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 ADDRESS OF CUBA 
 
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PREFACE. 
 
 The publication in the New York Herald of the address of 
 General Quesada, representative of the Cuban Republic in 
 foreign lands, to the President of the United States, having 
 attracted universal attention and generally favorable comment, 
 it has been considered proper to print it in pamphlet form and 
 in full, as it was originally written, certain portions having 
 been omitted in the journals. 
 
 This document treats the entire Cuban question in a very 
 comprehensive manner, and presents unanswerable arguments 
 in favor of the recognition of Cuban belligerency by this re- 
 public. As is natural, the parties in this country interested in 
 the continuation of slave labor in Cuba, through which they 
 gain their subsistence and wealth, have not been pleased with 
 it. It may be considered equally natural that those who can- 
 not conform themselves to the new condition of freedom to the 
 colored people in this nation will not look favorably upon a 
 cause which seeks to extend 'this blessing to that people in 
 another, and so the insulting attacks on the Cuban representa- 
 tive which have appeared in a certain New York paper can be 
 easily understood. The most astonishing thing of all, however, 
 is the ground taken by the New York Times on the question, 
 purporting as it does to be the semi-official organ of the ad- 
 ministration in New York, and which, as such, ought to be not 
 only in favor of the independence of the island, but in- sympathy 
 with the sentiments of abolition proclaimed and carried out by 
 the patriots there. To favor the rule of slave traders is cer- 
 tainly a curious thing for a republican paper. General Quesada 
 in his address, for the first time placed before the American 
 public the identity of interest between a large portion of the 
 American merchants and those representing the slave property 
 in the island of Cuba, and the underground methods, probably, 
 adopted in order to continue the existence of slavery there, and 
 to find it defenders in certain papers and in Washington. It 
 is not credible that such a prominent organ of the ruling 
 national party as the Times, is under the control or influence of 
 the ring whose object is to perpetuate slave labor in Cuba. 
 But it is to be feared that it is, and will be controlled in the 
 treatment of this question, which is a national one and has 
 
11 
 
 naught to do with the issues which divide the two great parties 
 in this country in its character as a partisan. Nevertheless 
 this same journal, when the news of the execution of the people 
 taken on board the Virginius first arrived, not only said that 
 there " could be no question about the barbarous haste with 
 which the shooting of the patriot generals was determined on," 
 but that the Cubans ought to make the most of this oppor- 
 tunity to bring the question of Cuban insurgency within the range 
 of international discussion.^ It is very possible that owing to 
 the semi-official character attributed to this journal General 
 Quesada was influenced by this suggestion to prepare his 
 address, in the hope that it would tend to bring " Cuban insur- 
 gency within the range of international discussion." Now, 
 the Times has published a long article in its news columns 
 attempting an answer to the address, the contents of which un- 
 fortunately show that the party feeling referred to predomi- 
 nates, as the larger part of the first column is devoted to an 
 attack on Mr. Cox and the Democratic party, prompted by the 
 resolution offered by that gentleman in Congress in favor of 
 Cuban belligerency. The balance of the article is in reality an 
 exposition of the arguments in favor of such belligerency, 
 though the intention was to oppose it. There was once a law- 
 yer of Spain named Maltrana, who being engaged as counsel 
 to defend a man charged with a trifling offence, introduced such 
 queer facts in substantiating the innocence of his client that 
 the latter was condemned to death. The author of the article 
 referred to has succeeded equally well with Maltrana in estab- 
 lishing what he desired to controvert. In the first place he 
 states that the fighting season in the island is only from 
 November to May, and asks if the rebels are pushing on to- 
 day. These two points can be answered satisfactorily. The 
 fighting season he refers to is for the Spaniards. From May 
 to November the Cubans possess every advantage, and the 
 greater part of their victories have been obtained in that inter- 
 val. The argument, therefore, contained in the statement is 
 against the Spaniards. It being known that the Cubans now at 
 a time most favorable to their enemies are on the offensive, 
 what can be expected when this so called " fighting season" is 
 over ? The Diario de la Marina, an official paper in Habana, 
 admits that the Spanish army loses from ten to fifteen thou- 
 
Ill 
 
 sand men every year, confesses to a want of preparation to 
 meet the exigencies of an active campaign, and adds that the 
 defeat of the Spaniards will follow if this preparation is not 
 made at once. So much for the two points referred to. 
 The third point is contained in a statement of Mr. Gallenga, 
 an Italian, and correspondent of the London Times, whonever 
 went to the field in Cuba, as Mr. O'Kelly and Genl. Millen did, 
 and who, writing under the inspiration of the hospitalities ex- 
 tended to him by the Spanish officials in the island, says that 
 the Cuban army is composed of but eight thousand soldiers. 
 As it is stated in the history of the United States that Wash- 
 ington's army in 1776 did not exceed four thousand, though it 
 deserved the respect and received the assistance of a foreign 
 power, the argument may be considered a contra producentem, 
 proving to the contrary of what is designed. The fourth point 
 is found in a translation of what the celebrated Mr. Beach 
 Lawrence has written concerning belligerent rights, and here 
 the Spanish advocate still farther displays his title to be re- 
 garded as a worthy successor to the Lawyer Maltrana. The 
 statement refers to the claim presented to the Danish govern- 
 ment by the heirs of Paul Jones. Denmark not having recog- 
 nized the American colonies as a power, and treating only 
 with England as holding sovereignty over this country, sur- 
 rendered to the British government two prizes brought to a 
 Danish port by the distinguished naval officer mentioned. The 
 claim based on this surrender, made first by Benjamin Frank- 
 lin and finally considered by Mr. Wheaton, establishes that, 
 according to American principles, the right of a colony, fight- 
 ing for its independence, to be treated as a belligerent by all 
 nations, is so incontestable that even a power that has not re- 
 cognized it in any way is obliged to act in accordance, and be- 
 comes responsible in damages for not doing so. The other 
 example, taken from Mr. Beach Lawrence, is in the case of 
 Greece, which was never, either by land or sea, as strong as 
 Cuba is ; Greece, which would have been entirely destroyed 
 by the Turkish fleet and the powerful army under Ibrahim 
 Pasha without the assistance of the allied nations which de- 
 feated the former at Navarino and recognized not only the 
 belligerence but the independence of that State; Greece, which 
 was really incapable of sustaining itself against its oppressors. 
 
IV 
 
 Cuba being thus far victorious against all the efforts of Spain, 
 deserves, a great deal more than did Greece, the recognition of 
 her belligerency. The principle presented by Mr. Strafford 
 Canning is very clear, He says, as quoted by the Times, that 
 " the character of belligerency is not so much a principle as a 
 fact, that a certain degree of force and stability acquired by a 
 mass of population engaged in a war gave to that population 
 the right to be treated as belligerents ; and even if the right ivas 
 contested, it was the well-known interest of all civilized nations 
 to treat them as such." Is not this a Maltrana defense? 
 Another point is found in the sentence of the Tribunal of Com- 
 merce, at Marseilles, in favor of a Columbian privateer, the 
 Tribunal declaring that the Columbians in a state of revolt 
 against the legitimate authority of their sovereign only directed 
 their force against the flag of Spain and the property of sub- 
 jects of that power. Another quotation of the Times, and the 
 most important of all, is the answer of 'Mr. Monroe, the Secre- 
 tary of State, to the Minister of Spain in 1816, which says that the 
 United States insists that it is " conformable to the principles 
 of justice, and to their interests, to receive into their ports the 
 vessels of all countries, to whatever port they may belong, and 
 whatever may be the flag under which they are navigated, pro- 
 vided they be not pirates, * * * without stopping to in- 
 quire if there has been a violation, on their part, to the coun- 
 tries to which they belong, of the obedience to which they were 
 held and of the laws by which they were governed, by the 
 adoption of such flag, or by no matter what other act commit- 
 ted by them." We have reasons to believe that this is not a bona 
 fide quotation on the part of the Times, inasmuch as an import- 
 ant portion has been omitted. According to our recollection 
 of the facts Mr. Monroe not only said these things, applying 
 them to the struggle of any colonies against the mother coun- 
 try, but added that the United States was to observe a strict 
 neutrality towards both contending parties, "without stopping 
 to judge of the strength of their forces or the probability of the 
 final result." The other quotations of the Times are equally 
 against the propositions intended to be established, and the 
 fact is that the argument of Genl. Quesada, as contained in the 
 following address, may be considered unanswerable. 
 
 The Editor. 
 
ADDRESS OF CIA 10 II CNITED STATES. 
 
 The Representative of the Cuban Eepublic in Foreign 
 Lands, to His Excellency the President of the United . 
 States. 
 
 Tour Excellency, — Even at a time when, by order of the 
 Spanish Officials in the island of Cuba, the captain, crew 
 and a large portion of the passengers of the American steamer 
 " Virginias," captured near Jamaica by a Spanish man-of-war, 
 have been executed, and the survivors remain subjected to 
 such treatment as will cause them to envy the milder fate of 
 their companions ; when the American people and the whole 
 civilized world stand amazed at the horrors of the transaction, 
 the representative abroad of the Cuban Republic would not 
 break the silence he has so long maintained toward the govern- 
 ment over which your Excellency so worthily presides, had not 
 your recent high-minded Message to Congress strengthened the 
 hopes which have been so naturally excited, that the Cuban 
 question was at last to receive the solution demanded by the 
 interest of civilization and the spirit of American institutions. 
 And now he would not intrude himself in the question of the 
 honor of the American people, involved by the outrageous acts 
 of the Spaniards, for he has no right to do so. He can only 
 say that the Cubans, as is their duty, will continue in the 
 sacrifice of their property and lives upon the altar of their 
 country, and when at last the United States shall decide to put 
 a stop to those outrages in the only possible manner, they will 
 proffer for this purpose 100,000 men in ranks and ready to 
 receive those arms which have been so long denied them. 
 Notwithstanding the hopes thus excited he still fears that 
 the time has not arrived when the American nation shall 
 arouse itself to put an end to the crime perpetrated by 
 Spain in this Western Hemisphere. The Spanish residents 
 
of Cuba have so often inflicted, with impunity, outrageous 
 offences upon American citizens that it seems difficult to enter- 
 tain any hope of an attempt at radical and complete redress. 
 For many years they have been in the habit of insulting, 
 plundering and killing American citizens. 
 
