; and the expectation of these high wages, 
 to come on hereafter, was what he had drawn them in 
 with. Meredith was to work at press. Potts at book- 
 binding, which he, by agreement, was to teach them, 
 
 though he knew neither one nor t'other. John , a 
 
 wild Irishman, brought up to no business, whose service, 
 for four years, Keimer had purchased from the captain 
 of a ship ; he, too, was to be made a pressman. George 
 Webb, an Oxford scholar, whose time for four years he 
 had likewise bought, intending him for a compositor, of 
 whom more presently ; and David Harry, a country boy, 
 whom he had taken apprentice. 
 
 I soon perceiv'd that the intention of engaging me at 
 wages so much higher than he had been us'd to give, was, 
 to have these raw, cheap hands form'd thro' me ; and, as 
 soon as I had instructed them, then they being all articled 
 to him, he should be able to do without me. I went on, 
 however, very cheerfuly, put his printing-house in order, 
 which had been in great confusion, and brought his hands 
 by degrees to mind their business and to do it better. 
 
 It was an odd thing to find an Oxford scholar in the 
 
s^> 
 
 IKANKl.lN 
 
 sitii;itiou ol a hoiij'lil ju'ivanl. lie was no! nioic (liau 
 rif^ljlccii ycaisol aj;c, and «;av(' luc ( his arc oiiiil <>l liim- 
 Sfll : (hat \\c was boiii in Ciloucfslcr', ('duoatcil at a 
 jj^tatmnaf school there, had been distiiii'iiishM ainonjj^ llic 
 sehnlais loi some appai cnt supeiioiitv in [ici lot I'.iiii}^' his 
 pail, when they e\liil>iled i>lavs ; helonj^M lo the Witty 
 ('hil) there, and had wiitteu some pieces in prose and 
 veise, \vhi( li weie pi inted in the ( ili ineestei iiewspajx"! s ; 
 theme he was sent to ()xlord; wlien' he continued al)c)ut 
 a year, hut not well satisli'd, wishini;- ot all ♦hinj;s to see 
 I .niidon. and ix'come a playei. At len;;(h, receivim; his 
 (jnaileily allowance ol lilleen {Miineas, insleacl ol disi:hari;"- 
 ini' his debts he walU'd out ot town, hiil his rown in a 
 lui/e bush, and tooted it to London, wheie, haviui; no 
 Iriend to advise him, Uc IcW into bad lompany, soon spent 
 l»is <;iiineas, loiu\d no means ol bein;^ intiodnc'd am(>n!; ihe 
 players, s'K'w nei-essitous, pawn'd his cU)alhs, and wanted 
 biead. \\'allvii\_i; the street very huni;iy,and not knowinj;- 
 what to i\o with himsell, a cMinip's bill was jnit into his 
 hand, olT(Mini>. immediate entertainment and eiuonia:;e- 
 mcnt to such as \vt>uld bind th(Mjjselvc"s to seiye in Amef- 
 ii a. I le went diicctly, si'vn'd the indentui'cs, was put into 
 I lie ship, ami came o\rv, nevei- wiitin*;' a liiu* io ai'(]uaint 
 his liiends what was become oi him. lie was liyely, 
 witty, ivood natui 'd, ami a pleasant companion, but idle, 
 thou!;htless. antl imptndent to the last di'j;i("e. 
 
 John, thi' liislunan, soon ran awa\ ; with the test 1 
 be;;an to live vei y a^iceably, lor they all fespi>eteil me 
 the more, as tlu^y loimd Keimet" incai>abU* c>l instinctim;- 
 them, anil that lii>m me they learned soniethiniV daily. 
 We i\eviM- worked on S.itniilay, that bein>^ Kcmuum's Sab- 
 bath, so I hail two days loi" readinj;. My acquaintance 
 with inr,ei\ious people in the town incfe.ised. Ki-imcM' him- 
 sell tie.ited me with i;a-eat I'iyilitv and appaitMit ic\^aid, 
 and nothing; now made me uneasy but my debt to Wmhou, 
 which 1 was yet unable to y.xy, beinj; hitheito but a poor 
 U'conomist. lie, howc'vei', kindly m.uli" no dcmani.1 ol it. 
 
AIJI'OI'.IOCIMI'IIY 
 
 "^7 
 
 ()in' ]>riii(iii<;' lioMS(! oflcn wiiiitcd soils, ;in<I llicifr was 
 IK) Id Ici lomidci ill Ainciica; I had scctii lypcs cast Jit 
 jaiiics's ill London, Uiil vvil.hoiit. iiiiicli aMctilioii to the 
 rnaiiiKU" ; however, I now ccjntiivcd a mould, made use of 
 I he icirers vv(' had as |)iiM(;he()iis, si i nek Ihe maliices in 
 had, and thus snj»i)ly'd in a j)r(;Hy toleiahie way all de- 
 licienci(;s. I also ciif^rav'd several lhiii<^s on occasion ; I 
 made Ihe ink; I was warehouseman, and evei y I hiii;;, and, 
 in shorl, (|itil(; a laotoliiin. 
 
 IJul, however serviceahh- I mijdil he, I loiind thai my 
 S(;rvic("S hecaiiM^ every day ol less iiii|)oi I.iik e, as the 
 olliei' hands improv'd in ihe hnsiness; and, when Keinier 
 paid my second (|iiarlei's wajMS, Ik- I<-I hk; know Ihal he 
 jell, them loo heavy, and thoiij-hl I should make an ahale- 
 njcnt. lie jj^rew by dcf^'ices le ,■, ( ivil, |mi1 on more ol 
 the masler, fre(ju<:nlly lonnd lanll, was (aplions, and 
 SCtMii'd icady lor an oiil hi eal:iii;;. I w<iil on, nevei t he- 
 less, will) a j^ood deal ol palieiice, Ihinkiii}', that his en- 
 cninher'cJ eircninstances were; partly the eans(^ At 
 lenp^th a trifle snajjt onr conneclions ; ioi, a \:^vv.\\V noise 
 happeniiifj^ iKs'ir Ihe courthouse, I put my head out of (he 
 window to se(; what was llu* mailer. Keimer, heini^ in 
 the street, look'd up and saw hk:, eall'd onl lo me in a 
 loud voice and an}.;ry Ioik; to mind my hn .iness, addinjr 
 some reproachful words, that nellled ww. the more lor 
 their puhlicily, all the neifjhhors who weie lookiujj^ out 
 on I Ik- same occasion, hein^ witnesses how I was treated, 
 lie came up imfu(;dialely into the pi intiii"^ house, con- 
 linu'd IIk; (piarr<rl, hi;^h words [)ass'd uw hoih sides, he 
 J.^lve Jiie the rpiai lei's warning; we had si i|tiilaled, express- 
 ing^ a wish thai, he h.ad not been olili}_;'(l to so lonj^ a warn- 
 inj2^. I tf)ld him his wish was unnecessary, for I would 
 leave him I hat inst.ant; and so, t.akin;^^ my hat, walk'd out 
 of doors, desiriuf.^ Mer<;dilh, whom I saw below, lo lake 
 care of some things I left, and brin^ them to my lodg- 
 ings. 
 
 Meredith came accordliijdy in the eveninj;, when we 
 
58 FRANKLIN 
 
 talked my affair over. He had conceiv'd a great regard 
 for me, and was very unwilling that I should leave the 
 house while he remain'd in it. He dissuaded me from 
 returning to my native country, which I began to think 
 of ; he reminded me that Kcimer was in debt for all he 
 possess'd ; that his creditors began to be uneasy ; that he 
 kept his shop miserably, sold often without profit for 
 ready money, and often trusted without keeping ac- 
 counts ; that he must therefore fail, which would make 
 a vacancy I might profit of. I objected my want of 
 money. He then let me know that his father had a 
 high opinion of me, and, from some discourse that had 
 pass'd between them, he was sure would advance money 
 to set us up, if I would enter into partnership with 
 him. '* My time," sa3's he, " will be out with Keimer in 
 the spring ; by that time we may have our press and 
 types in from London. I am sensible I am no workman ; 
 if you like it, your skill in the business shall be set 
 against the stock 1 furnish, and we will share the profits 
 equally." 
 
 The proposal was agreeable, and I consented ; his 
 father was in town and approv'd of it ; the more as he 
 saw I had great influence with his son, had prevail'd on 
 him to abstain long from dram-drinking, and he hop'd 
 might break him of that wretched habit entirely, when 
 we came to be so closely connected. I gave an inventory 
 to the father, who carry *d it to a merchant ; the things 
 were sent for, the secret was to be kept till they should 
 arrive, and in the mean time I was to get work, if I could, 
 at the other printing-house. But I found no vacancy 
 there, and so remain'd idle a few days, when Keimer, on 
 a prospect of being employ 'd to print some paper money 
 in New Jersey, which would require cuts and various 
 types that I only could supply, and apprehending Brad- 
 ford might engage me and get the jobb from him, sent 
 me a very civil message, that old friends should not part 
 for a few words, the effect of sudden passion, and wishing 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 59 
 
 me to return. Meredith persuaded me to comply, as it 
 would give more opportunity for his improvement under 
 my daily instructions ; so I return'd, and we went on 
 more smoothly than for some time before. The New 
 Jersey jobb was obtain'd, I contriv'd a copper-plate 
 press for it, the first that had been seen in the country ; 
 1 cut several ornaments and checks for the bills. We 
 went together to Burlington, where I executed the 
 whole to satisfaction ; and he received so large a sum for 
 the work as to be enabled thereby to keep his head much 
 longer above water. 
 
 At Burlington I made an acquaintance with many 
 principal people of the province. Several of them had 
 been appointed by the Assembly a committee to attend 
 the press, and take care that no more bills were printed 
 than the law directed. They were therefore, by turns, 
 constantly with us, and generally he who attended, 
 brought with him a friend or two for company. My mind 
 having been much more improv'd by reading than Kci- 
 mer's, I suppose it was for that reason my conversation 
 seem'd to be more valu'd. They had me to their houses, 
 introduced me to their friends, and show'd me much 
 civility ; while he, tho' the master, was a little neglected. 
 In truth, he was an odd fish ; ignorant of common life, 
 fond of rudely opposing receiv'd opinions, slovenlv to 
 extream dirtiness, enthusiastic in some points of religion, 
 and a little knavish withal. 
 
 We continu'd there near three months; and by that 
 time I could reckon among my acquired friends, Judge 
 Allen, Samuel BustiU, the secretary of the Province, Isaac 
 Pearson, Joseph Cooper, and several of the Smiths, mem- 
 bers of Assembly, and Isaac Decow, the surveyor-gen- 
 eral. The latter was a shrewd, sagacious old man, who 
 told me that he began for himself, when young, by wheel- 
 ing clay for the brickmakers, learned to write after he was 
 of age, carri'd the chain for surveyors, who taught him 
 surve3'ing, and he had now by his industry, acquir'd a 
 
6o FRANKLIN 
 
 good estate ; and says he, " I foresee that 3-011 will soon 
 work this man out of his business, and make a fortune in 
 it at Philadelphia." He had not then the least intimation 
 of my intention to set up there or anywhere. These 
 friends were afterwards of great use to me, as I occa- 
 sionally was to some of them. They all continued their 
 regard for me as long as they lived. 
 
 Before I enter upon my public appearance in business, 
 it may be well to let you know the then state of my mind 
 with regard to my principles and morals, that you may 
 see how far those influenc'd the future events of my life. 
 My parents had early given me religious impressions, and 
 brought me through my childhood piously in the Dissent- 
 ing way. But 1 was scarce fifteen, when, after doubting 
 by turns of several pcnnts, as I found them disputed in 
 the different books I read, I began to doubt of Revela- 
 tion itself. Some books against Deism fell into my 
 hands ; they were said to be the substance of sermons 
 pireachcd at Boyle's Lectures. It happened that they 
 wrought an effect on me quite contrary to what was 
 intended by them ; for the arguments of the Deists, which 
 were quoted to be refuted, appeared to me much stronger 
 than the refutations ; in short, I soon became a thorough 
 Deist. My arguments perverted some others, particularly 
 Collins and Ralph ; but, each of them having afterwards 
 wrong'd me greatly without the least compunction, and 
 recollecting Keith's conduct towards me (who was another 
 freethinker), and my own towards Vernon and Miss Read^ 
 which at times gave me great trouble, I began to suspect 
 that this doctrine, tho' it might be true, was not very 
 useful. My London pamphlet, which had for its motto 
 these lines of Dryden : 
 
 " \Vhatever is. is rij^ht. Though purblind man 
 Socs but a part o' the chain, tiio nearest link : 
 His eyes not carryinj^ to the equal beam, 
 That poises all above ; " 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 6l 
 
 and from the attributes of God, his infinite wisdom, good- 
 ness and power, concluded that nothing could possibly 
 be wrong in the world, and that vice and virtue were 
 empty distinctions, no such things existing, appear'd now 
 not so clever a performance as I once thought it; and I 
 doubted whether some error had not insinuated itself un- 
 perceiv'd into my argument; so as to infect all that fol- 
 low'd, as is common in metaphysical reasonings. 
 
 I grew convinc'd that truth, sincerity and integrity in 
 dealings between man and man were of the utmost im- 
 portance to the felicity of life ; and I form'd written reso- 
 lutions, which still remain in my journal book, to practice 
 them ever while I lived. Revelation had indeed no 
 weight with me, as such ; but I entertain'd an opinion 
 that, though certain actions might not be bad because 
 they were forbidden by it, or good because it commanded 
 them, yet probably those actions might be forbidden 
 because they were bad for us, or commanded because they 
 were beneficial to us, in their own natures, all the circum- 
 stances of things considered. And this persuasion, with 
 the kind hand of Providence, or some guardian angel, or 
 accidental favorable circumstances and situations, or all 
 together, preserved me, thro* this dangerous time of 
 youth, and the hazardous situations I was sometimes in 
 among strangers, remote from the eye and advice of my 
 father, without any willful gross immorality or injustice, 
 that might have been expected from my want of religion, 
 I say willful, because the instances I have mentioned had 
 something of jiecessity in them, from my youth, inexperi- 
 ence, and the knavery of others. I had therefore a toler- 
 able character to begin the world with ; I valued it prop- 
 erly, and detcrmin'd to preserve it. 
 
 We had not been long return'd to Philadelphia before 
 the new types arriv'd from London. We settled with 
 Keimer, and left him by his consent before he heard of it. 
 We found a house to hire near the market, and took it. 
 To lessen the rent, which was then but twenty -four 
 
62 FRANKLIN 
 
 pounds a year, tho' I have since known it to let for 
 seventy, wc took in Thomas Godfrey, a gk\zier, and his 
 family, who were to pay a considerable part of it to us, 
 and we to board with them. We had scarce opened our 
 letters and put our press in order, before George House, 
 an acquaintance of mine, brought a countryman to us, 
 whom he had met in the street inquiring for a printer. 
 All our cash was now expended in the variety of particu- 
 lars we had been obliged to procure, and this country- 
 man's five shillings, being our first-fruits, and coming so 
 seasonably, gave me more pleasure than any crown I have 
 since earned ; and the gratitude I felt toward House has 
 made me often more ready than perhaps 1 should other- 
 wise have been to assist young beginners. 
 
 There are croakers in every country, always boding 
 its ruin. Such a one then lived in Philadelphia ; a person 
 of note, an elderly man, with a wise look and a very grave 
 manner of speaking; his name was Samuel Mickle. This 
 gentleman, a stranger to me, stopt one day at my door, 
 and asked me if 1 was the young man who bad lately 
 opened a new printing-house. Being answered in the 
 affirmative, he said he was sorry for me, because it was 
 an expensive undertaking, and the expense would be lost; 
 for Philadelphia was a sinking place, the people already 
 half bankrupts, or near being so ; all appearances to the 
 contrary, such as new buildings and the rise of rents, be- 
 ing to his certain knowledge fallacious ; for they were, in 
 fact, among the things that would soon ruin us. And he 
 gave me such a detail of misfortunes now existing, or that 
 were soon to exist, that he left me half melancholy. Had 
 I known him before I engaged in this business, probably 
 I never should have done it. This man continued to live 
 in this decaying place, and to declaim in the same strain, 
 refusing for many years to buy a house there, because all 
 was going to destruction ; and at last I had the pleasure 
 of seeing him give five times as much for one as he might 
 have bought it for when he first began his croaking. 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 63 
 
 I should have mentioned before, that, in the autumn of 
 the preceding year, I had form'd most of my ingenious 
 acquaintance into a club of mutual improvement, which 
 we called the Junto; we met on Friday evenings. The 
 rules that I drew up required that every member, in his 
 turn, should produce one or more queries on any point of 
 Morals, Politics, or Natural Philosophy, to be discuss'd 
 by the company ; and once in three months produce and 
 read an essay of his own writing, on any subject he 
 pleased. Our debates were to be under the direction of 
 a president, and to be conducted in the sincere spirit of 
 inquiry after truth, without fondness for dispute, or desire 
 of victory ; and, to prevent warmth, all expressions of 
 positiveness in opinions, or direct contradiction, were 
 after some time made contraband, and prohibited under 
 small pecuniary penalties. 
 
 The first members were Joseph Breintnal, a copyer of 
 deeds for the scriveners, a good-natur'd, friendly, middle- 
 ag'd man, a great lover of poetry, reading all he could 
 meet with, and writing some that was tolerable ; very in- 
 genious in many little Nicknackeries, and of sensible con- 
 versation. 
 
 Thomas Godfrey, a self-taught mathematician, great in 
 his way, and afterward inventor of what is now called 
 Hadley's Quadrant. But he knew little out of his way, 
 and was not a pleasing companion ; as, like most great 
 mathematicians I have met with, he expected universal 
 precision in every thing said, or was for ever denying or 
 distinguishing upon trifles, to the disturbance of all con- 
 versation. He soon left us. 
 
 Nicholas Scull, a surveyor, afterward surveyor-gen- 
 eral, who lov'd books, and sometimes made a few verses. 
 
 William Parsons, bred a shoemaker, but, loving read- 
 ing, had acquir'd a considerable share of mathematics, 
 which he first studied with a view to astrology, that 
 he afterwards laught at it. He also became surveyor- 
 general. 
 
C),y FRANKLIN 
 
 William Mnn^rid^e, a ji^incr, a nu)st cx(;uisito tnc- 
 chanic, aiul a suliil, siMisihlc man. 
 
 llui;h Morcditli, SlopluMi Totls, ami (u'()r«;c Webb I 
 l)a\ c" iliaiaottMiz'd before. 
 
 Robert (irace, a youn^ j^entleman of some fortune, 
 j^I-eiieroiis, lively, aiul witty; a Kn'er of pimniiii;- and of his 
 trieiuls. 
 
 And William Coleman, then a merchant's clerk, about 
 my ai;i\ who had the coolest, clearest head, the best heart, 
 and the exaitest morals of almost any man I ever met 
 with, lie b(Hame allerwards a merchant of ji^reat note, 
 and one of our provincial judges. Our friendship con- 
 tinued without interruption to his death, ujuvai-d of forty 
 yi^us ; and thei'lub c-ontinued almost as loui^, and was the 
 bi'st school ol philosophy, morality, ami iiolitics that then 
 existtnl in tlu- province; for our ipieries, which were reail 
 tlic wi'ck prcrcdiiii;- theii" discussion, juit us ujuni readinj;- 
 with attention upon the several subjects, that we mii;ht 
 sjH'ak mon^ to the jnirpose; anil hcie. too, we acipiircil 
 better habils ot i-ouviMsation,evei\- thin^- beini;- studicil in 
 our rules which mii;ht prevent our ilis^ustins; each other, 
 b'rom luMU'c the long continuance of the club, which I 
 shall havi^ frci]uiMit cK\Msion to speaU of further hereafter. 
 
 Hut my giviui;- this account of it here is to show some- 
 thing of the interest I hail, every one i^f these exerting 
 themselves in leiommendiug business to us. Breintnal 
 particularly procur'd us from the Quakers the printing 
 forty sheets of their history, the rest being to be done bv 
 Keimer ; and upon this we work'd exceedingly hard, for 
 the price was low. It was a folio, pro patria size, in pica, 
 with long primer notes. 1 compos'd <)f it a sheet a day, 
 and Meredith worked it ofT at press; it was often eleven 
 at night, and sometimes later, before 1 had finished my 
 distribution for the next day's work, for the little jobbs 
 sent in bv our other friends now and then put us back. 
 But so dcfermiuM 1 was to coutiiuic doing a sheet a day 
 of the folio, that one night, when, having impos'd my 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 65 
 
 forms, I tlioiiji^ht my day's work over, one of tliom by 
 accident was broken, and two paj^es reduced to |>i, I 
 immediately distributed and compos'd it over aj^ain be- 
 fore I went to bed ; and this influstry, visible to our 
 neighbors, began to give us character and credit; par- 
 ticularly, 1 was told, that mention being made of the new 
 printiiig-ofTicc at the merchants' livery-night club, the 
 general opinion was that it must fail, there being already 
 two printers in the place, Keimer and iiradford ; but Dr. 
 Baird (whom you and 1 saw many years after at his native 
 place, St. Andrew's in Scotland) gave a contrary opinion : 
 "For the industry of that Franklin," says he, " is supe- 
 rior to any thing I ever saw of the kind ; I see him still 
 at work when I go home from club, and he is at work 
 again before his neighbors arc out of bed." This struck 
 the rest, and we so(jn after had offers frf;m one of tlicm to 
 supply us with stationery; but as yet we did not chuse 
 to engage in sh(jp business. 
 
 I mcntif)n this industry the more particularly and the 
 more freely, tho' it seems to be talking in my own praise, 
 that those of my pfjstcrity, who shall read it, may know 
 the use of that virtue, wiien they see its effects in my 
 favour throughout this relation. 
 
 George Webb, who had found a female friend that 
 lent him wherewith to purchase liis time of Keimer, now 
 came to offer himself as a journeyman to us. We could 
 not then imploy him ; but I foolishly let him know as a 
 secret that I soon intended to begin a newspaper, and 
 might then have work for him. My hopes of success, as 
 1 told him, were founded on this, that the then only news- 
 paper, printed by Bradford, was a paltry thing, wretch- 
 edly manag'd, no way entertaining, and yet was prrjlitablc 
 to him ; 1 therefore thought a good paper would scarcely 
 fail of good encouragement. I recpiested Webb not to 
 menticjn it; but he toUl it to Keimer, who immediately, 
 to be beforehand with mc, published proposals for print- 
 ing one himself, on which Webb was to be employ'd. I 
 5 
 
e(> FRANKLIN 
 
 resented this ; and, to counteract them, as I could not yet 
 begin our paper, I wrote several pieces of entertainment 
 for Bradford's paper, under the title of the Busy Body, 
 which Breintnal continu'd some months. By this means 
 the attention of the publick was fixed on that paper, and 
 Keimer's proposals, which we burlesqu'd and ridicul'd, 
 were disregarded. He began his paper, however, and, 
 after carrying it on three quarters of a year, with at 
 most only ninety subscribers, he offer'd it to me for a 
 trifle ; and I, having been ready some time to go on with 
 it, took it in hand directly ; and it prov'd in a few years 
 extremely profitable to me. 
 
 I perceive that I am apt to speak in the singular num- 
 ber, though our partnership still continu'd ; the reason 
 may be that, in fact, the whole management of the busi- 
 ness lay upon me. Meredith was no compositor, a poor 
 pressman, and seldom sober. My friends lamented my 
 connection with him, but I was to make the best of it. 
 
 Our first papers made a quite different appearance 
 from any before in the province ; a better type, and 
 better printed ; but some spirited remarks of my writing, 
 on the dispute then going on between Governor Burnet 
 and the Massachusetts Assembly, struck the principal 
 people, occasioned the paper and the manager of it to be 
 much talk'd of, and in a few weeks brought them all to 
 be our subscribers. 
 
 Their example was follow'd by many, and our number 
 went on growing continually. This was one of the first 
 good effects of my having learnt a little to scribble ; an- 
 other was, that the leading men, seeing a newspaper now 
 in the hands of one who could also handle a pen, thought 
 it convenient to oblige and encourage me. Bradford still 
 printed the votes, and laws, and other publick business. 
 He had printed an address of the House to the governor, 
 in a coarse, blundering manner; we reprinted it elegantly 
 and correctly, and sent one to every member. They were 
 sensible of the difference : it strengthened the hands of 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY ^J 
 
 our friends in the House, and they voted us their printers 
 for the year ensuing. 
 
 Among my friends in the House I must not forget Mr. 
 Hamilton, before mentioned, who was then returned from 
 England, and had a seat in it. He interested himself for 
 me strongly in that instance, as he did in many others 
 afterward, continuing his patronage till his death.' 
 
 Mr. Vernon, about this time, put me in mind of the 
 debt I ow'd him, but did not press me. I wrote him an 
 ingenuous letter of acknowledgment, crav'd his forbear- 
 ance a little longer, which he allow'd me, and as soon as I 
 was able, I paid the principal with interest, and many 
 thanks ; so that erratum was in some degree corrected. 
 
 But now another difficulty came upon me which I had 
 never the least reason to expect. Mr. Meredith's father, 
 who was to have paid for our printing-house, according to 
 the expectations given me, was able to advance only one 
 hundred pounds currency, which had been paid ; and a 
 hundred more was due to the merchant, who grew impa- 
 tient, and su'd us all. We gave bail, but saw that, if the 
 money could not be rais'd in time, the suit must soon come 
 to a judgment and execution, and our hopeful prospects 
 must, with us, be ruined, as the press and letters must be 
 sold for payment, perhaps at half price. 
 
 In this distress two true friends, whose kindness I have 
 never forgotten, nor ever shall forget while I can remem- 
 ber any thing, came to me separately, unknown to each 
 other, and, without any application from me, offering each 
 of them to advance me all the money that should be nec- 
 essary to enable me to take the whole business upon my- 
 self, if that should be practicable ; but they did not like 
 my continuing the partnership with Meredith, who, as 
 they said, was often seen drunk in the streets, and playing 
 at low games in alehouses, much to our discredit. These 
 two friends were William Coleman and Robert Grace. I 
 told them I could not propose a separation while any 
 
 ' I got his son once ^^500. 
 
68 FRANKLIN 
 
 prospect rcmain'd of the Merediths' fulfilling^ their part 
 of our agreement, because I thought mjself imder great 
 obligations to them for what they had done, and would do 
 if they could ; but, if they finally fail'd in their perform- 
 ance, and our partnership must be dissolv'd, I should then 
 think myself at liberty to accept the assistance of my 
 friends. 
 
 Thus the matter rested for some time, when I said to 
 my partner, " Perhaps your father is dissatisfied at the 
 part you have undertaken in this aflair of ours, and is un- 
 willing to advance for you and me what he would for you 
 alone. If that is the case, tell me, and I will resign the 
 whole to you, and go about my business." " No," said he, 
 "my father has really been disappointed, and is really un- 
 able ; and I am unwilling to distress him farther. I see 
 this is a business I am nt>t fit for. I w\as bred a farmer, 
 and it was a folly in me to come to town, and put myself, 
 at thirty years of age, an apprentice to learn a new trade. 
 Many of our Welsh people are going to settle in North 
 Carolina, where land is cheap. I am inclin'd to go with 
 them, and follow my old employment. You may find 
 friends to assist 3'ou. If you will take the debts of the 
 company upon you ; return to my father the hundred 
 pound he has advanced; pay my little personal debts, and 
 give me thirty pounds and a new saddle, I will relinquish 
 the partnership, and leave the whole in your hands." I 
 agreed to this proposal ; it was drawn up in writing, 
 sign'd, and seal'd immediately. I gave him what he de- 
 manded, and he w^ent soon after to Carolina, from whence 
 he sent me next year two long letters, containing the best 
 account that had been given of that country, the climate, 
 the soil, husbandry, etc., for in those matters he was very 
 judicious. I printed them in the papers, and they gave 
 great satisfaction to the publick. 
 
 As soon as he was gone, 1 recurr'd to my two friends ; 
 and because I would not give an unkind preference to 
 either, I took half of what each had otiered and I wanted 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 69 
 
 of one, and half of the other ; paid off the company's 
 debts, and went on with the business in my own name, 
 advertising that the partnersfiij) was dissolved. I think 
 this was in or about the year 1729. 
 
 About this time there was a cry among the people for 
 more paper money, only fifteen thousand pounds being 
 extant in the province, and that soon to be sunk. The 
 wealthy inhabitants oppos'd any addition, being against 
 all paper currency, from an apprehension that it would 
 depreciate, as it had done in New England, to the preju- 
 dice of all creditors. We had discuss'd this point in our 
 Junto, where I was on the side of an addition, being per- 
 suaded that the first small sum struck in 1723 had done 
 much good by increasing the trade, employment and 
 number of inhabitants in the province, since I now saw 
 all the old houses inhabited, and many new ones building: 
 whereas I remembered well, that when I first walk'd about 
 the streets of Philadelphia, eating my roll, I saw most of 
 the houses in Walnut-street, between Second and Front 
 streets, with bills on their doors, " To be let " ; and many 
 likewise in Chestnut-street and other streets, which made 
 me then think the inhabitants of the city were deserting 
 it one after another. 
 
 Our debates possess'd me so fully of the subject, that 
 I wrote and printed an anonymous pamphlet on it, enti- 
 tled " The Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency." 
 It was well receiv'd by the common people in general; 
 but the rich men dislik'd it, for it increas'd and strcngth- 
 en'd the clamor for more money, and they happening to 
 have no writers among them that were able to answer it, 
 their opposition slacken'd, and the point was carried by a 
 majority in the House. My friends there, who conceiv'd 
 I had been of some service, thought fit to reward me by 
 employing me in printing the money ; a very profitable 
 jobb and a great help to me. This was another advantage 
 gain'd by my being able to write. 
 
 The utility of this currency became by time and expe- 
 
70 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 rience so evident as never afterwards to be much disputed ; 
 so that it grew soon to fifty-five thousand pounds, and in 
 1739 to eighty thousand pounds, since which it arose dur- 
 ing war to upwards of three hundred and fifty thousand 
 pounds, trade, building, and inhabitants all the while 
 increasing, tho' I now think there are limits beyond 
 which the quantity may be hurtful. 
 
 I soon after obtain'd, thro* my friend Hamilton, the 
 printing of the Newcastle paper money, another profit- 
 able jobb as I then thought it; small things appearing 
 great to those in small circumstances ; and these, to me, 
 were really great advantages, as they were great encour- 
 agements. He procured for me, also, the printing of the 
 laws and votes of that government, which continu'd in my 
 hands as long as I follow'd the business. 
 
 I now open'd a little stationer's shop. I had in it 
 blanks of all sorts, the correctest that ever appear'd 
 among us, being assisted in that by my friend Breintnal. 
 I had also paper, parchment, chapmen's books, etc. One 
 Whitemash, a compositor I had known in London, an ex- 
 cellent workman, now came to me, and work'd with me 
 constantly and diligently ; and I took an apprentice, the 
 son of Aquila Rose. 
 
 I began now gradually to pay off the debt I was under 
 for the printing-house. In order to secure my credit and 
 character as a tradesman, I took care not only to be in 
 rrrtZ/Aj' industrious and frugal, but to avoid all appearances 
 to the contrary. I drest plainly ; I was seen at no places 
 of idle diversion. I never went out a fishing or shooting; 
 a book, indeed, sometimes debauch'd me from my work, 
 but that was seldom, snug, and gave no scandal; and, to 
 show that I was not above my business, I sometimes 
 brought home the paper I purchas'd at the stores thro' 
 the streets on a wheelbarrow. Thus being esteem'd an 
 industrious, thriving young man, and paying duly for 
 what I bought, the merchants who imported stationery 
 solicited my custom ; others proposed supplying me with 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 7 1 
 
 books, and I went on swimmingly. In the mean time, 
 Keimcr's credit and business declining daily, he was at 
 last forc'd to sell his printing-house to satisfy his cred- 
 itors. He went to Barbadoes, and there lived some years 
 in very poor circumstances. 
 
 His apprentice, David Harry, whom I had instructed 
 while I work'd with him, set up in his place at Philadel- 
 phia, having bought Iris materials. I was at first appre- 
 hensive of a powerful rival in Harry, as his friends were 
 very able, and had a good deal of interest. 1 therefore 
 propos'd a partnership to him, which he, fortunately for 
 me, rejected with scorn. He was very proud, dress'd like 
 a gentleman, liv'd expensively, took much diversion and 
 pleasure abroad, ran in debt, and neglected his business; 
 upon which, all business left him ; and, finding nothing 
 to do, he follow'd Kcimer to Barbadoes, taking the 
 printing-house with him. There this apprentice em- 
 ploy 'd his former master as a journeyman ; they quarrel'd 
 often; Harry went continually behindhand, and at length 
 was forc'd to sell his types and return to his country 
 work in Pensilvania. The person that bought them 
 employ 'd Keimer to use them, but in a few years he 
 died. 
 
 There remained now no competitor with me at Phila- 
 delphia but the old one, Bradford ; who was rich and 
 easy, did a little printing now and then by straggling 
 hands, but was not very anxious about the business. 
 However, as he kept the post-office, it was imagined he 
 had better opportunities of obtaining news ; his paper was 
 thought a better distributer of advertisements than mine, 
 and therefore had many more, which was a profitable 
 thing to him, and a disadvantage to me ; for, tho' I did 
 indeed receive and send papers by the post, yet the pub- 
 lick opinion was otherwise, for what I did send was by 
 bribing the riders, who took them privately, Bradford be- 
 ing unkind enough to forbid it, which occasion'd some 
 resentment on my part; and I thought so meanly of him 
 
72 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 for it, that, when I afterward came into his situation, I 
 took care never to imitate it. 
 
 I had hitherto continu'd to board with Godfrey, who 
 lived in part of my house with his wife and children, and 
 had one side of the shop for his glazier's business, tho' he 
 worked little, being always absorbed in his mathematics. 
 Mrs. Godfrey projected a match for me with a relation's 
 daughter, took opportunities of bringing us often together, 
 till a serious courtship on my part ensu'd, the girl being 
 in herself very deserving. The old folks encourag'd me 
 by continual invitations to supper, and by leaving us to- 
 gether, till at length it was time to explain. Mrs. God- 
 frey manag'd our little treaty. I let her know that I ex- 
 pected as much money with their daughter as would pay 
 off my remaining debt for the printing-house, which I 
 believe was not then above a hundred pounds. She 
 brought me word they had no such sum to spare ; I said 
 they might mortgage their house in the loan-office. The 
 answer to this, after some days, was, that they did not 
 approve the match ; that, on inquiry of Bradford, they 
 had been inform'd the printing business was not a profit- 
 able one ; the types would soon be worn out, and more 
 wanted ; that S. Keimer and D. Harry had failed one 
 after the other, and I should probably soon follow them ; 
 and, therefore, I was forbidden the house, and the daugh- 
 ter shut up. 
 
 Whether this was a real change of sentiment or only 
 artifice, on a supposition of our being too far engaged in 
 affection to retract, and therefore that we should steal a 
 marriage, which would leave them at liberty to give or 
 withhold what they pleas'd, I know not ; but I suspected 
 the latter, resented it, and went no more. Mrs. Godfrey 
 brought me afterward some more favorable accounts of 
 their disposition, and would have drawn me on again ; 
 but I declared absolutely my resolution to have nothing 
 more to do with that family. This was resented by the 
 Godfreys ; we differ'd, and they removed, leaving me 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 73 
 
 the whole house, and I resolved to take no more in- 
 mates. 
 
 But this affair having turned my thoughts to marriage, 
 I look'd round me and made overtures of acquaintance 
 in other places ; but soon found that, the business of a 
 printer being generally thought a poor one, I was not to 
 expect money with a wife, unless with such a one as I 
 should not otherwise think agreeable. In the mean time, 
 that hard-to-be-governed passion of youth hurried me fre- 
 quently into intrigues with low women that fell in my 
 way, which were attended with some expense and great 
 inconvenience, besides a continual risque to my health by 
 a distemper which of all things I dreaded, though by great 
 good luck I escaped it. A friendly correspondence as 
 neighbors and old acquaintances had continued between 
 me and Mrs. Read's family, who all had a regard for me 
 from the time of my first lodging in their house. I was 
 often invited there and consulted in their affairs, wherein 
 I sometimes was of service. I piti'd poor Miss Read's 
 unfortunate situation, who was generally dejected, sel- 
 dom cheerful, and avoided company. I considered my 
 giddiness and inconstancy when in London as in a great 
 degree the cause of her unhappiness, tho' the mother was 
 good enough to think the fault more her own than mine, 
 as she had prevented our marrying before I went thither, 
 and persuaded the other match in my absence. Our mu- 
 tual affection was revived, but there were now great ob- 
 jections to our union. The match was indeed looked 
 upon as invalid, a preceding wife being said to be living 
 in England ; but this could not easily be prov'd, because 
 of the distance ; and, tho' there was a report of his death, 
 it was not certain. Then, tho' it should be true, he had 
 left many debts, which his successor might be call'd upon 
 to pay. We ventured, however, over all these difficul- 
 ties, and I took her to wife, September ist, 1730. None 
 of the inconveniences happened that we had apprehended ; 
 she proved a good and faithful helpmate, assisted me 
 
74 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 much by attending the shop ; we throve together, and 
 have ever mutually endeavor'd to make each other happy. 
 Thus I corrected that great erratum as well as I could. 
 
 About this time, our club meeting, not at a tavern, but 
 in a little room of Mr. Grace's, set apart for that purpose, 
 a proposition was made by me, that, since our books were 
 often referr'd to in our disquisitions upon the queries, it 
 might be convenient to us to have them altogether where 
 we met, that upon occasion they might be consulted ; 
 and by thus clubbing our books to a common library, we 
 should, while we lik'd to keep them together, have each 
 of us the advantage of using the books of all the other 
 members, which would be nearly as beneficial as if each 
 owned the whole. It was lik'd and agreed to, and we 
 iill'd one end of the room with such books as we could 
 best spare. The number was not so great as we expected ; 
 and tho' they had been of great use, yet some inconven- 
 iences occurring for want of due care of them, the collec- 
 tion, after about a year, was separated, and each took his 
 books home again. 
 
 And now I set on foot my first project of a public na- 
 ture, that for a subscription library. I drew up the pro- 
 posals, got them put into form by our great scrivener, 
 Brockden, and, by the help of my friends in the Junto, 
 procured fifty subscribers of forty shillings each to begin 
 with, and ten shillings a year for fifty years, the term our 
 company was to continue. We afterwards obtain'd a 
 charter, the company being increased to one hundred : 
 this was the mother of all the North American subscrip- 
 tion libraries, now so numerous. It is become a great 
 thing itself, and continually increasing. These libraries 
 have improved the general conversation of the Ameri- 
 cans, made the common tradesmen and farmers as intelli- 
 gent as most gentlemen from other countries, and perhaps 
 have contributed in some degree to the stand so generally 
 made throughout the colonies in defence of their privi- 
 leges. 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 75 
 
 Mem". Thus far was written with the intention ex- 
 press'd in the beginning and therefore contains several 
 little family anecdotes of no importance to others. What 
 follows was written many years after in compliance with 
 the advice contain'd in these letters, and accordingly in- 
 tended for the public. The affairs of the Revolution occa- 
 sion'd the interruption. 
 
 Letter from Mr. Abel James, with Notes of my Life 
 {received in Paris). 
 
 " My Dear and Honored Friend: I have often been 
 desirous of writing to thee, but could not be reconciled to 
 the thought, that the letter might fall into the hands of 
 the British, lest some printer or busy-body should publish 
 some part of the contents, and give our friend pain, and 
 myself censure. 
 
 " Some time since there fell into my hands, to my 
 great joy, about twenty-three sheets in thy own hand- 
 writing, containing an account of the parentage and life 
 of thyself, directed to thy son, ending in the year 1730, 
 with which there were notes, likewise in thy writing ; a 
 copy of which I inclose, in hopes it may be a means, if 
 thou continued it up to a later period, that the first and 
 latter part may be put together ; and if it is not yet con- 
 tinued, I hope thee will not delay it. Life is uncertain, 
 as the preacher tells us; and what will the world say if 
 kind, humane, and benevolent Ben. Franklin should leave 
 his friends and the world deprived of so pleasing and 
 profitable a work ; a work which would be useful and 
 entertaining not only to a few, but to millions? The in- 
 fluence writings under that class have on the minds of 
 youth is very great, and has nowhere appeared to me so 
 plain, as in our public friend's journals. It almost insen- 
 sibly leads the youth into the resolution of endeavoring 
 to become as good and eminent as the journalist. Should 
 thine, for instance, when published (and I think it could 
 not fail of it), lead the youth to equal the industry and 
 
76 FRANKLIN 
 
 temperance of thy early youth, what a blessing with that 
 class would such a work be ! I know of no character 
 living-, nor many of them put together, who has so much 
 in his power as thyself to promote a greater spirit of in- 
 dustry and early attention to business, frugality, and tem- 
 perance with the American youth. Not that I think the 
 work would have no other merit and use in the world, 
 far from it ; but the first is of such vast importance that I 
 know nothing that can equal it." 
 
 The foregoing letter and the minutes accompanying 
 it being shown to a friend, I received from him the fol- 
 lowing: 
 
 Letter from Mr. Benjamm Vaughan. 
 
 " Paris, /anuary 2^, 1783. 
 
 ** My Dearest Sir : When I had read over your 
 sheets of minutes of the principal incidents of your life, 
 recovered for you by your Quaker acquaintance, I told 
 you I would send you a letter expressing my reasons 
 why I thought it would be useful to complete and pub- 
 lish it as he desired. Various concerns have for some 
 time past prevented this letter being written, and I do 
 not know whether it was worth any expectation ; hap- 
 pening to be at leisure, however, at present, I shall by 
 writing, at least, interest and instruct myself; but as the 
 terms I am inclined to use may tend to offend a person of 
 your manners, I shall only tell you how I would address 
 any other person, who was as good and as great as your- 
 self, but less diffident. I would say to him. Sir, I solicit 
 the history of your life from the following motives: Your 
 history is so remarkable, that if you do not give it, some- 
 body else will certainly give it ; and perhaps so as nearly 
 to do as much harm, as your own management of the 
 thing might do good. It will moreover present a table 
 of the internal circumstances of your country, which will 
 very much tend to invite to it settlers of virtuous and 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 77 
 
 manly minds. And considering the eagerness with which 
 such information is sought by them, and the extent of your 
 reputation, I do not know of a more efficacious advertise- 
 ment than your biography would give. All that has hap- 
 pened to you is also connected with the detail of the man- 
 ners and situation of a rising people ; and in this respect 
 I do not think that the writings of Caesar and Tacitus can 
 be more interesting to a true judge of human nature and 
 society. But these, sir, are small reasons, in my opinion, 
 compared with the chance which your life will give for 
 the forming of future great men; and in conjunction with 
 your Art of Virtue (which you design to publish) of im- 
 proving the features of private character, and conse- 
 quently of aiding all happiness, both public and domestic. 
 The two works I allude to, sir, will in particular give a 
 noble rule and example of self-education. School and 
 other education constantly proceed upon false principles, 
 and show a clumsy apparatus pointed at a false mark; 
 but your apparatus is simple, and the mark a true one; 
 and while parents and young persons are left destitute of 
 other just means of estimating and becoming prepared 
 for a reasonable course in life, your discovery that the 
 thing is in many a man's private power, will be invaluable ! 
 Influence upon the private character, late in life, is not 
 only an influence late in life, but a weak influence. It is 
 in youth that we plant our chief habits and prejudices ; it 
 is in youth that we take our party as to profession, pur- 
 suits and matrimony. In youth, therefore, the turn is 
 given ; in youth the education even of the next genera- 
 tion is given ; in youth the private and public character 
 is determined ; and the term of life extending but from 
 youth to age, life ought to begin well from youth, and 
 more especially before we take our party as to our prin- 
 cipal objects. But your biography will not merel}'' teach 
 self-education, but the education of a wise man ; and the 
 wisest man will receive lights and improve his progress, 
 by seeing detailed the conduct of another wise man. 
 
78 FRANKLIN 
 
 And why are weaker men to be deprived of such helps, 
 when we see our race has been blundering on in the 
 dark, almost without a guide in this particular, from the 
 farthest trace of time ? Show then, sir, how much is 
 to be done, both to sons and fathers; and invite all 
 wise men to become like yourself, and other men to 
 become wise. When we see how cruel statesmen and 
 warriors can be to the human race, and how absurd dis- 
 tinguished men can be to their acquaintance, it will be 
 instructive to observe the instances multiply of pacific, 
 acquiescing manners ; and to find how compatible it is 
 to be great and domestic, enviable and yet good-hu- 
 mored. 
 
 " The little private incidents which you will also have 
 to relate will have considerable use, as we want, above all 
 things, rules of prudence in ordinary affairs ; and it will 
 be curious to see how you have acted in these. It will 
 be so far a sort of key to life, and explain many things 
 that all men ought to have once explained to them, to 
 give them a chance of becoming wise by foresight. The 
 nearest thing to having experience of one's own is to have 
 other people's affairs brought before us in a shape that is 
 interesting ; this is sure to happen from your pen ; our 
 affairs and management will have an air of simplicity or 
 importance that will not fail to strike ; and I am con- 
 vinced you have conducted them with as much origi- 
 nality as if you had been conducting discussions in politics 
 or philosophv; and what more worthy of experiments 
 and system (its importance and its errors considered) than 
 human life? 
 
 "Some men have been virtuous blindly, others have 
 speculated fantastically, and others have been shrewd to 
 bad purposes ; but you, sir, I am sure, will give under 
 your hand nothing but what is at the same moment wise, 
 practical and good. Your account of yourself (for I sup- 
 pose the parallel I am drawing for Dr. Franklin will hold 
 not only in point of character, but of private history) will 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 79 
 
 show that you arc ashamed of no ori;,nn ; a thing the more 
 important, as you pnjve how little necessary all orig-in is 
 to happiness, virtue, or greatness. As uo end likewise 
 happens without a means, so we shall find, sir, that even 
 you yourself framed a plan by which you became consid- 
 erable ; but at the same time we may see that though the 
 event is flattering, the means arc as simple as wisdom 
 could make them ; that is, depending up(jn nature, virtue, 
 thought, and habit. Another tiling demonstrated will be 
 the propriety of every man's waiting for his time for 
 appearing up(m the stage of the world. i)ur sensations 
 being very much fixed to the moment, wc are apt to for- 
 get that more moments are to follow the first, and conse- 
 quently that man should arrange his conduct so as to suit 
 the whole of a life. Your attribution appears to have 
 been applied to your life, and the passing moments of it 
 have been enlivened with content and enjoyment, instead 
 of being tormented with foolish impatience or regrets. 
 Such a conduct is easy for those who make virtue and 
 themselves in countenance by examples of other truly 
 great men, of whom patience is so often the characteristic. 
 Your Quaker correspondent, sir (for here again I will sup- 
 pose the subject of my letter resembling Dr. Franklin), 
 praised your frugality, diligence and temperance, which 
 he considered as a pattern for all youth ; but it is singular 
 that he should have forgotten your modesty and your 
 disinterestedness, without which you never could have 
 waited for your advancement, or found your situation in 
 the mean time comfortable ; which is a strong lesson to 
 show the poverty of glory and the importance of regulat- 
 ing our minds. If this correspondent had known the na- 
 ture of your reputation as well as I do, he would have 
 said, Your former writings and measures would secure 
 attention to your Biography, and Art of Virtue; and 
 your Biography and Art of Virtue, in return, would 
 secure attention to them. This is an advantage attendant 
 upon a various character, and which brings all that be- 
 
8o FRANKLIN 
 
 longs to it into greater play ; and it is the more useful, as 
 perhaps more persons are at a loss for the means of im- 
 proving their minds and characters, than they are for the 
 time or the inclination to do it. But there is one conclud- 
 ing reflection, sir, that will shew the use of your life as a 
 mere piece of biography. This style of writing seems a 
 little gone out of vogue, and yet it is a very useful one ; 
 and your specimen of it may be particularly serviceable, 
 as it will make a subject of comparison with the lives of 
 various public cut-throats and intriguers, and with absurd 
 monastic self-tormenters or vain literary triflers. If it en- 
 courages more writings of the same kind with your own, 
 and induces more men to spend lives fit to be written, it 
 will be worth all Plutarch's " Lives " put together. But 
 being tired of figuring to myself a character of which 
 every feature suits only one man in the world, without 
 giving him the praise of it, I shall end my letter, my dear 
 Dr. Franklin, with a personal application to your proper 
 self. I am earnestly desirous, then, my dear sir, that you 
 should let the world into the traits of your genuine char- 
 acter, as civil broils may otherwise tend to disguise or 
 traduce it. Considering your great age, the caution of 
 your character, and your peculiar style of thinking, it is 
 not likely that any one besides yourself can be sufficiently 
 master of the facts of your life, or the intentions of your 
 mind. Besides all this, the immense revolution of the 
 present period, will necessarily turn our attention towards 
 the author of it, and when virtuous principles have been 
 pretended in it, it will be highly important to shew that 
 such have really influenced ; and, as your own character 
 will be the principal one to receive a scrutiny, it is proper 
 (even for its effects upon your vast and rising country, as 
 well as upon England and upon Europe) that it should 
 stand respectable and eternal. For the furtherance of 
 human happiness, I have always maintained that it is 
 necessary to prove that man is not even at present a 
 vicious and detestable animal ; and still more to prove 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 8l 
 
 that good management may greatly amend him ; and it is 
 for much the same reason, that I am anxious to see the 
 opinion established, that there are fair characters existing 
 among the individuals of the race ; for the moment that 
 all men, without exception, shall be conceived abandoned, 
 good people will cease efforts deemed to be hopeless, and 
 perhaps think of taking their share in the scramble of 
 life, or at least of making it comfortable principally for 
 themselves. Take then, my dear sir, this work most 
 speedily into hand : shew yourself good as you are good ; 
 temperate as you are temperate ; and above all things 
 prove yourself as one, who from your infancy have loved 
 justice, liberty and concord, in a way that has made it 
 natural and consistent for you to have acted, as we have 
 seen you act in the last seventeen years of your life. Let 
 Englishmen be made not only to respect, but even to love 
 you. When they think well of individuals in your native 
 country, they will go nearer to thinking well of your 
 country ; and when your countrymen see themselves well 
 thought of by Englishmen, they will go nearer to think- 
 ing well of England. Extend your views even further ; 
 do not stop at those who speak the English tongue, but 
 after having settled so many points in nature and politics, 
 think of bettering the whole race of men. As I have not 
 read any part of the life in question, but know only the 
 character that lived it, I write somewhat at hazard. I am 
 sure, however, that the life and the treatise I allude to (on 
 the Art of Virtue) will necessarily fulfil the chief of my 
 expectations ; and still more so if you take up the measure 
 of suiting these performances to the several views above 
 stated. Should they even prove unsuccessful in all that a 
 sanguine admirer of yours hopes from them, you will at 
 least have framed pieces to interest the human mind ; and 
 whoever gives a feeling of pleasure that is innocent to 
 man, has added so much to the fair side of a life other- 
 wise too much darkened by anxiety and too much injured 
 by pain. In the hope, therefore, that you will listen to 
 6 
 
82 KKANKI.IN 
 
 tlu> prayer :i(l(lr("ss("(l lo you in Ihis Icltci", I hc}^ to siih- 
 S( rilx* HM'scll, luy dcaicsl sir, cic, etc., 
 
 "Si<;iu-(1, Wv.u]. Vauciian." 
 
 C'<>f//i//u,ifi(<n of thf Aiioittit <>/ »tr l.i/i', /'txun at Passyy 
 tuiir rans, I'/St. 
 
 \{ is some lime since I iceeiy'd (lie above letleis, hul T 
 liaye heeii too l)usy till now lo lliink ol eoinplyiiij;- witli llio 
 re«liiest I hey contain. It nui;"ht, too, be mnch better (Xowc: 
 ii 1 wi'ic at home amonj;- my papers, wliiih wonUl aid 
 luy nKMnoiy,anti lielp lo ascertain dales ; bnt my retnm 
 beinj^" uncertain, and bavins; just now a Hi tie leisure, 
 1 will endeavor to recollect and write ^vhat I can; il 
 I live to j;('t home, it may there be corrected and im- 
 provM. 
 
 Not havin«;- anv copv here of what is already written, 
 1 know not whether an account is {;iven ol the means I 
 used lo establish the rhiladelj^hia public library, which, 
 Irom a small benimiinj;*. is now l^-ctMue so considerable, 
 thouj;h 1 leiuember lo have ct)me down to near the time 
 ot tliat transaiMion (i7.>oV I will therefore bei^^in here 
 with an aciiumt i>l it. which may be struik out it fouuil 
 to have been abe.idy i;iven. 
 
 At tiu" linn* 1 establishM myselt in remisvlvania, there 
 was not a mnxl booksellei's slu)p in anv ot the colonies to 
 the soiithward ol 1>osIimi. In New York and Thilad'a the 
 printers wt*re indeed stationers; they sold only paper, 
 etc.. .ilm.\n.us. ballads, and a lew common school-books. 
 Those who lov'd readiui; were olili«i'd to send for their 
 bt)oks Irom luii;lanil ; llie membiMS ol the Junti) hail each 
 a lew. W'c had icMt (he alehmise. where we liist mtM. ami 
 hiic'd a room ti> hoKl our club in. 1 proposed that wc 
 should all ol us btini;- our boi^ks to that rooni. where they 
 would ni>l only be icadv lo consult in oui" I'lMiierences, 
 but beconu' a comuu>n benctit. e.u'h ol us bein^- at liberty 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 83 
 
 to borrow such as he wish'd to read at home. This was 
 accordiiij^Iy done, and for some time contented us. 
 
 Finding^ the advantaj^e of this little collecti(jn, I pro- 
 pos'd to render the benefit from books more common, 
 by commencinjj^ a public subscription library. I drew a 
 sketch of the plan and rules that would be necessary, and 
 got a skilful conveyancer, Mr. Charles Brockden, to put 
 the whole in form of articles of agreement to be sub- 
 scribed, by which each subscriber engag'd to pay a cer- 
 tain sum flown for the first purchase of books, and an an- 
 nual contribution for increasing them. So few were the 
 readers at that time in I'hiladelphia, and the majority of 
 us so poor, that 1 was not able, with great industry, to 
 find more than hlty persons, mostly young tradesmen, 
 willing to pay down for this purpose forty shillings each, 
 and ten shillings per rumum. On this little fund we be- 
 gan. The books were; imported ; the library was opened 
 one day in the week for lending to the subscribers, on 
 their promissory notes to pay double the value if not duly 
 returned. The institution soon manifested its utility, was 
 imitated by other towns, and in other provinces. The 
 libraries were augmented by donations ; reading became 
 fashionable ; and our peo|)le, having no publick amuse- 
 ments to divert their attention from study, became better 
 acquainted with books, and in a few years were observ'd 
 by strangers to be better instructed and more intelligent 
 than people of the same rank generally are in other 
 countries. 
 
 When we were about to sign the above-mentioned 
 articles, which were to be binding on us, our heirs, etc., 
 for fifty years, Mr. Brockden, the scrivener, said to us, 
 " You are young men, but it is scarcely probable that 
 any of you will live to see the expiration of the term fix'd 
 in the instrument." A number of us, however, are yet 
 living ; but the instrument vv^as after a few years rendered 
 null by a charter that incorporated and gave perpetuity 
 to the company. 
 
84 FRANKLIN 
 
 The objections and reluctances I met with in soliciting 
 the subscriptions, made me soon feel the impropriety of 
 presenting one's self as the proposer of any useful project, 
 that might be suppos'd to raise one's reputation in the 
 smallest degree above that of one's neighbors, when one 
 has need of their assistance to accomplish that project. I 
 therefore put myself as much as I could out of sight, and 
 stated it as a scheme of a number of frie^ids, who had re- 
 quested me to go about and propose it to such as they 
 thought lovers of reading. In this way my affair went 
 on more smoothly, and I ever after practis'd it on such 
 occasions ; and, from my frequent successes, can heartily 
 recommend it. The present little sacrifice of your vanity 
 will afterwards be amply repaid. If it remains a while un- 
 certain to whom the merit belongs, some one more vain 
 than yourself will be encouraged to claim it, and then even 
 envy will be disposed to do you justice by plucking those 
 assumed feathers, and restoring them to their right 
 owner. 
 
 This library afforded me the means of improvement 
 by constant study, for which I set apart an hour or two 
 each day, and thus repair'd in some degree the loss of 
 the learned education my father once intended for me. 
 Reading was the only amusement I allow'd myself. I 
 spent no time in taverns, games, or frolicks of any kind ; 
 and my industry in my business continu'd as indefatigable 
 as it was necessary. I was indebted for my printing- 
 house ; I had a young family coming on ^o be educated, 
 and I had to contend with for business two printers, who 
 were established in the place before me. My circum- 
 stances, however, grew daily easier. My original habits 
 of frugality continuing, and my father having, among his 
 instructions to me when a boy, frequently repeated a 
 proverb of Solomon, " Seest thou a man diligent in his call- 
 ing, he shall stand before kings, he shall not stand before 
 mean men," I from thence considered industry as a means 
 of obtaining wealth and distinction, which encourag'd me, 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 85 
 
 tho' I did not think that I should ever literally stand before 
 kings, which, however, has since happened ; for I have 
 stood before ^t/^, and even had the honor of sitting down 
 with one, the King of Denmark, to dinner. 
 
 We have an English proverb that says, " He that would 
 thrive, must ask his wifeT It was lucky for me that I had 
 one as much dispos'd to industry and frugality as myself. 
 She assisted me cheerfully in my business, folding and 
 stitching pamphlets, tending shop, purchasing old linen 
 rags for the paper-makers, etc., etc. We kept no idle 
 servants, our table was plain and simple, our furniture of 
 the cheapest. For instance, my breakfast was a long time 
 bread and milk (no tea), and I ate it out of a twopenny 
 earthen porringer, with a pewter spoon. But mark how 
 luxury will enter families, and make a progress, in spite 
 of principle : being call'd one morning to breakfast, I 
 found it in a China bowl, with a spoon of silver ! They 
 had been bought for me without my knowledge by my 
 wife, and had cost her the enormous sum of three-and- 
 twenty shillings, for which she had no other excuse or 
 apology to make, but that she thought her husband de- 
 serv'd a silver spoon and China bowl as well as any of his 
 neighbors. This was the first appearance of plate and 
 China in our house, which afterward, in a course of years, 
 as our wealth increas'd, augmented gradually to several 
 hundred pounds in value. 
 
 I had been religiously educated as a Presbyterian ; 
 and tho' some of the dogmas of that persuasion, such as 
 the eternal decrees of God, election, reprobation, etc., appeared 
 to me unintelligible, others doubtful, and I early absented 
 myself from the public assemblies of the sect, Sunday be- 
 ing my studying day, I never was without some religious 
 principles. I never doubted, for instance, the existence 
 of the Deity ; that he made the world, and govern'd it by 
 his Providence ; that the most acceptable service of God 
 was the doing good to man ; that our souls are immortal ; 
 and that all crime will be punished, and virtue rewarded. 
 
86 FRANKLIN 
 
 either here or hereafter. These I esteem'd the essentials 
 of every religion ; and, being to be found in all religions 
 we had in our country, I respected them all, tho' with 
 different degrees of respect, as I found them more or less 
 mix'd with other articles, which, without any tendency to 
 inspire, promote, or confirm morality, serv'd principally 
 to divide us, and make us unfriendly to one another. This 
 respect to all, with an opinion that the worst had some 
 good effects, induc'd me to avoid all discourse that might 
 tend to lessen the good opinion another might have of his 
 own religion ; and as our province increas'd in people, 
 and new places of worship were continually wanted, and 
 generally erected by voluntary contribution, my mite for 
 such purpose, whatever might be the sect, was never 
 refused. 
 
 Tho' I seldom attended any public worship, I had still 
 an opinion of its propriety, and of its utility when rightly 
 conducted, and I regularly paid my annual subscription 
 for the support of the only Presbyterian minister or meet- 
 ing we had in Philadelphia. He us'd to visit me some- 
 times as a friend, and admonish me to attend his adminis- 
 trations, and I was now and then prevail'd on to do so, 
 once for five Sundays successively. Had he been in my 
 opinion a good preacher, perhaps I might have continued, 
 notwithstanding the occasion I had for the Sunday's lei- 
 sure in my course of study; but his discourses were chiefly 
 either polemic arguments, or explications of the peculiar 
 doctrines of our sect, and were all to me very dry, unin- 
 teresting, and unedifying, since not a single moral princi- 
 ple was inculcated or enforc'd, their aim seeming to be 
 rather to make us Presbyterians than good citizens. 
 
 At length he took for his text that verse of the fourth 
 chapter of Philippians, " Finally, brethren, "whatsoever things 
 are true, honest, just, pure, lovely, or of good report, if there 
 be any virtue, or any praise, think on these things'* And I 
 imagin'd, in a sermon on such a text, we could not miss of 
 having some morality. But he confin'd himself to five 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 8/ 
 
 points only, as meant by the apostle, viz.: i. Keeping 
 holy the Sabbath day. 2. Being diligent in reading the 
 holy Scriptures. 3. Attending duly the publick worship. 
 4. Partaking of the Sacrament. 5. Paying a due respect 
 to God's ministers. These might be all good things ; but, 
 as they were not the kind of good things that I expected 
 from that text, I despaired of ever meeting with them 
 from any other, was disgusted, and attended his preach- 
 ing no more. I had some years before compos'd a little 
 Liturgy, or form of prayer, for my own private use (viz., 
 in 1728), entitled Articles of Belief and Acts of Religion. I 
 return'd to the use of this, and went no more to the pub- 
 Hck assemblies. My conduct might be blameable, but I 
 leave it, without attempting further to excuse it ; my 
 present purpose being to relate facts, and not to make 
 apologies for them. 
 
 It was about this time I conceiv'd the bold and ardu- 
 ous project of arriving at moral perfection. I wish'd to 
 live without committing any fault at any time ; I would 
 conquer all that either natural inclination, custom, or 
 company might lead me into. As I knew, or thought I 
 knew, what was right and wrong, I did not see why 1 
 might not always do the one and avoid the other. But I 
 soon found I had undertaken a task of more difficulty 
 than I had imagined. While my care was employ 'd in 
 guarding against one fault, I was often surprised by an- 
 other ; habit took the advantage of inattention ; inclina- 
 tion was sometimes too strong for reason. I concluded, 
 at length, that the mere speculative conviction that it was 
 our interest to be completely virtuous was not sufficient 
 to prevent our slipping ; and that the contrary habits 
 must be broken, and good ones acquired and established, 
 before we can have any dependence on a steady, uniform 
 rectitude of conduct. For this purpose I therefore con- 
 trived the following method. 
 
 In the various enumerations of the moral virtues I had 
 met with in my reading, I found the catalogue more or 
 
88 FRANKLIN 
 
 less numerous, as different writers included more or fewer 
 ideas under the same name. Temperance, for example, 
 was by some confined to eating and drinking, while by 
 others it was extended to mean the moderating every 
 other pleasure, appetite, inclination, or passion, bodily or 
 mental, even to our avarice and ambition. I propos'd to 
 myself, for the sake of clearness, to use rather more names, 
 with fewer ideas annex'd to each, than a few names with 
 more ideas ; and I included under thirteen names of vir- 
 tues all that at that time occurr'd to me as necessary or 
 desirable, and annexed to each a short precept, which fully 
 express'd the extent I gave to its meaning. 
 
 These names of virtues, with their precepts, were : 
 
 I. Temperance. 
 Eat not to dullness ; drink not to elevation. 
 
 2. Silence. 
 
 Speak not but what may benefit others or yourself ; 
 avoid trifling conversation, 
 
 3. Order. 
 
 Let all your things have their places ; let each part of 
 your business have its time. 
 
 4. Resolution. 
 
 Resolve to perform what you ought ; perform without 
 fail what you resolve. 
 
 5. Frugality. 
 
 Make no expense but to do good to others or your- 
 self ; i. e., waste nothing. 
 
 6. Industry. 
 
 Lose no time ; be always employ'd in something use- 
 ful ; cut off all unnecessary actions. 
 
autobiography 89 
 
 7. Sincerity. 
 
 Use no hurtful deceit ; think innocently and justly ; 
 and, if you speak, speak accordingly. 
 
 8. Justice. 
 
 Wrong none by doing injuries, or omitting the bene- 
 fits that are your duty. 
 
 9. Moderation. 
 
 Avoid extreams; forbear resenting injuries so much 
 as you think they deserve. 
 
 10. Cleanliness. 
 
 Tolerate no uncleanliness in body, cloaths, or habita- 
 tion. 
 
 II. Tranquillity. 
 
 Be not disturbed at trifles, or at accidents common 
 or unavoidable. 
 
 12. Chastity. 
 
 Rarely use venery but for health or offspring, never 
 to dulness, weakness, or the injury of your own or an- 
 other's peace or reputation. 
 
 13. Humility. 
 Imitate Jesus and Socrates. 
 
 My intention being to acquire the habitude of all these 
 virtues, I judg'd it would be well not to distract my at- 
 tention by attempting the whole at once, but to fix it on 
 one of them at a time ; and, when I should be master of 
 that, then to proceed to another, and so on, till I should 
 have gone thro' the thirteen ; and, as the previous acqui- 
 sition of some might facilitate the acquisition of certain 
 others, I arrang'd them with that view, as they stand above. 
 
90 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 Temperance first, as it tends to procure that coolness and 
 clearness of head, which is so necessary where constant 
 vigilance was to be kept up, and guard maintained against 
 the unremitting attraction of ancient habits, and the force 
 of perpetual temptations. This being acquir'd and estab- 
 lish'd, Silence would be more easy ; and my desire being 
 to gain knowledge at the same time that I improv'd in 
 virtue, and considering that in conversation it was ob- 
 tain'd rather by the use of the ears than of the tongue, 
 and therefore wishing to break a habit I was getting into 
 of prattling, punning, and joking, which only made me 
 acceptable to trifling company, I gave Silence the second 
 place. This and the next, Order, I expected would allow 
 me more time for attending to my project and my studies. 
 Resolution, once become habitual, would keep me firm in 
 my endeavors to obtain all the subsequent virtues ; Frii- 
 gality and Industry freeing me from my remaining debt, 
 and producing affluence and independence, would make 
 more easy the practice of Sincerity and Justice, etc., etc. 
 Conceiving then that, agreeably to the advice of Pythag- 
 oras in his Golden Verses, daily examination would be 
 necessary, I contrived the following method for conduct- 
 ing that examination. 
 
 I made a little book, in which I allotted a page for 
 each of the virtues. I rul'd each page with red ink, so 
 as to have seven columns, one for each day of the week, 
 marking each column with a letter for the day. I cross'd 
 these columns with thirteen red lines, marking the begin- 
 ning of each line with the first letter of one of the virtues, 
 on which line, and in its proper column, I might mark, by 
 a little black spot, every fault I found upon examination 
 to have been committed respecting that virtue upon that 
 day. 
 
 I determined to give a week's strict attention to each 
 of the virtues successively. Thus, in the first week, my 
 great guard was to avoid every the least offence against 
 Temperance, leaving the other virtues to their ordinary 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 Form of the pages. 
 
 91 
 
 TEMPERANCE. 
 
 EAT NOT TO DULLNESS ; 
 DRINK NOT TO ELEVATION. 
 
 
 S. 
 
 M. 
 
 T. 
 
 W. 
 
 T. 
 
 F. 
 
 S. 
 
 T. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 
 
 * 
 
 ♦ 
 
 
 « 
 
 
 » 
 
 
 0. 
 
 « « 
 
 • 
 
 ♦ 
 
 
 « 
 
 » 
 
 ♦ 
 
 R. 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 • 
 
 
 F. 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 I. 
 
 
 
 « 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 J. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 M. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 C. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 T. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 C. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 H. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 chance, only marking every evening the faults of the day. 
 Thus, if in the first week I could keep my first line, 
 marked T, clear of spots, I suppos'd the habit of that 
 virtue so much strengthen'd, and its opposite weaken'd, 
 that I might venture extending my attention to include 
 the next, and for the following week keep both lines clear 
 of spots. Proceeding thus to the last, I could go thro' a 
 course compleat in thirteen weeks, and four courses in a 
 year. And like him who, having a garden to weed, does 
 not attempt to eradicate all the bad herbs at once, which 
 would exceed his reach and his strength, but works on 
 one of the beds at a time, and, having accomplish'd the 
 first, proceeds to a second, so I should have, I hoped, the 
 encouraging pleasure of seeing on my pages the progress 
 1 made in virtue, by clearing successively my lines of 
 
9-^ 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 their spots, till in the end. bv a nnniber of courses. I 
 should he happy in viewing- a clean book, after a thirteen 
 weeks' dailv examination. 
 
 This my little book had for its motto these lines from 
 Addison's " Cato : *' 
 
 " Hero will I hold. If there's a power above us 
 (^Aiul that there is. ;U1 nature cries aloud 
 Thro' all her works). He nuist delight in virtue; 
 And that which he deliglits in must be happy." 
 
 Another from Cicero: 
 
 •• O vitx rhilosophia dux ! O virtutum indagatrix expultrixque ntio- 
 r\ini I Unus dies, bene et ex pneceptis tuis actus, peccanti immortaluali 
 
 est antcponendus." 
 
 Another from the Proverbs of Solomon, speaking- of 
 ^visdom or virtue : 
 
 •' Length of days is in her right hand., and in her left hand riches and 
 honour. Her ways .u-e ways of pleasantness, and .Ul her paths are 
 peace." iii. 16, i~. 
 
 And conceiving- God to be the fountain of wisdom. I 
 thought it right and necessary to solicit his assistance for 
 obtaining it; to this end 1 formed the following- little 
 prayer, which was pretix'd to mv tables of examination, 
 lor daily use. 
 
 " O ponvrfml Goodness / boHnti/Hl Fatkfr / mtrctful Gm'd* / In- 
 crfasf :'h m* tkat wisdom ti'kick d/scotsrrs my tru^s/ ift/tr^sf. 
 Strrni^tif-H my r^solM/t\>ns to perform wkat tkat wisi/om <//.-/»j*Vj. 
 AiV^/>/ my JtinJ oj^^vs to thy ct^fr chilJr^H as the ottfy return in my 
 
 f\*s'er for thy contsHUiil J\it\*s4rs to me." 
 
 1 used also sometimes a little prayer which I took 
 from Thomson's "' rooms." viz.: 
 
 •• Father of light and life, thou Gt.Hxl Supreme ! 
 O leach n\e what is g\xxi ; teach me Thyself! 
 Sa\*e me from folly, \~\nity. and >nce. 
 Fn,in\ every low pursuit : aiid fill my soul 
 With knowUxlgv. cv^nscious peace, and virtue pure; 
 S^icred, subsi.mii;U. never-fading bliss! " 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 93 
 
 The precept of Order reqiiiring that every fart of v/y 
 business should Jiavc its allotted ti»ie, one pnge in my little 
 book contain'd tiie folUnving' sciiemc of employ nicnt for 
 the twenty-four hours of a natural day. 
 
 Thk Morning. 
 Quest I Oft. What good shall 
 1 do this day ? 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 lo 
 II 
 
 Rise, wash and addirss Pmv- 
 crfitl Cnhhiuess / Contrive day's 
 business, and take the resolution 
 of the day ; prosecute the present 
 study, and breakfast. 
 
 Work. 
 
 Noon. 
 
 ( 12 I Read, or overlook my ac- 
 
 / I \ counts, and dine. 
 
 Evening. 
 Question. What good have 
 I done to-day ? 
 
 Night. 
 
 Work. 
 
 Put things in their places. 
 Supper. Music or diversion, or 
 conversation. Examination of 
 the day. 
 
 Sleep. 
 
 I enter'd upon the execution of this plan for self- 
 examination, and continu'd it with occasional intermis- 
 sions for some time. I was surpris'd to find myself so 
 much fuller of faults than I had imagined ; but I had 
 the satisfaction of seeing them diminish. To avoid the 
 trouble of renewing now and then my little book, which, 
 by scraping out the marks on the paper of old faults to 
 make room for new ones in a new course, became full of 
 
g^ FRANKLIN 
 
 holes, I tmnsferr'd my tables and precepts to the ivory 
 leaves of a memorandum book, in which the lines were 
 drawn with red ink, that made a durable stain, and on 
 those lines I mark'd my faults with a black-lead pencil, 
 which marks I could easily wipe out with a wet sponge. 
 After a while I went thro' one course only in a year, and 
 afterward only one in several years, till at length I 
 omitted them entirely, being employ 'd in voyages and 
 business abroad, with a multiplicity of affairs that inter- 
 fered ; but I always carried my little book with me. 
 
 My scheme of Order gave me the most trouble ; and 
 I found that, tho' it might be practicable where a man's 
 business was such as to leave him the disposition of his 
 time, that of a journeyman printer, for instance, it was 
 not possible to be exactly observed by a master, who 
 must mix with the world, and often receive people of 
 business at their own hours. On/t-r, too, with regard to 
 places for things, papers, etc., I found extreamely difficult 
 to acquire. I had not been early accustomed to it, and, 
 having an exceeding good mcmorv, I was not so sensible 
 of the inconvenience attending want of method. This 
 article, therefore, cost me so much painful attention, and 
 my faults in it vexed me so much, and I made so little 
 progress in amendment, and had such frequent relapses, 
 that I was almost ready to give up the attempt, and con- 
 tent myself with a faulty character in that respect, like 
 the man who, in buving an ax of a smith, mv neighbour, 
 desired to have the whole of its surface as bright as the 
 edge. The smith consented to grind it bright for him 
 if he would turn the wheel; he turn'd. while the 
 smith press'd the broad face of the ax hard and heavily 
 on the stone, which made the turning of it very fatiguing. 
 The man came every now and then from the wheel to see 
 how the work went on, and at length would take his ax 
 as it was, without farther grinding, " No," said the smith, 
 " turn on, turn on ; we shall have it bright by-and-by ; as 
 yet, it is only speckled." " Yes," says the man, " hit I 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 95 
 
 think I like a speckled ax best." And I believe this may 
 have been the case with many, who, having, for want of 
 some such means as I employ 'd, found the difficulty of 
 obtaining- good and breaking bad habits in other points 
 of vice and virtue, have given up the struggle, and con- 
 cluded that "^ speckled ax was best ; " for something, that 
 pretended to be reason, was every now and then suggest- 
 ing to me that such extream nicety as I exacted of myself 
 might be a kind of foppery in morals, which, if it were 
 known, would make me ridiculous; that a perfect char- 
 acter might be attended with the inconvenience of being 
 envied and hated ; and that a benevolent man should 
 allow a few faults in himself, to keep his friends in coun- 
 tenance. 
 
 In truth, I found myself incorrigible with respect to 
 Order; and now I am grown old, and my memory bad, I 
 feel very sensibly the want of it. But, on the whole, tho' 
 I never arrived at the perfection I had been so ambitious 
 of obtaining, but fell far short of it, yet I was, by the en- 
 deavour, a better and a happier man than I otherwise 
 should have been if I had not attempted it ; as those who 
 aim at perfect writing by imitating the engraved copies, 
 tho' they never reach the wish'd-for excellence of those 
 copies, their hand is mended by the endeavor, and is tol- 
 erable while it continues fair and legible. 
 
 It may be well my posterity should be informed that 
 to this little artifice, with the blessing of God, their ances- 
 tor ow'd the constant felicity of his life, down to his 79th 
 year, in which this is written. What reverses may attend 
 the remainder is in the hand of Providence ; but, if they 
 arrive, the reflection on past happiness enjoy 'd ought to 
 help his bearing them with more resignation. To Tem- 
 perance he ascribes his long-continued health, and what 
 is still left to him of a good constitution ; to Industry and 
 Frugality, the early easiness of his circumstances and ac- 
 quisition of his fortune, with all that knowledge that en- 
 abled him to be a useful citizen, and obtained for him 
 
C)6 FRANKLIN 
 
 some degree of reputation among: the learned ; to Sin- 
 cerity and Justice, the confidence of his country, and the 
 honorable employs it conferred upon him ; and to the joint 
 influence of the whole mass of the virtues, even in the im- 
 perfect state he was able to acquire them, all that evenness 
 of temper, and that cheerfulness in conversation, ^vhich 
 makes his company still sought for, and agreeable even to 
 his yoimger acquaintance. I hope, therefore, that some 
 of my descendants may follow the example and reap the 
 benefit. 
 
 It will be remark'd that, tho' my scheme \vas not 
 wholly without religion, there was in it no mark of any of 
 the distinguishing tenets of any particular sect. I had 
 purposely avoided them ; for, being fully persuaded of 
 the utility and excellency of m)' method, and that it might 
 be serviceable to people in all religions, and intending 
 some time or other to publish it, I would not have any 
 thing in it that should prejudice any one, of any sect, 
 against it. I purposed writing a little comment on each 
 virtue, in which I would have shown the advantages of 
 possessing it. and the mischiefs attending its opposite 
 vice ; and 1 should have called my book The Art of Vir- 
 tue,' because it would have shown the means and man- 
 ner of obtaining virtue, which would have distinguished 
 it from the mere exhortation to be good, that does not in- 
 struct and indicate the means, but is like the apostle's 
 man of verbal charity, who only without showing to the 
 naked and hungry how or where they might get clothes 
 or victuals, exhorted them to be fed and clothed. — James 
 ii, 15, 16. 
 
 But it so happened that my intention of writing and 
 publishing this comment was never fulfilled. I did, in- 
 deed, from time to time, put down short hints of the sen- 
 timents, reasonings, etc., to be made use of in it, some of 
 which I have still by me ; but the necessary close atten- 
 tion to private business in the earlier part of my life, and 
 
 * Nothing so likely to make a man's fortune as virtue. 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 07 
 
 public business since, have occasioned my postponing it ; 
 lor, it being connected in my mind with a great and exten- 
 sive projai, that required the whole man to execute, and 
 which an unforeseen succession of employs prevented my 
 attending to, it has hitherto rcmain'd unfinish'd. 
 
