Book ¥ I COMMENDATIONS. I ~ I We are indebted to our brethern of the Press, and many •* friends, for the most flattering commendations of our com- pilation of the "Logic of Uistory," Ac, and wo make room for the following, as samples of the general whole : I From Gov. Seymour, of New York.] State of New York, Executive Department, 1 ' Albany, January ISth, 1864. j I Sir: — I have read with great interest that part of your ' book entitled, "Five Hundred Political Texts," which you Bent me. I do not hesitate to say that it is a work which every friend of Constitutional Liberty should have in his I possession. No one who cares for public events can be ' without it. It is not only of great importance at this time in its bearings upon the questions of the day, but it ' is also a valuable contribution to the history of evils which now afflict our country. I hope that it will be widely circulated, and that all classes of conservative men will aid in its sale. Truly yours, &c., HORATIO SEYMOUR. To S. D. Carpenter, Esq., Madison, A\^^on8in. From the Conservative Members of^ttie 'Wisconsin Legis- lature.] Senate and Assembly Chambers, ) Capitol of Wisconsin, Feb. 13, 1863. J 5. D. Carpenter: The undersigned Democratic members of the Legisla- ture of Wisconsin for the year 1864, having read your book so for as completed, entitled "Concentrated Extracts of Abolitionism"' or "Logic of History," beg leave to assure you that your efforts in producing a book so much needed in a crisis like this, is duly appreciated by us. This book ought to be iu the hands of every conservative man, for nothing can be so well calculated to open the eyes of the people to the long cherished aims and purposes of the radicals. Your book settles the question of "loyalty," and we trust you may succeed in placing it in the hands of all conservative men. John E. Thomas, 1st Dist. H. P. Reynolds, 6th Dist. Fred. S. Ellis, 2d Dist. W. K. Wilson, 6th Dist. G. L. Frost, 15th Dist. Fred. 0. Thorp, 4th Dist. Sat. Clark, 33d Dist. John R. Bohan, 3d Dist. J. II. Earnest, 13th Dist. J. D. Chyip, 23d Dist. Joseph Vilas, Jr., 19th Dist. ^ representatives. 0. F. Jones, Dodge County. A. S. Sanborn, Dane. E. McGarry, Milwaukee. David Smoke, Manitowoc. Max. Bachuber, Dodge. J. W. Eviston, Milwaukee. Wm. Costigan, Waukesha. Thomas McLean, Calumet. Geo.|Kreis, Outagamie. JohnG. Daily, Dodge. H. Hildebrandt,Washington B. Ringle, 'Marathon. N. Boutin, Kewaunee. Geo. B. Smith, Dane. W. J. A9l;ams, Brown. Carl Zillier, Shebo3'gan. Robt. Hass, Jefferson. Robt. Cochrane, Marquette. Thos. Thornton, Manitowoc. David, Knab, Milwaukee. T. Dunn, *afayette. James Watts, Milwaukee. Anton Frey, Milwaukee. W.T.Bonni well, Jr., Ozaukee F. T. Zettler, Milwaukee. [From the Hon. L. B. Vilas, Chairman of the State Union Committee, of Wisconsin,] Madison, Feb. 19t, 1S64. S. D. Carpenter, Esq. Sir: The facts contained in your "Logic of History," ought to be read and pondered by every American citizen. Fanaticism and extreme views both North and South, to- gether with public corruption, are the fruitful sources of our national troubles. The sooner we learn the true causes and correct them, the sooner we shall have national unity, and its conse- quent blessings. If the people desire peace and unity, they must cease to do those things which inevitably pro- duces strife and disunion. The logic of all history proves 1 that with nations as well as individuals, what they sow they will reap. Trusting that the people in both sections will see the folly of thrusting their extreme opinions upon the other, and that your work may tend to produce this result, I am very truly Yours itc . LEVI B.. VILAS. [From the Waukesha Democrat.] "Logic of History" or "Scraps from my Scrap Book." —This is the the title of a work about to be published by S. D. Carpenter, Esq., editor of the WisconsiH Patriot— This work will bo an invaluable book of reference, of some 360 pages, neatly printed and bound, containing five hun- dred political texts. In this work thu author goes back to slavery in ancient timep, and lays bare the effects of slavery agitation and abolitionism to the present time; Iho desire of leading abolitionists to excite a war of the sections, and their encouragement of secession by acts and words, are all placed before the reader, properly indexed for conven- ience of speakers and others. A copy of this work should be in the hands of every man. [From the Milwaukee News.] "The Logic of History."— Mr. Carpenter, of the Madison Patriot, has compiled in an attractive shape a series of political facts, bearing upon the principal public questions of the day. Ho proposes to publish them in a book of 350 pages, conveniently arranged in chapters and designed for reference in the approaching presidential campaign. It will be conveniently indexed for the use of editors, speakers and others, and be sold at the low price of $1 50 per copy. A publication of this character cannot fail to exert a salutary influence and prove a valuable record for refer- ence. [From the Chicago Times.] S. D. Carpenter, the editor of the Madison (Wisconsin) Patriot, is preparing for publication in book form a work called " Logic of History, or Scraps from my Scrap Book." The work includes political aflairs from the beginning "ef the slavery agitation to the present time, and consists mainly of the utterances of prominent men and newspa- pers in the abolitio-republican party, showing ;that it in- augurated and nurtured the treason which finally ruptur- ed the Union. The work will be a vade mecum for demo- cratic editors, speakers, and all classes of conservative people. [From the Ozaukee Advertiser.] The Logic of History.