 The facts might be recalled that the well-known American 
 artist, Mr. Conner, was assassinated by uhein in the streets of 
 Habana, in January, 1869 ; that in the same city and during 
 the same month, others met with a like fate ; that in February 
 of that year two American engineers were shot in the district 
 of Holguin, and in Camaguey others suffered in the same 
 manner ; that Dr. Houard, a native of the United States, was 
 prosecuted without reasonable grounds, and sent in irons to a 
 Spanish jail ; that in February, 1870, the captain of an Ameri- 
 can steamer was threatened with death in the harbor of 
 Habana, because it was believed he had taken on board of his 
 vessel the man who fought with the Spanish editor, Oastanon, 
 and that he owed his life to the protection of a British man- 
 of-war; that Dr. Phillips, Consul of the United States, in 
 Santiago de Cuba, was also attacked by them, and he too 
 owed the preservation of his life to the British flag ; that the 
 property of a large number of American citizens has been 
 confiscated by them ; that the Department of State in "Wash- 
 ington has already issued several volumes, recounting the 
 outrages of the Spaniards, concerning which official action has 
 been taken, and still the measure of the story is not full. But 
 to what purpose ? The cases of Mr. Conner and of the other 
 Americans shot have passed, almost unnoticed. The confisca- 
 tion of American property has been followed by a dilatory and 
 ruinous procedure, and to a great extent it still remains in the 
 hands of the Spaniards, the published order of its restoration, 
 notwithstanding. It has been stated without contradiction, 
 that the demand on the part of the American government, for 
 the release of Dr. Houard, was withdrawn, and that he owed 
 his liberty to the clemency of the Spanish government, while 
 Dr. Phillips, robbed of his property, in despite of his official 
 character, convinced of the inutility of his efforts to obtain re- 
 dress, and overwhelmed by the tide of misery Avhich only privi- 
 leged souls can resist, but recently sought in death the relief 
 
lie was unable to find elsewhere. What was the motive of his 
 persecution by the slave-holders in Cuba? As an official 
 agent of the United States in Cuba, and in accordance with 
 the orders he received from the Department of State, he 
 sent a truthful report concerning the condition of affairs in 
 that part of the island, and such report having been published 
 by Congress, as is the custom, the so sad result to himself fol- 
 lowed. After all these precedents it is not easy to believe that 
 the last assassinations in Santiago de Cuba can fill the measure 
 of American endurance. But if the undersigned does not 
 entertain much hope in the premises, he has some slight ex- 
 pectation that, aided by the eloquent history of the past five 
 years, he may be able, through the reasons he shall set forth, to 
 effect some change in the policy of the United States in the 
 treatment of this question. He will always reject the rumors 
 set afloat by the political enemies of the worthy Minister in 
 charge of the Department of State. He is convinced, and 
 takes pleasure in declaring it, that, as a gentleman and a 
 christian, that honorable statesman has acted in good faith, 
 though, perhaps, looking at the Cuban question from a mis- 
 taken point of view. 
 
 II. 
 The gigantic struggle between the two sections of this country 
 and the results which followed, occupied the entire attention of 
 its principal men. This government, after contending from 
 1774 to 1781 for independence, was compelled to struggle from 
 1861 to 18G5 for the liberty of all, and when the issue was de- 
 cided, it was in accordance with justice that the destiny of the 
 nation should be confided to the powerful arm which had pre- 
 served it, assisted by those associated with him in this work. 
 And yet, influenced by the ardor of the contest, and engaged 
 in reorganizing and reconstructing after so costly a labor, they 
 could not pay much attention to any other questions, or view 
 them, save through the light of those political passions which 
 had been developed in the great conflict. In this struggle the 
 right of secession was maintained by the Southern States, and 
 denied by the great majority of the nation. As the war in Cuba 
 broke out in* a short time after, the men engaged in the contest 
 here, were perhaps inclined to regard the Cubans as holding 
 the same relations to the Spanish government that the seceding 
 2 
 
States did to the government of this Union, and looked upon 
 them as rebels to the mother country. To this consideration 
 must be added the representations of a great part of the 
 American merchants resident in the island, or having business 
 relations therewith. Their interests were identical with those 
 of the slave-trading Spaniards who constituted the real Spanish 
 government of Cuba. The commerce of the United States 
 with the Island represents more than $100,000,000 yearly, 
 and many of the Americans engaged in it are the very ener- 
 getic, though not avowed, defenders of the Spanish power in 
 the island. And, for the reason that such power furnishes 
 for them the slave labor which produces the sugar, coffee and 
 tobacco, the traffic in which makes them rich. 
 
 The men in this country who sustain this commerce neces- 
 sarily exert a great influence, without appearing to mingle in 
 any political questions, and they may have created in Wash- 
 ington a feeling opposed to Cuba, which will prevent the ques- 
 tion being seen in its true light. 
 
 To all these reasons, and to the diplomatic skill of the 
 Spaniards, must be attributed the persecutions to which the 
 Cubans have been subjected ; the aid, in arms and vessels, that 
 has been furnished to the Spaniards ; the constant endeavors 
 to belittle the efforts of the Cubans ; the absolute denial of all 
 rights, which, in accordance with American principles, belong 
 to them, and the intimate friendship manifested in the Cuban 
 question by this government toward Spain, whether repre- 
 sented by the revolutionary soldiers, Serrano and Prim, by King 
 Amadeus, or by the present ephemeral republican government. 
 Between the interests of certain American merchants and the 
 duty of recognizing Cuban belligerency, the balance was in- 
 clined in favor of the former. The undersigned will endeavor 
 to remove the erroneous impressions which are extant in the 
 atmosphere of Washington, and, as the source of these impres- 
 sions lies in confounding the character and position of the pa- 
 triots with those of the confederates, he will first consider that 
 point. 
 
 He would never presume to reflect upon the heroism, valor 
 and good faith of the men who fought in the cause of the 
 South. They were worthy enemies of the great Northern people. 
 They fell with glory. Unfortunately, their cause was that of slave 
 
labor, and their aim to weaken a power which required all its 
 strength in order to accomplish the great mission assigned to 
 it by Providence. The Cubans constituted a colony of Spain, 
 without political rights, or rights of any kind; the South be- 
 longed to a confederation of free States, bound to submit to the 
 decision of the greater number ; the Cubans fight to abolish 
 slavery, the South fought to preserve it ; the Cubans desire to 
 be allied to the Union, the South only wished to be separate 
 therefrom. To sum up the whole matter, the South, whether 
 wrong or otherwise, decided to establish, by an appeal to arms, 
 the new principle of the right of a portion of a nation to sepa- 
 rate from the main body ; the Cubans have the long since ad- 
 mitted right of independence belonging to every oppressed 
 colony, as proclaimed in 1776 by the fathers of this countiy. 
 They had many times asked political rights from Spain, which 
 had been as often denied them, and when they had lost every 
 hope they took to the field. Whether they are entitled to any 
 credit for the manner they have conducted themselves, is a 
 question not to be treated as idle words, as, it is feared, has 
 been done heretofore. 
 
 In Cuba was formed a respectable society, augmented by 
 emigration from Florida, St. Domingo and all Spanish America, 
 and influenced by the fact that a certain market for their pro- 
 ductions could be found in the United States. The families who 
 there acquired wealth, not finding an opportunity of educating 
 their sons in a satisfactory manner under Spanish rule, adopted 
 the habit of sending them to foreign lands, and in this way, after 
 many years, there grew up in that country a population — re- 
 fined and cultured — in opposition to the aims and wishes of the 
 government of Spain. When this population decided to break 
 the ties which bound them to the mother country, propositions 
 were made to inaugurate the movement in April, 18G9, at which 
 time it was thought all the arms and necessary supplies could 
 be obtained and properly distributed ; but the intention having 
 been discovered by the Spaniards the outbreak was anticipated 
 by several months, and on the 10th of October of the year pre- 
 vious it took place. The Cubans preferred to go to the field 
 without arms rather than remain and be executed in cold blood 
 by the Spaniards. From that moment the only question has 
 
6 
 
 been how to obtain arms from abroad. The Spanish govern- 
 ment, being well aware that the oppressed people of the great 
 Antille had means enough to arm their forces and to create a 
 navy, confiscated the property of a great part of them. This 
 property amounted to several hundreds of millions of dollars, 
 as can be proved by the official records in Havana. This 
 measure could not, however, prevent the patriots from buying 
 arms, though it diminished to an immense extent the revolu- 
 tionary resources. By private subscriptions of Cubans only 
 there have been purchased fourteen steamers, sixteen sailing 
 vessels and 40,000 rifles. Unfortunately, as the requisite funds 
 could not be collected rapidly, it was impossible to apply them 
 on as large a scale as necessary to evade the Spanish blockade 
 and not to break in any respect the neutrality laws of this 
 country. The expeditions, sometimes owing to the scarcity of 
 resources and at others to the want of experience — natural 
 under the circumstances — have not always arrived at their des- 
 tinations. It was essential to employ a greater amount of 
 money at one time than could be obtained from private sub- 
 scriptions. There were three methods of raising such money — 
 sending to sea to prey upon Spanish commerce ; exchanging for 
 funds those products remaining within the extent of the insur- 
 gent lines, and to negotiate a foreign loan. To the first was pre- 
 sented the obstacle that the worthy representatives of the Cuban 
 Republic at that time did not dare to assume the responsibility, 
 as they were made aware that the American government would 
 not view favorably the existence of Cuban privateers when it 
 was pressing the Alabama claims. To the second existed the 
 obstacle, that Cuban belligerency not being recognized, it was 
 impossible to excite the spirit of gain to engage in any enter- 
 prises the object of which was to run the blockade. The third 
 had for its obstacle that all the European and some American 
 houses disposed to enter upon its negotiation, imposed always 
 as a sine qua non condition the previous recognition of the bel- 
 ligerency by the United States. Consequently the main object 
 of all our diplomatic efforts has been, during a certain time, to 
 bring about such recognition. The Spaniards, on their part, 
 knowing that the immediate loss of the island would result from 
 this recognition, stopped at no means to prevent its accom- 
 
plishinent, and without doubt they have displayed herein great 
 diplomatic sagacity. But if on the field of intrigue they gained 
 the result which they desired, they were not equally fortunate 
 on the field of battle. As was natural, the greater part of the 
 unarmed Cubans and families who were within the theatre of 
 the war were dispersed or sent away in the midst of the mili- 
 tary movements. At the same time a regular army was formed, 
 equipped by the arms and materials furnished by the successful 
 expeditions and with those taken from the enemy, which army 
 has during the past five years, been increasing in numbers, 
 morale and strength. 
 
 Ill* 
 
 In order to make a proper estimate of the importance of the 
 war, it is sufficient to refer to the official data collected by Mr. 
 Sickles, the American Minister to Madrid, and sent by him to 
 the Department of State. One year ago he stated that the 
 Spanish army in Cuba had lost, during the first four years of the 
 war, 60,000 men, and it was supposed that the Cuban loss had 
 been correspondingly great. As the Spaniards are naturally 
 interested in belittling the importance of the insurrection, it may 
 be concluded these figures are not exaggerated. Admitting 
 that the loss, during the past year, the most bloody of all, has 
 been in proportion equally large, it will be seen that since the 
 beginning of the war 150,000 men have perished. 
 
 The loss resulting from the destruction of property is im- 
 mense. 
 
 The value of the productions which could have been con- 
 trolled by the republican government of Cuba, during the 
 first months of the war is estimated at $10,000,000. These 
 productions were afterwards lost through the military op- 
 erations which followed. The value of the crops in those 
 districts which constitute the seat of war, and which have 
 been lost, can be estimated at $15,000,000 a year. The 
 stock farms, the sugar plantations destroyed, and the towns 
 reduced to ashes, extending over an immense area, repre- 
 sent an uninsured loss of $500,000,000 ; for it is impos- 
 sible to estimate at a less amount the rich and now desolate 
 districts of Santiago de Cuba, Guantanamo, Bayamo, Manza- 
 nillo, Holguin, Tunas, Camaguey and a part of Cinco "Villas. 
 And what is the most wonderful, notwithstanding all these im- 
 
mense losses of life and property, the non-recognition of the 
 belligerency of the Cubans by the United States and the 
 supreme efforts made to suppress them by Spain, they are now, 
 as no one will deny, stronger than ever, and they have an army 
 which renders nugatory all the efforts of their foes in the field. 
 Their hearts have been tempered until they are injustice proof. 
 They proceed, step by step, but with a firm determination, 
 though lamenting that the protracted task, which they are 
 condemned by the delay in the recognition of their belligerency 
 by this country, will compel the postponement of their in- 
 dependence until the ruin of the Antille is complete. With the 
 slow but inevitable march of the cancer, the liberating army is 
 encroaching upon the Spanish dominion in the island. As 
 time moves on this dominion is constantly growing weaker in 
 the midst of its furious convulsions, while the revolution is 
 constantly spreading, and the ultimate result will be to destroy 
 in America the ignominious power of the nation of Torquema- 
 da, Alva and Burriel. 
 