 In this piece it was my design to explain and enforce 
 this doctrine, that vicious actions are not hurtful because 
 they are forbidden, but forbidden because they are hurt- 
 ful, the nature of man alone considered ; that it was, there- 
 fore, every one's interest to be virtuous who wish'd to be 
 happy even in this world ; and I should, from this circum- 
 stance (there being always in the world a number of rich 
 merchants, nobility, states, and princes, who have need of 
 honest instruments for the management of their affairs, 
 and such being so rare), have endeavored to convince 
 young persons that no qualities were so likely to make a 
 poor man's fortune as those of probity and integrity. 
 
 My list of virtues contain'd at first but twelve ; but a 
 Quaker friend having kindly informed me that I was 
 generally thought proud ; that my pride show'd itself 
 frequently in conversation ; that I was not content with 
 being in the right when discussing any point, but was 
 overbearing, and rather insolent, of which he convinc'd 
 me by mentioning several instances ; I determined endeav- 
 ouring to cure myself, if I could, of this vice or folly 
 among the rest, and I added Humility to my list, giving 
 an extensive meaning to the word. 
 
 I cannot boast of much success in acquiring the reality 
 of this virtue, but I had a good deal with regard to the 
 appearance of it. I made it a rule to forbear all direct 
 contradiction to the sentiments of others, and all positive 
 assertion of my own. I even forbid myself, agreeably to 
 the old laws of our Junto, the use of every word or ex- 
 pression in the language that imported a fix'd opinion, 
 such as certainly, undoubtedly, etc., and I adopted instead 
 of them, I conceive, I appreliend, or I imagine a thing to be 
 so or so ; or it so appears to me at present. When another 
 7 
 
98 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 asserted somcthinj^ that I thought an error, T denv'd mv- 
 self the pleasure of coutradieting him abruptly, and of 
 showing iintnediatelv some absuiclitv in his proposition; 
 and in answeiiiig I began bv observing that in certain 
 cases or circumstances his opinion would be right, but in 
 the present case thcvc i2/'j\tir'if or serffi',/ to me some dif- 
 ference, etc. I soon found the advantage of this change 
 in mv manner; the conversations I cngag'd in went on 
 more pleasantly. The modest way in which 1 propos'd 
 nn opinions procur'd them a readier reception and less 
 contradiction: I had less mortification when I was found 
 to be in the wrong, and 1 more easily prcvail'd with 
 others to give up their mistakes and join with me when I 
 happened to be in the right. 
 
 And this mode, which 1 at first put on with some vio- 
 lence to natural inclination, became at length so easy, and 
 so habitual to me, that perhaps for these fifty years past 
 no one has ever heard a dogmatical expression escape me. 
 And to this habit (after my character of integrity) 1 think 
 it principally owing that I had early so much weight with 
 mv fellow-citizens when 1 proposed new institutions, or 
 alterations in the old, and so much influence in public 
 councils when 1 became a member; for I was but a bad 
 speaker, never eloquent, subject to much hesitation in my 
 choice of words, hardlv correct in language, and yet I 
 generally carried my points. 
 
 In reality, there is. periuips. no one of our natural pas- 
 sions so hard to subdue as priJr. Disguise it. struggle with 
 it. beat it down, stifle it. mortifv it as much as one pleases, 
 it is still alive, and will every now and then peep out and 
 show itself ; you will see it, perhaps, often in this history ; 
 for. even if 1 could conceive that I had compleatlv over- 
 come it. 1 should probably be proud of my humility. 
 
 [ Thus far written at Passv. 17S4.] 
 
 Having mentioned a i^rat and cwtc-nshc' f'ny'crt which T 
 had conceiv'd, it seems proper that some account should 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 99 
 
 be here given of that project and its object. Its first rise 
 in my mind appears in the following little paper, acci- 
 dentally preserv'd, viz. : 
 
 Observations on my reading history, in Library, May 
 19th, 1731. 
 
 '* That the great affairs of the world, the wars, revolu- 
 tions, etc., are carried on and effected by parties. 
 
 " That the view of these parties is their present gen- 
 eral interest, or what they take to be such. 
 
 " That the different views of these different parties 
 occasion all confusion. 
 
 "That while a party is carrying on a general design, 
 each man has his particular private interest in view. 
 
 " That as soon as a party has gain'd its general point, 
 each member becomes intent upon his particular interest ; 
 which, thwarting others, breaks that party into divisions, 
 and occasions more confusion. 
 
 " That few in public affairs act from a meer view of 
 the good of their country, whatever they may pretend ; 
 and, tho' their actings bring real good to their country, 
 yet men primarily considered that their own and their 
 country's interest was united, and did not act from a prin- 
 ciple of benevolence. 
 
 " That fewer still, in public affairs, act with a view to 
 the good of mankind. 
 
 " There seems to me at present to be great occasion 
 for raising a United Party for Virtue, by forming the vir- 
 tuous and good men of all nations into a regular body, to 
 be govern'd by suitable good and wise rules, which good 
 and wise men may probably be more unanimous in their 
 obedience to, than common people are to common laws. 
 
 " I at present think that whoever attempts this aright, 
 and is well qualified, can not fail of pleasing God, and of 
 meeting with success. B. F." 
 
 Revolving this project in my mind, as to be under- 
 taken hereafter, when my circumstances should afford 
 me the necessary leisure, I put down from time to time, 
 
lOO FRANKLIN 
 
 on pieces of paper, such thoughts as occurr'd to me re- 
 specting it. Most of these are lost ; but I find one pur- 
 porting to be the substance of an intended creed, contain- 
 ing, as I thought, the essentials of every known religion, 
 and being free of every thing that might shock the pro- 
 fessors of any religion. It is express'd in these words, 
 viz. : 
 
 " That there is one God, who made all things. 
 
 " That he governs the world by his providence. 
 
 " That he ought to be worshiped by adoration, prayer, 
 and thanksgiving. 
 
 " But that the most acceptable service of God is doing 
 good to man. 
 
 " That the soul is immortal, 
 
 " And that God will certainly reward virtue and pun- 
 ish vice, either here or hereafter." 
 
 My ideas at that time were, that the sect should be 
 begun and spread at first among young and single men 
 only ; that each person to be initiated should not only de- 
 clare his assent to such creed, but should have exercised 
 himself with the thirteen weeks' examination and practice 
 of the virtues, as in the before-mention'd model ; that the 
 existence of such a society should be kept a secret, till it 
 was become considerable, to prevent solicitations for the 
 admission of improper persons, but that the members 
 should each of them search among his acquaintance for 
 ingenuous, well-disposed youths, to whom, with prudent 
 caution, the scheme should be gradually communicated ; 
 that the members should engage to afford their advice, 
 assistance, and support to each other in promoting one 
 another's interests, business, and advancement in life; that, 
 for distinction, we should be call'd TJic Society of the Free 
 and Easy : free, as being, by the general practice and habit 
 of the virtues, free from the dominion of vice ; and par- 
 ticularly by the practice of industry and frugality, free 
 from debt, which exposes a man to confinement, and a 
 species of slavery to his creditors. 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY lOl 
 
 This is as much as I can now recollect of the project, 
 except that I communicated it in part to two young men, 
 who adopted it with some enthusiasm ; but my then nar- 
 row circumstances, and the necessity I was under of stick- 
 ing close to my business, occasion'd my postponing the 
 further prosecution of it at that time ; and my multifari- 
 ous occupations, public and private, induc'd me to con- 
 tinue postponing, so that it has been omitted till I have 
 no longer strength or activity left sufficient for such an 
 enterprise ; tho' 1 am still of opinion that it was a practi- 
 cable scheme, and might have been very useful, by form- 
 ing a great number of good citizens ; and I was not dis- 
 courag'd by the seeming magnitude of the undertaking, 
 as I have always thought that one man of tolerable abili- 
 ties may work great changes, and accomplish great affairs 
 among mankind, if he first forms a good plan, and, cut- 
 ting off all amusements or other employments that would 
 divert his attention, makes the execution of that same 
 plan his sole study and business. 
 
 In 1732 I first publish'd my Almanack, under the 
 name of Richard Saunders ; it was continu'd by me about 
 twenty-five years, commonly call'd " Poor Richard's Al- 
 manac." I endeavor'd to make it both entertaining and 
 useful, and it accordingly came to be in such demand, that 
 I reap'd considerable profit from it, vending annually near 
 ten thousand. And observing that it was generally read, 
 scarce any neighborhood in the province being without 
 it, I consider'd it as a proper vehicle for conveying in- 
 struction among the common people, who bought scarce- 
 ly any other books ; I therefore filled all the little spaces 
 that occurr'd between the remarkable days in the calen- 
 dar with proverbial sentences, chiefly such as inculcated 
 industry and frugality, as the means of procuring wealth, 
 and thereby securing virtue ; it being more difficult for a 
 man in want, to act always honestly, as, to use here one 
 of those proverbs, it is hard for an empty sack to stand 
 upright. 
 
lOJ FRANKLIN 
 
 These proverbs, which contained the wisdom of many 
 ages and nations. I assembled and form'd into a connected 
 discourse prefix'd to the Ahiianack of 1757. as the ha- 
 rangue of a wise old man to the people attending an auc- 
 tion. The bringing all these scatter'd counsels thus into 
 a focus enabled them to make greater impression. The 
 piece, being universallv approved, was copied in all the 
 newspapers of the Continent ; reprinted in Britain on a 
 broad side, to be stuck up in houses : two translations were 
 made of it in French, and great numbers bought bv the 
 clergy and gentrv. to distribute gratis among their poor 
 parishioners and tenants. In rennsvlvania, as it discour- 
 aged useless expense in foreign supertluities. some thought 
 it had its share of influence in producing that growing 
 plenty of nionev which was observable for several years 
 alter its publication. 
 
 I considered mv newspaper, also, as another means of 
 coi\inuinicating instruction, and in that view frequently 
 reprinted in it extracts from the " Spectator." and other 
 moral writers ; and sometimes publish"d little pieces of 
 my own. which had been first compos'd for reading in our 
 junto. Of these are a Socratic dialogue, tending to prove 
 that, whatever might be his parts and abilities, a vicious 
 man could not properlv be called a man of sense ; and a 
 discourse on self-denial, showing that virtue was not 
 secure till its practice became a habitude, and was free 
 from the opposition of contrary inclinations. These may 
 be found in the papers about the beginning of 1735. 
 
 In the conduct of mv newspaper. I carefully excluded 
 all libelling and personal abuse, which is of late years be- 
 come so disgraceful to our country. Whenever I was 
 solicited to insert anv thing of that kind, and the writei^s 
 pleaded, as they generally did. the liberty of the press, 
 and tiiat a newspaper was like a stage-coach, in which 
 anv one who would pav had a right to a place, mv answer 
 was. that 1 would print the piece separately it desired, 
 and the author might have as many copies as he pleased 
 
AUTOBIOGRArHY 
 
 103 
 
 to distribute himself, but that I would not take upon me 
 to spread his detraction ; and that, having contracted with 
 niv subscribers to furnish them with what might be cither 
 useful or entertaining. I could not till their papers with 
 private altercation, in which thev had no concern, with- 
 out doing them manifest injustice. Now, many of our 
 printers make no scruple of gratifying the malice of indi- 
 viduals by false accusations of the fairest characters among 
 ourselves, augmenting animosity even to the producing 
 of duels ; and are, moreover, so indiscreet as to print scur- 
 rilous reflections on the government of neighboring states, 
 and even on the conduct of our best national allies, which 
 may be attended with the most pernicious consequences. 
 These things 1 mention as a caution to young printers, 
 and that they may be encouraged not to pollute their 
 presses and disgrace their profession by such infamous 
 practices, but refuse steadilv. as they may see by my ex- 
 ample that such a course of conduct will not, on the whole, 
 be injurious to their interests. 
 
 In 1733 I sent one of my journeymen to Charleston, 
 South Carolina, where a printer was wanting. I furnish 'd 
 him with a press and letters, on an agreement of partner- 
 ship, by which I was to receive one-third of the profits of 
 the business, paving one-third of the expense. He was a 
 man of learning, and honest but ignorant in matters of 
 account; and. tho' he sometimes made me remittances, I 
 could get no account from him, nor any satisfactory state 
 of our partnership while he lived. On his decease, the 
 business was continued by his widow, who, being born 
 and bred in Holland, where, as I have been inform'd, 
 the knowledge of accounts makes a part of female educa- 
 tion, she not only sent me as clear a state as she could 
 find of the transactions past, but continued to account 
 with the greatest regularity and exactness evcrv quar- 
 ter afterwards, and managed the business with such suc- 
 cess, that she not only brought up reputably a family of 
 children, but, at the expiration of the term, was able to 
 
104 FRANKLIN 
 
 purchase of me the printing-house, and establish her son 
 in it. 
 
 I mention this affair chi.fly for the sake of recommend- 
 ing that branch of education for our young females, as 
 likely to be of more use to them and their children, in 
 case of widowhood, than either music or dancing, by pre- 
 serving them from losses by imposition of crafty men, and 
 enabling them to continue, perhaps, a profitable mercan- 
 tile house, with establish'd correspondence, till a son is 
 grown up fit to undertake and go on with it, to the lasting 
 advantage and enriching of the family. 
 
 About the vear 1734 there arrived among us from Ire- 
 land a young Presbyterian preacher, named Hemphill, 
 who delivered with a good voice, and apparently extem- 
 pore, most excellent discourses, which drew together con- 
 siderable numbers of different persuasions, who join'd in 
 admiring them. Among the rest, I became one of his 
 constant hearers, his sermons pleasing me, as thev had 
 little of the dogmatical kind, but inculcated strongly the 
 practice of virtue, or what in the religious stile are called 
 good works. Those, however, of our congregation, who 
 considered themselves as orthodox Presbyterians, disap- 
 prov'd his doctrine, and were join'd by most of the old 
 clergy, who arraign'd him of heterodoxy before the synod, 
 in order to have him silenc'd. I became his zealous par- 
 tisan, and contributed all I could to raise a party in his 
 favour, and we combated for him a while with some hopes 
 of success. There was much scribbling pro and con upon 
 the occasion; and finding that, tho' an elegant preacher, 
 he was but a poor writer, I lent him mv pen and wrote 
 for him two or three pamphlets, and one piece in the 
 " Gazette " of April, 1735. Those pamphlets, as is gener- 
 ally the case with controversial writings, tho' eagerly read 
 at the time, were soon out of vogue, and I question 
 whether a single copy of them now exists. 
 
 During the contest an unlucky occurrence hurt his 
 cause exceedinsjlv. One of our adversaries havinor heard 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY lOj 
 
 him preach a sermon that was much admired, thought he 
 had somewhere read the sermon before, or at least a part 
 of it. On search, he found that part quoted at length, in 
 one of the British Reviews, from a discourse of Dr. Fos- 
 ter's. This detection gave many of our party disgust, 
 who accordinglv abandoned his cause, and occasion'd our 
 more speedy discomfiture in the synod. I stuck by him, 
 however, as I rather approv'd his giving us good sermons 
 compos'd by others, than bad ones of his own manufac- 
 ture, tho' the latter was the practice of our common 
 teachers. He afterward acknowledg'd to me that none 
 of those he prcach'd were his own ; adding, that his mem- 
 ory was such as enabled him to retain and repeat any ser- 
 mon after one reading only. On our defeat, he left us in 
 search elsewhere of better fortune, and I quitted the con- 
 gregation, never joining it after, tho' I continu'd many 
 years my subscription for the support of its ministers. 
 
 I had begun in 1733 to study languages ; I soon made 
 myself so much a master of the French as to be able to 
 read the books with ease. I then undertook the Italian. 
 An acquaintance, who was also learning it, us'd often to 
 tempt me to plav chess with him. Finding this took up 
 too much of the time I had to spare for study, I at length 
 refus'd to play any more, unless on this condition, that 
 the victor in every game should have a right to impose a 
 task, either in parts of the grammar to be got by heart, or 
 in translations, etc., which tasks the vanquish'd was to 
 perform upon honour, before our next meeting. As we 
 pla3-'d pretty equally, we thus beat one another into that 
 language. I afterwards with a little painstaking, acquir'd 
 as much of the Spanish as to read their books also. 
 
 I have already mention'd that I had only one year's 
 instruction in a Latin school, and that when very young, 
 after which I neglected that language entirely. But, 
 when I had attained an acquaintance with the French, 
 Italian, and Spanish, I was surpriz'd to find, on looking 
 over a Latin Testament, that I understood so much more 
 
K>5 VRANKIIN 
 
 of that Lmguage than I had imai^ined. which encouraged 
 me to apply myself agfain to the study of it. and I met 
 with more success, as those preceding languages had 
 greatly smooth'd my way. 
 
 From these circumstances. I have thought that there 
 is some incvmsistency in our comiuon mode of teaching 
 languages. We are told that it is proper to begin tirst 
 with the Latin, and, having acv^uir'd that, it will be more 
 easv to attain those modern languages which are deriv'd 
 fR>m it : and yet we do not begin with the Greek, in order 
 more easily to acquire the L;itin. It is true that, if vou 
 can clamber and get to the top c>f a staircase without 
 using the steps, you will more easily gain them in de- 
 scending : but certainly, if you begin with the lowest vou 
 will with more ease ascend to the top : and I would there- 
 fore offer it to the consideration of those who superintend 
 the education of our youth, whether, since manv of those 
 who begin with the Latin quit the s^ime after spending 
 some vears without having made any great prohciencv. 
 and what they have learnt becomes almost useless, so that 
 their time has been lost, it would not have been better to 
 have begun with the French, proceeding to the Italian. 
 etc: for, tho', after spending the s^ime time, they should 
 quit the studv of languages and never arrive at the Latin, 
 thev would, however, have acviuired another tongue or 
 two. that, being in modern use. might be serviceable to 
 them in common life. 
 
 After ten vears* absence fR">m Boston, and having be- 
 come easv in niv circumstances. I made a journey thither 
 to visit mv relations, which I cc>uld not sooner well aflPord. 
 In returning. I call'd at Newport to see my brother, then 
 settled there with his printing-house. Our former dififer- 
 euv^vs were forgo^tten. and our meeting was very corviial 
 and affectionate. He was fast declining in his he.ilth. and 
 irquested of me that, in case of his death, which he ajv 
 prehendevi not far distant. 1 would take home his son. 
 then but tet; yeai-s of age, and bring hira up to the print- 
 
AUTOBIOGRArilV 
 
 107 
 
 ing business. This I accordingly pcrform'd, scndino^ him 
 a few vcars to school before I took him into the office. 
 His mother carried on the business till he was <:^rown up, 
 when I assisted him with an assortment of new types, 
 those of his father being- in a manner worn out. Thus it 
 was that I made my brother ample amends for the service 
 I had depriv'd him of by leaving him so early. 
 
 In 1736 I lost one of my sons, a fine boy of four years 
 old, by the small-pox, taken in the common way. I long 
 regretted bitterly, and still regret that 1 had not given it 
 to him by inoculation. This I mention for the sake of 
 parents who omit that operation, on the supposition that 
 they should never forgive themselves if a child died 
 under it; my example showing that the regret ma}-^ be 
 the same either way, and that, therefore, the safer should 
 be chOvSen. 
 
 Our club, the Junto, was found so useful, and afforded 
 such satisfaction to the members, that several were desir- 
 ous of introducing their friends, which could not well be 
 done without exceeding; what we had settled as a con- 
 venient number, viz., twelve. We had from the begin- 
 ning made it a rule to keep our institution a secret, which 
 was pretty well obscrv'd ; the intention was to avoid ap- 
 plications of improper persons for admittance, some of 
 whom, perhaps, we might find it ditTicult to refuse. I 
 was one of those who were against any addition to our 
 number, but, instead of it, made in writing a proposal, 
 that every member separately should endeavor to form a 
 subordinate club, with the same rules respecting queries, 
 etc., and without informing them of the connection with 
 the Junto. The advantages proposed were, the improve- 
 ment of so many more young citizens by the use of our 
 institutions ; our better acquaintance with the general sen- 
 timents of the inhabitants on any occasion, as the Junto 
 member might propose what queries we should desire, 
 and was to report to the Junto what pass'd in his separate 
 club; the promotion of our particular interests in business 
 
I08 FRANKLIN 
 
 by more extensive recommendation, and the increase of 
 our influence in public affairs, and our power of doing 
 good by spreading thro' the several clubs the sentiments 
 of the Junto. 
 
 The project was approv'd, and every member under- 
 took to form his club, but they did not all succeed. Five 
 or six only were compleated, which were called by differ- 
 ent names, as the Vine, the Union, the Band, etc. They 
 were useful to themselves, and afforded us a good deal of 
 amusement, information, and instruction, besides answer- 
 ing, in some considerable degree, our views of influencing 
 the public opinion on particular occasions, of which I 
 shall give some instances in course of time as they hap- 
 pened. 
 
 My first promotion was my being chosen, in 1736, clerk 
 of the General Assembly. The choice was made that year 
 without opposition ; but the year following, when I was 
 again propos'd (the choice, like that of the members, being 
 annual), a new member made a long speech against me, in 
 order to favour some other candidate. I was, however, 
 chosen, which was the more agreeable to me, as, besides 
 the pay for the immediate service as clerk, the place gave 
 me a better opportunity of keeping up an interest among 
 the members, which secur'd to me the business of print- 
 ing the votes, laws, paper money, and other occasional 
 jobbs for the public, that, on the whole, were very profit- 
 able. 
 
 I therefore did not like the opposition of this new 
 member, who was a gentleman of fortune and education, 
 with talents that were likely to give him, in time, great 
 influence in the House, which, indeed, afterwards hap- 
 pened. I did not, however, aim at gaining his favour by 
 paying any servile respect to him, but, after some time, 
 took this other method. Having heard that he had in his 
 library a certain very scarce and curious book, I wrote a 
 note to him, expressing my desire of perusing that book, 
 and requesting he would do me the favour of lending it 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 109 
 
 to me for a few days. He sent it immediately, and I re- 
 turn'd it in about a week with another note, expressing 
 strongly my sense of the favour. When we next met in 
 the House, he spoke to me (which he had never done be- 
 fore), and with great civility; and he ever after manifested 
 a readiness to serve me on all occasions, so that we became 
 great friends, and our friendship continued to his death. 
 This is another instance of the truth of an old maxim I 
 had learned, which says, "//<? that has once done you a kind- 
 ness will be more ready to do you another, tha?t he whom you 
 yourself have obliged." And it shows how much more 
 profitable it is prudently to remove, than to resent, return, 
 and continue inimical proceedings. 
 
 In 1737, Colonel Spots wood, late governor of Virginia, 
 and then postmaster-general, being dissatisfied with the 
 conduct of his deputy at Philadelphia, respecting some 
 negligence in rendering, and inexactitude of his accounts, 
 took from him the commission and offered it to me. I 
 accepted it readily, and found it of great advantage ; for, 
 tho' the salary was small, it facilitated the correspond- 
 ence that improv'd my newspaper, increas'd the number 
 demanded, as well as the advertisements to be inserted, 
 so that it came to afford me a considerable income. My 
 old competitor's newspaper declin'd proportionably, and 
 I was satisfy 'd without retaliating his refusal, while post- 
 master, to permit my papers being carried by the riders. 
 Thus he suffer'd greatly from his neglect in due account- 
 ing ; and I mention it as a lesson to those young men who 
 may be employ 'd in managing affairs for others, that they 
 should always render accounts, and make remittances, 
 with great clearness and punctuality. The character of 
 observing such a conduct is the most powerful of all 
 recommendations to new employments and increase of 
 business. 
 
 I began now to turn my thoughts a little to public 
 affairs, beginning, however, with small matters. The city 
 watch was one of the first things that I conceiv'd to want 
 
IIQ FR.WKI.IX 
 
 rei^I^ulation. It was managed by the constables of the 
 respective wards in turn ; the constable warned a number 
 of housekeepers to attend him for the night. Those who 
 chose never to attend, paid him six shillings a year to be 
 excused, which was suppos'd to be for hiring substitutes, 
 but was, in reality, nuich more than was necessary for 
 that purpose, and made the constableship a place of 
 profit ; and the constable, for a little drink, often got 
 such ragamuthns about him as a watch, that respectable 
 housekeepers did not choose to mix with. Walking the 
 rounds, too. was often neglected, and most of the nights 
 spent in tippling. I thereupon wrote a paper to be read 
 in Junto, representing those irregularities, but insisting 
 more particularly on the inequality of this six-shilling tax 
 of the constables, respecting the circumstances of those 
 who paid it. since a poor widow housekeeper, all whose 
 property to be guarded by the watch did not perhaps 
 exceed the value of fifty pounds, paid as much as the 
 wealthiest merchant, who had thousands of pounds' worth 
 of goods in his stores. 
 
 On the whole, I proposed as a more effectual watch, 
 the hiring of proper men to serve constantly in that busi- 
 ness ; and as a more equitable way of supporting the 
 charge, the levying a tax that should be proportion'd to 
 the property. This idea, being approv'd by the Junto, 
 was communicated to the other clubs, but as arising in 
 each of them ; and though the plan was not immediately 
 carried into execution, yet, by preparing the minds of 
 people for the change, it paved the way for the law ob- 
 tained a few years after, when the members of our clubs 
 were grown into more influence. 
 
 About this time 1 wrote a paper i^first to be read in 
 Junto, but it was atterward publish'd> on the difTerent 
 accidents and carelessnesses bv which houses were set on 
 tire, with cautions against them, and means proposed of 
 avoiding them. This was much spoken of as a useful 
 piece, and gave rise to a project, which soon followed it, 
 
AUTOlUOC.RArilY HI 
 
 of formins:: ^ company for the more ready extin^iiishiiiyf 
 ot tires, atui mutual assistance in removing- and securing 
 of goods when in danger. Associates in this scheme were 
 presently found, amounting to thirty. Our articles of 
 agreement obligd every member to keep always in good 
 order, and fit for use, a certain number of leather buckets, 
 with strong bags and baskets (for packing and transport- 
 ing of goods), which were to be brought to every tire ; 
 and we agreed to meet once a month and spend a social 
 evening together, in discoursing and communicating such 
 ideas as occurred to us upon the subject of tires, as might 
 be useful in our conduct on such occasions. 
 
 The utility of this institution soon appeared, and many 
 more desiring to be admitted than we thought convenient 
 for one company, they were advised to form another, 
 which was accordingly done; and this went on. one now 
 company being formed after another, till tliev became so 
 numerous as to include most of the inhabitants who were 
 men of property; and now. at the time of my writing 
 this, tho' upward of titty years since its establishment, 
 that which 1 first formed, called the l^'nion Fire Company, 
 still subsists and flourishes, tho' the tirst members are all 
 deceas'd but myself and one, who is older bv a year than 
 I am. The small fines that have been paid by members 
 for absence at the monthly meetings have been apply'd to 
 the purchase of fire-engines, ladders, tire-hooks, and other 
 useful implements for each company, so that I question 
 whether there is a city in the world better provided with 
 the means of putting a stop to beginning conflagrations ; 
 and. in fact, since these institutions, the city has never lost 
 by fire more than one or two houses at a time, and the 
 flames have often been extinguished before the house in 
 which they began has been half consumed. p- 
 
 In 1/39 arrived among us from Ireland the Reverend 
 Mr. Whitefield, who had made himself remarkable there 
 as an itinerant preacher. lie was at first permitted to 
 preach in some of our churches ; but the clergy, taking a 
 
112 FRANKLIN 
 
 dislike to him, soon refus'd him their pulpits, and he was 
 oblig'd to preach in the fields. The multitudes of all sects 
 and denominations that attended his sermons were enor- 
 mous, and it was matter of speculation to me, who was 
 one of the number, to observe the extraordinary influence 
 of his oratory on his hearers, and how much they admir'd 
 and respected him, notwithstanding his common abuse of 
 them, by assuring them they were naturally half beasts 
 and half devils. It was wonderful to see the change soon 
 made in the manners of our inhabitants. From being 
 thoughtless or indifferent about religion, it seem'd as if all 
 the world were growing religious, so that one could not 
 walk thro' the town in an evening without hearing psalms 
 sung in different families of every street. 
 
 And it being found inconvenient to assemble in the 
 open air, subject to its inclemencies, the building of a 
 house to meet in was no sooner propos'd, and persons ap- 
 pointed to receive contributions, but sufficient sums were 
 soon receiv'd to procure the ground and erect the build- 
 ing, which was one hundred feet long and seventy broad, 
 about the size of Westminster Hall; and the work was 
 carried on with such spirit as to be finished in a much 
 shorter time than could have been expected. Both house 
 and ground were vested in trustees, expressly for the use 
 of any preacher of any religious persuasion who might 
 desire to say something to the people at Philadelphia ; 
 the design in building not being to accommodate any 
 particular sect, but the inhabitants in general ; so that 
 even if the Mufti of Constantinople were to send a mis- 
 sionary to preach Mohammedanism to us, he would find 
 a pulpit at his service. 
 
 Mr. Whitefield, in leaving us, went preaching all the 
 way thro' the colonies to Georgia. The settlement of 
 that province had lately been begun, but, instead of being 
 made with hardy, industrious husbandmen, accustomed 
 to labor, the only people fit for such an enterprise, it was 
 with families of broken shop-keepers and other insolvent 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 1 3 
 
 debtors, many of indolent and idle habits, taken out of the 
 jails, who, being set down in the woods, unqualified for 
 clearing land, and unable to endure the hardships of a 
 new settlement, perished in numbers, leaving many help- 
 less children unprovided for. The sight of their misera- 
 ble situation inspir'd the benevolent heart of Mr. White- 
 field with the idea of building an Orphan House there, in 
 which they might be supported and educated. Return- 
 ing northward, he preach 'd up this charity, and made 
 large collections, for his eloquence had a wonderful power 
 over the hearts and purses of his hearers, of which I myself 
 was an instance. 
 
 I did not disapprove of the design, but, as Georgia 
 was then destitute of materials and workmen, and it was 
 proposed to send them from Philadelphia at a great ex- 
 pense, I thought it would have been better to have built 
 the house here, and brought the children to it. This I 
 advis'd ; but he was resolute in his first project, rejected 
 my counsel, and I therefore refus'd to contribute. I hap- 
 pened soon after to attend one of his sermons, in the course 
 of which I perceived he intended to finish with a collec- 
 tion, and I silently resolved he should get nothing from 
 me. I had in my pocket a handful of copper money, 
 three or four silver dollars, and five pistoles in gold. As 
 he proceeded I began to soften, and concluded to give the 
 coppers. Another stroke of his oratory made me asham'd 
 of that, and determin'd me to give the silver; and he 
 finish'd so admirably, that I empty 'd my pocket wholly 
 into the collector's dish, gold and all. At this sermon 
 there was also one of our club, who, being of my senti- 
 ments respecting the building in Georgia, and suspecting 
 a collection might be intended, had, by precaution, emp- 
 tied his pockets before he came from home. Towards 
 the conclusion of the discourse, however, he felt a strong 
 desire to give, and apply 'd to a neighbour, who stood near 
 him, to borrow some money for the purpose. The appli- 
 cation was unfortunately [made] to perhaps the only man 
 
114 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 in the company who had the firmness not to be aflfected 
 by the preacher. His answer was, "Ai any other thne, 
 Friend Hopkinson, I would lend to thee freely ; but not now, 
 for thee seems to be out of thy right senses!' 
 
 Some of Mr. Whitefield's enemies affected to suppose 
 that he would apply these collections to his own private 
 emolument ; but I, who was intimately acquainted with 
 him (being employed in printing his Sermons and Jour- 
 nals, etc.), never had the least suspicion of his integrity, 
 but am to this day decidedly of opinion that he was in 
 all his conduct a perfectly honest man; and methinks my 
 testimony in his favour ought to have the more weight, 
 as we had no religious connection. He us'd, indeed, 
 sometimes to pray for my conversion, but never had the 
 satisfaction of believing that his prayers were heard. 
 Ours was a mere civil friendship, sincere on both sides, 
 and lasted to his death. 
 
 The following instance will show something of the 
 terms on which we stood. Upon one of his arrivals from 
 England at Boston, he wrote to me that he should come 
 soon to Philadelphia, but knew not where he could lodge 
 when there, as he understood his old friend and host, Mr. 
 Benezet, was removed to Germantown. My answer was, 
 " You know my house ; if you can make shift with its 
 scanty accommodations, you will be most heartily wel- 
 come." He reply'd, that if I made that kind offer for 
 Christ's sake, I should not miss of a reward. And I re- 
 turned, ''Dont let me be mistaken; it was not for Christ's 
 sake, but for your sake." One of our common acquaint- 
 ance jocosely remark'd, that, knowing it to be the custom 
 of the saints, when they received any favour, to shift the 
 burden of the obligation from off their own shoulders, 
 and place it in heaven, I had contriv'd to fix it on earth. 
 
 The last time I saw Mr. Whitefield was in London, 
 when he consulted me about his Orphan House concern, 
 and his purpose of appropriating it to the establishment 
 of a college. 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY II5 
 
 He had a loud and clear voice, and articulated his 
 words and sentences so perfectly, that he might be heard 
 and understood at a great distance, especially as his audi- 
 tories, however numerous, observ'd the most exact silence. 
 He preach'd one evening from the top of the Court-house 
 steps, which are in the middle of Market-street, and on the 
 west side of Second-street, which crosses it at right angles. 
 Both streets were fiU'd with his hearers to a considerable 
 distance. Being among the hindmost in Market-street, I 
 had the curiosity to learn how far he could be heard, by re- 
 tiring backwards down the street towards the river ; and 
 I found his voice distinct till I came near Front-street, 
 when some noise in that street obscur'd it. Imagining then 
 a semicircle, of which my distance should be the radius, 
 and that it were fill'd with auditors, to each of whom I 
 allow'd two square feet, I computed that he might well 
 be heard by more than thirty thousand. This reconcil'd 
 me to the newspaper accounts of his having preach'd to 
 twenty-five thousand people in the fields, and to the 
 antient histories of generals haranguing whole armies, of 
 which I had sometimes doubted. 
 
 By hearing him often, I came to distinguish easily 
 between sermons newly compos'd, and those which he 
 had often preach'd in the course of his travels. His 
 delivery of the latter was so improv'd by frequent repeti- 
 tions that every accent, every emphasis, every modulation 
 of voice, was so perfectly well turn'd and well plac'd, 
 that, without being interested in the subject, one could 
 not help being pleas'd with the discourse ; a pleasure of 
 much the same kind with that receiv'd from an excellent 
 piece of musick. This is an advantage itinerant preachers 
 have over those who are stationary, as the latter can not 
 well improve their delivery of a sermon by so many re- 
 hearsals. 
 
 His writing and printing from time to time gave great 
 advantage to his enemies; unguarded expressions, and 
 even erroneous opinions, delivered in preaching, might 
 
Il6 FRANKLIN 
 
 have been afterward explain'd or qualifi'd by supposing 
 others that might have accompani'd them, or they might 
 have been deny'd ; but lit era script a manet. Critics attack'd 
 his writings violently, and with so much appearance of 
 reason as to diminish the number of his votaries and pre- 
 vent their encrease ; so that I am of opinion if he had 
 never written any thing, he would have left behind him a 
 much more numerous and important sect, and his reputa- 
 tion might in that case have been still growing, even after 
 his death, as there being nothing of his writing on which 
 to found a censure and give him a lower character, his 
 proselytes would be left at liberty to feign for him as 
 great a variety of excellences as their enthusiastic admira- 
 tion might wish him to have possessed. 
 
 My business was now continually augmenting, and 
 my circumstances growing daily easier, my newspaper 
 having become very profitable, as being for a time almost 
 the only one in this and the neighbouring provinces. I ex- 
 perienced, too, the truth of the observation, " t/iat after 
 getting the first hundred pound, it is vwre easy to get the 
 second,'' money itself being of a prolific nature. 
 
 The partnership at Carolina having succeeded, I was 
 encourag'd to engage in others, and to promote several 
 of my workmen, who had behaved well, by establishing 
 them with printing-houses in different colonies, on the 
 same terms with that in Carolina. Most of them did well, 
 being enabled at the end of our term, six years, to pur- 
 chase the types of me and go on working for themselves, 
 by which means several families were raised. Partner- 
 ships often finish in quarrels ; but I was happy in this, 
 that mine were all carried on and ended amicably, owing, 
 I think, a good deal to the precaution of having very ex- 
 plicitly settled, in our articles, every thing to be done by 
 or expected from each partner, so that there was nothing 
 to dispute, which precaution I would therefore recom- 
 mend to all who enter into partnerships ; for, whatever 
 esteem partners may have for, and confidence in each 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 117 
 
 other at the time of the contract, h'ttle jealousies and dis- 
 gusts may arise, with ideas of inequality in the care and 
 burden of the business, etc., which are attended often with 
 breach of friendship and of the connection perhaps with 
 lawsuits and other disagreeable consequences. 
 
 I had, on the whole, abundant reason to be satisfied 
 with my being established in Pennsylvania. There were, 
 however, two things that I regretted, there being no pro- 
 vision for defense, nor for a compleat education of youth ; 
 no militia, nor any college. I therefore, in 1743, drew up 
 a proposal for establishing an academy ; and at that time, 
 thinking the Reverend Mr. Peters, who was out of em- 
 ploy, a fit person to superintend such an institution, I 
 communicated the project to him ; but he, having more 
 profitable views in the service of the proprietaries, which 
 succeeded, declin'd the undertaking ; and, not knowing 
 another at that time suitable for such a trust, I let the 
 scheme lie a while dormant. I succeeded better the next 
 year, 1744, in proposing and establishing a Philosophical 
 Society. The paper I wrote for that purpose will be 
 found among my writings, when collected. 
 
 With respect to defense, Spain having been several 
 years at war against Great Britain, and being at length 
 join'd by France, which brought us into great danger; 
 and the laboured and long-continued endeavour of our 
 governor, Thomas, to prevail with our Quaker Assembly 
 to pass a militia law, and make other provisions for the 
 security of the province, having proved abortive, I de- 
 termined to try what might be done by a voluntary 
 association of the people. To promote this, I first wrote 
 and published a pamphlet, entitled '• Plain Truth," in 
 which I stated our defenceless situation in strong lights, 
 with the necessity of union and discipline for our defense, 
 and promis'd to propose in a few days an association, to 
 be generally signed for that purpose. The pamphlet had 
 a sudden and surprising effect. I was call'd upon for the 
 instrument of association, and having settled the draft of 
 
Il8 FRANKLIN 
 
 it with a few friends, I appointed a meeting of the citizens 
 in the large building before mentioned. The house was 
 pretty full ; I had prepared a number of printed copies, 
 and provided pens and ink dispers'd all over the room. I 
 harangued them a little on the subject, read the paper, 
 and explained it, and then distributed the copies, which 
 were eagerly signed, not the least objection being made. 
 
 When the company separated, and the papers were 
 collected, we found above twelve hundred hands; and, 
 other copies being dispersed in the country, the subscrib- 
 ers amounted at length to upward of ten thousand. These 
 all furnished themselves as soon as they could with arms, 
 formed themselves into companies and regiments, chose 
 their own officers, and met every week to be instructed 
 in the manual exercise, and other parts of military dis- 
 cipline. The women, by subscriptions among themselves, 
 provided silk colors, which they presented to the compa- 
 nies, painted with different devices and mottos, which 
 I supplied. 
 
 The officers of the companies composing the Philadel- 
 phia regiment, being met, chose me for their colonel; but, 
 conceiving myself unfit, I declin'd that station, and recom- 
 mended Mr. Lawrence, a fine person, and man of influence, 
 who was accordingly appointed. I then propos'd a lot- 
 tery to defray the expense of building a battery below the 
 town, and furnishing it with cannon. It filled expedi- 
 tiously, and the battery was soon erected, the merlons 
 being fram'd of logs and fill'd with earth. We bought 
 some old cannon from Boston, but, these not being suffi- 
 cient, we wrote to England for more, soliciting, at the 
 same time, our proprietaries for some assistance, tho' 
 without much expectation of obtaining it. 
 
 Meanwhile Colonel Lawrence, William Allen, Abram 
 Tavlor, Esqr., and myself were sent to New York by the 
 associators, commission'd to borrow some cannon of Gov- 
 ernor Clinton. He at first refus'd us peremptorily ; but 
 at dinner with his council, where there was great drink- 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 19 
 
 ingof Madeira wine, as the custom of that place then was, 
 he softened by degrees, and said he would lend us six. 
 After a few more bumpers he advanc'd to ten ; and at 
 length he very good-naturedly conceded eighteen. They 
 were fine cannon, eighteen-pounders, with their carriages, 
 which we soon transported and mounted on our battery, 
 where the associators kept a nightly guard while the war 
 lasted, and among the rest I regularly took my turn of 
 duty there as a common soldier. 
 
 My activity in these operations was agreeable to the 
 governor and council ; they took me into confidence, and 
 I was consulted by them in every measure wherein their 
 concurrence was thought useful to the association. Call- 
 ing in the aid of religion, I propos'd to them the proclaim- 
 ing a fast, to promote reformation, and implore the bless- 
 ing of Heaven on our undertaking. They embrac'd the 
 motion ; but, as it was the first fast ever thought of in the 
 province, the secretary had no precedent from which to 
 draw the proclamation. My education in New England, 
 where a fast is proclaimed every year, was here of some 
 advantage : I drew it in the accustomed stile; it was trans- 
 lated into German, printed in both languages, and divulg'd 
 thro' the province. This gave the clergy of the different 
 sects an opportunity of influencing their congregations to 
 join in the association, and it would probably have been 
 general among all but Quakers if the peace had not soon 
 interven'd. 
 
 It was thought by some of my friends that, by my 
 activity in these affairs, I should offend that sect, and 
 thereby lose my interest in the Assembly of the province, 
 where they formed a great majority. A young gentle- 
 man who had likewise some friends in the House, and 
 wished to succeed me as their clerk, acquainted me that 
 it was decided to displace me at the next election ; and 
 he, therefore, in good will, advis'd me to resign, as more 
 consistent with my honour than being turn'd out. My 
 answer to him was, that I had read or heard of some pub 
 
I20 FRANKLIN 
 
 lie man who made it a rule never to ask for an office, and 
 never to refuse one when offer'd to him. " I approve," 
 says I, "of his rule, and will practice it with a small addi- 
 tion ; I shall never ask, never refuse, nor ever resig^i an 
 office. If they will have mv office of clerk to dispose of 
 to another, they shall take it from me. I will not, by giv- 
 ing it up, lose my right of some time or other making 
 reprisals on my adversaries." I heard, however, no more 
 of this ; I was chosen again unanimously as usual at the 
 next election. Possibly, as they dislik'd my late intimacy 
 with the members of council, who had join'd the gov- 
 ernors in all the disputes about military preparations, 
 with which the House had long been harass'd, they might 
 have been pleas'd if I would voluntarily have left them ; 
 but they did not care to displace me on account merely 
 of my zeal for the association, and they could not well 
 give another reason. 
 
 Indeed I had some cause to believe that the defense 
 of the country was not disagreeable to any of them, pro- 
 vided they were not requir'd to assist in it. And I found 
 that a much greater number of them than I could have 
 imagined, tho' against offensive war, were clearly for the 
 defensive. Many pamphlets fro and con were publish'd 
 on the subject, and some bv good Quakers, in favour of 
 defense, which I believe convinc'd most of their younger 
 people. 
 
 A transaction in our fire companv gave me some in- 
 sight into their prevailing sentiments. It had been pro- 
 pos'd that we should encourage the scheme for building 
 a battery bv laying out the present stock, then about sixty 
 pounds, in tickets of the lottery. By our rules, no money 
 could be dispos'd of till the next meeting after the pro- 
 posal. The company consisted of thirty members, of 
 which twentv-two were Quakers, and eight only of other 
 persuasions. We eight punctually attended the meeting ; 
 but, tho' we thought that some of the Quakers would join 
 us, we were by no means sure of a majority. Only one 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 121 
 
 Quaker, Mr. James Morris, appear'd to oppose the meas- 
 ure. He expressed much sorrow that it had ever been 
 propos'd, as he said Friends were all against it, and it 
 would create such discord as might break up the com- 
 pany. We told him that we saw no reason for that ; we 
 were the minority, and if Friends were against the meas- 
 ure, and outvoted us, we must and should, agreeably to 
 the usage of all societies, submit. When the hour for 
 business arriv'd it was mov'd to put the vote ; he allow'd 
 we might then do it by the rules, but, as he could assure 
 us that a number of members intended to be present for 
 the purpose of opposing it, it would be but candid to allow 
 a little time for their appearing. 
 
 While we were disputing this, a waiter came to tell 
 me two gentlemen below desir'd to speak with me. I 
 went down, and found they were two of our Quaker mem- 
 bers. They told me there were eight of them assembled 
 at a tavern just by ; that they were determin'd to come 
 and vote with us if there should be occasion, which they 
 hop'd would not be the case, and desir'd we would not 
 call for their assistance if we could do without it, as their 
 voting for such a measure might embroil them with their 
 elders and friends. Being thus secure of a majority, I 
 went up, and after a little seeming hesitation, agreed to a 
 delay of another hour. This Mr. Morris allow'd to be 
 extreamly fair. Not one of his opposing friends appear'd, 
 at which he express'd great surprize ; and, at the expiration 
 of the hour, we carry 'd the resolution eight to one ; and 
 as, of the twenty-two Quakers, eight were ready to vote 
 with us, and thirteen, by their absence, manifested that 
 they were not inclin'd to oppose the measure, I afterward 
 estimated the proportion of Quakers sincerely against de- 
 fense as one to twenty-one only ; for these were all regu- 
 lar members of that society, and in good reputation among 
 them, and had due notice of what was propos'd at that 
 meeting. 
 
 The honorable and learned Mr. Logan, who had always 
 
122 FRANKLIN 
 
 been of that sect, was one who wrote an address to them, 
 declaring his approbation of defensive war, and support- 
 ing his opinion by many strong arguments. He put into 
 my hands sixty pounds to be laid out in lottery tickets 
 for the battery, with directions to apply what prizes 
 might be drawn wholly to that service. He told me the 
 following anecdote of his old master, William Penn, re- 
 specting defense. He came over from England, when a 
 young man, with that proprietary, and as his secretary. 
 It was war-time, and their ship was chas'd by an armed 
 vessel, suppos'd to be an enemy. Their captain prepar'd 
 for defense ; but told William Penn, and his company of 
 Quakers, that he did not expect their assistance, and they 
 might retire into the cabin, which they did, except James 
 Logan, who chose to stay upon deck, and was quarter'd 
 to a gun. The suppos'd enemy prov'd a friend, so there 
 was no fighting ; but when the secretary went down to 
 communicate the intelligence, William Penn rebuk'd him 
 severely for staying upon deck, and undertaking to assist 
 in defending the vessel, contrary to the principles of 
 Friends, especially as it had not been required by the cap- 
 tain. This reproof, being before all the company, piqu'd 
 the secretary, who answer'd, '■^ I being thy servant, why did 
 thee not order me to come down ? But thee was willing enough 
 that I should stay and help to fight the ship when thee thought 
 there was danger T 
 
 My being many years in the Assembly, the majority 
 of which were constantly Quakers, gave me frequent op- 
 portunities of seeing the embarrassment given them by 
 their principle against war, whenever application was 
 made to them, by order of the crown, to grant aids for 
 military purposes. They were unwilling to offend gov- 
 ernment, on the one hand, by a direct refusal ; and their 
 friends, the body of the Quakers, on the other, by a com- 
 pliance contrary to their principles ; hence a variety of 
 evasions to avoid complying, and modes of disguising the 
 compliance when it became unavoidable. The common 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 123-'' 
 
 mode at last was to grant money under the phrase of its 
 being- ^^ for the kings use" and never to inquire how it was 
 applied. 
 
 But, if the demand was not directly from the crown, 
 that phrase was found not so proper, and some other was 
 to be invented. As, when powder was wanting (I think 
 it was for the garrison at Louisburg), and the government 
 of New England solicited a grant of some from Pennsil- 
 vania, which was much urg'd on the House by Governor 
 Thomas, they could not grant money to buy powder, be- 
 cause that was an ingredient of war ; but they voted an 
 aid to New England of three thousand pounds, to be put 
 into the hands of the governor, and appropriated it for 
 the purchasing of bread, flour, wheat, or other grain. 
 Some of the council, desirous of giving the House still 
 further embarrassment, advis'd the governor not to accept 
 provision, as not being the thing he had demanded ; but 
 he reply'd, " I shall take the money, for I understand very 
 well their meaning ; other grain is gunpowder," which he 
 accordingly bought, and they never objected to it. 
 
 It was in allusion to this fact that, when in our fire 
 company we feared the success of our proposal in favour 
 of the lottery, and I had said to my friend Mr. Syng, one 
 of our members, " If we fail, let us move the purchase of 
 a fire-engine with the money ; the Quakers can have no 
 objection to that ; and then, if you nominate me and I 
 you as a committee for that purpose, we will buy a great 
 gun, which is certainly a Jire-engine" " I see," says he, 
 "you have improv'd by being so long in the Assembly; 
 your equivocal project would be just a match for their 
 wheat or other grain." 
 
 These embarrassments that the Quakers suffer'd from 
 having establish'd and published it as one of their princi- 
 ples that no kind of war was lawful, and which, being 
 once published, they could not afterwards, however they 
 might change their minds, easily get rid of, reminds me 
 of what I think a more prudent conduct in another sect 
 
124 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 among us, that of the Dunkers. I was acquainted with 
 one of its founders, Michael Welfare, soon after it ap- 
 pear'd. He complain'd to me that they were grievously 
 calumniated by the zealots of other persuasions, and 
 charg'd with abominable principles and practices, to 
 which they were utter strangers. I told him this had 
 always been the case with new sects, and that, to put a 
 stop to such abuse, I imagin'd it might be well to pub- 
 lish the articles of their belief, and the rules of their dis- 
 cipline. He said that it had been propos'd among them, 
 but not agreed to, for this reason : " When we were first 
 drawn together as a society," says he, " it had pleased 
 God to enlighten our minds so far as to see that some 
 doctrines, which we once esteemed truths, were errors ; 
 and that others, which we had esteemed errors, were real 
 truths. From time to time He has been pleased to afford 
 us farther light, and our principles have been improving, 
 and our errors diminishing. Now we are not sure that 
 we are arrived at the end of this progression, and at the 
 perfection of spiritual or theological knowledge ; and we 
 fear that, if we should once print our confession of faith, 
 we should feel ourselves as if bound and confin'd by it, 
 and perhaps be unwilling to receive farther improvement, 
 and our successors still more so, as conceiving what we 
 their elders and founders had done, to be something 
 sacred, never to be departed from." 
 
 This modesty in a sect is perhaps a singular instance 
 in the history of mankind, every other sect supposing 
 itself in possession of all truth, and that those who differ 
 are so far in the wrong ; like a man traveling in foggy 
 weather, those at some distance before him on the road 
 he sees wrapped up in the fog, as well as those behind 
 him, and also the people in the fields on each side, but 
 near him all appears clear, tho' in truth he is as much in 
 the fog as any of them. To avoid this kind of embarrass- 
 ment, the Quakers have of late years been gradually de- 
 clining the public service in the Assembly and in the 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 25 
 
 mag-istracy, choosing rather to quit their power than their 
 principle. 
 
 In order of time, I should have mentioned before, that 
 having, in 1742, invented an open stove for the better 
 warming of rooms, and at the same time saving fuel, as 
 the fresh air admitted was warmed in entering, I made a 
 present of the model to Mr. Robert Grace, one of my 
 early friends, who, having an iron-furnace, found the cast- 
 ing of the plates for these stoves a profitable thing, as 
 they were growing in demand. To promote that demand, 
 I wrote and published a pamphlet, entitled *'An Account of 
 the new-invented Pennsylvania Fireplaces ; wherein their 
 Constructiott and Manner of Operation is particularly ex- 
 plained ; their Advantages above every other Method of warm- 
 ing Rooms demonstrated ; and all Objections that have been 
 raised against the Use of them answered and obviated^' etc. 
 This pamphlet had a good effect. Gov'r. Thomas was so 
 pleas'd with the construction of this stove, as described 
 in it, that he offered to give me a patent for the sole vend- 
 ing of them for a term of years ; but I declin'd it from a 
 principle which has ever weighed with me on such occa- 
 sions, viz.. That, as we enjoy great advantages from the in- 
 ventions of others, we should be glad of an opportunity to 
 serve others by any hivention of ours ; and this voe should do 
 freely and generously. 
 
 An ironmonger in London, however, assuming a good 
 deal of my pamphlet, and working it up into his own, and 
 making some small changes in the machine, which rather 
 hurt its operation, got a patent for it there, and made, as 
 I was told, a little fortune by it. And this is not the only 
 instance of patents taken out for my inventions by others, 
 tho' not always with the same success, which I never con- 
 tested, as having no desire of profiting by patents myself, 
 and hating disputes. The use of these fireplaces in very 
 many houses, both of this and the neighboring colonies, 
 has been, and is, a great saving of wood to the inhabit- 
 ants. 
 
126 FRANKLIN 
 
 Peace being concluded, and the association business 
 therefore at an end, I turn'd my thoughts again to the 
 affair of establishing an academy. The first step I took 
 was to associate in the design a number of active friends, 
 of whom the Junto furnished a good part ; the next was 
 to write and publish a pamphlet, entitled Proposals re- 
 lating to the Education of Youth in Pennsylvania. This 
 1 distributed among the principal inhabitants gratis ; and 
 as soon as I could suppose their minds a little prepared 
 by the perusal of it, I set on foot a subscription for open- 
 ing and supporting an academy : it was to be paid in 
 quotas yearly for five )'ears ; by so dividing it, I judg'd 
 the subscription might be larger, and I believe it was so, 
 amounting to no less, if I remember right, than five thou- 
 sand pounds. 
 
 In the introduction to these proposals. I stated their 
 publication, not as an act of mine, but of some publick- 
 spirittd gcntloncn, avoiding as much as I could, according 
 to my usual rule, the presenting myself to the publick as 
 the author of any scheme for their benefit. 
 
 The subscribers, to carry the project into immediate 
 execution, chose out of their number twentv-four trustees, 
 and appointed Mr. Francis, then attorney-general, and 
 myself to draw up constitutions for the government of the 
 academy ; which being done and signed, a house was 
 hired, masters engag'd, and the schools opened, I think, 
 in the same year, 1749. 
 
 The scholars increasing fast, the house was soon found 
 too small, and we were looking out for a piece of ground, 
 properly situated, with intention to build, when Provi- 
 dence threw into our way a large house ready built, 
 which, with a few alterations, might well serve our pur- 
 pose. This was the building before mentioned, erected 
 by the hearers of Mr. Whitefield, and was obtained for us 
 in the following manner. 
 
 It is to be noted that the contributions to this building 
 being made by people of different sects, care was taken in 
 
ORIGINAL BUILDINGS OP THE PENNSY lA'ANIA 
 ACADEMY, 'NOW THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 Photogr.u 
 
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 ':'^i 
 
^\ 
 
 immediate 
 
 madti I' 
 
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 m 
 
 ■*!ri •■ 
 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 127 
 
 the nomination of trustees, in whom the building and 
 ground was to be vested, that a predominancy should not 
 be given to any sect, lest in time that predominancy might 
 be a means of appropriating the whole to the use of such 
 sect, contrary to the original intention. It was therefore 
 that one of each sect was appointed, viz., one Church-of- 
 England man, one Presbyterian, one Baptist, one Mora- 
 vian, etc., those, in case of vacancy by death, were to fill 
 it by election from among the contributors. The Mora- 
 vian happen'd not to please his colleagues, and on his 
 death they resolved to have no other of that sect. The 
 difficulty then was, how to avoid having two of some other 
 sect, by means of the new choice. 
 
 Several persons were named, and for that reason not 
 agreed to. At length one mention'd me, with the ob- 
 servation that I was merely an honest man, and of no sect 
 at all, which prevail'd with them to chuse me. The en- 
 thusiasm which existed when the house was built had long 
 since abated, and its trustees had not been able to procure 
 fresh contributions for paying the ground-rent, and dis- 
 charging some other debts the building had occasion'd, 
 which embarrass'd them greatly. Being now a member of 
 both setts of trustees, that for the building and that for 
 the academy, I had a good opportunity of negotiating 
 with both, and brought them finally to an agreement, by 
 which the trustees for the building were to cede it to 
 those of the academy, the latter undertaking to discharge 
 the debt, to keep for ever open in the building a large 
 hall for occasional preachers, according to the original 
 intention, and maintain a free-school for the instruction of 
 poor children. Writings were accordingly drawn, and 
 on paying the debts the trustees of the academy were put 
 in possession of the premises ; and by dividing the great 
 and lofty hall into stories, and different rooms above and 
 below for the several schools, and purchasing some addi- 
 tional ground, the whole was soon made fit for our pur- 
 pose, and the scholars remov'd into the building. The 
 
128 FRANKLIN 
 
 care and trouble of agreeing with the workmen, purchas- 
 ing materials, and superintending the work, fell upon me ; 
 and I went thro' it the more cheerfully, as it did not then 
 interfere with my private business, having the year before 
 taken a very able, industrious, and honest partner, Mr. 
 David Hall, with whose character I was well acquainted, 
 as he had work'd for me four years. He took off my 
 hands all care of the printing-office, paying me punctually 
 my share of the profits. This partnership continued 
 eighteen years, successfully for us both. 
 
 The trustees of the academy, after a while, were in- 
 corporated by a charter from the governor ; their funds 
 were increas'd by contributions in Britain and grants of 
 land from the proprietaries, to which the Assembly has 
 since made considerable addition ; and thus was estab- 
 lished the present University of Philadelphia. I have 
 been continued one of its trustees from the beginning, 
 now near forty years, and have had the very great plea- 
 sure of seeing a number of the youth who have receiv'd 
 their education in it distinguish'd by their improv'd abili- 
 ties, serviceable in public stations, and ornaments to their 
 country. 
 
 When I disengaged myself, as above mentioned, from 
 private business, I fiatter'd myself that, by the sufficient 
 tho* moderate fortune I had acquir'd, I had secured leisure 
 during the rest of my life for philosophical studies and 
 amusements. I purchased all Dr. Spence's apparatus, 
 who had come from England to lecture here, and I pro- 
 ceeded in my electrical experiments with great alacrity ; 
 but the publick, now considering me as a man of leisure, 
 laid hold of me for their purposes, every part of our civil 
 government, and almost at the same time, imposing some 
 duty upon me. The governor put me into the commis- 
 sion of the peace ; the corporation of the city chose me of 
 the common council, and soon after an alderman ; and the 
 citizens at large chose me a burgess to represent them in 
 Assembly. This latter station was the more agreeable to 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 129 
 
 me, as I was at length tired with sitting there to hear de- 
 bates, in which, as clerk, I could take no part, and which 
 were often so unentertaining that I was induc'd to amuse 
 myself with making magic squares or circles, or any thing 
 to avoid weariness ; and I conceiv'd my becoming a mem- 
 ber would enlarge my power of doing good. I would 
 not, however, insinuate that my ambition was not flatter'd 
 by all these promotions ; it certainly was ; for, consider- 
 ing my low beginning, they were great things to me ; and 
 they were still more pleasing, as being so man}^ spontane- 
 ous testimonies of the public good opinion, and by me 
 entirely unsolicited. 
 
 The office of justice of the peace I try'd a little, by 
 attending a few courts, and sitting on the bench to hear 
 causes ; but finding that more knowledge of the common 
 law than 1 possess'd was necessary to act in that station 
 with credit, I gradually withdrew from it, excusing myself 
 by my being oblig'd to attend the higher duties of a leg- 
 islator in the Assembly. My election to this trust was 
 repeated every year for ten years, without my ever asking 
 any elector for his vote, or signifying, either directly or 
 indirectly, any desire of being chosen. On taking my 
 seat in the House, my son was appointed their clerk. 
 
 The year following, a treaty being to be held with the 
 Indians at Carlisle, the governor sent a message to the 
 House, proposing that they should nominate some of their 
 members, to be join'd with some members of council, as 
 commissioners for that purpose. The House named the 
 speaker (Mr. Norris) and myself ; and, being commission'd, 
 we went to Carlisle, and met the Indians accordingly. 
 
 As those people are extreamly apt to get drunk, and, 
 when so, are very quarrelsome and disorderly, we strictly 
 forbad the selling any liquor to them ; and when they 
 complain'd of this restriction, we told them that if they 
 would continue sober during the treaty, we would give 
 them plenty of rum when business was over. They 
 promis'd this, and they kept their promise, because they 
 
I30 FRANKLIN 
 
 could g-ct no liquor, and the treaty was conducted very 
 orderly, and concluded to mutual satisfaction. They then 
 claitn'd and receiy'd the rum : this \yas in the afternoon : 
 they \yere near one hundred men. \yomen, and children, 
 and \yere lodg-'d in temporary cabins, built in the form of 
 a square, just Nyithout the town. In the eyening. hearing 
 a great noise among them, the commissioners walk'd out 
 to see what was the matter. We found they had made a 
 great bonfire in the middle of the square : they were all 
 drunk, men and women, quarreling and fighting. Their 
 dark-colour'd bodies, half naked, seen only by the gloomy 
 light of the bonfire, running- after and beating one another 
 with firebrands, accompanied by their horrid yellings. 
 form'd a scene the most resembling our ideas of hell that 
 could well be imagin"d ; there was no appeasing the 
 tumult, and we retired to our lodging. At midnight a 
 number ot them came thundering at our door, demanding 
 more rum. of which we took no notice. 
 
 The next day. sensible they had misbehay'd in giying 
 us that disturbance, they sent three of their old counselors 
 to make their apology. The orator acknowledg'd the 
 fault, but laid it upon the rum ; and then endeayored to 
 excuse the rum by saying. *' Tht Great Spirit, :c/io trujifi all 
 thingSs fftiuf^ t^'try thing for sotfw use, ami zvh<UcxYr ust' he 
 dtsiptd any thing for, that use it should alicays he put to. 
 Xoiv, when he nteule rum. he said, ' Let this be for the Indians 
 to get drunk with* and it must be so." And. indeed, if it be 
 the design of Proyidence to extirpate these sayages in 
 order to make room for cultiyators of the earth, it seems 
 not improbable that rum may be the appointed means. 
 It has already annihilated all the tribes who formerly 
 inhabited the sea-coast. 
 
 In 1751. Dr. Thomas Bond, a particular friend of mine, 
 conceiyed the idea of establishing a hospital in Philadel- 
 phia ^^a yery beneficent design, which has been ascrib'd to 
 me. but was originally his\ for the reception and cure of 
 poor sick persons, whether inhabitants of the proyince or 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY I3I 
 
 strangers. He was zealous and active in endeavouring- 
 to procure subscriptions for it, but the proposal being a 
 novelty in America, and at first not well understood, he 
 met but with small success. 
 
 At length he came to me with the compliment that he 
 found there was no such thing as carrying a public- 
 spirited project through without my being concern'd in 
 it. " For," says he, " I am often ask'd by those to whom 
 I propose subscribing, Have you consulted Franklin upon 
 this business? And what does he think of it? And when 
 I tell them that I have not (supposing it rather out of 
 your line), they do not subscribe, but say they will con- 
 sider of it." I enquired into the nature and probable 
 utility of his scheme, and receiving from him a very satis- 
 factory explanation, I not only subscrib'd to it myself, 
 but engag'd heartily in the design of procuring subscrip- 
 tions from others. Previously, however, to the solicitation, 
 I endeavoured to prepare the minds of the people by writ- 
 ing on the subject in the newspapers, which was my usual 
 custom in such cases, but which he had omitted. 
 
 The subscriptions afterwards were more free and 
 generous ; but, beginning to flag, I saw they would be 
 insutlficient without some assistance from the Assembly, 
 and therefore propos'd to petition for it, which was done. 
 The country members did not at first relish the project; 
 they objected that it could only be serviceable to the city, 
 and therefore the citizens alone should be at the expense 
 of it ; and they doubted whether the citizens themselves 
 generally approv'd of it. My allegation on the contrary, 
 that it met with such approbation as to leave no doubt of 
 our being able to raise two thousand pounds by voluntary 
 donations, they considered as a most extravagant suppo- 
 sition, and utterly impossible. 
 
 On this I form'd my plan ; and, asking leave to bring 
 in a bill for incorporating the contributors according to 
 the prayer of their petition, and granting them a blank 
 sum of money, which leave was obtained chiefly on the 
 
n3 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 consideration that the House could throw the bill out if 
 they did not like it, I drew it so as to make the important 
 clause a conditional one, viz., " And be it enacted, by the 
 authority aforesaid, that when the said contributors shall 
 have met and chosen their managers and treasurer, and 
 
 shall have raised by their contributions a capital stock of 
 
 value (the yearly interest of which is to be applied to the 
 accommodating of the sick poor in the said hospital, free 
 of charge for diet, attendance, advice, and medicines), 
 and shall make the same appear to the satisfaction of the 
 speaker of the Assembly for the time being, that then it shall 
 and may be lawful for the said speaker, and he is hereby 
 required, to sign an order on the provincial treasurer for 
 the pavment of two thousand pounds, in two vearly pay- 
 ments, to the treasurer of the said hospital, to be applied 
 to the founding, building, and finishing of the same." 
 
 This condition carried the bill through ; for the mem- 
 bers, who had oppos'd the grant, and now conceiv'd they 
 might have the credit of being charitable without the ex- 
 pence, agreed to its passage ; and then, in soliciting sub- 
 scriptions among the people, we urg'd the conditional 
 promise of the law as an additional motive to give, since 
 every man's donation would be doubled ; thus the clause 
 work'd both ways. The subscriptions accordingly soon 
 exceeded the requisite sum, and we claim'd and receiv'd 
 the public gift, which enabled us to carrv the design into 
 execution. A convenient and handsome building was soon 
 erected ; the institution has by constant experience been 
 found useful, and flourishes to this day ; and I do not re- 
 member any of my political manoeuvres, the success of 
 which gave me at the time more pleasure, or wherein, 
 after thinking of it, I more easily excus'd myself for hav- 
 ing made some use of cunning. 
 
 It was about this time that another projector, the Rev. 
 Gilbert Tennent, came to me with a request that I would 
 assist him in procuring a subscription for erecting a new 
 meeting-house. It was to be for the use of a congrega- 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 33 
 
 tion he had gathered among the Presbyterians, who were 
 originally disciples of Mr. Whitefield. Unwilling to make 
 myself disagreeable to my fellow-citizens by too frequently 
 soliciting their contributions, I absolutely refus'd. He 
 then desired I would furnish him with a list of the names 
 of persons 1 knew by experience to be generous and 
 public-spirited. I thought it would be unbecoming in 
 me, after their kind compliance with my solicitations, to 
 mark them out to be worried by other beggars, and there- 
 fore refus'd also to give such a list. He then desir'd 1 
 would at least give him my advice. "That I will readily 
 do," said I ; " and, in the first place, I advise you to apply 
 to all those whom you know will give something; next, 
 to those whom you are uncertain whether they will give 
 any thing or not, and show them the list of those who 
 have given ; and, lastly, do not neglect those who you are 
 sure will give nothing, for in some of them you may be 
 mistaken." He laugh'd and thank'd me, and said he 
 would take my advice. He did so, for he ask'd of every- 
 body, and he obtain'd a much larger sum than he expected, 
 with which he erected the capacious and very elegant 
 meeting-house that stands in Arch-street. 
 
 Our city, tho' laid out with a beautiful! regularity, the 
 streets large, strait, and crossing each other at right an- 
 gles, had the disgrace of suffering those streets to remain 
 long unpav'd, and in wet weather the wheels of heavy 
 carriages plough'd them into a quagmire, so that it was 
 difiicult to cross them ; and in dry weather the dust was 
 offensive. I had liv'd near what was call'd the Jersey 
 Market, and saw with pain the inhabitants wading in mud 
 while purchasing their provisions. A strip of ground 
 down the middle of that market was at length pav'd with 
 brick, so that, being once in the market, they had firm 
 footing, but were often over shoes in dirt to get there. 
 By talking and writing on the subject, I was at length in- 
 strumental in getting the street pav'd with stone between 
 the market and the brick'd foot-pavement that was on 
 
^>4 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 each side next the houses. This, for some time. g:ave an 
 easv access to the market dry-shod ; but. the rest ot the 
 street not bein^ pav'd. whenever a carriage came out ot 
 the mud upon this pavement, it shook otT and left its dirt 
 upon it. and it was soon cover'd with mire, which was not 
 remov'd. the city as yet having no scavengers. 
 
 After some inquirv. 1 found a poor, industrious man. 
 who was willing to undertake keeping the pavement clean, 
 bv sweepings it twice a week, carrying off the dirt from 
 before all the neighbours' doors, for the sum of sixpence 
 per month, to be paid by each house. I then wrote and 
 printed a paper setting forth the advantages to the neigh- 
 bourhood that might be obtain"d by this small expense : 
 the g^reater ease in keeping our houses clean, so much dirt 
 not being brought in by people's feet ; the benefit to the 
 shops bv more custom, etc.. etc.. as buyers could more 
 easily get at them : and by hot having, in windy weather, 
 the dust blown in upon their goods, etc.. etc. I sent one 
 of these papers to each house, and in a day or two went 
 round to see who would subscribe an agreement to pay 
 these sixpences : it wa$ unanimouslvsign'd. and for a time 
 well executed. All the inhabitants of the city were de- 
 lighted with the cleanliness of the pavement that sur- 
 rounded the market, it being a convenience to all. and this 
 rais'd a general desire to have all the streets paved, and 
 made the people more willing to submit to a tax for that 
 purpose. 
 
 After some time 1 drew a bill for paving the city, and 
 brought it into the Assembly. It was just before 1 went 
 to England, in irST* ^r*^^ <^i^^ "^^^ P^^^* ^^^^ I ^^'^^ gone, and 
 then with an alteration in the mode of assessment, which 
 I thought not for the better, but with an additional pro- 
 vision for lighting as well as paving the streets, which 
 was a great improvement. It was bv a private person, 
 the late Mr. John Clifton, his giving a sample of the utility 
 of lamps, bv placing one at his door, that the people were 
 first impress'd with the idea of enlighting all the city. 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 35 
 
 The honour of this public benefit has also been ascrib'd 
 to me, but it belongs truly to that gentleman. I did but 
 follow his example, and have only some merit to claim 
 respecting the form of our lamps, as differing from the 
 globe lamps we were at first supply 'd with from London. 
 Those we found inconvenient in these respects : they ad- 
 mitted no air below ; the smoke, therefore, did not readily 
 go out above, but circulated in the globe, lodg'd on its 
 inside, and soon obstructed the light they were intended 
 to afford ; giving, besides, the daily trouble of wiping 
 them clean ; and an accidental stroke on one of them 
 would demolish it, and render it totally useless. 1 there- 
 fore suggested the composing them of four flat panes, 
 with a long funnel above to draw up the smoke, and crev- 
 ices admitting air below, to facilitate the ascent of the 
 smoke ; by this means they were kept clean, and did not 
 grow dark in a few hours, as the London lamps do, but 
 continu'd bright till morning, and an accidental stroke 
 would generally break but a single pane, easily repair'd. 
 
 I have sometimes wonder'd that the Londoners did 
 not, from the effect holes in the bottom of the globe lamps 
 us'd at Vauxhall have in keeping them clean, learn to 
 have such holes in their street lamps. But, these holes 
 being made for another purpose, viz., to communicate 
 flame more suddenly to the wick by a little flax hanging 
 down thro' them, the other use, of letting in air, seems not 
 to have been thought of ; and therefore, after the lamps 
 have been lit a few hours, the streets of London arc very 
 poorly illuminated. 
 
 The mention of these improvements puts me in mind 
 of one I propos'd, when in London, to Dr. Fothergill, who 
 was among the best men I have known, and a great pro- 
 moter of useful projects. I had observ'd that the streets, 
 when dry, were never swept, and the light dust carried 
 away ; but it was suffer'd to accumulate till wet weather 
 reduc'd it to mud, and then, after lying some days so deep 
 on the pavement that there was no crossing but in paths 
 
136 FRANKLIN 
 
 kept clean by poor people with brooms, it was with great 
 labour rak'd together and thrown up into carts open 
 above, the sides of which suffer'd some of the slush at 
 every jolt on the pavement to shake out and fall, some- 
 times to the annoyance of foot-passengers. The reason 
 given for not sweeping the dusty streets was, that the dust 
 would fly into the windows of shops and houses. 
 
 An accidental occurrence had instructed me how much 
 sweeping might be done in a little time. I found at my 
 door in Craven-street, one morning, a poor woman sweep- 
 ing my pavement with a birch broom ; she appeared very 
 pale and feeble, as just come out of a fit of sickness. I 
 ask'd who employ'd her to sweep there ; she said, " No- 
 body ; but I am very poor and in distress, and I sweeps 
 before gentlefolkses doors, and hopes they will give me 
 something." I bid her sweep the whole street clean, and 
 I would give her a shilling ; this was at nine o'clock ; at 
 12 she came for the shilling. From the slowness I saw at 
 first in her working, I could scarce believe that the work 
 was done so soon, and sent my servant to examine it, who 
 reported that the whole street was swept perfectly clean, 
 and all the dust plac'd in the gutter, which was in the 
 middle ; and the next rain wash'd it quite away, so that 
 the pavement and even the kennel were perfectly clean. 
 
 I then judg'd that, if that feeble woman could sweep 
 such a street in three hours, a strong, active man might 
 have done it in half the time. And here let me remark 
 the convenience of having but one gutter in such a nar- 
 row street, running down its middle, instead of two, one 
 on each side, near the footway ; for where all the rain that 
 falls on a street runs from the sides and meets in the mid- 
 dle, it forms there a current strong enough to wash away 
 all the mud it meets with ; but when divided into two 
 channels, it is often too weak to cleanse either, and only 
 makes the mud it finds more fluid, so that the wheels of 
 carriages and feet of horses throw and dash it upon the 
 foot-pavement, which is thereby rendered foul and slip- 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 137 
 
 pery, and sometimes splash it upon those who are walk- 
 ing. My proposal, communicated to the good doctor, 
 was as follows : 
 
 " For the more effectual cleaning and keeping clean 
 the streets of London and Westminster, it is proposed that 
 the several watchmen be contracted with to have the dust 
 swept up in dry seasons, and the mud rak'd up at other 
 times, each in the several streets and lanes of his round ; 
 that they be furnish'd with brooms and other proper in- 
 struments for these purposes, to be kept at their respec- 
 tive stands, ready to furnish the poor people they may 
 employ in the service. 
 
 " That in the dry summer months the dust be all swept 
 up into heaps at proper distances, before the shops and 
 windows of houses are usually opened, when the scaven- 
 gers, with close-covered carts, shall also carry it all away. 
 
 " That the mud, when rak'd up, be not left in heaps to 
 be spread abroad again by the wheels of carriages and 
 trampling of horses, but that the scavengers be provided 
 with bodies of carts, not plac'd high upon wheels, but low 
 upon sliders, with lattice bottoms, which, being cover'd 
 with straw, will retain the mud thrown into them, and 
 permit the water to drain from it, whereby it will become 
 much lighter, water making the greatest part of its weight ; 
 these bodies of carts to be plac'd at convenient distances, 
 and the mud brought to them in wheel-barrows ; they re- 
 maining where plac'd till the mud is drain'd, and then 
 horses brought to draw them away." 
 
 I have since had doubts of the practicability of the lat- 
 ter part of this proposal, on account of the narrowness of 
 some streets, and the difficulty of placing the draining- 
 sleds so as not to encumber too much the passage ; but I 
 am still of opinion that the former, requiring the dust to 
 be swept up and carry'd away before the shops are open, 
 is very practicable in the summer, when the days are long ; 
 for, in walking thro' the Strand and Fleet-street one morn- 
 ing at seven o'clock, I observ'd there was not one shop 
 
13S FRANKLIN 
 
 open, tho' it had been daylight and the sun up above three 
 hours ; the inhabitants of London chusing vokintarily to 
 live much by candle-light, and sleep by sunshine, and yet 
 often complain, a little absurdly, of the duty on candles, 
 and the high price of tallow. 
 
 Some may think these trifling matters not worth mind. 
 ing or relating ; but when they consider that tho' dust 
 blown into the eyes of a single person, or into a single 
 shop on a windy day, is but of small importance, vet the 
 great number of the instances in a populous city, and its 
 frequent repetitions give it weight and consequence, per- 
 haps thev will not censure very severelv those who bestow 
 some attention to affairs of this seeminglv low nature. 
 Human felicity is produc'd not so much by great pieces 
 of good fortune that seldom happen, as by little advan- 
 tages that occur every dav. Thus, if you teach a poor 
 young man to shave himself, and keep his razor in order, 
 vou mav contribute more to the happiness of his life than 
 in giving him a thousand guineas. The money may be 
 soon spent, the regret only remaining of having foolishly 
 consumed it ; but in the other case, he escapes the fre- 
 quent vexation of waiting for barbers, and of their some- 
 times dirty fingers, offensive breaths, and dull razors ; he 
 shaves when most convenient to him, and enjoys dailv the 
 pleasure of its being done with a good instrument. With 
 these sentiments I have hazarded the few preceding pages, 
 hoping thev mav afford hints which some time or other 
 may be useful to a city I love, having lived many years 
 in it verv happily, and perhaps to some of our towns in 
 America. 
 
 Having been for some time employed by the postmas- 
 ter-general of America as his comptroller in regulating 
 several offices, and bringing the officers to account, I was, 
 upon his death in 1753. appointed, jointlv with Mr. William 
 Hunter, to succeed him, bv a commission from the post- 
 master-general in England. The American office never 
 had hitherto paid any thing to that of Britain. We were 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 139 
 
 to have six hundred pounds a year between us, if we could 
 make that sum out of the profits of the office. To do this, 
 a variety of improvements were necessary ; some of these 
 were inevitably at first expensive, so that in the first four 
 years the office became above nine hundred pounds in 
 debt to us. But it soon after began to repay us ; and 
 before I was displac'd by a freak of the ministers, of which 
 I shall speak hereafter, we had brought it to yield tJiree 
 times as much clear revenue to the crown as the postoffice 
 of Ireland. Since that imprudent transaction, the}^ have 
 receiv'd from it — not one farthing ! 
 