 The Cubans, notwithstanding the embargoes and confisca- 
 tions from which they have suffered, are always enabled to 
 raise funds among themselves, and every effort made by them 
 to give assistance to the liberating army is always succeeded 
 by another, and there is no possibility of a cessation of these 
 efforts. Those who are compelled to remain in the island 
 under the Spanish yoke, whatever may be their position in the 
 estimation of the Spanish government, always contribute some- 
 thing to the treasury of the patriots, evadin'g the vigilance of the 
 oppressors, while those who reside elsewhere continually labor 
 that they may deposit the result upon the altar of their 
 country. And, if it is true that the expeditions sent out are 
 not as formidable as they would be, following the successful 
 negotiation of a loan, they have ever, to some extent, resulted 
 in advancing the cause. The patriots have never been wanting 
 in fighting material, as every man capable of bearing arms has 
 always been inclined to do so. They have done and they do 
 everything alone, entirely alone, notwithstanding the fact that 
 they have been opposed by an army stronger than that which 
 Great Britain sent to this country to suppress the American 
 Revolution, added to the number which Spain herself sent out 
 
to suppress the revolts against her power in Mexico and in her 
 South American colonies. There were never forty thousand 
 British soldiers on American soil ; there were never forty thou- 
 sand Spanish soldiers on the continent they lost. In Cuba 
 there were during the first four years of the existing struggle, 
 sixty thousand regular troops, and besides, some thousands of 
 'Spanish volunteers, who garrisoned the towns. With all this 
 extraordinary force, with a formidable navy and the best Ame- 
 rican weapons, the Spanish government has year after year 
 seen its battalions disappear, and it has no resources to-day to 
 replace them. 
 
 IV. 
 
 To fully appreciate the patriotism and streugth of the Cubans, 
 it is well to consider dispassionately the history of those peoples 
 who have achieved their independence. Your Excellency will re- 
 call that no one of them has succeeded in breaking the yoke of 
 oppression without extraneous assistance. It is easy to compre- 
 hend this fact. "When one people subdues another, it takes every 
 precaution to fortify its rule and to prevent the vanquished from 
 obtaining those elements necessary for resistance to its power. 
 
 Every Cuban, every progressive man, will always admire the 
 history of this wonderful country, whose noble and intelligent 
 people have changed materially and morally the world with the 
 marvels of electricity, of steam and of liberal institutions. This 
 beloved land of America, this powerful nation, is the natural 
 ally of Cuba. It is the market of Cuba. Its society is that 
 which must be interlaced with the society of Cuba. Its glories 
 reflect upon Cuba, its misfortunes are hers, and she ever prays 
 for its success in all endeavors. The defenders of the island, 
 however, are inclined to believe that their patriotism is not in- 
 ferior to the patriotism of the fathers of the American revolu- 
 tion. According to some official communications, and to other 
 reports, it would seem that there are high circles in this coun- 
 try in which is entertained a low estimate of Cuban valor. It 
 is possible this misapprehension arises from a comparison be- 
 tween the small numbers in arms in the island and the millions 
 who recently met in fratricidal strife on this continent, and be- 
 tween the weak vessels of Cuba and the navy of a first-class 
 power. The ideas thus expressed would seem to show some 
 forgetfulness of the history of the United States. It is fre- 
 
10 
 
 quently observed that persons of humble origin, suddenly- 
 raised to wealth by the favoring breeze of fortune, forgetting 
 their early life, despise the poor who struggle against misery. 
 It would be a source of profound regret should any son of this 
 great republic take into consideration the struggle now going 
 on in Cuba without remembering the early events of American 
 history. It is possible that some, contemplating the immense 
 cities of this country, its increasing population, its industries and 
 its splendor, may imagine these always existed, and that by 
 some supernatural power and without foreign aid this people 
 accomplished at once its present position of eminence. Vanitas 
 vanitatum. Peoples, like individuals, are sometimes intoxicated 
 by the incense of self-love. He was a very wise philosopher, that 
 Koman historian, who made the founder of his country the off- 
 spring of a wolf, and who stated that the original settlers of 
 that empire were a set of miserable bandits. ' It is probable 
 that his intention was to check the vanity of that wonderful 
 people whose glories have never been eclipsed. It is necessary 
 to recall, although it may wound the self-pride of some who do 
 not understand what the real grandeur of a nation is, that the 
 independence of this people had its origin in poverty and 
 weakness. The lesson of the historian is, that without foreign 
 assistance it is probable its first effort for independence would 
 have been suppressed and George "Washington died on the 
 scaffold — treated by the British writers as a filibuster ; a term 
 applied to-day by an eminent jurist to the men of education 
 and high position in society who have recently sacrificed their 
 lives for the liberty of their country, and among whom the un- 
 dersigned has the glory to count a son, a youth eighteen years 
 old. 
 
 It is known that the American colonies were poor, and when 
 the outbreak against the mother country was first initiated, it 
 did not have the support of the wealthy portion of the popula- 
 tion, which constituted the Tory party, and was in favor of con- 
 tinuance of British rule, as Hildreth says in the thirty-eighth 
 chapter of his history. It were well to recall to mind what 
 were the resources which the colonies raised in order to carry 
 on a war with Great Britain. Says the historian referred to : 
 
 " 1774. — The Congress appointed a Committee of Safety, at the head of which 
 
11 
 
 " was John Hancock, with power to call out the militia. A committee was also 
 " appointed to take measures for the defense of the province and another to 
 " procure military stores and provisions, toward which the sum of £20,000 — 
 -»i6,666 was appropriated." 
 
 Sixty-six thousand dollars was all the money which the 
 Congress at Philadelphia was able to raise to meet the War of 
 Independence. Concerning the spirit of the people, Hildreth 
 says : 
 
 " 17*75. — Surrounded with difficulties, the commander-in-chief exhibited a forti- 
 " tude, assiduity, discrimination and patience, absolutely necessary for the 
 " station he held, and amply vindicating- the judgment of Congress. In his 
 " private correspondence he could not wholly suppress his feelings. He com- 
 " plained bitterly of an egregious want of public spirit and fertility in all the low 
 " arts of obtaining advantages." 
 
 It should not be forgotten that in that year the British 
 general, Lord Dunmore, landed in Norfolk, which place he 
 burned in January, 1776, and that the country was reduced to 
 such extremity, that in December, 1775, the committee of 
 safety was authorized to imprison all persons guilty of taking 
 up arms against the colonies. To continue the quotations : 
 
 " 1*776. — Adams' (John) position, at the head of the War Department, gave him 
 " full sight into the details of affairs, and he complained like Washington of cor- 
 '• ruption, even in this infant age of our Republic, and of a predominating avarice 
 " which threatened the ruin of America. The golden age of pure, disinterested 
 " patriotism (adds the same historian) is much like all golden ages — that which 
 " seems to be such at a distance will hardly bear a close inspection." 
 
 And now it is fitting to look at the military situations as 
 recorded by this author in 177G, and the condition of the cause 
 of American Independence when it was so opportunely assisted 
 by France. 
 
 " April, 177G — Including the troops found at New York, Washington's whole 
 " army, exclusive of the regiments left in garrison at Boston or sent to the 
 •' Northern Department, did not exceed 8,000 men, very imperfectly equipped and 
 intily provided." 
 
 Then, by the advice of the noble leader, the greatest efforts 
 were made to rouse the whole country to arms. 
 
 ugust, 1776— So Blowly were the requisitions of Congress complied with, 
 " that a month after the arrival of the Bowes, Washington's army did doI e 
 " twenty thousand men. of whom a fifth part were sick, ami as many were al 
 " on detached duty." 
 3 • 
 
12 
 
 Proceeding to a study of the campaign, it will be seen that 
 every sort of disaster had fallen upon the American troops. 
 In reference to the seizure of New York by the British, 
 Hildreth says : 
 
 " 1776. September 15. — Howe landed near Kipp's Bay, three miles above the 
 city. The troops posted to guard this landing, panic struck by the late disasters, 
 fled without firing a gun. Two New England brigades, brought up to support 
 them, seized with like panic, ran away in the most shameful manner, leaving 
 Washington, who had come to view the ground, exposed to capture within eighty 
 paces of the enemy. Greatly excited at this dastardly conduct, he threw his hat 
 on the ground exclaiming, ' Are these the men with whom I am to defend 
 America ? ' His attendants turned his horse's head and hurried him from the 
 field." 
 
 If at that moment Washington had been taken prisoner what 
 would have been the result of the war ? 
 
 " 1776. October. — By the departure of the militia and the expiration of term of 
 the regulars, the Northern army melted rapidly away. Several regiments, which 
 had yet a short time to serve, marched under Gates to join Washington, who was 
 by this time hardly pressed. * * * 
 
 " November. — Washington's army was by this time greatly reduced. The term 
 of service of the militia was fast expiring. The whole flying camp soon claimed 
 their discharge, and no inducement could procure a moment's delay. Some of the 
 New York militia- refused to do duty. Howe, they said, offered peace, liberty and 
 safety — so they understood his proclamation — and what more could be asked ? The 
 Continentals were enlisting for a year, and their term of service was fast drawing 
 to a close ; nor did they always wait to complete it, desertions being very numer- 
 ous. Exclusive of the divisions of the highlands, amd the corps under Lee on the 
 east side of the Hudson, Washington's army did not exceed 4,000 men." 
 
 Washington's army did not exceed 4,000 men ! Every one 
 knows that the British were victorious everywhere ; that every- 
 where the cause of American independence was fleeing before 
 them. On the 7th of Decemoer, 1776, the great man made 
 the memorable retreat, crossing the Delaware. The principal 
 cities of the country were, one after the other, falling into the 
 hands of the enemy. At the expiration of the year the situa- 
 tion of affairs is presented by Hildreth in the following 
 terms : 
 
 " The Howes issued a new proclamation. * * * The speedy triumph 
 of the mother country seemed certain, and many persons — those especially of large 
 property, including several who had taken an active part in the revolution — 
 hastened to make the required submission. Turkey, president of the late New 
 Jersey Convention, which had sanctioned the Declaration of Independence and 
 formed the State constitution, now abandoned his country's cause and took a 
 
13 
 
 British protection. So did Allen and Galloway, late delegates from Pennsylvania 
 to the Continental Congress. For ten days after the issue of the proclamation 
 200 or 300 persons came in every day to take the oath." * * 
 
 Such was the desperate situation at this critical period. 
 Again sajs Hildreth : 
 
 "The French, both the court and the merchants, saw with delight the British 
 colonies rising in arms against the mother country. In spite of the remonstrances 
 of the British Ambassador, American privateers found no difficulty in selling their 
 prizes in French ports. Armed vessels, to sail under American commissions, were 
 even allowed to be secretly fitted out." 
 