 The business of the postoffice occasion'd my taking a 
 journey this year to New England, where the College of 
 Cambridge, of their own motion, presented me with the 
 degree of Master of Arts. Yale College, in Connecticut, 
 had before made me a similar compliment. Thus, with- 
 out studying in any college, I came to partake of their 
 honours. They were conferr'd in consideration of my 
 improvements and discoveries in the electric branch of 
 natural philosophy. 
 
 In 1754, war with France being again apprehended, a 
 congress of commissioners from the different colonies was, 
 by an order of the Lords of Trade, to be assembled at 
 Albany, there to confer with the chiefs of the Six Nations 
 concerning the means of defending both their country and 
 ours. Governor Hamilton, having receiv'd this order, 
 acquainted the House with it, requesting they would fur- 
 nish proper presents for the Indians, to be given on this 
 occasion; and naming the speaker (Mr. Norris) and myself 
 to join Mr. Thomas Penn and Mr. Secretary Peters as 
 commissioners to act for Pennsylvania. The House ap- 
 prov'd the nomination, and provided the goods for the 
 present, and tho' they did not much like treating out of 
 the provinces ; and we met the other commissioners at 
 Albany about the middle of June. 
 
 In our way thither, I projected and drew a plan for the 
 union of all the colonies under one government, so far as 
 
I40 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 might be necessary for defense, and other important gen- 
 eral purposes. As we pass'd thro' New York, I had there 
 shown my project to Mr. James Alexander and Mr. Ken- 
 nedy, two gentlemen of great knowledge in public affairs, 
 and, being fortified by their approbation, I ventur'd to lay 
 it before Congress. It then appeared that several of the 
 commissioners had form'd plans of the same kind. A pre- 
 vious question was first taken, whether a union should be 
 established, which pass'd in the affirmative unanimously. 
 A committee was then appointed, one member from each 
 colony, to consider the several plans and report. Mine 
 happen'd to be preferr'd, and, with a few amendments, was 
 accordingly reported. 
 
 By this plan the general government was to be admin- 
 istered by a president-general, appointed and supported 
 by the crown, and a grand council was to be chosen by 
 the representatives of the people of the several colonies, 
 met in their respective assemblies. The debates upon it 
 in Congress went on daily, hand in hand with the Indian 
 business. Many objections and difficulties were started, 
 but at length they were all overcome, and the plan was 
 unanimously agreed to, and copies ordered to be trans- 
 mitted to the Board of Trade and to the assemblies of the 
 several provinces. Its fate was singular: the assemblies 
 did not adopt it, as they all thought there was too much 
 prerogative in it, and in England it was judg'd to have too 
 much of the democratic. The Board of Trade therefore 
 did not approve of it, nor recommend it for the approba- 
 tion of his majesty ; but another scheme was form'd, sup- 
 posed to answer the same purpose better, whereby the 
 governors of the provinces, with some members of their 
 respective councils, were to meet and order the raising of 
 troops, building of forts, etc., and to draw on the treasury 
 of Great Britain for the expense, which was afterwards 
 to be refunded by an act of Parliament laying a tax on 
 America. My plan, with my reasons in support of it, is 
 to be found among m}'^ political papers that are printed. 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY I4I 
 
 Being the winter following in Boston, I had much 
 conversation with Governor Shirley upon both the plans. 
 Part of what passed between us on the occasion may also 
 be seen among those papers. The different and contrary 
 reasons of dislike to my plan makes me suspect that it 
 was really the true medium ; and I am still of opinion 
 it would have been happy for both sides the water if 
 it had been adopted. The colonies, so united, would have 
 been sufficiently strong to have defended themselves ; 
 there would then have been no need of troops from Eng- 
 land ; of course, the subsequent pretence for taxing Amer- 
 ica, and the bloody contest it occasioned, would have 
 been avoided. But such mistakes are not new : history is 
 full of the errors of states and princes. 
 
 " Look round the habitable world, how few 
 Know their own good, or, knowing it, pursue ! " 
 
 Those who govern, having much business on their 
 hands, do not generally like to take the trouble of consid- 
 ering and carrying into execution new projects. The 
 best public measures are therefore seldom adopted from 
 previous zvisdom, but forcd by the occasion. 
 
 The Governor of Pennsylvania, in sending it down to 
 the Assembly, express'd his approbation of the plan, " as 
 appearing to him to be drawn up with great clearness 
 and strength of judgment, and therefore recommended it 
 as well worthy of their closest and most serious atten- 
 tion." The House, however, by the management of a 
 certain member, took it up when I happen'd to be absent, 
 which I thought not very fair, and reprobated it without 
 paying any attention to it at all, to my no small mortifi- 
 cation. 
 
 In my journey to Boston this year, I met at New 
 York with our new governor, Mr. Morris, just arriv'd 
 there from England, with whom I had been before inti- 
 mately acquainted. He brought a commission to super- 
 sede Mr. Hamilton, who, tir'd with the disputes his pro- 
 
14^ 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 prietary instructions subjected him to, had resign'd. Mr. 
 Morris ask'd me if I thought he must expect as uncom- 
 fortable an administration. 1 said, "No; you may, on 
 the contrary, have a very comfortable one, if you will 
 only take care not to enter into any dispute with the 
 Assembly." *' My dear friend," says he, pleasantly, " how 
 can vou advise my avoiding disputes? You know I love 
 disputing ; it is one of my greatest pleasures ; however, 
 to show the regard I have for your counsel, I promise 
 you 1 will, if possible, avoid them." He had some reason 
 for loving to dispute, being eloquent, an acute sophister, 
 and, therefore, generally successful in argumentative con- 
 versation. He had been brought up to it from a bov. his 
 father, as I have heard, accustoming his children to dis- 
 pute with one another for his diversion, while sitting at 
 table after dinner; but I think the practice was not wise; 
 for in the course of my observation, these disputing, con- 
 tradicting, and confuting people are generally unfortunate 
 in their affairs. They get victory sometimes, but they 
 never sret irood will, which would be of more use to them. 
 We parted, he going to Philadelphia, and I to Boston. 
 
 In returning. I met at New York with the votes of the 
 Assembly, by which it appear'd that, notwithstanding his 
 promise to me, he and the House were already in high 
 contention ; and it was a continual battle between them 
 as long as he retain'd the government. I had my share 
 of it ; for, as soon as 1 got back to my seat in the Assem- 
 blv. 1 was put on every committee for answering his 
 speeches and messages, and by the committees always de- 
 sired to make the drafts. Our answers, as well as his 
 messages, were often tart, and sometimes indecently abu- 
 sive ; and, as he knew I wrote for the Assembly, one 
 might have imagined that, when we met, we could hardly 
 avoid cutting throats ; but he was so good-natur'd a man 
 that no personal difference between him and me was occa- 
 sion'd by the contest, and we often din'd together. 
 
 One afternoon, in the height of this public quarrel, we 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 143 
 
 met in the street. "Franklin," says he, "you must go 
 home with me and spend the evening; I am to have some 
 company that you will like; " and, taking me by the arm, 
 he led me to his house. In gay conversation over our 
 wine, after supper, he told us, jokingly, that he much ad- 
 mir'd the idea of Sancho Paiiza, who, when it was pro- 
 posed to give him a government, requested it might be a 
 government of blacks, as then, if he could not agree with 
 his people, he might sell them. One of his friends, who 
 sat next to me, says, " Franklin, why do you continue to 
 side with these damn'd Quakers? Had not you better 
 sell them ? The proprietor would give you a good price." 
 " The governor," says I, " has not yet blacked them 
 enough." He, indeed, had labored hard to blacken the 
 Assembly in all his messages, but they wip'd off his color- 
 ing as fast as he laid it on, and plac'd it, in return, thick 
 upon his own face ; so that, finding he was likely to be 
 negrofied himself, he, as well as Mr. Hamilton, grew tir'd 
 of the contest, and quitted the government. 
 
 These public quarrels were all at bottom owing to the 
 proprietaries, our hereditary governors, who, when any 
 expense was to be incurred for the defense of their prov- 
 ince, with incredible meanness instructed their deputies 
 to pass no act for levying the necessary taxes, unless their 
 vast estates were in the same act expressly excused ; and 
 they had even taken bonds of these deputies to observe 
 such instructions. The Assemblies for three years held 
 out against this injustice, tho' constrained to bend at last. 
 At length Captain Denny, who was Governor Morris's 
 successor, ventured to disobey those instructions: how 
 that was brought about I shall show hereafter. 
 
 But I am got forward too fast with my story ; there 
 are still some transactions to be mention'd that happened 
 during the administration of Governor Morris. 
 
 War being in a manner commenced with France, the 
 government of Massachusetts Bay projected an attack 
 upon Crown Point, and sent Mr. Quincy to Pennsylvania, 
 
U4 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 and Mr. Pownall, afterward Governor Pownall, to New 
 York, to solicit assistance. As I was in the Assembly, 
 knew its temper, and was Mr. Quincy's countryman, he 
 appli'd to me for my influence and assistance. I dictated 
 his address to them, which was well receiv'd. Thev 
 voted an aid of ten thousand pounds, to be laid out in 
 provisions. But the governor refusing his assent to their 
 bill (which included this with other sums granted for the 
 use of the crown), unless a clause were inserted exempt- 
 ing the proprietary estate from bearing anv part of the 
 tax that would be necessary, the Assembly, tho' very de- 
 sirous of making their grant to New England effectual, 
 were at a loss how to accomplish it. Mr. Ouincy labored 
 hard with the governor to obtain his assent, but he was 
 obstinate. 
 
 I then suggested a method of doing the business with- 
 out the governor, by orders on the trustees of the Loan 
 Office, which, by law, the Assembly had the right of 
 drawing. There was, indeed, little or no monev at that 
 time in the office, and therefore I propos'd that the orders 
 should be pavable in a year, and to bear an interest of five 
 per cent. With these orders I suppos'd the provisions 
 might easilv be purchas'd. The Assembly, with very 
 little hesitation, adopted the proposal. The orders were 
 immediatelv printed, and I was one of the committee 
 directed to sign and dispose of them. The fund for pav- 
 ing them was the interest of all the paper currency then 
 extant in the province upon loan, together with the rev- 
 enue arising from the excise, which being known to be 
 more than sufficient, they obtain'd instant credit, and 
 were not onlv receiv'd in payment for the provisions, but 
 many monev'd people, who had cash lying by them, vested 
 it in those orders, which they found advantageous, as 
 they bore interest while upon hand, and might on anv 
 occasion be used as money ; so that they were eagerlv all 
 bought up. and in a few weeks none of them were to be 
 seen. Thus this important affair was by ni}- means com- 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY I45 
 
 pleated. Mr. Quincy return'd thanks to the Assembly in 
 a handsome memorial, went home highly pleas'd with the 
 success of his embassy, and ever after bore for me the 
 most cordial and affectionate friendship. 
 
 The British government, not chusing to permit the 
 union of the colonics as propos'd at Albany, and to trust 
 that union with their defense, lest they should thereby 
 grow too military, and feel their own strength, suspicions 
 and jealousies at this time being entertain'd of them, sent 
 over General Braddock with two regiments of regular 
 English troops for that purpose. He landed at Alexan- 
 dria, in Virginia, and thence march'd to Frederictown, 
 in Maryland, where he halted for carriages. Our Assem- 
 bly apprehending, from some information, that he had 
 conceived violent prejudices against them, as averse to 
 the service, wish'd me to wait upon him, not as from them, 
 but as postmaster-general, under the guise of proposing 
 to settle with him the mode of conducting with most 
 celerity and certainty the despatches between him and 
 the governors of the several provinces, with whom he 
 must necessarily have continual correspondence, and of 
 which they propos'd to pay the expense. My son accom- 
 panied me on this journey. 
 
 We found the general at Frederictown, waiting impa- 
 tiently for the return of those he had sent thro' the back 
 parts of Maryland and Virginia to collect waggons. I 
 stayed with him several days, din'd with him daily, and 
 had full opportunity of removing all his prejudices, by 
 the information of what the Assembly had before his ar- 
 rival actually done, and were still willing to do, to facili- 
 tate his operations. When I was about to depart, the 
 returns of waggons to be obtained were brought in, by 
 which it appear'd that they amounted only to twenty-five, 
 and not all of those were in serviceable condition. The 
 general and all the officers were surpris'd, declar'd the 
 expedition was then at an end, being impossible ; and ex- 
 claim'd against the ministers for ignorantly landing them 
 10 
 
146 FRANKLIN 
 
 in a country destitute of the means of conveying their 
 stores, baggage, etc., not less than one hundred and fifty 
 waggons being necessary. 
 
 I happen'd to say I thought it was pity they had not 
 been landed rather in Pennsylvania, as in that country 
 almost every farmer had his waggon. The general eager- 
 ly laid hold of my words, and said, " Then you, sir, who 
 are a man of interest there, can probably procure them 
 for us; and I beg you will undertake it." I ask'd what 
 terms were to be ofler'd the owners of the waggons ; and 
 I was desir'd to put on paper the terms that appeared to 
 me necessary. This I did, and they were agreed to, and a 
 commission and instructions accordingly prepar'd imme- 
 diately. What those terms were will appear in the ad- 
 vertisement I publish'd as soon as I arriv'd at Lancaster, 
 which being, from the great and sudden effect it pro- 
 duc'd, a piece of some curiosity, I shall insert it at 
 length, as follows : 
 
 " Advertisement. 
 
 " Lancaster, April 26, lyjS- 
 
 *' Whereas, one hundred and fifty waggons, with four 
 horses to each waggon, and fifteen hundred saddle or 
 pack horses, are wanted for the service of his majesty's 
 forces now about to rendezvous at Will's Creek, and his 
 excellency General Braddock having been pleased to em- 
 power me to contract for the hire of the same, I hereby 
 give notice that I shall attend for that pu'-pose at Lan- 
 caster from this day to next Wednesday evening, and at 
 York from next Thursday morning till Friday evening, 
 where I shall be ready to agree for waggons and teams, 
 or single horses, on the following terms, viz. : i. That there 
 shall be paid for each waggon, with four good horses and 
 a driver, fifteen shillings per diem ; and for each able 
 horse with a pack-saddle, or other saddle and furniture, 
 two shillings per diem ; and for each able horse without 
 a saddle, eighteen pence per diem. 2. That the pay com- 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 147 
 
 mence from the time of their joining the forces at Will's 
 Creek, which must be on or before the 20th of May en- 
 suing, and that a reasonable allowance be paid over and 
 above for the time necessary for their travelling to Will's 
 Creek and home again after their discharge. 3. Each 
 waggon and team, and every saddle or pack horse, is to 
 be valued by indifferent persons chosen between me and 
 the owner ; and in case of the loss of any waggon, team, 
 or other horse in the service, the price according to such 
 valuation is to be allowed and paid. 4. Seven days' pay 
 is to be advanced and paid in hand by me to the owner 
 of each waggon and team, or horse, at the time of con- 
 tracting, if required, and the remainder to be paid by 
 General Braddock, or by the paymaster of the army, at 
 the time of their discharge, or from time to time, as it 
 shall be demanded. 5. No drivers of waggons, or persons 
 taking care of the hired horses, are on any account to be 
 called upon to do the duty of soldiers, or be otherwise 
 employed than in conducting or taking care of their car- 
 riages or horses. 6. All oats, Indian corn, or other forage 
 that waggons or horses bring to the camp, more than is 
 necessary for the subsistence of the horses, is to be taken 
 for the use of the army, and a reasonable price paid for 
 the same. 
 
 " Note. — My son, William Franklin, is empowered to 
 enter into like contracts with any person in Cumberland 
 county. B. Franklin." 
 
 " To the inhabit ajtts of the Counties of Lancaster, York, and 
 
 Cumberland. 
 
 " Friends and Countrymen, 
 
 " Being occasionally at the camp at Frederic a few 
 days since, I found the general and officers extremely ex- 
 asperated on account of their not being supplied with 
 horses and carriages, which had been expected from this 
 province, as most able to furnish them ; but, through the 
 dissensions between our governor and Assembly, money 
 
148 FRANKLIN 
 
 had not been provided, nor any steps taken for that 
 purpose. 
 
 " It was proposed to send an armed force immediately 
 into these counties, to seize as many of the best carriages 
 and horses as should be wanted, and compel as many 
 persons into the service as would be necessary to drive 
 and take care of them. 
 
 " I apprehended that the progress of British soldiers 
 through these counties on such an occasion, especially 
 considering the temper thcv are in, and their resentment 
 asrainst us, would be attended with many and g-reat incon- 
 veniences to the inhabitants, and therefore more willingly 
 took the trouble of trving first what might be done by 
 fair and equitable means. The people of these back coun- 
 ties have lately complained to the Assembly that a suffi- 
 cient currency was wanting ; you have an opportunity of 
 receiving and dividing among )'ou a very considerable 
 sum ; for, if the service of this expedition should continue, 
 as it is more than probable it will, for one hundred and 
 twenty days, the hire of these waggons and horses will 
 amount to upward of thirty thousand pounds, which will 
 be paid you in silver and gold of the king's money. 
 
 " The service will be light and easy, for the army will 
 scarce march above twelve miles per day, and the wag- 
 gons and baggage-horses, as they carry those things that 
 are absolutely necessary to the welfare of the army, must 
 march with the army, and no faster ; and are, for the 
 army's sake, alwavs placed where they can be most 
 secure, whether in a march or in a camp. 
 
 " If you are reallv, as I believe you are, good and loval 
 subjects to his majesty, you may now do a most accept- 
 able service, and make it easy to yourselves ; for three or 
 four of such as can not separately spare from the business 
 of their plantations a waggon and four horses and a 
 driver, may do it together, one furnishing the waggon, 
 another one or two horses, and another the driver, and 
 divide the pay proportionably between you ; but if you 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY I49 
 
 do not this service to your king and country voluntarily, 
 when such good pay and reasonable terms are offered to 
 you, your loyalty will be strongly suspected. The king's 
 business must be done ; so many brave troops, come so 
 far for your defense, must not stand idle through your 
 backwardness to do what may be reasonably expected from 
 you ; waggons and horses must be had ; violent measures 
 will probably be used, and you will be left to seek for a 
 recompense where you can find it, and your case, perhaps, 
 be little pitied or regarded. 
 
 " I have no particular interest in this affair, as, except 
 the satisfaction of endeavoring to do good, I shall have 
 only my labor for my pains. If this method of obtaining 
 the waggons and horses is not likely to succeed, I am 
 obliged to send word to the general in fourteen days ; and 
 I suppose Sir John St. Clair, the hussar, with a body of 
 soldiers, will immediately enter the province for the pur- 
 pose, which I shall be sorry to hear, because I am very 
 sincerely and truly your friend and well-wisher, 
 
 " B. Franklin." 
 
 I received of the general about eight hundred pounds, 
 to be disbursed in advance-money to the waggon owners, 
 etc. ; but that sum being insufficient, I advanc'd upward 
 of two hundred pounds more, and in two weeks the one 
 hundred and fifty waggons, with two hundred and fifty- 
 nine carrying horses, were on their march for the camp. 
 The advertisement promised payment according to the 
 valuation, in case any waggon or horse should be lost. 
 The owners, however, alleging they did not know General 
 Braddock, or what dependence might be had on his prom- 
 ise, insisted on my bond for the performance, which I 
 accordingly gave them. 
 
 While I was at the camp, supping one evening with 
 the officers of Colonel Dunbar's regiment, he represented 
 to me his concern for the subalterns, who, he said, were 
 generally not in affluence, and could ill afford, in this dear 
 
,;0 VKANKllN 
 
 countrv. to l:iv in the stores that might be necessary in so 
 long: a march, thu^' a wilderness, where nothing was to be 
 purchas'd. 1 cvMiimiserated their case, and resolved to 
 endeavor procuring them some reliei. 1 said nothing, how- 
 ever, to him of my intention, but wR-^te the next morning 
 to the committee of the Assembly, who had the disposition 
 of some public money, warmly recommending the case of 
 these otVicei^s to their consideration, and proposing that a 
 present should be sent them of necess;iries and refresh- 
 ments. Mv son. who had some experience of a camp life. 
 and of its wants, drew up a list for me. which I enclos'd 
 in mv letter. The committee approved, and used such 
 diligence that, conducted by my son. the stores arrived at 
 the camp as soon as the waggons. They consisted of 
 twenty parcels, each cv)nt:uning 
 
 6 lbs. loaf su^r. i Gloucester cheese. 
 
 t lbs. g\XH.i Muscvnado do. l kegg cv>ntaining iX'> lbs. gvxxi but:er. 
 
 1 lb. gvxxi green lea. a doi, old Madeira wine. 
 
 I lb. gvxxi K^hea do. a gtillons Jamaica spirits. 
 
 6 lbs, gvxxi grv^und coffee, i Kettle flour of mustard. 
 
 6 lbs, chvxx-«Iate. t weU-curVi hams, 
 
 1-3 cwt. best white biscuit. i-3 doaen dry'd tongues, 
 
 l-a lb, pepjxjr. 6 lbs. rice. 
 
 I quart best white wine vinegar. 6 lbs. raisins. 
 
 These twenty parcels, well pack'd. were placed on as 
 many hon?es, each parcel, with the horse, being intended 
 as a present for one officer. They were very thankfully 
 received, and the kindness: acknowledg'd by letter? to me 
 frv">ra the colonels of both regiments, in the most grateful 
 terms. The general, too, was highly satisfied with my 
 conduct in prvK'uring him the waggv^ns, etc.. and readilv 
 paid mv account of disbursements, thanking me repeat- 
 edly, and requesting my farther assistance in sending pro- 
 visions after him. 1 undertook this also, and was busily 
 emplov'd in it till we hearvi of his defeat, advancing for 
 the service of my own money, upwarvls of one thousand 
 pounds sterling, of which I sent him an account. It came 
 
AUTORIOGRAPIIY 
 
 151 
 
 to his liaiuls, luckily for 1110, a few days bcfi^'C the bat- 
 tle, and he letiirn'd ine iiumediatcly an order on the 
 jiavniaster for the round sum of one thousand pounds, 
 leavini:^ tiie remainder to the next account. 1 consider 
 this payment as <:^ood luck, having never been able to 
 obtain that lemainder, of which more hereafter. 
 
 This «^eneral was, I think, a brave man, and mi<;ht 
 probably have made a figure as a good officer in some 
 Furopean war. Hut he had too much self-confidence, too 
 high an opinion of the validity of regular troops, and too 
 mean a one of both Americans and Indians. George 
 Croghan, our Indian interpreter, join'd him on his march 
 with one hundred of those people, who might have been 
 of great use to his army as guides, scouts, etc., if he had 
 treated them kindly ; but he slighted and neglected them, 
 and they gradually left him. 
 
 In conversation with him one day, he was giving me 
 some account of his intended progress. '* After taking 
 Fort Duqucsne," says he, " I am to proceed to Niagara ; 
 and, haying taken that, to Frontenac, if the season will 
 allow time; and I suppose it will, for Duquesne can hardly 
 detain me above three or four da^s ; and then I see noth- 
 ing that can obstruct my march to Niagara." Having 
 before revolv'd in my mind the long line his army must 
 make in their march by a very narrt)w road, to be cut for 
 them thrt)' the woods and bushes, and also what I had read 
 of a former defeat of fifteen hundred French, who invaded 
 the Iroquois country, 1 had conceiv'd some doubts and 
 some fears for the event of the campaign. But I vcntur'd 
 only to say, " To be sure, sir, if you arrive well before 
 Duqucsne, with these fine troops, so well provided with 
 artillery, that place not yet complcatly fortified, and as we 
 hear with no very strong garrison, can probably make but 
 a short resistance. The only danger I apprehend of ob- 
 struction to your march is from ambuscades of Indians, 
 who, by constant practice, are dexterous in laying and 
 executing them ; and the slender line, near four miles long, 
 
J 53 FRANKLIN 
 
 which your army must make, may expose it to be attack'd 
 by surprise in its flanks, and to be cut like a thread into 
 several pieces, which, from their distance, can not come 
 up in time to support each other." 
 
 He smil'd at my ignorance, and reply'd, " These sav- 
 ages may, indeed, be a formidable enemy to your raw 
 American militia, but upon the king's regular and disci- 
 plin'd troops, sir, it is impossible they should make any 
 impression," I was conscious of an impropriety in my 
 disputing with a military man in matters of his profession, 
 and said no more. The enemy, however, did not take the 
 advantage of his army which I apprehended its long line 
 of march expos'd it to, but let it advance without inter- 
 ruption till within nine miles of the place; and then, when 
 more in a body (for it had just passed a river, where the 
 front had halted till all were come over), and in a more 
 open part of the woods than any it had pass'd, attack'd its 
 advanced guard by a heavy fire from behind trees and 
 bushes, which was the first intelligence the general had 
 of an enemy being near him. This guard being disor- 
 dered, the general hurried the troops up to their assist- 
 ance, which was done in great confusion, thro* waggons, 
 baggage, and cattle ; and presently the fire came upon 
 their flank : the officers, being on horseback, were more 
 easily distinguish'd, pick'd out as marks, and fell very 
 fast ; and the soldiers were crowded together in a huddle, 
 having or hearing no orders, and standing to be shot at 
 till two-thirds of them were killed ; and then, being seiz'd 
 with a panick, the whole fled with precipitation. 
 
 The waggoners took each a horse out of his team and 
 scamper'd ; their example was immediately followed by 
 others ; so that all the waggons, provisions, artillery, and 
 stores were left to the enemy. The creneral, beinir 
 wounded, was brought off with difficulty ; his secretary, 
 Mr. Shirley, was killed by his side ; and out of eighty-six 
 officers, sixty-three were killed or wounded, and seven 
 hundred and fourteen men killed out of eleven hundred. 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 153 
 
 These eleven hundred had been picked men from the 
 whole army ; the rest had been left behind with Colonel 
 Dunbar, who was to follow with the heavier part of the 
 stores, provisions, and baggage. The flyers, not being 
 pursu'd, arriv'd at Dunbar's camp, and the panick they 
 brought with them instantly seiz'd him and all his people ; 
 and, tho' he had now above one thousand men, and the 
 enemy who had beaten Braddock did not at most exceed 
 four hundred Indians and French together, instead of 
 proceeding, and endeavoring to recover some of the lost 
 honour, he ordered all the stores, ammunition, etc., to be 
 destroy 'd, that he might have more horses to assist his 
 flight towards the settlements, and less lumber to remove. 
 He was there met with requests from the governors of 
 Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, that he would post 
 his troops on the frontiers, so as to afford some protection 
 to the inhabitants; but he continu'd his hasty march thro' 
 all the country, not thinking himself safe till he arriv'd at 
 Philadelphia, where the inhabitants could protect him. 
 This whole transaction gave us Americans the first sus- 
 picion that our exalted ideas of the prowess of British 
 regulars had not been well founded. 1 
 
 In their first march, too, from their landing till they 
 got beyond the settlements, they had plundered and 
 stripped the inhabitants, totally ruining some poor fami- 
 lies, besides insulting, abusing, and confining the people 
 if they remonstrated. This was enough to put us out of 
 conceit of such defenders, if we had really wanted any. 
 How different was the conduct of our French friends in 
 1781, who, during a march thro' the most inhabited part 
 of our country from Rhode Island to Virginia, near seven 
 hundred miles, occasioned not the smallest complaint for 
 the loss of a pig, a chicken, or even an apple. 
 
 Captain Orme, who was one of the general's aids-de- 
 camp, and, being grievously wounded, was brought off 
 with him, and continu'd with him to his death, which 
 happen'd in a few days, told me that he was totally silent 
 
154 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 all the first day, and at night only said, " W/io would have 
 thought it ? " That he was silent again the following day, 
 saying only at last, " We shall better know how to deal with 
 them anotJicr time ; " and dy'd in a few minutes after. 
 
 The secretary's papers, with all the general's orders, 
 instructions, and correspondence, falling into the enemy's 
 hands, they selected and translated into French a number 
 of the articles, which they printed, to prove the hostile 
 intentions of the British court before the declaration of 
 war. Among these I saw some letters of the general to 
 the ministry, speaking highly of the great service I had 
 rendered the army, and recommending me to their notice. 
 David Hume, too, who was some years after secretary to 
 Lord Hertford, when minister in France, and afterward 
 to General Conway, when secretary of state, told me he 
 had seen among the papers in that office, letters from 
 Braddock highly recommending me. But, the expedition 
 having been unfortunate, my service, it seems, was not 
 thought of much value, for those recommendations were 
 never of any use to me. 
 
 As to rewards from himself, I ask'd only one, which 
 was, that he would give orders to his officers not to enlist 
 any more of our bought servants, and that he would dis- 
 charge such as had been already enlisted. This he readily 
 granted, and several were accordingly return'd to their 
 masters, on my application. Dunbar, when the command 
 devolv'd on him, was not so generous. He being at Phil- 
 adelphia, on his retreat, or rather flight, I apply 'd to him 
 for the discharge of the servants of three poor farmers of 
 Lancaster county that he had enlisted, reminding him of 
 the late general's orders on that head. He promised me 
 that, if the masters would come to him at Trenton, where 
 he should be in a few days on his march to New York, 
 he would there deliver their men to them. They accord- 
 ingly were at the expense and trouble of going to Tren- 
 ton, and there he refus'd to perform his promise, to their 
 great loss and disappointment. 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 155 
 
 As soon as the loss of the waggons and horses was 
 generally known, all the owners came upon me for the 
 valuation which I had given bond to pay. Their de- 
 mands gave me a great deal of trouble, my acquainting 
 them that the money was ready in the paymaster's hands, 
 but that orders for paying it must first be obtained from 
 General Shirley, and my assuring them that I had apply 'd 
 to that general by letter ; but, he being* at a distance, an 
 answer could not soon be receiv'd, and they must have 
 patience, all this was not sufficient to satisfy, and some 
 began to sue me. General Shirley at length relieved me 
 from this terrible situation by appointing commissioners 
 to examine the claims, and ordering payment. They 
 amounted to near twenty thousand pound, which to pay 
 would have ruined me. 
 
 Before we had the news of this defeat, the two Doc- 
 tors Bond came to me with a subscription paper for rais- 
 ing money to defray the expense of a grand firework, 
 which it was intended to exhibit at a rejoicing on receipt 
 of the news of our taking Fort Duquesne. I looked 
 grave, and said it would, I thought, be time enough to 
 prepare for the rejoicing when we knew we should have 
 occasion to rejoice. They seem'd surpris'd that I did not 
 immediately comply with their proposal. " Why the 
 
 d 1 ! " says one of them, " you surely don't suppose 
 
 that the fort will not be taken?" " I don't know that it 
 will not be taken, but I know that the events of war are 
 subject to great uncertainty." I gave them the reasons of 
 my doubting; the subscription was dropt, and the pro- 
 jectors thereby missed the mortification they would have 
 undergone if the firework had been prepared. Dr. Bond, 
 on some, other occasion afterward, said that he did not 
 like Franklin's forebodings. 
 
 Governor Morris, who had continually worried the 
 Assembly with message after message before the defeat 
 of Braddock, to beat them into the making of acts to raise 
 money for the defense of the province, without taxing, 
 
156 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 among others, the proprietary estates, and had rejected 
 all their bills for not having such an exempting clause, 
 now redoubled his attacks with more hope of success, the 
 danger and necessity being greater. The Assembly, how- 
 ever, continu'd firm, believing they had justice on their 
 side, and that it would be giving up an essential right if 
 they suffered the governor to amend their money-bills. 
 In one of the last, indeed, which was for granting fifty 
 thousand pounds, his propos'd amendment was only of a 
 single word. The bill express'd " that all estates, real and 
 personal, were to be taxed, those of the proprietaries not 
 excepted." His amendment was, for not read only: a 
 small, but very material alteration. However, when the 
 news of this disaster reached England, our friends there, 
 whom we had taken care to furnish with all the Assem- 
 bly's answers to the governor's messages, rais'd a clamor 
 against the proprietaries for their meanness and injustice 
 in giving their governor such instructions ; some going so 
 far as to say that, by obstructing the defense of their prov- 
 ince, they forfeited their right to it. They were intimi- 
 dated by this, and sent orders to their receiver-general to 
 add five thousand pounds of their money to whatever sum 
 might be given by the Assembly for such purpose. 
 
 This, being notified to the House, was accepted in lieu 
 of their share of a general tax, and a new bill was form'd 
 with an exempting clause, which passed accordingly. By 
 this act I was appointed one of the commissioners for dis- 
 posing of the money, sixty thousand poundc. I had been 
 active in modelling the bill and procuring its passage, 
 and had, at the same time, drawn a bill for establishing 
 and disciplining a voluntary militia, which I carried thro' 
 the House without much difficulty, as care was taken in 
 it to leave the Quakers at their liberty. To promote the 
 association necessary to form the militia, I wrote a dia- 
 logue, stating and answering all the objections I could 
 think of to such a militia, which was printed, and had, as 
 I thought, great effect. 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 157 
 
 While the several companies in the city and country- 
 were forming, and learning their exercise, the governor 
 prevail'd with me to take charge of our North-western 
 frontier, which was infested by the enemy, and provide 
 for the defense of the inhabitants by raising troops and 
 building a line of forts. I undertook this military busi- 
 ness, tho' I did not conceive myself well qualified for it. 
 He gave me a commission with full powers, and a parcel 
 of blank commissions for officers, to be given to whom I 
 thought fit. I had but little difficulty in raising men, 
 having soon five hundred and sixty under my command. 
 My son, who had in the preceding war been an officer in 
 the army rais'd against Canada, was my aid-de-camp, and 
 of great use to me. The Indians had burned Gnadenhut, 
 a village settled by the Moravians, and massacred the in- 
 habitants ; but the place was thought a good situation 
 for one of the forts. 
 
 In order to march thither, I assembled the companies 
 at Bethlehem, the chief establishment of those people. I 
 was surprised to find it in so good a posture of defense ; 
 the destruction of Gnadenhut had made them apprehend 
 danger. The principal buildings were defended by a 
 stockade ; they had purchased a quantity of arms and 
 ammunition from New York, and had even plac'd quan- 
 tities of small paving stones between the windows of their 
 high stone houses, for their women to throw down upon 
 the heads of any Indians that should attempt to force into 
 them. The armed brethren, too, kept watch, and reliev'd 
 as methodically as in any garrison town. In conversation 
 with the bishop, Spangenberg, I mention'd this my sur- 
 prise ; for, knowing they had obtained an act of Parlia- 
 ment exempting them from military duties in the colonies, 
 I had suppos'd they were conscientiously scrupulous of 
 bearing arms. He answer'd me that it was not one of their 
 established principles, but that, at the time of their obtain, 
 ing that act, it was thought to be a principle with many 
 of their people. On this occasion, however, they, to their 
 
158 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 surprise, found it adopted by but a few. It seems they 
 were either deceiv'd in themselves, or deceiv'd the Parlia- 
 ment ; but common sense, aided by present danger, will 
 sometimes be too strong for whimsical opinions. 
 
 It was the beginning of January when we set out upon 
 this business of building forts. I sent one detachment 
 toward the Minisink, with instructions to erect one for 
 the security of that upper part of the country, and an- 
 other to the lower part, with similar instructions ; and I 
 concluded to go myself with the rest of my force to 
 Gnadenhut, where a fort was tho't more immediately 
 necessary. The Moravians procur'd me five waggons for 
 our tools, stores, baggage, etc. 
 
 Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers, who 
 had been driven from their plantations by the Indians, 
 came to me requesting a supply of firearms, that the}' 
 might go back and fetch off their cattle. I gave them 
 each a gun with suitable ammunition. We had not 
 march'd many miles before it began to rain, and con- 
 tinued raining all day ; there were no habitations on the 
 road to shelter us, till we arriv'd near night at the house 
 of a German, where, and in his barn, we were all hud- 
 dled together, as wet as water could make us. It was well 
 we were not attack'd in our march, for our arms were of 
 the most ordinary sort, and our men could not keep their 
 gun locks dry. The Indians are dextrous in contrivances 
 for that purpose, which we had not. They met that day 
 the eleven poor farmers above mentioned, and killed ten 
 of them. The one who escap'd inform'd that his and his 
 companions' guns would not go off, the priming being wet 
 with the rain. 
 
 The next day being fair, we continu'd our march, and 
 arriv'd at the desolated Gnadenhut. There was a saw- 
 mill near, round which were left several piles of boards, 
 with which we soon hutted ourselves; an operation the 
 more necessary at that inclement season, as we had no 
 tents. Our first work was to bury more effectually the 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 159 
 
 dead we found there, who had been half interr'd by the 
 country people. 
 
 The next morning our fort was plann'd and mark'd 
 out, the circumference measuring four hundred and fifty- 
 five feet, which would require as many palisades to be 
 made of trees, one with another, of a foot diameter each. 
 Our axes, of which we had seventy, were immediately set 
 to work to cut down trees, and, our men being dextrous 
 in the use of them, great despatch was made. Seeing the 
 trees fall so fast, I had the curiosity to look at my watch 
 when two men began to cut at a pine ; in six minutes they 
 had it upon the ground, and I found it of fourteen inches 
 diameter. Each pine made three palisades of eighteen 
 feet long, pointed at one end. While these were prepar- 
 ing, our other men dug a trench all round, of three feet 
 deep, in which the palisades were to be planted ; and, our 
 waggons, the bodys being taken off, and the fore and 
 hind wheels separated by taking out the pin which united 
 the two parts of the perch, we had ten carriages, with two 
 horses each, to bring the palisades from the woods to the 
 spot. When they were set up, our carpenters built a 
 stage of boards all round within, about six feet high, for 
 the men to stand on when to fire thro' the loopholes. 
 We had one swivel gun, which we mounted on one of the 
 angles, and fir'd it as soon as fix'd, to let the Indians know, 
 if any were within hearing, that we had such pieces; 
 and thus our fort, if such a magnificent name may be 
 given to so miserable a stockade, was finish'd in a week, 
 though it rain'd so hard every other day that the men 
 could not work. 
 
 This gave me occasion to observe, that, when men are 
 employ'd, they are best content'd ; for on the days they 
 worked they were good-natur'd and cheerful, and, with 
 the consciousness of having done a good day's work, 
 they spent the evening jollily ; but on our idle days they 
 were mutinous and quarrelsome, finding fault with their 
 pork, the bread, etc., and in continual ill-humor, which put 
 
l6o FRANKLIN 
 
 mc in mind of a sea-captain, whose rule it was to keep his 
 men constantly at work; and, when his mate once told 
 him that they had done every thing, and there was noth- 
 ing further to employ them about, " Oh,'' says he, " viake 
 them scour the anchor." 
 
 This kind of fort, however contemptible, is a sufficient 
 defense against Indians, who have no cannon. Finding 
 ourselves now posted securely, and having a place to re- 
 treat to on occasion, we ventur'd out in parties to scour 
 the adjacent country. We met with no Indians, but we 
 found the places on the neighboring hills where they had 
 lain to watch our proceedings. There was an art in their 
 contrivance of those places that seems worth mention. It 
 being winter, a fire was necessary for them ; but a com- 
 mon fire on the surface of the ground would by its light 
 have discover'd their position at a distance. They had 
 therefore dug holes in the ground about three feet diame- 
 ter, and somewhat deeper ; we saw where they had with 
 their hatchets cut ofl the charcoal from the sides of burnt 
 logs lying in the woods. With these coals they had made 
 small fires in the bottom of the holes, and we observ'd 
 among the weeds and grass the prints of their bodies, 
 made by their laying all round, with their legs hanging 
 down in the holes to keep their feet warm, which, with 
 them, is an essential point. This kind of fire, so manag'd, 
 could not discover them, either by its light, flame, sparks, 
 or even smoke : it appear'd that their number was not 
 great, and it seems they saw we were too many to be 
 attacked by them with prospect of advantage. 
 
 We had for our chaplain a zealous Presbyterian minis- 
 ter, Mr. Beatty, who complained to me that the men did 
 not generally attend his prayers and exhortations. When 
 they enlisted, they were promised, besides pay and pro- 
 visions, a gill of rum a day, which was punctually serv'd 
 out to them, half in the morning, and the other half in the 
 evening ; and I observ'd they were as punctual in attend- 
 ing to receive it ; upon which I said to Mr. Beatty, " It is, 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY l6l 
 
 perhaps, below the dignity of your profession to act as 
 steward of the rum, but if you were to deal it out and 
 only just after prayers, you would have them all about 
 you." He liked the tho't, undertook the office, and, with 
 the help of a few hands to measure out the liquor, executed 
 it to satisfaction, and never were prayers more generally 
 and more punctually attended ; so that I thought this 
 method preferable to the punishment inflicted by some 
 military laws for non-attendance on divine service. 
 
 I had hardly finish'd this business, and got my fort 
 well stor'd with provisions, when I receiv'd a letter from 
 the governor, acquainting me that he had call'd the As- 
 sembly, and wished my attendance there, if the posture of 
 affairs on the frontiers was such that my remaining there 
 was no longer necessary. My friends, too, of the As- 
 sembly, pressing me by their letters to be, if possible, at 
 the meeting, and my three intended forts being now 
 compleated, and the inhabitants contented to remain on 
 their farms under that protection, 1 resolved to return ; 
 the more willingly, as a New England officer. Colonel 
 Clapham, experienced in Indian war, being on a visit to 
 our establishment, consented to accept the command. I 
 gave him a commission, and, parading the garrison, had 
 it read before them, and introduc'd him to them as an 
 officer who, from his skill in military affairs, was much 
 more fit to command them than myself; and, giving them 
 a little exhortation, took my leave. I was escorted as far 
 as Bethlehem, where I rested a few days to recover from 
 the fatigue I had undergone. The first night, being in 
 a good bed, I could hardly sleep, it was so different from 
 my hard lodging on the floor of our hut at Gnaden wrapt 
 only in a blanket or two. 
 
 While at Bethlehem, I inquir'd a little into the practice 
 of the Moravians : some of them had accompanied me, 
 and all were very kind to me. I found they work'd for 
 a common stock, eat at common tables, and slept in com- 
 mon dormitories, great numbers together. In the dormi- 
 
l62 FRANKLIN 
 
 tories I observed loopholes, at certain distances all along 
 just under the ceiling, which I thought judiciously placed 
 for change of air. I was at their church, where I was en- 
 tertain'd with good musick, the organ being accompanied 
 with violins, hautboys, flutes, clarinets, etc. I understood 
 that their sermons were not usually preached to mixed 
 congregations of men, women, and children, as is our 
 common practice, but that they assembled sometimes the 
 married men, at other times their wives, then the young 
 men, the young women, and the little children, each divi- 
 sion by itself. The sermon I heard was to the latter, who 
 came in and were plac'd in rows on benches ; the boys 
 under the conduct of a young man, their tutor, and the 
 girls conducted by a young woman. The discourse 
 seem'd well adapted to their capacities, and was delivered 
 in a pleasing, familiar manner, coaxing them, as it were, 
 to be good. They behav'd very orderly, but looked pale 
 and unhealthy, which made me suspect they were kept 
 too much within doors, or not allow'd sufficient exercise. 
 
 I inquir'd concerning the Moravian marriages, whether 
 the report was true that they were by lot. I was told 
 that lots were us'd only in particular cases ; that gener- 
 ally, when a young man found himself dispos'd to marry, 
 he inform'd the elders of his class, who consulted the elder 
 ladies that govern'd the young women. As these elders 
 of the different sexes were well acquainted with the tem- 
 pers and dispositions of their respective pupils, they could 
 best judge what matches were suitable, and their judg- 
 ments were generally acquicsc'd in ; but if, for example, 
 it should happen that two or three young women were 
 found to be equally proper for the young man, the lot 
 was then recurred to. I objected, if the matches are not 
 made by the mutual choice of the parties, some of them 
 may chance to be very unhappy. " And so they may," 
 answer'd my informer, " if you let the parties chuse for 
 themselves ; " which, indeed, I could not deny. 
 
 Being returned to Philadelphia, I found the associa- 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 163 
 
 tion went on swimmingly, the inhabitants that were not 
 Quakers having pretty generally come into it, formed 
 themselves into companies, and chose their captains, lieu- 
 tenants, and ensigns, according to the new law. Dr. B. 
 visited me, and gave me an account of the pains he had 
 taken to spread a general good liking to the law, and as- 
 cribed much to those endeavors. I had had the vanity 
 to ascribe all to my Dialogue ; however, not knowing but 
 that he might be in the right, I let him enjoy his opinion, 
 which I take to be generally the best way in such cases. 
 The officers, meeting, chose me to be colonel of the regi- 
 ment, which I this time accepted. I forget how many 
 companies we had, but we paraded about twelve hundred 
 well-looking men, with a company of artillery, who had 
 been furnished with six brass field-pieces, which they had 
 become so expert in the use of as to fire twelve times in a 
 minute. The first time I reviewed my regiment they ac- 
 companied me to my house, and would salute me with 
 some rounds fired before my door, which shook down and 
 broke several glasses of my electrical apparatus. And 
 my new honour proved not much less brittle; for all our 
 commissions were soon after broken by a repeal of the 
 law in England. 
 
 During this short time of my colonelship, being about 
 to set out on a journey to Virginia, the officers of my 
 regiment took it into their heads that it would be proper 
 for them to escort me out of town, as far as the Lower 
 Ferry. Just as I was getting on horseback they came to 
 my door, between thirty and forty, mounted, and all in 
 their uniforms. I had not been previously acquainted 
 with the project, or I should have prevented it, being 
 naturally averse to the assuming of state on any occasion ; 
 and I was a good deal chagrin'd at their appearance, as I 
 could not avoid their accompanying me. What made it 
 worse was, that, as soon as we began to move, they drew 
 their swords and rode with them naked all the way. 
 Somebody wrote an account of this to the proprietor, and 
 
164 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 it g-ave him great offense. No such honor had been paid 
 him when in the province, nor to any of his governors ; 
 and he said it was only proper to princes of the blood 
 royal, which may be true for aught I know, who was, and 
 still am, ignorant of the etiquette in such cases. 
 
 This silly affair, however, greatly increased his ran- 
 cour against me, which was before not a little, on account 
 of my conduct in the Assembly respecting the exemption 
 of his estate from taxation, which I had always oppos'd 
 very warmly, and not without severe reflections on his 
 meanness and injustice of contending for it. He accused 
 me to the ministry as being the great obstacle to the 
 king's service, preventing, by my infiuence in the House, 
 the proper form of the bills for raising money, and he in- 
 stanced this parade with my officers as a proof of my 
 having an intention to take the government of the prov- 
 ince out of his hands by force. He also applied to Sir 
 Everard Fawkener, the postmaster-general, to deprive 
 me of my office ; but it had no other effect than to pro- 
 cure from Sir Everard a gentle admonition. 
 
 Notwithstanding the continual wrangle between the 
 governor and the House, in which I, as a member, had so 
 large a share, there still subsisted a civil intercourse be- 
 tween that gentleman and myself, and we never had any 
 personal difference. I have sometimes since thought that 
 his little or no resentment against me, for the answers it 
 was known I drew up to his messages, might be the 
 effect of professional habit, and that, being bred a lawyer, 
 he might consider us both as merely advocates for con- 
 tending clients in a suit, he for the proprietaries and I for 
 the Assembly. He would, therefore, sometimes call in a 
 friendly way to advise with me on difficult points, and 
 sometimes, tho' not often, take my advice. 
 
 We acted in concert to supply Braddock's army with 
 provisions ; and, when the shocking news arrived of his 
 defeat, the governor sent in haste for me, to consult with 
 him on measures for preventing the desertion of the back 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 165 
 
 counties. I forget now the advice I gave ; but I think it 
 was, that Dunbar should be written to, and prevail'd with, 
 if possible, to post his troops on the frontiers for their pro- 
 tection, till, by re-enforcements from the colonies, he 
 might be able to proceed on the expedition. And, after 
 my return from the frontier, he would have had me 
 undertake the conduct of such an expedition with pro- 
 vincial troops, for the reduction of Fort Duquesne, Dun- 
 bar and his men being otherwise employed ; and he pro- 
 posed to commission me as general. I had not so good 
 an opinion of my military abilities as he profess'd to have, 
 and I believe his professions must have exceeded his real 
 sentiments ; but probably he might think that my popu- 
 larity would facilitate the raising of the men, and my in- 
 fluence in Assembly, the grant of money to pay them, 
 and that, perhaps, without taxing the proprietary estate. 
 Finding me not so forward to engage as he expected, the 
 project was dropt, and he soon after left the government, 
 being superseded by Captain Denny. 
 
 Before I proceed in relating the part I had in public 
 affairs under this new governor's administration, it may 
 not be amiss here to give some account of the rise and 
 progress of my philosophical reputation. v 
 
 In 1746, being at Boston, I met there with a Dr. 
 Spence, who was lately arrived from Scotland, and shovv'd 
 me some electric experiments. They were imperfectly 
 perform'd, as he was not very expert; but, being on a 
 subject quite new to me, they equally surpris'd and 
 pleased me. Soon after my return to Philadelphia, our 
 library company receiv'd from Mr. P. Collinson, Fellow 
 of the Royal Society of London, a present of a glass tube, 
 with some account of the use of it in making such experi- 
 ments. I eagerly seized the opportunity of repeating 
 what I had seen at Boston ; and, by much practice, ac- 
 quir'd great readiness in performing those, also, which 
 we had an account of from England, adding a number of 
 new ones. I say much practice, for my house was con- 
 
l66 FRANKLIN 
 
 tinually full, for some time, with people who came to see 
 these new wonders. 
 
 To divide a little this incumbrance among my friends, 
 I caused a number of similar tubes to be blown at our 
 glass-house, with which they furnished themselves, so 
 that we had at length several performers. Among these, 
 the principal was Mr. Kinnersley, an ingenious neighbor, 
 who, being out of business, I encouraged to undertake 
 showing the experiments for money, and drew up for 
 him two lectures, in which the experiments were rang'd 
 in such order, and accompanied with such explanations 
 in such method, as that the foregoing should assist in 
 comprehending the following. He procur'd an elegant 
 apparatus for the purpose, in which all the little machines 
 that I had roughly made for myself were nicely form'd 
 by instrument-makers. His lectures were well attended, 
 and gave great satisfaction ; and after some time he went 
 thro' the colonies, exhibiting them in every capital town, 
 and pick'd up some money. In the West India islands, 
 indeed, it was with difficulty the experiments could be 
 made, from the general moisture of the air. 
 
 Oblig'd as we were to Mr. Collinson for his present of 
 the tube, etc., I thought it right he should be inform'd of 
 our success in using it, and wrote him several letters con- 
 taining accounts of our experiments. He got them read 
 in the Roval Society, where they were not at first thought 
 worth so much notice as to be printed in their Transac- 
 tions. One paper, which I wrote for Mr. Kinnersley, on 
 the sameness of lightning with electricity, I sent to Dr. 
 Mitchel, an acquaintance of mine, and one of the members 
 also of that society, who wrote me word that it had been 
 read, but was laughed at by the connoisseurs. The papers, 
 however, being shown to Dr. Fothergill, he thought them 
 of too much value to be stifled, and advis'd the printing 
 of them. Mr. Collinson then gave them to Cmr for publi- 
 cation in his Gentleman's Magazine; but he chose to print 
 them separately in a pamphlet, and Dr. Fothergill wrote 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 167 
 
 the preface. Cave, it seems, judged rightly for his profit, 
 for by the additions that arrived afterward, they swell'd 
 to a quarto volume, which has had five editions, and cost 
 him nothing for copy-money. 
 
 It was, however, some time before those papers were 
 much taken notice of in England. A copy of them hap- 
 pening to fall into the hands of the Count de Buffon, a 
 philosopher deservedly of great reputation in France, and, 
 indeed, all over Europe, he prevailed with M. Dalibard to 
 translate them into French, and they were printed at 
 Paris. The publication offended the Abb6 NoUet, pre- 
 ceptor in Natural Philosophy to the royal family, and an 
 able experimenter, who had form'd and publish'd a theory 
 of electricity, which then had the general vogue. He 
 could not at first believe that such a work came from 
 America, and said it must have been fabricated by his 
 enemies at Paris, to decry his system. Afterwards, hav- 
 ing been assur'd that there really existed such a person 
 as Franklin at Philadelphia, which he had doubted, he 
 wrote and published a volume of Letters, chiefly address'd 
 to me, defending his theory, and denying the verity of 
 my experiments, and of the positions deduc'd from them. 
 
 I once purpos'd answering the abb^, and actually 
 began the answer ; but, on consideration that my writings 
 contain'd a description of experiments which any one 
 might repeat and verify, and if not to be verifi'd, could 
 not be defended ; or of observations offer'd as conjectures, 
 and not delivered dogmatically, therefore not laying me 
 under any obligation to defend them ; and reflecting that 
 a dispute between two persons, writing in different lan- 
 guages, might be lengthened greatly by mistranslations, 
 and thence misconceptions of one another's meaning, much 
 of one of the abbe's letters being founded on an error in 
 the translation, I concluded to let my papers shift for 
 themselves, believing it was better to spend what time I 
 could spare from public business in making new experi- 
 ments, than in disputing about those already made. 1 
 
l68 FRANKLIN 
 
 therefore never answered M. Nollet, and the event gave 
 me no cause to repent my silence ; for my friend M. le 
 Roy, of the Royal Academy of Sciences, took up my 
 cause and refuted him ; my book was translated into the 
 Italian, German, and Latin languages ; and the doctrine 
 it contain'd was by degrees universally adopted by the 
 philosophers of Europe, in preference to that of the abbe ; 
 so that he lived to see himself the last of his sect, except 
 Monsieur B , of Paris, his //i^t'^and immediate disciple. 
 
 What gave my book the more sudden and general 
 celebrity, was the success of one of its proposed experi- 
 ments, made by Messrs. Dalibard and De Lor at Marly, 
 for drawing lightning from the clouds. This engag'd 
 the public attention every where. M. de Lor, who had 
 an apparatus for experimental philosophy, and lectur'd 
 in that branch of science, undertook to repeat what he 
 called the Philadelphia Experiments ; and, after they were 
 performed before the king and court, all the curious of 
 Paris flocked to see them. I will not swell this narrative 
 with an account of that capital experiment, nor of the 
 infinite pleasure I receiv'd in the success of a similar one 
 I made soon after with a kite at Philadelphia, as both are 
 to be found in the histories of electricity. 
 
 Dr. Wright, an English phj'sician, when at Paris, 
 wrote to a friend, who was of the Royal Society, an ac- 
 count of the high esteem my experiments were in among 
 the learned abroad, and of their wonder that my writings 
 had been so little noticed in England. The society, on 
 this, resum'd the consideration of the letters that had 
 been read to them ; and the celebrated Dr. Watson drew 
 up a summary account of them, and of all I had afterwards 
 sent to England on the subject, which he accompanied 
 with some praise of the writer. This summary was then 
 printed in their Transactions; and some members of the 
 society in London, particularly the very ingenious Mr. 
 Canton, having verified the experiment of procuring 
 lightning from the clouds by a pointed rod, and acquaint- 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 169 
 
 ing them with the success, they soon made me more than 
 amends for the slight with which they had before treated 
 me. Without my having made any application for that 
 honor, they chose me a member, and voted that I should 
 be excus'd the customary payments, which would have 
 amounted to twenty-five guineas; and ever since have 
 given me their Transactions gratis. They also presented 
 me with the gold medal of Sir Godfrey Copley for the 
 year 1753, the delivery of which was accompanied by a 
 very handsome speech of the president. Lord Macclesfield, 
 wherein I was highly honoured. 
 
 Our new governor, Captain Denny, brought over for 
 me the before-mentioned medal from the Royal Society, 
 which he presented to me at an entertainment given him 
 by the city. He accompanied it with very polite expres- 
 sions of his esteem for me, having, as he said, been long 
 acquainted with my character. After dinner, when the 
 company, as was customary at that time, were engag'd in 
 drinking, he took me aside into another room, and ac- 
 quainted me that he had been advis'd by his friends in Eng- 
 land to cultivate a friendship with me, as one who was 
 capable of giving him the best advice, and of contributing 
 most effectually to the making his administration easy ; 
 that he therefore desired of all things to have a good un- 
 derstanding with me, and he begg'd me to be assur'd of 
 his readiness on all occasions to render me every service 
 that might be in his power. He said much to me, also, 
 of the proprietor's good disposition towards the province, 
 and of the advantage it might be to us all, and to me in 
 particular, if the opposition that had been so long con- 
 tinu'd to his measures was dropt, and harmony restor'd 
 between him and the people ; in effecting which, it was 
 thought no one could be more serviceable than myself ; 
 and I might depend on adequate acknowledgments and 
 recompenses, etc., etc. The drinkers, finding we did not 
 return immediately to the table, sent us a decanter of Ma- 
 deira, which the governor made liberal use of, and in 
 
i;o FRANKLIN 
 
 proportion became more profuse of his solicitations and 
 promises. 
 
 Mv answers were to this purpose: that my circum- 
 stances, thanks to God, were such as to make proprietary 
 favours unnecessary to me ; and that, being a member of 
 the Assembly, I could not possibly accept of any ; that, 
 however, I had no personal enmity to the proprietary, 
 and that, whenever the public measures he propos'd 
 should appear to be for the good of the people, no one 
 should espouse and forward them more zealously than 
 myself ; my past opposition having been founded on this, 
 that the measures which have been urged were evidently 
 intended to serve the proprietary interest, with great 
 prejudice to that of the people ; that I was much obliged 
 to him (the governor) for his professions of regard to me, 
 and that he might rely on every thing in my power to 
 make his administration as easy as possible, hoping at the 
 same time that he had not brought with him the same 
 unfortunate instruction his predecessor had been ham- 
 pcr'd with. 
 
 On this he did not then explain himself ; but when he 
 afterwards came to do business with the Assembly, they 
 appear'd again, the disputes were renewed, and I was as 
 active as ever in the opposition, being the penman, first, 
 of the request to have a communication of the instruc- 
 tions, and then of the remarks upon them, which may be 
 found in the votes of the time, and in the Historical Re- 
 view I afterward publish'd. But between us personally 
 no enmity arose ; we were often together ; he was a man 
 of letters, had seen much of the world, and was very en- 
 tertaining and pleasing in conversation. He gave me the 
 first information that my old friend Jas. Ralph was still 
 alive ; that he was esteem'd one of the best political 
 writers in England ; had been employ 'd in the dispute 
 between Prince Frederic and the king, and had obtain'd 
 a pension of three hundred a year ; that his reputation 
 was indeed small as a poet. Pope having damned his 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 171 
 
 poetry in the Dunciad ; but his prose was thought as 
 good as any man's. 
 
 The Assembly finally finding the proprietary obsti- 
 nately persisted in manacling their deputies with instruc- 
 tions inconsistent not only with the privileges of the peo- 
 ple, but with the service of the crown, resolv'd to petition 
 the king against them, and appointed me their agent to 
 go over to England, to present and support the petition. 
 The House had sent up a bill to the governor, granting a 
 sum of sixty thousand pounds for the king's use (ten thou- 
 sand pounds of which was subjected to the orders of the 
 then general, Lord Loudoun), which the governor abso- 
 lutely refus'd to pass, in compliance with his instructions. 
 
 I had agreed with Captain Morris, of the paquet at 
 New York, for my passage, and my stores were put on 
 board, when Lord Loudoun arriv'd at Philadelphia, ex- 
 pressly, as he told me, to endeavor an accommodation 
 between the governor and Assembly, that his majesty's 
 service might not be obstructed by their dissensions. 
 Accordingly, he desir'd the governor and myself to meet 
 him, that he might hear what was to be said on both 
 sides. We met and discuss'd the business. In behalf of 
 the Assembly, I urg'd all the various arguments that 
 may be found in the public papers of that time, which 
 were of my writing, and are printed with the minutes of 
 the Assembly ; and the governor pleaded his instructions ; 
 the bond he had given to observe them, and his ruin if he 
 disobey 'd, yet seemed not unwilling to hazard himself if 
 Lord Loudoun would advise it. This his lordship did 
 not chuse to do, though I once thought I had nearly pre- 
 vail'd with him to do it ; but finally he rather chose to 
 urge the compliance of the Assembly ; and he entreated 
 me to use my endeavours with them for that purpose, de- 
 claring that he would spare none of the king's troops for 
 the defense of our frontiers, and that, if we did not con- 
 tinue to provide for that defense ourselves, they must re- 
 main expos'd to the enemy. 
 
172 FRANKLIN 
 
 I acquainted the House with what had pass'd, and, pre- 
 senting them with a set of resolutions I had drawn up, de- 
 claring- our rights, and that we did not relinquish our 
 claim to those rights, but only suspended the exercise of 
 them on this occasion thro' /c?rr^, against which we pro- 
 tested, they at length agreed to drop that bill, and frame 
 another conformable to the proprietary instructions. This 
 of course the governor pass'd, and I was then at libert}' to 
 proceed on my voyage. But, in the mean time, the paquet 
 had sailed with my sea-stores, which was some loss to me, 
 and my only recompense was his lordship's thanks for my 
 service, all the credit of obtaining the accommodation fall- 
 ing to his share. 
 
 He set out for New York before me ; and, as the time 
 for dispatching the paquet-boats was at his disposition, and 
 there were two then remaining there, one of which, he 
 said, was to sail very soon, I requested to know the pre- 
 cise time, that I might not miss her by any delay of mine. 
 His answer was, " I have given out that she is to sail on 
 Saturday next ; but I may let you know, entre nous, that if 
 )^ou are there by Monday morning, you will be in time, 
 but do not delay longer." By some accidental hinderance 
 at a ferry, it was Monday noon before I arrived, and 1 was 
 much afraid she might have sailed, as the wind was fair; 
 but I was soon made easy bv the information that she was 
 still in the harbor, and would not move till the next day. 
 One would imagine that I was now on the very point of 
 departing for Europe. I thought so ; but I was not then 
 so well acquainted with his lordship's character, of which 
 indecision was one of the strongest features. I shall give 
 some instances. It was about the beginning of April that 
 I came to New York, and I think it was near the end of 
 June before we sail'd. There were then two of the paquet- 
 boats, which had been long in port, but were detained for 
 the general's letters, which were always to be ready to- 
 morrow. Another paquet arrived ; she too was detain'd ; 
 and, before we sail'd, a fourth was expected. Ours was 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 173 
 
 the first to be dispatch'd, as having been there longest. 
 Passengers were engag'd in all, and some extremely impa- 
 tient to be gone, and the merchants uneasy about their let- 
 ters, and the orders they had given for insurance (it being 
 war time) for fall goods ; but their anxiety avail'd noth- 
 ing ; his lordship's letters were not ready ; and yet who- 
 ever waited on him found him always at his desk, pen in 
 hand, and concluded he must needs write abundantly. 
 
 Going myself one morning to pay my respects, I found 
 in his antechamber one Innis, a messenger of Philadelphia, 
 who had come from thence express with a paquet from 
 Governor Denny for the General. He delivered to me 
 some letters from my friends there, which occasion'd my 
 inquiring when he was to return, and where he lodg'd, 
 that I might send some letters by him. He told me he 
 was order'd to call to-morrow at nine for the general's an- 
 swer to the governor, and should set off immediately. I 
 put my letters into his hands the same day. A fortnight 
 after I met him again in the same place. " So, you are 
 soon return'd, Innis?" '' Return d! no, I am v\(jX. gone 
 yet." " How so ? " "I have called here by order every 
 morning these two weeks past for his lordship's letter, and 
 it is not yet ready." " Is it possible, when he is so great 
 a writer ? for I see him constantly at his escritoire." 
 " Yes," says Innis, " but he is like St. George on the signs, 
 always on horseback, and never rides on." This observation 
 of the messenger was, it seems, well founded ; for, when 
 in England, I understood that Mr. Pitt gave it as one rea- 
 son for removing this general, and sending Generals Am- 
 herst and Wolfe, that the minister never heard from him, 
 and could not know what he was doing. 
 
 This daily expectation of sailing, and all the three 
 paquets going down to Sandy Hook, to join the fleet there, 
 the passengers thought it best to be on board, lest by a 
 sudden order the ships should sail, and they be left be- 
 hind. There, if I remember right, we were about six 
 weeks, consuming our sea-stores, and oblig'd to procure 
 
174 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 more. At length the fleet sail'd, the General and all his 
 army on board, bound to Louisburg, with intent to be- 
 siege and take that fortress ; all the paquet-boats in com- 
 pany ordered to attend the General's ship, ready to re- 
 ceive his dispatches when they should be ready. We 
 were out five days before we got a letter with leave to 
 part, and then our ship quitted the fleet and steered for 
 England. The other two paquets he still detained, car- 
 ried them with him to Halifax, where he stayed some time 
 to exercise the men in sham attacks upon sham forts, then 
 alter'd his mind as to besieging Louisburg, and return'd 
 to New York, with all his troops, together with the two 
 paquets above mentioned, and all their passengers ! Dur- 
 ing his absence the French and savages had taken Fort 
 George, on the frontier of that province, and the savages 
 had massacred many of the garrison after capitulation. 
 
 I saw afterwards in London Captain Bonnell, who 
 commanded one of those paquets. He told me that, when 
 he had been detain'd a month, he acquainted his lordship 
 that his ship was grown foul, to a degree that must neces- 
 sarily hinder her fast sailing, a point of consequence for a 
 paquet-boat, and requested an allowance of time to heave 
 her down and clean her bottom. He was asked how long 
 time that would require. He answer'd, three days. The 
 general replied, " If you can do it in one day, I give 
 leave ; otherwise not ; for you must certainly sail the day 
 after to-morrow." So he never obtain'd leave, though 
 detained afterwards from day to day during full three 
 months. 
 
 I saw also in London one of Bonnell's passengers, who 
 was so enrag'd against his lordship for deceiving and de- 
 taining him so long at New York, and then carrying him 
 to Halifax and back again, that he swore he would sue 
 him for damages. Whether he did or not, I never 
 heard ; but, as he represented the injury to his affairs, it 
 was very considerable. 
 
 On the whole, I wonder'd much how such a man came 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 175 
 
 to be intrusted with so important a business as the con- 
 duct of a great army ; but, having since seen more of the 
 great world, and the means of obtaining, and motives for 
 giving places, my wonder is diminished. General Shir- 
 ley, on whom the command of the army devolved upon 
 the death of Braddock, would, in my opinion, if continued 
 in place, have made a much better campaign than that of 
 Loudoun in 1757, which was frivolous, expensive, and 
 disgraceful to our nation beyond conception ; for, tho' 
 Shirley was not a bred soldier, he was sensible and saga- 
 cious in himself, and attentive to good advice from others, 
 capable of forming judicious plans, and quick and active 
 in carrying them into execution. Loudoun, instead of 
 defending the colonies with his great army, left them 
 totally expos'd, while he paraded idly at Halifax, by which 
 means Fort George was lost, besides, he derang'd all our 
 mercantile operations, and distress'd our trade, by a long 
 embargo on the exportation of provisions, on pretence of 
 keeping supplies from being obtain'd by the enemy, but 
 in reality for beating down their price in favor of the 
 contractors, in whose profits, it was said, perhaps from 
 suspicion only, he had a share. And, when at length the 
 embargo was taken off, by neglecting to send notice of it 
 to Charlestown, the Carolina fleet was detain'd near three 
 months longer, whereby their bottoms were so much 
 damaged by the worm that a great part of them foun- 
 dered in their passage home. 
 
 Shirley was, I believe, sincerely glad of being relieved 
 from so burdensome a charge as the conduct of an army 
 must be to a man unacquainted with military business. I 
 was at the entertainment given by the city of New York 
 to Lord Loudoun, on his taking upon him the command. 
 Shirley, tho* thereby superseded, was present also. 
 There was a great company of officers, citizens, and 
 strangers, and, some chairs having been borrowed in the 
 neighborhood, there was one among them very low, 
 which fell to the lot of Mr. Shirley. Perceiving it as I 
 
lye FRANKLIN 
 
 sat by him, I said, " They have given you, sir, too low a 
 seat." " No matter," says he, " Mr. Franklin, I find a low 
 scat the easiest." 
 
 While I was, as afore mention'd, detain'd at New York, 
 I receiv'd all the accounts of the provisions, etc., that 
 I had furnish'd to Braddock, some of which accounts 
 could not sooner be obtain'd from the different persons I 
 had employ'd to assist in the business. I presented them 
 to Lord Loudoun, desiring to be paid the ballance. He 
 caus'd them to be regularly examined by the proper offi- 
 cer, who, after comparing every article with its voucher, 
 certified them to be right; and the balance due for which 
 his lordship promis'd to give me an order on the paymas- 
 ter. This was, however, put off from time to time ; and, 
 tho' I call'd often for it by appointment, I did not get it. 
 At length, just before my departure, he told me he had, 
 on better consideration, concluded not to mix his accounts 
 with those of his predecessors. " And you," says he, 
 " when in England, have only to exhibit your accounts at 
 the treasury, and you will be paid immediately." 
 
 I mention'd, but without effect, the great and unex- 
 pected expense I had been put to by being detain'd so 
 long at New York, as a reason for my desiring to be 
 presently paid ; and on my observing that it was not right 
 I should be put to any further trouble or delay in obtain- 
 ing the money I had advanced, as I charged no commis- 
 sion for my service, " O, sir," says he, " you must not 
 think of persuading us that you are no gainer ; we under- 
 stand better those affairs, and know that every one con- 
 cerned in supplying the army finds means, in the doing it, 
 to fill his own pockets." I assur'd him that was not my 
 case, and that I had not pocketed a farthing ; but he ap- 
 pear'd not to believe me ; and, indeed, I have since learnt 
 that immense fortunes are often made in such employ- 
 ments. As to my ballance, 1 am not paid it to this day, 
 of which more hereafter. 
 
 Our captain of the paquet had boasted much, before 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 177 
 
 we sailed, of the swiftness of his ship ; unfortunately, 
 when we came to sea, she proved the dullest of ninety-six 
 sail, to his no small mortification. After many conjec- 
 tures respecting the cause, when we were near another 
 ship almost as dull as ours, which, however, gain'd upon 
 us, the captain ordered all hands to come aft, and stand as 
 near the ensign staff as possible. We were, passengers 
 included, about forty persons. While we stood there the 
 ship mended her pace, and soon left her neighbour far 
 behind, which prov'd clearly what our captain suspected, 
 that she was loaded too much by the head. The casks of 
 water, it seems, had been all plac'd forward ; these he 
 therefore order'd to be mov'd further aft, on which the 
 ship recovered her character, and proved the best sailer 
 in the fieet. 
 
 The captain said she had once gone at the rate of 
 thirteen knots, which is accounted thirteen miles per hour. 
 We had on board, as a passenger. Captain Kennedy, of 
 the Navy, who contended that it was impossible, and that 
 no ship ever sailed so fast, and that there must have been 
 some error in the division of the log-line, or some mistake 
 in heaving the log. A wager ensu'd between the two 
 captains, to be decided when there should be sufficient 
 wind. Kennedy thereupon examin'd rigorously the log- 
 line, and, being satisfi'd with that, he determin'd to throw 
 the log himself. Accordingly some days after, when the 
 wind blew very fair and fresh, and the captain of the 
 paquet, Lutwidge, said he believ'd she then went at the 
 rate of thirteen knots, Kennedy made the experiment, and 
 own'd his wager lost. 
 
 The above fact I give for the sake of the following 
 observation. It has been remark'd as an imperfection in 
 the art of ship-building, that it can never be known, till 
 she is tried, whether a new ship will or will not be a good 
 sailer ; for that the model of a good-sailing ship has been 
 exactly follow'd in a new one, which has prov'd, on the 
 contrary, remarkably dull. I apprehend that this may 
 
178 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 partly be occasion'd by the different opinions of seamen 
 respecting' the modes of lading, rigging, and sailing of a 
 ship ; each has his system ; and the same vessel, laden by 
 the judgment and orders of one captain, shall sail better 
 or worse than when by the orders of another. Besides, it 
 scarce ever happens that a ship is form'd, fitted for the 
 sea, and sail'd by the same person. One man builds the 
 hull, another rigs her, a third lades and sails her. No one 
 of these has the advantage of knowing all the ideas and 
 experience of the others, and, therefore, can not draw just 
 conclusions from a combination of the whole. 
 
 Even in the simple operation of sailing when at sea, 1 
 have often observ'd different judgments in the officers who 
 commanded the successive watches, the wind being the 
 same. One would have the sails trimm'd sharper or flatter 
 than another, so that they seem'd to have no certain rule 
 to govern by. Yet I think a set of expieriments might be 
 instituted, first, to determine the most proper form of the 
 hull for swift sailing ; next, the best dimensions and prop- 
 erest place for the masts ; then the form and quantity of 
 sails, and their position, as the wind may be ; and, lastly, 
 the disposition of the lading. This is an age of experi- 
 ments, and I think a set accurately made and combin'd 
 would be of great use. I am persuaded, therefore, that 
 ere long some ingenious philosopher will undertake it, 
 to whom I wish success. 
 
 We were several times chas'd in our passage, but out- 
 sail'd every thing, and in thirty days had soundings. We 
 had a good observation, and the captain judg'd himself so 
 near our port, Falmouth, that, if we made a good run in 
 the night, we might be off the mouth of that harbor in the 
 morning, and by running in the night might escape the 
 notice of the enemy's privateers, who often cruis'd near 
 the entrance of the channel. Accordingly, all the sail was 
 set that we could possibly make, and the wind being very 
 fresh and fair, we went right before it, and made great 
 way. The captain, after his observation, shap'd his course, 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 79 
 
 as he thought, so as to pass wide of the Scilly Isles ; but 
 it seems there is sometimes a strong- indraught setting up 
 St. George's Channel, which deceives seamen and caused 
 the loss of Sir Cloudesley Shovel's squadron. This in- 
 draught was probably the cause of what happened to us. 
 
 We had a watchman plac'd in the bow, to whom they 
 often called, ^'- Look well out before there,'' and he as often 
 answered, ''Ay, ay ;'' but perhaps had his eyes shut, and 
 was half asleep at the time, they sometimes answering, as 
 is said, mechanically ; for he did not see a light just before 
 us, which had been hid by the studding-sails from the 
 man at the helm, and from the rest of the watch, but by 
 an accidental yaw of the ship was discover'd, and occa- 
 sion'd a great alarm, we being very near it, the light appear- 
 ing to me as big as a cart-wheel. It was midnight, and our 
 captain fast asleep ; but Captain Kennedy, jumping upon 
 deck, and seeing the danger, ordered the ship to wear 
 round, all sails standing ; an operation dangerous to the 
 masts, but it carried us clear, and we escaped shipwreck, 
 for we were running right upon the rocks on which the 
 light-house was erected. This deliverance impressed me 
 strongly with the utility of light-houses, and made me re- 
 solve to encourage the building more of them in America, 
 if I should return to live there. 
 
 In the morning it was found by the soundings, etc., that 
 we were near our port, but a thick fog hid the land from 
 our sight. About nine o'clock the fog began to rise, and 
 seem'd to be lifted up from the water like a curtain at a 
 play-house, discovering underneath, the town of Falmouth, 
 the vessels in its harbor, and the fields that surrounded it. 
 This was a most pleasing spectacle to those who had been 
 so long without any other prospects than the uniform view 
 of a vacant ocean, and it gave us the more pleasure as we 
 were now free from the anxieties which the state of war 
 occasion'd. 
 
 I set out immediately, with my son, for London, and 
 we only stopt a little by the way to view Stonehenge on 
 
l8o FRANKLIN 
 
 Salisbury Plain, and Lord Pembroke's house and gardens, 
 with his very curious antiquities at Wilton. We arrived 
 in London the 27th of July, 1757. 
 
 As soon as I was settled in a lodging Mr. Charles had 
 provided for me, I went to visit Dr. Fothergill, to whom 
 I was strongly recommended, and whose counsel respect- 
 ing my proceedings I was advis'd to obtain. He was 
 against an immediate complaint to government, and 
 thought the proprietaries should first be personally ap- 
 pli'd to, who might possibly be induc'd by the interposi- 
 tion and persuasion of some private friends, to accommo- 
 date matters amicably. I then waited on my old friend 
 and correspondent, Mr. Peter Collinson, who told me that 
 John Hanbury, the great Virginia merchant, had request- 
 ed to be informed when I should arrive, that he might 
 carry me to Lord Granville's, who was then President of 
 the Council and wished to see me as soon as possible. I 
 agreed to go with him the next morning. Accordingly 
 Mr. Hanbury called for me and took me in his carriage 
 to that nobleman's, who receiv'd me with great civility ; 
 and after some questions respecting the present state of 
 affairs in America and discourse thereupon, he said to 
 me : " You Americans have wrong ideas of the nature of 
 your constitution ; you contend that the king's instruc- 
 tions to his governors are not laws, and think yourselves 
 at liberty to regard or disregard them at your own dis- 
 cretion. But those instructions are not like the pocket 
 instructions given to a minister going abroad, for regulat- 
 ing his conduct in some trifling point of ceremony. They 
 are first drawn up by judges learned in the laws ; they 
 are then considered, debated, and perhaps amended in 
 Council, after which the}'^ are signed by the king. They 
 are then, so far as they relate to you, the law of the land, 
 for the king is the LEGISLATOR OF THE Colonies." I 
 told his lordship this was new doctrine to me. I had 
 always understood from our charters that our laws were 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY l8i 
 
 to be made by our Assemblies, to be presented indeed to 
 the king for his royal assent, but that being once given 
 the king could not repeal or alter them. And as the As- 
 semblies could not make permanent laws without his 
 assent, so neither could he make a law for them without 
 theirs. He assur'd me I was totally mistaken. I did not 
 think so, however, and his lordship's conversation having 
 a little alarm'd me as to what might be the sentiments of 
 the court concerning us, I wrote it down as soon as I re- 
 turn'd to my lodgings. I recollected that about 20 years 
 before, a clause in a bill brought into Parliament by the 
 ministry had propos'd to make the king's instructions 
 laws in the colonies, but the clause was thrown out by 
 the Commons, for which we adored them as our friends 
 and friends of liberty, till by their conduct towards us in 
 1765 it seem'd that they had refus'd that point of sover- 
 eignty to the king only that they might reserve it for 
 themselves. 
 
 After some days, Dr. Fothergill having spoken to the 
 proprietaries, they agreed to a meeting with me at Mr. T. 
 Penn's house in Spring Garden. The conversation at 
 first consisted of mutual declarations of disposition to 
 reasonable accommodations, but I suppose each party 
 had its own ideas of what should be meant by reasonable. 
 We then went into consideration of our several points of 
 complaint, which I enumerated. The proprietaries justi- 
 fy'd their conduct as well as they could, and I the Assem- 
 bly's. We now appeared very wide, and so far from each 
 other in our opinions as to discourage all hope of agree- 
 ment. However, it was concluded that I should give 
 them the heads of our complaints in writing, and they 
 promis'd then to consider them. I did so soon after, but 
 they put the paper into the hands of their solicitor, Ferdi- 
 nand John Paris, who managed for them all their law 
 business in their great suit with the neighbouring pro- 
 prietary of Maryland, Lord Baltimore, which had sub- 
 sisted 70 years, and wrote for them all their papers and 
 
1 82 FRANKLIN 
 
 messages in their dispute with the Assembly. He was a 
 proud, angry man, and as I had occasionally in the an- 
 swers of the Assembly treated his papers with some 
 severity, they being really weak in point of argument and 
 haughty in expression, he had conceived a mortal enmity 
 to me, which discovering itself whenever we met, I de- 
 clin'd the proprietary's proposal that he and I should dis- 
 cuss the heads of complaint between our two selves, and 
 refus'd treating with any one but them. They then by 
 his advice put the paper into the hands of the Attorney 
 and Solicitor-General for their opinion and counsel upon 
 it, where it lay unanswered a year wanting eight days, 
 during which time I made frequent demands of an answer 
 from the proprietaries, but without obtaining any other 
 than that they had not yet received the opinion of the 
 Attorney and Solicitor-General. What it was when they 
 did receive it I never learnt, for they did not communi- 
 cate it to me, but sent a long message to the Assembly 
 drawn and signed by Paris, reciting my paper, com- 
 plaining of its want of formality, as a rudeness on my 
 part, and giving a flimsy justification of their conduct, 
 adding that they should be willing to accommodate mat- 
 ters if the Assembly would send out some person of candour 
 to treat with them for that purpose, intimating thereby 
 that I was not such. 
 
 The want of formality or rudeness was, probably, my 
 not having address'd the paper to them with their assum'd 
 titles of True and Absolute Proprietaries of the Province 
 of Pennsylvania, which I omitted as not thinking it neces- 
 sary in a paper, the intention of Avhich was only to reduce 
 to a certainty by writing, what in conversation I had de- 
 livered viva voce. 
 
 But during this delay, the Assembly having prevailed 
 with Gov'r Denny to pass an act taxing the proprietary 
 estate in common with the estates of the people, which 
 was the grand point in dispute, they omitted answering 
 the messagre. 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 183 
 
 When this act however came over, the proprietaries, 
 counselled by Paris, determined to oppose its receiving 
 the royal assent. Accordingly they petition'd the king in 
 Council, and a hearing was appointed in which two law- 
 yers were employ'd by them against the act, and two by 
 me in support of it. They alledg'd that the act was in- 
 tended to load the proprietary estate in order to spare 
 those of the people, and that if it were suffer'd to continue 
 in force, and the proprietaries who were in odium with 
 the people, left to their mercy in proportioning the taxes, 
 they would inevitably be ruined. We reply'd that the act 
 had no such intention, and would have no such effect. 
 That the assessors were honest and discreet men under 
 an oath to assess fairly and equitably, and that any advan- 
 tage each of them might expect in lessening his own tax 
 by augmenting that of the proprietaries was too trifling to 
 induce them to perjure themselves. This is the purport 
 of what I remember as urged by both sides, except that 
 we insisted strongly on the mischievous consequences that 
 must attend a repeal, for that the money, ^100,000, being 
 printed and given to the king's use, expended in his serv- 
 ice, and now spread among the people, the repeal would 
 strike it dead in their hands to the ruin of many, and the 
 total discouragement of future grants, and the selfishness 
 of the proprietors in soliciting such a general catastrophe, 
 merely from a groundless fear of their estate being taxed 
 too highly, was insisted on in the strongest terms. On 
 this. Lord Mansfield, one of the counsel rose, and beckon- 
 ing me took me into the clerk's chamber, while the law- 
 yers were pleading, and asked me if I was really of opin- 
 ion that no injury would be done the proprietary estate 
 in the execution of the act. I said certainly. " Then," 
 says he, " 3^ou can have little objection to enter into an 
 engagement to assure that point." I answer'd, " None at 
 all." He then call'd in Paris, and after some discourse, 
 his lordship's proposition was accepted on both sides ; a 
 paper to the purpose was drawn up by the Clerk of the 
 
l84 FRANKLIN 
 
 Council, which I sign'd with Mr. Charles, who was also 
 an Agent of the Province for their ordinary affairs, when 
 Lord Mansfield returned to the Council Chamber, where 
 finally the law was allowed to pass. Some changes were 
 however recommended and we also engaged they should 
 be made by a subsequent law, but the Assembly did not 
 think them necessary ; for one year's tax having been 
 levied by the act before the order of Council arrived, they 
 appointed a committee to examine the proceedings of the 
 assessors, and on this committee they put several particu- 
 lar friends of the proprietaries. After a full enquiry, they 
 unanimously sign'd a report that they found the tax had 
 been assess'd with perfect equity. 
 
 The Assembly looked into ray entering into the first 
 part of the engagement, as an essential service to the Prov- 
 ince, since it secured the credit of the paper money then 
 spread over all the country. They gave me their thanks 
 in form when I return'd. But the proprietaries were en- 
 raged at Governor Denny for having pass'd the act, and 
 turn'd him out with threats of suing him for breach of 
 instructions which he had given bond to observe. He, 
 however, having done it at the instance of the General, 
 and for His Majesty's service, and having some powerful 
 interest at court, despis'd the threats and they were never 
 put in execution. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 
 
 SELECTED FROM DR. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN'S "POOR 
 RICHARD'S ALMANACK," 1733-1758 
 
 Preface 
 
 Who is Poor Richard? People oft enquire. 
 Where lives ? What is he ? — never yet the nigher. 
 Somewhat to ease your Curiositie, 
 Take these slight Sketches of my Dame and me. 
 
 Thanks to kind Readers and a careful Wife, 
 With plenty bless'd, I lead an easy Life ; 
 My business Writing ; less to drain the Mead, 
 Or crown the barren Hill with useful Shade ; 
 In the smooth Glebe to see the Plowshare worn. 
 And fill the Granary with needful Corn. 
 Press nectarous Cyder from my loaded Trees, 
 Print the sweet Butter, turn the Drying Cheese. 
 Some Books we read, tho' few there are that hit 
 The happy Point where Wisdom joins with Wit ; 
 That set fair Virtue naked to our View, 
 And teach us what is decent, what is true. 
 The Friend sincere, and honest Man, with Joy 
 Treating or treated oft our Time employ. 
 Our Table next. Meals temperate ; and our Door 
 Op'ning spontaneous to the bashful Poor. 
 Free from the bitter Rage of Party Zeal, 
 All those we love who seek the publick Weal. 
 
 Who is strong ? He that can conquer his bad Habits. 
 
 Who is rich ? He that rejoices in his Portion. 
 
 185 
 
l86 FRANKLIN 
 
 Our youthful Preacher see, intent on Fame ; 
 Warm to gain Souls ? — No, 'tis to gain a Name. 
 Behold his Hands display'd, his Body rais'd ; 
 
 With what a Zeal he labours to be prais'd. 
 
 Touch'd with each Weakness which he does arraign, 
 With Vanity he talks against the Vain ; 
 With Ostentation does to Meekness guide ; 
 Proud of his Periods form'd to strike at Pride. 
 
 He that has not got a Wife, is not yet a compleat 
 Man. 
 
 Without Repentance none to Heav'n can go. 
 Yet what Repentance is few seem to know : 
 'Tis not to cr)- out Mercy, or to sit 
 And droop, or to confess that thou hast fail'd ; 
 'Tis to bewail the Sins thou didst commit. 
 And not commit those Sins thou hast bewaiTd. 
 He that be^vails, and noi forsakes them too. 
 Confesses rather what he means to do. 
 
 What you would seem to be, be really. 
 
 If you'd lose a troublesome Visitor, lend him money. 
 
 Tart Words make no Friends ; spoonful of honey will 
 catch more flies than Gallon of Vinegar. 
 
 O. form'd Heav'n's Dictates nobly to rehearse, 
 Preacher divine ! accept the grateful \'erse. 
 Thou hast the Power, the harden'd Heart to warm, 
 To grieve, to raise, to terrify, to charm ; 
 To fix the Soul on God, to teach the Mind 
 To know the Dignity of Human Kind ; 
 By stricter Rules well-govemM Life to scan, 
 And practise o'er the Angel in the Man. 
 
 Still be vour darling Study Nature's Laws ; 
 
 And to its Fountain trace up even,- Cause. 
 
 Explore, for such it is, this high Abode, 
 
 And tread the Paths which Boyle and Ne-wion trod. 
 
 Lo, Earth smiles wide, and radiant Heav'n looks down. 
 
 All fair, all gay, and urgent to be known ! 
 
 Attend, and here are sown Delights immense. 
 
 For everv Intellect, and everv Sense. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 187 
 
 Those that have much Business must have much 
 Pardon. 
 
 Discontented Minds, and Fevers of the Body are not 
 to be cured by changing Beds or Businesses. 
 
 When great Augustus ruled the World and Rome, 
 The Cloth he wore was spun and wove at Home, 
 His Empress ply'd the Distaff and the Loom. 
 Old England's Laws the proudest Beauty name, 
 When single, Spinster, and when married, Dame, 
 For Housewifery is Woman's noblest Fame. 
 The Wisest household Cares to Women yield, 
 A large, an useful and a grateful Field. 
 
 You may be too cunning for One, but not for All. 
 
 Genius without Education is like Silver in the Mine. 
 
 Many would live by their Wits, but break for want of 
 stock. 
 
 Ask and have, is sometimes dear buying. 
 
 Cut the Wings of your Hens and Hopes, lest they 
 lead you a weary Dance after them. 
 
 Anger warms the Invention, but overheats the Oven. 
 
 PRECEPT I 
 In Things of moment, on thy self depend. 
 Nor trust too far thy Servant or thy Friend : 
 With private Views, thy Friend may promise fair. 
 And Servants very seldom prove sincere. 
 
 PRECEPT II 
 
 What can be done, with Care perform to Day, 
 Dangers unthought-of will attend Delay ; 
 Your distant Prospects all precarious are. 
 And Fortune is as fickle as she's fair. 
 
 PRECEPT III 
 
 Nor trivial Loss, nor trivial Gain despise ; 
 Molehills, if often heap'd, to Mountains rise. 
 Weigh every small Expence, and nothing waste. 
 Farthings long sav'd, amount to Pounds at last. 
 
l88 FRANKLIN 
 
 It is Ill-manners to silence a Fool, and Cruelty to let 
 him go on. 
 
 Scarlet, Silk and Velvet have put out the Kitchen 
 Fire. 
 
 He that would catch Fish, must venture his Bait. 
 
 Men take more pains to mask than mend. 
 
 Pride and the Gout are seldom cur'd throughout. " 
 
 We are not so sensible of the greatest Health as of the 
 least Sickness. 
 
 A good Example is the best Sermon. 
 
 The honest Man takes Pains, and then enjoys Pleas- 
 ures ; the knave takes Pleasure, and then suffers Pains. 
 
 Think of three Things, whence you came, where you 
 are going, and to whom you must account. 
 
 A change of fortune hurts a wise man no more than a 
 change of the moon. 
 
 A Mob's a Monster ; Heads enough but no Brains. 
 
 The Devil sweetens Poison with Honey. 
 
 Old Age ivill come, Disense may come before, 
 Fifteen is full as mortal as Threescore. 
 Thy Fortune and thy Charms may soon decay ; 
 But grant these Fugitives prolong their Stay, 
 Their basis totters, their Foundation shakes. 
 Life that supports them, in a Moment breaks ; 
 Then wrought into the Soul, let Virtue shine, 
 The Ground eternal, as the work divine. 
 
 He that can not bear with other People's Passions, 
 can not govern his own. 
 
 He that by the Plough would thrive, himself must 
 either hold or drive. 
 
 The Master's Eye will do more Work than both his 
 Hands. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 
 
 189 
 
 Observe old Vellum ; he praises former times, as if 
 he'd a mind to sell 'em. 
 
 Kings have long Arms, but misfortune longer: Let 
 none think themselves out of her Reach. 
 
 A Man without a Wife, is but half a Man. 
 
 Speak little, do much. 
 
 He that would travel much, should eat little. 
 
 Love your Enemies, for they tell you 3^our Faults. 
 
 The Wit of Conversation consists more in finding it in 
 others, than shewing a great deal 3^ourself. He who 
 goes out of your Company pleased with his own Face- 
 tiousness and Ingenuity, will the sooner come into it 
 again. Most men had rather please than admire you, 
 and seek less to be instructed and diverted, than approved 
 and applauded, and it is certainly the most delicate Sort 
 of Pleasure, to please anotJier. 
 
 Laws too gentle are seldom obeyed ; too severe, sel- 
 dom executed. 
 
 O sacred Solitude ! divine Retreat ! 
 Choice of the Prudent ! Envy of the Great ! 
 By thy pure Stream, or in thy waving Shade, 
 We court fair Wisdom, that celestial Maid : 
 The genuine Offspring of her lov'd Embrace 
 (Strangers on Earth) are Innocence and Peace. 
 There blest with Health, with Business unperplext, 
 This Life we relish, and insure the next. 
 
 Does Mischief, Misconduct, and Warning displease 
 ye ; Think there's a Providence 'twill make ye eas3\ 
 
 Mine is better than Ours. 
 
 When Prosperity was well mounted, she let go the 
 Bridle, and soon came tumbling out of the Saddle. 
 
 Where there is Hunger, Law is not regarded ; and 
 where Law is not regarded, there will be Hunger. 
 
I^o FRANKLIN 
 
 Two dry Sticks will burn a green One. 
 
 A good Wife & Health, is a Man's best Wealth. 
 
 A quarrelsome Man has no good Neighbours. 
 
 Wide will wear, but narrow will tear. 
 
 Silks and satins put out the kitchen fire. 
 
 Vice knows she's ugly, so puts on her Mask. 
 
 There are lazy Minds as well as lazy Bodies. 
 
 Most People return small Favours, acknowledge mid- 
 dling ones, and repay great ones with Ingratitude. 
 
 A great Talker may be no Fool, but he is one that re- 
 lies on him. 
 
 Some Worth it argues, a Friend's Worth to know ; 
 Virtue to own the Virtue of a Foe. 
 
 Prosperity discovers Vice, Adversity Virtue. 
 
 Many have quarrel'd about Religion, that never prac- 
 tised it. 
 
 Sudden Pow'r is apt to be insolent, Sudden Liberty 
 saucy ; that behaves best which has grown gradually. 
 
 Diligence overcomes Difficulties, Sloth makes them. 
 
 Neglect mending a small Fault, and 'twill soon be a 
 great One. 
 
 Bad Gains are truly Losses. 
 
 Wealth is a Cheat, believe not what it says ; 
 Greatly it promises, but never pays. 
 Misers may startle, but they shall be told. 
 That Wealth is Bankrupt, and insolvent Gold. 
 
 The most exquisite Folly is made of Wisdom spun too 
 fine. 
 
 There was never a good knife made of bad Steel. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 
 
 191 
 
 Many a Man would have been worse, if his Estate had 
 been better. 
 
 Being ignorant is not so much a Shame, as being un- 
 wiUing to learn. 
 
 Necessity has no Law ; Why ? Because 'tis not to be 
 had without Money. 
 
 The Wolf sheds his Coat once a Year, his Disposition 
 never. 
 
 When a Friend deals with a Friend, Let the bargain 
 be clear and well penn'd, That they may continue Friends 
 to the End. 
 
 He that never eats too much, will never be lazy. 
 
 On him true Happiness shall wait 
 Who shunning noisy Pomp and State 
 Those little Blessings of the Great 
 
 Consults the Golden Mean. 
 In prosp'rous Gales with Care he steers. 
 Nor adverse Winds, dejected, fears. 
 In ev'ry Turn of Fortune bears 
 
 A Face and Mind serene. 
 
 Against Diseases here, the strongest Fence, 
 Is the defensive Virtue, Abstinence. 
 
 You may sometimes be much in the wrong, in owning 
 your being in the right. 
 
 What more valuable than Gold? Diamond. Than 
 Diamonds? Virtue. 
 
 To-day is Yesterday's Pupil. 
 
 Tho' Modesty is a Virtue, Bashfulness is a Vice. 
 
 Hide not your Talents, they for Use were made. 
 What's a Sun-Dial in the Shade? 
 
 In Rivers and bad Governments, the lightest Things 
 swim at top. 
 
 It is not Leisure that is not used. 
 
IQ2 FRANKLIN 
 
 When Reason preaches, if you don't hear her she'll 
 box vour Ears. 
 
 Pillgrarlic was in the Accusative Case, and bespoke a 
 Lawyer in the Vocative, who could not understand him 
 till he made use ot the Dative. 
 
 'Tis great confidence in a friend to tell him your 
 faults, oTeater to tell him his. 
 
 What signifies your Patience, if you can't find it when 
 you want it ? 
 
 I en\T none their Pag^eantn- and Show ; 
 
 I en\y none the Gilding of their Woe. 
 
 Gi\"e me. indulgi?nt Heav'n. with Mind serene 
 
 And gtiiltless Heart, to range the Sylvan Scene. 
 
 No splendid Poverty, no smiling Care, 
 
 No well-breii Hate, or servile Grandeur there. 
 
 There pleasing Objects useful Thought sug-gest. 
 
 The Sense is ravish'd and the Soul is blest ; 
 
 On ever\- Thorn delightful Wisdom grow-s. 
 
 In e\-er>- Rill a sweet Instruction flows. 
 
 Time enough always proves little enough. 
 
 It is wise not to seek a Secret and Honest not to re- 
 veal it. 
 
 .\ slip of the foot >t>u may soon reco\'er. 
 
 But a slip of the tongue \-ou may ne\-er get o\-er. 
 
 EveiT Man for himsdf , etc. 
 
 A Town fear'd a Siege, and held Consultation. 
 
 What was the best Method of Fonitication : 
 
 A gra\"e skiltul Mason declar'd his Opinion. 
 
 That nothing but Stone could secure the Dominion. 
 
 A Carpenter said. Tho' that was well spoke 
 
 Yet he'd rather ad\-ise to defend it with Oak. 
 
 A Tanner much wiser than both these together. 
 
 Cr\-'d. Try wijf urn ^'tTitsf, tut KOiAix^'s li'iir L^atker. 
 
 What is serving God ? 'Tis doing good to Man. 
 
 *Tis easier to prevent bad habits than to break them. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 
 
 193 
 
 The good or ill hap of a good or ill life, is the good or 
 ill choice of a good or ill wife. 
 
 Fair Summer's gone, and Nature's Charms decay, 
 See gloomy Clouds obscure the cheerful Day ! 
 Now hung with Pearls the dropping Trees appear, 
 Their faded Honours scattered here and there. 
 Behold the Groves that shine with silver Frost 
 Their Beauty wither'd, and their Verdure lost. 
 Sharp Boreas blows, and Nature feels Decay, 
 Time conquers all and we must Time obey. 
 
 Every Man has assurance enough to boast of his hon- 
 esty — few of their Understanding. 
 
 Interest which blinds some People, enlightens others. 
 
 These Blessings, Reader, may Heav'n grant to thee ; 
 
 A faithful Friend, equal in Love's degree ; 
 
 Land fruitful, never conscious of the Curse, 
 
 A liberal Heart and never-failing Purse; 
 
 A smiling Conscience, a contented mind ; 
 
 A temp'rate knowledge with true Wisdom join'd ; 
 
 A life as long as fair, and when expir'd, 
 
 A kindly Death, unfear'd as undesir'd. 
 
 An Ounce of wit that is bought Is worth a pound that 
 is taught. 
 
 He that resolves to mend hereafter, resolves not to 
 mend now. 
 
 Many complain of their memory, few of their judg- 
 ment. 
 
 Fools make feasts and wise men eat them. 
 
 One man ma}'^ be more cunning than another, but not 
 more cunning than everybody else. 
 
 The learned Fool writes his Nonsense in better Lan- 
 guage than the unlearned ; but still 'tis Nonsense. 
 
 A Child thinks 20 Shillings and 20 Years can scarce 
 ever be spent. 
 13 
 
IQ^ FRANKLIN 
 
 Ambition often spends foolishly what Avarice had 
 wickedly collected. 
 
 Learning to the Studious; Riches to the Careful; 
 Power to the Bold ; Heaven to the Virtuous. 
 
 Now glad the Poor with Christmas Cheer ; 
 Thank God you're able so to end the Year. 
 
 If you would reap Praise you must sow the Seeds, 
 gentle Words and useful Deeds. 
 
 Ignorance leads Men into a party, and Shame keeps 
 them from getting out again. 
 
 Haste makes Waste. 
 
 Where there's marriage without love, there will be 
 love without marriage. 
 
 Quarrels never could last long, 
 If on one side only lay the wrong. 
 
 On a Bee, stifled in honey. 
 From flower to flower, with eager pains, 
 See the poor busy lab'rer fly ! 
 When all that from her toil she gains, 
 Is, in the sweets she hoards, to die. 
 'Tis thus, would man the truth believe. 
 With life's soft sweets, each fav'rite joy ; 
 If we taste wisely, they relieve ; 
 But if we plunge too deep, destroy. 
 
 Let no pleasure tempt thee, no profit allure thee, no 
 ambition corrupt thee, no example sway thee, no persua- 
 sion move thee, to do anything which thou knowest to 
 be evil ; so shalt thou always live jollily : for a good con- 
 science is a continual Christmas. 
 
 Honours change manners. 
 
 You may drive a gift without a gimblet. 
 
 Friendship cannot live with Ceremony, nor without 
 Civility. 
 
 Praise little, dispraise less. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD I95 
 
 He that spills the Rum loses that only ; He that drinks 
 it, often loses both that and himself. 
 
 That Ignorance makes devout, if right the Notion, 
 Troth, Rufus, thou'rt a Man of great Devotion. 
 
 He that can bear a Reproof, and mend by it, if he is 
 not wise, is in a fair way of being so. 
 
 How few there are who have courage enough to own 
 their Faults, or resolution enough to mend them ! 
 
 Men differ daily, about things which are subject to 
 Sense, is it likely then they should agree about things 
 invisible ? 
 
 Democriius, dear Droll, revisit Earth ; 
 
 And with our Follies glut thy heighten'd Mirth : 
 
 Sad Heraclittis, serious Wretch, return ; 
 
 In louder Grief, our greater Crimes to mourn. 
 
 Between you both, I unconcern'd stand by : 
 
 Hurt, can I laugh? and honest, need I cry? 
 
 There are three Things extreamly hard, Steel, a Dia- 
 mond and to know one's self. 
 
 Hunger is the best Pickle. 
 
 He is a Governor that governs his Passions, and he a 
 Servant that serves them. 
 
 When the Wine enters, out goes the Truth. 
 
 If you would be loved, love and be loveable. 
 
 If worldly Goods cannot save me from Death, they 
 ousfht not to hinder me of eternal Life. 
 
 '&' 
 
 Man only from himself can suffer Wrong ; 
 His Reason fails as his Desires grow strong : 
 Hence, wanting Ballast, and too full of Sail, 
 He lies expos'd to every rising Gale. 
 From Youth to Age, for Happiness he's bound ; 
 He splits on Rocks, or turns his Bark aground ; 
 Or, wide of Land, a desart Ocean views. 
 And. to the last, the flying Port pursues. 
 
196 FRANKLIN 
 
 When Knaves fall out, honest Men get their goods : 
 When Priests dispute, we come at the Truth. 
 
 A large train makes a light Purse. 
 
 Death takes no bribes. 
 
 Many a Man's own Tongue gives Evidence against his 
 Understanding. 
 
 Nothing dries sooner than a Tear. 
 
 From Earth to Heav'n when Justice fled 
 The Laws decided in her Stead 
 From Heav'n to Earth should she return 
 Lawyers might beg, and Law books burn. 
 
 Suspicion may be no fault, but showing it may be a 
 great one. 
 
 Wealth and content are not always bed-fellows. 
 
 Take Courage, Mortal ; Death can't banish thee out 
 of the Universe. 
 
 The Sting of a Reproach is the Truth of it. 
 
 Who is wise ? He that learns from every One. 
 Who is powerful ? He that governs his Passions. 
 Who is rich ? He that is content. 
 Who is that ? Nobody. 
 
 It's the easiest Thing in the World for a Man to de- 
 ceive Himself. 
 
 Neither trust nor contend, nor lay wagers nor lend ; 
 And you'll have peace to your life's end. 
 
 It's common for Men to give pretended Reasons in- 
 stead of one real one. 
 
 All would live long, but none would be old. 
 
 If passion drives, let reason hold the reins. 
 
 Drink does not drown care, but waters it and makes it 
 grow faster. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD I97 
 
 Sorrow is good for nothing but Sin. 
 
 Many a Man thinks he is buying Pleasure, when he is 
 really selling himself a Slave to it. 
 
 Graft good Fruit all, Or graft not at all. 
 
 Liberality is not giving much, but giving wisely. 
 
 No workman without tools, 
 Nor Lawyer without Fools, 
 Can live by their Rules. 
 
 The painful Preacher, like a candle bright, 
 Consumes himself in giving others Light. 
 
 Speak and speed : the close mouth catches no flies. 
 
 As honest Hodge the Farmer sow'd his Field, 
 Chear'd with the Hope of future Gain 'twould yield. 
 Two upstart Jacks in Office, proud and vain. 
 Come riding by, and thus insult the Swain : 
 You drudge and sweat, and labour here. Old Boy, 
 But we the Fruit of your hard Toil enjoy. 
 Belike you may, quoth Hodge, and but your Due, 
 For, Gentlemen, 'tis Hemp I'm sowing now. 
 
 Half Wits talk much but say little. 
 
 If Jack's in love, he's no judge of Jill's Beauty. 
 
 Most fools think they are only ignorant. 
 
 Pardoning the Bad, is injuring the Good. 
 
 He is not well bred, that cannot bear Ill-Breeding in 
 others. 
 
 Harry Smatter has a Mouth for every Matter. 
 
 When you're good to others, you are best to yourself. 
 
 He that's secure is not safe. 
 
 The Muses love the Morning. 
 
 Content makes poor men rich ; Discontent makes rich 
 Men poor. 
 
198 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 Too much plenty makes Mouth dainty. 
 
 'Tis easier to suppress the first Desire, than to satisfy 
 all that follow it. 
 
 Don't judge of Men's Wealth or Piety, by their Sun- 
 day Appearances. 
 
 Friendship increases by visiting Friends, but by visit- 
 ing seldom. 
 
 He that hath no Ill-Fortune will be troubled with 
 good. 
 
 Where sense is wanting, Everything is wanting. 
 
 The Horse thinks one thing, and he that saddles him 
 another. 
 
 Love your Neighbour ; yet don't pull down your 
 Hedge. 
 
 Love and be loved. 
 
 Fear not death ; for the sooner we die, the longer shall 
 we be immortal. 
 
 Observe all men, thyself most. 
 
 The monarch of long regal line, 
 Was rais'd from dust as frail as mine : 
 Can he pour health into his veins. 
 Or cool the fever's restless pains ? — 
 Can he (worn down in nature's course) 
 New-brace his feeble nerves with force ? 
 Can he (how vain is mortal pow'r !) 
 Stretch life beyond the destin'd hour? 
 
 Promises may get thee friends, but non-performance 
 will turn them into enemies. 
 
 Those who in quarrels interpose, 
 Must often wipe a bloody nose. 
 
 Beware, beware ! he'll cheat 'ithout scruple, who can 
 without fear. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 199 
 
 In other men we faults can spy, 
 And blame the mote that dims their eye ; 
 Each little speck and blemish find ; 
 To our own stronger errors blind. 
 
 The World is full of fools and faint hearts ; and yet 
 every one has courage enough to bear the misfortunes, 
 and wisdom enough to manage the Affairs of his neigh- 
 bour. 
 
 Content and riches seldom meet together, 
 Riches take thou, contentment I had rather, 
 
 For want of a Nail the Shoe is lost ; for want of a Shoe 
 the Horse is lost ; for want of a Horse the Rider is lost. 
 
 Want of Care does us more damage than Want of 
 Knowledge. 
 
 He who buys had need have 100 Eyes, but one's 
 enough for him that sells the Stuff. 
 
 There are no fools so troublesome as those that have 
 wit. 
 
 Idleness is the greatest prodigality. 
 
 Good sense is a thing all need, few have, and none 
 think they want. 
 
 Dost thou love life? Then do not squander time : for 
 that's the stuff life is made of. 
 
 A greater grief no woman sure can know. 
 
 Who (with ten children) — who will have me now ? 
 
 Where yet was ever found the mother, 
 Who'd change her booby for another? 
 
 At 20 years of age the will reigns ; at 30 the wit ; at 
 40 the judgment. 
 
 Christianity commands us to pass by injuries ; policy, 
 to let them pass by us. 
 
 Great spenders are bad lenders. 
 
200 FRANKLIN 
 
 All blood is alike ancient. 
 
 Virtue and Happiness are Mother and Daughter. 
 
 The generous Mind least regards Money, and yet 
 most feels the Want of it. 
 
 The poor have little, — beggars none ; 
 The rich too much — enough, not one. 
 
 A carrier every night and morn 
 Would see his horses eat their corn : 
 This sunk the hostler's vails, 'tis true. 
 But then his horses had their due. 
 Were we so cautious in all cases, 
 Small gain would rise from greater places. 
 
 Let thy discontents be secrets. 
 
 Tricks and treachery are the practice of fools that 
 have not wit enough to be honest. 
 
 How many observe Christ's Birth-day ! How few his 
 Precepts ! O ! 'tis easier to keep Holidays than Com- 
 mandments. 
 
 Hear Reason, or she'll make you feel her. 
 
 Give me yesterday's Bread, this Day's Flesh, and last 
 Year's Cyder. 
 
 Ah simple Man ! when a boy two precious jewels were 
 given thee, Time and good Advice ; one thou hast lost, 
 and the other thrown away. 
 
 'Tis easy to frame a good bold resolution ; 
 But hard is the Task that concerns execution. 
 
 Cold & cunning come from the north ; 
 But cunning sans wisdom is nothing worth. 
 
 Many a long dispute among Divines may be thus 
 abridg'd : It is so : It is not so, It is so ; It is not so. 
 
 As Pride increases, Fortune declines. 
 
 Keep thou from the Opportunity, and God will keep 
 thee from the Sin. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 201 
 
 Where there's no Law, there's no Bread. 
 If you'd be lov'd, make yourself amiable. 
 A true Friend is the best Possession. 
 
 A Musketo just starv'd, in a sorry Condition, 
 Pretended to be a most skilful Musician ; 
 He comes to a Bee-hive, and there he would stay- 
 To teach the Bees' Children to sing Sol la fa. 
 The Bees told him plainly the Way of their Nation, 
 Was breeding up Youth in some honest Vocation ; 
 Lest not bearing Labour, they should not be fed, 
 And then curse their Parents for being high bred. 
 
 Fear God, and your Enemies will fear you. 
 The same man cannot be both friend and flatterer. 
 He who multiplies riches multiplies cares. 
 An old man in a house is a good sign. 
 
 'Tis vain to repine, 
 Tho' a learned Divine 
 Will die at nine. 
 
 If you do what you should not, you must hear what 
 you would not. 
 
 Defer not thy well doing ; be not like St. George, who 
 is always a-horseback, and never rides on. 
 
 Wish not so much to live long, as to live well. 
 
 These lines may be read backward or forward. 
 
 Joy, Mirth, Triumph, I do defie: 
 Destroy me death, fain would I die : 
 Forlorn am I, love is exil'd. 
 Scorn smiles thereat ; hope is beguil'd ; 
 
 Men banish'd bliss, in woe must dwell. 
 
 Then joy, mirth, triumph, all farewell. 
 
 As we must account for every idle word, so we must 
 for every idle silence. 
 
 Philosophy as well as Foppery often changes Fashion. 
 
202 FRANKLIN 
 
 I have never seen the Philosopher's stone that turns 
 lead into gold, but I have known the pursuit of it turn a 
 man's gold into lead. 
 
 If thou dost ill, the joy fades, not the pains ; 
 If well, the pain doth fade, the joy remains. 
 
 Anger is never without a Reason, but seldom with a 
 good One. 
 
 He that is of Opinion Money will do every Thing may 
 well be suspected of doing every Thing for Money. 
 
 An ill Wound, but not an ill Name, may be healed. 
 
 When out of Favour, none know thee ; when in, thou 
 dost not know thyself. 
 
 A lean Award is better than a fat Judgment. 
 
 God, Parents, and Instructors can never be requited. 
 
 Speak with contempt of none, from slave to king, 
 The meanest Bee hath, and will use, a sting. 
 
 He that builds before he counts the Cost, acts fool- 
 ishly ; and he that counts before he builds, finds that he 
 did not count wisely. 
 
 Patience in Market is worth Pounds in a year. 
 
 Don't think so much of your own Cunning, as to for- 
 get other Men's : a Cunning Man is overmatched by a 
 cunning Man and a Half. 
 
 Willows are weak, but they bind the Faggot. 
 
 You may give a Man an Office, but you cannot give 
 him Discretion. 
 
 Knaves & Nettles are akin ; stroak 'em kindly, yet 
 they'll sting. 
 
 To bear other people's afflictions, every one has cour- 
 age and enough to spare. 
 
 An empty bag cannot stand upright. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 203 
 
 POOR RICHARD FOR 1758 
 
 Courteous Reader, 
 
 I have heard that nothing gives an Author so great 
 Pleasure, as to find his Works respectfully quoted by 
 other learned Authors. This pleasure I have seldom en- 
 joyed, for tho' I have been, if I may say it without Van- 
 ity, an eminent Author of Almanacks annually now a full 
 quarter of a Century, my Brother Authors in the same 
 Way, for what Reason I know not, have ever been very 
 sparing in their Applauses ; and no other Author has 
 taken the least notice of me, so that did not my Writings 
 produce me some solid Pudding, the great Deficiency of 
 Praise would have quite discouraged me. 
 
 I concluded at length, that the People were the best 
 Judges of my Merit ; for they buy my Works ; and be- 
 sides, in my Rambles, where I am not personally known, 
 I have frequently heard one or other of my Adages re- 
 peated, with, as Poor Richard says, at the End on't ; this 
 gave me some Satisfaction, as it showed not only that my 
 Instructions were regarded, but discovered likewise some 
 Respect for my Authority ; and I own that to encourage 
 the practice of remembering and repeating those wise 
 Sentences, I have sometimes quoted myself with great 
 gravity. 
 
 Judge then how much I must have been gratified by 
 an Incident I am going to relate to you. I stopt my 
 Horse lately where a great Number of people were col- 
 lected at a Vendue of Merchant Goods. The Hour of 
 Sale not being come, they were conversing on the Bad- 
 ness of the Times, and one of the Company call'd to a 
 plain clean old Man, with white Locks, Pray, Father Abra- 
 ham, what think you of the Times ? Wont these heavy Taxes 
 quite ruin the Country ? How shall we be ever able to pay 
 
 them? What would you advise us to? Ydi\\\Qr Abraham 
 
 stood up, and reply 'd. If you'd have my Advice, I'll give 
 
204 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 it you in short, /or a Word to the Wise is enough, and ma7iy 
 Words wont fill a Bushel, as Poor Richard says. They join'd 
 in desiring him to speak his Mind, and gathering round 
 him, he proceeded as follows : 
 
 " Friends, says he, and Neighbours, the Taxes are in- 
 deed very heavy, and if those laid on by the Government 
 were the only Ones we had to pay, we might more easily 
 discharge them ; but we have many others, and much 
 more grievous to some of us. We are taxed twice as 
 much by our Idleness, three times as much by our Pride, 
 and four times as much by our Folly, and from these 
 Taxes the Commissioners cannot ease or deliver us by 
 allowing an Abatement. However let us hearken to good 
 Advice, and something may be done for us ; God helps 
 thetn that help themselves, as Poor Richard says, in his Alma- 
 nack of 1733. 
 
 It would be thought a hard Government that should 
 tax its People one tenth Part of their Time, to be em- 
 ployed in its Service. But Idleness taxes many of us 
 much more, if we reckon all that is spent in absolute Sloth, 
 or doing of nothing, with that which is spent in idle Em- 
 ployments or Amusements, that amount to nothing. 
 Sloth, by bringing on Diseases absolutely shortens Life. 
 Sloth, like Rust, consumes faster than Labour wears, while the 
 used Key is akvays bright, as Poor Richard says. But dost 
 thou love Life, then do not squander Time, for that's the Stuff 
 Life is made of, as Poor Richard says. — How much more 
 than is necessary do we spend in Sleep ! forgetting that 
 The Sleeping Fox catches tio Poultry, and that there zvill be 
 sleeping enough in the Grave, as Poor Richard says. If Time 
 be of all Things the most precious, wasting of Time must 
 t be, as Poor Richard says, the greatest Prodigality, since, as 
 he elsewhere tells us. Lost Time is never found agai^i ; and 
 what we call Time-enough, always proves little enough. Let 
 us then up and be doing, and doing to the Purpose ; so 
 by Diligence shall we do more with less perplexity. Sloth 
 makes all things difficulty but Industry all Things easy, as Poor 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 
 
 205 
 
 Richard says ; and He that riseth late, must Jrot all Day, and 
 shall scarce overtake his Business at night. While Laziness 
 travels so slowly, that Poverty soon overtakes him, as we read 
 in Poor Richard, who adds, Drive thy Business, let not that 
 drive thee ; and Early to Bed, and early to rise, makes a Man 
 healthy, tvealthy, and wise. • 
 
 So what signifies wishing and hoping for better times. 
 We may make these Times better if we besfir ourselves. 
 Industry need not wish, as Poor .Richard says, and He that 
 lives upon Hope will die fasti^ig. There are no Gains, without 
 Pains ; then Help Hands, for I have no Lands, or if I have, 
 they are smartly taxed. And as Poor Richard likewise 
 observes, He that hath a Trade hath an. Estate, and He that 
 hath a Calling hath an Office of Profit and Ho?iour ; but then 
 the Trade must be worked at, and the Calling well fol- 
 lowed, or neither the Estate, nor the Office, will enable us 
 to pay our Taxes. — If we are industrious we shall never 
 starve; for as Poor Richard says. At the working Mans 
 House Hjinger looks in, but dares riot enter. Nor will the 
 Bailiff or the Constable enter, for Industry pays Debts while 
 Despair encreaseth them, says Poor Richard. — What though 
 you have found no Treasure, nor has any rich Relation 
 left you a l^Qg?Lcy, Diligence is the ^Mother of Good-luck, zs 
 Poor Richard says, and God gives all things to Industry. Then 
 plough deep, while Sluggards sleep, and you shall have Corn 
 to sell and to keep, says Poor Dick. Work while it is called 
 To-day, for you know not how much you may be hin- 
 dered To-morrow,, which makes Poor Richard say. One To- 
 day is worth two To-morrozvs ; and farther, Have you some- 
 what to do To-morrow, do it To-day. If )'ou were a Servant 
 would you not be ashamed that a good Master should 
 catch you idle? Are you then your own Master, be 
 ashamed to catch yourself idle, as Poor Dick says. When 
 there is so much to be done for yourself, your Family, 
 your Country, and your gracious King, be up by Peep of 
 Day ; Let not the Sun look down and say. Inglorious here he 
 lies. Handle your Tools without Mittens ; remember that 
 
2o6 FRANKLIN 
 
 the Cat in Gloves catches no Mice, as Poor Richard says. 'Tis 
 true there is much to be done, and perhaps you are weak- 
 handed, but stick to it steadily, and you will see great 
 Effects, for constant Dropping wears away Stones, and by 
 Diligence and Patience, the Mouse ate in two the Cable ; and 
 little Strokes fell great Oaks, as Poor Richard says in his 
 Almanack, the Year I cannot just now remember. 
 
 Methinks I hear some of you say, Mnst a Man afford 
 himself no Leisure? — I will tell thee. My Friend, what 
 Poor Richard says. Employ thy Time well if thou meanest to 
 gain Leisure ; and, since thoti art not sure of a Minute, throw 
 not azvay an Hour. Leisure is Time for doing something 
 useful ; this Leisure the diligent man will obtain, but the 
 lazy man never ; so that, as Poor Richard says, a Life of 
 Leisure and a Life of Laziness are two Things. Do you 
 imagine that Sloth will afford you more Comfort than 
 Labour? No, for as Poor Richard says, Trouble springs 
 from Ldlcncss, and grievous Toil from needless Ease. Many 
 without Labour, tvould live by their WITS only, but they break 
 for want of stock. Whereas Industry gives Comfort, and 
 Plenty and Respect : Fly Pleasures and they II folloiv you. 
 The diligent Spinner has a large Shift ; and 7iow / have a 
 Sheep and a Cow, every Body bids me Good morrow, all which 
 is well said by Poor Richard. 
 
 But with our Industry, we must likewise be steady, set- 
 tled, and careful, and oversee our own Affairs with our own 
 Eyes, and not trust too much to others ; for, as Poor Rich- 
 ard says, 
 
 / never saw an oft removed Tree, 
 
 Nor yet an oft removed Family^ 
 
 That throve so well as those that 'settled be. 
 
 And again. Three Removes is as bad as a Fire ; and again, 
 L'Ceep thy Shop, and thy Shop will keep thee ; and again. If 
 you would have yotir Business done, go ; if not, send. And 
 again, 
 
 He that by the Plough must thrive. 
 Himself must either hold or drive. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 
 
 207 
 
 And again, The Eye of a Master will do more Work than 
 both his Hands ; and again, Want of Care does us more Dam- 
 age than Want of Knozvledge ; and again, Not to oversee 
 Workmen, is to leave them your Purse open. Trusting too 
 much to others Care is the Ruin of many ; for, as the 
 Almanack says, In the Affairs of this World, Men are saved, 
 not by Faith, but by the Want of it ; but a Man's own Care 
 is profitable ; for, saith Poor Dick, Learning is to the Studi- 
 ous, and Riches to the Careful, as well as Power to the Bold, 
 and Heaven to the Virtuous. And farther. If you would 
 have a faithful Servant, and one that you like, serve yourself. 
 And again, he adviseth to Circumspection and Care, even 
 in the smallest Matters, because sometimes a little Neglect 
 may breed great Mischief, adding, for want of a Nail, the 
 Shoe was lost ; for want of a Shoe the Horse was lost ; and 
 for want of a Horse the Rider was lost, being overtaken and 
 slain by the Enemy, all for want of Care about a Horse- 
 shoe Nail. 
 
 So much for Industry, my Friends, and Attention to 
 one's own Business; but to these we must add Frugality, 
 if we would make our hidustry more certainly successful. 
 A man may, if he knows not how to save as he gets, Keep 
 his Nose all his Life to the Grindstone, and die not worth a 
 Groat at last. A fat Kitchen makes a lean Will, as Poor 
 Richard says ; and 
 
 ATany Estates are spent in the Getting, 
 
 Since Wo7ne7tfor Tea forsook Spinning and Knitting, 
 
 And Men for Punch forsook Hewing and Splitting. 
 
 If you would be wealthy, says he, in another Almanack, 
 think of Saving, as well as of Getting: The Indies have not 
 made Spain rich, because her Outgoes are greater than her 
 Incomes. Away then with your expensive Follies, you 
 will not have so much cause to complain of hard Times, 
 heavy Taxes, and chargeable Families ; for as Poor Dick 
 says, 
 
 Women and Wine, Game and Deceit, 
 
 Make the Wealth small and the Wants great. 
 
2o8 FRANKLIN 
 
 And farther, What viaintains one Vice ivonld bring up two 
 Children. You may think perhaps that a little Tea or a 
 little Punch now and then, Diet a little more costly, Clothes 
 a little finer, and a little Entertainment now and then, can 
 be no great Matter ; but remember what Poor Richard 
 says, Many a Little makes a Mickle ; and farther, Beivare 
 ^t/" little Expe7ices ; a small Leak ivill sink a great Ship ; and 
 again, Who Dainties love, shall Beggars prove; and more- 
 over, Fools make Feasts, and wise Men eat them. 
 
 Here you are all got together at this Vendue of Fineries 
 and Knicknacks. You call them Goods, but if you do not 
 take Care, they will prove Evils to some of you. You 
 expect they will be sold cheap, and perhaps they may for 
 less than they cost ; but if you have no Occasion for them, 
 they must be dear to you. Remember what Poor Richard 
 says. Buy zvhat thon hast no Need of, and ere long tJiou shalt 
 sell thy Necessaries. And again. At a great Petinyworth pause 
 a %v]iile : He means, that perhaps the Cheapness is appar- 
 ent only, and not real ; or the Bargain, by straitning thee 
 in thy Business, may do thee more Harm than Good. 
 For in another Place he says. Many have been ruined by buy- 
 ing good Pe?inywort/is. Again Poor Richard says, 'Tis fool- 
 ish to lay out Money in a Purchase of Repentance ; and yet 
 this Folly is practised every Day at Vendues, for want of 
 minding the Almanack. Wise Men, as Poor Dick says, 
 learn by others Harms, Fools scarcely by their ozvn ; but Felix 
 quem faciunt aliena Pericula cautum. Many a one, for the 
 Sake of Finery on the Back, have gone with a hungry 
 belly, and half starved their Families ; Silks and Sattins, 
 Scarlet and Velvets, as Poor Richard says, put out the Kitchen 
 Fire. These are not the Necessaries of Life ; they can 
 scarcely be called the Conve^iienccs, and yet only because 
 they look pretty how many want to have them. The arti- 
 ficial Wants of Mankind thus become more numerous 
 than the natural; and as Poor Dick says, For one poor Per- 
 son there are an hundred indigent. By these, and other 
 Extravagancies, the Genteel are reduced to Poverty, and 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 
 
 209 
 
 forced to borrow of those whom they formerly despised, 
 but who through Indtistry and Frugality have maintained 
 their Standing ; in which case it appears plainly, that a 
 Plotighmati on his Legs is higJier than a Gentleman on his 
 Knees, as Poor Richard says. Perhaps they have had a 
 small Estate left them, which they knew not the Getting 
 of — they think 'tis Day and will never be Night ; that a little 
 to be spent out of so much, is not worth minding ; {a Child 
 and a Fool, as Poor Richard says, imagine Twenty Shillings 
 and Twenty Years can never be spefit) but, always taking out 
 of the Meal-tub, and never putting in, soon comes to the Bot- 
 tom; then, as Poor Dick says. When the WelVs dry, they know 
 the Worth of Water. But this they might have known be- 
 fore, if they had taken his Advice ; If you would know the 
 Value of Money, go and try to borrow some ; for, he that goes 
 a borrowing goes a sorrowing ; and indeed so does he that 
 lends to such People, when he goes to get it i?i agai?i. — 
 Poor Dick farther advises, and says, 
 
 Fond Pride of Dress, zs sure a very Curse ; 
 E'er Yzxvcy yoii consult, consult your Purse. 
 
 And again, Pride is as loud a Beggar as Want, and a great 
 deal more saucy. When you have bought one fine Thing 
 you must buy ten more, that your appearance may be all 
 of a Piece ; but Poor Dick says, ' Tis easier to suppress the 
 first Desire, than to satisfy all that follow it. And 'tis as 
 truly Folly for the Poor to ape the Rich, as for the Frog 
 to swell, in order to equal the Ox. 
 
 Great Estates may venture more. 
 
 But little Boats should keep near Shore. 
 
 Tis however a Folly soon punished ; for Pride that dines 
 on Vanity sups on Contempt, as Poor Richard says. And in 
 another Place, Pride breakfasted with Plenty, dined with Pov- 
 erty, and supped with Infamy. And, after all, of what Use 
 is t\i\^ Pride of Appearance, for which so much is risked, so 
 much is suffered ? It cannot promote Health, or ease Pain ; 
 14 
 
2IO FRANKLIN 
 
 it makes no Increase of Merit in the Person, it creates 
 Envy, it hastens Misfortune. 
 
 What IS a Butterfly? At best 
 He's but a Cuterptllar drest. 
 The gaudy Fop's his Picture just, 
 
 as Poor Richard says. 
 
 But what Madness must it be to run in Debt for these 
 Superfluities ! We are offered by the Terms of this Ven- 
 due, Six Months Credit ; and that perhaps has induced 
 some of us to attend it, because we cannot spare the ready 
 Money, and hope now to be tine without it. But, ah, 
 think what you do when you run in debt; You give to an- 
 other Poiver over your Liberty. If you cannot pay at the 
 Time, you will be ashamed to see your Creditor ; you will 
 be in Fear when you speak to him ; you will make poor 
 pitiful sneaking Excuses, and by Degrees come to lose 
 your Veracity, and sink into base downright lying ; for as 
 Poor Riehard says, The seeond J7ee is Lying, the first is run- 
 ning in Debt. And again, to the same Purpose, Lying rides 
 upon Debfs Baek. Whereas a freeborn Englishman ought 
 not to be ashamed or afraid to see or speak to any Man liv- 
 ing. But Poverty often deprives a Man of all Spirit and 
 Virtue ; ' Tis hard for an empty Bag to stand upright, as Poor 
 Riehard truly says. What would you think of that Prince, 
 or that Government, who should issue an Edict forbid- 
 ding you to dress like a Gentleman, or a Gentlewoman, 
 on Pain of Imprisonment or Servitude! V/ould you not 
 say, that you are free, have a Right to dress as you please, 
 and that such an Edict wonld be a Breach of your Privi- 
 leges, and such a Government tyrannical ! And yet you 
 are about to put yourself under that Tyranny when you 
 run in Debt for such Dress ! Your Creditor has Author- 
 ity at his Pleasure to deprive you of your Liberty, by con- 
 fining you in Goal for Life, or to sell you for a Servant, if 
 you should not be able to pay him ! When you have got 
 your Bargain, you may, perhaps, think little of Payment ; 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 211 
 
 but Creditors, Poor Richard teWs us, have better Memories than 
 Debtors ; and in another Place says, Creditors are a super- 
 stitious Sect, great observers of set Days and Times. The Day 
 comes round before you are aware, and the Demand is 
 made before you are prepared to satisfy it. Or if you bear 
 your Debt in Mind, the Term which at first seemed so 
 long, will, as it lessens, appear extreamly short. Time 
 will seem to have added Wings to his Heels as well as 
 Shoulders. Those have a short Lent, saith Poor Richard, 
 who owe Money to be paid at Easter. Then, since as he says, 
 The Borrower is a Slave to the Lender, and the Debtor to the 
 Creditor, disdain the Chain, preserve your Freedom ; and 
 maintain your Independency; Be industrious z.nd free ; be 
 frugal and free. At present, perhaps, you may think 
 yourself in thriving Circumstances, and that you can bear 
 a little Extravagance without Injury ; but. 
 
 For Age aftd Want save while yon may ; 
 No Morning Sun lasts a whole Day^ 
 
 as Poor Richard says. — Gain may be temporary and uncer- 
 tain, but ever while you live Experience is constant and 
 certain ; and 'tis easier to build two Chinmies than to keep 
 one in Fuel, as Poor Richard says. So rather go to Bed sup- 
 perless than rise in Debt. 
 
 Get what you can, and what you get hold ; 
 
 ' Tis the stone that will turn all your Lead into Gold, 
 
 as Poor Richard says. And when you have got the Phi- 
 losopher's Stone, sure you will no longer complain of the 
 bad Times, or the Difficulty of paying Taxes. 
 
 This Doctrine, my Friends, is Reason and Wisdom; 
 but after all, do not depend too much on your own Indus- 
 try, and Frugality, and Prudence, though excellent Things, 
 for they may all be blasted without the Blessing of 
 Heaven ; and therefore ask that Blessing humbly, and be 
 not uncharitable to those that at present seem to want it, 
 but comfort and help them. Remember yi?^ suffered, and 
 was afterwards prosperous. 
 
212 FRANKLIN 
 
 And now to conclude, Experience keeps a dear School, 
 but Fools tvill learn in no other, and scarce in that ; for it is 
 true, we may give Advice, but we catinot give Conduct, as Poor 
 Richard says : However, remember this, They that won't be 
 counselled, cant be helped, 3.s Poor Richard says : and farther. 
 That if you zvill not hear Reason, she II surely rap your 
 Knuckles. 
 
 Thus the old Gentleman ended his Harangue. The 
 People heard it, and approved the Doctrine, and imme- 
 diately practised the contrary, just as if it had been a 
 common Sermon ; for the Vendue opened, and they began 
 to buy extravagantly, notwithstanding all his Cautions, 
 and their own Fear of Taxes. — I found the good Man had 
 thoroughly studied my Almanacks, and digested all I had 
 dropt on those Topicks during the Course of Five-and- 
 Twenty Years. The frequent mention he made of me 
 must have tired any one else, but my Vanity was wonder- 
 fully delighted with it, though I was conscious that not a 
 tenth Part of this Wisdom was my own which he ascribed 
 to me, but rather the Gleanings I had made of the Sense 
 of all Ages and Nations. However, 1 resolved to be the 
 better for the Echo of it ; and though I had at first deter- 
 mined to buy Stuff for a new Coat, I went away resolved 
 to wear my old one a little longer. Reader, if thou wilt do 
 the same, thy Profit will be as great as mine. 
 / am, as ever. 
 
 Thine to serve thee, 
 
 Richard Saunders. 
 
 Of all the Charms the Female Sex desire, 
 That Lovers doat on, and that friends admire, 
 Those most deserve your Wish that longest last. 
 Not like the Bloom of Beauty, quickly past ; 
 Virtue the Chief: This Men and Angels prize. 
 Above the finest Shape and brightest Eyes, 
 By this alone, untainted Joys we find, 
 As large and as immortal as the Mind. 
 
 A man in a Passion rides a mad Horse. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 
 
 213 
 
 Reader farewel, all Happiness attend thee ; May each 
 New-Year, better and richer find thee. 
 
 HOW TO GET RICHES 
 
 The Art of getting Riches consists very much in 
 Thrift. All Men are not equally qualified for getting 
 Money, but it is in the Power of every one alike to prac- 
 tise this Virtue. 
 
 He that would be beforehand in the World, must be 
 beforehand with his Business : It is not only ill Manage- 
 ment, but discovers a slothful Disposition, to do that in 
 the Afternoon, which should have been done in the 
 Morning. 
 
 Useful Attainments in your Minority will procure 
 Riches in Maturity, of which Writing and Accounts are 
 not the meanest. 
 
 Learning, whether Speculative or Practical, is, in Pop- 
 ular or Mixt Governments, the Natural Source of Wealth 
 and Honour. 
 
 Declaiming against Pride, is not always a Sign of 
 Humility. 
 
 Neglect kills Injuries, Revenge increases them. 
 
 In Converse be reserv'd, yet not morose. 
 
 In Season grave, in Season, too, jocose. 
 
 Shun Party- Wranglings, mix not in Debate 
 
 With Bigots in Religion or the State. 
 
 No Arms to Scandal or Detraction lend, 
 
 Abhor to wound, be fervent to defend. 
 
 Aspiring still to know, a Babbler scorn, 
 
 But watch where Wisdom opes her golden Horn. 
 
 Nine Men in ten are suicides. 
 
 Doing an Injury puts you below your Enemy ; Re- 
 venging one makes you but even with him ; Forgiving it 
 sets you above him. 
 
214 FRANKLIN 
 
 In quest of Gain be just : A Conscience clear 
 Is Lucre, more than Thousands in a Year ; 
 Treasure no Moth can touch, no Rust consume ; 
 Safe from the Knave, the Robber, and the Tomb. 
 Unrighteous Gain is the curs'd Seed of Woe, 
 Predestin'd to be reap'd by them who sow ; 
 A dreadful Harvest ! when th' avenging Day 
 Shall like a Tempest, sweep the Unjust away. 
 
 Most of the Learning in use, is of no great Use. 
 
 Great Good-nature, without Prudence, is a great Mis- 
 fortune. 
 
 Fond Pride of Dress is sure an empty Curse ; 
 E're Fancy you consult, consult your Purse. 
 
 Youth is pert and positive, Age modest and doubting : 
 So Ears of Corn when )'oung and light, stand bold up- 
 right, but hang their Heads when weighty, full, and 
 
 ripe. 
 
 Some sweet Employ for leisure Minutes chuse. 
 And let your very Pleasures have their Use. 
 But if you read, your Books with Prudence chuse. 
 Or Time mis-spent is worse than what you lose. 
 Be fully ere you speak your Subject known, 
 And let e'en then some Diffidence be shown. 
 Keep something silent, and we think you wise, 
 But when we see the Bottom, we despise. 
 
 Serving God is doing good to Man, but praying is 
 thought an easier Service, and therefore more generally 
 chosen. 
 
 Nothing humbler than Ambition, when it is about to 
 climb. 
 
 The discontented Man finds no easy Chair. 
 
 Virtue and a Trade, are a Child's best Portion. 
 
 Gifts much expected, are paid, not given. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 
 
 215 
 
 MOW TO SECURE HOUSES, &C. FROM LIGHTNING 
 
 It has pleased God in his Goodness to Mankind, at 
 length to discover to them the Means of securing their 
 Habitations and other Buildings from Mischief by thun- 
 der and Lightning. The Method is this : Provide a small 
 Iron Rod (it may be of the Rod-iron used by the Nailors) 
 but of such a length, that one End being three or four 
 Feet in the moist Ground, the other may be six or eight 
 Feet above the highest Fart of the Building. To the 
 upper end of the Rod fasten about a Foot of Brass Wire, 
 the size of a common Knitting-needle, sharpened to a fine 
 Point ; the Rod may be secured to the House by a few 
 small Staples. If the House or Barn, be long, there may 
 be a Rod and Point at each End, and a middling Wire 
 along the Ridge from one to the other. A house thus fur- 
 nished will not be damaged by Lightning, it being attract- 
 ed by the Points, and passing thro' the Metal into the 
 Ground without hurting anything. Vessels also, having 
 a sharp pointed Rod fix'd on the Top of their Masts, with 
 a Wire from the F'oot of the Rod reaching down, round 
 one of the Shrouds, to the Water, will not be hurt by 
 Lightning. 
 
 Parsons and "Jesuits could coftfute. 
 
 Talk Infidels and Quakers mute. 
 
 To every Here tick a foe ; 
 
 Was he an honest man ? So, so. 
 
 Among the Divines there has been much Debate, 
 Concerning the World in its ancient Estate ; 
 Some say 'twas once good, but now is grown bad, 
 Some say 'tis reform'd of the Faults it once had : 
 I say 'tis the best World, this that we now live in, 
 Either to lend, or to spend, or to give in ; 
 But to borrow, to beg, or to get a Man's own, 
 It is the worst World that ever was known. 
 
 Here comes Glib-Tongue : who can out-flatter a Dedi- 
 cation ; and lie, like ten Epitaphs. 
 
 Hope and a Red-Rag, are Baits for Men and Mackerel. 
 
2i6 FRANKLIN 
 
 With the old Almanack and the old Year, 
 Leave thy old Vices, tho' ever so dear. 
 
 Honest Men often go to Law for their Right ; when 
 Wise Men would sit down with the Wrong, supposing the 
 first Loss least. In some Countries, the Course of the 
 Courts is so tedious, and the Expence so high, that the 
 Kemedy, /ustice, is worse than Injustice, the Disease. In 
 my Travels I once saw a Sign call'd The Two Men at Law ; 
 One of them was painted on one Side, in a melancholy- 
 Posture, all in Rags, with this Scroll, I have lost my Cause. 
 The other was drawn capering for Joy, on the other Side, 
 with these Words, / have gaind my Suit ; but he was 
 stark naked. 
 
 RULES OF HEALTH AND LONG LIFE, AND TO PRESERVE 
 FROM MALIGNANT FEVERS, AND SICKNESS IN GENERAL 
 
 Eat and drink such an Exact Quantity as the Consti- 
 tution of thy Body allows of, in reference to the Services 
 of the mind. 
 
 They that study much, ought not to eat so much as 
 those that work hard, their Digestion being not so good. 
 
 The exact Quantity and Quality being found out, is to 
 be kept to constantly. 
 
 Excess in all other Things whatever, as well as in Meat 
 and Drink, is also to be avoided. 
 
 Youth, Age, and Sick require a different Quantity. 
 
 And so do those of contrary Complexions ; for that 
 which is too much for a flegmatick Man, is not sufficient 
 for a Cholerick. 
 
 The Measure of Food ought to be (as much as possi- 
 bly may be) exactly proportionate to the Quality and Con- 
 dition of the Stomach, because the Stomach digests it. 
 
 A greater Quantity of some things may be eaten than 
 of others, some being of lighter Digestion than others. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 217 
 
 That Quantity that is sufficient, the Stomach can per- 
 fectly concoct and digest, and it sufficeth the due Nour- 
 ishment of the Body. 
 
 The Difficulty lies, in finding out an exact Measure ; 
 but eat for Necessity, not Pleasure, for Lust knows not 
 where Necessity ends. 
 
 Wouldst thou enjoy a long Life, a healthy Body, and 
 a vigorous Mind, and be acquainted also with the wonder- 
 ful works of God ? labour in the first place to bring thy 
 Appetite into Subjection to Reason. 
 
 Good women, sure, are angels on the earth : 
 Of those good angels we have had a dearth ; 
 And therefore all you men that have good wives. 
 Respect their virtues equal with your lives. 
 
 From a cross neighbour, and a sullen wife, 
 A pointless needle, and a broken knife ; 
 From suretyship, and from an empty purse, 
 A smoaky chimney, and jolting horse ; 
 From a dull razor, and an aking head ; 
 From a bad conscience, and a buggy bed, 
 A blow upon the elbow and the knee ; 
 From each of these, good L — d, deliver me. 
 
 Without justice courage is weak. 
 
 Many dishes, many diseases. 
 
 Many medicines, few cures. 
 
 Where carcasses are, eagles will gather, 
 
 And where good laws are, much people flock thither. 
 
 Would you live with ease, do what you ought, and not 
 what you please. 
 
 Better slip with foot than tongue. 
 
 Saying and Doing have quarrel'd and parted. 
 
 Tell me my Faults, and mend your own. 
 
 Well, my friend, thou art just entering the last Month 
 of another year. If thou art a Man of Business, and of 
 
2i8 FRANKLIN 
 
 prudent Care, belike thou wilt now settle thy accounts, to 
 satisfy thyself whether thou has gain'd or lost in the Year 
 past, and how much of either, the better to regulate thy 
 future Industry or thy common Expenses. This is com- 
 mendable — But it is not all. — Wilt thou not examine also 
 thy moral Accompts, and see what improvements thou 
 hast made in the Conduct of Life, what Vice subdued, 
 what Virtue acquired ; how much better, and how much 
 wiser, as well as how much richer thou art grown ? What 
 shall it profit a Man, if he gain the whole World, but lose 
 his own Soul. Without some Care in this Matter, tho' 
 thou may'st come to count thy thousands, thou wilt pos- 
 sibly still appear poor in the Eyes of the Discerning, even 
 here, and be really so for ever hereafter. 
 
 To-morrow you'll reform, you always cr)-; 
 In what far country does this morrow lie. 
 That 'tis so mighty long ere it arrive ? 
 Beyond the Itidies does this morrow live ? 
 'Tis so far-fetched, this morrow, that I fear 
 'Twill be both very old, and very dear. 
 To-morrow I'll reform, the fool does say; 
 To-day itself s too late ; — the ivise did yesterday. 
 
 Let the letter stay for the post, and not the post for 
 the letter. 
 
 If wind blows on you through a hole. 
 Make your will and take care of your soul. 
 
 The rotten apple spoils his companion. 
 
 Mankind are very odd Creatures : One Half censure 
 what they practise, the other half practise what thev cen- 
 sure ; the rest alwa)'s say and do as they ought. 
 
 Severit}' is often Clemency ; Clemency Severitv. 
 
 To be humble to superiors is duty, to equals courtesv, 
 to inferiors nobleness. 
 
 Here comes the orator, with his flood of words, and his 
 drop of reason. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 
 
 219 
 
 Sal laughs at everything you say. Why? Because 
 she has fine teeth. 
 
 The lying habit is in some so strong', 
 
 To truth they know not how to bend their tongue ; 
 
 And tho' sometimes their ends truth best would answer. 
 
 Yet lies come uppermost, do what they can, sir. 
 
 Mendacio delights in telling news. 
 
 And that it may be such, himself doth use 
 
 To make it ; but he now no longer need ; 
 
 Let him tell truth, it will be news indeed. 
 
 A man is never so ridiculous by those qualities that are 
 his own, as by those that he affects to have. 
 
 Of the DISEASES this year 
 
 This year the stone-blind shall see but very little ; the 
 deaf shall hear but poorly ; and the dumb sha'n't speak 
 very plain. And it's much, if my Dame Bridget talks at 
 all this year. Whole flocks, herds, and droves of sheep, 
 swine and oxen, cocks and hens, ducks and drakes, geese 
 and ganders shall go to pot ; but the mortality will not be 
 altogether so great among cats, dogs and horses. As to 
 old age 'twill be incurable this year, because of the years 
 past. And towards the fall some people will be seiz'd 
 with an unaccountable inclination to roast and eat their 
 own ears: Should this be call'd madness. Doctors? I 
 think not. But the worst disease of all will be a certain 
 most horrid, dreadful, malignant, catching, perverse and 
 odious malady, almost epidemical, insomuch that many 
 shall run mad upon it; I quake for very fear when I 
 think on 't ; for I assure you very few will escape this dis- 
 ease ; which is called by the learned Albromazar Lacko- 
 mony. 
 
 Bis dat qui cito dat : He gives twice that gives soon. 
 
 Pride dines upon Vanity, sups on Contempt. 
 
 What pains our justice takes his faults to hide. 
 With half that pains sure he might cure 'em quite. 
 
220 FRANKLIN 
 
 Don't go to the doctor with every distemper, nor to 
 the lawyer with every quarrel, nor to the pot for every 
 thirst. 
 
 Besides the astronomical Calculations, and other 
 Things usually contain'd in Almanacks, which have their 
 daily Use indeed while the Year continues, but then be- 
 come of no Value, I have constantly interspers'd moral 
 Sentences, prudent Maxims, and wise Sayings, many of them 
 containing muc/i good Sense in very feiv Words, and there- 
 fore apt to leave strong and lasting Impressions on the 
 Memory of young Persons, whereby they may receive 
 Benefit as long as they live, when both Almanack and Al- 
 manack-maker have been long thrown by and forgotten. 
 If I now and then insert a Joke or two, that seem to have 
 little in them, my Apology is, that such may have their 
 Use, since perhaps for their Sake light airy Minds peruse 
 the rest, and so are struck by somewhat of more Weight 
 and Moment. The Verses on the Heads of the Months 
 are also design'd to have the same Tendency. I need not 
 tell thee that many of them are of my own Making. If 
 thou hast any Judgment in Poetry, thou wilt easily dis- 
 cern the Workman from the Bungler. I know as well as 
 thee, that I am no Poet born, and it is a Trade I never 
 learnt, nor indeed could learn. If I make Verses 'tis in 
 Spight — Of Nature and my Stars, I write. Why then 
 should I give my Readers bad Lines of my own, •w\\engood 
 Ones of other people are so plenty? 
 
 Beware of him that is slow to anger. He is angry for 
 something, and will not be pleased for nothing. 
 
 What legions of fables and whimsical tales 
 Pass current for gospel where priestcraft prevails ! 
 Our ancestors were thus most strangely deceiv'd, 
 What stories and nonsense for truth they believ'd. 
 But we their wise sons, who these fables reject, 
 Ev'n truth now-a-days, are too apt to suspect ; 
 From believing too much, the right faith we let fall ; 
 So now we believe, — 'troth, — nothing at all. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 221 
 
 No longer virtuous, no longer free, is a maxim as true 
 with regard to a private person as a commonwealth. 
 
 Proclaim not all thou knowest, all thou owest, all thou 
 hast, nor all thou can'st. 
 
 Let our fathers and grandfathers be valued for their 
 goodness, ourselves for our own. 
 
 Industry need not wish. 
 
 Sin is not hurtful because it is forbidden, but it is for- 
 bidden because it is hurtful. 
 
 The Wise and Brave dares own that he was wrong. 
 
 Cunning proceeds from Want of Capacity. 
 
 HINTS TO THOSE THAT WOULD BE RICH 
 
 The use of money is all the advantage there is in hav- 
 ing money. 
 
 For 6£ a year you may have use of ioo£, if you are a 
 man of known prudence and honesty. 
 
 He that spends a groat a-day idly, spends idly above 
 6£ a year, which is the price of using loo;^. 
 
 He that wastes idly a groat's worth of his time per day, 
 one day with another, wastes the privilege of using 100^ 
 each day. 
 
 He that idly loses 5^. worth of time, loses 5^-., and might 
 as prudently throw 5^-. into the river. 
 
 He that loses 5^. not only loses that sum, but all the 
 other advantage that might be made by turning it in deal- 
 ing, which, by the time a young man becomes old, amounts 
 to a comfortable bag of money. 
 
 Again, He that sells upon credit, asks a price for what 
 he sells equivalent to the principal and interest of his 
 money for the time he is like to be kept out of it ;— there- 
 fore, 
 
-jj FRANKLIN 
 
 He that buvs upon credit pavs interest for what he 
 buys. 
 
 And he that pavs readv monev, might let that money 
 out to use ; so that 
 
 He that possesses anv thing he has bought, pays inter- 
 est tor the use of it. 
 
 ConsitfeT thtti, when you are tempted to buy any unne- 
 cessary household stuff, or any superfluous thing, whether 
 vou will be willing to pav intcrtst, and interest upon intirtst 
 for it as long as vou live, and more if it grows worse by 
 
 using. 
 
 Yety in bnj'ing goods, 'tis best to fay ready money, hrause', 
 
 He that sells upon credit, expects to lose 5/cr icnt by 
 bad debts ; therefore he charges on all he sells upon credit, 
 an advance that shall make up that dehciencv. 
 
 Those who pav for what they buv upon credit, pav 
 their share of this advance. 
 
 He that pays ready money, escapes, or ma v escape, 
 that charge. 
 
 A />cHny sirvt'd is tztv /ev/tv c/e'or. A pin aniay is a groat 
 ay tar. Sav^ and haze. 
 
 Every little makes a mickle. 
 
 Each age of men new fashions doth invent ; 
 
 Things which are old. >"oung men do not esteem v 
 What pleas \f our fathers, doth not us content : 
 What tlourishevi then. \\-e out of fashion deem : 
 And that's the reason, as I understand. 
 Why Prodigiis did sell his father's land. 
 
 Is there anything men take more pains about than to 
 make themselves unhappy ? 
 
 Nothing brings more pain than too much pleasure. 
 
 Read much, but not too many books. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 
 
 223 
 
 He is no clown that drives the plough, but he that 
 doth clownish thingrs. 
 
 'fc>^ 
 
 If you know how to spend less than you get, you have 
 the philosopher's-stone. 
 
 Whymsical Will once fancy'd he was ill, 
 
 The Doctor call'd, who thus exaniin'd Will : 
 
 J low is your appetite? O, as to that 
 
 I eat quite heartily, you see I'm fat; 
 
 How is yotir sleep anights? 'Tis sound and good ; 
 
 I eat, drink, sleep, as well as e'er I cou'd. 
 
 Will, says the doctor, clapping on his hat. 
 
 I'll give you something shall remove all that. 
 
 Some have learn't many tricks of sly evasion, 
 
 Instead of truth they use equivocation, 
 
 And eke it out with mental reservation, 
 
 Which, to good men, is an abomination. 
 
 Our smith of late most wonderfully swore, 
 
 That whilst he breathed he would drink no more, 
 
 But since, I know his meaning, for I think, 
 
 He meant he would not breathe whilst he did drink. 
 
 The good pay-master is lord of another man's purse. 
 
 If you'd have a servant that you like, serve yourself. 
 
 He that pursues two hares at once, does not catch one 
 and lets t'other go. 
 
 He that would live in peace and at ease 
 
 Must not speak all he knows nor judge all he sees. 
 
 From bad Health, bad Conscience, & Parties dull Strife 
 
 From an insolent Friend, & a termagant Wife, 
 
 From the Kindred of such (on one Side or t'other) 
 
 Who most wisely delight in plaguing each other ; 
 
 From the Wretch who can cant, while he Mischief designs. 
 
 From old rotten Mills, bank'd Meadows & Mines; 
 
 From Curses like these if kind Heav'n defends me, 
 
 I'll never complain of the Fortune it sends me. 
 
 In prosperous fortunes be modest and wise. 
 
 The greatest may fall, and the lowest may rise : 
 
 But insolent People that fall in disgrace. 
 
 Are wretched and no body pities their Case, 
 
224 FRANKLIN 
 
 If you have time, don't wait for time. 
 
 The worst wheel of the cart makes the most noise. 
 
 The absent are never without fault, nor the present 
 without excuse. 
 
 Three may keep a secret, if two of them are dead. 
 
 Poverty wants some things, luxury many things, ava- 
 rice all things. 
 
 Great Merit is coy, as well as great Pride. 
 
 Old Boys have their Playthings as well as young 
 Ones ; the Difference is only in the Price. 
 
 Bad commentators spoil the best of books, 
 So God sends meat (they say), the devil cooks. 
 
 The noblest question in the world is, " W/iai good can 
 I do in it?'' 
 
 Distrust and caution are the parents of security. 
 
 Tongue double, brings trouble. 
 
 Do not do that which you would not have known. 
 
 Whate'er's desired, knowledge, fame, or pelf, 
 Not one will change his neighbour with himself; 
 The learn'd are happy nature to explore. 
 The fool is happy that he knows no more. 
 The rich are happy in the plenty given ; 
 The poor contents him with the care of heaven. 
 Thus does some comfort ev'ry state attend, 
 And pride's bestowed on all, a common friend. 
 
 Wealth is not his that has it, but his that enjoys it. 
 
 By nought is man from beast distinguished, 
 More than by knowledge in his learned head. 
 Then youth improve thy time, but cautious see 
 That what thou learnest somehow useful be ; 
 Each day improving, Solon waxed old ; 
 For time he knew was better far than gold : 
 Fortune might give him gold which would decay. 
 But fortune cannot give him — yesterday. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 225 
 
 'Tis easy to see, hard to foresee. 
 
 Nothing so popular as goodness. 
 
 Keep flax from fire, youth from gaming. 
 
 Bargaining has neither friends nor relations. 
 
 Admiration is the daughter of ignorance. 
 
 There's more old drunkards, than old doctors. 
 
 He that can have patience can have what he will. 
 
 He that buys by the penny maintains not only himself, 
 but other people. 
 
 A false Friend and a Shadow attend only while the 
 Sun shines. 
 
 To-morrow every Fault is to be amended ; but that 
 To-morrow never comes. 
 
 It is observable that God has often called Men to 
 Places of Dignity and Honour, when they have been 
 busy in the honest Employment of their Vocation. Saul 
 was seeking his Father's Asses, and David keeping his 
 Father's Sheep, when called to the kingdom. The Shep- 
 herds were feeding their Flocks, when they had their 
 glorious Revelation. God called the four Apostles from 
 their Fishery, and Matthew from the Receipt of Custom ; 
 Amos from among the Horsemen of Tekoak, Moses from 
 keeping yi?//zrt7'j Sheep, Gideon from the Threshing Floor, 
 etc. God never encourages Idleness, and despises not 
 Persons in the meanest Employments. 
 
 Men often mistake themselves, seldom forget them- 
 selves. 
 
 The idle Man is the Devil's Hireling, whose Livery is 
 Rags, whose Diet and Wages are Famine and Diseases. 
 
 I never saw an oft-transplanted tree, 
 Nor yet an oft-removed family, 
 That throve so well as those that settled be. 
 15 
 
226 FRANKLIN 
 
 Don't misinform your doctor nor your lawyer. 
 
 It is generally agreed to be Folly, to hazard the loss 
 of a Friend, rather than to lose a Jest. But few consider 
 how easily a Friend may be thus lost. Depending on 
 the known Regard their Friends have for them. Jesters 
 take more Freedom with Friends than they would dare 
 to do with others, little thinking how much deeper we 
 are wounded by an Affront from one we love. But the 
 strictest Intimacy can never warrant Freedoms of this 
 Sort ; and it is indeed preposterous to think they should ; 
 unless we can suppose Injuries are less Evils when they 
 are done to us by Friends, than when they come from 
 other Hands. 
 
 Grace thou thy house, and let not that grace thee. 
 
 Thou cans't not joke an enemy into a friend, but thou 
 may'st a friend into an enemy. 
 
 Can Wealth give Happiness ? look round and see ? 
 What gay Distress ! What splendid Misery ! 
 Whatever Fortune lavishly can pour 
 The Mind annihilates, and calls for more. 
 
 A decent Competence we fully taste ; 
 It strikes our Seiise, and gives a constant Feast : 
 More, we perceive by Dint of Thought alone ; 
 The Rich must labour to possess their own. 
 