 It is difficult to the humble person who has the honor to 
 address your Excellency to refrain from making an observation 
 at this point. The Americans had this assistance in their 
 struggle afforded them on the seas from the commencement. 
 If the Cubans had been equally favored for one month it 
 would have afforded them sufficient strength to accomplish the 
 purpose for which their revolution was initiated. Now it is to 
 be observed the entire picture shown by the said writer, pre- 
 senting, as it does, an admirable historical tableau : 
 
 "Shortly after the breaking out of hostilities, in consequence of representations 
 made by Arthur Lee to the French Ambassador at London, Vergennes, the French 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs, had sent M. Beaumarchais, well known at Paris as a 
 courtier, a dramatist and a political intriguer, to concert measures with Lee for 
 remitting to America arms and military stores to the value of 1,000,000 livres 
 ($200,000). The French court was not yet prepared for an open breach with Eng- 
 land, and to cover up this transaction and to give it a mercantile appearance, those 
 arms were to be remitted by Beaumarchais under the fictitious mercantile firm 
 of Hortales <fe Co. Before this matter could bo finally arranged, Deane had 
 arrived at Paris, not openly in any public capacity, but apparently as a private 
 merchant. He was courteously received by Vergennes, and was presently intro- 
 duced to Beaumarchais, with whom he completed the arrangements commenced 
 with Lee in London. It was agreed that Hortales <fe Co. should send the proposed 
 supplies by way of the West Indies, and that Congress should remit tobacco and 
 other produce in payment. Beaumarchais presently despatched three vessels, and 
 others subsequently, with valuable cargoes, including 200 pieces of artillery and 
 a supply of small arms from the King's arsenal, 4,000 tents and clothing for 30,000 
 men. 
 
 But this assistance, so secretly afforded, did not satisfy the 
 French people, and many volunteers, depending upon their 
 own resources, came hither to offer their lives in defense of the 
 independence of this nation, when the news of the loss of 
 New York and the retreat through the Jerseys made most 
 foreigners despair of the American cause, as said Hildreth : 
 
14 
 
 " The Marquis of Lafayette, a youth of nineteen, belonging to one of the most illus- 
 " trious families of France, who had just arrived in America., and whom Washing- 
 ton now met, m Philadelphia, for the first time * * * Like all other French 
 " nobles of that date, he had received a military education, and held a commission 
 " in the French Army. In garrison at Metz, he had been present at an entertain- 
 " ment given by the Duke of Gloucester, brother of the British king, and on that 
 " occasion, from the Duke's lips he heard, first, the story of the American rebel- 
 " lion. His youthful fancy was fired by the idea of this trans-atlantic struggle for 
 " liberty, and, though master of an ample fortune, and married to a wife whom he 
 " tenderly loved, he resolved at once to adventure in it. For that purpose, he 
 " opened a communication with Deane. His intention becoming known, the 
 " French Court, which still kept up the forms of neutrality, forbade him to go. 
 " But he secret]} 7 purchased a ship, which Deane loaded with military stores, and 
 " set sail at a moment when the news of the loss of New York and the retreat 
 " through the Jerseys, made most foreigners despair of the American cause." 
 
 But all this generous assistance did not yet satisfy the French 
 nation. It was thought necessary to extend the fullest aid to 
 the struggling American people, and France decided to do this 
 without any reservation : 
 
 " January 30, 1776. — Two treaties were speedily signed — one of friendship and 
 " commerce, the other of defensive alliance — in case Great Britain should declare 
 " war against France." 
 
 " April, 1777. — The American Commissioners (Lee and Franklin) received from 
 " the French government a quarterly allowance, amounting in the whole to about 
 " $400,000, and half as much more was advanced on loan by the Farmers-General, 
 " to be repaid by remittances of tobacco. This money was principally applied to 
 " the purchase of arms and supplies for the troops, and the fitting out of armed 
 " vessels, a business left very much in the hands of Deane, who had been bred a 
 " merchant, and who still continued to have the chief management of the transac- 
 " tions with Beaumarchais. Of the ships first despatched under that arrange- 
 " ment, two were taken by the enemy ; the third arrived with arms for the new 
 " regiments, which began at last to fill up." 
 
 With the reception of these resources the Americans were 
 enabled to enter upon a new and active campaign which proved 
 one of victories, though with occasional reverses. 
 
 " July 6, 1777. — The retreat of the British was none too soon. They had been 
 " gone but a few days when the Count D'Estaing arrived off the Delaware, with a 
 " French fleet of twelve ships of the line, and four frigates. This fleet, much supe- 
 " rior to Lord Howe's, had on board 4,000 French troops." * * * 
 
 Is it necessary to continue the quotations ? Is it not known 
 that at the precise moment when the cause of American inde- 
 pendence was in the greatest distress, it received that aid from 
 
15 
 
 without which opened the way to success ? It is well understood 
 that those very men who, at the commencement, not trained to the 
 hardships and vicissitudes of war, by their actions so disgusted 
 their great leader, who, without the necessary arms and 
 resources, could accomplish so little, subsequently and when 
 these were supplied, were enabled to turn the tide of victory 
 and compel their arrogant and exultant foe to lay down his 
 arms in acknowledgment of the independence of the country. 
 The recollection of these striking events has its origin in the 
 fact that the Cubans are struggling in the same cause which 
 engaged the American colonies, and that in their contest they 
 are not entitled to the less consideration because they have had 
 no foreign minister like Vergennes, no foreign volunteer like 
 Lafayette, no foreign government like the French, to assist 
 them in their glorious struggle. 
 
 To sum up the whole matter, it will be seen that in 1776 the 
 campaign was extremely disastrous to the Americans. The 
 English were advancing triumphantly in every direction ; that 
 the people were inclined to return to their allegiance, following 
 the example of some who had signed the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence. All was desolation and dismay. The year of 1777 
 begins, and with it the immense resources from without arrive, 
 and victory smiles upon the just cause. And let it be borne in 
 mind that the aid afforded in arms, men and ships was import- 
 ant ; that given in money was no less so. With this the Com- 
 missioners of the Republic could pay the immediately pressing 
 expenses and could meet the engagements which Congress had 
 incurred in an earlier part of the struggle, and for which drafts 
 had been given upon such Commissioners. So much for the 
 first great example of the necessity for extraneous assistance 
 to a people struggling for their independence. 
 
 And now it will be opportune to consider the case of Spain 
 herself in her struggle for independence against Napoleon. Every 
 town and village was held by the French, and King Joseph 
 Bonaparte was seated upon the throne with scarcely any consid- 
 erable show of opposition to him, organized throughout the 
 peninsula. Then it was that England determined to send 
 effective assistance to the invaded nation. She sent to Spain 
 80,000 British soldiers, commanded by Lord Wellesley, after- 
 
16 
 
 wards Duke of Wellington, and at the same time she sent the 
 requisite resources and material of war to place under arms 
 the whole Spanish nation, and thus was preserved Spanish 
 independence. The South American nations also received 
 great assistance from abroad in their war of independence, 
 an assistance composed of supplies of money and men, and 
 of a recognition of their flag, which afforded them the 
 immense advantage of privateers, wherewith to prey on the 
 enemy's commerce. 
 
 The Modern Greek, too, as is well known, owes his indepen- 
 dence, first to recognition of his belligerent rights by the lead- 
 ing powers of Europe, and, subsequently, to the practical assis- 
 tance of the same. And lately Lombardy and Venetia owe 
 their independence of Austria to the alliance of Italy and 
 Prussia. It cannot be inferred from this that they were not 
 entitled to their independence, that they did not fight bravely 
 — the Americans, Spaniards, South Americans, Greeks, Lom- 
 bards and Venetians. 
 
 V. 
 
 Having shown that no people has acquired its independ- 
 ence without foreign assistance, is it to be assumed that 
 Cuba, which has had no such aid, is to be conquered by 
 the Spanish ? No ; the immense misfortunes which have 
 fallen upon that unhappy country appear to be a punish- 
 ment for the horrors and abominations which have been mani- 
 fested in its fields in order to coin gold from the blood of the 
 slaves. For this great crime both Spaniards and Cubans are 
 responsible, as well as those who in any way foster the pro- 
 ductions of slavery. It is true that as soon as the Cubans rose 
 in arms against Spanish domination, they began to cleanse 
 their skirts of the dark spot, declaring freedom to the slaves 
 and making them their equals before the law ; but it was 
 necessary that they should expiate the abominations of the 
 slave-trade, of the whip and the anvil block, .with sufferings 
 proportionate to them, and the ferocity of the Spaniards in 
 Cuba has cleansed them from all the guilt of this so great 
 crime. The spirit of evil, incarnate in these Spaniards, and 
 extending through the island, has furnished to the Cubans an 
 expiation for the sins of their fathers, and as they have not a 
 single ally on earth, they have the alliance of Providence. This 
 
17 
 
 is not a common expression, nor without significance in the 
 sphere of fact. In that splendid island which Columbus pro- 
 nounced " the most beautiful land that human eye ever dwelt 
 upon," under its clear skies, amid its picturesque seas, among 
 its odorous flowers, its birds of brilliant plumage and its proud 
 forests, Mother Nature has placed a germ of disease, deadly 
 to the European — the malaria. 
 
 Again, the complete exhaustion of the Spanish treasury, as 
 has already been said, has rendered it impossible for Spain to 
 send to Cuba the necessary number of troops to maintain her 
 present military position. This leads to the conclusion that if 
 Spain, with all the moral and material assistance of this nation, 
 has not been able to sustain herself victoriously against the 
 Cubans, the latter would easily have conquered, had they, from 
 the beginning, been enabled to introduce into the island the 
 arms they needed. Your Excellency will, may be, answer this, 
 that the high interest of this country would not permit her to 
 take any steps in this matter, and that the wiser and more pru- 
 dent course was the one which has been adopted. The under- 
 signed respectfully begs leave to examine what this course has 
 been so far as a non-cognizance of the secret facts and policy 
 will permit. About June, 1869, this government sent a Minister 
 to Spain, and it has never been denied that he confidently pre- 
 sented to that government a proposition for the Cubans to buy 
 the island, with a guarantee of payment by the United States. It 
 is known, through public rumor, that to this proposition Serrano 
 and Prim answered that any question concerning the island 
 could not be discussed or entertained until the complete sup- 
 pression of the insurrectionary movement, for the national 
 honor would not admit of any action which might appear to re- 
 sult from the threatening attitude of a party of rebels. It is 
 not probable that they shut out all hope of the negotiation in 
 the future, and the undersigned has some personal reason for 
 believing that in private General Prim, at one time, expressed 
 himself in favor of such a scheme, and that he lamented that 
 the government could not carry it out without exposing itself 
 to the national susceptibilit}'. He was so much in favor of the 
 proposition that it has been said by men in high position that 
 in his death he was the victim of the Spanish slave traders, 
 who feared that he would be instrumental in carrying it into 
 
18 
 
 effect. The ultimate result was that the government of the 
 United States was assured by Spain that, if given the time, she 
 would very soon put down the insurrection. If she promised 
 to do something in accordance with the wishes of the United 
 States after her triumph, it is not known. If she has made 
 such promise it is probable she has done so, not by any 
 written communication, but by private diplomatic assurances. 
 What is evident is that, as though a natural consequence of 
 such assurances, the efforts of the Cubans in this country to 
 assist their brethren in the field was thenceforward thwarted 
 in every manner possible. Instead of being favored with arms 
 and men, as Deane, Franklin and Arthur Lee were in France, . 
 their expeditions were seized ; their representatives in this land 
 of the free, instead of being received as the American commis- 
 sioners in Europe, with enthusiasm and proffers of aid, were 
 put in prison. Meanwhile the Spanish ambassador was an 
 especial favorite in Washington. Nor was this all. In this 
 country was constructed a squadron of gunboats to aid in sup- 
 pressing the Cuban movement ; and from this country, too, 
 were sent the artillery and the Kemington rifles used by the 
 Spanish army in Cuba. The record of the aid extended by 
 this great Republic to rivet the chains upon a people struggling 
 to be free will not be complete without referring to the order to 
 American war vessels, cruising along the coast of the island, to 
 receive all deserters from the Cuban forces who might make ap- 
 plication to be taken on board — an order which constituted a 
 true armed intervention on the part of this country in the 
 struggle in favor of Spain. That this is so is evident from the 
 fact that Spain, though so punctilious regarding any inter- 
 ference in her affairs from without, has, so far as is known, 
 made no remonstrance — found no fault. In the meantime the 
 government at Madrid was sending thousands upon thousands 
 of soldiers to the island, and, in order to prevent any change of 
 policy on the part of the American government, a change which 
 was demanded by the American people, it resorted to the subter- 
 fuge of proclaiming several times the entire pacification of 
 Cuba. This was done by the Captains General, De Rodas and 
 Yalmaseda, during 1869, and in 1870 the Spanish Cortes ex- 
 tended a unanimous vote of thanks to the former for his action 
 
19 
 
 in bringing about the alleged pacification. Their object, in 
 these deceitful declarations, has been to gain time, and to con- 
 tinue the American government bound to inaction, knowing 
 that the recognition at Washington of the belligerency of the 
 Cubans would be the death-blow to their power in America. 
 