 The Proud hate Pride— in others. 
 Who judges best of a Man, his Enemies or himself? 
 Drunkenness, that worst of Evils, makes some men 
 Fools, some Beasts, some Devils. 
 
 'Tis not a Holiday that's not kept holy. 
 
 Life with fools consists in drinking ; 
 With the wise man, living's thinking. 
 
 Be not niggardly of what costs thee nothing, as cour- 
 tesy, counsel, and countenance. 
 Thirst after desert— not reward. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 22/ 
 
 Of the CONDITION of some countries 
 
 I FORESEE an universal drought this year thro' all the 
 northern colonies. Hence there will be dry rice in Caro- 
 lina, dry tobacco in Virginia and Maryland, dry bread in 
 Pennsylvania and New York ; and in New England dry fish 
 and dry doctrine. Dry throats will be every where ; but 
 then how pleasant it will be to drink cool cyder ! tho' 
 some will tell you nothing is more contrary to thirst. — 
 I believe it, and indeed, contraria contrariis curantur. 
 
 Make haste slowly. 
 
 Besides the usual things expected in an almanack, I 
 hope the profess'd teachers of mankind will excuse my 
 scattering here and there some instructive hints in matters 
 of morality and religion. — And be not thou disturbed, O 
 grave and sober reader, if among the many serious sen- 
 tences of my book, thou findest me trifling now and then 
 and talking idly. — In all the dishes I have hitherto cooked 
 for thee, there is solid meat enough for thy money. There 
 are scraps from the table of wisdom, that will if well 
 digested yield strong nourishment to thy mind. But 
 squeamish stomachs cannot eat without pickles ; which 
 'tis true are good for nothing else, but they provoke an 
 appetite. The vain youth that reads my almanack for the 
 sake of an idle joke, will perhaps meet with a serious re- 
 flection, that he may ever after be the better for. 
 
 Honour thy father and mother — i. e.. Live so as to be 
 an honour to them, though they are dead. 
 
 If thou injurest conscience, it will have its revenge on 
 thee. 
 
 Hear no ill of a friend, nor speak any of an enemy. 
 
 If what most men admire, they would despise, 
 'Twould look as if mankind were growing wise. 
 
 The sun never repents of the good he does, nor does 
 he ever demand a recompence. 
 
228 FRANKLIN 
 
 An old young man will be a young old man. 
 
 Are you angry that others disappoint you ? remember 
 you cannot depend upon yourself. 
 
 'Tis not the face with a delightful air, 
 A rosy cheek, and lovely flowing hair ; 
 Nor sparkling eyes to best advantage set, 
 Nor all the members rang'd in alphabet, 
 Sweet in proportion as the lovely dies. 
 Which brings th' etherial bow before our eyes. 
 That can with wisdom approbation find. 
 Like pious morals and an honest mind. 
 By virtue's living laws from every vice refin'd. 
 
 One mend-fault is worth two find-faults, but one find- 
 fault is better than two make-faults. 
 
 Reader, I wish thee health, wealth, happiness, and may 
 kind heaven thy year's industry bless. 
 
 You may be more happy than princes, if you will be 
 more virtuous. 
 
 If you would not be forgotten, as soon as you are dead 
 and rotten, either write things worth reading, or do things 
 worth the writing. 
 
 Sell not virtue to purchase wealth, nor liberty to pur- 
 chase power. 
 
 The way to be safe, is never to be secure. 
 
 Work as if you were to live lOO years. Pray as if you 
 were to die To-morrow. 
 
 Nature expects mankind should share 
 The duties of the publick care. 
 
 Sarcastical Jests on a Man's Person or his Manners, 
 tho' hard to bear, are perhaps more easily borne than 
 those that touch his Religion. Men are generally warm in 
 what regards their religious Tenets, either from a Tender- 
 ness of Conscience, or a high Sense of their own Judge- 
 ments. People of plain Parts and honest Dispositions, 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 
 
 229 
 
 look on Salvation as too serious a Thing to be jested with ; 
 and Men of speculative Religion, who profess from the 
 Conviction rather of their Heads than Hearts, are not a 
 bit less vehement than the real Devotees. He who says 
 a slight or a severe Thing of their Faith, seems to them to 
 have thereby undervalued their Understanding, and will 
 consequently incur their Aversion, which no Man of com- 
 mon Sense would hazard, for a lively Expression ; much 
 less a person of good Breeding, who should make it his 
 chief Aim to be well with all. 
 
 Great Alms giving, lessen no Man's living. 
 
 ON THE FREEDOM OF THE PRESS 
 
 While free from Force the Press remains. 
 Virtue and Freedom chear our Plains, 
 And Learning Largesses bestows, 
 And keeps unlicens'd open House. 
 We to the Nation's publick Mart 
 Our Works of Wit, and Schemes of Art, 
 And philosophic Goods, this Way, 
 Like Water carriage, cheap convey. 
 This Tree which Knowledge so affords, 
 Inquisitors with flaming Swords 
 From Lay-Approach with Zeal defend. 
 Lest their own Paradise should end. 
 
 A long Life may not be good enough, but a good Life 
 is long enough. 
 
 Be at War with your Vices, at Peace with your Neigh- 
 bours, and let every New- Year find you a better Man. 
 
 Don't after foreign Food and Clothing roam. 
 But learn to eat and wear what's rais'd at Home. 
 Kind Nature suits each Clime with what it wants. 
 Sufficient to subsist th' Inhabitants. 
 
 He that won't be counselled can't be helped. 
 
 'Tis a Shame that your Family is an Honour to you ! 
 You ought to be an Honour to your Family. 
 
230 FRANKLIN 
 
 Write injuries in dust, benefits in marble. 
 
 Glass, China, and Reputation, are easily crack'd, and 
 never well mended. 
 
 That nothing is from ruin free, 
 The gayest things must disappear. 
 Think of your beauties in their bloom, 
 The spring of sprightly youth improve ; 
 For cruel age, alas, will come. 
 And then 'twill be too late to love. 
 
 He that falls in love with himself, will have no rivals. 
 
 Let thy child's first lesson be obedience, and the sec- 
 ond will be what thou wilt. 
 
 Blessed is he that expects nothing, for he shall never 
 be disappointed. 
 
 Rather go to bed supperless than run in debt for a 
 breakfast. 
 
 When you are sick, what you like best is to be chosen 
 for a medicine in the first place ; what experience tells you 
 is best, to be chosen in the second place ; what reason (i. e. 
 Theory,) says is best, is to be chosen in the last place. 
 But if you can get Dr. Inclination, Dr. Experience, and Dr. 
 Reason to hold a consultation together, they will give you 
 the best advice that can be taken. 
 
 God heals and the doctor takes the fee. 
 
 If you desire many things, many things will seem but 
 a few. 
 
 Forewarned, forearmed. 
 
 I saw few die of hunger, of eating — 100,000. 
 
 With bounteous cheer 
 Conclude the Year. 
 
 If thou would'st live long, live well ; for folly and wick- 
 edness shorten life. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 23 1 
 
 Trust thyself, and another shall not betray thee. 
 
 Historians relate, not so much what is done, as what 
 they would have believed. 
 
 No resolution of repenting hereafter can be sincere. 
 
 Pollio, who values nothing that's within, 
 
 Buys books as men hunt beavers — for their skin. 
 
 Briscap, thou'st little judgement in thy head 
 More than to dress thee, drink and go to bed ; 
 Yet thou shalt have the wall and the way lead, 
 Since logick wills that simple things preceed. 
 Walking and meeting one not long ago, 
 I ask'd who 'twas, he said, he did not know, 
 I said, I know thee ; so said he, I you ; 
 But he that knows himself I never knew. 
 
 None preaches better than the ant, and she says 
 nothing. 
 
 He that speaks much, is much mistaken. 
 
 Great beauty, great strength, and great riches are 
 really and truly of no great use ; a right heart exceeds all. 
 
 A Man has no more Goods than he gets Good by. 
 
 Welcome, Mischief, if thou comest alone. 
 
 Different Sects like different clocks, may be all near 
 the matter, 'tho they don't quite agree. 
 
 Honour the softer Sex ; with courteous Style, 
 And Gentleness of Manners, win their Smile ; 
 Nor shun their virtuous Converse ; but when Age 
 And Circumstance consent, thy Faith engage 
 To some discreet, well-natur'd, cheerful Fair, 
 One not too stately for the Household Care, 
 One form'd in Person and in Mind to please. 
 To season Life, and all its Labours ease. 
 
 If your head is wax, don't walk in the Sun. 
 
 Pretty and Witty will wound if they hit ye. 
 
232 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 Having been poor is no shame, but being ashamed of 
 
 it, is. 
 
 Gaming, the Vice of Knaves and Fools, detest, 
 Miner of Time, of Substance and of Rest ; 
 Which, in the Winning or the Losing Part, 
 Undoing or undone, will wring the Heart : 
 Undone, self-curs'd, thy Madness thou wilt rue ; 
 Undoing, Curse of others will pursue 
 Thy hated Head. A Parent's, Household's Tear, 
 A Neighbour's Groan, and Heavns displeasure fear. 
 
 'Tis a laudable Ambition, that aims at being better 
 than his Neighbours. 
 
 The wise Man draws more Advantage from his Ene- 
 mies, than the Fool from his Friends. 
 
 Proportion your Charity to the strength of your Estate, 
 or God will Proportion your Estate to the Weakness of 
 your Charity. 
 
 Some antient Philosophers have said, that Happiness 
 depends more on the inward Disposition of Mind than 
 on outward Circumstances ; and that he who can.iot be 
 happy in any State, can be so in no State. To be happy, 
 they tell us we must be content. Right. But they do 
 not teach us how we may become content. Poor Richard 
 shall give you a short good Rule for that. To be content 
 look backward on those who possess less than yourself, 
 not forward on those who possess more. If this does not 
 make j^ou content, you don't deserve to be happy. 
 
 In Christmas feasting pray take care ; 
 Let not your table be a Snare ; 
 But with the Poor God's Bounty share. 
 Adieu, my Friends, till the next year. 
 
 All would live long, but none would be old. 
 
 Ill Customs & bad Advice are seldom forgotten. 
 
 He that sows thorns, should not go barefoot. 
 
 Eat few suppers and you'll need few medicines. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 
 
 233 
 
 RULES TO FIND OUT A FIT MEASURE OF MEAT AND 
 
 DRINK 
 
 If thou eatest so much as makes thee imfit for Study, 
 or other Business, thou exceedest the due Measure. 
 
 If thou art dull and heavy after Meat, it's a sign thou 
 hast exceeded the due Measure ; for Meat and Drink 
 ought to refresh the Body, and make it chearful, and 
 not to dull and oppress it. 
 
 If thou findest these ill Symptoms, consider whether 
 too much Meat, or too much Drink occasions it, or both, 
 and abate by little and little, till thou findest the incon- 
 veniency removed. 
 
 Keep out of the Sight of Feasts and Banquets as much 
 as may be ; for 't is more difficult to refrain good Cheer, 
 when it's present, than from the Desire of it when it is 
 away ; the like you may observe in the Objects of all the 
 other Senses. 
 
 If a Man casually exceeds, let him fast the next Meal, 
 and all may be well again, provided it be not too often 
 done ; as if he exceed at Dinner, let him refrain a Sup- 
 per, &c. 
 
 A temperate Diet frees from Diseases ; such are sel- 
 dom ill, but if they are surprised with Sickness, they bear 
 it better, and recover sooner ; for most Distempers have 
 their Original from Repletion. 
 
 Use now and then a little Exercise a quarter of an 
 Hour before Meals, as to swing a Weight, or swing your 
 Arms about with a small Weight in each Hand ; to leap, 
 or the like, for that stirs the Muscles of the Breast. 
 
 A temperate Diet arms the Body against all external 
 Accidents ; so that they are not so easily [hurt] by Heat, 
 Cold or Labour ; if they at any time should be preju- 
 diced, they are more easily cured, either of Wounds, Dis- 
 locations or Bruises. 
 
 But when malignant Fevers are rife in the Country or 
 City where thou dwelst, 'tis adviseable to eat and drink 
 
234 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 more freely, by Way of Prevention ; for those are Dis- 
 eases that are not caused by Repletion, and seldom at- 
 tack Full-feeders. 
 
 A sober Diet makes a Man die without Pain ; it main- 
 tains the Senses in Vigour; it mitigates the Violence of 
 the Passions and Affections. 
 
 It preserves the Memory, it helps the Understanding, 
 it allays the heat of Lust ; it brings a Man to a Considera- 
 tion of his latter End ; it makes the Body a fit Tabernacle 
 for the Lord to dwell in ; which makes us happy in this 
 World, and eternally happy in the World to come, through 
 Jesus Christ our Lord and Saviour. 
 
 Empty Freebooters, cover'd with scorn, 
 
 They went out for Health, & came ragged and torn, 
 
 As the Ram went for Wool, and was sent back shorn. 
 
 He that speaks ill of the mare will buy her. 
 
 Wouldst thou confound thine Enemy, be good thy self. 
 
 Pride is as loud a Beggar as Want, and a great deal 
 more saucy. 
 
 Pay what you owe, and what you're worth you'll 
 know. 
 
 Act uprightly, and despise calumny : dirt may stick 
 to a mud wall, but not to polished marble. 
 
 The busy Man has few idle Visitors ; to the boiling 
 Pot the Flies come not. 
 
 Calamity and Prosperity are the Touchstones of In- 
 tegrity. 
 
 What signifies knowing the Names, if you know not 
 the Natures of Things. 
 
 The Golden Age never was the present Age. 
 
 The Good-will of the Govern'd will be starved, if not 
 fed by the good Deeds of the Governors. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 235 
 
 Paintings and Fightings are best seen at a distance. 
 
 He that doth what he should not, shall feel what he 
 would not. 
 
 To be intimate with a foolish Friend, is like going to 
 Bed to a Razor. 
 
 To serve the Publick faithfully, and at the same time 
 please it entirely is impracticable. 
 
 Proud Modern Learning despises the antient: School- 
 men are now laught at by school-boys. 
 
 An open foe may prove a curse ; 
 But a pretended friend is worse. 
 
 A Wolf eats sheep but now and then, 
 Ten Thousands are devour'd by men. 
 
 Prodigality of Time produces Poverty of Mind as well 
 as of Estate. 
 
 They who have nothing to trouble them, will be 
 troubled at nothing. 
 
 That sort of IVtf, which employs itself insolently in 
 Criticizing and Censuring the Words and Sentiments of 
 others in Conversation, is absolute Folly ; for it answers 
 none of the Ends of Conversation. He who uses it neither 
 improves others, is unproved himself, or pleases any one. 
 
 Be civil to all ; sociable to many ; familiar with few ; 
 friend to one ; enemy to none. 
 
 Vain-glory flowereth, but beareth no Fruit. 
 
 HOW TO MAKE MONEY PLENTY 
 
 As I spent some Weeks last Winter, in visiting my old 
 Acquaintance in \\vq Jerseys, great Complaints I heard for 
 Want of money, and that leave to make more Paper Bills 
 could not be obtained. Friends and Countrymen, my Ad- 
 vice on this Head shall cost you nothing, and if you will 
 
236 FRANKLIN 
 
 not be angry with me for giving it, I promise you not to 
 be offended if you do not take it. 
 
 You spend yearly at least two hundred thousand pounds, 
 it is said, in European, East-Indian and West-Indian com- 
 modities. Supposing one half of this expense to be in 
 things absolutely necessary, the other half may be called 
 superfluities, or, at best, conveniences, which, however, 
 you might live without for one little year, and not suffer 
 exceedingly. Now to save this half, observe these few 
 directions : 
 
 1. When you incline to have new clothes, look first 
 well over the old ones, and see if you cannot shift with 
 them another year, either by scouring, mending, or even 
 patching if necessary. Remember, a patch on your coat, 
 and money in your pocket, is better and more creditable, 
 than a writ on your back, and no money to take it off. 
 
 2. When you incline to buy China ware, Chinees, India 
 silks, or any other of their flimsy, slight manufactures, I 
 would not be so hard with you, as to insist on your abso- 
 lutely resolving against it ; all I advise is, to put it off (as 
 you do your repentance) till another year, and this, in some 
 respects, may prevent an occasion for repentance. 
 
 3. If you are now a drinker of punch, wine or tea, 
 twice a day, for the ensuing year drink them but once a 
 day. If you now drink them but once a day, do it but 
 every other day. If ,you now do it but once a week, re- 
 duce the practice to once a fortnight. And, if you do 
 not exceed in quantity as you lessen the times, half your 
 expense in these articles will be saved. 
 
 4. When you incline to drink rum, fill the glass half 
 with water. 
 
 Thus at the year's end, there will be a hindred thou- 
 sand pounds more money in your country. 
 
 If paper money in ever so great a quantity could be 
 made, no man could get any of it without giving some- 
 thing for it. But all he saves in this way, will be his own 
 for nothing, and his country actually so much richer. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 
 
 237 
 
 Then the merchant's old and doubtful debts may be hon- 
 estly paid off, and trading become surer thereafter, if not 
 so extensive. 
 
 Observe the daily circle of the sun, 
 And the short year of each revolving moon : 
 By them thou shall foresee the following day, 
 Nor shall a starry night thy hopes betray. 
 When first the moon appears, if then she shrouds 
 Her silver crescent, tip'd with sable clouds, 
 Conclude she bodes a tempest on the main, 
 And brews for fields impetuous Hoods of rain. 
 
 Let thy vices die before thee. 
 
 The ancients tell us what is best : but we must learn 
 of the moderns what is fittest. 
 
 Here lies the only difference now. 
 
 Some shot off late, some soon ; 
 Your sires i' th' morning left the plough, 
 
 And ours i' th' afternoon. 
 
 Cassar did not merit the triumphal car more than he 
 that conquers himself. 
 
 Hast thou virtue ? — acquire also the graces and beau- 
 ties of virtue. 
 
 If thou hast wit and learning, add to it wisdom and 
 modesty. 
 
 The favour of the great is no inheritance. 
 
 Employ thy time well, if thou meanest to gain leisure 
 
 Can grave and formal pass for wise 
 When men the solemn owl despise ? 
 
 Some are justly laught at for keeping their money 
 foolishly, others for spending it idly : He is the greatest 
 fool that lays it out in a purchase of repentance. 
 
 Let thy discontents be thy secrets ; — if the world knows 
 them 't will despise thee and increase them. 
 
238 FRANKLIN 
 
 E'er you remark another's sin, 
 
 Bid your own conscience look within. 
 
 Anger and folly walk cheek by jole ; repentance treads 
 on both their heels. 
 
 They who have nothing to be troubled at will be 
 troubled at nothing. 
 
 If evils come not, then our fears are vain, 
 And if they do, fear but augments the pain. 
 
 Studious of Ease, and fond of humble Things, 
 Below the Smiles, below the Frowns of Kings : 
 Thanks to my Stars, I prize the Sweets of Life, 
 No sleepless Nights I count, no Days of Strife. 
 I rest, I wake, I drink, I sometimes love, 
 I read, I write, I settle, or I rove ; 
 Content to live, content to die unknown, 
 Lord of myself, accountable to none. 
 
 You will be careful, if you are wise ; How you touch 
 men's Religion, or Credit, or Eyes. 
 
 The master-piece of man, is to live to the purpose. 
 
 Nor is a duty beneficial because it is commanded, but 
 it is commanded because it is beneficial. 
 
 A . . . they say has wit ; for what ? 
 For writing ? No, — for writing not. 
 
 In travel, pilgrims oft do ask to know 
 
 What miles they've gone, and what they have to go ; 
 
 The way is tedious, and their limbs opprest. 
 
 And their desire is to be at rest. 
 
 In life's more tedious journey, man delays 
 
 T' enquire out the number of his days : 
 
 He cares, not he, how slow his hours spend, 
 
 The journey's better than the journey's end. 
 
 O Lazy bones ! Dost thou think God would have given 
 thee arms and legs, if he had not design'd thou should'st 
 use them ? 1 
 
 The Honey is sweet, but the Bee has a Sting. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 239 
 
 The nearest way to come at glory, is to do that for 
 conscience which we do for glory. 
 
 The family of fools is ancient. 
 
 Necessity never made a good bargain. 
 
 ON THE LAW 
 
 Nigh neighbour to the squire, poor Sam complain'd 
 Of frequent wrongs, but no amends he gain'd. 
 Each day his gates thrown down ; his fences broke, 
 And injur'd still the more, the more he spol<e ; 
 At last, resolv'd his potent foe to awe, 
 A suit against him he began in law ; 
 Nine happy terms thro' all the forms he run, 
 Obtain'd his cause — had costs — and was undo7te. 
 
 If pride leads the van, beggary brings up the rear. 
 
 Weighty questions ask for deliberate answers. 
 
 Well done is better than well said. 
 
 He that can travel well a-foot, keeps a good horse. 
 
 No better relation than a prudent and faithful friend. 
 
 COURTS 
 
 Two trav'ling Beggars, (I've forgot their name) 
 An Oister found to which they both laid Claim. 
 Warm the Dispute ! At length to Law they'd go, 
 As richer Fools for Trifles often do. 
 The Cause two Petty foggers undertake, 
 Resolving right or wrong some Gain to make. 
 They jangle till the Court this Judgment gave. 
 Determining what every one should have. 
 
 Blind Plaintiff', latne Defendant, share 
 
 The friendly Law's impartial Care : 
 
 A Shell for him, a Shell for thee ; 
 
 The Middle's Bench and Lawyer's Fee. 
 
 Of learned fools I have seen ten times ten ; of unlearned 
 wise men, I have seen a hundred. 
 
 Pain wastes the body, pleasures the understanding. 
 
240 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 The thrifty maxim of the wary Dutch, is to save all the 
 money they can touch. 
 
 It is better to take many injuries than to give one. 
 
 He that waits upon fortune, is never sure of a dinner. 
 
 The excellency of hogs is — fatness, of men — virtue. 
 
 Good wives and good plantations are made by good 
 husbands. 
 
 He that sells upon trust, loses many friends, and always 
 wants money. 
 
 He that scatters thorns, let him not go barefoot. 
 
 There's none deceived but he that trusts. 
 
 Creditors have better memories than debtors. 
 
 A little house well fill'd, a little field well till'd, and a 
 little wife well will'd, are great riches. 
 
 Some are weatherwise, some are otherwise. 
 
 Industry, Perseverance, & Frugality, make Fortune 
 
 yield. 
 
 Irus tho' wanting Gold and Lands, 
 Lives chearful, easy, and content ; 
 Corons, unbless'd, with twenty Hands 
 Employ'd to count his yearly Rent. 
 Sages in Wisdonr\ ! tell me which 
 Of these you think possesses more ! 
 One with his Poverty is rich. 
 And one with all his Wealth is poor. 
 
 I'll warrant ye, goes before Rashness; VVho'd-a-tho't 
 comes sneaking after. 
 
 Prayers and Provender hinder no Journey. 
 
 Don't throw stones at your neighbors', if your own 
 windows are glass. 
 
 Meanness is the Parent of Insolence. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 24I 
 
 'Tis more noble to forgive, and more manly to despise, 
 than to revenge an Injury. 
 
 A Brother may not be a Friend, but a Friend will 
 always be a Brother. 
 
 Necessity has no law ; I know some attorneys of the 
 same. 
 
 As sore places meet most rubs, proud folks meet most 
 
 affronts. 
 
 This World's an Inn, all Travellers are we ; 
 And this World's Goods th' Accommodations be. 
 Our Life is nothing but a Winter's Day ; 
 Some only break their Fast, and so away. 
 Others stay Dinner, and depart full fed. 
 The deepest Age but sups and goes to bed. 
 He's most in Debt that lingers out the Day ! 
 Who dies betimes has less and less to pay. 
 
 Epitaph on a Scolding Wife by her Husband. Here 
 my poor Bridget's Corpse doth lie, she is at rest, — and so 
 am I. 
 
 If you would have guests merry with cheer, be so 
 yourself, or so at least appear. 
 
 Approve not of him who commends all you say. 
 
 Look before, or you'll find yourself behind. 
 
 To whom thy secret thou dost tell. 
 To him thy freedom thou dost sell. 
 
 He that can compose himself, is wiser than he that 
 composes books. 
 
 After crosses and losses, men grow humbler and wiser. 
 
 Love, cough, and a smoke can't well be hid. 
 
 Wink at small faults — remember thou hast great ones. 
 
 Eat to please thyself, but dress to please others. 
 
 Search others for their virtues, thyself for thy vices. 
 16 
 
242 FRANKLIN 
 
 Time is an herb that cures all diseases. 
 
 Reading makes a full man, meditation a profound man, 
 discourse a clear man. 
 
 Each year one vicious habit rooted out, 
 
 In time might make the worst man good throughout. 
 
 None but the well-bred man knows how to confess a 
 fault, or acknowledge himself in an error. 
 
 Visits should be short, like a winter's day. 
 Lest you're too troublesome, hasten away. 
 
 A house without woman and firelight, is like a body 
 without soul or sprite. 
 
 Men and melons are hard to know. 
 
 He's the best physician that knows the worthlessness 
 of the most medicines. 
 
 Who has deceived thee so oft as thyself? 
 
 God works wonders now and then ; 
 Behold ! a lawyer, an honest man. 
 
 Innocence is its own defence. 
 
 Since I cannot govern my own tongue tho' within my 
 own teeth, how can I hope to govern the tongues of 
 others ? 
 
 There have been as great souls unknown to fame as 
 an}^ of the most famous. 
 
 He that is rich need not live sparingly, and he that can 
 live sparingly need not be rich. 
 
 The poor have little, beggars none ; the rich too much, 
 enough, not one. 
 
 Eat to live, and not live to eat. 
 
 Happy's the wooing that's not long a doing. 
 
 Jack Little sow'd little, and little he'll reap. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 243 
 
 The too obliging Temper is evermore disobliging 
 itself. 
 
 To lengthen thy life, lessen thy meals. 
 
 Great talkers, little doers. 
 
 Snowy winter, a plentiful harvest. 
 
 Nothing more like a fool, than a drunken man. 
 
 He is ill clothed that is bare of virtue. 
 
 She that will eat her breakfast in her bed, 
 And spend the morn in dressing of her head, 
 And sit at dinner like a maiden bride, 
 And talk of nothing all day but of pride ; 
 God in his mercy may do much to save her. 
 But what a case is he in that shall have her. 
 
 Cheese and salt meat 
 Should be sparingly eat. 
 
 Avarice and happiness never saw each other, how then 
 should they become acquainted. 
 
 By Mrs. Bridget Saunders, my Duchess, in answer to the December verses of 
 
 last year 
 
 He that for the sake of drink neglects his trade, 
 
 And spends each night in taverns till 'tis late. 
 
 And rises when the sun is four hours high. 
 
 And ne'er regards his starving family, 
 
 God in his mercy may do much to save him, 
 
 But, woe to the poor wife, whose lot it is to have him. 
 
 Nothing but money 
 Is sweeter than honey. 
 
 The Brave and the Wise can both pity and excuse 
 when Cowards and Fools show no mercy. 
 
 Ceremony is not Civility ; nor Civility Ceremony. 
 
 If man could have half his Wishes, he would double 
 his Troubles. 
 
 In success be moderate. 
 
244 FRANKLIN 
 
 What one relishes, nourishes. 
 
 No man e'er was glorious, who was not laborious. 
 
 Blame all and praise all are two blockheads. 
 
 A good man is seldom uneasy, an ill one never easie. 
 
 Take this remark from Richard, poor and lame, 
 Whate'er's begun in anger, ends in shame. 
 
 Teach your child to hold his tongue, he'll learn fast 
 enough to speak. 
 
 Don't value a man for the quality he is of, but for the 
 qualities he possesses. 
 
 All things are easy to industry. 
 All things difficult to sloth. 
 
 A new truth is a truth, an old error is an error, 
 Tho' Clodpate won't allow either. 
 
 Don't think to hunt two hares with one dog. 
 
 Fools multiply folly. 
 
 Beauty and folly are old companions. 
 
 Hope of gain lessens pain. 
 
 An innocent ploughman is more worthy than a vicious 
 prince. 
 
 Some (taug-ht by industn') impart 
 With hands and feet the works of art ; 
 While some, of genius more refined. 
 With heads and tongues assist mankind ; 
 Each aiming at one common end 
 Proves to the whole a needful friend. 
 Thus, born each other's useful aid. 
 By turns are obligations paid. 
 
 Up, sluggard, and waste not life ; in the grave will be 
 sleeping enough. 
 
 Well done, is twice done. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 
 
 245 
 
 Strive to be the greatest Man in your Country, and 
 you may be disappointed ; Strive to be the best and you 
 may succeed : He may well win the race that runs by 
 himself. 
 
 The first Mistake in public Business, is the going 
 into it. 
 
 Half the Truth is often a great Lie. 
 
 The Way to see by Faith is to shut the Eye of Reason. 
 
 The Morning Daylight appears plainer when you put 
 out your Candle. 
 
 The Prodigal generally does more Injustice than the 
 Covetous. 
 
 Generous Minds are all of kin. 
 
 An honest Man will receive neither Money nor Praise 
 that is not his due. 
 
 Spare and have is better than spend and crave. 
 
 Good-Will, like the Wind, fioweth where it listeth. 
 
 A Person threatning to go to Law, was dissuaded 
 from it by his Friend, who desired him to consider, for the 
 Law was chargeable. I don't care, reply 'd the other, I 
 will not consider, Fll go to Law. Right, said his Friend, 
 for if you go to law, I am sure you don't consider. 
 
 What's beauty? — Call ye that your own, 
 A flow'r that fades as soon as blown ! 
 Those eyes of so divine a ray, 
 What are they? Mould'ring, mortal clay, 
 Those features cast in heav'nly mould, 
 Shall, like my coarser earth, grow old ; 
 Like common grass, the fairest flow'r 
 Must feel the hoary season's power. 
 
 Fear to do ill, and you need fear nought else. 
 
 Many Foxes grow grey, but few grow good. 
 
246 FRANKLIN 
 
 If you would keep your secret from an enemy, tell it 
 not to a friend. 
 
 All Mankind are beholden to him that is kind to the 
 
 Good. 
 
 Seek virtue, and of that possessed, 
 To Providence resign the rest. 
 
 Presumption first blinds a Man, then sets him a run- 
 ning. 
 
 The end of Passion is the beginning of Repentance. 
 
 Words may show a man's Wit, but Actions his 
 Meaning. 
 
 Enjoy the present hour, be mindful of the past ; 
 And neither fear nor wish the approaches of the last. 
 
 Learn of the skilful : He that teaches himself, hath a 
 fool for his master. 
 
 Fair decency, celestial maid. 
 Descend from Heav'n to beauty's aid : 
 Tho' beauty may beget desire, 
 'Tis thou must fan the lover's fire : 
 For beauty, like supreme dominion. 
 Is but supported by opinion : 
 If decency bring no supplies. 
 Opinion falls and beauty dies. 
 
 Don't overload gratitude ; if you do, she'll kick. 
 
 Be always ashamed to catch thyself idle. 
 
 You may talk too much on the best of subjects. 
 
 A Man without ceremony has need of great merit in 
 its place. 
 
 No gains without pains. 
 
 A Father's a Treasure ; a Brother's a Comfort ; a Friend 
 is both. 
 
 Despair ruins some, Presumption many. 
 
SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 
 
 247 
 
 None know the unfortunate, and the fortunate do not 
 know themselves. 
 
 When the well's dry, we know the worth of water. 
 
 There is no Man so bad but he secretly respects the 
 Good. 
 
 A quiet Conscience sleeps in Thunder, 
 But Rest and Guilt live far asunder. 
 
 'Tis a strange Forest that has no rotten Wood in't. 
 And a strange Kindred that are all good in't. 
 
 Content is the Philosopher's Stone, that turns all it 
 touches into Gold. 
 
 He that's content hath enouerh. 
 
 He that complains hath too much. 
 
 Pride gets into the Coach, and Shame mounts behind. 
 
 Who knows a fool, must know his brother ; 
 For one will recommend another. 
 
 Avoid dishonest gain : no price 
 Can recompense the pangs of vice. 
 
 When befriended, remember it: 
 When you befriend, — forget it. 
 
 Great souls with generous pity melt ; 
 Which coward tyrants never felt. 
 
 Silence is not always a Sign of Wisdom, but Babbling 
 is ever a Folly. 
 
 Great Modesty often hides great Merit. 
 
 You may delay, but Time will not. 
 
 Adieu, my Task's ended. 
 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 iPhotogravure from a paintmg by John Martin. 
 
.nh-wM ^ii'uahq s xnofi 3ii/vfii§oJorf*I 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM FRANKLIN'S EARLY JOURNAL OF 
 
 OCCURRENCES IN A VOYAGE FROM 
 
 LONDON TO PHILADELPHIA* 
 
 Friday, July 22d, 1726. 
 
 YESTERDAY in the afternoon we left London, and 
 came to an anchor off Gravesend about 1 1 at night. 
 I lay ashore all night, and this morning took a walk 
 up to Wind Mill Hill, whence I had an agreeable pros- 
 pect of the country for about twenty miles round, and two 
 or three reaches of the river with ships and boats sailing 
 both up and down, and Tilbury Fort on the other side, 
 which commands the river and passage to London. This 
 Gravesend is a cursed biting place ; the chief dependence of 
 the people being the advantage they make of imposing 
 upon strangers. If you buy anything of them, and give 
 half what they ask, you pay twice as much as the thing is 
 worth. Thank God we leave it to-morrow, 
 
 Sunday, July 24. 
 
 This morning we weighed anchor, and, coming to the 
 Downs, we set our pilot ashore at Deal and passed through. 
 And now, whilst I write this, sitting up on the quarter- 
 
 • The following letters and articles from the pen of Franklin speak so 
 well for themselves as to require little introduction or explanation. The 
 connecting notes are in part the Editor's, while the biographical mate- 
 rial is taken from William Temple Franklin's edition of his grandfather's 
 works, published in 1S18. — A. R. S. 
 
 249 
 
250 FRANKLIN 
 
 deck, I have, methinks, one of the pleasantest scenes in 
 the world before me. 'Tis a fine clear day, and we are 
 going away before the wind with an easy pleasant gale. 
 We have near fifteen sail of ships in sight, and I may say 
 in company. On the left hand appears the coast of France 
 at a distance, and on the right is the town and castle of 
 Dover, with the green hills and the chalky cliffs of Eng- 
 land, to which we must now bid farewell. Albion, fare- 
 well ! 
 
 Thursday, August 25th. 
 
 Man is a sociable being, and it is for aught I know one 
 of the worst of punishments to be excluded from society. 
 I have read abundance of fine things on the subject of 
 solitude, and I know 'tis a common boast in the mouths 
 of those that affect to be thought wise, tJiat they arc never 
 less alone than when alone. I acknowledge solitude an 
 agreeable refreshment to a busy mind; but were these 
 thinking people obliged to be always alone, I am apt to 
 think they would quickly find their very being unsupport- 
 able to them. I have heard of a gentleman who under- 
 went seven years' close confinement in the Bastile at 
 Paris. He was a man of sense, he was a thinking man ; 
 but being deprived of all conversation, to what purpose 
 should he think ? for he was denied even the instruments 
 of expressing his thoughts in writing. There is no bur- 
 den so grievous to man as time that he knows not how to 
 dispose of. He was forced at last to have recourse to this 
 invention : he daily scattered pieces of paper about the 
 fioor of his little room, and then employed himself in pick- 
 ing them up and sticking them in rows and figures on the 
 arm of his elbow-chair ; and he used to tell his friends, 
 after his release, that he verily believed if he had not 
 taken this method, he should have lost his senses. One 
 of the philosophers. I think it was Plato, used to sa}', that 
 he had rather be the veriest stupid block in nature, than 
 the possessor of all knowledge, without some intelligent 
 being to communicate it to. 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 2^1 
 
 What I have said may in a measure account for some 
 particulars in my present way of living here on board. 
 Our company is in general very unsuitably mixed, to keep 
 up the pleasure and spirit of conversation : and if there 
 are one or two pair of us that can sometimes entertain one 
 another for half an hour agreeably, yet perhaps we are 
 seldom in the humor for it together, I rise in the morn- 
 ing and read for an hour or two perhaps, and then read- 
 ing grows tiresome. Want of exercise occasions want of 
 appetite, so that eating and drinking affords but little 
 pleasure. I tire myself with playing at drafts, then I go to 
 cards ; nay, there is no play so trifling or childish, but we 
 fly to it for entertainment. A contrary wind, I know not 
 how, puts us all out of good humor ; we grow sullen, 
 silent and reserved, and fret at each other upon every 
 little occasion. 'Tis a common opinion among the ladies, 
 that if a man is ill-natured, he infallibly discovers it when 
 he is in liquor. But I, who have known many instances 
 to the contrary, will teach them a more effectual method 
 to discover the natural temper and disposition of their 
 humble servants. Let the ladies make one long sea voy- 
 age with them, and if they have the least spark of ill nature 
 in them, and conceal it to the end of the voyage, I will 
 forfeit all my pretensions to their favor. 
 
 Friday, Sept. 2. 
 
 This morning the wind changed ; a little fair. We 
 caught a couple of dolphins, and fried them for dinner. 
 They tasted tolerably well. These fish make a glorious 
 appearance in the water ; their bodies are of a bright 
 green, mixed with a silver color, and their tails of a shin- 
 ing golden yellow ; but all this vanishes presently after 
 they are taken out of their element, and they change all 
 over to a light grey. I observed that cutting off pieces 
 of a just-caught living dolphin for baits, those pieces did 
 not lose their lustre and fine colors, when the dolphin 
 died, but retained them perfectly. Every one takes notice 
 of that vulgar error of the painters, who always represent 
 
^-j FKANKUX 
 
 this fish monstrousily crookcvl and deformed, when it is in 
 refill V as bcaulitul and well-shxijHxl a tish as any that 
 swims, I cannot think what could be the oris:final ot this 
 chimei-a vM theirs ^^since thert is not a creature in natun? 
 that in the least i>^sembles their dolphin) unless it pro- 
 ce<\ievl at fij^l tiv>m a false imitation ot a fish in the pos- 
 turf ot leapiui::, which they have since improvevi into a 
 crvv^kxxi mvMister with a head and eye^s like a bull, a hog's 
 snv»ut, and a tail like a blown tulip. 
 
 Friday, Sept, ^^jsl 
 
 This raomiui: wespievi a sail to windward of us about 
 two leajiues. We shewxxl v">ur jack uix>n the ensigiv^taff, 
 and shonenovi sail tor them liii aK>ut noon, when she 
 came up with us. She was the Sm>w, from Dublin, bound 
 tv> New Yv>rk. having upwards of fifty servants on boarvi. 
 o: bv>th sexT^s ; they all appearxvi upon deck, and seeiiied 
 very much pleased at the sight of us. There is really 
 something strai^gely cheering to the spirits in the meeting 
 of a ship at sea. oontaining a society of crxraturt;^ of the 
 same siNvies .\nvi in the same circumstances with ourselves; 
 atter we had been loiig sc'^^rated and exoommvmicated as 
 it wure frvMii the rest ot mankiuvi. My heart dutieri^d in my 
 breast with jv\v when 1 ^xw so niany human cv>untenancess 
 anvi I could sc-arce retrain trom that kind of laughter 
 \vh^\-h prvve<\is frv"»m some viegree of inward pleasure, 
 \V ,,oa we havx:* been fvvr a consivierable time tossi:^g on the 
 vast waters, far from the sight of any latni or ships, or any 
 mortal crrature but ourselves v^'^^'^pt a few fish anvi sea 
 birvisV the who^le worlvl. for aught we kiv>w. may be under 
 a Sv\\>nvi deluge, aini wte \^like Xvvah and his cvvnpany in 
 the ark' the only surviving rciunant of the human race, 
 
 T««s»i&ir. October ». 
 
 This mv>n\i:\g we xreighexJ anchor with a gentle breeac; 
 
 aind patssevi by Newcastle, wha»ce thej haikd us and baMie 
 
 us welconvt, 'Tis exire«nc fine xreaitlvHr^ The sun en. 
 
 livens our stiff Umlys with his glorious njs of waurmth u»d 
 
ESSAYS AND CORKESrONDENCE 253 
 
 brig-htness. The sky looks gav, with here and there a 
 silver cloud. The tresh breezes from the woods refresh 
 us; the immediate prospect of liberty after so long- and 
 irksome confinenuMit ravishes us. In siiort all things con- 
 spire to make this the most joyful day I ever knew. As 
 we passed by Chester some of the company went on shore, 
 impatient once more to tread on ftrra Jir/fuz, :\nd design- 
 ing for Philadelphia by land. Four of us remained on 
 board, not caring for the fatigue of travel when we knew 
 the vovage had much weakened us. About eight at night, 
 the wind failing us, we cast anchor at Red Bank, six miles 
 from Philadelphia, and thought we must be obliged to lie 
 on board that night ; but some young Philadelphians hap- 
 pening to be out upon their pleasure in a boat, they came 
 on board, and otiered to take us up with them ; we ac- 
 cepted of their kind proposal, and about ten o'clock land- 
 ed at Philadelphia, heartily congratulating each other 
 upon our having happily completed so tedious and dan- 
 gerous a voyage. Thank God ! 
 
 Franklin's liberal and talented spirit was early evinced in his corre- 
 spondence with friends and relatives, and to the end of his life was a 
 marked characteristic of the man. The foUowing^. amont;^ his earliest let- 
 ters bearing; upon the subject of religion, was written to his father, Frank- 
 lin being at its date thirty-two years of age : 
 
 TO JOSIAH FRANKLIN 
 
 Philadelphia, 13 April, 173S. 
 
 Honored Father: I have your favors of the 21st of 
 March, in which you both seem concerned lest I have 
 imbibed some erroneous opinions. Doubtless I have my 
 share ; and when the natural weakness and imperfection 
 of human understanding is considered, the unavoidable 
 influence of education, custom, books, and coiupany upon 
 our ways of thinking, I imagine a man must have a good 
 deal of vanity who believes, and a good deal of boldness 
 who affirms, that all the doctrines he holds are true, and 
 all he rejects are false. And perhaps the same may be 
 
254 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 justly said of every sect, church, and society of men, 
 when they assume to themselves that infallibility which 
 they deny to the Pope and councils. 
 
 I think opinions should be judged of by their influences 
 and effects ; and, if a man holds none that tend to make 
 him less virtuous or more vicious, it ma)' be concluded 
 that he holds none that are dangerous ; which I hope is 
 the case with me. 
 
 I am sorry you should have any uneasiness on my 
 account ; and if it were a thing possible for one to alter 
 his opinions in order to please another, I know none whom 
 I ought more willingly to oblige in that respect than 
 yourselves. 
 
 But, since it is no more in a man's power to think than 
 to look like another, methinks all that should be expected 
 from me is, to keep my mind open to conviction, to hear 
 patiently, and to examine attentively, whatever is offered 
 me for that end ; and, if after all I continue in the same 
 errors, I believe )'Our usual charity will induce you to 
 rather pity and excuse, than blame me. In the meantime 
 your care and concern for me is what I am very thankful 
 for. 
 
 My mother grieves, that one of her sons is an Arian, 
 another an Arminian. What an Arminian or an Arian is 
 I cannot say that I very well know. The truth is, I make 
 such distinctions very little my study. I think vital reli- 
 gion has always suffered, when orthodoxy is more regarded 
 than virtue ; and the Scriptures assure me, that at the last 
 day we shall not be examined what we tJwugJit, but what 
 we did, and our recommendation will not be, that we said 
 Lord ! Lord ! but that we did good to our fellow creatures. 
 See Matt. xxv. 
 
 As to the freemasons, I know no way of giving my 
 mother a better account of them than she seems to have 
 at present, since it is not allowed that women should be 
 admitted into that secret society. She has, I must confess, 
 on that account, some reason to be displeased with it ; but, 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 255 
 
 for anything else, I must entreat her to suspend her judg- 
 ment till she is better informed, unless she will believe 
 me, when I assure her, that they are in general a very 
 harmless sort of people, and have no principles or practices 
 that are inconsistent with religion or good manners. 
 
 I am your dutiful son, 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 TO MRS. JANE MECOM 
 
 Philadelphia, 28 July, 1743. 
 
 Dearest Sister Jenny: I took your admonition 
 very kindly, and was far from being offended at you for 
 it. If I say anything about it to you, it is only to rectify 
 some wrong opinions you seem to have entertained of 
 me ; and this I do only because they give you some 
 uneasiness, which I am unwilling to be the occasion of. 
 You express yourself, as if you thought I was against the 
 worshipping of God, and doubt that good works would 
 merit heaven ; which are both fancies of your own, I 
 think, without foundation. I am so far from thinking that 
 God is not to be worshipped, that I have composed and 
 wrote a whole book of devotions for my own use ; and I 
 imagine there are few, if any, in the world so weak as to 
 imagine, that the little good we can do here can merit so 
 vast a reward hereafter. 
 
 There are some things in your New England doctrine 
 and worship, which I do not agree with ; but I do not 
 therefore condemn them, or desire to shake your belief 
 or practice of them. We may dislike things that are 
 nevertheless right in themselves. I would only have you 
 make me the same allowance, and have a better opinion 
 both of morality and your brother. Read the pages of 
 Mr. Edwards's late book, entitled " Some Thoughts con- 
 cerning the present Revival of Religion in New England," 
 from 367 to 375, and when you judge of others, if you can 
 perceive the fruit to be good, don't terrify yourself that 
 the tree may be evil ; but be assured it is not so, for you 
 
256 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 know who has said, " Men do not gather grapes of thorns 
 and figs of thistles." I have no time to add, but that I 
 shall always be your affectionate brother, 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 Franklin's earliest political pamphlet, entitled " Plain Truth," was 
 occasioned by the utter want in the city of Philadelphia of any means of 
 defence against invasion. In 1744, Great Briiain being at war with Spain, 
 a Spanish privateer sailed up Delaware Bay, and approached as near to 
 that flourishing city as Newcastle, Delaware — about thirty-four miles 
 below it, lying also on the Delaware river. A great panic spread through 
 the peaceful city ; the more high-spirited and patriotic citizens were for 
 organizing and arming for defence : but the larger number of Quakers, 
 who owned perhaps the greater share of wealth, were strongly opposed to 
 this course. Franklin, seeing the grave nature of the situation, wrote and 
 printed anonymously an appeal to the good sense of his fellow-citizens, 
 marked by great skill in statement, and persuasive force. It resulted, 
 after passing through several editions, in so moulding public opinion that 
 it was the moving power which led to the formation of military associa- 
 tions for the defence of the country, and which became so important an 
 arm in the French and Indian wars which followed a few years later in 
 Pennsylvania and other States. There is room here for a few extracts 
 only from " Plain Truth ; or serious considerations on the present state of 
 the city of Philadelphia and province of Pennsylvania." 
 
 The enemy, no doubt, have been told that the people 
 of Pennsylvania are Quakers, and against all defence, 
 from a principle of conscience. This, though true of a 
 part, and that a small part only of the inhabitants, is 
 commonly said of the whole ; and what may make it 
 look probable to strangers is, that, in fact, nothing is done 
 by any part of the people toward their defence. But to 
 refuse defending one's self, or one's country, is so unusual 
 a thing among mankind, that possibly they may not believe 
 it, till, by experience, they find they can come higher and 
 higher up our river, seize our vessels, land and plunder 
 our villages, and retire with their booty unmolested. 
 Will not this confirm the report, and give them the great- 
 est encouragement to strike one bold stroke for the city, 
 and for the whole plunder of the river? 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 257 
 
 It is said by some, that the expense of a vessel to guard 
 our trade, would be very heavy, greater perhaps than all 
 the enemy can be supposed to take from us at sea would 
 amount to ; and that it would be cheaper for the govern- 
 ment to open an insurance office, and pay all losses. But 
 is this right reasoning ? I think not ; for what the enemy 
 takes is clear loss to us, and gain to him ; increasing his 
 means and strength, as much as it diminishes ours, so 
 making the difference double ; whereas the money paid 
 our own tradesmen for building and fitting out a vessel of 
 defence, remains in the country, and circulates among us; 
 what is paid to the officers and seamen, that navigate her, 
 is also spent ashore, and soon gets into other hands ; the 
 farmer receives the money for her provisions, and, on the 
 whole, nothing is clearly lost to the country, but her wear 
 and tear, or so much as she sells for at the end of the war 
 less than her first cost. This loss, and a trifling one it is, 
 is all the inconvenience ; but how many and how great 
 are the conveniences and advantages ! And, should the 
 enemy, through our supineness and neglect to provide for 
 the defence both of our trade and country, be encouraged 
 to attempt this city, and, after plundering us of our goods, 
 either burn it, or put it to ransom, how great would that 
 loss be ! beside the confusion, terror, and distress, so many 
 hundreds of families would be involved in ! . . . 
 
 And is our prospect better, if we turn our eyes to the 
 strength of the opposite party, those great and rich men, 
 merchants and others, who are ever railing at Quakers 
 for doing what their principles seem to require, and what 
 in charity we ought to believe we think their duty, but 
 take no one step themselves for the public safety? 
 
 . . . "What," say they, "shall we lay out our money 
 to protect the trade of Quakers? Shall we fight to defend 
 Quakers ? No ; let the trade perish, and the city burn ; 
 let what will happen, we shall never lift a finger to pre- 
 vent it." Yet the Quakers have conscience to plead for 
 their resolution not to fight, which those gentlemen have 
 17 
 
■5S 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 not. Conscience with vou, p^cntlomcn, is on the other side 
 of the question ; conscience enjoins it as a duty on you 
 (and indeed I tliink it such on every man) to defend your 
 country, your friends, your aged parents, your wives, and 
 helpless children ; and yet you resolve not to perform this 
 duty, but act contrary to your own consciences, because 
 the Quakers act according to theirs. Till of late, I could 
 scarcely believe the story of him, who refused to pump 
 in a sinking- ship, because one on board, whom he hated, 
 would be saved by it as well as himself. But such, it 
 sooms, is the unhappiness of human nature, that our pas- 
 sions, when violent, often are too hard for the united force 
 of reason, dutv. and religion. . . , 
 
 If this new, Nourishing city, and greatly improving 
 colony, is destrovcd and ruined, it will not be for want of 
 numbers of inhabitants able to bear arms in its detence. 
 It is computed, that we have at least (exclusive of the 
 Quakers) sixty thousand fighting men acquainted with 
 tire-arms, many of them hunters and marksmen, hardy and 
 bold. All we want is order, discipline, and a few cannon. 
 
 . . . Great numbers of our people are of British race; 
 and, though the fierce fighting animals of those unhappy 
 Islands are said to abate their native fire and intrepiditv, 
 when removed to a foreign clime, yet with the people it 
 is not so ; our neighbors of New England afford the world 
 a convincing proof, that Britons, though a hundred vears 
 transplanted, and to the remotest part of the earth, may 
 vet retain, even to the third and fourth descent, that zeal 
 for the public good, that militarv prowess, and that 
 undaunted spirit, which has in every age distinguished 
 their nation. 
 
 TO JOHN FRANKLIN. AT BOSTON 
 Humorous Remarks on the Expedition against Cape Breton 
 
 Philadelphia, 1745. 
 
 Our people are extremelv impatient to hear of vour 
 success at Cape Breton. Mv shop is filled with thirty 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 259 
 
 inquiries at the coming in of every post. Some wonder 
 the place is not yet taken. I tell them I shall be glad to 
 hear that news three months hence. Fortified towns are 
 hard nuts to crack ; and your teeth have not been accus- 
 tomed to it. Taking strong places is a particular trade, 
 which you have taken up without serving an apprentice- 
 ship to it. Armies and veterans need skilful engineers 
 to direct them in their attack. Have you any? But 
 some think that forts are as easy taken as snuff. Father 
 Moody's prayers look tolerably modest. You have a fast 
 and prayer day for that purpose, in which I compute five 
 hundred thousand petitions were offered up to the same 
 effect in New England, which added to the petitions of 
 every family morning and evening, multiplied by the 
 number of days since January 25, make forty-five millions 
 of prayers ; which, set against the prayers of a few priests 
 in the garrison to the Virgin Mary, give a vast balance in 
 your favor. 
 
 If you do not succeed, I fear I shall have but an indif- 
 ferent opinion of Presbyterian prayers in such cases, as 
 long as I live. Indeed in attacking strong towns, I should 
 have more dependence on works than on faith ; for, like 
 the kingdom of heaven, they are to be taken by force and 
 violence ; and in a French garrison I suppose there are 
 devils of that kind, that they are not to be cast out by 
 prayers and fasting, unless it be by their own fasting for 
 want of provisions. I believe there is a scripture in what 
 I have wrote, but I cannot adorn the margin with quota- 
 tions, having a bad memory and no Concordance at hand ; 
 besides no more time than to subscribe myself, etc. 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 TO CADWALLADER COLDEN 
 
 Philadelphia, 29 Sept., 1748. 
 
 Sir : I congratulate you upon your return to your 
 beloved retirement. I, too, am taking the proper mea- 
 sures for obtaining leisure to enjoy life and my friends, 
 
26o FRANKLIN 
 
 more tlian heretofore, having' put my printing-house 
 under the care of my partner, David Hall, absolutely left 
 of! book-selling, and removed to a more quiet part of the 
 town, where I am settling my old accounts, and hope 
 soon to be quite master of my own time, and no longer, 
 as the song has it, at every one's call but my own. If health 
 continue, 1 hope to be able in another year to visit the 
 most distant friend I have without inconvenience. . . . 
 Thus you see I am in a fair way of having no other tasks, 
 than such as I shall like to give mvself, and of enjoying 
 what 1 look upon as a great happiness, leisure to read, 
 study, make experiments, and converse at large with such 
 ingenious and worthy men as are pleased to honor me 
 with their friendship or acquaintance, on such points as 
 may produce something for the common benefit of man- 
 kind, uninterrupted by the little cares and fatigues of 
 business. Among other pleasures I promise mvself, that 
 of corresponding more frequently and fullv with Dr. Col- 
 den, is not of the least. 
 
 I am, with great esteem and respect, dear sir, etc. 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 I^erc is a letter to a young^ ladv friend of Dr. Franklin, which shows 
 the philosopher's mind ever on the alert to trace out the connection be- 
 tween causes antl effects. 
 
 20 September, 1761. 
 
 Mv Dear Friend : It is, as you observed in our late 
 conversation, a very general opinion, that all rivers run 
 into the sea, or deposit their waters there. It is a kind of 
 audacitv to call such general opinions in question, and 
 mav subject one to censure. But we must hazard some- 
 thing in what w^e think the cause of truth ; and if we pro- 
 pose our objections modestlv, we shall, though mistaken, 
 deserve a censure less severe, than when we are both mis- 
 taken and insolent. 
 
 That some rivers run into the sea is bevond a doubt ; 
 such for instance are the Amazons and, I think, the 
 Oronoko and the Mississippi. The proof is, that their 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 261 
 
 waters arc fresh quite to the sea, and out to some distance 
 from the land. Our question is, whether the fresh waters 
 of those rivers whose beds are filled with salt water to a 
 considerable distance up from the sea (as the Thames, the 
 Delaware, and the rivers that communicate with Chesa- 
 peake Bay in Virginia) do ever arrive at the sea. And as 
 I suspect they do not, I am now to acquaint you with my 
 reasons ; or, if they are not allowed to be reasons, my 
 conceptions, at least, of this matter. 
 
 The commrm supply of rivers is from springs, which 
 draw their origin from rain that has soaked into the 
 earth. The union of a number of springs forms a river. 
 The waters, as they run, expfjsed to the sun, air, and 
 wind, arc continually evaprjrating. Hence in travelling 
 one may often see where a river runs, by a long bluish 
 mist over it, though we are at such a distance as not to 
 see the river itself. The quantity of this evaporation is 
 greater or less, in proportion to the surface exposed by 
 the same quantity of water to those causes of evaporation. 
 While the river runs in a narrow, confined channel in the 
 upper hilly country, only a small surface is exposed ; a 
 greater, as the river widens. Now, if a river ends in a 
 lake, as some do, whereby its waters are spread so wide 
 as that the evaporation is equal to the sum of all its 
 springs, that lake will never overflow. And if, instead of 
 ending in a lake, it was drawn into greater length as a 
 river, so as to expose a surface equal in the whole to that 
 lake, the evaporation would be equal, and such river 
 would end as a canal ; when the ignorant might suppose, 
 as they actually do in such cases, that the river loses itself 
 by running underground, whereas in truth it has run up 
 into the air. 
 
 As to our other subject — the different degrees of heat 
 imbibed from the sun's rays by cloths of different colors 
 — since I cannot find the notes of my experiments to send 
 you, I must give it as well as I can from memory. 
 
262 FRANKLIN 
 
 But, first, let me mention an experiment you may easily 
 make yourself. Walk but a quarter of an hour in your 
 garden when the sun shines, with a part of your dress 
 white, and a part black ; then apply your hand to them 
 alternately, and you will find a very great difference in 
 their warmth. The black will be quite hot to the touch, 
 the white still cool. 
 
 Another. Try to fire the paper with a burning glass. 
 If it is white, you will not easily burn it ; but if you bring 
 the focus to a black spot, or upon letters, written or printed, 
 thepaper will immediately be on fire under the letters. . . . 
 
 My experiment was this. I took a number of little 
 square pieces of broadcloth from a tailor's pattern card, 
 of various colors. There were black, deep-blue, lighter 
 blue, green, purple, red, yellow, white, and other colors, 
 or shades of colors. I laid them all out upon the snow in 
 a bright sunshiny morning. In a few hours (I cannot 
 now be exact as to the time), the black, being warmed 
 most by the sun, was sunk so low as to be below the 
 stroke of the sun's rays ; the dark blue almost as low, the 
 lighter blue not quite so much as the dark, the other colors 
 less as they were lighter ; and the quite white remained 
 on the surface of the snow, not having entered it at all. 
 
 What signifies philosophy that does not apply to some 
 use ? May we not learn from hence that black clothes are 
 not so fit to wear in a hot, sunny climate or season, as 
 white ones ; because in such clothes the body is more 
 heated by the sun when we walk abroad, and are at the 
 same time heated by the exercise, which double heat is 
 apt to bring on putrid, dangerous fevers ? That soldiers 
 and seamen, who must march and labor in the sun, should 
 in the East or West Indies have an uniform of white ? 
 That summer hats, for men or women, should be white, as 
 repelling that heat which gives headaches to many, and 
 to some the fatal stroke that the French call the coup de 
 soleil f Yours affectionately, 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 263 
 
 TO DAVID HUME 
 
 London, 19 May, 1762. 
 
 It is no small pleasure to me to hear from you that my 
 paper on the means of preserving buildings from damage 
 by lightning, was acceptable to the Philosophical Society. 
 Mr. Russel's proposals of improvement are very sensible 
 and just. A leaden spout or pipe is undoubtedly a good 
 conductor, so far as it goes. If the conductor enters the 
 ground just at the foundation, and from thence is carried 
 horizontally to some v/ell, or to a distant rod driven 
 downright into the earth, I would then propose, that the 
 part under the ground should be lead, as less liable to 
 consume with rust than iron. Because, if the conductor 
 near the foot of the wall should be wasted, the lightning 
 might act on the moisture of the earth, and by suddenly 
 rarefying it occasion an explosion, that may damage the 
 foundation. In the experiment of discharging my large 
 case of electrical bottles through a piece of small glass 
 tube filled with water, the suddenly rarefied water has ex- 
 ploded with a force equal, I think, to that of so much gun- 
 powder ; bursting the tube into many pieces, and driving 
 them with violence in all directions and to all parts of the 
 room. The shivering of trees into small splinters, like a 
 broom, is probably owing to this rarefaction of the sap in 
 the longitudinal pores, or capillary pipes, in the substance 
 of the wood. And the blowing up of bricks or stones in 
 a hearth, rending stones out of a foundation, and splitting 
 of walls, are also probably effects sometimes of rarefied 
 moisture in the earth, under the hearth, or in the walls. 
 We should therefore have a durable conductor under 
 ground, or convey the lightning to the earth at some dis- 
 tance. 
 
 It must afford Lord Marischal a good deal of diversion 
 to preside in a dispute so ridiculous as that you mention. 
 Judges in their decisions often use precedents. I have 
 somewhere met with one, that is what the lawyers call a 
 
264 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 case in point. The Church people and the Puritans in a 
 country town had once a bitter contention concerning the 
 erecting of a Maypole, which the former desired and the 
 latter opposed. Each party endeavoured to strengthen 
 itself by obtaining the authority of the mayor, directing or 
 forbidding a Maypole. He heard their altercation with 
 great patience, and then gravely determined thus : " You, 
 that are for having no Maypole, shall have no Maypole ; 
 and you, that are for having a Maypole, shall have a May- 
 pole. Get about your business, and let me hear no more 
 of this quarrel." 
 
 Your compliment of ^(7^/ and ww^/6'W is very obliging 
 to me, but a little injurious to your country. The various 
 value of every thing in every part of this world arises, you 
 know, from the various proportions of the quantity to the 
 demand. We are told, that gold and silver in Solomon's 
 time were so plenty, as to be of no more value in his 
 country than the stones in the street. You have here at 
 present just such a plenty of wisdom. Your people are, 
 therefore, not to be censured for desiring no more among 
 them than they have ; and if I have any, I should certainlv 
 carry it where, from its scarcity, it may probably come 
 to a better market. Yours most affectionately, 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 While Benjamin Franklin was engaged at the court of Great Britain, 
 he had opportunities of becoming acquainted with many persons of the 
 first consequence in the state, who, on their side, were not wanting in 
 observing his extraordinary sagacity and comprehensive understanding. 
 
 About this time Mr. Franklin made a journey to Scotland, whither 
 his reputation as a philosopher had preceded him. He was greeted by 
 the learned of that countr\', and the University of St. Andrews conferred 
 upon him the degree of Doctor of Laws. Its example was followed by the 
 Universities of Edinburgh and Oxford. 
 
 In the summer of 1762 Dr. Franklin returned to Philadelphia, and 
 shortly after received the thanks of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, " as 
 well for the faithful discharge of his duty to that province in particu- 
 lar, as for the many and important services done to America in general, 
 during his residence in Great Britain." 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 265 
 
 Dr. Franklin was a warm opponent of the proprietary government of 
 Pennsylvania, which taxed the people heavily for the benefit of the heirs 
 of William Penn. The influence of the friends of the proprietors raised 
 much opposition to Franklin on occasion of his renomination to Great 
 Britain as the agent of Pennsylvania in 1764, although he was chosen by 
 a handsome majority. 
 
 The opposition made to his reappointment seems greatly to have 
 affected his feelings, as it came from men with whom he had long been 
 connected, both in public and private life — "the very ashes of whose for- 
 mer friendship," he declared, " he revered." His pathetic farewell to Penn- 
 sylvania, the day before his departure, is a strong proof of the agitation of 
 his mind on this occasion. 
 
 " I am now," says he, "to take leave — perhaps a last leave — of the 
 country I love, and in which I have spent the greatest part of my life. 
 Esto perpetua ! I wish every kind of prosperity to my friends, and I 
 forgive my enemies." 
 
 Franklin's second embassy to England came at a most critical period 
 for the interests and liberties of his country. The odious Stamp Act, 
 which taxed all business transactions in America, by act of Parliament, in 
 which the colonies taxed had no representation whatever, was passed soon 
 after his arrival in London. It created great excitement and opposition 
 in America. 
 
 Dr. Franklin strenuously exerted himself to free America from this 
 odious tax, the principal objection to which was that it was imposed by a 
 British Parliament, which, the Americans asserted, had no right to tax 
 them. 
 
 It began to appear expedient to the administration, then under the 
 Marquis of Rockingham, to endeavour to calm the minds of the colonists, 
 and the repeal of the Stamp Tax was contemplated. Among other means 
 of collecting information on the disposition of the people to submit to it, 
 Dr. Franklin was (February 3, 1766) "ordered to attend the committee 
 of the whole House of Commons, to whom it was referred to consider 
 further the several papers relative to America, which were presented to 
 the House by Mr. Secretary Conway," etc. 
 
 The resolutions of the committee were reported by the chairman, 
 Mr. Fuller, their seventh and last resolution setting forth " that it was 
 their opinion that the House be moved that leave be given to bring in a 
 bill to repeal the Stamp Act." A proposal for recommitting this resolu- 
 tion was negatived by 240 votes to 133 ; and the act, after some opposi- 
 tion, was repealed about a year after it was enacted and before it had 
 ever been carried into execution. Dr. Franklin, about this period, in addi- 
 tion to his agency for Pennsylvania, received the separate appointments 
 of agent for the respective colonies of New Jersey, Georgia, and Massa- 
 
266 FRANKLIN 
 
 chusetts, all of which he continued to fill with equal credit to himself and 
 advantage to his constituents during his stay in England. 
 
 In the course of this year (1766) he visited Holland and Germany, 
 and received the greatest marks of attention and respect from men of sci- 
 ence in those countries. 
 
 In the following year, as also in 1769, he visited Paris, where he was 
 no less favourably received than he had been in Germany. He was intro- 
 duced to the king (Louis XV) and his sisters, Mesdames de France, and 
 particularly distinguished by them, as he was also by the Academy of 
 Sciences (of which he was afterward elected a foreign associate) and 
 many other scientific and literaiy characters. 
 
 In a London paper of ISIay 20, 1765, appeared the following satirical 
 piece written by Dr. Franklin under the name of " A Traveller " : 
 
 Sir: In your paper of Wednesday last, an ingenious 
 correspondent who calls himself The Spectator, and 
 dates from Piinlico, under the guise of good will to the 
 news-writers, whom he calls a " useful body of men in this 
 great city," has, in my opinion, artfully attempted to turn 
 them and their works into ridicule, wherein, if he could 
 succeed, great injury might be done to the public as well 
 as to these good people. 
 
 Supposing, Sir, that the " ii'c hears " they give us of 
 this or the other intended tour or voyage of this and 
 the other great personage were mere inventions, yet they 
 at least offer us an innocent amusement while we read, 
 and useful matter for conversation when we are disposed 
 to converse. 
 
 Englishmen, Sir, are too apt to be silent when they 
 have nothing to say, and too apt to be sullen when they 
 are silent ; and, when they are sullen, to hang themselves. 
 But, by these "wc hears, we are supplied with abundant 
 funds for discourse. We discuss the motives for such 
 voyages, the probability of their being undertaken, and 
 the practicability of their execution. Here we display 
 our judgment in politics, our knowledge of the interests 
 of princes, and our skill in geography, and (if we have it) 
 show our dexterity in argumentation. In the mean time, 
 the tedious hour is killed, we go home pleased with the 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 267 
 
 applauses we have received from others, or at least with 
 those we give to ourselves; we sleep soundly, and live on, 
 to the comfort of our families. But, Sir, I beg leave to 
 say, that all the articles of news that seem improbable are 
 not mere inventions. Some of them, I can assure you on 
 the faith of a traveller, are serious truths. And here, 
 quitting Mr. Spectator of Pimlico, give me leave to in- 
 stance the various accounts the news-writers have given 
 us, with so much honest zeal for the welfare of Poor Old 
 England, of the establishing manufactures in the colonies 
 to the prejudice of those of the kingdom. It is objected 
 by superficial readers, who yet pretend to some knowl- 
 edge of those countries, that such establishments are not 
 only improbable, but impossible, for that their sheep have 
 but little wool, not in the whole sufficient for a pair of 
 stockings a year to each inhabitant ; that, from the uni- 
 versal dearness of labor among them, the working of iron 
 and other materials, except in a few coarse instances, is 
 impracticable to any advantage. 
 
 Dear Sir, do not let us suffer ourselves to be amused 
 with such groundless objections. The very tails of the 
 American sheep are so laden with wool, that each has a 
 little car or wagon on four little wheels, to support and 
 keep it from trailing on the ground. Would they caulk 
 their ships, would they even litter their horses with wool, 
 if it were not both plenty and cheap ? And what signi- 
 fies the dearness of labor, when an English shilling passes 
 for five and twenty ? Their engaging three hundred silk 
 throwsters here in one week for New York was treated 
 as a fable, because, forsooth, they have " no silk there to 
 throw." Those, who make this objection, perhaps do not 
 know, that, at the same time the agents from the King of 
 Spain were at Quebec to contract for one thousand pieces 
 of cannon to be made there for the fortification of Mexico, 
 and at New York engaging the usual supply of woollen 
 floor-carpets for their West India houses, other agents 
 from the emperor of China were at Boston treating about 
 
268 FRANKLIN 
 
 an exchange of raw silk for wool, to be carried in Chinese 
 junks through the Straits of Magellan. 
 
 And yet all this is as certainly true, as the account 
 said to be from Quebec, in all the papers of last week, 
 that the inhabitants of Canada are making preparations 
 for a cod and whale fishery this "summer in the upper 
 Lakes." Ignorant people may object, that the upper 
 Lakes are fresh, and that cod and whales are salt water 
 fish ; but let them know, Sir, that cod, like other fish 
 when attacked by their enemies, fly into any water where 
 they can be safest ; that whales, when they have a mind 
 to eat cod, pursue them wherever they fly ; and that the 
 grand leap of the whale in the chase up the Falls of 
 Niagara is esteemed, by all who have seen it, as one of the 
 finest spectacles in nature. Really, Sir, the world is 
 grown too incredulous. It is like the pendulum ever 
 swinging from one extreme to another. Formerly every 
 thing printed was believed, because it was in print. Now 
 things seem to be disbelieved for just the very same rea- 
 son. Wise men wonder at the present growth of infi- 
 delity. They should have considered, when they taught 
 the people to doubt the authority of newspapers and the 
 truth of predictions in the almanacs, that the next step 
 miofht be a disbelief of the well vouched accounts of ghosts 
 and witches, and doubts even of the truths of the Creed. 
 
 Thus much I thought it necessar}'- to say in favor of 
 an honest set of writers, whose comfortable living de- 
 pends on collecting and supplying the printers with news 
 at the small price of sixpence an article, and who always 
 show their regard to truth, by contradicting in a subse- 
 quent article such as are wrong, for another sixpence, to 
 the great satisfaction and improvement of us coffee-house 
 students in history and politics, and all future Livys, 
 Rapins, Robertsons, Humes, and Macaulays, who may be 
 sincerely inclined to furnish the world with that rara avis, 
 a true history. I am. Sir, your humble servant, 
 
 A Traveller. 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 269 
 
 DR. FRANKLIN'S EXAMINATION BEFORE THE HOUSE 
 OF COMMONS 
 February 13, 1766. 
 
 1. Q. What is your name, and place of abode? 
 A. Franklin, of Philadelphia. 
 
 2. Q. Do the Americans pay any considerable taxes 
 among themselves? 
 
 A. Certainly many, and very heavy taxes. 
 
 3. Q. What are the present taxes in Pennsylvania, 
 laid by the laws of the colony ? 
 
 A. There are taxes on all estates real and personal; 
 a poll tax ; a tax on all offices, professions, trades, and 
 businesses, according to their profits ; an excise on all 
 wine, rum, and other spirits ; and a duty of ten pounds 
 per head on all negroes imported, with some other duties. 
 
 4. Q. For what purposes are those taxes laid? 
 
 A. For the support of the civil and military estab- 
 lishments of the country, and to discharge the heavy 
 debt contracted in the last war. 
 
 5. Q. How long are those taxes to continue? 
 
 A. Those for discharging the debt are to continue till 
 1772, and longer, if the debt should not be then all dis- 
 charged. The others must always continue. 
 
 6. Q. Was it not expected that the debt would have 
 been sooner discharged ? 
 
 A. It was, when the peace was made with France and 
 Spain. But, a fresh war breaking out with the Indians, a 
 fresh load of debt was incurred ; and the taxes, of course, 
 continued longer by a new law. 
 
 7. Q. Are not all the people very able to pay those 
 taxes ? 
 
 A. No. The frontier counties, all along the continent, 
 having been frequently ravaged by the enemy and greatly 
 impoverished, are able to pay very little tax. And there- 
 fore, in consideration of their distresses, our late tax laws 
 do expressly favor those counties, excusing the sufferers ; 
 and I suppose the same is done in other governments. 
 
2'jQ FRANKLIN 
 
 8. Q. Are not you concerned in the management of 
 the post-office in America? 
 
 A. Yes. I am deputy-postmaster-general of North 
 America. 
 
 9. Q. Don't you think the distribution of stamps by 
 post to all the inhabitants very practicable, if there was 
 no opposition ? 
 
 A. The posts only go along the seacoasts; they do not, 
 except in a few instances, go back into the country ; and, 
 if they did, sending for stamps by post would occasion 
 an expense of postage amounting in many cases to much 
 more than that of the stamps themselves. 
 
 10. Q. Are you acquainted with Newfoundland? 
 A. I never was there. 
 
 11. Q. Do you know whether there are any post- 
 roads on that island ? 
 
 A. I have heard that there are no roads at all, but 
 that the communication between one settlement and an- 
 other is by sea only. 
 
 12. Q. Can you disperse the stamps by post in 
 Canada ? 
 
 A. There is only a post between Montreal and Que- 
 bec. The inhabitants live so scattered and remote from 
 each other in that vast country, that posts cannot be sup- 
 ported among them, and therefore they cannot get stamps 
 per post. The English colonies, too, along the frontiers 
 are very thinly settled. 
 
 13. Q. From the thinness of the back settlements, 
 would not the Stamp Act be extremely inconvenient to 
 the inhabitants, if executed ? 
 
 A. To be sure it would; as many of the inhabitants 
 could not get stamps when they had occasion for them 
 without taking long journeys, and spending perhaps 
 three or four pounds, that the crown might get six- 
 pence. 
 
 14. Q. Are not the colonies, from their circumstances, 
 very able to pay the stamp duty? 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 271 
 
 A. In my opinion there is not gold and silver enough 
 in the colonies to pay the stamp duty for one year.' 
 
 15. Q. Don't you know that the money arising from 
 the stamps was all to be laid out in America ? 
 
 A. I know it is appropriated by the act to the Ameri- 
 can service ; but it will be spent in the conquered colo- 
 nies, where the soldiers are ; not in the colonies that 
 pay it. 
 
 16. Q. Is there not a balance of trade due from the 
 colonies where the troops are posted, that will bring back 
 the money to the old colonies ? 
 
 A. I think not. I believe very little would come back. 
 I know of no trade likely to bring it back. I think it 
 would come, from the colonies where it was spent, directly 
 to England ; for I have always observed, that in every 
 colony the more plenty the means of remittance to Eng- 
 land, the more goods are sent for, and the more trade with 
 England carried on. 
 
 17. Q. What number of white inhabitants do you think 
 there are in Pennsylvania ? 
 
 A. I suppose there may be about one hundred and 
 sixty thousand. 
 
 18. Q. What number of them are Quakers ? 
 A. Perhaps a third. 
 
 19. Q. What number of Germans? 
 
 A. Perhaps another third ; but I cannot speak with 
 certainty. 
 
 * The Stamp Act said "that the Americans shall have no commerce, 
 make no exchange of property with each other, neither purchase, nor 
 grant, nor recover debts ; they shall neither marry nor make their wills, 
 unless they pay such and such sums" in specie for the stamps which must 
 give validity to the proceedings. The operation of such a tax, had it ob- 
 tained the consent of the people, appeared inevitable ; and its annual pro- 
 ductiveness, on its introduction, was estimated, by its proposer in the 
 House of Commons at the committee for supplies, at one hundred thou- 
 sand pounds sterling. The colonies being already reduced to the neces- 
 sity of hcLving paper money, by sending to Britain the specie they collected 
 in foreign trade, in order to make up for the deficiency of their other re- 
 turns for British manufactures, there were doubts whether there could 
 remain specie sufficient to answer the tax. 
 
2/2 FRANKLIN 
 
 20. Q, Have any number of the Germans seen service, 
 as soldiers, in Europe ? 
 
 A. Yes, many of them, both in Europe and America. 
 
 21. Q. Are they as much dissatisfied with the stamp 
 duty as the English ? 
 
 A. Yes, and more ; and with reason, as their stamps 
 are, in many cases, to be double. 
 
 22. Q. How many white men do you suppose there 
 are in North America? 
 
 A. About three hundred thousand, from sixteen to 
 sixty years of age. 
 
 23. Q. What may be the amount of one year's imports 
 into Pennsylvania from Britain ? 
 
 A. I have been informed that our merchants compute 
 the imports from Britain to be above five hundred thou- 
 sand pounds. 
 
 24. Q. What may be the amount of the produqe of 
 your province exported to Britain? 
 
 A. It must be small, as we produce little that is wanted 
 in Britain. I suppose it cannot exceed forty thousand 
 pounds. 
 
 25. Q. How then do you pay the balance? 
 
 A. The balance is paid by our produce carried to the 
 West Indies, and sold in our own islands, or to the French, 
 Spaniards, Danes, and Dutch ; by the same produce car- 
 ried to other colonies in North America, as to New Eng- 
 land, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, Carolina, and Georgia; 
 by the same, carried to different parts of Europe, as Spain, 
 Portugal, and Italy. In all which places we receive either 
 money, bills of exchange, or commodities that suit for 
 remittance to Britain ; which, together with all the 
 profits on the industry of our merchants and mariners, 
 arising in those circuitous voyages, and the freights made 
 by their ships, centre finally in Britain to discharge the 
 balance, and pay for British manufactures continually 
 used in the provinces, or sold to foreigners by our 
 traders. 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 273 
 
 26. Q. Have you heard of any difficulties lately laid 
 on the Spanish trade? 
 
 A. Yes; I have heard, that it has been greatly ob- 
 .structed by some new regulations, and by the English 
 men-of-war and cutters stationed all along the coast in 
 America. 
 
 27. Q. Do you think it right that America should be 
 protected by this country and pay no part of the expense ? 
 
 A. That is not the case. The colonies raised, clothed, 
 and paid, during the last war, near twenty -five thousand 
 men, and spent many millions. 
 
 28. Q. Were you not reimbursed by Parliament? 
 
 A. We were only reimbursed what, in your opinion, 
 we had advanced beyond our proportion, or beyond what 
 might reasonably be expected from us ; and it was a very 
 small part of what we spent. Pennsylvania, in particular, 
 disbursed about five hundred thousand pounds, and the 
 reimbursements, in the whole, did not exceed sixty thou- 
 sand pounds. 
 
 29. Q. You have said that you pay heavy taxes in 
 Pennsylvania ; what do they amount to in the pound ? 
 
 A. The tax on all estates, real and personal, is eighteen 
 pence in the pound, fully rated ; and the tax on the profits 
 of trades and professions, with other taxes, do, I suppose, 
 make full half a crown in the pound. 
 
 30. Q. Do you know anything of the rate of exchange 
 in Pennsylvania, and whether it has fallen lately? 
 
 A. It is commonly from one hundred and seventy to 
 one hundred and seventy-five. I have heard that it has 
 fallen lately from one hundred and seventy-five to one 
 hundred and sixty-two and a half ; owing, I suppose, to 
 their lessening their orders for goods ; and, when their 
 debts to this country are paid, I think the exchange will 
 probably be at par. 
 
 31. Q. Do you not think the people of America would 
 submit to pay the stamp duty, if it was moderated ? 
 
 A. No, never, unless compelled by force of arms. 
 18 
 
274 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 32. C- '^re not the taxes in Tennsylvania laid on iin- 
 cquallv. in i>nier to biiicien tlic English trade; particularly 
 the tax on protessitMis ami business? 
 
 ./. It is not more buidensonie in proportion than the 
 tax on lands, it is intt nded and supposed to take an equal 
 proportion of protits. 
 
 33. O. llow is the assembly composed? Oi what 
 kinds of people are the members ; landholders or traders? 
 
 .1. It is composed of landholders, merchants, and artifi- 
 cers. 
 
 34. 0- •^'"^' '^^^^ ^^^^^ majority landholders? 
 A. 1 believe they are. 
 
 35. (J. Do not they, as much as possible, shift the tax 
 off from the land, to ease that, and lay the burden heavier 
 on trade ? 
 
 A. I have never understood it so. I never heard such 
 a thing suggested. And indeed an attempt of that kind 
 could answer no purpose. The merchant or trader is 
 always skilled in figures, and ready with his pen and ink. 
 If unequal burdens are laid on his trade, he puts an addi- 
 tional price on his goods ; and the consumers, \vho are 
 chiefly landholders, finally pay the greatest part, if not 
 the whole. 
 
 36. (J. What was the temper of America towards 
 Great Britain before the year 1763? 
 
 A. The best in the world. They submitted willingly 
 to the government of the crown, and paid, in their courts, 
 obedience to the acts of rarliament. Numerous as the 
 people are in the several old provinces, they cost you 
 nothing in forts, citadels, garrisons, or armies, to keep 
 them in subjection. They were governed by this country 
 at the expense only of a little pen, ink, and paper; they 
 were led by a thread. They had not only a respect, but 
 an affection for Great Britain ; for its laws, its customs 
 and manners, and even a fondness for its fashions, that 
 greatly increased the commerce. Natives of Britain were 
 alwaNS treated with particular regard; to be an 0/e/- 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 27$ 
 
 England man was, of itself, a character of some respect, 
 and {:(ave a kind of rank among us. 
 
 37. Q. And what is their temper now ? 
 A. O, \<try much altered. 
 
 38. Q. I^id you ever hear the authority of Parliament 
 to make laws for America questioned till lately ? 
 
 A. The authority of Parliament was allowed to be 
 valid in all laws, except such as should lay internal taxes. 
 It was never disputed in laying duties to regulate com- 
 merce. 
 
 39. Q. In what proportion hath population increased 
 in America? 
 
 A. I think the inhabitants of all the provinces together, 
 taken at a medium, double in about twenty-five years. 
 But their demand for British manufactures increases much 
 faster; as the consumption is not merely in proportion to 
 their numbers, but grows with the growing abilities of 
 the same numbers to pay for them. In 1723, the whole 
 importation from Britain to Pennsylvania was about fifteen 
 thousand pounds sterling; it is now near half a million. 
 
 40. Q. In what light did the people of America use 
 to consider the Parliament of Great Britain ? 
 
 A. They considered the Parliament as the great bul- 
 wark and security of their liberties and privileges, and 
 always spoke of it with the utmost respect and veneration. 
 Arbitrary ministers, they thought, might possibly, at 
 times, attempt to oppress them ; but they relied on it, 
 that the Parliament, on application, would always give 
 redress. They remembered, with gratitude, a strong 
 instance of this, when a bill was brought into Parliament, 
 with a clause to make royal instructions laws in the colo- 
 nies, which the House of Commons would not pass, and 
 it was thrown out. 
 
 41. Q. And have they not still the same respect for 
 Parliament? 
 
 A. No, it is greatly lessened. 
 
 42. Q. To what cause is that owing? 
 
2/6 FRANKLIN 
 
 A. To a concurrence of causes ; the restraints lately 
 laid on their trade, by which the bringing of foreign gold 
 and silver into the colonies was prevented ; the prohibi- 
 tion of making paper money among themselves, and then 
 demanding a new and heavy tax by stamps, taking awav, 
 at the same time, trials by juries, and refusing to receive 
 and hear their humble petitions. 
 
 43. (J. Don't you think they would submit to the 
 Stamp Act. if it was modified, the obnoxious parts taken 
 out. and the duty reduced to some particulars of small 
 moment ? 
 
 A. No, they will never submit to it. 
 
 44. O. What do vou think is the reason that the people 
 in America increase faster than in England? 
 
 A. Because they marry younger, and more generally. 
 
 45. (J. Why so? 
 
 A. Because any young couple, that are industrious, 
 niav easily obtain land of their own, on which they can 
 raise a familv. 
 
 46. (J. Are not the lower ranks of people more at their 
 ease in America than in England ? 
 
 A. They may be so, if they are sober and diligent, as 
 thev are better paid for their labor. 
 
 47. O. What is your opinion of a future tax. imposed 
 on the same principle with that of the Stamp Act ? How 
 would the Americans receive it ? 
 
 A. Just as thev do this. Thev would not pay it. 
 
 4S. (J. Have not vou heard of the resolutions of this 
 I louse, and of the House of Lords, asserting the right of 
 Parliament relating to America, including a power to tax 
 the people there ? 
 
 A. Yes, 1 have heard of such resolutions. 
 
 49. (J. What will be the opinion of the Americans on 
 those resolutions? 
 
 A. Thev will think them unconstitutional and unjust. 
 
 50. (J- Was it an opinion in America before 1763, that 
 the Parliament had no riiiht to lav taxes and duties there? 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 277 
 
 A. I never heard any objection to the right of laying 
 duties to regulate commerce ; but a right to lay internal 
 taxes was never supposed to be in Parliament, as we are 
 not represented there. 
 
 51. Q. On what do you found your opinion, that the 
 people in America made any such distinction ? 
 
 A. I know that whenever the subject has occurred in 
 conversation where I have been present, it has appeared 
 to be the opinion of every one, that we could not be taxed 
 by a Parliament wherein we were not represented. But 
 the payment of duties laid by an act of Parliament, as 
 regulations of commerce, was never disputed. 
 
 52. Q. But can you name any act of assembly, or 
 public act of any of your governments, that made such 
 distinction ? 
 
 A. I do not know that there was any; I think there 
 was never an occasion to make any such act, till now that 
 you have attempted to tax us ; that has occasioned reso- 
 lutions of assembly, declaring the distinction, in which I 
 think every assembly on the continent, and ever}' member 
 in every assembly, have been unanimous. 
 
 53. Q. What, then, could occasion conversations on 
 that subject before that time? 
 
 A. There was in 1754 a proposition made, (I think it 
 came from hence,) that in case of a war, which was then 
 apprehended, the governors of the colonies should meet, 
 and order the levying of troops, building of forts, and 
 taking every other necessary measure for the general de- 
 fence ; and should draw on the treasury here for the sums 
 expended, which were afterwards to be raised in the colo- 
 nies by a general tax, to be laid on them by act of Parlia- 
 ment. This occasioned a good deal of conversation on 
 the subject ; and the general opinion was, that the Parlia- 
 ment neither would nor could lay any tax on us, till we 
 were duly represented in Parliament ; because it was not 
 just, nor agreeable to the nature of an English constitution. 
 
 54. Q. Don't you know there was a time in New 
 
278 FRANKLIN 
 
 York, when it was under consideration to make an appli- 
 cation to Parliament to lay taxes on that colony, upon a 
 deficiency arising from the assembly's refusing or neglect- 
 ing to raise the necessary supplies for the support of the 
 civil government? 
 
 A. I never heard of it. 
 
 55. Q. There was such an application under con- 
 sideration in New York ; and do you apprehend they 
 could suppose the right of Parliament to lay a tax in 
 America was only local, and confined to the case of a de- 
 ficiency in a particular colony, by a refusal of its assembly 
 to raise the necessary supplies ? 
 
 A. They could not suppose such a case, as that the 
 assembly would not raise the necessary supplies to sup- 
 port its own government. An assembly that would re- 
 fuse it must want common sense ; which cannot be sup- 
 posed. I think there was never any such case at New 
 York, and that it must be a misrepresentation, or the fact 
 must be misunderstood. I know there have been some 
 attempts, by ministerial instructions from hence, to oblige 
 the assemblies to settle permanent salaries on governors, 
 which they wisely refused to do ; but I believe no assem- 
 bly of New York, or any other colony, ever refused duly 
 to support government by proper allowances, from time 
 to time, to public officers. 
 
 56. Q. But, in case a governor, acting by instruction, 
 should call on an assembly to raise the necessary supplies, 
 and the assembly should refuse to do it, do you not think 
 it would then be for the good of the people of the colony, 
 as well as necessary to government, that the Parliament 
 should tax them ? 
 
 A. I do not think it would be necessary. If an assem- 
 bly could possibly be so absurd, as to refuse raising the 
 supplies requisite for the maintenance of government 
 among them, they could not long remain in such a situa- 
 tion ; the disorders and confusion occasioned by it must 
 soon brinof them to reason. 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 279 
 
 57. Q. If it should not, ought not the right to be in 
 Great Britain of applying a remedy ? 
 
 A. A right, only to be used in such a case, I should 
 have no objection to ; supposing it to be used merely for 
 the good of the people of the colony. 
 
 58. Q. But who is to judge of that, Britain or the 
 colony ? 
 
 A. Those that feel can best judge. 
 
 59. Q. You say the colonies have always submitted 
 to external taxes, and object to the right of Parliament 
 only in laying internal taxes ; now can you show that 
 there is any kind of difference between the two taxes to 
 the colony on which they may be laid ? 
 
 A. I think the difference is very great. An external 
 tax is a duty laid on commodities imported ; that duty is 
 added to the first cost and other charges on the commod- 
 ity, and, when it is offered to sale, makes a part of the 
 price. If the people do not like it at that price, they 
 refuse it ; they are not obliged to pay it. But an internal 
 tax is forced from the people without their consent, if not 
 laid by their own representatives. The Stamp Act says, 
 we shall have no commerce, make no exchange of prop- 
 erty with each other, neither purchase, nor grant, nor 
 recover debts ; we shall neither marry nor make our 
 wills, unless we pay such and such sums ; and thus it is 
 intended to extort our money from us, or ruin us by the 
 consequences of refusing to pay it. 
 
 60. Q. But supposing the external tax or duty to be 
 laid on the necessaries of life, imported into your colony, 
 will not that be the same thing in its effects as an internal 
 tax? 
 
 A. I do not know a single article imported into the 
 northern colonies, but what they can either do without, 
 or make themselves. 
 
 61. Q. Don't you think cloth from England abso- 
 lutely necessary to them. 
 
 A. No, by no means absolutely necessary ; with indus- 
 
rSo FRANKLIN 
 
 try and good management, thev may ycry \yoll supply 
 themsehes with all they \vant. 
 
 62, O. Will it not take a long; time to establish that 
 manufacture among them ; and must they not in the mean 
 while sutler greatly ? 
 
 A. 1 think not. They haye made a surprising prog- 
 ress already. And 1 am of opinion, that before their old 
 clothes are worn out. they will haye new ones of their 
 own making. 
 
 03. 0. Can they possibly hnd wool enough in North 
 America ? 
 
 A. They haye taken steps to increase the wool. They 
 entered into general combinations to eat no more lamb ; 
 and yery tew lambs were killed last year. This course, 
 persisted in. will soon make a prodigious difference in the 
 quantity of wool. And the establishing of great manu- 
 factories, like those in the clothing towns here, is not 
 necessary, as it is where the business is to be carried on 
 for the purposes of trade. The people will all spin, and 
 >vork for theniselyes, in their own houses. 
 
 64. 0- Can there be wool and manufacture enough in 
 one or two years.' 
 
 A. In three years, I think there may. 
 
 65. ♦ O. Does not the seyerity of the winter, in the 
 northern colonies, occasion the wool to be of bad quality ? 
 
 A. No: the wool is yery fine and good. 
 
 66. C. In the more southern colonies, as in Virginia, 
 don't you know, that the wool is coarse, and only a kind 
 of hair? 
 
 A. I don't know it. I never heard it. Yet I haye 
 been sometimes in Virginia. I cannot say 1 eyer took 
 particular notice of the wool there, but I belieye it is 
 good, though I cannot speak positively of it : but Virginia 
 and the colonies south of it have less occasion for wool ; 
 their winters are short, and not very seyere ; and they can 
 very well clothe themselves with linen and cotton of their 
 own raisina: for the rest of the year. 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 28I 
 
 6^. Q. Are not the people in the more northern 
 colonies obliged to fodder their sheep all the winter? 
 
 A. In some of the most northern colonies they may be 
 obliged to do it, some part of the winter. 
 
 68. Q. Considering the resolutions of Parliament, as 
 to the right, do you think, if the Stamp Act is repealed, 
 that the North Americans will be satisfied ? 
 
 A. I believe they will. 
 
 69. Q. Why do you think so? 
 
 A. I think the resolutions of right will give them very 
 little concern, if they are never attempted to be carried 
 into practice. The colonies will probably consider them- 
 selves in the same situation, in that respect, with Ireland ; 
 they know you claim the same right with regard to Ire- 
 land, but you never exercise it, and they may believe you 
 never will exercise it in the colonies, any more than in 
 Ireland, unless on some very extraordinary occasion. 
 
 70. Q. But who arc to be the judges of that extraor- 
 dinary occasion ? Is not the Parliament ? 
 
 A. Though the Parliament may judge of the occasion, 
 the people will think it can never exercise such right, till 
 representatives from the colonies are admitted into Parlia- 
 ment ; and that, whenever the occasion arises, representa- 
 tives ivill be ordered. 
 
 71. Q. Did you never hear that Marvland, during the 
 last war, had refused to furnish a quota towards the com- 
 mon defence? 
 
 A. Marvland has been much misrepresented in that 
 matter. Maryland, to my knowledge, never refused to 
 contribute or grant aids to the crown. The assemblies, 
 every year during the war, voted considerable sums, and 
 formed bills to raise them. The bills were, according to 
 the constitution of that province, sent up to the Council, 
 or Upper House, for concurrence, that they might be 
 presented to the governor, in order to be enacted into 
 laws. Unhappy disputes between the two Houses, aris- 
 ing from the defects of that constitution principally, 
 
2Sj franklin 
 
 rendered all the bills but one or two. abortive. The 
 proprietary's council rejected them. It is true, Maryland 
 did not then contribute its proportion ; but it was, in my 
 opinion, the fault ol the government, not of the people. 
 
 ~2. (J. Was it not talked of in the other provinces, as 
 a proper measure, to applv to Parliament to compel them? 
 
 A. I have heard such discourse; but. as it was well 
 known that the people were not to blame, no such applica- 
 tion was ever made, nor anv step taken towards it. 
 
 7S- (?• Was it not proposed at a public meeting? 
 
 A. Not that 1 know of. 
 
 74. O. Do vou remember the abolishing of the paper 
 currencv in New England, by act of assembly? 
 
 A. I do remember its being abolished in the Massa- 
 chusetts Bay. 
 
 75. (J. Was not Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson 
 principally concerned in that transaction ? 
 
 A. I have heard so. 
 
 76. Cj. Was it not at that time a verv unpopular law ? 
 A. I believe it might, though I can say little about it, 
 
 as I lived at a distance from that province. 
 
 77- C- Was not the scarcitv of gold and silver an 
 argument used against abolishing the paper ? 
 
 A. I suppose it was. 
 
 7S. (J. What is the present opinion there of that law? 
 Is it as unpopular as it was at tirst ? 
 
 A. I think it is not. 
 
 79. 0. Have not instructions from hence been some- 
 times sent over to governors, highly oppressive and unpo- 
 litical ? 
 
 A. Yes. 
 
 80. cJ. Have not some governors dispensed with them 
 for that reason ? 
 
 A. Yes, I have heard so. 
 
 81. Q- Did the Americans ever dispute the control- 
 ling power of Parliament to regulate the commerce ? 
 
 A. No. 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 2S3 
 
 82. ij. Can any thing less than a military force carry 
 the Stamp Act into execution ? 
 
 ^. I do not see how a military force can be applied to 
 that purpose. 
 
 83. (J. Why may it not? 
 
 A. Suppose a military force sent into America, thev 
 will find nobody in arms; what are they then to do? 
 They cannot force a man to take stamps who chooses to 
 do without them. They will not find a rebellion ; they 
 mav indeed make one. 
 
 84. 0. If the act is not repealed, what do you think 
 will be the consequences ? 
 
 A. A total loss of the respect and affection the people 
 of America bear to this country, and of all the commerce 
 that depends on that respect and affection, 
 
 85. Q. How can the commerce be affected ? 
 
 A. You will find, that if the act is not repealed, they 
 will take a very little of your manufactures in a short 
 time. 
 
 86. Q. Is it in their power to do without them ? 
 A. I think thev may very well do without them. 
 Sy. (J. Is it their interest not to take them ? 
 
 A. The goods they take from Britain are either neces- 
 saries, mere conveniences, or superfluities. The first, as 
 cloth, etc.. with a little industrv they can make at home; 
 the second they can do without, till they are able to 
 provide them among themselves ; and the last, which are 
 much the greatest part, thev will strike off immediately. 
 They are mere articles of fashion, purchased and con- 
 sumed because the fashion in a respected country ; but 
 will now be detested and rejected. The people have al- 
 ready struck off, by general agreement, the use of all 
 goods fashionable in mournings, and many thousand 
 pounds' worth are sent back as unsalable. 
 
 88. Q. Is it their interest to make cloth at home? 
 
 A. I think they may at present get it cheaper from 
 Britain ; I mean, of the same fineness and workmanship ; 
 
->4 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 but. when one considers other circumstances, the restraints 
 on their trade, and the ditficulty of making remittances, it 
 is their interest to make every thing. 
 
 89. (J. Suppose an act of internal regulations con- 
 nected with a tax ; how would they receive it ? 
 
 A. 1 think it would be objected to. 
 
 90. Q. Then no regulation with a tax would be sub- 
 mitted to? 
 
 A. Their opinion is. that, when aids to the crown are 
 wanted, thev are to be asked of the several assemblies, 
 according to the old established usage ; who will, as they 
 ahvavs have done, grant them freely. And that their 
 nionev ought not to bo given away, without their consent, 
 bv persons at a distance, unacquainted with their circum- 
 stances and abilities. The granting aids to the crown is 
 the onlv means they have of recommending themselves to 
 their sovereign : and they think it extremely hard and un- 
 just, that a bodv of men. in which they have no represen- 
 tatives. should make a merit to itself of giving and grant- 
 ing what is not its own. but theirs : and deprive them of a 
 right thev esteem of the utmost value and importance, as 
 it is the security of all their other rights. 
 
 91. (^\ But is not the pc»st-office. which they have long 
 received, a tax as well as a regulation ? 
 
 A. No; the money paid for the postag^e of a letter is 
 not of the nature of a tax ; it is merely a q-uaKtum m^nii 
 for a service done ; no person is compellable to pay the 
 money if he does not choose to receive the service. A 
 man mav still, as before the act. send his letter by a ser- 
 \*ant, a special messenger, or a friend, if he thinks it 
 cheaper and safer. 
 
 oj. (J. But do they not consider the regulations of 
 the post-otfice. by the act of last year, as a tax ? 
 
 A, Bv the regulations of last year the rate of postage 
 was generallv abated near thirty per cent through all 
 America ; thev certainly cannot consider such abatement 
 «jr a tax. 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 285 
 
 93. Q. If an excise was laid by Parliament, which they 
 might likewise avoid paying-, by not consuming the arti- 
 cles excised, would they then not object to it? 
 
 A. They would certainly object to it, as an excise is 
 unconnected with any service done, and is merely an aid, 
 which they think ought to be asked of them, and granted 
 by them, if they are to pay it ; and can be granted for 
 them by no others whatsoever, whom they have not em- 
 powered for that purpose. 
 
 94. Q. You say they do not object to the right of Par- 
 liament, in laying duties on goods to be paid on their im- 
 portation ; now, is there any kind of difference between a 
 duty on the importation of goods, and an excise on their 
 consumption ? 
 
 A. Yes, a very material one ; an excise, for the reasons 
 I have just mentioned, they think you can have no right 
 to lay within their country. But the sea is yours ; you 
 maintain, by your fleets, the safety of navigation in it, and 
 keep it clear of pirates ; you may have, therefore, a natu- 
 ral and equitable right to some toll or duty on merchan- 
 dises carried through that part of your dominions, towards 
 defraying the expense you are at in ships to maintain the 
 safety of that carriage. 
 
 95. Q. Does this reasoning hold in the case of a duty 
 laid on the produce of their lands exported ? And would 
 they not then object to such a duty ? 
 
 A. If it tended to make the produce so much dearer 
 abroad, as to lessen the demand for it, to be sure they 
 would object to such a duty; not to your right of laying 
 it, but they would complain of it as a burden, and petition 
 you to lighten it. 
 
 96. Q. Is not the duty paid on the tobacco exported, 
 a duty of that kind ? 
 
 A. That, I think, is only on tobacco carried coast- 
 wise, from one colony to another, and appropriated as a 
 fund for supporting the college at Williamsburg in Vir- 
 ginia. 
 
2S6 FRANKLIN 
 
 97. O. Have not the assemblies in the West Indies the 
 same natural rights with those in North America? 
 
 A. Undoubtedly. 
 
 9S. O. And is there not a tax laid there on their sug^ars 
 exported ? 
 
 A. I am not much acquainted with the West Indies : 
 but the dutv of four and a half per cent on sugars exported 
 was. I believe, granted by their own assemblies. 
 
 09. O. How much is the poll-tax in your province 
 laid on unmarried men ? 
 
 A. It is. I think, hfteen shillings, to be paid by every 
 single freeman, upwards of twenty-one years old. 
 
 ICO. C' What is the annual amount oi all the taxes in 
 Pennsvlvania ? 
 
 A. I suppose about twenty thousand pounds sterling. 
 
 ID I. (J. Supposing the Stamp Act continued and en- 
 forced, do you imagine that ill humor will induce the 
 Americans to give as much for worse manufactures of 
 their own. and use them, preferable to better of ours? 
 
 A. Yes. I think so. People will pay as freely to grat- 
 ify one passion as another, their resentment as their 
 pride. 
 
 10:!. 0. Would the people at Boston discontinue their 
 trade? 
 
 A. The merchants are a verv small number compared 
 with the body of the people, and must discontinue their 
 trade, if nobody will buy their goods. 
 
 103. O. What are the body of the people in the colo- 
 nies ? 
 
 --1. They are farmers, husbandmen, orplanters- 
 
 104. (J. Would they suffer the produce of their lands 
 to rot ? 
 
 A. Xo : but they would not raise so much. Thev 
 would manufacture more, and plough less. 
 
 105. (J. Would they live without the administration 
 of justice in civil matters, and suffer all the inconveniences 
 of such a situation for anv considerable time, rather than 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 287 
 
 take the stamps, supposing the stamps were protected by 
 a sufficient force, where every one might have them ? 
 
 A. I think the supposition impracticable, that the 
 stamps should be so protected as that every one might 
 have them. The act requires sub-distributors to be ap- 
 pointed in every county town, district, and village, and 
 they would be necessary. But the principal distributors, 
 who were to have had a considerable profit on the whole, 
 have not thought it worth while to continue in the office ; 
 and I think it impossible to find sub-distributors fit to 
 be trusted, who, for the trifling profit that must come to 
 their share, would incur the odium, and run the hazard, 
 that would attend it; and, if they could be found, I think 
 it impracticable to protect the stamps in so many distant 
 and remote places. 
 
 106. O. But in places where they could be protected, 
 would not the people use them, rather than remain in such 
 a situation, unable to obtain any right, or recover by law 
 any debt? 
 
 A. It is hard to say what they would do. I can only 
 judge what other people will think, and how they will 
 act, by what I feel within myself. I have a great many 
 debts due to me in America, and I had rather they should 
 remain unrecoverable by any law, than submit to the 
 Stamp Act. They will be debts of honor. It is my 
 opinion the people will either continue in that situation. 
 or find some way to extricate themselves ; perhaps by 
 generally agreeing to proceed in the courts without 
 stamps. 
 
 107. Q. What do you think a sufficient military force 
 to protect the distribution of the stamps in every part of 
 America? 
 
 A. A very great force, I can't say what, if the disposi- 
 tion of America is for a general resistance. 
 
 108. Q. What is the number of men in America able 
 to bear arms, or of disciplined militia? 
 
 A. There are, I suppose, at least .... 
 
288 FRANKLIN 
 
 {Question objected to. He withdrew. Called in again?^ 
 
 109. Q. Is the American Stamp Act an equal tax on 
 the country ? 
 
 A. I think not. 
 
 1 10. Q. Why so ? 
 
 A. The greatest part of the money must arise from 
 lawsuits for the recovery of debts, and be paid by the 
 lower sort of people, who were too poor easily to pay 
 their debts. It is, therefore, a heavy tax on the poor, and 
 a tax upon them for being poor. 
 
 111. Q. But will not this increase of expense be a 
 means of lessening the number of lawsuits? 
 
 A. I think not ; for as the costs all fall upon the debtor, 
 and are to be paid by him, they would be no discourage- 
 ment to the creditor to bring his action. 
 
 112. Q. Would it not have the effect of excessive 
 usury ? 
 
 A. Yes ; as an oppression of the debtor. 
 
 113. Q. How many ships are there laden annually in 
 North America with flax-seed for Ireland ? 
 
 A. I cannot speak to the number of ships; but I know, 
 that, in 1752, ten thousand hogsheads of flax-seed, each 
 containing seven bushels, were exported from Philadelphia 
 to Ireland. I suppose the quantity is greatly increased 
 since that time, and it is understood, that the exportation 
 from New York is equal to that from Philadelphia. 
 
 114. Q. What becomes of the flax that grows with 
 that flax-seed ? 
 
 A. They manufacture some into coarse, and some into 
 a middling kind of linen. 
 
 115. Q. Are there any slitting-mills in America? 
 
 A. I think there are three, but I believe only one at 
 present employed. I suppose they will all be set to work, 
 if the interruption of the trade continues. 
 
 116. Q. Are there any fulling-mills there? 
 A. A great many. 
 
 117. Q. Did you never hear, that a great quantity of 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 289 
 
 stockings were contracted for, for the army, during the 
 war, and manufactured in Philadelphia? 
 A. I have heard so. 
 
 118. Q. If the Stamp Act should be repealed, would 
 not the Americans think they could oblige the Parliament 
 to repeal every external tax law now in force ? 
 
 A. It is hard to answer questions of what people at 
 such a distance will think. 
 
 119. Q. But what do you imagine they will think 
 were the motives of repealing the act ? 
 
 A. I suppose they will think, that it was repealed from 
 a conviction of its inexpediency ; and they will rely upon 
 it, that, while the same inexpediency subsists, you will 
 never attempt to make such another. 
 
 120. Q. What do you mean by its inexpediency? 
 
 A. I mean its inexpediency on several accounts; the 
 poverty and inability of those who were to pay the tax, 
 the general discontent it has occasioned, and the impracti- 
 cability of enforcing it. 
 
 121. Q. If the act should be repealed, and the legisla- 
 ture should show its resentment to the opposers of the 
 Stamp Act, would the colonies acquiesce in the authority 
 of the legislature ? What is your opinion they would do ? 
 
 A. I don't doubt at all, that if the legislature repeal the 
 Stamp Act, the colonies will acquiesce in the authority. 
 
 122. Q. But if the legislature should think fit to ascer- 
 tain its right to lay taxes, by any act laying a small tax, 
 contrary to their opinion, would they submit to pay the 
 tax? 
 
 A. The proceedings of the people in America have 
 been considered too much together. The proceedings of 
 the assemblies have been very different from those of the 
 mobs, and should be distinguished, as having no connexion 
 with each other. The assemblies have only peaceably 
 resolved what they take to be their rights ; they have 
 taken no measures for opposition by force, they have not 
 built a fort, raised a man, or provided a grain of ammuni- 
 19 
 
290 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 tion, in order to such opposition. The ringleaders of 
 riots, they think ought to be punished ; they would punish 
 them themselves, if they could. Every sober, sensible 
 man, would wish to see rioters punished, as, otherwise, 
 peaceable people have no security of person or estate ; 
 but as to an internal tax, how small soever, laid by the 
 legislature here on the people there, while they have no 
 representatives in this legislature, I think it will never be 
 submitted to ; they will oppose it to the last ; they do not 
 consider it as at all necessary for you to raise money on 
 them by your taxes ; because they are, and always have 
 been, ready to raise money by taxes among themselves, 
 and to grant large sums, equal to their abilities, upon 
 requisition from the crown. 
 
 They have not only granted equal to their abilities, 
 but, during all the last war, they granted far beyond their 
 abilities, and beyond their proportion with this country 
 (you yourselves being judges), to the amount of many 
 hundred thousand pounds ; and this they did freely and 
 readily, only on a sort of promise, from the Secretary of 
 State, that it should be recommended to Parliament to 
 make them compensation. It was accordingly recom- 
 mended to Parliament, in the most honorable manner for 
 them. America has been greatly misrepresented and 
 abused here, in papers, and pamphlets, and speeches, as 
 ungrateful, and unreasonable, and unjust; in having put 
 this nation to an immense expense for their defence, and 
 refusing to bear any part of that expense. The colonies 
 raised, paid, and clothed near twenty-five thousand men 
 during the last war; a number equal to those sent from 
 Britain, and far beyond their proportion ; they went 
 deeply into debt in doing this, and all their taxes and 
 estates are mortgaged for many years to come, for dis- 
 charging that debt. 
 
 Government here was at that time very sensible of 
 this. The colonies were recommended to Parliament. 
 Every year the King sent down to the House a written 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 291 
 
 message to this purpose ; " that his Majesty, being highly 
 sensible of the zeal and vigor with which his faithful sub- 
 jects in North America had exerted themselves, in defence 
 of his Majesty's just rights and possessions, recommended 
 it to the House to take the same into consideration, and 
 enable him to give them a proper compensation." You 
 will find those messages on your own journals every year 
 of the war to the very last ; and you did accordingly give 
 two hundred thousand pounds annually to the crown, to 
 be distributed in such compensation to the colonies. 
 
 This is the strongest of all proofs, that the colonies, far 
 from being unwilling to bear a share of the burden, did 
 exceed their proportion ; for if they had done less, or had 
 only equalled their proportion, there would have been no 
 room or reason for compensation. Indeed, the sums, re- 
 imbursed them, were by no means adequate to the expense 
 they incurred beyond their proportion ; but they never 
 murmured at that ; they esteemed their sovereign's appro- 
 bation of their zeal and fidelity, and the approbation of 
 this House, far beyond any other kind of compensation ; 
 therefore there was no occasion for this act, to force money 
 from a willing people. They had not refused giving 
 money for the purposes of the act ; no requisition had 
 been made ; they were always willing and ready to do 
 what could reasonably be expected from them, and in this 
 light they wish to be considered. 
 
 123. Q. But suppose Great Britain should be engaged 
 in a war in Europe, would North America contribute to 
 the support of it? 
 
 A. I do think they would as far as their circumstances 
 would permit. They consider themselves as a part of the 
 British empire, and as having one common interest with 
 it ; they may be looked on here as foreigners, but they do 
 not consider themselves as such. They are zealous for 
 the honor and prosperity of this nation ; and, while they 
 are well used, will always be ready to support it, as far as 
 their little power goes. In 1739 they were called upon 
 
292 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 to assist in the expedition against Carthagena, and they 
 sent three thousand men to join your army. It is true, 
 Carthagena is in America, but as remote from the north- 
 ern colonies, as if it had been in Europe. They make no 
 distinction of wars, as to their duty of assisting in them. 
 
 I know the last war is commonly spoken of here, as en- 
 tered into for the defence, or for the sake, of the people 
 in America. I think it is quite misunderstood. It began 
 about the limits between Canada and Nova Scotia ; about 
 territories to which the crown indeed laid claim, but which 
 were not claimed by any British colony; none of the lands 
 had been granted to any colonist ; we had therefore no 
 particular concern or interest in that dispute. As to the 
 Ohio, the contest there began about your right of trading 
 in the Indian countr}-, a right you had by the treaty of 
 Utrecht, which the French infringed ; they seized the 
 traders and their goods, which were your manufactures ; 
 they took a fort which a company of your merchants, and 
 their factors, and correspondents, had erected there to 
 secure that trade. Braddock was sent with an army to 
 retake that fort, (which was looked on here as another en- 
 croachment on the King's territory,) and to protect your 
 trade. It was not till after his defeat that the colonies 
 were attacked. They were before in perfect peace with 
 both French and Indians; the troops were not, therefore, 
 sent for their defence. 
 
 The trade with the Indians, though carried on in Amer- 
 ica, is not an x\merican interest. The people of America 
 are chiefly farmers and planters ; scarce any thing that 
 thev raise or produce is an article of commerce with the 
 Indians. The Indian trade is a British interest ; it is car- 
 ried on with British manufactures, for the profit of British 
 merchants and manufacturers ; therefore the war, as it 
 commenced for the defence of territories of the crown 
 (the propert}'^ of no American), and for the defence of a 
 trade purel}'^ British, was really a British war, and yet the 
 people of America made no scruple of contributing their 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 293 
 
 utmost towards carrying it on, and bringing it to a happy 
 conclusion. 
 
 124. Q. Do you think, then, that the taking possession 
 of the King's territorial rights, and strengthening the fron- 
 tiers, is not an American interest? 
 
 A. Not particularly, but conjointly a British and an 
 American interest. 
 
 125. Q. You will not deny that the preceding war, 
 the war with Spain, was entered into for the sake of 
 America ; was it not occasioned by captures made in the 
 American seas ? 
 
 A. Yes; captures of ships carrying on the British trade 
 there with British manufactures. 
 
 126. Q. Was not the late war with the Indians, since 
 the peace with France, a war for America only? 
 
 A. Yes ; it was more particularly for America than the 
 former ; but was rather a consequence or remains of the 
 former war, the Indians not having been thoroughly paci- 
 fied ; and the Americans bore by much the greatest share 
 of the expense. It was put an end to by the army under 
 General Bouquet ; there were not above three hundred 
 regulars in that army, and above one thousand Pennsyl- 
 vanians. 
 
 127. Q. Is it not necessary to send troops to America, 
 to defend the Americans against the Indians? 
 
 A. No, by no means; it never was necessary. They 
 defended themselves when they were but a handful, and 
 the Indians much more numerous. They continually 
 gained ground, and have driven the Indians over the 
 mountains, without any troops sent to their assistance 
 from this country. And can it be thought necessary now 
 to send troops for their defence from those diminished In- 
 dian tribes, when the colonies have become so populous 
 and so strong ? There is not the least occasion for it ; 
 they are very able to defend themselves. 
 
 128. Q. Do you say there were not more than three 
 hundred regular troops employed in the late Indian war? 
 
294 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 A. NeH on the Ohio, or the frontiers of Pennsylvania, 
 which was the chief part of the war that affected the 
 colonies. There were garrisons at Niagara. Fort Detroit, 
 and those remote posts kept for the sake of your trade ; I 
 did not reckon thcin; but I believe, that on the whole the 
 number of Americans or provincial troops, employed in 
 the war, was greater than that of the regulars. I am not 
 certain, but I think so. 
 
 129. Q. Do vou think the assemblies have a right to 
 levy monev on the subject there, to grant to the crown? 
 
 A. I certainlv think so; thev have always done it. 
 
 130. (J. Arc thev acquainted with the Declaration of 
 Rights? And do they know that, by that statute, money 
 is not to be raised on the subject but by consent of Parlia- 
 ment? 
 
 A. They are verv well acquainted with it. 
 
 131. (J. How then can they think they have a right 
 to levy money for the crown, or for any other than local 
 purposes ? 
 
 A. They understand that clause to relate to subjects 
 only within the realm ; that no money can be levied on 
 them for the crown, but by consent of Parliament. The 
 colonies are not supposed to be within the realm ; they 
 have assemblies of their own, which are their parliaments, 
 and thev are, in that respect, in the same situation with 
 Ireland. When money is to be raised for the crown upon 
 the subject in Ireland, or in the colonics, the consent is 
 criven in the Parliament of Ireland, or in tiie assemblies of 
 the colonies. Thev think the Parliament of Great Britain 
 cannot properlv give that consent, till it has representa- 
 tives from America ; for the Petition of Right expresslv 
 savs. it is to be bv common consent in Parliament : and 
 the people of America have no representatives in Parlia- 
 ment, to make a part of that common consent. 
 
 132. (J. If the Stamp Act should be repealed, and an 
 act should pass, ordering the assemblies of the colonies to 
 indemnifv the sufferers by the riots, would they obev it? 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 295 
 
 A. That is a question I cannot answer. 
 
 133- Q- Suppose the King should require the colonies 
 to grant a revenue, and the Parliament should be against 
 their doing it, do they think they can grant a revenue to 
 the King, without the consent of the Parliament of Great 
 Britain ? 
 
 A. That is a deep question. As to my own opinion, I 
 should think myself at liberty to do it, and should do it, 
 if I liked the occasion. 
 
 134. Q. When money has been raised in the colonies, 
 upon requisitions, has it not been granted to the King? 
 
 A. Yes, always; but the requisitions have generally 
 been for some service expressed, as to raise, clothe, and 
 pay troops, and not for money only. 
 
 135- Q- If the act should pass requiring the American 
 assemblies to make compensation to the sufferers, and 
 they should disobey it, and then the Parliament should, by 
 another act, lay an internal tax, would they then obey it? 
 
 A. The people will pay no internal tax; and, I think, 
 an act to oblige the assemblies to make compensation is 
 unnecessary ; for I am of opinion, that, as soon as the 
 present heats are abated, they will take the matter into 
 consideration, and if it is right to be done, they will do it 
 of themselves. 
 
 136. Q. Do not letters often come into the post-offices 
 in America, directed to some inland town where no post 
 goes? 
 
 A. Yes. 
 
 137- Q- Can any private person take up those letters 
 and carry them as directed ? 
 
 A. Yes; any friend of the person may do it, paying 
 the postage that has accrued. 
 
 138. Q. But must not he pay an additional postage 
 for the distance to such inland town ? 
 
 A. No. 
 
 139- Q- Can the postmaster answer delivering the 
 letter, without being paid such additional postage ? 
 
296 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 A. Certainly he can demand nothing, where he does 
 no service. 
 
 140. Q. Suppose a person, being far from home, finds 
 a letter in a post-office directed to him, and he lives in a 
 place to which the post generally goes, and the letter is 
 directed to that place ; will the postmaster deliver him the 
 letter, without his paying the postage receivable at the 
 place to which the letter is directed ? 
 
 A. Yes; the office cannot demand postage for a letter 
 that it does not carry, or farther than it does carry it. 
 
 141. Q. Are not ferry-men in America obliged, by act 
 of Parliament, to carry over the posts without pay ? 
 
 A. Yes. 
 
 142. Q. Is not this a tax on the ferry-men ? 
 
 A. They do not consider it as such, as they have an 
 advantage from persons travelling with the post. 
 
 143. Q. If the Stamp Act should be repealed, and the 
 crown should make a requisition to the colonies for a sum 
 of money, would they grant it? 
 
 A. I believe they would. 
 
 144. Q. Why do you think so? 
 
 A. I can speak for the colony I live in; I had it in 
 ijistruction from the assembly to assure the ministry, that, 
 as they always had done, so they should always think it 
 their duty, to grant such aids to the crown as were suit- 
 able to their circumstances and abilities, whenever called 
 upon for that purpose, in the usual constitutional manner; 
 and I had the honor of communicating this instruction to 
 that honorable gentleman then minister. 
 
 145. Q. Would they do this for a British concern, as 
 suppose a war in some part of Europe, that did not affect 
 them ? 
 
 A. Yes, for any thing that concerned the general 
 interest. They consider themselves a part of the whole. 
 
 146. Q. What is the usual constitutional manner of 
 calling on the colonies for aids ? 
 
 A. A letter from the Secretary of State. 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 297 
 
 147. Q. Is this all you mean ; a letter from the Secre- 
 tary of State ? 
 
 A. I mean the usual way of requisition, in a circular 
 letter from the Secretary of State, by his Majesty's com- 
 mand, reciting the occasion, and recommending it to the 
 colonies to grant such aids as became their loyalty, and 
 were suitable to their abilities. 
 
 148. Q. Did the Secretary of State ever write for 
 money for the crown ? 
 
 A. The requisitions have been to raise, clothe, and pay 
 men, which cannot be done without money. 
 
 149. Q. Would they grant money alone, if called on ? 
 A. In my opinion they would, money as well as men, 
 
 when they have money, or can make it. 
 
 150. Q. If the Parliament should repeal the Stamp 
 Act, will the assembly of Pennsylvania rescind their reso- 
 lutions? 
 
 A. I think not. 
 
 151. Q. Before there was any thought of the Stamp 
 Act, did they wish for a representation in Parliament ? 
 
 A. No. 
 
 152. Q. Don't you know, that there is, in the Penn- 
 sylvania charter, an express reservation of the right of 
 Parliament to lay taxes there ? 
 
 A. I know there is a clause in the charter, by which 
 the King grants, that he will levy no taxes on the inhabit- 
 ants, unless it be with the consent of the assembly, or by 
 act of Parliament. 
 
 153. Q. How, then, could the assembly of Pennsylva- 
 nia assert, that laying a tax on them by the Stamp Act was 
 an infringement of their rights? 
 
 A. They understand it thus ; by the same charter, and 
 otherwise, they are entitled to all the privileges and liber- 
 ties of Englishmen ; they find in the Great Charters, and 
 the Petition and Declaration of Rights, that one of the 
 privileges of English subjects is, that they are not to be 
 taxed but by their common consent ; they have therefore 
 
29S 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 relied upon it, from the first settlement of the province, 
 that the Parliament never would, nor could, by color of 
 that clause in the charter, assume a right of taxing them, 
 till it had qualified itself to exercise such right, by admit- 
 ting representatives from the people to be taxed, who 
 ought to make a part of that common consent. 
 
 154. O. Are there any words in the charter that jus- 
 tif}' that construction ? 
 
 A. ** The common rights of Englishmen," as declared 
 by ]\Tagna Charta, and the Petition of Right, all justify it. 
 
 155. Q. Does the distinction between internal and ex- 
 ternal taxes exist in the words of the charter? 
 
 A. No, I believe not. 
 
 156. Q. Then, may they not, by the same interpreta- 
 tion, object to the Parliament's right of external taxa- 
 tion ? 
 
 A. Thev never have hitherto. Manv arguments have 
 been latelv used here to show them, that there is no differ- 
 ence, and that, if you have no right to tax them internally, 
 you have none to tax them externally, or make any other 
 law to bind them. At present they do not reason so ; but 
 in time the}' may possibly be convinced by these argu- 
 ments. 
 
 157. 0. Do not the resolutions of the Pennsylvania 
 assemblv sav, " all taxes " ? 
 
 A. If thev do, they mean only internal taxes ; the same 
 words have not alwavs the same meaning here and in the 
 colonies. Bv taxes, thev mean internal taxes ; by duties, 
 they mean customs ; these are their ideas of the lan- 
 guage. 
 
 158. 0. Have you not seen the resolutions of the Mas- 
 sachusetts Bay assembly ? 
 
 A. I have. 
 
 159. Q. Do thev not sav, that neither external nor in- 
 ternal taxes can be laid on them by Parliament? 
 
 A. I don't know that they do ; I believe not. 
 
 160. Q. If the same colony should say, neither tax nor 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENXE 
 
 299 
 
 imposition could be laid, docs not that province hold the 
 power of Parliament can lay neither? 
 
 A. I suppose, that, by the word imposition, they do not 
 intend to express duties to be laid on goods imported, as 
 regulations of commerce. 
 
 161. Q. What can the colonies mean then by imposi- 
 tion, as distinct from taxes? 
 
 A. They may mean many things, as impressing of men 
 or of carriages, quartering troops on private houses, and 
 the like ; there may be great impositions that are not 
 properly taxes. 
 
 162. Q. Is not the post-office rate an internal tax laid 
 by act of Parliament? 
 
 A. I have answered that. 
 
 163. Q. Are all parts of the colonies equally able to 
 pay taxes? 
 
 A. No certainly ; the frontier parts, which have been 
 ravaged by the enemy, are greatly disabled by that means ; 
 and therefore, in such cases, are usually favored in our tax 
 laws. 
 
 164. Q. Can we, at this distance, be competent judges 
 of what favors are necessary? 
 
 A. The Parliament have supposed it, by claiming a 
 right to make tax laws for America; I think it impos- 
 sible. 
 
 165. Q. Would the repeal of the Stamp Act h>e any 
 discouragement of your manufactures ? Will the people 
 that have begun to manufacture decline it? 
 
 A. Yes, I think they will ; especially if, at the same 
 time, the trade is opened again, so that remittances can be 
 easily made. I have known several instances that make it 
 probable. In the war before last, tobacco being low, and 
 making little remittance, the people of Virginia went gen- 
 erally into family manufactures. Afterwards, when to- 
 bacco bore a better price, they returned to the use of 
 British manufactures. So fulling-mills were very much 
 disused in the last war in Pennsylvania, because bills were 
 
300 FRANKLIN 
 
 then plenty, and remittances could easily be made to 
 Britain for English cloth and other goods. 
 
 i66, Q. If the Stamp Act should be repealed, would 
 it induce the assemblies of America to acknowledge the 
 rights of Parliament to tax them, and would they erase 
 their resolutions ? 
 
 A. No, never. 
 
 167. Q. Are there no means of obliging them to erase 
 those resolutions? 
 
 A. None that 1 know of ; they will never do it, unless 
 compelled by force of arms. 
 
 168. Q. Is there a power on earth that can force them 
 to erase them ? 
 
 A. No power, how great soever, can force men to 
 change their opinions. 
 
 169. Q. Do they consider the post-office as a tax, or 
 as a regulation ? 
 
 A. Not as a tax, but as a regulation and conveniency ; 
 every assembly encouraged it, and supported it in its in- 
 fancy, by grants of monev, which they would not other- 
 wise have done ; and the people have always paid the 
 postage. 
 
 170. O. When did you receive the instructions you 
 mentioned ? 
 
 A. I brought them with me, when I came to England, 
 about fifteen months since. 
 
 171. O. When did you commimicate that instruction 
 to the minister ? 
 
 A. Soon after mv arrival, while the stamping of Amer- 
 ica was under consideration, and before the bill was 
 brought in. 
 
 172. (J. Would it be most for the interest of Great 
 Britain, to employ the hands of Virginia in tobacco, or in 
 manufactures ? 
 
 A. In tobacco, to be sure. 
 
 173. Q. What used to be the pride of the Ameri- 
 cans ? 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 301 
 
 A. To indulge in the fashions and manufactures of 
 Great Britain. 
 
 174. Q. What is now their pride? 
 
 A. To wear their old clothes over again, till they can 
 make new ones. 
 
 The repeal of the Stamp Act became a law March 18, 1766. 
 
 TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN 
 
 London, 6 April, 1766. 
 
 As the Stamp Act is at length repealed, I am willing 
 you should have a new gown, which you may suppose I 
 did not send sooner, as 1 knew you would not like to be 
 finer than your neighbours, unless in a gown of your own 
 spinning. Had the trade between the two countries 
 totally ceased, it was a comfort to me to recollect, that 
 I had once been clothed from head to foot in woollen and 
 linen of my wife's manufacture, that I never was prouder 
 of any dress in my life, and that she and her daughter 
 might do it again if it was necessary. I told the Parlia- 
 ment, that it was my opinion, before the old clothes of the 
 Americans were worn out, they might have new ones of 
 their own making. I have sent you a fine piece of Pom- 
 padour satin, fourteen yards, cost eleven shillings a yard ; 
 a silk negligee and petticoat of brocaded lutestring for my 
 dear Sally, with two dozen gloves, four bottles of laven- 
 der water, and two little reels. The reels are to screw on 
 the edge of the table, when she would wind silk or thread. 
 The skein is to be put over them, and winds better than 
 if held in two hands. There is also a gimcrack corkscrew^ 
 which you must get some brother gimcrack to show you 
 the use of. In the chest is a parcel of books for my friend 
 Mr. Coleman, and another for cousin Colbert. Pray did 
 he receive those I sent him before? I send you also a 
 box with three fine cheeses. Perhaps a bit of them may 
 be left when I come home. Mrs. Stevenson has been very 
 
302 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 ililigcnt niui serviceable in getting these things together 
 ior vou. and picscnts her best respects, as does her daugh- 
 ter, to both vou and Sally. There are two boxes included 
 in vour bill of lading for Billy. 
 
 1 ani. niv dear Dcbby, vour atlcctionate husband, 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 TO JOHN ALLEVNE 
 
 Craven St., 9 August, 1768. 
 
 You desire, vou say, my impartial thoughts on the 
 subject of an early marriage, by way of answer to the 
 numberless objections that have been made by numerous 
 persons to your own. You may remember, when you 
 consulted me on the occasion, that I thought youth on 
 both sides to be no objection. Indeed, from the marriages 
 that have fallen under my observation, I am rather in- 
 clined to think, that early ones stand the best chance of 
 happiness. The temper and habits of the young are not 
 become so stiflf and uncomplving, as when more advanced 
 in life ; thev form more easily to each other, and hence 
 manv occasions of disgust are removed. And, if youth 
 has less of that prudence, which is necessary to manage a 
 family, yet the parents and elder friends of young married 
 persons are gcnorallv at hand to afford their advice, which 
 amplv supplies that defect ; and. by early marriage, youth 
 is sooner formed to regular and useful life : and possibly 
 some of those accidents or connexions, that might have 
 injured the constitution, or reputation, or both, are there- 
 by happilv prevented. 
 
 Particular circumstances of particular persons may 
 possibly sometimes make it prudent to delay entering 
 into that state ; but in general, when nature has rendered 
 our bodies tit for it. the presumption is in nature's favor, 
 that she has not judged amiss in making us desire it. Late 
 marriages are often attended, too, with this further incon- 
 venience, that there is not the same chance that the par- 
 ents will live to see their offspring educated, '' Late chil- 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 303 
 
 dren^' says the Spanish proverb, " are early orphans^ A 
 melancholy reflection to those, whose case it may be! 
 With us in America, marriages are generally in the morn- 
 ing of life; our children are therefore educated and set- 
 tled in the world by noon ; and thus, our business being 
 done, we have an afternoon and evening of cheerful leisure 
 to ourselves ; such as our friend at present enjoys. By 
 these early marriages we are blessed with more children ; 
 and from the mode among us, founded by nature, every 
 mother suckling and nursing her own child, more of them 
 are raised. Thence the swift progress of population among 
 us, unparalleled in Europe. 
 
 In fine, I am glad you are married, and congratulate 
 you most cordially upon it. You are now in the way of 
 becoming a useful citizen ; and you have escaped the un- 
 natural state of celibacy for life, the fate of many here, 
 who never intended it, but who, having too long post- 
 poned the change of their condition, find at length, that it 
 is too late to think of it, and so live all their lives in a 
 situation that greatly lessens a man's value. An odd vol- 
 ume of a set of books bears not the value of its propor- 
 tion to the set. What think you of the odd half of a pair 
 of scissors? It cannot well cut any thing; it may pos- 
 sibly serve to scrape a trencher. 
 
 Pray make my compliments and best wishes accept- 
 able to your bride. I am old and heavy, or I should ere 
 this have presented them in person. I shall make but 
 small use of the old man's privilege, that of giving advice 
 to younger friends. Treat your wife always with respect ; 
 it will procure respect to you, not only from her, but from 
 all that observe it. Never use a slighting expression to 
 her, even in jest, for slights in jest, after frequent bandy- 
 ings, are apt to end in angry earnest. Be studious in 
 your profession, and you will be learned. Be industrious 
 and frugal, and you will be rich. Be sober and temper- 
 ate, and you will be healthy. Be in general virtuous, and 
 you will be happy. At least, you will, by such conduct, 
 
3^4 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 Stand the best chance for such consequences. I pray God 
 to bless vou both ; being- ever your affectionate friend, 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 The following piece from Dr. Franklin's pen appeared anonymously 
 in the " London rublic Advertiser" in 1773. 1^ ^^"^^ reprinted in several 
 papers, and in the " Gentleman's Mag"vizine " for September, 1773. 
 
 RULES BY WHICH A GREAT EMTIRE MAY BE REDUCED 
 TO A S^L\LL ONE 
 
 An ancient sage valued himself upon this, that, though 
 he could not tiddle, he knew how to make a great cit}' of 
 a little one. The science that I, a modern simpleton, am 
 about to communicate, is the very reverse. 
 
 I address myself to all ministers who have the manage- 
 ment of extensive dominions, which from their very great- 
 ness have become troublesome to govern, because the mul- 
 tiplicitv of their affairs leaves no time tor fiddling. 
 
 1. In the first place. Gentlemen, you are to consider, 
 that a great empire, like a great cake, is most easily 
 diminished at the edges. Turn vour attention, therefore, 
 first to vour re-n.\^tc-st provinces ; that, as vou get rid of 
 them, the next may follow in order. 
 
 2. That the possibility of this separation mav alwavs 
 exist, take special care the provinces are f/f-:vr incorperatcJ 
 zvith the mot/ic^r ccuntrv ; that thev do not enjoy the same 
 common rights, the same privileges in commerce ; and 
 that thev are governed by severer laws, all of your enact- 
 ing, without allowing them anv share in the choice of the 
 legislators. Bv carefully making and preserving such 
 distinctions, vou will i^to keep to my simile of the cake'i 
 act like a wise gingerbread-baker, who. to facilitate a 
 division, cuts his dough half through in those places 
 where, when baked, he would have it broken to pieces. 
 
 3. Those remote provinces have perhaps been acquired, 
 purchased, or conquered, at the sole expense of the set- 
 tlers, or their ancestors: without the aid of the mother 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 305 
 
 country. If this should happen to increase her strength, 
 by their growing numbers, ready to join in her wars ; her 
 commerce, by their growing demand for her manufac- 
 tures ; or her naval power, by greater employment for 
 her ships and seamen, they may probably suppose some 
 merit in this, and that it entitles them to some favor ; you 
 are therefore to forget it all, or resent it, as if they had 
 done you injury. If they happen to be zealous whigs, 
 friends of liberty, nurtured in revolution principles, re- 
 member all that to their prejudice, and contrive to punish 
 it ; for such principles, after a revolution is thoroughly 
 established, are of no more use ; they are even odious and 
 abominable. 
 
 4. However peaceably your colonies have submitted 
 to your government, shown their affection to your inter- 
 ests, and patiently borne their grievances ; you are to 
 suppose them always inclined to revolt, and treat them ac- 
 cordingly. Quarter troops among them, who by their 
 insolence may provoke the rising of mobs, and by their 
 bullets and bayonets suppress them. By this means, like 
 the husband who uses his wife ill from suspicion, you may 
 in time convert your suspicions into realities. 
 
 5. Remote provinces must have governors and judges, 
 to represent the royal person, and execute everywhere the 
 delegated parts of his office and authority. You ministers 
 know, that much of the strength of government depends 
 on the opinion of the people ; and much of that opinion 
 on the choice of rulers \>\^ced immediately over them. If 
 you send them wise and good men for governors, who 
 study the interest of the colonists, and advance their pros- 
 perity ; they will think their King wise and good, and 
 that he wishes the welfare of his subjects. If you send 
 them learned and upright men for judges, they will think 
 him a lover of justice. This may attach your provinces 
 more to his government. You are therefore to be care- 
 ful whom you recommend to those offices. If you can 
 find prodigals, who have ruined their fortunes, broken 
 
 20 
 
3o6 FRANKLIN 
 
 gamesters or stockjobbers, these may do well as gover- 
 nors ; for they will probably be rapacious, and provoke 
 the people by their extortions. Wrangling proctors and 
 pettifogging lawyers, too, are not amiss ; for they will be 
 for ever disputing and quarrelling with their little Parlia- 
 ments. If withal they should be ignorant, wrongheaded, 
 and insolent, so much the better. Attorneys' clerks and 
 Newgate solicitors will do for chief justices, especially if 
 they hold their places during your pleasure ; and all will 
 contribute to impress those ideas of your government, 
 that are proper for a people you would wish to re- 
 nounce it. 
 
 6. To confirm these impressions, and strike them 
 deeper, whenever the injured come to the capital with 
 complaints of mal-administration, oppression, or injustice, 
 ptinish sjich suitors with long delay, enormous expense, and 
 a final judgment in favor of the oppressor. This will 
 have an admirable effect every way. The trouble of 
 future complaints will be prevented, and governors and 
 judges will be encouraged to farther acts of oppression 
 and injustice; and thence the people may become more 
 disaffected, and at length desperate. 
 
 7. When such governors have crammed their cofifers, 
 and made themselves so odious to the people that they 
 can no longer remain among them, with safety to their 
 persons, recall and reward them with pensions. You may 
 make them baronets too, if that respectable order should 
 not think fit to resent it. All will contribute to encourage 
 new governors in the same practice, and make the supreme 
 government detestable. 
 
 8. If, when you are engaged in war, your colonies 
 should vie in liberal aids of men and money against the 
 common enemy, upon your simple requisition, and give 
 far beyond their abilities, reflect that a penny taken from 
 them by your power is more honorable to you, than a 
 pound presented by their benevolence ; despise therefore 
 their voluntary grants, and resolve to harass them with 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 307 
 
 novel taxes. They will probably complain to your Parlia- 
 ment, that they are taxed by a body in which they have 
 no representative, and that this is contrary to common 
 right. They will petition for redress. Let the Parlia- 
 ment flout their claims, reject their petitions, refuse even 
 to suffer the reading of them, and treat the petitioners 
 with the utmost contempt. Nothing can have a better 
 effect in producing the alienation proposed ; for, though 
 many can forgive injuries, none ever forgave contempt. 
 
 9. In laying these taxes, never regard the heavy burdens 
 those remote people already undergo, in defending their 
 own frontiers, supporting their own provincial govern- 
 ment, making new roads, building bridges, churches, and 
 other public edifices ; which in old countries have been 
 done to your hands by 3'our ancestors, but which occasion 
 constant calls and demands on the purses of a new people. 
 Forget the restraint you lay on their trade for your own 
 benefit, and the advantage a monopoly of this trade gives 
 your exacting merchants. Think nothing of the wealth 
 those merchants and your manufacturers acquire by the 
 colony commerce ; their increased ability thereby to pay 
 taxes at home ; their accumulating, in the price of their 
 commodities, most of those taxes, and so levying them 
 from their consuming customers ; all this, and the employ- 
 ment and support of thousands of your poor by the colo- 
 nists, you are entirely to forget. But remember to make 
 your arbitrary tax more grievous to your provinces, by 
 public declarations importing that your power of taxing 
 them has no limits ; so that, when you take from them 
 without their consent a shilling in the pound, you have a 
 clear right to the other nineteen. This will probably 
 weaken every idea of security in their property, and con- 
 vince them, that under such a government they have 
 nothing they can call their own ; which can scarce fail of 
 producing the happiest consequences ! 
 
 10. Possibly, indeed, some of them might still comfort 
 themselves, and say, " Though we have no property, we 
 
3oS FRANKLIN 
 
 have yet somethings left that is valuable ; we have consti- 
 tutional liberty, both of person and of conscience. This King-, 
 these Lords, and these Commons, who it seems are too 
 remote from us to know us, and feel for us, cannot take 
 from us our Habeas Corpus right, or our right of trial by 
 a jury of our neighbours ; they cannot deprive us of the 
 exercise of our religion, alter our ecclesiastical constitu- 
 tion, and compel us to be Papists, if they please, or Mahom- 
 etans," To annihilate this comfort, begin by laws to per- 
 plex their commerce with infinite regulations, impossible 
 to be remembered and observed ; ordain seizures of their 
 property for every failure ; take away the trial of such 
 property by jury, and give it to arbitrary judges of your 
 own appointing, and of the lowest characters in the coun- 
 try, whose salaries and emoluments are to arise out of the 
 duties or condemnations, and whose appointments are 
 during pleasure. Then let there be a formal declaration 
 of both Houses, that opposition to your edicts is treason, 
 and that persons suspected of treason in the provinces 
 may, according to some obsolete law, be seized and sent 
 to the metropolis of the empire for trial ; and pass an act, 
 that those there charged with certain other offences, shall 
 be sent away in chains from their friends and country to 
 be tried in the same manner for felony. Then erect a 
 new court of Inquisition among them, accompanied by an 
 armed force, with instructions to transport all such sus- 
 pected persons ; to be ruined by the expense, if they bring 
 over evidences to prove their innocence, or be found 
 guilty and hanged, if they cannot afford it. And, lest the 
 people should think you cannot possibly go any farther, 
 pass another solemn declaratory act, " that King, Lords, 
 Commons had, have, and of right ought to have, full 
 power and authority to make statutes of sufficient force 
 and validity to bind the unrepresented provinces in all 
 cases ivhatsoevcry This will include spiritual with tem- 
 poral, and, taken together, must operate wonderfully to 
 your purpose ; by convincing them, that they are at pres- 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 309 
 
 ent under a power something like that spoken of in the 
 Scriptures, which can not only kill their bodies, but damn 
 their souls to all eternity, by compelling them, if it pleases, 
 to worship the Devil. 
 
 11. To make your taxes more odious, and more likely 
 to procure resistance, send from the capital a board of 
 officers to superintend the collection, composed of the most 
 indiscreet, ill-bred, and insolent you can find. Let these 
 have large salaries out of the extorted revenue, and live 
 in open, grating luxury upon the sweat and blood of the 
 industrious ; whom they are to worry continually with 
 groundless and expensive prosecutions before the above- 
 mentioned arbitrary revenue judges ; all at the cost of the 
 party prosecuted, though acquitted, because the King is 
 to pay no costs. Let these men, by your order, be exempted 
 from all the common taxes and burdens of the province, 
 though they and their property are protected by its laws. 
 If any revenue officers are suspected of the least tender- 
 ness for the people, discard them. If others are justly 
 complained of, protect and reward them. If any of the 
 under officers behave so as to provoke the people to drub 
 them, promote those to better offices ; this will encourage 
 others to procure for themselves such profitable drub- 
 bings, by multiplying and enlarging such provocations, 
 and all will work towards the end you aim at. 
 
 12. Another way to make your tax odious, is to mis- 
 apply the produce of it. If it was originally appropriated 
 for the defence of the provinces, and the better support of 
 government, and the administration of justice, where it 
 may be necessary ; then apply none of it to that defence ; 
 but bestow it where it is not necessary, in augmenting 
 salaries or pensions to every governor, who has distin- 
 guished himself by his enmity to the people, and by 
 calumniating them to their sovereign. This will make 
 them pay it more unwillingly, and be more apt to quarrel 
 with those that collect it and those that impose it ; who 
 will quarrel again with them ; and all shall contribute to 
 
3IO 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 your own purpose, of making them weary of your govern- 
 ment. 
 
 13. If the people of any province have been accus- 
 tomed to support their own governors and jiidges to satisfac- 
 tion, you are to apprehend that such governors and judges 
 may be thereby influenced to treat the people kindly, and 
 to do them justice. This is another reason for applying 
 part of that revenue in larger salaries to such governors 
 and judges, given, as their commissions are, during your 
 pleasure only ; forbidding them to take any salaries from 
 their provinces; that thus the people may no longer hope 
 any kindness from their governors, or (in crown cases) any 
 justice from their judges. And, as the money thus mis- 
 applied in one province is extorted from all, probably all 
 will resent the misapplication. 
 
 14. If the Parliaments of your provinces should dare 
 to claim rights, or complain of your administration, order 
 them to be harassed with repeated dissolutions. If the same 
 men are continually returned by new elections, adjourn 
 their meetings to some country village, where they can- 
 not be accommodated, and there keep them during pleas- 
 ure ; for this, you know, is your prerogative ; and an 
 excellent one it is, as you may manage it to promote dis- 
 contents among the people, diminish their respect, and in- 
 crease their disaffection. 
 
 15. Convert the brave, honest ofificers of your navy into 
 pimping tide-waiters and colony officers of the ctistoms. 
 Let those, who in time of war fought gallantly in defence 
 of the commerce of their countrymen, in peace be taught 
 to prey upon it. Let them learn to be corrupted by great 
 and real smugglers; but (to show their diligence) scour 
 with armed boats every bay, harbour, river, creek, cove, 
 or nook throughout the coast of your colonies ; stop and 
 detain every coaster, every wood-boat, every fisherman ; 
 tumble their cargoes and even their ballast inside out and 
 upside down ; and, if a pennyworth of pins is found un- 
 entered, let the whole be seized and confiscated. Thus 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 311 
 
 shall the trade of your colonists suffer more from their 
 friends in time of peace, than it did from their enemies in 
 war. Then let these boats' crews land upon every farm 
 in their way, rob their orchards, steal their pigs and poul- 
 try, and insult the inhabitants. If the injured and exas- 
 perated farmers, unable to procure other justice, should 
 attack the aggressors, drub them, and burn their boats ; 
 you are to call this high treason and rebellion, order fleets 
 and armies into their country, and threaten to carry all 
 the offenders three thousand miles to be hanged, drawn, 
 and quartered. O ! this will work admirably ! 
 
 16. If you are told of discontents in your colonies, never 
 believe that they are general, or that you have given occa- 
 sion for them ; therefore do not think of applying any 
 remedy, or of changing any offensive measure. Redress 
 no grievance, lest they should be encouraged to demand 
 the redress of some other grievance. Grant no request 
 that is just and reasonable, lest they should make another 
 that is unreasonable. Take all your informations of the 
 state of the colonies from your governors and officers in 
 enmity with them. Encourage and reward these leasing- 
 makers; secrete their lying accusations, lest they should 
 be confuted; but act upon them as the clearest evidence; 
 and believe nothing you hear from the friends of the peo- 
 ple. Suppose all their complaints to be invented and pro- 
 moted by a few factious demagogues, whom if you could 
 catch and hang, all would be quiet. Catch and hang a 
 few of them accordingly ; and the blood of the martyrs 
 shall work miracles in favor of your purpose. 
 
 17. If you see rival nations rejoicing at the prospect of 
 your disunion with your provinces, and endeavouring to 
 promote it; if they translate, publish, and applaud all the 
 complaints of your discontented colonists, at the same 
 time privately stimulating you to severer measures, let 
 not that offend you. Why should it, since you all mean 
 the same thing ? 
 
 18. If any colony should at their own charge erect a 
 
212 FRANKLIN 
 
 fortress to secure their port against the fleets of a foreign 
 enemy, get your governor to betray that fortress into your 
 hands. Never think of paying what it cost the country, 
 for that would look, at least, like some regard for justice ; 
 but turn it into a citadel to awe the inhabitants and curb 
 their commerce. If they should have lodged in such for- 
 tress the very arms they bought and used to aid you in 
 your conquests, seize them all ; it will provoke, like in- 
 gratitude added to robbery. One admirable effect of these 
 operations will be, to discourage every other colony from 
 erecting such defences, and so their and your enemies 
 may more easily invade them ; to the great disgrace of 
 your government, and of course the furtherance of your 
 project. 
 
 19. Send armies into their country under pretence of 
 protecting the inhabitants ; but, instead of garrisoning 
 the forts on their frontiers with those troops, to pre- 
 vent incursions, demolish those forts, and order the 
 troops into the heart of the country, that the savages 
 may be encouraged to attack the frontiers, and that the 
 troops may be protected by the inhabitants. This will 
 seem to proceed from your /'// zvill or your ignorajice, 
 and contribute farther to produce and strengthen an 
 opinion among them, that you are no longer fit to govern 
 them. 
 
 20. Lastly, invest the general of your army in the prov- 
 mces, with great and unconstitutional powers, and free 
 him from the control of even your own civil governors. 
 Let him have troops enough under his command, with all 
 the fortresses in his possession ; and who knows but (like 
 some provincial generals in the Roman empire, and en- 
 couraged by the universal discontent you have produced) 
 he may take it into his head to set up for himself? If he 
 should, and you have carefully practised the few excellent 
 rules of mine, take my word for it, all the provinces will 
 immediately join him ; and you will that day (if you have 
 not done it sooner) get rid of the trouble of governing 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 313 
 
 them, and all the plagues attending their commerce and 
 connexion from thenceforth and forever. 
 
 Q. E. D. 
 
 ON A PROPOSED ACT OF PARLIAMENT FOR 
 PREVENTING EMIGRATION 
 
 To the Printer of the " Public Advertiser " 
 
 Sir: You give us in your paper of Tuesday, the i6th 
 of November, what is called "The Plan of an Act to be 
 proposed at the next Meeting of Parliament, to prevent 
 the Emigration of our People." I know not from what 
 authority it comes ; but, as it is very circumstantial, I sup- 
 pose some such plan may be really under consideration, 
 and that this is thrown out to feel the pulse of the public. 
 I shall therefore, with your leave, give my sentiments of 
 it in your paper. 
 
 During a century and a half that Englishmen have 
 been at liberty to remove if they pleased to America, we 
 have heard of no law to restrain that liberty, and confine 
 them as prisoners in this Island. Nor do we perceive any 
 ill effects produced by their emigration. Our estates, far 
 from diminishing in value through a want of tenants, have 
 been in that period more than doubled ; the lands in gen- 
 eral are better cultivated ; their increased produce finds a 
 ready sale at an advanced price ; and the complaint has 
 been for some time not that we want mouths to consume 
 our meat, but that we want meat for our number of 
 mouths. . . . 
 
 Why then is such a restraining law w^zc; thought neces- 
 sary ? A paragraph in the same paper from the " Edin- 
 burgh Courant," may perhaps throw some light upon this 
 question. We are there told, " that one thousand five 
 hundred people have emigrated to the shores of America 
 from the shire of Sutherland within these two years, and 
 carried with them seven thousand five hundred pounds 
 sterling, which exceeds a year's rent of the whole coun- 
 ty ; that the single consideration of the misery which most 
 
314 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 of these people must suffers America, independent of the 
 loss of men and money to the mother country, should en- 
 gage the attention, not only of the landed interest, but of 
 administration^ The humane writer of this paragraph 
 may, I fancy, console himself with the reflection, that per- 
 haps the apprehended future sufferings of those emigrants 
 will never exist ; for that it was probably the authentic 
 accounts they had received from friends already settled 
 there, of the felicity to be enjoyed in that country, with a 
 thorough knowlege of their own misery at home, which 
 induced their removal. And, as a politician, he may be 
 comforted by assuring himself, that, if they really meet 
 with greater misery in America, their future letters la- 
 menting it, will be more credited than the " Edinburgh 
 Courant,"and effectually, without a law, put a stop to the 
 emigration. It seems some of the Scottish chiefs, who 
 delight no longer to live upon their estates in the honor- 
 able independence they were born to, among their respect- 
 ing tenants, but choose rather a life of luxury, though 
 among the dependents of a court, have lately raised their 
 rents most grievously, to support the expense. The con- 
 suming of those rents in London, though equally prejudi- 
 cial to the poor county of Sutherland, no Edinburgh 
 newspaper complains of; but now, that the oppressed 
 tenants take flight, and carry with them what might have 
 supported the London landlord's magnificence, he begins 
 X.O feci for the Mother Country, and its enormous loss of 
 seven thousand five hundred pounds carried to her colo- 
 nies ! Administration is called upon to remedy the evil, 
 by another abridgment of English Liberty. And surely 
 administration should do something for these gentry, as 
 they do anything for administration. 
 
 But is there not an easier remedy ? Let them return 
 to their family seats, live among their people, and, instead 
 of fleecing and skinning, patronize and cherish them ; pro- 
 mote their interest, encourage their industry, and make 
 their situation comfortable. If the poor folks are happier 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 315 
 
 at home than they can be abroad, they will not lightly be 
 prevailed with to cross the ocean. But can their lord 
 blame them for leaving home in search of better living, 
 when he first set them the example? 
 I would consider the proposed law, 
 
 1st. As to the NECESSITY of it 
 
 If any country has more people than can be comfort- 
 ably subsisted in it, some of those who are incommoded 
 may be induced to emigrate. As long as the new situa- 
 tion shall he far preferable to the old, the emigration may 
 possibly continue. But when many of those who at home 
 interfered with others of the same rank (in the competition 
 for farms, shops, business, offices, and other means of sub- 
 sistence) are gradually withdrawn, the inconvenience of 
 that competition ceases ; the number remaining no longer 
 half starve each other; they find they can now subsist 
 comfortably, and though perhaps not quite so well as 
 those who have left them, yet, the inbred attachment to 
 a native country is sufficient to overbalance a moderate 
 difference ; and thus the emigration ceases naturally. The 
 waters of the ocean may move in currents from one quar- 
 ter of the globe to another, as they happen in some cases 
 to be accumulated, and in others diminished ; but no law, 
 beyond the law of gravity, is necessary to prevent their 
 abandoning any coast entirely. Thus the different de- 
 grees of happiness of different countries and situations 
 find, or rather make, their level by the flowing of people 
 from one to another ; and where that level is once found, 
 the removals cease. Add to this, that even a real defi- 
 ciency of people in any country, occasioned by a wasting 
 war or pestilence, is speedily supplied by earlier and more 
 prolific marriages, encouraged by the greater facility of 
 obtaining the means of subsistence. So that a country 
 half depopulated would soon be re-peopled, till the means 
 of subsistence were equalled by the population. All in- 
 crease beyond that point must perish, or flow off into 
 
3i6 FRANKLIN 
 
 more favorable situations. Such overflowings there have 
 been of mankind in all ages, or we should not now have 
 had so many nations. But to apprehend absolute depopu- 
 lation from that cause, and call for a law to prevent it, is 
 calling for a law to stop the Thames, lest its waters, by 
 what leave it daily at Gravesend, should be quite ex- 
 hausted. Such a law, therefore, I do not conceive to 
 be Necessary. 
 
 2dly. As to the PRACTICABILITY 
 
 When I consider the attempts of this kind that have 
 been made, first in the time of Archbishop Laud, by orders 
 of Council, to stop the Puritans who were flying from his 
 persecutions into New England, and next by Louis the 
 Fourteenth, to retain in his kingdom the persecuted Hu- 
 guenots ; and how ineffectual all the power of our crown, 
 with which the Archbishop armed himself, and all the 
 more absolute power of that great French monarch, were 
 to obtain the end for which they were exerted ; and when 
 I consider, too, the extent of coast to be guarded, and the 
 multitude of cruisers necessary effectually to make a prison 
 of the Island for this confinement of free Englishmen, who 
 naturally love liberty, and would probably by the very 
 restraint be more stimulated to break through it ; I can- 
 not but think such a law impracticable. The offices 
 would not be applied to for licenses, the ports would 
 not be used for embarkation. And yet the people dis- 
 posed to leave us, would, as the Puritans did, get away 
 by shipfuls. 
 
 ■^dly. As to the POLICY of the Law 
 
 Since I have shown there is no danger of depopulating 
 Britain but that the place of those that depart will soon 
 be filled up equal to the means of obtaining a livelihood, 
 let us see whether there are not some general advantages 
 to be expected from the present emigration. The new 
 settlers in America finding plenty of subsistence, and land 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 317 
 
 easily acquired whereon to seat their children, seldom 
 postpone marriage through fear of poverty. Their 
 natural increase is therefore in proportion far beyond 
 what it would have been, if they had remained here. New 
 farms are daily everywhere forming in those immense 
 forests ; new towns and villages rising ; hence a growing 
 demand for our merchandise, to the greater employment 
 of our manufacturers, and the enriching of our merchants. 
 By this natural increase of the people, the strength of the 
 empire is increased ; men are multiplied, out of whom 
 new armies may be formed on occasion, or the old 
 recruited. The long extended sea coast, too, of that vast 
 country, the great maritime commerce of its ports with 
 each other, its many navigable rivers and lakes, and its 
 plentiful fisheries, breed multitudes of seamen, besides 
 those created and supported by its voyages to Europe ; a 
 thriving nursery this, for the manning of our fleets in time 
 of war, and maintaining our importance among foreign 
 nations by that navy, which is also our best security 
 against invasions from our enemies. An extension of 
 empire by conquest of inhabited countries is not so easily 
 obtained, it is not so easily secured ; it alarms more the 
 neighboring states ; it is more subject to revolts, and more 
 apt to occasion new wars. 
 
 The increase of dominion by colonies proceeding from 
 yourselves, and by the natural growth of your own people, 
 cannot be complained of by your neighbors as an injury ; 
 none have a right to be offended with it. Your new 
 possessions are therefore more secure, they are more 
 cheaply gained, they are attached to your nation by 
 natural alliance and affection ; and thus they afford an 
 additional strength more certainly to be depended on, 
 than any that can be acquired by a conquering power, 
 though at an immense expense of blood and treasure. 
 These, methinks, are national advantages, that more than 
 equiponderate with the inconvenience suffered by a few 
 Scotch or Irish landlords, who perhaps may find it neces- 
 
3i8 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 sary to abate a little of their present luxury, or of those 
 advanced rents they now so unfeelingly demand. From 
 these considerations, I think I may conclude, that the re- 
 straining law proposed would, if practicable, be IMPOLITIC. 
 