 The slave question was also used by them to win the good 
 graces of the American government. Striving to make it 
 appear that they were inspired by a spirit of abolition, they 
 issued laws with bombastic preambles, which, so far from 
 abolishing the criminal institution in the island, only resulted 
 in its continuance. Thus, year after year has passed away 
 without the Cubans obtaining that recognition to which they 
 were entitled. Unquestionably had they been less vigorous 
 they would have succumbed. 
 
 VI. 
 
 At last the Cuban authorities becoming convinced of the 
 enmity of the American government, withdrew their representa- 
 tives accredited it, though giving to the undersigned full 
 powers in every respect, including authority to treat with the 
 American government, whenever it should be deemed proper 
 to recognize the Cubans as. a people struggling for independ- 
 ence. This action of the modest government, established on the 
 battlefields of Cuba Libre, might perchance seem ridiculous and 
 contemptible were the executive mansion at Washington occu- 
 pied by a man less high-minded and noble than the one who 
 shook hands with Lee on the banks of the Appomatox. As it 
 is, they will be considered the natural expression of a sad dis- 
 appointment, and of the dignified feelings of those who think 
 themselves worthy of the independence for which they struggle. 
 What other conviction could the Cuban government have had 
 than that the American Administration was hostile to it? 
 What could it do but recall its minister in this country, seeing 
 he was always repulsed by the authority to which he was ac- 
 credited ? Cuba, conscious of its own inherent strength, ac- 
 cepted with sorrow the apparently undeniable fact of the hos- 
 tile of the administration at AVasliington, and determined to 
 continue its struggle for independence, relying solely upon its 
 own resources and convinced of its ultimate triumph. This con- 
 fidence was incited not alone by the justice of its cause, but by 
 the unanimity of sentiment among the natives, and the fact that 
 4 
 
20 
 
 every man, no matter what his situation in life, or place of resi- 
 dence, was doing something to advance the interests of the 
 cause. 
 
 It may be said that this community of sentiment and effort 
 is not always sufficient to accomplish the independence of a 
 people, as was shown in the cases of Poland and Paraguay ; 
 but it should be remembered that both of these had to contend 
 with extremely powerful neighbors, who, by their own weight 
 necessarily overcame them, while Spain is poor, weakened by 
 internal convulsions, and is situated far distant from Cuba. 
 Besides this, the Poles and Paraguayans fought for independ- 
 ence only, while the Cubans fight for their lives as well, as- 
 sured, as they are, that if conquered they will be exterminated, 
 as was the large Moorish population, by fire and sword, after 
 the conquest of Granada. 
 
 There was in the Hellenic Archipelago a people called the 
 Phocians, who in preparation for the decisive battle against 
 the enemies of their nationalities, raised a bonfire and gathered 
 around it, together with their treasures, all the non-combat- 
 ants among them, determined, if their army should be over- 
 come, to throw themselves with their treasures into the flames, 
 and perish rather than be enslaved. The Cubans cannot 
 decide the question, as did the Phocians, in a single battle, as 
 they are without arms and material of war, and they therefore 
 continue the contest for life and independence in that manner, 
 and with those means which are left to them. The statement 
 that their extermination would result from defeat, is not an 
 exaggeration. It is a fact, demonstrated by the history of all 
 Spanish America, that the metropolitan government at Madrid, 
 though it has always been accused of being tyrannical and 
 opposed to all improvements in the colonies, has never been so 
 much so, never as inimical to the best interests of those colon- 
 ies, and to the happiness and preservation of their people, as 
 have been those Spanish residents coming out from the mother 
 country and settling among them. They have surpassed in 
 reality any conception of the despotic courts of Charles Y. and 
 Philip II. It is well known that the Spaniards in Peru, com- 
 manded by Gonzalo Pizzaro, arose in rebellion to the Crown 
 because it desired to make the Indians free. 
 
21 
 
 As a general rule the Spaniards, bom in the Iberian Pen- 
 insula and settled in the American colonies, have been far more 
 despotic and pitiless in their treatment of the descendants of 
 Spaniards born therein, than has the government of Madrid. 
 
 The codes embodying the laws of the Indies and the muni- 
 cipal laws were, perhaps, not perfect models of liberalism, but, 
 considering the times in which they were enacted, were calcu- 
 lated to bring about the prosperity of the societies affected by 
 them, had not the Spanish residents always prevented their 
 execution, in order to retain a monopoly of every good thing. 
 In fact, the Creole population throughout Spanish America 
 could well have endured the tyranny of the government at 
 Madrid, and been resigned to remain thereunder, but they 
 could not endure the tyranny of the Spanish residents, 
 who condemned them to imbecility, misery and death. And 
 thus it is with Cuba, as is indicated in the recent message of 
 Your Excellency. The Spaniards established in the island 
 have always bitterly opposed any measures for the improve- 
 ment of the natives, interested only in the slave trade and in 
 accomplishing the total degradation of the Cubans. Far from 
 composing the aristocratic portion of the people, as has been 
 erroneously reported to Your Excellency, they constitute an 
 uneducated population of 'batchelors, and careful to create no 
 ties in the country. They are thus left free to indulge in their 
 hatred to the people, which they never relinquish. When the 
 war for independence broke out they formed themselves into 
 militia organizations, called " The Volunteers," more ferocious 
 than the Janizaries and Mamelukes. In order to overawe the 
 native population they have grossly exaggerated their numbers, 
 but there are, nevertheless, as many as 25,000 of them in the 
 island, doing garrison duty in all the towns, the natives thereof 
 deing defenceless, as arms are prohibited them. Beside the 
 volunteers and regular troops there are but few Spaniards in 
 the island. It is not easy to estimate the entire population, as 
 the government and the volunteers have always been interested 
 in preventing a reliable census, and they have fixed as they 
 liked the returns. It may be safely assumed that of the 
 1,500,000 — the estimated population — 500,000 are colored. Of 
 the latter inoiv than 300,000 are slaves. There are in all 
 
22 
 
 100,000 Spaniards in the island. The volunteers being the 
 only armed bodies in the towns, they are enabled to perpetrate 
 their outrages with impunity. They began their murders in 
 January, 1869, in Havana ; and, not satisfied with having shot 
 without trial several thousands in Bayamo, Manzanillo, Hol- 
 guin, Camaguey, Matanzas and Santiago de Cuba, the theatre 
 of the late massacre by Burriel, they have rebelled against 
 every Captain- General who has not' obeyed them, and in one 
 way or another they have sent back to Spain Dulce, De Rodas, 
 Ceballos and Pieltain. 
 
 The secret of their power can be easily understood. They 
 have the monopoly of the interior commerce and retail 
 trade ; they have the slave trade, which still exists, though 
 carried on with the greatest secrecy, and they have the 
 management of the embargoed properties of the Cubans. 
 In fact, they are in league with the Spanish government 
 to appropriate to themselves all the agricultural wealth 
 of the island, resulting from the labors of the natives. 
 Holding as they do the cities, the triumph of the Spanish 
 cause would be the signal for exterminating the Cubans, as has 
 already been done in many of the interior towns. 
 
 Since the dethronement of Isabella several efforts have been 
 made by certain Spanish statesmen to give the island a repre- 
 sentation in the Cortes ; but the volunteers have always op- 
 posed it, and successfully, as they have everything which in 
 any way might tend to the abolition of slavery. They have also 
 prevented the restitution of all the embargoed property decreed 
 by the home government. Their fury has no bounds when 
 they see a victim is likely to be taken from their hands. In 
 addition to the case of the young students, slaughtered in 
 Havana for a boyish offence, and many others in which they 
 have refused the requisite legal formalities, and insisted upon 
 a summary punishment of death, there may be here recalled 
 the important and yet almost forgotten fact that Mr. J. C. 
 Zenea, an American citizen, naturalized in New Orleans in 
 1854, was sent to Cuba sixteen years after by the Spanish min- 
 ister at Washington, with a Spanish passport, to present cer- 
 tain propositions for submission to President Cespedes. He 
 was captured and taken to Havana. The Spanish government 
 ordered that he be sent to Spain, but in spite of such an 
 order he was shot. 
 
23 
 
 The Cubans can only expect death from these volunteers. 
 They realize that with the suppression of the insurrection the 
 work of extermination would commence, in one form or an- 
 other : by immense deportations from the Island, as in the case 
 of the Fernando Po prisoners, so conducted that few, if any, 
 would survive, without for a moment neglecting the easier task 
 of daily shootings. Have they not deified Boet, Castaiion 
 Valmaseda and, last of all, Burriel? If the Cubans could for 
 a moment doubt that this is the fate reserved for them in case 
 of then: being routed, they would easily be convinced of it by 
 a consideration of the treatment accorded to the blacks in 
 1844. There existed in the island at that time a nu- 
 merous and wealthy colored population. The Spaniards 
 determined on a scheme to deprive them of their money. To 
 this end they affected to believe that a conspiracy existed 
 among them, a conspiracy of which no proof has been found 
 after thirty years, and under the lash and by the rifle, they 
 were all exterminated. A great poet, Placido, perished among 
 them. Considering these precedents, demonstrating as they 
 do that the Cubans are fighting for life, it is easy to see how 
 they have been able to neutralize the most energetic efforts of 
 the Spaniards. 
 
 un- 
 placed in close proximity to this great Republic, identified 
 in their interests with it, and this nation being the only one 
 which from its character and position was likely to favor them, 
 they have applied to it — not for arms, not for vessels, not for 
 men. They limited themselves to asking a recognition of the 
 fact that a war existed between the colony and the home go- 
 vernment, and that in such war the American Union should 
 remain neutral. There is a wide difference between this mo- 
 dest request and the petition of Deane, Franklin, Arthur Lee and 
 John Adams, asking for money, arms, vessels and soldiers. At 
 the same time they showed that if from the efforts made by 
 their forces in the field they were worthy of the consideration 
 which they asked they were entitled to respect for the efforts 
 they were making abroad. Among many vessels, successively 
 purchased and equipped by them, was a man-of-war, fully 
 provided as such m ever}' respect. It would have been \n\ 
 easy to devote this vessel to depredating on Spanish commerce ; 
 but, as they had been notified that the government of the 
 
United States would be much displeased at this course, they 
 did not adopt it. A storm obliged this vessel to enter the 
 port of Wilmington and there she was seized and disarmed 
 under orders from the American authorities, and so the Cubans 
 were compelled to admit that this nation did not recognize 
 their flag. Consequently, in order to send arms to their forces, 
 they were compelled to adopt slow, disheartening, and not 
 very efficacious methods. They were informed that Spain, not 
 having recognized a state of war in Cuba or declared a perfect 
 blockade of the coasts of the island, had no right to overhaul 
 and search American vessels engaged in carrying arms, and for 
 that reason these vessels could engage in carrying such arms 
 and material of war to Cuba as a legitimate traffic, and that 
 the Spaniards had no further power than to arrest any persons 
 found breaking the municipal laws within their jurisdiction. 
 Relying upon the truth of this theory, which had been ad- 
 vanced and mantained in official notes from the United States 
 government, vessels, loaded with arms — which they had a per- 
 fect right to carry as articles of commerce — were sent to the 
 coast of Cuba without any violation of the laws of the United 
 States. As a consequence of this legal action those having 
 them in charge were directed, in order not to compromise the 
 American flag, to make no resistance in case of an attack by 
 the Spaniards outside of Spanish waters, as should they be 
 captured by a Spanish man-of-war on the high seas they would 
 receive the protection of this nation ; a protection which, on 
 several occasions, had been extended to the Hornet, the Edgar 
 Stuart and the Virginius by American national vessels. It is 
 well to state the fact that if the Virginius was really intended 
 to land arms in Cuba the cause of her surrender without any 
 resistance was the conviction that she was not subject to legal 
 capture outside of Spanish jurisdiction. The world knows the 
 result in the recent slaughter at Santiago. What can be said 
 against the Cubans ? They were not permitted men-of-war. 
 They were not allowed to assist their struggling countrymen 
 in any other way. Will it be exacted of them by Americans 
 that they should give over all attempts at such assistance and 
 yield to the inevitable extermination which would follow ? 
 Moreover, when the expenditures which the Cubans have 
 
25 
 
 incurred, amounting to many millions of dollars, are considered, 
 the questions naturally suggest themselves. How have they 
 been able to accomplish this in the past and how do they 
 propose to continue it in the future, when, as is well known, 
 the Spaniards have confiscated the property of a great part of 
 them, and the residents in the island are closely watched in 
 order to prevent their sending money to this country to assist 
 the 'insurrection ? The answer is very simple, and it is well to 
 have it borne in mind. The Cubans, placed between a fero- 
 cious and tyrannical government like the Spanish, and a liberal 
 and humanitarian one like the United States, became sincere ad- 
 mirers of the latter. From Spain they could expect only evil ; 
 from the United States, good. Spain imposes an annual contribu- 
 tion of $32,000,000 upon the island in addition to the municipal 
 exactions and the constant robberies of her rapacious em- 
 ployes. Spain, while imposing a high duty upon the produc- 
 tions of the colony introduced into the peninsula, compels 
 Cuba to receive her productions with scarce any dutv. Spanish 
 rule means retrogression, paralyzation, moral death. 
 
 The United States purchase the sugar and coffee of the is- 
 land, and they return to it every class of supplies, notwithstand- 
 ing the immense duties imposed upon them. The United 
 States reflect the light of their high civilization through the in- 
 terstices of the Spanish dungeons. The United States re- 
 present progress, life. It is not strange that, in making their 
 election, the Cubans turn their eyes to the great Republic. It 
 is not strange that they should look with horror upon the 
 banner of red and yellow, and with friendship upon the flag of 
 theAmerican constellation. 
 
 The United States long since became a resort of all the Cu- 
 ban families, as could be seen at Saratoga, Newport, and, above 
 all, in the Empire City, and, not satisfied with this } 7 early trip, 
 they, sympathizing with the people and the genius of free institu- 
 tions, soon began to purchase real estate find establish their 
 residence in tliis country, making Cuba their winter resort. 
 Meanwhile all their available means were invested in this 
 country in national securities, railroad bonds, &o. This transfer 
 of property from the Antille to the United States has assumed 
 large pi'oportions since 1865, and, had the outbreak been post- 
 
26 
 
 ported for three years, there would have remained only a few 
 wealthy Cuban families not established in this country. In the 
 early part of 1869, the decree of confiscation against many of 
 them was issued, but already large numbers naturalized as 
 Americans had a great part of their fortunes in this country. 
 Thus it can be easily seen from what source are drawn these 
 very considerable expenditures. Moreover, the assassinations 
 which took place, after the insurection of Yara, in the towns of 
 the island, drove very many of the inhabitants to these hospit- 
 able shores. Not all of them were rich, and the poor soon 
 began to employ themselves in a manner profitable to both the 
 country which had received them and to the patriotic cause. 
 They mostly dedicated themselves to the manufacture of cigars, 
 and, according to the statistics, they have increased fivefold the 
 wealth of the nation in this branch of industry since 1868. At 
 least it cannot be denied that during the intervening time large 
 factories have been established in Key West, New Orleans, 
 Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York and other places. These 
 honest men, earning from $3 to $5 a day, have contributed con- 
 stantly to the patriotic fund, reducing as much as possible their 
 personal expenses that they might contribute the more. It is 
 worth while here to mention the middle class — composed of 
 those who could not save their property before the Revolution 
 and those who have adopted professional careers or are de- 
 voted to literary and artistic pursuits. By the first of these this 
 mercantile community has been enlarged in wealth and 
 numbers, and by the latter scientific and illustrated papers of a 
 higher order have been established in New York, which prop- 
 agate the progress and glories of the United States through- 
 out all Spanish America, and, to an extent, in Spain itself. In 
 medical science they have some distinguished representatives 
 in this country, and the musical societies and the picture 
 galleries of this enlightened city are sustained to a large degree 
 by Cubans eminent in their respective fields. All contribute, 
 whether rich or poor, to the patriotic fund, and will continue 
 to do so, and while doing this they also contribute with their 
 blood to bring about the independence of their native country. 
 In every one of the expeditions which have been fitted out— 
 the Henry Burden, Salvador, Per it, Grapeshot, Catharine Whit- 
 
27 
 
 ing, Lilian, Anna, Upton, Virginias, Edgar Stuart and man} 
 others — it has been necessary to reject applications from Cubans, 
 as the lists were full. As many of them have gone to Cuba as 
 could be provided with means of transportation. Notwith- 
 standing all these well established facts there are those who 
 accuse the Cubans of lack of patriotism, and it is believed that 
 there are here many thousands who do not honorably repre- 
 sent their cause. It is to them a sorrowful matter that, instead 
 of receiving a due appreciation of their efforts and sacrifices, 
 they only meet with misrepresentation and revilement. As 
 these misrepresentations have been so often repeated without 
 refutation, the representative of the Cuban Republic takes ad- 
 vantage of this occasion to make a full statement of the facts. 
 According to the most reliable information, collected and on 
 file in this office, the natives of Cuba resident in the United 
 States, including old people, women and children, do not ex- 
 ceed 5,000. Oi those capable of bearing arms only a few re- 
 main ; the balance are in the field. Of those few many are de- 
 tained here as being the only support of families. The journals 
 who for sensational purposes make so much of the Cubans in 
 this country ought to realize that the importance attached to 
 them springs rather from their wealth and sacrifices than from 
 their numbers. In order to conclude the matter, it may be 
 added that this emigration, though so small in numbers, may 
 have been more profitable to the country than others which 
 have been very large. They are free from those habits of in- 
 temperance which, unfortunately, are so prevalent in some 
 other classes of society. They do not disturb public tranquil- 
 ity with violent demonstrations. The assurance can be made 
 that, with the recognition of belligerency and the consequent 
 facilities for obtaining arms, there will be none left capable of 
 carrying a rifle, and even many of the old men will go. It is to 
 be hoped that, hereafter, they will be regarded in the true light. 
 It is not so easy a matter — as has often been said — to leave 
 home, wealth and every enjoyment to enter upon a fearful cam- 
 paign. When the glorious contest between the American 
 nation and the slave power took place it was necessary to offer 
 bounties of $100, $200 and finally $1,000 for every man ; and, 
 this not sufficing, it was found noccssaiy to set aside a funda- 
 5 
 
28 
 
 mental principle of American legislation and establish the draft. 
 Personal liberty was abolished and compulsory service em- 
 ployed to obtain a triumph. This, however, proves nothing 
 against the patriotism of this great people, which gave its treas- 
 ures and its blood to preserve the Union . It only showed that 
 the government thought it proper to adopt extreme measures in 
 order to put a successful termination to a war which would 
 otherwise have been much more protracted. But a considera- 
 tion of these events tends to show the credit to which the 
 Cubans are entitled — not hesitating at any sacrifice to advance 
 their cause. 
 
 VIII. 
 Notwithstanding all these facts, in order to give a color of 
 right to a denial of belligerency, it has been said that this 
 recognition could not be granted — first, because the Cubans 
 had not a constituted government ; second, because they are 
 not strong enough in the field ; and third, because they have 
 no forts. A rapid examination of these three points will be suffici- 
 ent to show the futility of the pretext. It is known beyond doubt 
 that when the Cubans arose in arms they establised a provisional 
 government,composed of an executive, residing in the eastern part 
 of the island, and a committee, with headquarters in Camaguey, 
 that, on the 10th of April, 1869, duly appointed delegates from 
 the various districts of the country assembled at Guaimaro. 
 Then they promulgated a constitution, by which the govern- 
 ment was established, including the executive power and a 
 legislative chamber. An election followed, which resulted in 
 the selection of Carlos Manuel de Cespedes, a wealthy planter 
 and eminent lawyer, as President. He had figured at the head 
 of the movement since the 10th of October of the year pre- 
 vious. This government has been acting since that time, and 
 in not a single instance have its orders been disobeyed. It 
 appoints the military chiefs and the civil officers as well as the 
 representatives in foreign lands. It is, in fact, the government 
 of the militant Republic of Cuba. The undersigned could pre- 
 sent to your Excellency an immense number of documents 
 from that government. If, notwithstanding all this, its exist- 
 ence should be denied, it is only left to take the incredulous to 
 the struggling land, that the truth may be made manifest, as 
 
29 
 
 was the presence of the Saviour of mankind to St. Thomas. When 
 a great philosopher denied the existence of motion, the only 
 answer of his opponent was to rise and walk. When the ex- 
 istence of the republican government of Cuba is denied, the 
 only answer must be to show it. The idea of denying the ex- 
 istence of such a government is as absurd as the project of cer- 
 tain priests of France, after the restoration of the Bourbons, to 
 deny the existence of an emperor, known as Napoleon Bona- 
 parte. 
 