 A,thly. As to the JUSTICE of it 
 
 I apprehend that every Briton, who is made unhappy 
 at home, has a right to remove from any part of his King's 
 dominions into those of any other prince, where he can be 
 happier. If this should be denied me, at least it will be 
 allowed that he has a right to remove into any other part 
 of the same dominions. For by this right so many Scotch- 
 men remove into England, easing their own country of 
 its supernumeraries, and benefiting ours by their industry. 
 And this is the case with those who go to America. Will 
 not these Scottish lairds be satisfied unless a law passes 
 to pin down all tenants to the estate they are born on, 
 {adscript glebes), to be bought and sold with it ? God has 
 given to the beasts of the forest, and the birds of the air, 
 a right, when their subsistence fails in one country, to 
 migrate to another, where they can get a more comfort- 
 able living; and shall man be denied a privilege enjoyed 
 by brutes, merely to gratify a few avaricious landlords ? 
 Must misery be made permanent and suffered by niajiy for 
 the emolument of one ; while the increase of human beings 
 is prevented, and thousands of their offspring stifled as it 
 were, in their birth, that this petty Pharaoh may enjoy an 
 excess of opulence? God commands to increase and 
 replenish the earth ; the proposed law would forbid 
 increasing, and confine Britons to their present number, 
 keeping half that number too in wretchedness. The 
 common people of Britain and of Ireland contributed by 
 the taxes they paid, and by the blood they lost, to the 
 success of that war, which brought into our hands the 
 vast unpeopled territories of North America ; a country 
 favored by Heaven with all the advantages of climate and 
 soil. Germans are now pouring into it, to take possession 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 319 
 
 of it, and fill it with their posterity ; and shall Britons 
 and Irelanders, who have a much better right to it, 
 be forbidden a share of it, and, instead of enjoying- 
 there the happiness and plenty that might reward their 
 industry, be compelled to remain here in poverty and 
 misery ? Considerations such as these persuade me, 
 that the proposed law would be both UNJUST and inhu- 
 man. 
 
 If then it is tuinecessary, impracticable, impolitic, and 
 unjust, I hope our Parliament will never receive the bill, 
 but leave landlords to their own remedy, an abatement of 
 rents, and frugality of living ; and leave the liberties of 
 Britons and Irishmen at least as extensive as it found 
 them. I am. Sir, yours, &c. 
 
 A Friend to the Poor. 
 
 DR. franklin on METHODS OF SWIMMING 
 To Monsieur Dubourg, 1763 
 
 When I was a boy, I made two oval palettes, each 
 about ten inches long, and six broad, with a hole for the 
 thumb, in order to retain it fast in the palm of my hand. 
 They much resembled a painter's palettes. In swimming 
 I pushed the edges of these forward, and I struck the 
 water with their flat surfaces, as I drew them back. I 
 remember I swam faster by means of these palettes, but 
 they fatigued my wrists. I also fitted to the soles of my 
 feet a kind of sandals ; but I was not satisfied with them, 
 because I observed that the stroke is partly given by the 
 inside of the feet and the ancles, and not entirely with 
 the soles of the feet. . . , 
 
 I know by experience, that it is a great comfort to a 
 swimmer, who has a considerable distance to go, to turn 
 himself sometimes on his back, and to vary in other re- 
 spects the means of procuring a progressive motion. 
 
 When he is seized with the cramp in the leg, the 
 method of driving it away is, to give the parts affected a 
 
320 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 sudden, vigorous, and violent shock ; which he may do in 
 the air as he swims on his back. 
 
 During the great heats of summer there is no danger 
 in bathing, however warm we may be, in rivers which 
 have been thoroughly warmed by the sun. But to throw 
 one's self into cold spring-water, when the body has been 
 heated by exercise in the sun, is an imprudence which 
 may prove fatal. I once knew an instance of four young 
 men who, having worked at harvest in the heat of the 
 day, with a view of refreshing themselves plunged into a 
 stream of cold water; two died upon the spot, a third the 
 next morning, and the fourth recovered with great dif- 
 ficulty. A copious draught of cold water, in similar cir- 
 cumstances, is frequently attended with the same effect 
 in North America. 
 
 The exercise of swimming is one of the most healthy 
 and agreeable in the world. After having swam for an 
 hour or two in the evening, one sleeps coolly the whole 
 night, even during the most ardent heat of summer. Per- 
 haps, the pores being cleansed, the insensible perspiration 
 increases and occasions this coolness. It is certain that 
 much swimming is the means of stopping a diarrhoea, and 
 even of producing a constipation. . . . 
 
 You will not be displeased if I conclude these hasty 
 remarks by informing you, that as the ordinary method 
 of swimming is reduced to the act of rowing with the 
 arms and legs, and is consequently a laborious and fatigu- 
 ing operation when the space of water to be crossed is 
 considerable ; there is a method in which a swimmer may 
 pass to great distances with much facility, by means of 
 a sail. This discovery I fortunately made by accident, 
 and in the following manner. When I was a boy I 
 amused myself one day with flying a paper kite ; and ap- 
 proaching the bank of a pond, which was near a mile 
 broad, I tied the string to a stake, and the kite ascended 
 to a very considerable height above the pond, while I 
 was swimming. In a little time, being desirous of amus- 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 321 
 
 ing myself with my kite, and enjoying at the same time 
 the pleasure of swimming, I returned ; and loosing from 
 the stake the string with the little stick which was fast- 
 ened to it, went again into the water, where I found, that, 
 lying on my back and holding the stick in my hands, I 
 was drawn along the surface of the water in a very agree- 
 able manner. Having then engaged another boy to carry 
 my clothes around the pond, to a place which I pointed 
 out to him on the other side, I began to cross the pond 
 with my kite, which carried me quite over without the 
 least fatigue, and with the greatest pleasure imaginable. 
 I was only obliged occasionally to halt a little in my 
 course, and resist its progress, when it appeared that, by 
 following too quick, I lowered the kite too much ; by 
 doing which occasionally I made it rise again. I have 
 never since that time practiced this singular mode of 
 swimming, though I think it not impossible to cross in 
 this manner from Dover to Calais. The packet-boat, 
 however, is still preferable. B. Franklin. 
 
 Immediately after the proceeding's before the privy council, Dr. 
 Franklin was dismissed from the office of deputy postmaster-general, 
 which he had held under the crown. It was not only by the transmis- 
 sion of the letters of Governor Bernard and Lieutenant-Governor Hutch- 
 inson that he had given offence to the British ministry, but by his popular 
 writings in favor of America. 
 
 Dr. Franklin, at this momentous period, was unceasing in his en- 
 deavors to induce the British Government to change its measures with 
 respect to the colonies. In private conversations, in letters to persons 
 connected with government, and in writings in the public prints, he con- 
 tinually expatiated upon the impolicy and injustice of its conduct toward 
 America ; and stated in the most energetic manner, that notwithstanding 
 the sincere attachment of the colonists to the mother country, a continu- 
 ance of ill-treatment must ultimately alienate their affections. The min- 
 isters listened not to his advice and solemn warnings ; they blindly perse- 
 vered in their own schemes, and left to the Americans no alternative but 
 opposition or unconditional submission. 
 
 Dr. Franklin, thus finding all his efforts to .estore harmony between 
 Great Britain and her colonies ineffectual, and being looked upon by Gov- 
 ernment with a jealous eye, who, it was said, entertained some thoughts 
 ai 
 
322 FRANKLIN 
 
 of arresting him. under the pretense of his having fomented a rebellion in 
 the colonies (of which he received private intimation), determined on im- 
 mediately returning to America, and to this effect embarked from Eng- 
 land in March, 1775. 
 
 During his homeward voyage he drew up a clear statement of such 
 interviews ar.d negotiations as he had had with members of the Govern- 
 ment, as well as with friends of America in public life. From this paper 
 the following extract is taken : 
 
 I had promised Lord Chatham to communicate to him 
 the first important news I should receive from America. 
 I therefore sent him the proceedings of the Congress as 
 soon as I received them. 
 
 On Mondav the 26th, I got out, and was there about 
 one o'clock ; he received me with an affectionate kind of 
 respect, that from so great a man was extremely engag- 
 ing ; but the opinion he expressed of the Congress was 
 still more so. They had acted, he said, with so much 
 temper, moderation, and wisdom, that he thought it the 
 most honorable assembly of statesmen since those of the 
 ancient Greeks and Romans, in the most virtuous times. 
 He thought the petition decent, manly, and properly ex- 
 pressed. He inquired much, and particularlv concerning 
 the state of America, the probabilit)^ of their persever- 
 ance, the difficulties they must meet with in adhering 
 for any long time to their resolutions, the resources they 
 might have to supply the deficiencies of commerce ; to 
 all which I gave him answers with which he seemed well 
 satisfied. 
 
 He expressed a great regard and warm affection for 
 that country, with hearty wishes for their prosperitv ; 
 and that government here might soon come to see its 
 mistakes, and rectifv them ; and intimated that he might, 
 if his health permitted, prepare something for its con- 
 sideration when the Parliament should meet after the 
 holidavs ; on which he should wish to have previously my 
 sentiments. I mentioned to him the very hazardous state 
 I conceived we were in. bv the continuance of the army 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 323 
 
 in Boston ; that the army could not possibly answer any 
 good purpose there, and might be infinitely mischievous ; 
 that no accommodation could properly be proposed and 
 entered into by the Americans, while the bayonet was at 
 their breasts ; that to have any agreement binding, all force 
 should be withdrawn. His lordship seemed to think that 
 these sentiments had something in them that was reason- 
 able. 
 
 Upon another occasion, in an interview with Dr. Fothergill, a sin- 
 cere friend to Anierici, Dr. Franklin tlms records a part of the conversation : 
 
 We had not at this time a great deal of conversation 
 upon these points ; for I shortened it by observing, that 
 while the Parliament claimed and exercised a power of 
 altering our constitutions at pleasure, there could be no 
 agreement ; for we were rendered unsafe in every privi- 
 lege we had a right to, and were secure in nothing. And 
 it being hinted how necessary an agreement was for 
 America, since it was so easy for Britain to burn all our 
 seaport towns, I grew warm, said that the chief part of 
 my little property consisted of houses in those towns ; 
 that they might make bonfires of them' whenever they 
 pleased ; that the fear of losing them would never alter 
 my resolution to resist to the last that claim of Parliament ; 
 and that it behoved this country to take care what mis- 
 chief it did us ; for that sooner or later it would certainly 
 be obliged to make good all damages with interest. 
 
 RETURN TO PHILADELPHIA, MAY. 1775 
 
 After a very pleasant passage of about six weeks, Dr. Franklin arrived 
 at the Capes of Delaware, was landed at Chester, and thence proceeded by 
 land to Philadelpliia. where every mark of respect, attachment, and ven- 
 eration was shown hini by his fellow-citizens ; and the very day after his 
 arrival he was elected by the Legislature of Pennsylvania a delegate to 
 Congress. In short, his public services met with the most flattering re- 
 wards that a patriot could possibly desire. 
 
 Shortly after his arrival, he thus notices the then existing state of the 
 colonies, in a letter of May i6th, 1775, to a friend in London : 
 
324 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 You will have heard before this reaches you, of a 
 march stolen by the British troops into the country at 
 night, and of their expedition back again. They retreated 
 twenty miles in six hours. ' 
 
 The Governor of Massachusetts had called the Assem- 
 bly to propose Lord North's pacific plan ; but before the 
 time of their meeting, began cutting of throats ; you know 
 it was said he carried the sword in one hand, and the olive 
 braneh in the other ; and it seems he chose to gfive them a 
 taste of the sivord first. He is doubling his fortifications 
 at Boston, and hopes to secure his troops till succor 
 arrives. The place, indeed, is naturally so defensible, 
 that I think them in no danger. 
 
 All America is exasperated by his conduct, and more 
 firmly united than ever. The breach between the two 
 countries is grown wider, and in danger of becoming 
 irreparable. 
 
 The following letter was written soon after the first blood of the 
 Revolution had been shed at Lexington aiid Bunker Hill : 
 
 Philadelphia, 5 July, 1775. 
 
 Mr. Straiian : You are a Member of Parliament, and 
 one of that majority which has doomed my country to 
 destruction. You have begun to burn our towns, and 
 murder our people. Look upon your hands, they are 
 stained with the blood of vour relations ! You and I were 
 long friends ; you are now my enemy, and I am, 
 
 Yours, 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 TO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY 
 
 Philadelphia, 7 July, 1775. 
 
 The Congress met at a time when all minds were so 
 exasperated by the perfidy of General Gage, and his 
 attack on the countrv people, that propositions for attempt- 
 ing an accommodation were not much relished ; and it 
 
 • This was the Lexington skirmish, April 19th, 1775. — A. R. S. 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 325 
 
 has been with difficulty that we have carried in that 
 assembly another humble petition to the crown, to give 
 Britain one more chance, one opportunity more, of recov- 
 ering the friendship of the colonies ; which, however, I 
 think she has not sense enough to embrace, and so I con- 
 elude she has lost them for ever. 
 
 She has begun to burn our seaport towns ; secure, I 
 suppose, that we shall never be able to return the outrage 
 in kind. She may doubtless destroy them all ; but, if she 
 wishes to recover our commerce, are these the probable 
 means? She must certainly be distracted ; for no trades- 
 man out of Bedlam ever thought of increasing the number 
 of his customers, by knocking them on the head ; or of 
 enabling them to pay their debts, by burning their houses. 
 If she wishes to have us subjects, and that we should sub- 
 mit to her as our compound sovereign, she is now giving 
 us such miserable specimens of her government, that we 
 shall ever detest and avoid it, as a complication of robbery, 
 murder, famine, fire, and pestilence. 
 
 You will have heard before this reaches you, of the 
 treacherous conduct of General Gage to the remaining 
 people in Boston, in detaining their goods, after stipulating 
 to let them go out with their effects, on pretence that 
 merchants' goods were not effects ; the defeat of a great 
 body of his troops by the country people at Lexington ; 
 some other small advantages gained in skirmishes with 
 their troops; and the action at Bunker's Hill, in which 
 they were twice repulsed, and the third time gained a dear 
 victory. Enough has happened, one would think, to con- 
 vince your ministers, that the Americans will fight, and 
 that this is a harder nut to crack than they imagined. 
 
 We have not yet applied to any foreign power for 
 assistance, nor offered our commerce for their friendship. 
 Perhaps we never may ; yet it is natural to think of it, if 
 we are pressed. We have now an army on the establish- 
 ment, which still holds yours besieged. My time was 
 never more fully employed. In the morning at six, I am 
 
326 FRANKLIN 
 
 at the Committee of Safety, appointed by the Assembly to 
 put the province in a state of defence ; which committee 
 holds till near nine, when I am at the Congress, and that 
 sits till after four in the afternoon. Both these bodies pro- 
 ceed with the greatest unanimity, and their meetings are 
 well attended. It will scarce be credited in Britain, that 
 men can be as diligent with us from zeal for the public 
 good, as with you for thousands per annum. Such is the 
 difference between uncorrupted new states, and corrupted 
 old ones. 
 
 Great frugality and great industry are now become 
 fashionable here. Gentlemen, who used to entertain with 
 two or three courses, pride themselves now in treating 
 with simple beef and pudding. By these means, and the 
 stoppage of our consumptive trade with Britain, we shall 
 be better able to pay our voluntary taxes for the support 
 of our troops. Our savings in the article of trade amount 
 to near five million sterling per annum. Believe me 
 ever, &c. B. Franklin. 
 
 In October, 1775, ^^- Franklin was appointed by Cong-ress, jointly 
 with his colleagues. Colonel Harrison and Mr. Lynch, a committee to 
 visit the American camp at Cambridge, and, in conjunction with the com- 
 mander-in-chief (General Washington), to endeavour to convince the 
 troops, whose term of enlistment was about to expire, of the necessity of 
 their continuing in the field and persevering in the cause of their coun- 
 try. He was afterward sent on a mission to Canada, to endeavour to 
 unite that country to the common cause of liberty. But the Canadians 
 could not be prevailed upon to oppose the measures of the British Gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 It was on the fourth day of July, 1776, that the thirteen English colo- 
 nies in America declared themselves free and independent states, and by 
 an act of Congress abjured all allegiance to the British crown, and re- 
 nounced all political connection with Great Britain. In the beginning of 
 1776, an act of the British Parliament passed, to prohibit and restrain, on 
 the one hand, the trade and intercourse of the refractory colonies, respec- 
 tively, during their revolt ; and, on the other hand, to enable persons ap- 
 pointed by the British king to grant pardons, and declare any particular 
 district in the king's peace, etc. Lord Howe (who had been previously 
 appointed commander of the British fleet in North America) was on 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 327 
 
 May 3 AtcXsirtdijomt commissioner W\\.\\ his brother. General Howe, for 
 the latter purposes of the act. Lord Howe took occasion to publish 
 everywhere that he had proposals to make on the part of Great Britain 
 tending io peace and reconciliation, and that he was ready to communi- 
 cate them. The Congress were of opinion that the admiral could have 
 no terms to offer but such as the act of Parliament empowered him to 
 offer, which were pardon upon submission ; yet, as the people might 
 imagine more, and be uneasy if he were not heard, they appointed three 
 of their body — Messrs. Franklin, Adams, and Rutledge — to meet him. 
 He seemed to have flattered himself that the Congress, humbled by their 
 late losses, would have been submissive and compliant. He found him- 
 self mistaken. The committee told him firmly that if he had nothing else 
 to propose he was come too late ; the humble petitions of Congress had 
 been rejected with contempt, independence was now declared, and the 
 new government formed. And when, in cajoling them, he expressed his 
 " affection for America, his concern in viewing her dangerous situation, 
 and said that to see her fall would give him the same pain as to see a 
 brother fall," they answered that it was kind, but America would en- 
 deavour to spare him that pain. They returned and reported the confer- 
 ence to Congress, who published it, and the people were satisfied that 
 they had no safety to expect but in arms. 
 
 Dr. Franklin, who had known Lord Howe in London, received from 
 his lordship, on occasion of this embassy, a conciliatory letter, assuring 
 him of his personal regard, to which Franklin replied as follows : 
 
 TO LORD HOWE 
 
 Philadelphia, July 20, 1776. 
 
 My Lord : I received safe the letters your lordship 
 so kindly forwarded to me, and beg you to accept my 
 thanks. The official dispatches to which you refer me 
 contain nothing more than what we had seen in the act 
 of Parliament, viz. offers of pardon upon submission 
 which I am sorry to find, as it must give your lordship 
 pain to be sent so far on so hopeless a business. Direct- 
 ing pardons to be offered to the colonies, who are the 
 very parties injured, expresses indeed that opinion of our 
 ignorance, baseness, and insensibility, which your unin. 
 formed and proud nation has long been pleased to enter- 
 tain of us ; but it can have no other effect than that of 
 increasing our resentment. It is impossible we should 
 
^.>S FRANKLIN 
 
 think of submission to a government that has with a most 
 wanton barbarity and cruelty burnt our defenceless 
 towns in the midst of winter, excited the savages to mas- 
 sacre our farmers, and our slaves to murder their masters, 
 aiul is even now bringing foreign mercenaries to deluge 
 our settlements with blood. These atrocious injuries 
 have extinguished everv remaining spark of atTection for 
 that parent country we once held so dear ; but were it 
 possible for us to forget and forgive them, it is not pos- 
 sible for you {{ mean the British nation^ to forgive the 
 people vou haye so hoayilv injured : vou can never con- 
 hde again in those as tellow subjects, and permit them to 
 enjoy equal freedom, to whom vou know you have given 
 such just cause of lasting enmity. And this must compel 
 vou. were we again under your government, to endeavor 
 the breaking our spirit by the severest tyranny, and ob- 
 structing by every means in your power, our growing 
 strength and prosperity. 
 
 But vour lordship mentions '* the king's paternal solici- 
 tude for promoting the establishment of lasting /^iw^ and 
 union with the colonies," If by peace is here meant a 
 peace to be entered into between Britain and America, as 
 distinct states now at war. and his majesty has given vour 
 lordship powers to treat with us of such a peace, I may 
 venture to sav. though without authority, that I think a 
 treatv for that purpose not quite impracticable, before we 
 enter into foreign alliances. But 1 am persuaded vou have 
 no such powers. Your nation, though bv punishing those 
 American governors who have created and fomented the 
 discord, rebuilding our burnt towns and repairing as far as 
 possible the mischiefs done us. might vet recover a great 
 share of our regard, and the greatest part of our growing 
 commerce, with all the advantage of that additional 
 strength to be derived from a friendship with us ; but I 
 know too well her abounding pride and deficient wisdom, 
 to believe she will ever take such salutary measures. 
 Her fondness for conquest as a warlike nation, her lust 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESrONDENCE 
 
 329 
 
 for dominion as an ambitious one, and her thirst for a gain- 
 ful monopoly as a commercial one (none of them legiti- 
 mate causes of war) will all join to hide from her eyes 
 every view of her true interests, and continually goad her 
 on in those ruinous distant expeditions, so destructive 
 both of lives and treasure, that must prove as pernicious 
 to her in the end as the croisades formerly were to most 
 of the nations of Europe. 
 
 1 have not the vanity, my lord, to think of intimidat- 
 ing by thus predicting the elTects of this war; for I know 
 it will in England have the fate of all mv former predic- 
 tions, not to be believed till the event shall verify it. 
 
 Long did 1 endeavor, with unfeigned and unwearied 
 zeal, to preserve from breaking that fine and noble China 
 vase, the British empire : for I knew that being once 
 broken, the separate parts could not retain even their 
 share of the strength or value that existed in the whole. 
 and that a perfect reunion of those parts could scarce 
 ever be hoped for. Your lordship may possibly remem- 
 ber the tears of joy that wet my cheek, when, at your 
 good sister's in London, you once gave me expectations 
 that a reconciliation might soon take place. I had the 
 misfortune to find those expectations disappointed, and 
 to be treated as the cause of the mischief I was laborins: 
 to prevent, Mv consolation under that groundless and 
 malevolent treatment was. that I retained the friendship 
 of many wise and good men in that countrv. and among 
 the rest, some share in the regard of Lord Howe. 
 
 The well-tounded esteem, and permit me to say. affec- 
 tion, which 1 shall alwavs have for vour lordship, makes 
 it painful to me to see you engaged in conducting a war, 
 the great ground of which, as expressed in your letter, is 
 " the necessity of preventing the American trade from 
 passing into foreign channels." To me it seems that 
 neither the obtaining or retaining of anv trade, how valu- 
 able soever, is an object for which men mav justly spill 
 each other's blood ; that the true and sure means of ex- 
 
330 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 tending and securing commerce, is the goodness and 
 cheapness of commodities ; and that the profit of no trade 
 can ever be equal to the expense of compelling it, and of 
 holding it by fieets and armies. 
 
 I consider this war against us, therefore, as both unjust 
 and unwise ; and I am persuaded that cool dispassionate 
 posterity, will condemn to infamy those who advised it ; 
 and that even success will not save from some degree of 
 dishonor, those who voluntarily engaged to conduct it. 
 
 I know your great motive of coming hither was the 
 hope of being instrumental in a reconciliation ; and I be- 
 lieve when you find that impossible on any terms given 
 you to propose, you will relinquish so odious a command, 
 and return to a more honorable private station. 
 
 With the greatest and most sincere respect, I have 
 the honor to be, my Lord, your lordship's most obedient 
 humble servant, B. Franklin. 
 
 A convention was assembled at Philadelphia, in July, 1776, for the 
 purpose of settling a new form of government for the then State of Penn- 
 sylvania. Dr. Franklin was chosen president of this convention. The 
 constitution formed at that period for Pennsylvania was the result of the 
 deliberations of that assembly, and may be considered as a digest of Dr. 
 Franklin's principles of government. The single legislature and the 
 plural executive appear to have been his favorite tenets. 
 
 American paper money beginning about this time to fall into dis- 
 repute, and immediate supplies of arms arid ammunition for the use of 
 the army being absolutely necessary. Congress turned their attention 
 toward Europe, and to France in particular, for the purpose of obtain- 
 ing aids in money and military stores, as the only means of resist- 
 ing the power of Great Britain and preserving their newly acquired 
 independence. 
 
 In the latter end of 1776 a commission was appointed for this object, 
 and Dr. Franklin, though then in his seventy-first year, was considered, 
 from his talents as a statesman and reputation as a philosopher, the 
 most suitable person to effect the desired end, and was consequently 
 nominated Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the court of France, in con- 
 junction with Silas Deane and Arthur Lee, Esquires : the former had 
 already been sent to Europe for the purpose of secretly obtaining and 
 forwarding warlike stores, etc., and the other had been employed by 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 331 
 
 Congress as a private and confidential agent in England. Dr. Franklin 
 set off on this important mission from Philadelphia, October 26, 1776, ac- 
 companied by his two grandchildren, William Temple Franklin and 
 Benjamin Franklin Bache : they embarked in the United States sloop of 
 war Reprisal, mounting sixteen guns, and commanded by Captain 
 Wickes. During the passage Dr. Franklin made daily experiments, by 
 means of the thermometer, of the temperature of the sea-water, as he had 
 done on similar occasions, and with the same view, of ascertaining the 
 ship's being in or otit of the Gulf Stream, and more or less within sound- 
 ings. The sloop was frequently chased during the voyage by British 
 cruisers, and several times prepared for action ; but being a good sailer, 
 and the captain having received orders, not unnecessarily to risk an en- 
 gagement, she as oflen escaped her pursuers. On the 29th (November) 
 she ran into Quiberon Bay, where she continued till December 3d, where, 
 finding the contrary winds likely to continue, which prevented her enter- 
 ing the Loire, the captain procured a fishing-boat to put Dr. Franklin and 
 his grandsons on shore at Auray, about six leagues distant, where they 
 were landed in the evening. 
 
 Arriving at Nantes on the 7th of December, a grand dinner was pre- 
 pared on the occasion by some friends of America, at which Dr. Franklin 
 was present, and in the afternoon went to meet a large party at the 
 country seat of M. Gruel, a short distance from town, where crowds of 
 visitors came to compliment him on his safe arrival, expressing great 
 satisfaction, as they were warm friends to America, and hoped his being 
 in France would be an advantage to the American cause, etc. A mag- 
 nificent supper closed the evening. 
 
 Being much fatigued and weakened by the voyage and journey, Dr. 
 Franklin was persuaded to remain at M. Gruel's country house, where he 
 was elegantly and commodiously lodged : his strength, indeed, was not 
 equal to an immediate journey to Paris. During his stay at M. Gruel's 
 he was in hopes of living retired, but the house was almost always full of 
 visitors, from whom, however, much useful information was obtained 
 respecting the state of affairs at court and the character of the persons 
 in power, etc. Dr. Franklin also learnt, with great satisfaction, that a 
 supply had been obtained from the French Government of two hundred 
 brass field-pieces, thirty thousand fire-locks, and some other military 
 stores, which were then shipping for America, and would be convoyed by 
 a ship of war. 
 
 On the 1 5th of December Dr. Franklin left Nantes, and shortly after 
 arrived safely at Paris, where he continued to reside till the 7th of January 
 following, when he removed with his family to Passy (a village beauti- 
 fully situated about a league from the capital) and took up his abode in a 
 large and handsome house, with extensive gardens, belonging to M. Le 
 
;;- FRANKLIN 
 
 K.w de Chaumont. a great and useful friend to the American cause. 
 Here Dr. Franklin continuevi during the whole of his residence in France 
 — being about eight years and a half. 
 
 Dr. Franklin was prh\xteiy received wth eN"er>- demonstration of 
 regard and respect by the Minister for Foreign .Affairs, M. le Comte ue 
 Vcrgennes. who assured him and the other American commissioners that 
 they should personally enjoy in France " toute la surete e: tous les agre- 
 ments que nous y tlxisons epa^uver aux etrangers,'" 
 
 A conviction of the adv;uuages to be derived fn>m a commercial inter- 
 course with America, and a desire of we.\kening the British empire by 
 disniembering it. induced the French court secretly to gi\-e assistance ia 
 military stores to the Americans, and to listen to propcvs^ds of an alliance. 
 But they at first showed rather a reluctance to the latter nieasure. which. 
 ho\N"e\"er. by Dr. Franklin's address, aided by a subsequent imponant 
 success attending the Americm ..iniis, was e>-entually overcome. 
 
 Eariv in January. 1777. Dr. Franklin went to \"er5..ulles with his col- 
 leagues and. acconiing to their instructions from Congress, communicated 
 to the Count de X'erg^nnes, Minister for Foreign .Affairs^ certain proposals 
 in writing, to induce the Government of France to take a decided part in 
 feivor of the I'nitcd States, and send a cert^iin number of ships of the 
 line and frigates to act against the British on the ovist of America. 
 
 But no answer was then obtained to these proposals, that Govern- 
 ment not being then prepared to interfere ff^fith in regard to the existing 
 dispute. France had, indeed, suffered so much in the preceding war 
 with Great Britain that there was prv.>bably no Frenchman who did not 
 wish for a diminution of the power and resounres of this nation, and 
 there were but few who did not perceix'e that this reviuction wxmld in a 
 considerable degree be effected by a /ri.\V«if .i/j"wMt of the subsisting coi»- 
 test with America, in whate\-er way it might ultimately tenninate : and 
 therefore, though the French Go\-emment did not think it prudent to 
 risk the cv>nse<juences of a N\-ar with Great Britain until the colonies, or 
 United States of Anwrica. should ha\-e sufficiently manitested both their 
 mhciitr and J<ftfrmin,.tts\'n to p^frsin-ffrf in contending (rtncaciously for 
 their independence, it was convinced of the impolicy of exposing the latter 
 to the necessity of sudrnzttii^ to Great Britain by any want of arms. et<x, 
 to defend then>sel\-es. and protect their resistance. It had. therefore, 
 preWous to Dr. Franklin's arri\-al. at the solicitatic« of Mr. Deane. deter- 
 minevi jcrt-:''.-*t'*V to afforvi a considerable supply of artillery, amts, and miB- 
 tary stores to the American Congress, and for this purpose the celebrated 
 Caron de Beaumarchais was employed as an i^sttrmsi^ltr agent in this busi- 
 ness : and. the better to conceal the origin and nature of this trsxnsaction. 
 he established a coraraereial house at Paris tinder the firm of Rod«Tgue 
 Hortale^ & Ca And though he ^^^is in fact supplied with such arti- 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 333 
 
 clos as could be spared from the arsenals of France, and with money 
 to purchase the others by the French Ciovernnient, he recjuired and ob- 
 tained from Mr. Deane a stipulation that Congress should deliver to his 
 agents tobacco and other American productions to the amount of the 
 articles supplied, after which these articles were shipped for America at 
 ditTerent times and in ditVerent vessels. One of these was the Aniphiirite, 
 a large ship, from which were landed in New Hampshire the artiller)'. 
 amis, etc.. which were employed in the capture of General Burgoyne's 
 annv. But previously to that event the British troops had obtained im- 
 portant advantages in other parts of America, and in consequence thereof 
 Lortl Stormont had complained to the French court in such energetic 
 and menacing terms of the assistance atTorded by Fratice to the Ameri- 
 can Congress that an immediate rupture with Great Britain was appre- 
 hended. 
 
 The American commissioners began privately to grant letters of 
 marque to a number of French-American privateers, which harassed the 
 English coasting trade, intercepted a great number of British merchant 
 vessels, and took many prisoners. Lord Stormont, his Britannic Majesty's 
 ambassador at Versailles, when applied to by the American commis- 
 sioners relative to an exchange of those prisoners, haughtily and unfeel- 
 ingly gave them tor answer " that he received no letters from rebels, 
 unless they were to petition his Majesty's pardon ! " or words to that 
 effect. His lordship presented several memorials to the French minister, 
 complaining of the equipment of American vessels in the ports of France, 
 bringing in of their prices, etc., and of the assistance France was under- 
 handedly aft'ording the insurgents, demanding at the same time a cate- 
 gorical answer respecting such conduct. On this occasion Count de 
 Vergennes affected to remonstrate with the American commissioners, and 
 on the i6th of Julv. 1777, wrote to them that they had exceeded the 
 bounds limited at their first interview with him. 
 
 In the midst of this supposed gloomy state of affairs in America, the 
 news of the surrender of the British army commanded by General Bur- 
 goyne to that of the Americans under General Gates, at Saratoga, on the 
 17th of October, 1777, arrived in France, and at the verj- moment when the 
 French cabinet was undecided as yet in regard to the steps to be adopted 
 by the United States. This memorable event immediately turned the 
 scale, and tixed the French nation in their attachment to the infant re- 
 public. 
 
 The news of the defeat and capture of this British general and his 
 whole army was received in France Nvith as great demonstrations of joy 
 as if it had been a \ictor)' gained by their own arms. Dr. Franklin took 
 advantage of this circumstance, and suggested to the French ministry 
 " that there was not a moment to be lost if they wished to secure the 
 
334 FRANKLIN 
 
 friendship of America, and detach her entirely from the mother country'." 
 Urged by these considerations, and fearful lest an accommodation might 
 take place between Great Britain and her colonies, the court of France 
 instantly determined to declare its intentions, and accordingly, on the 6th 
 of December, 1777, M. Gerard, Secretary to the Council of State, repaired 
 to the hotel of the American commissioners and informed them, by order 
 of the King, " that after long and mature deliberation upon their propo- 
 sitions, his JNIajesty had resolved to recognize the independence of, and 
 to enter into a treaty of commerce and alliance with, the United States of 
 America ; and that he would not only acknowledge their independence, 
 but actually support it with all the means in his power ; that perhaps he 
 was about to engage himself in an expensive war upon their account, but 
 that he did not expect to be reimbursed by them ; in tine, the Americans 
 were not to think that he had entered into this resolution solely with a 
 view of serving them, since, independently of his real attachment to 
 them and their cause, it was evidently the interest of France to diminish 
 the power of England by severing her colonies from her." 
 
 In consequence of this amicable and frank declaration treaties were 
 soon after entered upon with M. Gerard, who on the 30th of January, 
 1778, had received two distinct commissions from the King for that pur- 
 pose. And on the 6th day of February- following a treaty of amity and 
 commerce, and another of alliance eventual and defensive, between his 
 most Christian Majesty and the thirteen United States of North America, 
 were concluded and signed at Paris by the respective plenipotentiaries. 
 
 This forms a memorable epoch in the political life of Dr. Franklin, as 
 well as in the annals of the United States, because it was in a great 
 measure owing to the aid derived from this powerful alliance that the 
 American colonies were enabled to resist the mother country, and even- 
 tually to establish their independence. 
 
 Hostilities now commenced between Great Britain and France, and 
 the American commissioners plenipotentiary were immediately presented 
 at court in their public character with the accustomed forms, and were 
 very graciously received by the King and all the royal family. 
 
 A French historian, M. Hilliard d'Auberteuil, thus notices Dr. Frank- 
 lin's first appearance at the court of Versailles : 
 
 His age, his venerable appearance, the simplicity of 
 his dress on such an occasion, everything that was either 
 singular or respectable in the life of this American, con- 
 tributed to augment the public attention. Clapping of 
 hands and a variety of other demonstrations of joy 
 announced that warmth of affection of which the French 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 335 
 
 are more susceptible than any other people, and of which 
 their politeness and civility augments the charm to him 
 who is the object of it. 
 
 Dr. Franklin was undoubtedly the fittest person that could have been 
 found for rendering essential services to the United Slates at the court of 
 France. He was well known as a philosopher throughout all Europe, and 
 his character was held in the highest estimation. In France he was 
 received with the greatest marks of respect by all the literary characters, 
 and this was extended among all classes of men, and particularly at the 
 court. His personal influence was hence very considerable. To the 
 effects of this were added those of various writings which he published, 
 tending to establish the credit and character of the United States ; and to 
 his exertions in this way may in no small degree be ascribed not only the 
 free gifts obtained from the French Government, but also the loans 
 negotiated in Holland, which greatly contributed to bring the war to a 
 favorable conclusion and the establishment of American independence. 
 
 TO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY 
 
 Paris, 27 January, 1777. 
 
 I rejoice to hear of your continual progress in those 
 useful discoveries ; I find that you have set all the phi- 
 losophers of Europe at work upon fixed air ; and it is with 
 great pleasure I observe how high you stand in their 
 opinion ; for I enjoy my friends' fame as my own. 
 
 The hint you gave me jocularly, that you did not quite 
 despair of th^ philosopher s stone, draws from me a request, 
 that, when you have found it, you will take care to lose it 
 again ; for I believe in my conscience, that mankind are 
 wicked enough to continue slaughtering one another as 
 long as they can find money to pay the butchers. But, of 
 all the wars in my time, this on the part of England appears 
 to me the wickedest; having no cause but malice against 
 liberty, and the jealousy of commerce. And I think the 
 crime seems likely to meet with its proper punishment ; a 
 total loss of her own liberty, and the destruction of her 
 own commerce. 
 
 I suppose you would like to know something of the 
 state of affairs in America. In all probability we shall be 
 
3:56 FRANKLIN 
 
 much stronger the next campaign than we were the last; 
 better armed, better disciplined, and with more ammu- 
 nition. When I was at the camp before Boston, the army 
 had not five rounds of powder a man. This was kept a 
 secret even from our people. The world wondered that 
 we so seldom hred a cannon ; we could not afford it ; but 
 we now make powder in plenty. 
 
 To me it seems, as it has always done, that this war 
 must end in our favor, and in the ruin of Britain, if she 
 does not speedily put an end to it. An English gentle- 
 man here the other day, in company with some French, 
 remarked, that it was folly in France not to make war 
 immediately ; And in England, replied one of them, not to 
 make peace. 
 
 Do not believe the reports you hear of our internal 
 divisions. We are, I believe, as much united as any people 
 ever were, and as firmly. 
 
 TO MRS. THOMPSON. AT LISLE 
 
 Paris, S Feb., 1777. 
 
 You are too early, hussy, as well as too saucy, in call- 
 ing me rebel ; you should wait for the event, which will 
 determine whether it is a rebellion or otily a revolution. 
 Here the ladies are more civil ; they call us les insurgens, 
 a character that iisuallv pleases them ; and methinks all 
 other women who smart, or have smarted, under the 
 tyranny of a bad husband, ought to be fixed in revolution 
 principles, and act accordingly. 
 
 In my way to Canada last spring. I saw dear Mrs. Bar- 
 row at New York. Mr. Barrow had been from her two 
 or three months to keep Governor Tryon and other Tories 
 company on board the Asia, one of the King's ships which 
 lay in the harbour; and in all that time that naughty man 
 had not ventured once on shore to see her. Our troops 
 were then pouring into the town, and she was packing up 
 to leave it, fearing, as she had a large house, they would 
 incommode her by quartering officers in it. As she 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 337 
 
 appeared in great perplexity, scarce knowing where to go, 
 I persuaded her to stay ; and I went to the general officers 
 then commanding there, and recommended her to their 
 protection ; which they promised and performed. On my 
 return from Canada, where I was a piece of a governor 
 (and I think a very good one) for a fortnight, and might 
 have been so till this time if your wicked army, enemies 
 to all good government, had not come and driven me out, I 
 found her still in quiet possession of her house. I inquired 
 how our people had behaved to her. She spoke in high 
 terms of the respectful attention they had paid her, and 
 the quiet and security they had procured her. I said I 
 was glad of it ; and that, if they had used her ill, I would 
 have turned Tory. Then said she, with that pleasing 
 gayety so natural to her, I wish they had. For you must 
 know she is a Toryess as well as you, and can as flippantly 
 call rebel. I drank tea with her ; we talked affectionately 
 of you and our other friends the Wilkeses, of whom she 
 had received no late intelligence. What became of her 
 since, I have not heard. The street she lived in was some 
 months after chiefly burnt down ; but, as the town was 
 then, and ever since has been, in possession of the King's 
 troops, I have had no opportunity of knowing whether 
 she suffered any loss in the conflagration. I hope she did 
 not, as, if she did, I should wish I had not persuaded her 
 to stay there. 
 
 I am glad to learn from you, that that unhappy, though 
 deserving family, the W s, are getting into some busi- 
 ness, that may afford them subsistence. I pray, that God 
 will bless them, and that they may see happier days. Mr. 
 
 Cheap's and Dr. H 's good fortunes please me. Pray 
 
 learn, if you have not already learnt, like me, to be pleased 
 with other people's pleasures, and happy with their happi- 
 ness, when none occur of your own ; and then perhaps you 
 will not so soon be weary of the place you chance to be in, 
 and so fond of rambling to get rid of your ennui. I fancy 
 you have hit upon the right reason of your being weary 
 
338 FRANKLIN 
 
 of St. Omer's, viz. that you are out of temper, which is the 
 effect of full living and idleness. A month in Bridewell, 
 beating hemp, upon bread and water, would give you health 
 and spirits, and subsequent cheerfulness and contentment 
 with every other situation. I prescribe that regimen for 
 you, my dear, in pure good will, without a fee. And let 
 me tell you, if you do not get into temper, neither Brussels 
 nor Lisle will suit you. I know nothing of the price of 
 living in either of those places ; but I am sure a single 
 woman, as you are, might with economy upon two hun- 
 dred pounds a year maintain herself comfortably anywhere, 
 and me into the bargain. Do not invite me in earnest, 
 however, to come and live with you ; for, being posted 
 here, I ought not to comply, and I am not sure I should 
 be able to refuse. 
 
 Present my respects to Mrs. Payne and Mrs. Heathcot ; 
 for, though I have not the honor of knowing them, yet, as 
 you say they are friends to the American cause, I am sure 
 they must be women of good understanding. 1 know you 
 wish you could see me ; but, as you cannot, I will describe 
 myself to you. Figure me in your mind as jolly as for- 
 merly, and as strong and hearty, only a few years older; 
 very plainly dressed, wearing my thin gray straight hair, 
 that peeps out under my only coiffure, a fine fur cap, which 
 comes down my forehead almost to my spectacles. Think 
 how this must appear among the powdered heads of Paris ! 
 I wish every lady and gentleman in France would only be 
 so obliging as to follow my fashion, comb their own heads 
 as I do mine, dismiss their friseurs, and pay me half the 
 money they paid to them. You see, the gentry might 
 well afford this, and I could then enlist these friseurs, who 
 are at least one hundred thousand, and with the money I 
 would maintain them, make a visit with them to England, 
 and dress the heads of your ministers and privy counsel- 
 lors ; which I conceive at present to be tm pen de'rangees. 
 Adieu. 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 339 
 
 TO THOMAS GUSHING 
 
 Paris, I May, 1777. 
 
 The general news here is, that all Europe is arming 
 and preparing for war, as if it were soon expected. Many 
 of the powers, however, have their reasons for endeavour- 
 ing to postpone it, at least a few months longer. 
 
 Our enemies will not be able to send against us all the 
 strength they intended; they can procure but few Ger- 
 mans ; and their recruiting and impressing at home goes 
 on but heavily. They threaten, however, and give out, 
 that Lord Howe is to bombard Boston this summer, and 
 Burgoyne, with the troops from Canada, to destroy Provi- 
 dence, and lay waste Connecticut ; while Howe marches 
 against Philadelphia. They will do us undoubtedly as 
 much mischief as they can ; but the virtue and bravery of 
 our countrymen will, with the blessing of God, prevent 
 part of what they intend, and nobly bear the rest. This 
 campaign is entered upon with a mixture of rage and de- 
 spair, as their whole scheme of reducing us depends upon 
 its success ; the wisest of the nation being clear, that, if 
 this fails, administration will not be able to support an- 
 other. 
 
 TO A FRIEND 
 
 Passy, [177-]. 
 You know, my dear friend, that I am not capable of 
 refusing you any thing in my power, which would be a 
 real kindness to you, or any friend of yours ; but, when I 
 am certain that what you request would be directly the 
 contrary, I ought to refuse it. I know that officers going 
 to America for employment will probably be disappointed ; 
 that our armies are full ; that there are a number of ex- 
 pectants unemployed, and starving for want of subsist- 
 ence ; that my recommendation will not make vacancies, 
 nor can it fill them, to the prejudice of those who have a 
 better claim ; that some of those officers I have been pre- 
 vailed on to recommend have, by their conduct, given no 
 
340 FRANKLIN 
 
 favorable impression of my judgment in military merit ; 
 and then the voyage is long, the passage very expensive, 
 and the hazard of being taken and imprisoned by the Eng- 
 lish very considerable, if. after all, no place can be found 
 affording a livelihood for the gentleman in question, he 
 will perhaps be distressed in a strange country, and ready 
 to blaspheme his friends, who, by their solicitations, pro- 
 cured for him so unhappy a situation. 
 
 Permit me to mention to you, that, in my opinion, the 
 natural complaisance of this country often carries people 
 too far in the article of recovivicndations. You give them 
 with too much facility to persons of whose real characters 
 vou know nothing, and sometimes at the request of others 
 of whom you know as little. Frequently, if a man has no 
 useful talents, is good for nothing and burdensome to his 
 relations, or is indiscreet, profligate, or extravagant, they 
 are glad to get rid of him bv sending him to the other end 
 of the world ; and for that purpose scruple not to recom- 
 mend him to those they wish should recommend him to 
 others, as " un bon sujet, plcin dc vu'riti-," 8ic. &c. In con- 
 sequence of my crediting such recommendations, my own 
 are out of credit, and I cannot advise anybody to have the 
 least dependence on them. If, after knowing this, you 
 persist in desiring my recommendation for this person, 
 who is known neither to )>ic nor to you, I will give it, 
 though, as I said before, I ought to refuse it. 
 
 These applications are my perpetual torment. People 
 will believe, notwithstanding mv repeated declarations to 
 the contrary, that I am sent hither to engage officers. In 
 truth, I never had any such orders. It was never so much 
 as intimated to me, that it would be agreeable to my con- 
 stituents. I have even received for what I have done of 
 the kind, not indeed an absolute rebuke, but some pretty 
 strong hints of disapprobation. Not a day passes in which 
 I have not a number of soliciting visits, besides letters. If 
 I could gratifv all, or any of them, it would be a pleasure. 
 I might, indeed, give them the recommendation and the 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 341 
 
 promises they desire, and thereby please them for the 
 present; but, when the certain disappointment of the ex- 
 pectations with which they will so obstinately flatter 
 themselves shall arrive, they must curse me for comply- 
 ing with their mad requests, and not undeceiving them ; 
 and will become so many enemies to our cause and 
 country. 
 
 You can have no conception how I am harassed. All 
 my friends are sought out and teazed to teaze me. Great 
 officers of all ranks, in all departments ; ladies, great and 
 small, besides professed solicitors, worry me from morn- 
 ing to night. The noise of every coach now that enters 
 my court terrifies me. I am afraid to accept an invitation 
 to dine abroad, being almost sure of meeting with some 
 officer or officer's friend, who, as soon as I am put in good 
 humor by a glass or two of champaigne, begins his attack 
 upon me. Luckily I do not often in my sleep dream of 
 these vexatious situations, or I should be afraid of what 
 are now my only hours of comfort. If, therefore, you 
 have the least remaining kindness for me, if you would 
 not help to drive me out of France, for God's sake, my 
 dear friend, let this your twenty-third application be 
 your last. 
 
 TO JOHN PAUL JONES 
 
 Proposal to take command of a Ship 
 
 Passy, I June, 1778. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have the pleasure of informing you, that 
 it is proposed to give you the command of the great ship 
 we have built at Amsterdam. By what you wrote to us 
 formerly, I have ventured to say in your behalf, that this 
 proposition would be agreeable to you. You will im- 
 mediately let me know your resolution ; which, that you 
 may be more clear in taking, I must inform you of some 
 circumstances. She is at present the property of the 
 King; but, as there is no war yet declared, you will have 
 the commission and flag of the United States, and act 
 
342 FRANKLIN 
 
 under their orders and laws. The Prince de Nassau will 
 make the cruise with you. She is to be brought here 
 under cover as a French merchantman, to be equipped 
 and manned in France. We hope to exchange your 
 prisoners for as many American sailors ; but, if that fails, 
 you have your present crew to be made up here with the 
 other nations and French. . . . 
 
 In consequence of the high opinion the minister of the 
 marine has of your conduct and bravery, it is now settled 
 (observe, that this is to be a secret between us, I being 
 expressly enjoined not to communicate it to any other 
 person, not even to the other gentlemen) that you are to 
 have the frigate from Holland, which actually belongs to 
 government, and will be furnished with as many good 
 French seamen as you shall require. But you are to act 
 under Congress' commission. As you may like to have 
 a number of Americans, and your own are homesick, it is 
 proposed to give you as many as you can engage out of 
 two hundred prisoners, which the ministry of Britain 
 have at length agreed to give us in exchange for those 
 you have in your hands. They propose to make the 
 exchange at Calais, where they are to bring the Ameri- 
 cans. . . . 
 
 It seems to be desired, that you should step up to 
 Versailles (where one will meet you) in order to such a 
 settlement of matters and plans with those who have the 
 direction, as cannot well be done by letter. I wish it 
 may be convenient to you to do it directly. The project 
 of giving you the command of this ship pleases me the 
 more, as it is a probable opening to the higher prefer- 
 ment you so justly merit. I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 Letter to an emissary of the British Court, in answer to his letter 
 addressed to Dr. Franklin in Paris : 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 343 
 
 TO CHARLES DE WEISSENTEIN 
 
 Passy, July i, 1778. 
 
 I have received your letter, dated Brussels, the i6th 
 past. My vanity might possibly be flattered by your ex- 
 pressions of compliment to my understanding, if your 
 proposals did not more clearly manifest a mean opinion 
 of it. 
 
 You conjure me, in the name of the omniscient and 
 just God, before whom I must appear, and by my hopes 
 of future fame, to consider if some expedient cannot be 
 found to put a stop to the desolation of America, and 
 prevent the miseries of a general war. As I am conscious 
 of having taken every step in my power to prevent the 
 breach, and no one to widen it, I can appear cheerfully 
 before that God, fearing nothing from his justice in this 
 particular, though I have much occasion for his mercy 
 in many others. As to my future fame, I am content to 
 rest it on my past and present conduct, without seeking 
 an addition to it in the crooked, dark paths, you propose 
 to me, where I should most certainly lose it. This your 
 solemn address would therefore have been more properly 
 made to your sovereign and his venal Parliament. He 
 and they, who wickedly began, and madly continue, a 
 war for the desolation of America, are alone accountable 
 for the consequences. 
 
 You endeavour to impress me with a bad opinion of 
 French faith ; but the instances of their friendly endeav- 
 ours to serve a race of weak princes, who, by their own 
 imprudence, defeated every attempt to promote their 
 interest, weigh but little with me, when I consider the 
 steady friendship of France to the Thirteen United States 
 of Switzerland, which has now continued inviolate two 
 hundred years. You tell me, that she will certainly cheat 
 us, and that she despises us already. I do not believe 
 that she will cheat us, and I am not certain that she de- 
 spises us ; but I see clearly that you are endeavouring to 
 
344 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 cheat us by your conciliatory bill; that you actually de- 
 spised our uudorstauditii^s, when you tlattered yourselves 
 those artifices would succeed ; and that not only France, 
 but all Europe, yourselves included, most certainly and 
 for ever would despise us, if we were weak enough to ac- 
 cept your insidious propositions. 
 
 Our expectations of the future grandeur of America 
 are not so magniticent. and therefore not so vain or vis- 
 ionary, as you represent them to be. The body of our 
 people arc not merchants, but humble husbandmen, who 
 delight in the cultivation of their lands, which, from their 
 fertility and the variety of our climates, are capable of 
 furnishing all the necessaries and conveniences of life 
 without external commerce ; and we have too much land 
 to have the least temptation to extend our territory by 
 conquest from peaceable neighbours, as well as too much 
 justice to think of it. Our militia, you tind by experience, 
 are sufficient to defend our lands from invasion ; and the 
 commerce with us will be defended by all the nations 
 who tind an advantage in it. We, therefore, have not the 
 occasion von imagine, of tleets or standing armies, but 
 may leave those expensive machines to be maintained for 
 the pomp of princes, and the wealth of ancient states. 
 We propose, if possible, to live in peace with all mankind ; 
 and after you have been convinced, to your cost, that 
 there is nothing to be got by attacking us, we have reason 
 to hope, that no other power will judge it prudent to 
 quarrel with us. lest they divert us from our own quiet 
 industry, and turn us into corsairs preying upon theirs. 
 The weight therefore of an independent empire, which 
 you seem certain of our inability to bear, will not be so 
 great as you imagine. The expense of our civil govern- 
 ment we have always borne, and can easily bear, because 
 it is small. A virtuous and laborious people may be 
 cheaply governed. Determining, as we do, to have no 
 offices of profit, nor any sinecures or useless appointments, 
 so common in ancient or corrupted states, we can govern 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 345 
 
 ourselves a year, for the sum you pay in a single depart- 
 ment, or for what one jobbing contractor, by the favor of 
 a minister, can cheat you out of in a single article. 
 
 You think we flatter ourselves, and are deceived into 
 an opinion that England must acknowledge our inde- 
 pendency. We, on the other hand, think you flatter 
 yourselves in imagining such an acknowledgment a vast 
 boon, which we strongly desire, and which you may gain 
 some great advantage by granting or withholding. We 
 have never asked it of you ; we only tell you, that you 
 can have no treaty with us but as an independent state ; 
 and you may please yourselves and your children with 
 the rattle of your right to govern us, as long as you have 
 done with that of your King's being King of France, 
 without giving us the least concern, if you do not attempt 
 to exercise it. That this pretended right is indisputable, 
 as you say, we utterly deny. Your Parliament never had 
 a right to govern us, and your King has forfeited it by 
 his bloody tyranny. But I thank you for letting me 
 know a little of your mind, that, even if the Parliament 
 should acknowledge our independency, the act would not 
 be binding to posterity, and that your nation would re- 
 sume and prosecute the claim as soon as they found it 
 convenient from the influence of your passions, and your 
 present malice against us. We suspected before, that you 
 would not be actually bound by your conciliatory acts, 
 longer than till they had served their purpose of inducing 
 us to disband our forces ; but we were not certain, that 
 you were knaves by principle, and that we ought not to 
 have the least confidence in your offers, promises, or 
 treaties, though confirmed by Parliament. 
 
 I now indeed recollect my being informed, long since, 
 when in England, that a certain very great personage, 
 then young, studied much a certain book, called " Arcana 
 Imperii." I had the curiosity to procure the book and 
 read it. There are sensible and good things in it, but 
 some bad ones ; for, if I remember rightly, a particular 
 
346 FRANKLIN 
 
 Kiiii;- is api>laiKlod for his politically exciting a rebellion 
 among his subjects, at a time when they had not strength 
 to support it. that ho might, in subduing them, take away 
 their privileges, which were tnniblesomc to him ; and a 
 question is formally stated and discussed, Wlicilur a prince, 
 zcho, to apptuxsc a revolt, viakcs protnisis of imionniiy to the 
 rci'oltcrs, is oHii^-iui to fulfil those promises. Honest and 
 good men would say. Ay ; but this politician says, as you 
 say, No. And he giyes this pretty reason, that, though 
 it was right to make the promises, because otherwise the 
 revolt would not be suppressed, yet it would be wrong to 
 keep them, because revolters ought to be punished to 
 deter from future rcyolts. 
 
 If these are the principles of your nation, no confidence 
 can be placed in you ; it is in yain to treat with you ; and 
 the wars can only end in being reduced to an utter inabil- 
 ity of continuing them. 
 
 One main drift of your letter seems to be, to impress 
 me with an idea of your own impartiality, by just cen- 
 sures of your ministers and measuies, and to draw from 
 me propositions of peace, or approbations of those you 
 haye enclosed to me. which you intimate may by 3*our 
 means be conyeyed to the King diiectly, without the in- 
 tervention of those ministers. You would have me give 
 them to. or drop them for. a stranger, whom T may find 
 next Monday in the church of Notre Dame, to be known 
 by a rose in his hat. You ytnirself. Sir. are quite un- 
 known to me ; you have not trusted me wiMi your true 
 name. Our taking the least step towards a treaty with 
 England through you. might, if vou are an enemy, be 
 made use of to ruin us with our new and good friends. 
 I may be indiscreet enough in many things ; but cer- 
 tainly, if I were disposed to make propositions (which I 
 cannot do, having none committed to me to make), I 
 should never think of delivering them to the Lord knows 
 who. to be carried to the Lord knows where, to serve no 
 one knows what purposes. Being at this time one of the 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 34^ 
 
 most remarkable figures in Taris, even my apfx-arance in 
 the church of Notre Dame, where I cannot have any con- 
 ceivable business, and especially being seen to leave or 
 drop any letter to any person there, would be a matter 
 of some speculation, and might, from the suspicions it 
 must naturally give, have very mischievous consequences 
 to our credit here. 
 
 The very proposing of a correspondence so to be man- 
 aged, in a manner not necessary where fair dealing is in- 
 tended, gives just reason to suppose you intend the con- 
 trary. I3esides, as your court has sent Commissioners to 
 treat with the Congress, with all the powers that could 
 be given them by the crown under the act of Parliament, 
 what good purpose can be served by privately obtaining 
 propositions from us ? Before those Commissioners went, 
 we might have treated in virtue of our general powers, 
 (with the knowledge, advice, and approbatifjn of our 
 friends), upon any propositions made to us. But, under 
 the present circumstances, for us to make propcjsitions, 
 while a treaty is supposed to be actually on foot with the 
 Congress, would be extremely improper, highly pre- 
 sumptuous with regard to our constituents, and answer 
 no good end whatever. 
 
 I write this letter to you, notwithstanding ; (which I 
 think I can convey in a less mysterious manner, and guess 
 it may come to your hands ;) I write it because I would 
 let you know our sense of your procedure, which appears 
 as insidious as that of your conciliatory bills. Your true 
 way to obtain peace, if your ministers desire it, is, to pro- 
 pose openly to the Congress fair and equal terms, and 
 you may possibly come sooner to such a resolution, when 
 you find, that personal flatteries, general cajolings, and 
 panegyrics on our virtue and %visdom are not likely to have 
 the effect you seem to expect ; the persuading us to act 
 basely and foolishly, in betraying our country and pos- 
 terity into the hands of our most bitter enemies, giving 
 up or selling our arms and warlike stores, dismissing our 
 
348 FRANKLIN 
 
 ships of war and troops, and putting those enemies in 
 possession of our forts and ports. 
 
 This proposition of delivering ourselves, bound and 
 gagged, ready for hanging, without even a right to com- 
 plain, and without a friend to be found afterwards among 
 all mankind, you would have us embrace upon the faith 
 of an act of Parliament ! Good God ! an act of your 
 Parliament! This demonstrates that you do not yet 
 know us. and that vou fancy we do not know vou ; but it 
 is not merely this flimsy faith, that we are to act upon ; 
 you offer us hope, the hope of places, PENSIONS, and peer- 
 ages. These, judging from yourselves, vou think are 
 motives irresistible. This offer to corrupt us. Sir, is with 
 me your credential, and convinces me that you are not a 
 private volunteer in your application. It bears the stamp 
 of British court character. It is even the signature of 
 vour King. But think for a moment in what light it must 
 be viewed in America. Bv places, you mean places 
 among us, for you take care by a special article to secure 
 your own to yourselves. We must then pay the salaries 
 in order to enrich ourselves with these places. But you 
 will give us pensions, probably to be paid too out of 
 your expected American revenue, and which none of us 
 can accept without deserving, and perhaps obtaining, a 
 SVS'Penswn. PEERAGES ! alas ! Sir, our long observation 
 of the vast servile majority of your peers, voting con- 
 stantly for every measure proposed by a minister, how- 
 ever weak or wicked, leaves us small respect for that title. 
 We consider it as a sort of tar-atui-ftatJur honor, or a mix- 
 ture of foulness and folly, which every man among us, 
 who should accept it from your King, would be obliged 
 to renounce, or exchange for that conferred by the mobs 
 of their own country, or wear it with everlasting infamy. 
 I am, Sir, your humble servant. 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 349 
 
 TO MRS. MARGARET STEVENSON 
 
 Passy, 25 January, 1779. 
 
 It is always with ^rcat pleasure, when I think of our 
 long continued friendship, which had not the least inter- 
 ruption in the course of twenty years ('some of the happi- 
 est of nny life;, that I spent under your roof, and in your 
 company. If I do not write to you as often as I used to 
 do when I happen to be absent from you, it is owin^ 
 partly to the present difficulty of sure communication, and 
 partly to an apprehension of some inconvenience, that my 
 correspondence mij^ht possibly occasion you. . . . 
 
 I thought 1 had mentioned to you before, (and I be- 
 lieve I did, though my letter may have miscarried) that 
 I had received the white cloth suit, the sword, and the 
 saddle for Temple, all in good order. I mention them 
 now again, because Polly tells me you had not heard of 
 their arrival. I wore the clothes a good deal last sum- 
 mer. There is one thing more, that I wish to have, if you 
 should meet with an opportunity of sending it. I mean 
 the copper pot, lined with silver, to roast fowls in by 
 means of a heater. I should also be glad of the piece of 
 elephant's tooth. It is old ivory, perhaps of the time be- 
 fore the flood, and would be a rarity to some friends 
 here. . . . 
 
 You wish to know how I live. It is in a fine house, 
 situated in a neat village, on high ground, half a mile 
 from Paris, with a large garden to walk in. I have abun- 
 dance of acquaintance, dine abroad six days in seven. 
 Sundays I reserve to dine at home, with such Americans 
 as pass this way ; and I then have my grandson Ben, 
 with some other American children from the school. 
 
 If being treated with all the politeness of France, and 
 the apparent respect and esteem of all ranks, from the 
 highest to the lowest, can make a man happy, I ought to 
 be so. Indeed, I have nothing to complain of, but a little 
 too much business, and the want of that order and ccon- 
 
350 FRANKLIN 
 
 omj in my family, which reigned in it when under your 
 prudent direction. My paper gives me only room to add, 
 that I am ever yours most affectionately, 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 TO JOSIAH QUINCY 
 
 Passy, 22 April, 1779. 
 
 Dear Sir : It is with great sincerity I join you in 
 acknowledging and admiring the dispensations of Provi- 
 dence in our favor. America has only to be thankful, 
 and to persevere. God will finish his work, and estab- 
 lish their freedom ; and the lovers of liberty will flock 
 from all parts of Europe with their fortunes to participate 
 with us of that freedom, as soon as peace is restored, 
 
 I am exceedingly pleased with your account of the 
 French politeness and civility, as it appeared among the 
 officers and their fleet. They have certainly advanced in 
 those respects many degrees beyond the English. I find 
 them here a most amiable nation to live with. The Span- 
 iards are by common opinion supposed to be cruel, the 
 English proud, the Scotch insolent, the Dutch avaricious, 
 &c., but I think the French have no national vice ascribed 
 to them. They have some frivolities, but they are harm- 
 less. To dress their head so that a hat cannot be put on 
 them, and then wear their hats under their arms, and to 
 fill their noses with tobacco, may be called follies, per- 
 haps, but they are not vices. They are only the effects 
 of the tyranny of custom. In short, there is nothing 
 W'anting in the character of a Frenchman, that belongs to 
 that of an agreeable and worthy man. There are only 
 some trifles surplus, or which might be spared. 
 
 I have the honor to be, dear Sir, &c., 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 TO MAJOR-GENERAL HORATIO GATES 
 
 Passy, 2 June, 1779. 
 
 Dear Sir : The pride of England was never so hum- 
 bled by anything as by your capitulation of Saratoga. 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 351 
 
 They have not yet got over it, though a little elevated 
 this spring by their success against the French commerce. 
 But the growing apprehension of having Spain too upon 
 their hands has lately brought them down to an humble 
 seriousness, that begins to appear even in ministerial dis- 
 courses, and the papers of ministerial writers. All the 
 happy effects of that transaction for America are not gen- 
 erally known. I may some time or other acquaint the 
 world with some of them. When shall we meet again in 
 cheerful converse, talk over our adventures, and finish 
 with a quiet game of chess? 
 
 The little dissensions between particular states in 
 America are much magnified in England, and they once 
 had great hopes from them. I consider them, with you, 
 as the effects of apparent security ; which do not affect 
 the grand points of independence, and adherence to treat- 
 ies ; and which will vanish at a renewed appearance of 
 danger. This court continues heartily our friend, and 
 the whole nation are warm in our favor ; except only a 
 few West Indians, and merchants in that trade, whose 
 losses make them a little uneasy. 
 
 With sincere and great esteem and affection, I am 
 ever, dear Sir, &c., B. Franklin. 
 
 TO MRS. SARAH BACHE 
 
 Passy, 3 June, 1779. 
 
 The clay medallion of me you say you gave to Mr. 
 Hopkinson was the first of the kind made in France. A 
 variety of others have been made since of different sizes ; 
 some to be set in the lids of snuffboxes, and some so 
 small as to be worn in rings ; and the numbers sold are 
 incredible. These, with the pictures, busts, and prints, 
 (of which copies upon copies are spread everywhere,) 
 have made your father's face as well known as that of the 
 moon, so that he durst not do anything that would oblige 
 him to run away, as his phiz would discover him where- 
 
352 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 ever he should venture to show it. It is said by learned 
 etymologists, that the name doll, for the images children 
 play with, is derived from the word Idol. From the 
 number of dolls now made of him, he may be truly said, 
 in that sense, to be i-doll-izcd in this country. 
 
 I think you did right to stay out of town till the sum- 
 mer was over, for the sake of your child's health. I hope 
 you will get out again this summer, during the hot 
 months ; for I begin to love the dear little creature from 
 your description of her. 
 
 I was charmed with the account you gave me of your 
 industry, the tablecloths of your own spinning, &c. ; but 
 the latter part of the paragraph, that you had sent for 
 linen from France because weaving and flax were grown 
 dear, alas, that dissolved the charm ; and your sending 
 for long black pins, and lace, and /fathers I disgusted me 
 as much as if you had put salt in my strawberries. The 
 spinning, I see, is laid aside, and you are to be dressed 
 for the ball ! You seem not to know, my dear daughter, 
 that, of all the dear things in this world, idleness is the 
 dearest, except mischief. 
 
 The project you mention, of removing Temple from 
 me, was an unkind one. To deprive an old man, sent to 
 serve his country in a foreign one, of the comfort of a 
 child to attend him, to assist him in health and take care 
 of him in sickness, would be cruel, if it was practicable. 
 In this case it could not be done ; for, as the pretended 
 suspicions of him are groundless, and his behaviour in 
 ever}'^ respect unexceptionable, I should not part with the 
 child, but with the employment. But I am confident, 
 that, whatever may be proposed by weak or malicious 
 people, the Congress is too wise and too good to think of 
 treating me in that manner. 
 
 Ben, if I should live long enough to want it, is like to 
 be another comfort to me. As I intend him for a Presby- 
 terian as well as a republican, I have sent him to finish 
 his education at Geneva. He is much grown, in very 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 353 
 
 good health, draws a little, as you will see by the enclosed, 
 learns Latin, writing, arithmetic, and dancing, and speaks 
 French better than English. He made a translation of 
 your last letter to him, so that some of your works may 
 now appear in a foreign language. He has not been long 
 from me. I send the accounts I have of him, and I shall 
 put him in mind of writing to you. I cannot propose to 
 you to part with your own dear Will. I must one of 
 these days go back to see him ; happy to be once more 
 all together ! but futurities are uncertain. Teach him, 
 however, in the mean time, to direct his worship more 
 properly, for the deity of Hercules is now quite out of 
 fashion. 
 
 The present you mention as sent by me was rather 
 that of a merchant at Bordeaux ; for he would never give 
 me any account of it, and neither Temple non I know any 
 thing of the particulars. 
 
 When I began to read your account of the high prices 
 of goods, *• a pair of gloves seven dollars, a yard of com- 
 mon gauze twenty-four dollars, and that it now required 
 a fortune to maintain a family in a very plain way," I ex- 
 pected you would conclude with telling me, that every- 
 body as well as yourself was grown frugal and indus- 
 trious ; and I could scarcely believe my eyes in reading 
 forward, that " there never was so much pleasure and 
 dressing going on ; " and that you yourself wanted black 
 pins and feathers from France to appear, I suppose, in the 
 mode ! This leads me to imagine, that perhaps it is not 
 so much that the goods are grown dear, as that the money 
 is grown cheap, as every thing else will do when exces- 
 sively plenty ; and that people are still as easy nearly in 
 their circumstances, as when a pair of gloves might be 
 had for half a crown. The war indeed may in some de- 
 gree raise the prices of goods, and the high taxes which 
 are necessary to support the war may make our frugality 
 necessary ; and, as I am always preaching that doctrine, 
 I cannot in conscience or in decency encourage the con- 
 as 
 
354 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 trary, by my example, in furnishing my children with 
 foolish modes and luxuries. I therefore send all the ar- 
 ticles vou desire, that are useful and necessary, and omit 
 the rest ; for, as you say you should " have great pride in 
 wearing any thing I send, and showing it as your father's 
 taste," I must avoid giving you an opportunitv of doing 
 that with either lace or feathers. It you wear your cam- 
 bric rutBes as I do, and take care not to mend the holes, 
 they will come in time to be lace ; and feathers, my dear 
 girl, may be had in America from every cock's tail. 
 
 If you happen again to see General Washington, 
 assure him of my very great and sincere respect, and tell 
 him. that all the old Generals here amuse themselves in 
 studving the accounts of his operations, ai)d approve 
 highlv of his conduct. 
 
 Present mv affectionate regards to all friends that in- 
 quire after me, particularly Mr. Duffield and family, and 
 write oftener, my dear child, to your loving father. 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE 
 
 Passy, 19 August, 1779. 
 
 You ask mv opinion, what conduct the English will 
 probablv hold on this occasion, and whether they will not 
 rather propose a negotiation for a peace. I have but one 
 rule to go bv in judging of those people, which is, that 
 whatever is prudent for them to do they will omit ; and 
 what is most imprudent to be done, they will do it. This, 
 like other general rules, may sometimes have its excep- 
 tions : but I think it will hold good for the most part, at 
 least while the present ministry continues, or. rather, 
 while the present madman has the choice of ministers. 
 
 You desire to know whether I am satisfied with the 
 ministers here? It is impossible for anybody to be more 
 so. I see they exert themselves greatly in the common 
 cause, and do every thing for us they can. \Ve can wish 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 355 
 
 for nothing more, unless our great want of money should 
 make us wish for a subsidy, to enable us to act more vig- 
 orously in expelling the enemy from their remaining 
 posts, and reducing Canada. But their own expenses are 
 so great, that I cannot press such an addition to it. I 
 hope, however, that we shall get some supplies of arms 
 and ammunition, and perhaps, when they can be spared, 
 some ships to aid in reducing New York and Rhode 
 Island. With the sincerest esteem and respect, I am 
 ever, &c. B. Franklin. 
 
 TO GEORGE WASHINGTON 
 
 Passy, 5 March, 1780. 
 
 I have received but lately the letter your Excellency 
 did me the honor of writing to me in recommendation of 
 the Marquis de Lafayette. His modesty detained it long 
 in his own hands. We became acquainted, however, 
 from the time of his arrival at Paris ; and his zeal for the 
 honor of our country, his activity in our affairs here, and 
 his firm attachment to our cause and to you, impressed 
 me with the same regard and esteem for him that your 
 Excellency's letter would have done, had it been immedi- 
 ately delivered to me. 
 
 Should peace arrive after another campaign or two, 
 and afford us a little leisure, I should be happy to see 
 your Excellency in Europe, and to accompany you, if my 
 age and strength would permit, in visiting some of its 
 ancient and most famous kingdoms. You would, on this 
 side of the sea, enjoy the great reputation you have ac- 
 quired, pure and free from those little shades that the 
 jealousy and envy of a man's countrymen and contem- 
 poraries are ever endeavouring to cast over living merit. 
 Here you would know, and enjoy, what posterity will 
 say of Washington. For a thousand leagues have nearly 
 the same effect with a thousand vears. The feeble voice 
 of those grovelling passions cannot extend so far either 
 
-,6 FRANKLIN 
 
 in time or distvince. At present I enjcty that pleasnre for 
 vou : as I frequently hear the old generals of this martial 
 country, who study the maps of America, and mark upon 
 them all vour operations, speak with sincere approbation 
 and great applause of vour conduct ; and join in giving 
 vou the character of one of the greatest captams of the 
 age. 
 
 I must soon quit this scene, but you may live to see 
 our countrv flourish, as it will amazingly and rapidly 
 after the war is over ; like a field of young Indian corn, 
 which long fair weather and sunshine had enfeebled and 
 discolored, and which in that weak state, by a thunder gust 
 of violent wind. hail, and rain, seemed to be threatened 
 with absolute destruction : yet the storm being past, it 
 jrecovers fresh verdure, shoots up with double vigor, and 
 deliii'hts the eve. not of its owner only, but of every ob- 
 serving traveller. 
 
 The best wishes that can be formed for your health, 
 honor, and happiness, ever attend you from yours, ^^c. 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 TO THOMAS BOND 
 
 Passv. i6 March. irSo. 
 
 Dear Sir : I received your kind letter of September 
 the 2-Mid. and I thank you for the pleasing account you 
 give me of the health and welfare of my old friends. 
 Hugh Roberts. Luke Morris, Philip Syng. Samuel 
 Rhoads. ..*^c.. with the same of yourself and family. 
 Shake the old ones by the hand for me. and give the 
 vounc: ones mv blessing. For my own part. I do not 
 find that I grow any older. Being arrived at seventy, 
 and considering that bv travelling further in the same 
 road 1 should probably be led to the grave. I stopped 
 short, turned about, and walked back again : which, hav- 
 ing done these four vears. you may now call me sixty-six. 
 Advise those old friends of ours to follow my example : 
 keep up your spirits, and that will keep up your bodies : 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 357 
 
 you will no more stoop under the weight of age, than if 
 you had swallowed a hand-spike. 1 am, ever, &c., 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 TO MISS GEORGIANA SHIPLEY 
 
 Passy, 8 October, 17S0. 
 
 Your translations from Horace, as far as I can judge 
 of poetry and translations, are very good. That of the 
 Quo, quo scelcstt ruitis f is so suitable to the times that the 
 conclusion (in your version) seems to threaten like a proph- 
 ecy ; and methinks there is at least some appearance of 
 danger that it may be fulfilled. I am unhappily an enemy, 
 yet I think there has been enough of blood spilt, and I 
 wish what is left in the veins of that once loved people, 
 ma}' be spared by a peace solid and everlasting. 
 
 Indolent as I have confessed myself to be, I could not, 
 you see, miss this good and safe opportunitv of sending 
 you a few lines, with my best wishes for your happiness, 
 and that of the whole dear and amiable family in whose 
 sweet society I have spent so many happy hours. Mr. 
 Jones tells me he shall have a pleasure in being the bearer 
 of my letter, of which I make no doubt. I learn from 
 him, that to your drawing, and music, and painting, and 
 poetry, and Latin, you have added a proficiency in chess ; 
 so that you are, as the French say, revtplie dc talcns. May 
 they and vou fall to the lot of one, that shall duly value 
 them, and love you as much as I do. Adieu. 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 The following:: letter is from Dr. Franklin to the Marquis de Lafayettte, 
 then serving in the American army : 
 
 TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE 
 
 Passy. May 14, 1781. 
 
 Dear Sir : You are a very good correspondent, which 
 I do not deserve, as I am a bad one. The truth is I have 
 
',5S FRANKLIN 
 
 too much business upon mv hands, a great deal of it for- 
 eisrn to mv function as a minister, which interferes with 
 mv writing regularly to my friends. But I am neverthe- 
 less extremelv sensible of your kindness in sending me 
 such frequent and full intelligence of the state of affairs 
 on vour side of the water, and in letting me see by your 
 letters, that vour health continues, as well as your zeal, 
 tor our cause and country. 
 
 I hope that by this time the ship which has the honor 
 of bearing your name, is safely arrived. She carries cloth- 
 ing for nearlv 20.000 men, with arms, ammunition, etc., 
 which will supply some of your wants ; and Colonel 
 Laurens will bring a considerable addition, if Providence 
 favors his passage. You will receive from him the par- 
 ticulars, which makes my writing by him more fully un- 
 necessarv. Your friends have heard of your being gone 
 against the traitor Arnold, and are anxious to hear of 
 vour success, and that you have brought him to punish- 
 ment. Enclosed is a copy of a letter from his agent in 
 England, captured by one of our cruisers, and by which 
 the price or reward he received for his treachery mav be 
 guessed at. Judas sold only one man. Arnold, three mil- 
 lions. Judas got for his one man thirty pieces of silver; 
 Arnold not a half-penny a head.' A miserable bargain I 
 especiallv when one considers the quantity of infamy he 
 has acquired to himself, and entailed on his familv. 
 
 The English are in a fair way of gaining still more 
 enemies : they play a desperate game. Fortune mav favor 
 them as it sometimes does a drunken dicer. But by their 
 tvrannv in the East they have at length roused the powers 
 there against them ; and I do not know that thev have in 
 the West a single friend. If they lose their India com- 
 merce, (which is one of their present great supports') and 
 one battle at sea, their credit is gone, and their power fol- 
 
 ' This captured letter to Benedict Arnold advised him of the invest- 
 ment in his name of five thousand pounds in British 4-per-cent. consols, 
 at 7ii. producing ^"7,000 of stock. — A. R. S. 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESrONDENCE 
 
 359 
 
 lows. Thus empires by pride, folly, and extravagance, 
 ruin themselves like individuals. 
 