 The second point — the military strength of the Cubans — can 
 be established by the fact that they hold their positions, and 
 have, as can be demonstrated, successfully combated the 
 Spaniards on numerous occasions ; as, for example, the occu- 
 pation of Holguin and Santa Cruz, and the land blockade 
 which they at present maintain around Manzanillo and Puerto 
 Principe. If these facts are doubted, it is only necessary to 
 read the report of the chief-oi-staff of the Spanish army in the 
 official Gazette of Havana, in which it is stated that many 
 attacks have been made upon the Spanish positions in differ- 
 ent localities and by thousands of Cubans. If still these re- 
 ports are doubted, it is well to refer again to the official des- 
 patch of Mr. Sickles, already mentioned, stating that during 
 the fii st four years of the war Spain lost 60,000 men. And if, 
 after all this, the doubt remains, cast a glance over the map of 
 Cuba. Its average width is 48 miles. Let us fancy a body of 
 land between two coasts, placed at less distance than New 
 York is from Philadelphia. In the intervening space, with a 
 length of several hundreds of miles, place as many forests and 
 mountains as may be wished. Would it be possible for an 
 army of several thousand men to operate for five years within 
 this extremely narrow space against 60,000 regular troops and 
 25,000 volunteers without being in many instances victor- 
 ious ? Is there any one who can suppose that it does not 
 constitute a real force and adequate to contend against, 
 if not to conquer, the army opposing it V And if such 
 is the conclusion when it is supposed that this area is 
 filled up with mountains and forests, what must it be when 
 the fact is considered that there is indeed an immense ex- 
 tent of open country like Cainaguey, where the predom- 
 
30 
 
 inant and more effective arm of the service is cavalry? 
 Would it be possible to be in constant flight during these five 
 years and not fall into the power of so large a force as the 
 Spaniards have had ? No. The narrowness of the country 
 operated over, and the strategetical fortified positions of the 
 Spaniards have rendered necessary an almost daily engage- 
 ment. The advance guards of the Cubans are always within 
 sight of the advance guards of the Spaniards. The under- 
 signed can furnish the Department of State documents eman- 
 ating from the government which he has the honor to repres- 
 ent, which are confirmatory of the Spanish reports, mentioning 
 the abandonment of the principal encampments occupied by 
 the Spaniards in the interior of the Eastern State and the 
 State of Camaguey, and the storming by the Cubans of many 
 towns. But, as has been said, the Spanish official reports 
 present evidence of the ever-increasing strength of the liberat- 
 ing army without rendering it necessary to recur to the dispatch 
 of the secretary of the Cuban government. There exist to-day 
 20,000 patriot troops on a war footing, stationed throughout 
 the Eastern and the Camaguey States and a part of Cinco 
 Villas, under the command of Major-Generals Garcia, Gomez 
 and others, and this army increases in proportion to the num- 
 ber of arms received, while the Spaniards, obliged to garrison 
 the large cities, cannot place an equal number in the field. Let 
 your Excellency compare this enthusiastic and increasing body 
 of men with the 4,000 troops to which the dismayed and dis- 
 heartened army of Washington was reduced before the great 
 foreign reinforcements and supplies were received, and from 
 this an approximate idea of the strength of the Cubans can be 
 formed. The third point is the last stronghold of those who 
 would deny belligerent rights to the Cubans. This is the non- 
 possession of ports. 
 
 It is known by everybody that the Spaniards, having a 
 powerful navy, the Cubans, in order to preserve to themselves 
 any ports which they might take by storm, would have to aid 
 their land operations by a maritime force. The conduct of the 
 United States towards them does not permit of their having 
 such force, and it would be therefore useless for them to at- 
 tempt to retain in their power the ports they occasionally seize. 
 
31 
 
 Now, if the United States government does not allow them to 
 have men-of-war, as has been proved on two occasions, and 
 without the assistance of such men-of-war it is impossible to 
 preserve ports, the demand of the American government that 
 in order to a recognition of their belligerency they must have 
 ports, bears a character of refined cruelty, which cannot be 
 within the intention of those making it. This is like binding a 
 a man hand and foot and exacting from him that he should 
 run. The natural answer of the bound man would be, " If you 
 will loosen me, I shall be able to run." The answer of the 
 Cubans is : " Yield us a recognition of belligerency, then we 
 shall have the requisite maritime elements and shall have 
 ports." 
 
 IX. 
 Now, in order to have the character of a belligerent, is it 
 necessary to hold ports ? In no treaty — in no work on inter- 
 national law, can there be found any word in favor of this 
 strange theory. History, on the contrary, often shows that the 
 belligerency and the independence of a struggling people 
 have been recognized without their possessing any ports. 
 Greece, in reality, had none when she was assisted against 
 Turkey by the allied nations. It is doubtful if Texas had any 
 when she was recognized as a belligerent by the United States. 
 Mexico undoubtedly had none when the prince Maximilian was 
 in the height of his power and Juares had but a few scores of 
 men near the United States frontier, nor did this prevent the 
 United States from treating Mexico as an independent republic. 
 St. Domingo had none in 1861, when it was recognized as a 
 belligerent by England in its second war of independence 
 against Spain. It would be ridiculous to sustain the proposi- 
 tion that belligerents must have ports. Belligerency results 
 from the existence of an armed force which lights against an- 
 other force, the ultimate result of the contest remaining in 
 doubt, and this condition certainly exists within the republic 
 of Cuba. The fact is that the question of the recognition of 
 belligerency is not based on any fixed rule and depends upon 
 the will and the interest of the nation having to deal with it. 
 The United States and England recognized the belligerency, 
 and afterwards the independence, of the Spanish American re- 
 publics, not only because they thought it just, but because it 
 
32 
 
 harmonized with their own interest. The allied nations, in 
 their recognition of the belligerency and independence of 
 Greece, were actuated by the same motives. Belgium was re- 
 cognized as independent in 1830 by the nations of Europe 
 because they considered it in keeping with their own interest. 
 The United States recognized the belligerency and independ- 
 ence of Texas because they considered it to their own interest. 
 The same United States treated Mexico as a republic when she 
 was a de facto empire because they considered this course to 
 their own interest. Interest, and before everything, interest, 
 has always ruled diplomacy since this modern invention was 
 applied by Louis XI and Ferdinand V. And there is no other 
 conclusion than that, in the disposition of the Cuban question, 
 interest, and only interest, will control the action of this 
 nation. 
 
 The principle accepted, the question will, at the end, be re- 
 duced to one of dollars and cents. What has been, what is 
 the interest of the United States in this Cuban question ? 
 Let us examine this point, placing on one side justice, human- 
 ity and duty. First, what has been ? When the Spanish 
 American colonies accomplished their independence, Bolivar 
 decided that Spain should be entirely expelled from the 
 New World, and for this purpose he organized a formid- 
 able expedition to invade Cuba to act in co-operation with 
 the natives, it being well known that the principal families 
 were engaged in the conspiracies of the Aguila Negra and 
 Soles de Bolivar. This expedition, fully organized and equip- 
 ped by Colombia and Mexico, with the squadroD in readiness 
 to transport it to the shores of Cuba, was on the point of em- 
 barking when the United States notified the powers engaged 
 in it that they would not allow the proposed operations to be 
 carried out, and that they would assist with their military and 
 naval forces Spain to retain under her dominion the island of 
 Cuba. They also notified Spain that she could rely on their 
 assistance, moral and material, in any effort to retain such do- 
 minion — a manifestation which was afterwards more than once 
 repeated. Why did the United States thus contribute at that 
 time to rivet the chains of the oppressed Cubans ? The notes 
 sent by them to Colombia and Mexico concerning the matter. 
 
33 
 
 those which were issued as a consequence of the Panama Con- 
 gress and some others referring to the Cuban question reveal 
 very clearly what was the purpose and aim. The movement 
 for independence in Spanish America being essentially abo- 
 litionist in its character, the American administration of that 
 period could not see, with pleasure, the liberty of the blacks in 
 Cuba brought about ; not only because, as these notes indi- 
 cated, the results would be detrimental to the peace and pros- 
 perity of this nation, but, as was carefully concealed, it hoped 
 eventually to bring it within the Union as a slave State. More- 
 over, the independence of Cuba at that time might have re- 
 sulted in a European protectorate in the Antilles, and perhaps 
 the occupation of the island by England with the assent of the 
 natives. Spain, a weak nation, having no navy, was preferred 
 by the United States to hold temporarily the island, as she 
 would preserve slavery in it, and the expectation was enter- 
 tained that, at some future day, it would be ceded by her. 
 Such are, in part, the official manifestations as made by the 
 United States on this occasion, and now existing on file in the 
 State Department at Washington. In fact, the administration 
 of the government was then controlled by slave power, and the 
 independence of the island, upon the base of abolition, was 
 not regarded in keeping with its interest, and the preservation 
 of the colony to Spain was preferred. Some years later, from 
 1848 to 1850 and 1854, the government of the United States, 
 controlled by the slave interest, took some steps in favor of 
 the annexation of the island. The Southern States saw with 
 alarm the growing influence and increasing development of 
 northern principles, and out of this grew this movement for 
 annexation. The Cubans, though they have always been in- 
 clined to substitute free labor for slave, accepted the propo- 
 sitions made to them favoring their insurrection, and on the 4th 
 of July, 1851, the most select part of Camaguey took the field ; 
 but as their chief, Joaquin Aguero, was a recognized abolition- 
 ist, who had scandalously freed all his slaves, the movement 
 was not efficaciously favored by the South, as promised, and it 
 failed, resulting in the execution of many victims. In 1854 
 another annexation scheme was presented in the slave interest. 
 General Quitman, of Mississippi, was to command a formida- 
 
34 
 
 ble expedition. The conspiracy was discovered, and Pinto 
 and several others were executed by the Spaniards. The in- 
 terest of the dominant party lay in the acquisition of the Gem 
 of the West Indies, to be divided into three States, to add to 
 the influence of the South ; and if this scheme did not succeed? 
 it was because France and England intervened in the matter, 
 proposing to the United States the tripartite alliance to guar- 
 antee to Spain the possession of Cuba. It is true this 
 nation then declared that it considered the question an Amer- 
 ican one, and that it would never engage itself to any line of 
 conduct in the future regarding the island. But, nevertheless, 
 it was compelled to postpone its annexation projects, which 
 were at the same time opposed by the republican party. Such 
 has been the interest of the United States in relation to the 
 Cuban question. 
 
 Second — What is now the interest of this nation ? When 
 the American civil war brought about as a trophy of victory to 
 the North, the abolition of slavery, the government changed 
 entirely its fundamental basis. It had no further reason for 
 desiring the preservation of the island in the power of Spain 
 or to accomplish annexation with slave labor. Spain, instead 
 of being a nation without a navy, as it was in 1826, had be- 
 come a maritime power. Cuba, instead of being, with her 
 slaves, a pleasant picture to the United States, became a monu- 
 ment of their own past ignominy that they could not tolerate 
 at their own doors — and this, even though the island remained 
 faithful to the crown of Spain. The Cubans, as has been so 
 often repeated, in 1868 took to the field to gain their inde- 
 pendence. They took possession of a large portion of the 
 island, and from the very beginning declared free all of its 
 inhabitants. The new Kepublic was in accordance with the 
 regenerated Republic of the northern continent. At this mo- 
 ment this nation was compelled to look to its interest in the 
 question, and it appears the government thought it had found 
 it in the propositions made by Mr. Sickles to the cabinet of 
 Madrid. If it is true that these propositions were for the 
 Cubans to purchase the island from Spain, with the guarantee 
 of the United States, it is to be supposed that they would be 
 
35 
 
 advantageous to the three contracting parties. But Spain did 
 not accept them, though she employed the diplomatic arts re- 
 ferred to, and such a solution should have been abandoned. 
 Was it the interest of the United States after that to preserve 
 the statu quo, that the horrors of the war should be continued, 
 the natives not being allowed to arm themselves ? This was in 
 some respects the interest of Spain, but certainly not that of 
 the United States. 
 
 It appears that the United States — abandoning the Cuban 
 question to itself and without reference to justice — thought it 
 was their interest to retain their connection with 'the slave 
 power in Cuba as long as possible. The recognition of Cuban 
 belligerency would produce a declaration by Spain of the 
 blockade of the island, and, as a consequence, the right of the 
 Spaniards to search American vessels according to the treaty of 
 1795 ; this, of course, was a bad prospect for the commerce 
 sustained with the slave power. May be it was considered 
 that the continued arrival of sugar and tobacco from Cuba, 
 paying its high duties, amounting to several millions of dol- 
 lars, was preferable to any other solution for the present. 
 