 This court continues steady and firm in its friendship, 
 and does everything it can for us. Can we not do a little 
 more for ourselves ? My successor (for I have desired the 
 Congress to send me one) will find it in the best disposi- 
 tion towards us, and I hope he will take care to cultivate 
 that disposition. You, who know the leading people of 
 both countries, can perhaps judge better than any mem- 
 ber of the Congress of a person suitable for this station. 
 I wish you may be in the way to give your advice when 
 the matter is agitated in that assembly. 1 have been long 
 tired of the trade of minister, and wished for a little re- 
 pose before 1 went to sleep for good and all. I thought 
 1 might have held out till the peace ; but as that seems at 
 a greater distance than the end of my days, I grow impa- 
 tient. I would not, however, quit the service of the pub- 
 lic, if I did not sincerely think that it would be easy for 
 the Congress, with your counsel, to find a fitter man. 
 God bless you, and crown all 3'our labors with success. 
 With the highest regard, and most sincere affection, I am, 
 dear Sir, etc. B. Franklin. 
 
 The followiiif^f article is T^jeu d'csprit of a payer turn, originatinj^ from 
 a memorial of the British ambassador, Sir Joseph Yorke, reclaiminjj the 
 king's ships Serapis and Countess of Scarborough, prizes carried into 
 Holland by the American squadron under Commodore Jones, whom Sir 
 Joseph in his memorial desijjnated " the Pirate Paul Jones of Scotland ; 
 a rebel subject, and a criminal of the state" : 
 
 TO SIR J. Y , &c., &c. 
 
 Ipswich, New England, March 7, 1781. 
 
 Sir: I have lately seen a memorial said to have been 
 presented by your excellency to their high mightinesses 
 the States General, in which you are pleased to qualify 
 me with the title oi pirate. 
 
 A pirate is defined to bp /testis humani generis {sm enemy 
 
360 FRANKLIN 
 
 to all mankind). It happens, sir, that I am an enemy to 
 no part of mankind, except your nation, the English : 
 which nation at the same time comes much more within 
 the definition, being actually an enemy to, and at war with, 
 one whole quarter of the world : America, considerable 
 part of Asia and Africa, a great part of Europe, and in a 
 fair way of being at war with the rest. 
 
 A pirate makes war for the sake of rapine. This is not 
 the kind of war I am engaged in against England. Ours 
 is a war in defence of liberty — the most just of all wars ; 
 and of our properties, which your nation would have 
 taken from us, without our consent, in violation of our 
 rights, and by an armed force. Yours, therefore, is a war 
 of rapine ; of course, a piratical war: and those who ap- 
 prove of it, and are engaged in it, more justly deserve the 
 name oi pirates, which you bestow upon me. It is indeed 
 a war that coincides with the general spirit of your nation. 
 Your common people in their ale-houses sing the twenty- 
 four songs of Robin Hood, and applaud his deer-stealing 
 and his robberies on the highway : those who have just 
 learning enough to read, are delighted with your histories 
 of the pirates and of the buccaneers : and even your 
 scholars in the universities, study Quintus Curtius, and are 
 taught to admire Alexander, for what they call " his con- 
 quests in the Indies." Severe laws and the hangman keep 
 down the effects of this spirit somewhat among your- 
 selves (though in your little island you have, nevertheless, 
 more highway robberies than there are in all the rest of 
 Europe put together): but a foreign war gives it full 
 scope. It is then that, with infinite pleasure, it lets itself 
 loose to strip of their property honest merchants em- 
 ployed in the innocent and useful occupation of supplying 
 the mutual wants of mankind. Hence, having lateh* no 
 war with your ancient enemies, rather than be without a 
 war, you chose to make one upon your friends. In this 
 your piratical war with America, the mariners of your 
 fleets and the owners of your privateers were animated 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 361 
 
 against us by the act of your parliament, which repealed 
 the law of God — " Thou shalt not steal," by declaring it 
 lawful for them to rob us of all our property that they 
 could meet with on the ocean. This act too had a retro- 
 spect, and, going beyond bulls of pardon, declared that 
 all the robberies you had committed, previous to the act 
 should be deemed just and lawful. Your soldiers too were 
 promised the plunder of our cities ; and your officers were 
 flattered with the division of our lands. You had even 
 the baseness to corrupt our servants, the sailors employed 
 by us, and encourage them to rob their masters, and bring 
 to you the ships and goods they were intrusted with. Is 
 there any society of pirates on the sea or land, who, in 
 declaring wrong to be right, and right wrong, have less 
 authority than your parliament? Do any of them more 
 justly than your parliament deserve the title you bestow 
 on me? 
 
 You will tell me that we forfeited all our estates by 
 our refusal to pay the taxes your nation would have im- 
 posed on us without the consent of our colony parliaments. 
 Have you then forgotten the incontestable principle, 
 which was the foundation of Hampden's glorious law-suit 
 with Charles the First, that " what an English king has 
 no right to demand, an English subject has a right to re- 
 fuse ? " But you cannot so soon have forgotten the in- 
 structions of your late honorable father, who, being himself 
 a sound whig, taught you certainly the principles of the 
 revolution, and that, "if subjects might in some cases 
 forfeit their property, kings might also forfeit their 
 title, and all claim to the allegiance of their subjects." 
 I must then suppose you well acquainted with those whig 
 principles ; on which permit me, sir, to ask a few ques- 
 tions. 
 
 Is not protection as justly due from a king to his peo- 
 ple, as obedience from the people to their king? 
 
 If then a king declares his people to be out of his pro- 
 tection : 
 
362 FRANKLIN 
 
 If he violates and deprives them of their constitutional 
 rights : 
 
 If he wages war against them : 
 
 If he plunders their merchants, ravages their coasts, 
 burns their towns, and destroys their lives: 
 
 If he hires foreign mercenaries to help him in their 
 destruction : 
 
 If he engages savages to murder their defenseless 
 farmers, women, and children : 
 
 If he cruelly forces such of his subjects as fall into his 
 hands, to bear arms against their country, and become 
 executioners of their friends and brethren : 
 
 If he sells others of them into bondage, in Africa and 
 the East Indies : 
 
 If he excites domestic insurrections among their serv- 
 ants, and encourages servants to murder their masters : — 
 
 Does not so atrocious a conduct towards his subjects 
 dissolve their allegiance? 
 
 If not, — please to say how or by what means it can 
 possibly be dissolved ? 
 
 All this horrible wickedness and barbarity has been 
 and daily is practised by the King your master (as you 
 call him in your memorial) upon the Americans, whom 
 he is still pleased to claim as his subjects. 
 
 During these six years past, he has destroyed not less 
 than forty thousand of those subjects, by battles on land 
 or sea, or by starving them, or poisoning them to death, 
 in the unwholesome air, with the unwholesome food of 
 his prisons. And he has wasted the lives of at least an 
 equal number of his own soldiers and sailors; many of 
 whom have been /(?r^r^ into this odious service, and dragged 
 from their families and friends, by the outrageous violence 
 of his illegal press-gangs. You are a gentleman of letters, 
 and have read history : do you recollect any instance of 
 any tyrant, since the beginning of the world, who, in the 
 course of so few years, had done so much mischief? Let 
 us view one of the worst and blackest of them, Nero. He 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 363 
 
 put to death a few of his courtiers, placemen, and pension- 
 ers, and among the rest his tutor. Had . . .* done the 
 same and no more, his crime, though detestable, as an act 
 of lawless power, might have been as useful to his nation^ 
 as that of Nero was hurtful to Rome ; considering the 
 different characters and merits of the sufferers. Nero 
 indeed wished that the people of Rome had but one neck, 
 that he might behead them all by one stroke; but this 
 was a simple wish. . . .' is carrying the wish as fast as 
 he can into execution ; and, by continuing his present 
 course a few years longer, will have destroyed more of 
 the . . .* people than Nero could have found inhabitants 
 in Rome. Hence the expression of Milton, in speaking of 
 Charles the First, that he was " Nerone Neronior," is still 
 more applicable to . . . .* Like Nero, and all other 
 tyrants, while they lived, he indeed has his flatterers, his 
 addressers, his applauders. Pensions, places, and hopes 
 of preferment, can bribe even bishops to approve his con- 
 duct : but, when those fulsome purchased addresses and 
 panegyrics are sunk and lost in oblivion or contempt, 
 impartial history will step forth, speak honest truth, and 
 rank him among public calamities. The only difference 
 will be, that plagues, pestilences, and famines are of this 
 world, and arise from the nature of things ; but voluntary 
 malice, mischief, and murder, are from hell; and this 
 . . .* will, therefore, stand foremost in the list of diaboli- 
 cal, bloody, and execrable tyrants. His base-bought 
 parliaments too, who sell him their souls, and extort from 
 the people the money with which they aid his destructive 
 purposes, as they share his guilt, will share his infamy, — 
 parliaments, who, to please him, have repeatedly, by 
 different votes year after year, dipped their hands in 
 human blood, insomuch that methinks I see it dried and 
 caked so thick upon them, that if they could wash it off in 
 the Thames, which flows under their windows, the whole 
 river would run red to the ocean. 
 
 * George the Third. * George. ' British. * George the Third. * King. 
 
364 FRANKLIN 
 
 One is provoked by enormous wickedness ; but one is 
 ashamed and humiliated at the view of human baseness. 
 
 It afflicts me, therefore, to see a gentleman of Sir J. Y 's 
 
 education and talents, for the sake of a red ribbon, and a 
 paltry stipend, mean enough to style such a . . . .* his 
 master, wear his livery, hold himself ready at his command 
 even to cut the throats of fellow subjects. This makes 
 it impossible for me to end my letter with the civility of 
 a compliment, and obliges me to subscribe myself simply, 
 
 John Paul Jones, 
 whom you are pleased to style 3. pirate. 
 
 TO JOHN ADAMS 
 
 Passy, 12 October, 1781. 
 
 Sir : I received the letter your Excellency did me the 
 honor to write me the 4th instant. I have never known a 
 peace made, even the most advantageous, that was not 
 censured as inadequate, and the makers condemned as 
 injudicious or corrupt. ^^ Blessed are the peace-makers'' is, I 
 suppose, to be understood in the other world ; for in this 
 they are frequently cursed. Being as yet rather too much 
 attached to this world, I had therefore no ambition to be 
 concerned in fabricating this peace, and know not how I 
 came to be put into the commission. I esteem it, however, 
 as an honor to be joined with you in so important a business ; 
 and, if the execution of it shall happen in my time, which 
 I hardly expect, I shall endeavor to assist in discharging 
 the duty according to the best of my judgment. With 
 the greatest respect, I have the honor to be, &c., 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 TO JOHN ADAMS 
 
 Passy, 26 November, 1781. 
 
 Sir : I sent forward last Saturday some packets and 
 letters for you which I hope got to hand in time. Most 
 
 ' Monarch. 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 365 
 
 heartily do I congratulate you on the glorious news. 
 The infant Hercules in his cradle has now strangled his 
 second serpent, and gives hopes that his future history will 
 be answerable. 
 
 I enclose a packet, which I have just received from 
 General Washington, and which I suppose contains the 
 articles of capitulation. It is a rare circumstance, and 
 scarce to be met with in history, that in one war two 
 armies should be taken prisoners completely, not a man in 
 either escaping. It is another singular circumstance, that 
 an expedition so complex, formed of armies of different 
 nations, and of land and sea forces, should with such per. 
 feet concord be assembled from different places by land 
 and water, form their junction punctually, without the 
 least retard by cross accidents of wind or weather, or 
 interruption from the enemy ; and that the army, which 
 was their object, should in the meantime have the good- 
 ness to quit a situation from whence it might have escaped, 
 and place itself in another whence an escape was impossible. 
 I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 TO DAVID HARTLEY 
 
 Passy, 15 Jan., 1782. 
 
 I received a few days since your favor of the 2d 
 instant, in which you tell me, that Mr. Alexander had 
 informed you, " America was disposed to enter into a 
 separate treaty with Great Britain." I am persuaded, 
 that your strong desire for peace has misled you, and 
 occasioned your greatly misunderstanding Mr. Alexander ; 
 as I think it scarce possible, he should have asserted a 
 thing so utterly void of foundation. I remember that you 
 have, as you say, often urged this on former occasions, 
 and that it always gave me more disgust than my friend- 
 ship for you permitted me to express. But, since you 
 have now gone so far as to carry such a proposition to 
 Lord North, as arising from us, it is necessary that I 
 
366 FRANKLIN 
 
 should be explicit with you, and tell you plainly, that I 
 never had such an idea; and I believe there is not a man 
 in America, a few English Tories excepted, that would not 
 spurn at the thought of deserting a noble and generous 
 friend, for the sake of a truce with an unjust and cruel 
 enemy. 
 
 I have again read over your Conciliatory Bill, with the 
 manuscript propositions that accompany it, and am con- 
 cerned to find, that one cannot give vent to a simple wish 
 for peace, a mere sentiment of humanity, without having 
 it interpreted as a dispositio7i to submit to any base conditions 
 that may be offered us, rather than continue the war ; for 
 on no other supposition could you propose to us a truce 
 of ten years, during which we are to engage not to assist 
 France, while you continue the war with her. A truce, 
 too, wherein nothing is to be mentioned that may weaken 
 your pretensions to dominion over us, which you may 
 therefore resume at the end of the term, or at pleasure ; 
 when we should have so covered ourselves with infamy^ 
 by our treachery to our first friend, as that no other na- 
 tion can ever after be disposed to assist us, however cruelly 
 you might think fit to treat us. Believe me, my dear 
 friend, America has too much understanding, and is too 
 sensible of the value of the world's good opinion, to for- 
 feit it all by such perfidy. The Congress will never in- 
 struct their Commissioners to obtain a peace on such 
 ignominious terms ; and though there can be but few 
 things in which I should venture to disobey their orders, 
 yet, if it were possible for them to give me such an order 
 as this, I should certainly refuse to act ; I should instantly 
 renounce their commission, and banish myself for ever 
 from so infamous a country. 
 
 We are a little ambitious too of your esteem ; and, as 
 I think we have acquired some share of it by our manner 
 of making war with you, I trust we shall not hazard the 
 loss of it by consenting meanly to a dishonorable peace. 
 
 Lord North was wise in demanding of you some author- 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 367 
 
 ized acknowledgment of the proposition from authorized 
 persons. He justly thought it too improbable to be relied 
 on, so as to lay it before the Privy Council. You can now 
 inform him, that the whole has been a mistake, and that 
 no such proposition as that of a separate peace has been, 
 is, or is ever likely to be made by me ; and I believe by 
 no other authorized person whatever in behalf of Amer- 
 ica. You may further, if you please, inform his Lordship, 
 that Mr. Adams, Mr. Laurens, Mr. Jay, and myself, have 
 long since been empowered, by a special commission, to 
 treat of peace whenever a negotiation shall be opened for 
 that purpose ; but it must always be understood, that this 
 is to be in conjunction with our allies, comformably to the 
 solemn treaties made with them. 
 
 You have, my dear friend, a strong desire to promote 
 peace, and it is a most laudable and virtuous desire. 
 Permit me then to wish, that you would, in order to suc- 
 ceed as a mediator, avoid such invidious expressions as 
 may have an effect in preventing 3'our purpose. You tell 
 me, that no stipulation for our independence must be in 
 the treaty, because you " verily believe, so deep is the 
 jealousy between England and France, that England 
 would fight for a straw, to the last man and the last shil- 
 ling, rather than be dictated to by France." And again, 
 that " the nation would proceed to every extremity, rather 
 than be brought to a formal recognition of independence 
 at the haughty comniajid of France." My dear Sir, if every 
 proposition of terms for peace, that may be made by one 
 of the parties at war, is to be called and considered by 
 the other as dictating, and a haughty covtmatid, and for that 
 reason rejected, with a resolution of fighting to the last 
 man rather than agrc^ to it, you see that in such case no 
 treaty of peace is possible. 
 
 In fact, we began the war for independence on your 
 government, which we found tyrannical, and this before 
 France had any thing to do with our affairs ; the article 
 in our treaty, whereb}'' the " two parties engage, that 
 
368 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 neither of them shall conclude either truce or peace with 
 Great Britain, without the formal consent of the other 
 first obtained ; and mutually engage, not to lay down 
 their arms until the independence of the United States 
 shall have been formally or tacitly assured, by the treaty 
 or treaties, that shall terminate the war," was an article 
 inserted at our instance, being in our favor. And you 
 see, by the article itself, that your great difficulty may be 
 easily got over, as a formal acknowledgment of our inde- 
 pendence is not made necessary. But we hope by God's 
 help to enjoy it ; and I suppose we shall fight for it as 
 long as we are able. 
 
 I do not make any remarks upon the other proposi- 
 tions, because I think, that, unless they were made by 
 authority, the discussion of them is unnecessary, and may 
 be inconvenient. The supposition of our being disposed 
 to make a separate peace I could not be silent upon, as it 
 materially affected our reputation and its essential in- 
 terests. If I have been a little warm on that offensive 
 point, reflect on your repeatedly urging it and endeavour 
 to excuse me. Whatever may be the fate of our poor 
 countries, let you and me die as we have lived, in peace 
 with each other. 
 
 Assuredly I continue, with great and sincere esteem, 
 my dear friend, yours most affectionately, 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 TO GEORGE WASHINGTON 
 
 Passy, 8 April, 1782. 
 
 Sir : I did myself the honor of writing to you a few 
 days since by the Count de Segur. This line is chiefly 
 to present the Prince de Broglie to your Excellency, who 
 goes over to join the army of M. de Roochambeau. He 
 bears an excellent character here, is a hearty friend to 
 our cause, and I am persuaded you will have a pleasure 
 in his conversation. I take leave, therefore, to recom- 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 369 
 
 mend him to those civilities, which you are always happy 
 in showing to strangers of merit and distinction. 
 
 1 have heretofore congratulated your Excellency on 
 your victories over our enemy's generals ; I can now do 
 the same on your having overthrown their politicians. 
 Your late successes have so strengthened the hands of 
 opposition in Parliament, that they are become the ma- 
 jority, and have compelled the king to dismiss all his old 
 ministers and their adherents. The unclean spirits he 
 was possessed with are now cast out of him ; but it is 
 imagined that, as soon as he has obtained a peace, they 
 will return with others worse than themselves, and the 
 last state of that man, as the Scripture says, shall be worse 
 than the first. 
 
 With the greatest esteem and respect, I am. Sir, your 
 Excellency's, &c., B. Franklin. 
 
 TO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY 
 
 Passy, 7 June, 1782. 
 
 Dear Sir : I have always great pleasure in hearing 
 from you, in learning that you are well, and that you con- 
 tinue your experiments. I should rejoice much, if I 
 could once more recover the leisure to search with you 
 into the works of nature. . . . 
 
 In what light we are viewed by superior beings, may 
 be gathered from a piece of late West India news, which 
 possibly has not yet reached you. A young angel of dis- 
 tinction being sent down to this world on some business, 
 for the first time, had an old courier-spirit assigned him 
 as a guide. They arrived over the seas of Martinico, in 
 the middle of the long day of obstinate fight between the 
 fleets of Rodney and De Grasse. When, through the 
 clouds of smoke, he saw the fire of the guns, the decks 
 covered with mangled limbs, and bodies dead or dying ; 
 the ships sinking, burning, or blown into the air ; and the 
 quantity of pain, misery, and destruction, the crews yet 
 24 
 
370 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 alive were thus with so much eagerness dealing round to 
 one another; he turned angrily to his guide, and said "You 
 blundering blockhead, you are ignorant of your business ; 
 you undertook to conduct me to the earth, and you have 
 brought me into hell ! " " No, sir," says the guide, " I 
 have made no mistake ; this is really the earth, and these 
 are men. Devils never treat one another in this cruel 
 manner ; they have more sense, and more of what men 
 (vainly) call humanity." 
 
 But to be serious, my dear old friend, I love you as 
 much as ever, and I love all the honest souls that meet at 
 the London coffee-house. I only wonder how it happened, 
 that they and my other friends in England came to be 
 such good creatures in the midst of so perverse a genera- 
 tion. I long to see them and you once more, and I labor 
 for peace with more earnestness, that I may again be 
 happy in your sweet society. Adieu, believe me ever 
 yours most affectionately, B. Franklin. 
 
 TO RICHARD PRICE 
 
 Passy, 13 June, 1782. 
 
 Dear Sir : The ancient Roman and Greek orators 
 could only speak to the number of citizens capable of 
 being assembled within the reach of their voice. Their 
 writings had little effect, because the bulk of the people 
 could not read. Now by the press we can speak to na- 
 tions ; and good books and well written pamphlets have 
 great and general influence. The facility, with which the 
 same truths may be repeatedly enforced by placing them 
 daily in different lights in newspapers, which are every- 
 where read, gives a great chance of establishing them. 
 And we now find, that it is not only right to strike while 
 the iron is hot, but that it may be very practicable to 
 heat it by continually striking. With the greatest and 
 most sincere esteem and affection, I am, my dear friend, 
 yours ever, B. Franklin. 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 371 
 
 TO FRANCIS HOPKINSON 
 
 Passy, 24 December, 1782. 
 
 Dear Sir: You do well to avoid being concerned in 
 the pieces of personal abuse, so scandalously common in 
 our newspapers, that I am afraid to lend any of them 
 here, until I have examined and laid aside such as would 
 disgrace us, and subject us among strangers to a reflec- 
 tion like that used by a gentleman in a coffee-house to 
 two quarrellers, who, after a mutual free use of the words, 
 rogue, villain, rascal, scou7idrel, &c., seemed as if they would 
 refer their dispute to him ; " I know nothing of you or 
 your affairs," said he, " I only perceive that you know one 
 another.'* 
 
 The conductor of a newspaper should, methinks, con- 
 sider himself as in some degree the guardian of his coun- 
 try's reputation, and refuse to insert such writings as may 
 hurt it. If people will print their abuses of one another, 
 let them do it in little pamphlets, and distribute them 
 where they think proper. It is absurd to trouble all the 
 world with them ; and unjust to subscribers in different 
 places, to stuff their paper with matter so unprofitable 
 and so disagreeable. With sincere esteem and affection, 
 I am, &c., B. Franklin. 
 
 The negotiations for peace with America had been going on at Passy, 
 either directly or indirectly, ever since the change of ministry in England. 
 In this portion of the memoirs of Dr. Franklin will be seen the very con- 
 siderable influence which that able statesman and negotiator exercised in 
 bringing about the peace of America, and the final acknowledgment of 
 her independence by Great Britain. 
 
 TO THE HON. ROBERT LIVINGSTON, ESQ. 
 
 Passy, Dec. 5, 1782. 
 
 . . . You desire to be very particularly acquainted with 
 " every step which tends to a negotiation." I am therefore 
 encouraged to send you the first part of the journal, 
 
372 FRANKLIN 
 
 which accidents and a long- severe illness, interrupted ; 
 but which, from notes I have by me, may be continued if 
 thought proper. In its present state, it is hardly fit for 
 the inspection of Congress, certainly not for public view. 
 I confide it therefore to your prudence. 
 
 The arrival of Mr. Jay, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Laurens, 
 relieved me from much anxiety, which must have con- 
 tinued if I had been left to finish the treaty alone ; and 
 it has given me the more satisfaction, as I am sure the 
 business has profited by their assistance. 
 
 Much of the summer was taken up in objecting to the 
 powers given by Great Britain, and in removing those 
 objections. The using any expressions that might imply 
 an acknowledgment of our independence, seemed at first, 
 industriously to be avoided. But our refusing otherwise 
 to treat, at length induced them to get over that diffi- 
 culty ; and then we came to the point of making proposi- 
 tions. Those made by Mr. Jay and me, before the arrival 
 of the other gentlemen, you will find in the paper No. i, 
 which was sent by the British plenipotentiary to Lon- 
 don for the king's consideration. After some weeks, an 
 under-secretary of state, Mr. Strachey, arrived, with 
 whom we had much contestation about the boundaries 
 and other articles which he proposed : we settled some, 
 which he carried to London, and returned with the propo- 
 sitions ; some adopted, others omitted or altered, and 
 new ones added ; which you will see in paper No. 2. 
 We spent many days in discussing and disputing, and 
 at length agreed on and signed the preliminaries, which 
 you will receive by this conveyance. The British minis- 
 ters struggled hard for three points ; that the favors 
 granted to the royalists should be extended, and our fish- 
 ery contracted. We silenced them on the first, by threat- 
 ening to produce an account of the mischief done by 
 those people; and as to the second, when they told us 
 they could not possibly agree to it as we required it, 
 and must refer it to the ministry in London, we pro- 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 373 
 
 duced a new article to be referred at the same time, 
 with a note of facts in support of it, which you have 
 No. 3. Apparently it seemed that, to avoid the discussion 
 of this, they suddenly changed their minds, dropped the 
 design of recurring to London, and agreed to allow the 
 fishery as demanded. You will find in the preliminaries 
 some inaccurate and ambiguous expressions that want 
 explanation, and which may be explained in the definitive 
 treaty. And as the British ministry excluded our propo- 
 sition relating to commerce, and the American prohibi- 
 tion of that with England may not be understood to cease 
 merely by our concluding a treaty of peace, perhaps we 
 may then, if the Congress shall think fit to direct it, obtain 
 some compensation for the injuries done us, as a condi- 
 tion of our opening again the trade. Every one of the 
 present British ministry has, while in the minority, de- 
 clared the war against us luijust ; and nothing is clearer 
 in reason than that those who injure others by unjust war, 
 should make full reparation. They have stipulated, too, 
 in these preliminaries, that in evacuating our towns they 
 shall carry off no plunder, which is a kind of acknowledg- 
 ment that they ought not to have done it before. 
 
 The reason given us for dropping the article relating 
 to commerce, was, that some statutes were in the way, 
 which must be repealed before a treaty of that kind could 
 well be formed ; and that this was a matter to be consid- 
 ered in Parliament. 
 
 They wanted to bring their boundary down to the 
 Ohio, and to settle their loyalists in the Illinois country. 
 We did not choose such neighbors. 
 
 We communicated all the articles, as soon as they were 
 signed, to Mons. le Comte de Vergennes, (except the sepa- 
 rate one) who thinks we have managed well, and told me, — 
 that we had settled what was most apprehended as a dif- 
 ficulty in the work of a general peace, by obtaining the 
 declaration of our independence. . . . 
 
 I am now near entering my seventy-fifth year. Public 
 
374 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 business has engrossed fifty of them. I wish, for the little 
 time I have left, to be my own master. If I live to see 
 this peace concluded, I shall beg leave to remind the Con- 
 gress of their promise then to dismiss me. I shall be 
 happy to sing with old Simeon, " Now lettest thou thy serv- 
 ant depart in peace, for 7nine eyes have seen thy salvation^ 
 With great esteem, &c., 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 This business being accomplished, and Dr. Franlclin not receiving any 
 answer whatever from Congress to his repeated oilcial applications to be 
 recalled, and his anxiety to return home increasing with his age and in- 
 firmities, he addressed a private request to the same effect to his friend 
 General Mifflin, then President of Congress, in order, through his interpo- 
 sition and influence, to obtain the wished-for object. 
 
 BALLOON ASCENSION IN PARIS 
 
 July 15. The Duke de Chartres's balloon went off this 
 morning from the St. Cloud, himself and three others in 
 the gallery. It was foggy, and they were soon out of 
 sight. But the machine being disordered, so that the 
 trap or valve could not be opened to let out the expand- 
 ing air, and fearing that the balloon would burst, they 
 cut a hole in it, which ripped larger, and they fell rapidly, 
 but received no harm. They had been a vast height, met 
 with a cloud of snow, and a tornado, which frightened 
 them. 
 
 Sunday 18. A good abb6 brings me a large manu- 
 script containing a scheme of reformation of all churches 
 and states, religion, commerce, laws, &c., which he has 
 planned in his closet, without much knowledge of the 
 world. I have promised to look it over, and he is to 
 call next Thursday. It is amazing the number of legislat- 
 ors that kindly bring me new plans for governing the 
 United States. 
 
 In the year 1784, when animal magnetism made considerable noise 
 in the world, particularly at Paris, it was thought a matter of such im- 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 375 
 
 portance that the king appointed commissioners to examine into the 
 foundation of this pretended science. Dr. Franklin, at the particular re- 
 quest of his Majesty, signified to him by a letter from the minister, con- 
 sented to be one of the number. After a fair and diligent examination, 
 in the course of which Dr. Delon, a pupil and partner of Mcsmer, repeated 
 a number of experiments in the presence of the commissioners, some of 
 which were tried upon themselves, they determined that it was a mere 
 trick, intended to impose on the ignorant and credulous, and gave in their 
 report accordingly to his Majesty, which was afterward published for the 
 information of the public. Mesmer and his associate Delon were thus 
 interrupted in their career to wealth and fame, and a most insolent attempt 
 to impose upon the human understanding baffled. 
 
 Some time after. Dr. Franklin, in a letter to his friend Dr. Ingenhausz, 
 thus notices the subject : 
 
 Mesmer continues here, and has still some adherents, 
 and some practice. It is surprising how much credulity 
 still subsists in the world. I suppose all the physicians 
 in France put together have not made so much money, 
 during the time he has been here, as he alone has done ! 
 And we have now a fresh folly. A magnetiser pretends 
 that he can, by establishing what is called a rapport be- 
 tween any person and a somnambule^ put it in the power 
 of that person to direct the actions of the somnatnbule 
 by a simple strong volition only, without speaking or 
 making any signs ; and many people daily liock to see 
 this strange operation. 
 
 The important ends of Dr. Franklin's mission to Europe being attained 
 by the establishment and acknowledgment of American independence, 
 and the infirmities of age and disease increasing upon him, he became 
 more and more desirous of being relieved from his public situation, and 
 of returning to his native country. Upon a renewed application to Con- 
 gress to be recalled, he at length obtained his request, and Mr. Jefferson 
 was appointed to succeed him. A more able and suitable successor in 
 every respect could not have been found, 
 
 TO DAVID HARTLEY 
 
 Passy, 6th September, 1783. 
 
 My dear Friend : We are more thoroughly an en- 
 lightened people, with respect to our political interests, 
 
276 FRANKLIN 
 
 than perhaps any other under heaven. Every man among 
 us reads, and is so easy in his circumstances as to have 
 leisure for conversation of improvement, and for acquir- 
 ing information. Our domestic misunderstandings, when 
 we have them, are of small extent, though monstrously 
 mao-nified by your microscopic newspapers. He who 
 judges from them that we are on the point of falling into 
 anarchy, or returning to the obedience of Britain, is like 
 one, who being shown some spots in the sun, should fancy 
 that the whole disk would soon be overspread with them, 
 and that there would be an end of daylight. The great 
 body of intelligence among our people surrounds and 
 overpowers our petty dissensions, as the sun's great mass 
 of fire diminishes and destroys his spots. 
 
 Yours affectionately, B. Franklin. 
 
 TO MRS. SARAH BACHE 
 
 Passy, 26th January, 1784. 
 
 My dear Child : For my own part, I wish the bald 
 eagle had not been chosen as the representative of our 
 country; he is a bird of bad moral character ; he does not 
 get his living honestly ; you may have seen him perched 
 upon some dead tree, where, too lazy to fish for himself, 
 he watches the labor of the fishing-hawk ; and when that 
 diligent bird has at length taken a fish, and is bearing it 
 to his nest for the support of his mate and young ones, the 
 bald eagle pursues him, and takes it from him. With all 
 this injustice he is never in good case ; but like those 
 among men, who live by sharping and robbing, he is gen- 
 erally poor, and often very lousy. Besides, he is a rank 
 coward ; the little king-bird, not bigger than a sparrow, 
 attacks him boldly and drives him out of the district. He 
 is therefore by no means a proper emblem for the brave 
 and honest Cincinnati of America, who have driven all 
 the king-birds from our country ; though exactly fit for 
 that order of knights, which the French call Chevaliers 
 d'Industrie. 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 377 
 
 I am, on this account, not displeased that the figure is 
 not known as a bald eagle, but looks more like a turkey. 
 For in truth, the turkey is in comparison a much more 
 respectable bird, and withal, a true original native of 
 America. Eagles have been found in all countries, but 
 the turkey was peculiar to ours ; and the first of the spe- 
 cies seen in Europe, being brought to France by the Jesuits 
 from Canada, and served up at the wedding table of 
 Charles the Ninth. He is besides (though a little vain and 
 silly, it is true, but not the worse emblem for that,) a bird 
 of courage, and would not hesitate to attack a grenadier 
 of the British guards, who should presume to invade his 
 farm-yard, with a red coat on. 
 
 TO SAMUEL MATHER 
 
 Passy, 12 May, 1784. 
 
 Reverend Sir : It is now more than sixty years since 
 I left Boston, but 1 remember well both your father and 
 your grandfather, having heard them both in the pulpit 
 and seen them in their houses. The last time I saw your 
 father was in the beginning of 1724, when I visited him 
 after my first trip to Pennsylvania. He received me in 
 his library, and on my taking leave showed me a shorter 
 way out of the house through a narrow passage, which 
 was crossed by a beam overhead. We were still talking 
 as I withdrew, he accompanying me behind, and I turning 
 partly towards him, when he said hastily : " Stoop, stoop ! " 
 I did not understand him, till I felt my head hit against a 
 beam. He was a man that never missed any occasion of 
 giving instruction, and upon this he said to me, " Vou are 
 young, and have the world before you ; STOOP as you go 
 through it, and you will viiss many hard thumps" This ad- 
 vice, thus beat into my head, has frequently been of use 
 to me ; and I often think of it, when I see pride mortified, 
 and misfortunes brought upon people by their carrying 
 their heads too high. With great and sincere esteem, I 
 have the honor to be, &c., B. FRANKLIN. 
 
378 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 TO MESSRS. WEEMS AND GANT. CITIZENS OF THE 
 UNITED STATES IN LONDON 
 
 Passy, i8 July, 1784. 
 
 Gentlemen : On receipt of your letter, acquainting 
 me that the Archbishop of Canterbury would not permit 
 you to be ordained, unless you took the oath of allegiance, 
 I applied to a clergyman of my acquaintance for informa- 
 tion on the subject of your obtaining ordination here. 
 His opinion was, that it could not be done ; and that, if it 
 were done, you would be required to vow obedience to the 
 Archbishop of Paris. I next inquired of the Pope's Nun- 
 cio, whether you might not be ordained by their bishop 
 in America, powers being sent to him for that purpose, if 
 he has them not already. The answer was, " the thing is 
 impossible, unless the gentlemen become Catholics." . . . 
 
 If the British islands were sunk in the sea (and the 
 surface of this globe has suffered greater changes), you 
 would probably take some such method as this ; and, if 
 they persist in denying you ordination, it is the same 
 thing. A hundred years hence, when people are more 
 enlightened, it will be wondered at that men in America, 
 qualified by their learning and piety to pray for and in- 
 struct their neighbors, should not be permitted to do it, 
 till they had made a voyage of six thousand miles out and 
 home, to ask leave of a cross old gentleman at Canterbury ; 
 who seems, by your account, to have as little regard for 
 the souls of the people of Maryland, as King William's 
 Attorney General, Seymour, had for those of Virginia. 
 The Reverend Commissary Blair, who projected the Col- 
 lege of that Province, and was in England to solicit bene- 
 factions and a charter, relates, that the Queen, in the 
 King's absence, having ordered Seymour to draw up the 
 charter, which was to be given, with two thousand pounds 
 in money, he opposed the grant ; saying that the nation 
 was engaged in an expensive war, that the money was 
 wanted for better purposes, and he did not see the least 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 379 
 
 occasion for a college in Virginia. Blair represented to 
 him, that its intention was to educate and qualify young 
 men to be ministers of the gospel, much wanted there ; 
 and begged Mr. Attorney would consider, that the people 
 of Virginia had souls to be saved, as well as the people of 
 England. '^ Sou/s /" said \\q, ^^ damn your sonls. Make to- 
 bacco.'' I have the honor to be, gentlemen, &c. 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 One of the last public acts of Dr. Franklin in Europe, as plenipoten- 
 tiary from Congress, took place on the 9th of July, 1785, when he con- 
 cluded and signed (jointly with other American commissioners; a treaty 
 of amity and commerce between the United States of America and the 
 King of Prussia. This treaty is remarkable as containing a strong and 
 lasting testimony of Dr. Franklin's wonted philanthropy. In it was in- 
 troduced for the first time (and, to the disgrace of governments, perhaps 
 for the last) that benevolent article against the molestation of the persons 
 and property of unarmed citizens in time of war, and against privateer- 
 ing. The establishing of this principle as the future law of nations was a 
 favorite object of Dr. Franklin. 
 
 The infirmity under which Dr. Franklin labored was such that he 
 could not support the motion of a carriage. In consequence, the queen's 
 litter, borne by Spanish mules, was kindly offered and gratefully accepted 
 to convey him from Passy to Havre-de-Grace, where he proposed embarking. 
 
 In this easy vehicle he made that journey, followed by his family and 
 some friends in carriages. On the road he experienced ever)' mark of 
 respect, attention, and kindness from several of the nobility and gentry 
 whose chateaux lay adjoining, and particularly from the Cardinal de la 
 Rochefoucauld at Gaillon, where he passed a night with his accompany- 
 ing friends and attendants. He arrived safe at Havre without having 
 experienced any material inconvenience from the journey, and there em- 
 barked in a small packet, crossed the British Channel, and landed at 
 Southampton. Here he remained a few days, and had the satisfaction of 
 seeing his son, the former Governor of New Jersey, and receiving the 
 visits of several of his English friends. Among these were the Bishop of 
 St. Asaph (Dr. Shipley), Mr. Alexander, Mr. Benjamin Vaughan, &c. 
 He embarked on board a Philadelphia ship, called the London Packet, 
 Capt. Thos. Truxtun, on July 27, and after a prosperous voyage arrived 
 in Philadelphia the 14th of September, But his own account of his jour- 
 ney from Passy to Havre, and his subsequent voyage to Southampton, 
 and thence to America, as taken from his pocket journal, may not per- 
 haps be entirely void of interest. It is as follows : 
 
38o 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 PRIVATE JOURNAL 
 
 Having staid in France about eight and one half 
 years, I took leave of the court and my friends, and set 
 out on my return home, July 12, 1785, leaving Passy w^ith 
 my two grandsons, at 4 P. M. ; arrived about 8 at SL Ger- 
 mains. M. de Chaumont, with his daughter Sophia, ac- 
 companied us to Ncmterre. M. Le Veillard will continue 
 with us to Havre. We met at St. Gcrmains the Miss 
 Alexanders with Mrs. Williams our cousin, who had pro- 
 vided a lodging for me at M. Benoit's. I found that the 
 motion of the litter, lent me by the Duke de Coigny, did 
 not much incommode me. It was one of the queen's, 
 carried by two very large mules, the muleteer riding an. 
 other ; M. le V. and my children in a carriage. We 
 drank tea at M. Benoit's and went early to bed. 
 
 Wednesday, July 13. Breakfast with our friends, take 
 leave and continue our journey, dine at a good inn at 
 Meiilayi, and get to Mantes in the evening. A messenger 
 from the Cardinal de la Rochefoucauld meets us there 
 with an invitation to stop at his house at Gaillon the next 
 day, acquainting us at the same time that he would take 
 no excuse; for, being all powerful in his archbishopric, he 
 would stop us nolens volens at his habitation, and not per- 
 mit us to lodge anywhere else. We consented. Lodged 
 at Ma7ites. Found myself very little fatigued with the 
 day's journey, the mules going only foot pace. 
 
 Thursday, July 14. Proceed early, and breakfast at 
 Vernon. Received a visit there from Vicomte de Tilly 
 and his Comtesse. Arrive at the cardinal's without 
 dining, about six in the afternoon. It is a superb ancient 
 chateau, built about 350 years since, but in line preserva- 
 tion, on an elevated situation, with an extensive and beau- 
 tiful view over a well-cultivated country. The cardinal 
 is archbishop of Rouen. A long gallery contains the pic- 
 tures of all his predecessors. The chapel is elegant in the 
 old style, with well-painted glass windows. The terrace 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 381 
 
 magnificent. We supped early. The entertainment was 
 kind and cheerful. We were allowed to go early to bed, 
 on account of our intention to depart early in the morn- 
 ing. The cardinal pressed us to pass another day with 
 him, offering to amuse us with hunting in his park: but 
 the necessity we are under of being in time at Havre, 
 would not permit. . . . 
 
 Wednesday, July 20. The packet-boat arrives, and 
 the captain (Jennings) calling at our lodging, we agree 
 with him to carry us and the baggage we have here for 
 ten guineas, to land us at Cowes. We are to depart to- 
 morrow evening. 
 
 Monday, July 25th. [Southampton.] The bishop and 
 family lodging in the same inn, the Star, we all breakfast 
 and dine together. I went at noon to bathe in Martin's 
 salt water hot-bath, and floating on my back fell asleep, 
 and slept near an hour by my watch, without sinking or 
 turning, a thing I never did before, and should hardly 
 have thought possible. Water is the easiest bed that can 
 be. Read over the writings of conveyance, etc., of my 
 son's lands in New Jersey and New York to my grand- 
 son. . . . 
 
 Thursday, July 28. When I waked in the morning, 
 found the company gone, and the ship under sail. 
 
 Nothing material occurred during the passage. Dr. Franklin occupied 
 himself as in former voyages, in ascertaining daily the temperature of the 
 sea-water by the thermometer ; and he wrote a very interesting and use- 
 ful paper on " Improvements in Navigation." 
 
 Tuesday, Sept. 13. The wind springing fair last even- 
 ing after a calm, we found ourselves this morning at 
 sun-rising, abreast of the light-house, and between Capes 
 May and Henlopcn. We sail into the bay very pleasantly ; 
 water smooth, air cool, day fair and fine. 
 
 Wednesday, Sept. 14. With a flood in the morning 
 came a light breeze, which brought us above Gloucester 
 Point, in full view of dear Philadelphia I when we again 
 
382 FRANKLIN 
 
 cast anchor to wait for the health officer, who, having 
 made his visit, and finding no sickness, gave us leave to 
 land. My son-in-law came with a boat for us ; we landed 
 at Market street wharf, where we were received by a 
 crowd of people with huzzas, and accompanied with ac- 
 clamations quite to my door. Found my family well. 
 God be praised and thanked for all his mercies ! 
 
 The arrival of Dr. Franklin in Philadelphia is thus accurately related 
 by one of his historians : " He was received amidst the acclamations of 
 an immense number of the inhabitants, who flocked from all parts in 
 order to see him, and conducted him in triumph to his own house. In 
 the meantime the cannon and the bells of the city announced the glad 
 tidings to the neighboring country and he was waited upon by the Con- 
 gress, the university, and all the principal citizens, who were eager to 
 testify their esteem and veneration for his character." Another writer 
 thus enthusiastically notices his return : 
 
 " His entry into Philadelphia resembled a triumph ; 
 and he traversed the streets of that capital amidst the 
 benedictions of a free and grateful people, who had not 
 forgotten his services." 
 
 Soon after Dr. Franklin's arrival in Philadelphia he was chosen a 
 member of the supreme executive council of that city, and shortly after 
 was elected president of the State of Pennsylvania, which honorable situa- 
 tion he filled the whole time allowed by the constitution, viz., three suc- 
 cessive years. When a general convention of the States was summoned 
 to meet in Philadelphia, in 1787, for the purpose of giving more energy to 
 the Government of the Union, by revising and amending the articles of 
 confederation, Dr. Franklin was appointed a delegate from the State of 
 Pennsylvania to that convention ; as such he signed the new constitution 
 agreed on for the United States, and gave it the most unequivocal marks 
 of his approbation. 
 
 TO GEORGE WASHINGTON 
 
 Philadelphia, 20 Sept., 1785. 
 
 I am just arrived from a country, where the reputa- 
 tion of General Washington runs very high, and where 
 everybody wishes to see him in person ; but, being told 
 
FRANKLIN'S BIRTHPLACE, 
 Which stood on Milk Street, opposite the Old South Church, 
 
 Boston. 
 
 Photogravure from an oM lithograph owned by the 
 Bostonian Society. 
 
for the he 
 iding '- 
 
 v.e wilii 
 
 ^VY^V 
 
 GO II.. 
 
 r ano am articles of 
 
 jUSt :"^ ! 
 
 A Gene 
 cry body wishes to 5cc 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENXE 3S3 
 
 that it is not likely he ever will favor them with a visit, 
 they hope at least for a sight of his perfect resemblance by 
 means of their principal statuary, M. Houdon, whom Mr. 
 Jefferson and myself agreed with to come over for the 
 purpose of taking a bust, in order to make the intended 
 statue for the State of Virginia. He is here, but, the mate- 
 rials and instruments he sent down the Seine from Paris 
 not being arrived at Havre when we sailed, he was 
 obliged to leave them, and is now busied in supplving 
 himself here. As soon as that is done, he proposes to 
 wait on you in Virginia, as he understands there is no 
 prospect of your coming hither, which would indeed make 
 me very happy ; as it would give me an opportunity of 
 congratulating with you personally on the tinal success of 
 your long and painful labors, in the service of our coun- 
 try, which have laid us all under eternal obligations. 
 With the greatest and most sincere esteem and respect, I 
 am, dear Sir &c. B. Franklin. 
 
 TO JON.\THAN SHIPLEY 
 
 Philadelphia. 24 Feb., 17S6. 
 
 . Dear Friend : You will kindly expect a word or 
 two concerning myself. My health and spirits con- 
 tinue, thanks to God, as when you saw me. The only 
 complaint I then had, does not grow worse, and is toler- 
 able. I still have enjoyment in the company of my 
 friends ; and. being easy in my circumstances, have many 
 reasons to like living. But the course of nature mv.Zy. 
 soon put a period to my present mode of existence. This 
 I shall submit to with the less regret, as. having seen dur- 
 ing a long life, a good deal of this world, I feel a growing 
 curiosity to be acquainted with some other ; and can 
 cheerfuUv. with filial confidence, resign my spirit to the 
 conduct of that great and good Parent of mankind, who 
 created it. and who has so graciously protected and pros- 
 pered me from my birth to the present hour. Wherever 
 
384 FRANKLIN 
 
 I am, I hope always to retain the pleasing remembrance 
 of your friendship, being with sincere and great esteem, 
 my dear friend, yours most affectionately, 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 TO MRS. MARY HEWSON 
 
 Philadelphia, 6 May, 1786. 
 
 My dear Friend : I have found my family here in 
 health, good circumstances, and well respected by their 
 fellow citizens. The companions of my youth are indeed 
 all departed, but I find an agreeable society among their 
 children and grand-children. I have public business 
 enough to preserve me from ennui, and private amuse- 
 ment besides in conversation, books, my garden, and crib- 
 bage. Considering our well-furnished plentiful market as 
 the best of gardens, I am turning mine, in the midst of 
 which my house stands, into grass-plots and gravel walks, 
 with trees and flowering shrubs. Cards we sometimes 
 play here, in long winter evenings ; but it is as they play 
 at chess, not for money, but for honor, or the pleasure of 
 beating one another. This will not be quite a novelty to 
 you, as you remember we played together in that manner 
 during the winter at Passy. I have indeed now and then 
 a little compunction in reflecting that I spend time so 
 idly ; but another reflection comes to relieve me, whis- 
 pering, " You know that the soul is immortal ; why then 
 should you be such a niggard of a little time, when you have a 
 whole eternity before you." So, being easily convinced, and, 
 like other reasonable creatures, satisfied with a small rea- 
 son when it is in favor of doing what I have a mind to, I 
 shuffle the cards again, and begin another game. 
 
 As to public amusements, we have neither plays nor 
 operas, but we had yesterday a kind of oratorio, as you 
 will see by the enclosed paper ; and we have assemblies, 
 balls, and concerts, besides little parties at one another's 
 houses, in which there is sometimes dancing, and fre- 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 385 
 
 quently good music ; so that we jog on in life as pleas- 
 antly as you do in England ; anywhere but in London, 
 for there you have plays performed by good actors. 
 That, however, is, I think, the only advantage London 
 has over Philadelphia. 
 
 With sincere and great esteem, I am ever, my dear 
 friend, yours most affectionately, B. Franklin. 
 
 TO THE ABBE MORELLET 
 
 Philadelphia, 22 April, 1787. 
 
 My very DEAR Friend : Whatever may be reported 
 by the English in Europe, you may be assured that our 
 people are almost unanimous in being satisfied with the 
 Revolution. Their unbounded respect for all who were 
 principally concerned in it, whether as warriors or states- 
 men, and the enthusiastic joy with which the day of the 
 declaration of independence is everywhere annually cele- 
 brated, are indubitable proofs of this truth. 
 
 TO THE DUKE DE LA ROCHEFOUCAULD 
 
 Philadelphia, 15 April, 1787. 
 
 Your friendly congratulations on my arrival and re- 
 ception here were very obliging. The latter was, as you 
 have heard, extremely flattering. The two parties in the 
 Assembly and Council, the constitutionists and anti-con- 
 stitutionists, joined in requesting my service as counsellor, 
 and afterwards in electing me as President. Of seventy- 
 four members in Council and Assembly, who voted by 
 ballot, there was in my first election but one negative, be- 
 sides my own ; and in the second, after a year's service, 
 only my own. And I experience, from all the principal 
 people in the government, every attention and assistance 
 that can be desired towards making the task as little 
 burdensome to me as possible. So I am going on very 
 comfortably hitherto with my second year, and I do not 
 25 
 
386 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 at present see any likelihood of a change; but future 
 events are always uncertain, being governed by Provi- 
 dence or subject to chances ; and popular favor is very 
 precarious, being sometimes lost as well as gained by good 
 actions; so I do not depend on a continuance of my 
 present happiness, and therefore shall not be surprised, 
 if, before my time of service expires, something should 
 happen to diminish it. 
 
 These States in general enjoy peace and plenty. 
 There have been some disorders in the Massachusetts 
 and Rhode Island governments ; those in the former are 
 quelled for the present; those of the latter, being con- 
 tentions for and against paper money, will probably con- 
 tinue some time. Maryland too is divided on the same 
 subject, the Assembly being for it, and the Senate against 
 it. Each is now employed in endeavouring to gain the 
 people to its party against the next elections, and it is 
 probable the Assembly may prevail. Paper money in 
 moderate quantities has been found beneficial ; when 
 more than the occasions of commerce require, it depre- 
 ciated and was mischievous ; and the populace are apt to 
 demand more than is necessary. In this State we have 
 some, and it is useful, and I do not hear any clamor for 
 more. » 
 
 There seems to be but little thought at present in the 
 particular States, of mending their particular constitu- 
 tions ; but the grand Federal Constitution is generally 
 blamed as not having given sufficient powers to Congress, 
 the federal head. A convention is therefore appointed to 
 revise that constitution, and propose a better. You will 
 see by the enclosed paper, that your friend is to be one 
 in that business, though he doubts his malady may not 
 permit his giving constant attendance. I am glad to see, 
 that you are named as one of a General Assembly to be 
 convened in France. I flatter myself, that great good 
 may accrue to that dear nation from the deliberations of 
 such an assembly. I pray God to give it his blessing. . . . 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 387 
 
 ' The bearer of this is Mr. Paine, the author of a famous 
 piece, entitled " Common Sense," published here with 
 great effect on the minds of the people at the beginning 
 of the Revolution. He is an ingenious, honest man ; and 
 as such I beg leave to recommend him to your civilities. 
 He carries with him the model of a bridge of a new con- 
 struction, his own invention, concerning which I intended 
 to have recommended him to M. Peyronnet, but I hear he 
 is no more. You can easily procure Mr. Paine a sight of 
 the models and drawings of the collection appertaining to 
 the Fonts et Chausse'es ; they must afford him useful lights 
 on the subject. We want a bridge over our river Schuyl- 
 kill, and have no artist here regularly bred to that kind of 
 architecture. 
 
 My grandsons are very sensible of the honor of your 
 remembrance, and desire me to present their respects. 
 With the most sincere and perfect esteem and attachment, 
 I am ever, my dear friend, &c. B. Franklin. 
 
 TO THOMAS JORDAN, LONDON 
 
 Philadelphia, 18 May, 1787. 
 
 I received your very kind letter of February 27th, to- 
 gether with the cask of porter you have been so good as 
 to send me. We have here at present what the French 
 call une assemble des notables^ a convention composed of 
 some of the principal people from the several States of 
 our confederation. They did me the honor of dining with 
 me last Wednesday, when the cask was broached, and its 
 contents met with the most cordial reception and uni- 
 versal approbation. In short, the company agreed unani- 
 mously, that it was the best porter they had ever tasted. 
 Accept my thanks, a poor return, but all I can make at 
 present. 
 
 Your letter reminds me of many happy days we have 
 passed together, and the dear friends with whom we 
 passed them ; some of whom, alas ! have left us, and we 
 
388 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 must regret their loss, although our Hawkesworth is 
 become an Adventurer in more happy regions ; and our 
 Stanley gone " where only his own harmony can be ex- 
 ceeded." You give me joy in telling me, that you are 
 " on the pinnacle of contenty Without it no situation can 
 be happy ; with it, any. One means of becoming content 
 with one's situation is the comparing it with a worse. 
 Thus, when I consider how many terrible diseases the hu- 
 man body is liable to, I comfort myself, that only three 
 incurable ones have fallen to my share, viz. the gout, the 
 stone, and old age ; and that these have not yet deprived 
 me of my natural cheerfulness, my delight in books, and 
 enjoyment of social conversation. 
 
 I am glad to hear, that Mr. Fitzmaurice is married, 
 and has an amiable lady and children. It is a better plan 
 than that he once proposed, of getting Mrs. Wright to 
 make him a wax-work wife to sit at the head of his table. 
 For after all, wedlock is the natural state of man. A 
 bachelor is not a complete human being. He is like the 
 odd half of a pair of scissors, which has not yet found its 
 fellow, and therefore is not even half so useful as they 
 might be together. 
 
 I hardly know which to admire most; the wonderful 
 discoveries made by Herschel, or the indefatigable inge- 
 nuity by which he has been enabled to make them. Let 
 us hope, my friend, that, when free from these bodily 
 embarrassments, we may roam together through some of 
 the systems he has explored, conducted by some of our 
 old companions already acquainted with them. Hawkes- 
 worth will enliven our progress with his cheerful, sen- 
 sible converse, and Stanley accompany the music of the 
 spheres. 
 
 Mr. Watmaugh tells me, for I immediately inquired 
 after her, that your daughter is alive and well. I remem- 
 ber her a most promising and beautiful child, and there- 
 fore do not wonder, that she is grown, as he says, a fine 
 woman. God bless her and you, my dear friend, and 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 389 
 
 every thing that pertains to you, is the sincere prayer 
 of yours most affectionately, B. Franklin, 
 
 in his eighty-second year. 
 
 TO GEORGE WHATLEY 
 
 Philadelphia, 18 May, 1787. 
 
 You are now seventy-eight, and I am eighty-two ; you 
 tread fast upon my heels ; but, though you have more 
 strength and spirit, you cannot come up with me till I 
 stop, which must now be soon ; for I am grown so old as 
 to have buried most of the friends of my youth, and I 
 now often hear persons whom I knew when children, 
 called old Mr. such-a-one, to distinguish them from their 
 sons now men grown and in business ; so that, by living 
 twelve years beyond David's period, I seem to have in- 
 truded myself into the company of posterity, when I 
 ought to have been abed and asleep. Yet, had I gone at 
 seventy, it would have cut off twelve of the most active 
 years of my life, employed too in matters of the greatest 
 importance ; but whether I have been doing good or 
 mischief is for time to discover. I only know that I in- 
 tended well, and I hope all will end well. 
 
 Be so good as to present my affectionate respects to 
 Dr. Riley. I am under great obligations to him, and 
 shall write to him shortly. It will be a pleasure to him 
 to know, that my malady does not grow sensibly worse, 
 and that is a great point ; for it has always been so toler- 
 able, as not to prevent my enjoying the pleasures of 
 society, and being cheerful in conversation. I owe this 
 in a great measure to his good counsels. 
 
 Adieu, my dear friend, and believe me ever yours 
 most affectionately, B. Franklin. 
 
 DR. FRANKLIN'S SPEECH IN THE CONVENTION AT THE 
 CONCLUSION OF ITS DELIBERATIONS 
 
 Mr. President: I confess that I do not entirely ap- 
 prove of this constitution at present ; but, sir, I am not 
 
390 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 sure I shall never approve it; for having lived long, I 
 have experienced many instances of being obliged, by 
 better information or fuller consideration, to change opin- 
 ions even on important subjects which I once thought 
 rio:ht, but found to be otherwise. It is therefore that the 
 older I grow, the more apt I am to doubt my own judg- 
 ment of others. Most men, indeed, as well as most sects 
 in religion, think themselves in possession of all truth, and 
 that wherever others differ from them it is so far error. 
 Steele, a Protestant, in a dedication, tells the Pope, that 
 the only difference between our two churches in their 
 opinions of the certainty of their doctrines is, the Romish 
 Church is infallible, and the Church of England is Jicvcr 
 in the wrong. But though many private persons think 
 almost as highly of their own infallibility as of their sect, 
 few express it so naturally as a certain French lady, who 
 in a little dispute with her sister, said, " but I meet with 
 nobody but myself that is ahvays in the right." i^' Je tie 
 irouve que moi qui aie toujours raiso7t") 
 
 In these sentiments, sir, I agree to this constitution, 
 with all its faults — if they are such ; because I think a 
 general government necessary for us, and there is no 
 form of government but what may be a blessing to the 
 people, if well administered for a course of years, and can 
 only end in despotism, as other forms have done before 
 it, when the people shall become so corrupted as to need 
 despotic government, being incapable of an}- other. I 
 doubt too whether any other convention we can obtain, 
 may be able to make a better constitution : for, when you 
 assemble a number of men, to have the advantage of their 
 joint wisdom, you inevitablv assemble with those men all 
 their prejudices, their passions, their errors of opinion, 
 their local interests, and their selfish views. From such 
 an assembl}' can a perfect production be expected ? It 
 therefore astonishes me, sir, to find this system approach- 
 ing so near to perfection as it does ; and I think it will 
 astonish our enemies, who are waiting with confidence to 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 391 
 
 hear that our councils are confounded like those of the 
 builders of Babel, and that our states are on the point of 
 separation only to meet hereafter for the purpose of cut- 
 ting one another's throats. Thus, I consent sir, to this 
 constitution, because I expect no better, and because I 
 am not sure that it is not the best. The opinions I have 
 had of its errors I sacrifice to the public good. I have 
 never whispered a syllable of them abroad. Within these 
 walls they were born, and here they shall die. If every 
 one of us in returning to our constituents were to report 
 the objections he has had to it, and endeavor to gain 
 partizans in support of them, we might prevent its being 
 generally received, and thereby lose all the salutary 
 effects and great advantages resulting naturally in our 
 favor among foreign nations, as well as among ourselves, 
 from our real or apparent unanimity. Much of the 
 strength and efficiency of any government in procuring 
 and securing happiness to the people depends on opinion, 
 on the general opinion of the goodness of that govern- 
 ment, as well as of the wisdom and integrity of its gov- 
 ernors. I hope therefore, for your own sakes, as a part 
 of the people, and for the sake of our posterity, that we 
 shall act heartily and unanimously in recommending this 
 constitution, wherever our influence may extend, and turn 
 our future thoughts and endeavors to the means of having 
 it ivell administered. 
 
 On the whole, sir, I cannot help expressing a wish that 
 every member of the convention who may still have ob- 
 jections to it, would with me on this occasion doubt a 
 little of his own infallibility, and to make vianifest our 
 utianimity put his name to this instrument. 
 
 TO M. DE VEILLARD, AT PASSY 
 
 Philadelphia, June 8, 1788. 
 
 My dear Friend : I received a few days ago your 
 kind letter of the 3d January. 
 
392 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 The arret in favor of the non-catkoliques gives pleasure 
 here, not only from its present advantages, but as it is a 
 good step towards general toleration and to the abolish- 
 ing in time all party spirit among Christians, and the mis- 
 chiefs that have so long attended it. Thank God, the 
 world is growing wiser and wiser ; and as by degrees 
 men are convinced of the folly of wars for religion, for 
 dominion, or for commerce, they will be happier and hap- 
 pier. Eight States have now agreed to the proposed new 
 constitution ; there remain five who have not yet discussed 
 it, their appointed times of meeting not being yet arrived. 
 Two are to meet this month, the rest later. One more 
 agreeing, it will be carried into execution. Probably 
 some will not agree at present, but time may bring them 
 in ; so that we have little doubt of its becoming general, 
 perhaps with some corrections. As to your friend's tak- 
 ing a share in the management of it, his age and infirmi- 
 ties render him unfit for the business, as the business 
 would be for him. After the expiration of his president- 
 ship, which will now be in a few months, he is detert)iined 
 to engage no more in public affairs, even if required ; but 
 his countrymen will be too reasonable to require it. You 
 are not so considerate ; you are an hard task-master. You 
 insist on his writing his life, already a long work, and at 
 the same time would have him continuallv emploved in 
 augmenting the subject, while the time shortens in which 
 the work is to be executed. General Washington is the 
 man that all our eyes are fixed on for President, and what 
 little influence I may have is devoted to him. 
 
 Franklin. 
 
 to madame lavoisier 
 
 Philadelphia, 23 October, 17S8. 
 
 It is true, as you observe, that I enjov here evervthing 
 that a reasonable mind can desire, a sufficiency of income, 
 a comfortable habitation of mv own building:, having: all 
 the conveniences I could imagine ; a dutiful and aflfec- 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 393 
 
 tionate daughter to nurse and take care of me, a number 
 of promising grand-children, some old friends still remain- 
 ing to converse with, and more respect, distinction, and 
 public honors than I can possibly merit. These are the 
 blessings of God, and depend on his continual goodness ; 
 yet all do not make me forget Paris, and the nine years 
 of happiness I enjoyed there, in the sweet society of 
 a people whose conversation is instructive, whose man- 
 ners are highly pleasing, and who, above all the nations 
 of the world have in the greatest perfection, the art of 
 making themselves beloved by strangers. And now, 
 even in mv sleep, I find that the scenes of all my pleas- 
 ant dreams are laid in that city, or in its neighborhood. 
 With great regard and affection, I have the honor to be, 
 my dear friend, &c., B. Franklin. 
 
 TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN 
 
 Philadelphia, 24 October, 1788. 
 
 Remember me affectionately to the good Dr. Price, 
 and to the honest heretic, Dr. Priestley. I do not call him 
 hottest by way of distinction ; for I think all the heretics I 
 have known have been virtuous men. They have the 
 virtue of fortitude, or they would not venture to own 
 their heresy ; and they cannot afford to be deficient in 
 any of the other virtues, as that would give advantage to 
 their many enemies ; and they have not, like orthodox 
 sinners, such a number of friends to excuse or justify 
 them. Do not, however, mistake me. It is not to my 
 good friend's heresy that I impute his honesty. On the 
 contrary, it is his honesty that has brought upon him the 
 character of heretic. I am ever, my dear friend, yours 
 sincerely, B. Franklin. 
 
 TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN 
 
 Philadelphia, 2 November, 17S9. 
 
 My dearest Friend : We have now had one session 
 of Congress under our new Constitution, which was con- 
 
 's*' 
 
 26 
 
394 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 ducted with, I think, a greater degree of temper, pru- 
 dence, and unanimity than could well have been expected, 
 and our future prospects seem very favorable. The har- 
 vests of the last summer have been uncommonly plenti- 
 ful and good ; yet the produce bears a high price, from 
 the great foreign demand. At the same time, great 
 quantities of foreign goods are crowded upon us, so as to 
 overstock the market and supply us with what we want 
 at very low prices. A spirit of industry and frugality is 
 also very generally prevailing, which, being the most 
 promising sign of future national felicity, gives me infinite 
 satisfaction. Yours most sincerely, B. Franklin. 
 
 TO EZRA STILES 
 
 Philadelphia, 9 March, 1790. 
 
 Reverend and dear Sir : You desire to know some- 
 thing of my religion. It is the first time I have been 
 questioned upon it. But I cannot take your curiosity 
 amiss, and shall endeavor in a few words to gratify it. 
 Here is my creed. I believe in one God, the creator of 
 the universe. That he governs it by his Providence. 
 That he ought to be worshipped. That the most accept- 
 able service we can render to him is doing good to his 
 other children. That the soul of man is immortal, and 
 will be treated with justice in another life respecting its 
 conduct in this. These I take to be the fundamental 
 points in all sound religion, and I regard them is you do 
 in whatever sect I meet with them. 
 
 As to Jesus of Nazareth, my opinion of whom you 
 particularly desire, I think his system of morals and his 
 religion as he left them to us, the best the world ever saw 
 or is like to see ; but I apprehend it has received various 
 corrupting changes, and I have, with most of the present 
 Dissenters in England, some doubts as to his Divinity ; 
 though it is a question I do not dogmatize upon, having 
 never studied it, and think it needless to busy myself 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 395 
 
 with it now, when I expect soon an opportunity of know- 
 ing the truth with less trouble. I see no harm, however, 
 in its being- believed, if that belief has the good conse- 
 quence, as probably it has, of making his doctrines more 
 respected and more observed ; especially as I do not per- 
 ceive that the Supreme takes it amiss, by distinguishing 
 the unbelievers in his government of the world with any 
 peculiar marks of his displeasure. 
 
 I shall only add, respecting myself, that, having expe- 
 rienced the goodness of that Being in conducting me 
 prosperously through a long life, I have no doubt of its 
 continuance in the next, though without the smallest con- 
 ceit of meriting such goodness. 
 
 With great and sincere esteem and afifection, I am, etc., 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 About three weeks before his death, Dr. Franklin wrote from his sick 
 bed, the masterly ironical letter that follows. It was his last contribution 
 to the public press. 
 
 ON THE SLAVE TRADE 
 
 To the Editor of the "Federal Gazette." 
 
 March 23, 1790. 
 
 Sir,— Reading last night in your excellent paper the 
 speech of Mr. Jackson in Congress against their meddling 
 with the affairs of slavery, or attempting to mend the 
 condition of the slaves, it put me in mind of a similar one 
 made about one hundred years since by Sidi Mehemet 
 Ibrahim, a member of the Divan of Algiers, which may 
 be seen in Martin's account of his consulship, anno 1687. 
 It was against granting the petition of the sect called Erika, 
 or Purists, who prayed for the abolition of piracy and 
 slavery as being unjust. Mr. Jackson does not quote it ; 
 perhaps he has not seen it. If, therefore, some of its 
 reasonings are to be found in his eloquent speech, it may 
 only show that men's interests and intellects operate and 
 are operated on with surprising similarity in all countries 
 
396 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 and climates, whenever they are under similar circum- 
 stances. The African's speech, as translated, is as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 Allah Bismillah, etc. God is great, and Mahomet is 
 his Prophet. 
 
 Have these Erika considered the consequences of 
 granting their petition ? If we cease our cruises against 
 the Christians, how shall we be furnished with the com- 
 modities their countries produce, and which are so neces- 
 sary for us ? If we forbear to make slaves of their people, 
 who in this hot climate are to cultivate our lands ? Who 
 are to perform the common labors of our city, and in our 
 families? Must we not then be our own slaves? And is 
 there not more compassion and more favor due to us as 
 Mussulmen than to these Christian dogs ? We have now 
 above fifty thousand slaves in and near Algiers. This 
 number, if not kept up by fresh supplies, will soon diminish, 
 and be gradually annihilated. If we then cease taking 
 and plundering the infidel ships, and making slaves of the 
 seamen and passengers, our lands will become of no value 
 for want of cultivation ; the rents of houses in the city 
 will sink one half ; and the revenue of government arising 
 from its share of prizes be totally destroyed ! And for 
 what? To gratify the whims of a whimsical sect, who 
 would have us not only forbear making more slaves, but 
 even manumit those we have. 
 
 But who is to indemnify their masters for the loss ? 
 Will the state do it ? Is our treasury sufficient? Will the 
 Erika do it? Can they do it? Or would they, to do 
 what they think justice to the slaves, do a greater injustice 
 to the owners ? And if we set our slaves free, what is to 
 be done with them ? Few of them will return to their 
 countries ; they know too well the greater hardships they 
 must there be subject to ; they will not embrace our holy 
 religion ; they will not adopt our manners ; our people 
 will not pollute themselves by intermarrying with them. 
 Must we maintain them as beggars in our streets or suffer 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 397 
 
 our properties to be the prey of their pillage ? For men 
 accustomed to slavery will not work for a livelihood when 
 not compelled. And what is there so pitiable in their 
 present condition? Were they not slaves in their own 
 countries? Are not Spain, Portugal, France, and the 
 Italian states governed by despots, who hold all their sub- 
 jects in slavery, without exception? Even England treats 
 its sailors as slaves ; for they are, whenever the govern- 
 ment pleases, seized and confined in ships of war, con- 
 demned not only to work, but to fight, for small wages, 
 or a mere subsistence, not better than our slaves are 
 allowed by us. Is their condition then made worse by 
 their falling into our hands ? No ; they have only ex- 
 changed one slavery for another, and I may say a better ; 
 for here they are brought into a land where the sun of 
 Islamism gives forth its light, and shines in full splendor, 
 and they have an opportunity of making themselves 
 acquainted with the true doctrine, and thereby saving 
 their immortal souls. Those who remain at home have 
 not that happiness. Sending the slaves home then would 
 be sending them out of light into darkness. I repeat the 
 question, What is to be done with them ? I have heard it 
 suggested that they may be planted in the wilderness, 
 where there is plenty of land for them to subsist on, and 
 where they may flourish as a free state ; but they are, I 
 doubt, too little disposed to labor without compulsion, as 
 well as too ignorant to establish a good government, and 
 the wild Arabs would soon molest and destroy or again 
 enslave them. While serving us, we take care to provide 
 them with everything, and they are treated with human- 
 ity. The laborers in their own country are, as I am well 
 informed, worse fed, lodged, and clothed. Here their 
 lives are in safety. They are not liable to be impressed 
 for soldiers, and forced to cut one another's Christian 
 throats, as in the wars of their own countries. If some of 
 the religious mad bigots, who now tease us with their 
 silly petitions, have in a fit of blind zeal freed their slaves, 
 
398 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 it was not generosity, it was not humanity, that moved 
 them to the action ; it was the conscious burthen of a load 
 of sins, and a hope, from the supposed merits of so good 
 a work, to be excused from damnation. How grossly are 
 they mistaken to suppose slavery to be disallowed by 
 the Alcoran ! 
 
 Are not the two precepts, to quote no more, " Master, 
 treat your slaves with kindness ; Slaves, serve your masters 
 with cheerfulness and fidelity," clear proofs to the con- 
 trary ? Nor can the plundering of infidels be in that 
 sacred book forbidden, since it is well known from it, that 
 God has given the world, and all that it contains, to his 
 faithful Mussulmen, who are to enjoy it of right as fast as 
 they conquer it. Let us then hear no more of this detest- 
 able proposition, the manumission of Christian slaves, the 
 adoption of which would, by depreciating our lands and 
 houses, and thereby depriving so many good citizens of 
 their properties, create universal discontent, and provoke 
 insurrections, to the endangering of government and pro- 
 ducing general confusion. I have therefore no doubt but 
 this wise council will prefer the comfort and happiness of 
 a whole nation of true believers to the whim of a few 
 Erika, and dismiss their petition. 
 
 The result was, as Martin tells us, that the Divan came 
 to this resolution : *• The doctrine that plundering and en- 
 slaving the Christians is unjust, is at best problematical; 
 but that it is the interest of this state to continue the prac- 
 tice, is clear; therefore let the petition be rejected." And 
 it was rejected accordingly. And since like motives are 
 apt to produce in the minds of men like opinions and 
 resolutions, may we not, Mr. Brown, venture to predict, 
 from this account, that the petitions to the Parliament of 
 England for abolishing the slave trade, to say nothing of 
 other legislatures, and the debates upon them will have a 
 similar conclusion ? I am, sir, your constant reader and 
 humble servant Historicus. 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 399 
 
 During the greatest part of his life, Dr. Franklin had enjoyed an 
 almost uninterrupted state of good health, and this he entirely attributed 
 to his exemplary temperance. In the year 1735, indeed, he had been 
 seized with a pleurisy, which ended in a suppuration of the left lobe of 
 the lungs, so that he was almost suffocated by the quantity of matter 
 thrown up. But from this, as well as from another attack of the same 
 kind, he recovered so completely that his breath was not in the least 
 affected. 
 
 As he advanced in years, however, he became subject to fits of the 
 gout, to which, in 1782, a nephritic cholic was superadded. From this 
 time he was also affected with the stone, as well as the gout ; and for the 
 last twelve months of his life these complaints almost entirely confined 
 him to his bed. 
 
 Notwithstanding his distressed situation, neither his mental faculties 
 nor his natural cheerfulness ever forsook him. His memory was tena- 
 cious to the very last ; and he seemed to be an exception to the general 
 rule — that, at a certain period of life, the organs which are subservient to 
 this faculty become callous ; a remarkable instance of which is, that he 
 learnt to speak French after he had attained the age of seventy ! 
 
 In the beginning of April, 1790, he was attacked with a fever and 
 complaint of his breast, which terminated his existence. The following 
 account of his last illness was written by his friend and physician, Dr. 
 Jones : 
 
 " The stone, with which he was afflicted for several years, had for 
 the last twelve months confined him chiefly to his bed ; and during the 
 extremely painful paroxysms, he was obliged to take large doses of lau- 
 danum to mitigate his tortures — still, in the inter^-als of pain, he not only 
 amused himself with reading and conversing cheerfully with his family, 
 and a few friends who visited him, but was often employed in doing busi- 
 ness of a public as well as private nature, with various persons who 
 waited on him for that purpose; and in every instance displayed, not 
 only that readiness and disposition of doing good, which was the distin- 
 guished characteristic of his life, but the fullest and clearest possession of 
 his uncommon mental abilities ; and not unfrequently indulged himself in 
 those y^«;tr d' esprit and entertaining anecdotes, which were the delight of 
 all who heard him. 
 
 " About sixteen days before his death, he was seized with a feverish 
 indisposition, without any particular symptoms attending it, till the third 
 or fourth day, when he complained of a pain in the left breast, which in- 
 creased until it became extremely acute, attended with a cough and labo- 
 rious breathing. During this state, when the severity of his pains some- 
 times drew forth a groan of complaint, he would observe that he was 
 afraid he did not bear them as he ought, acknowledged his grateful sense 
 
400 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 of the many blessings he had received from that Supreme Being who had 
 raised him from small and low beginnings to such high rank and consid- 
 eration among men, and made no doubt but his present afflictions were 
 kindly intended to wean him from a world in which he was no longer fit 
 to act the part assigned him. In this frame of body and mind he con- 
 tinued till five days before his death, when his pain and difficulty of 
 breathing entirely left him, and his family were flattering themselves with 
 the hopes of his recovery, when an imposthumation, which had formed 
 itself in his lungs, suddenly burst, and discharged a great quantity of 
 matter, which he continued to throw up while he had sufficient strength 
 to do it ; but as that failed, the organs of respiration became gradually 
 oppressed; a calm lethargic state succeeded, and, on the 17th of April, 
 1790, about eleven o'clock at night, he quietly expired, closing a long and 
 useful life of eighty-four years and three months." 
 
 The following account of his funeral and the honours paid to his 
 memory, is derived from an anonymous source, but is correct : 
 
 " All that was mortal of this great man was interred on the 21st of 
 April, in the cemetery of Christ's Church, Philadelphia, in that part ad- 
 joining to Arch-street, in order that, if a monument should be erected 
 over his grave, it might be seen to more advantage. 
 
 " Never was funeral so numerously and so respectably attended in 
 any part of the States of America. The concourse of people assembled 
 upon this occasion was immense. All the bells in the city were muffled, 
 and the very newspapers were published with black borders. The body 
 was interred amidst peals of artillery, and nothing was omitted that could 
 display the veneration of the citizens for such an illustrious character. 
 
 " The Congress ordered a general mourning for one month through- 
 out America." 
 
 SOME ANECDOTES RELATIVE TO DR. FRANKLIN 
 
 Dr. Franklin, when a child, found the long graces used by his father 
 before and after meals very tedious. One day, after the winter's provi- 
 sions had been salted, " I think. Father," said Benjamin, " if you were to 
 S2iy grace over the whole cask, once for all, it would be a vast saving of 
 time." 
 
 In his travels through New England, Franklin had observed that 
 when he went into an inn, every individual of the family had a question 
 or two to propose to him, relative to his history, and that, till each was 
 satisfied, and they had conferred and compared together their informa- 
 tion, there was no possibility of procuring any refreshment. Therefore, 
 the moment he went into any of these places, he inquired for the master, 
 the mistress, the sons, the daughters, men-servants, and the maid- 
 
ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 401 
 
 servants ; and having assembled them all together, he began in this 
 manner : 
 
 " Good people, I am Benjamin Franklin, of Philadelphia ; by trade a 
 printer, and a bachelor ; I have some relations at Boston, to whom I am 
 going to make a visit ; my stay will be short, and I shall then return and 
 follow my business, as a prudent man ought to do. This is all I know 
 of myself, and all I can possibly inform you of; I beg, therefore, that 
 you will have pity upon me and my horse and give us both some refresh- 
 ment." 
 
 When Franklin came to England previous to the breaking out of the 
 American war, he went to Mr. Hett's printing office in Wild Court, Wild 
 Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields, and entering the press room, he went up to 
 a particular press and thus addressed the two men who were working : 
 " Come, my friends, we will drink together ; it is now forty years since I 
 worked like you at this press as journeyman printer." On this he sent 
 for a gallon of porter, and they drank " Success to printing." 
 
 In one of the assemblies in America, wherein there was a majority of 
 Presbyterians, a law was proposed to forbid the praying for the king by 
 the Episcopalians, who, however, could not conveniently omit that prayer, 
 it being prescribed in their liturgy. Dr. Franklin, one of the members, 
 seeing that such a law would occasion more disturbance than it was 
 worth, said that he thought it quite unnecessary, for, added he, " those 
 people have, to my certain knowledge, been praying constantly, these 
 twenty years past, that ' God would give to the King and his counsel 
 wisdom,' and we all know that not the least notice has ever been taken 
 of that prayer ; so that it is plain they have no interest in the court ol 
 Heaven." The house smiled, and the motion was dropt. 
 
 THE END 
 
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