 It is true that such commerce grew out of slave labor, and 
 that the United States have made it appear that they desire 
 the abolition of such labor in Cuba and everywhere ; but the 
 question of slavery could be treated diplomatically, and ex- 
 tended through an indefinite period, the United States mean- 
 while deriving all the advantage from such traffic and from the 
 duties on such articles. Though the Cubans, notwithstanding 
 the course of the United States, persisted in imitating the 
 founders of the great nation who fought for independence, 
 nothing could be done which would change the relation of the 
 country to such slave power — 
 
 The undersigned will not say that this policy has been 
 adopted by this government ; but, not knowing its profound 
 views, it would seem to have regarded the best interest of the 
 United States enhanced by it. Be this as it may, the events 
 of the past five years, the horrors of every description witnessed 
 by the civilized world and the oft-repeated insults to Americans 
 and the American flag which have brought this nation to the eve 
 of declaring war against Spain, tend to show that it was not a 
 policy in the interest of the United States. 
 
36 
 
 It were useless to attempt to show that the independence of 
 the island and a close alliance with the United States 
 would increase enormously the wealth and prosperity of this 
 nation. It is true that the income derived from the duties paid 
 on the sugar and tobacco imported into this countiy from there 
 would cease entirely ; but it is also true — as is reported to have 
 been said by the intelligent head of the finance department of 
 the government — that the internal revenue accruing from these 
 articles, especially the tobacco, would more than compensate 
 for this loss. 
 
 It is very easy to comprehend, moreover, that, with the 
 abolition of the custom houses in Cuba, or — if, unhappily, this 
 measure should be considered too progressive — the suspension 
 of the export duties on these commodities, and the reduction 
 on the import duties there imposed upon the supplies and 
 machinery required by the planters would result in an immense 
 saving to both these planters and the merchants in the United 
 States. This would more than recompense the former for the 
 losses consequent on passing from slave to free labor, while 
 the latter would find their remuneration in the increased 
 profits on their wares, thus relieved of the onerous duties now 
 imposed upon them. At the same time, Cuba would become 
 a market for a large number of exports from this country which 
 are now shut out from the island by the high duties im- 
 posed, in order that they may not compete with the produc- 
 tions of the peninsula. And, in addition, many branches of 
 American industry which, through the retrograde policy of the 
 Spaniards, are now also shut out from the Antilles, would then 
 find there an extensive patronage. Even sugar would be ex- 
 ported from this country to Cuba, coming from there as a raw 
 material, and sent back after the process of refining, so exten- 
 sively carried on here. That country is peculiarly an agricul- 
 tural one, and all the industrial arts of this republic would, in 
 the changed condition which has been referred to, find in her 
 a liberal and continuous patron. It is not difficult to prove 
 that the United States were immensely benefited by the acqui- 
 sition of California, and it is safe to say that Cuba, allied to 
 the Bepublic, would show equal, if not far greater, results. 
 These undeniable facts being borne in mind, it seems that the, 
 
37 
 
 interests of the United States, at the breaking out of the revo- 
 lution was to favor, at least morally, the Cubans in their efforts 
 to become independent. Moreover, it is not a contemptible 
 matter to accept rather than decline the sympathy and good 
 will of a neighbor proffering them. Those great nations who 
 have been destined by Providence to extend their superior 
 civilization over the lesser states around must appeal to the 
 elements of sympathy and attraction in the performance of their 
 great duty, and not rely only upon the power of arms. It seems 
 that it would have been more easy for the United States to ex- 
 tend its moral support to the Cubans, as the great American 
 people entertained sentiments favorable to them. 
 
 The opportunities which the government has had since the 
 outbreak of the war to assume a position favorable to the 
 patriots have been very numerous. In March, 1869, the 
 American brig Mary Lowell w r as captured at Ragged Island, 
 brought to Habana and condemned as a good prize, having on 
 board a valuable cargo. 
 
 This was an act more in contravention of international law 
 than even the seizure of the Virginius. According to the treaty 
 of 1795, the right of search and seizure of American vessels by 
 the Spaniards extended only to the time of war. The infrac- 
 tion of this treaty, in the taking of the Mary Lowell, consti- 
 tuted a just cause for the American government to declare that 
 the Spanish authorities had, by their action, virtually admitted 
 the existence of a war in Cuba. The United States, therefore, 
 should have recognized such war, and declared their neutrality 
 in it. From this would have resulted a rapid termination of 
 the struggle without these immense losses of property which 
 have since occurred, to say nothing of the great destruction of 
 American lives. After this remarkable event, which produced 
 only a lengthy official correspondence, the American steamer 
 Florida was overhauled and searched on two occasions by 
 Spanish men-of-war in 1871. And so well satisfied was the 
 administration ab Washington that the action of the Spanish 
 war vessels demonstrated the existence of a war in Cuba, that on 
 the 16th of July, 1869, the honorable Secretary of State, in a 
 protest against the edict of the Captain-General De Rodas, of 
 
38 
 
 the 7th of that month, stated the same in unequivocal lan- 
 guage : " The United States cannot fail to regard any exercise 
 on the part of Spain of the right of visit and search of Ameri- 
 can vessels, under color of the treaty of 1705, as involving the 
 logical conclusion of the recognition by Spain of a state of war 
 in Cuba," is the idea conveyed. Notwithstanding that the 
 government of the United States could not " fail to regard " 
 any exercise on the high seas, near the island of Cuba, by any 
 vessel of war or privateer of Spain, of the right to visit or 
 board any vessel of the United States, under color of the pro- 
 visions of the treaty of 1795, as involving the logical conclusion 
 of a recognition by Spain of a state of war in Cuba, it is un- 
 happily true that the American government did fail, when the 
 boarding and search of the Florida occurred. The whole mat- 
 ter can be closed with the expression of a hope that this 
 government will not fail, now, to take the action indicated in 
 the protest referred to. Admitting that the nationality of the 
 Virginius is a matter of doubt, and that her antecedents cannot 
 be justified, this does not affect the question, as in the case of 
 the h lorida no such doubt, no such antecedents exist. She 
 had never been to the coast of Cuba, and never carried arms 
 or expeditionists there. The American government has main- 
 tained, in an official note, that certain acts involved the logical 
 conclusion of a recognition by Spain of a state of war in Cuba. 
 Spain has performed such acts, and so it must be concluded 
 such war exists. The recognition of this war by Spain should 
 be followed by the recognition of it by the United States and 
 a declaration of its neutrality therein. This would be suffi- 
 cient, and this only will free America of the ignominious pres- 
 ence of the never-wearying murderers who have established 
 themselves in that wealthy and beautiful island. This would 
 increase the glory and wealth of this great nation. 
 
 Allowing that the peace of the republic should not be affected 
 by recent events, it will not be doubted that if a proper course 
 is not pursued, the slave power in Cuba will present, in the 
 future, many other exhibitions of barbarity towards American 
 citizens and insults to the Amebic an flag. 
 
 The only way of averting them is to be at least just toward 
 that people which is fighting for its independence, and which 
 is to be the natural friend and ally of this nation. Is it possi- 
 
39 
 
 ble to conceive that, after five years of heroic struggle and un- 
 deniable heroism on the part of that people, it will be aban- 
 doned by the United States for want of a declaration that they 
 really have been fighting for that time ? The result of the 
 denial of such recognition must be that, after years of con- 
 tinued struggle, the entire wealth of the island will be de- 
 stroyed, or another and sadder destiny follow in the entire ex- 
 termination of the people. For this last sacrifice we are ready, 
 rather than submit to subjugation. The places of the dead 
 will always be filled as long as there remains a patriot capable 
 of bearing arms. 
 
 The Cubans await the decision of the American government 
 at this critical moment. If it is in favor of justice, humanity 
 and freedom, they will bow in gratitude to Providence, acting 
 in conformity to the sacrifices already made. If in favor of 
 the maintenance of the present condition of affairs they shall 
 continue to the end in the struggle in which they have so long, 
 and at the cost of so much blood and treasure, been engaged. 
 
 Supposing that the impending conflict be averted, the pro- 
 slavery party -that is to say, the native Spaniards established 
 in Cuba — consenting at last to the restitution of the Virginius, 
 the surrender of the surviving passengers and crew, the indem- 
 nification demanded and the salute to the American flag, what 
 would be the result of the continuation of the present policy 
 of the United States of not recognizing the state of war exist- 
 ing in the island ? 
 
 This question must be considered in the light of the facts so 
 clearly stated by your excellency in your message. In that 
 document it is recognized that in Cuba, besides the forces of 
 the government of Spain, there exists what is called the insur- 
 rection of Yara and the pro-slavery party, the latter being " an 
 element," says your excellency, " opposed to granting any re- 
 lief from misrule and abuse, with no aspirations after freedom, 
 commanding no sympathy in generous breasts, aiming to rivet 
 still stronger the shackles of slavery and oppression." Such 
 an, element, which "has seized many of the emblems of power 
 in Cuba, is still a power in Madrid, and recognized by the 
 government." 
 
 Accepting these premises, based as they are upon facts, it is 
 
40 
 
 seen that the government of Madrid is in reality an accom- 
 plice of the abominations committed by such power in Cuba. 
 And can a government which is an accomplice of those abomi- 
 nations command the sympathies of the generous breasts of 
 the American people represented by your excellency? Ac- 
 cording to the words of your excellency, the interest of human- 
 ity, civilization and of progress demands that the " evil influ- 
 ence of the slavery party" referred to " may be averted." As 
 this party constitutes an armed organization, which not only 
 controls the Spanish government in Cuba, but in Madrid as 
 well, is it possible to avert it, and speedily — as is hoped by 
 your excellency — without the force of arms ? It is not ; and, 
 consequently, the only possible way of accomplishing the de- 
 sired result is to give the native population of the island, com- 
 posed of the more enlightened, wealthy and progressive people 
 — a people which, wanting foreign aid, has shown itself stronger 
 than any other people which has struggled for independence — 
 at least recognition of belligerency, which they have been ask- 
 ing for through five years, that they may sweep from the face 
 of the island those men and the government which are soiling 
 it with their crimes. Will the volumes of the secretary of 
 state and his dignified and amicable notes to the government 
 of Madrid upon liberal principles and the abolition of slavery 
 extinguish the power of this element in the island ? Certainly 
 not. And there remains no other course than the one de- 
 manded by the great American people. 
 
 The undersigned, in the name of the government which he 
 has the honor to represent, anticipates the -expression of his 
 gratitude to the government of the United States. 
 
 For it is impossible to suppose that the high-minded states- 
 men of the great republic have determined upon a status quo 
 which will leave the Cubans unable to obtain their indepen- 
 dence through want of the requisite arms and materials — the 
 Spaniards at the same time unable to suppress their efforts — 
 until both parties become so weakened that the island will fall 
 an easy prey to the government they represent. This would be 
 far more ferocious and cruel than the conduct of the Spanish 
 volunteers of Havana, which is so much deprecated by the 
 civilized world. No Machiavelian policy ever adopted in the 
 
41 
 
 history of mankind could be compared with this. No ; it 
 would be unjust so to insult the high and Christian members 
 of the American government. 
 
 Your excellency's obedient servant, 
 
 XT ^ M. QUESADA. 
 
 New Yoke, December 4, 1873. 
 
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