— Being Concentrated Extracts from my Scrap Book, containing Five Hundred Politieal. Texts. By S. D. Carpenter, Editor of the Wiocrm- sin Patriot. * « * * ,j ^"^ The foregoing sufficiently indicates the character of the work and make it evident that it is just the best thine published for the purpose of carrying the campaign risht into the camp of the enemy. It ought to be in the hands of every man who can talk, and if you are attacked by the abolition demagogues with their usual weapons "seces- f °"f.C"'''r''°f'"r?.PP'"''''''''''" just give thei a shot from "The Logic of History," and our word for it they wi 1 sJcedadcUe, 01 if they don't there won't be enough left of them politically to make a grease spot . The work will bo properly indexed for the convenience of editors speakers and others. ' [From the Shullsburg Local.] Something which Every Democrat should Have — S D. Carpenter, of the Madison Patriot, has in process of publication a most valuable work, " Logic of Historv or Scraps from my Scrap Book," which should be in the hands of every democrat. At this time it is of immense value, as it contains a complete expose of the efforts oftha abolitionists to destroy the Union, going back over a ne nod of more than forty years. We cannot recommend it too highly. It IS particularly valuable at this time when we murt defend the position we occupy by facts not idls declamation. ' [From the Manitowoc Pilot.] "The Logic or HisTOKT."--Mr, Carpenter, of the Madison Patriot, has been publishing in his paper for sev- eral months past, extracts from republican papers, and speeches from republican orators far years, clearly show- ing that they are responsible (or the commencement of the existing rebellion, and its continuance to the present time. He is now preparing to print them in book form under the above title, and the work will be published some time this month. A copy of it should be in the hands of every nan vcho loves the Union. [From the JeSferson Banner.] This book is intended for the use of editors and public speakers, and it should be in the hands of every Demo- crat in the country. 'Whoever has a copy of this work in his possession, need not fear to be called " traitor," "cop- perhead," and the like, for all he has to do will be to pull the volume out of his pocket, and cram a few Abolition sentences down the throats of those who assail him, and they will soon learn to let him alone. [From the Fond dn Lac Press.] " CONCENTf ATED EXTKACTS OP ABOLITIONISM" iS tho title of a new^book soon to be issued from the press of the Madison Patriot. Wo have had the benefit of its con- tents published in the Patriot, and do not hesitate to say that it will be of great value as a book of reference. [From the Mineral Point Intelligencer.] The work will be valuable, and should be in the hands of every man who desires to keep himself posted in politi- cal affairs. The cost is trifling compared with its value, and who desire it should send for it at once. Single cop- ies ?1 50. [From the Monroe County Democrat.] The title of the work is "Scraps from my Scrap Book," and from a look at the table of contents, it appears to ns a work of extraordinary merit for purposes of referencs, and one which should be in the hands ofevery editor, politician and public speaker in the country. It gives a succinct documentary history of political abolition, secession, nulli- fication, etc. It will contain some 350 pages closely print- ed, with a complete index, so that any extract may be readily referred to. [From the JJeaver Dam Argus.] Logic op IIistokt.— S.,D. Carpenter, of the Madison Patriot, is compiling a work for the use of politicians, un- der the above title, which will contain some 350 pages, composed of the sayings of Reading politicians and news- papers, and is particularly intended for the use of speak- ers and editors in the campaign next summer. For that purpose it will be just the thing, being divided into chap- ters and properly indexed. Some fifteen chapters have already been published in the Patriot, and from an exam- ination of them, we would advise every democrat to pro- cure this volume. Then if he is attacked by an abolition- ist with the usual cry of "secessionist,"' "traitor," "rebel sympathizer," &c., he can straightway give a "solid shot" from "The Logic of History," which will cause any abolitionist to "retreat in disorder." It is the first work of the kind ever published in this state, and should be largely circulated by the^democrats of Wisconsin. Terms — Single copies Si. 50; five copies to one address, each 11. -10; Ten 51.30^^Postage and other charges extra. [P. S. — It will be seen/ftiat different parties refer to our work under different titles, which will be readily explain- ed by the plurality of titles to the work itself, but which did not accompany its newspaper publication.] LOGIC OF HISTORY. FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS : BEING CONCENTEATRD EXTRACTS OF ABOLITIONISM ; ALSO, RESULTS OF SLAVERY AGITATION AND EMANCIPATION TOGETHER WITH SUNDRY CHAPTERS ON DESPOTISM, USURPATIONS AND FRAUDS. By S. D. carpenter, editor of the "wisconsin patriot. SECOND EDITION. MADISON, WIS., 1864 : S. D. CARPENTER, PUBLISHER a, 'i.A Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand eight hundred and sisiy-four, By S. D. carpenter, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for the State of Wisconsin. A WORD FOR MYSELF. A Preface to a book is often synonymous with excuses, and I will render mine as briefly •as possible. I have compiled this work, not with a view to win literary fame, though per- haps few, who have acquired the knowledge by experience, will deny me at least a modest claim to considerable research and laborious application; for, in truth I could have pro- duced a volume of more than double the pro- portions of this, with less labor and pains- taking, had I reduced it to a commentary on the subjects which it embraces. But, for the purposes intended, it was necessary to present the language employed by those who are here- in represented. This I have done as tersely as possible, without perverting the sentiments' uttered. The task has been an herculean one. The difiBculty has not been toAai to insert, but luhat to leave out, lest I should compile a vol- ume of too ponderous proportions, for it would have been much easier to have compited 2,000 pages, without diminishing the interest. My whole aim has been to present to the conserva- tives of the country a useful and convenient digest of the sayings and doings of the North- ern Disunionists for the last sixty-five years, together with a synopsis of the slavery agita- tion and results of emancipation, from the hal- cyon days of Rome down to the present time — embracing a statistical, didactic and editorial compendium of that restless spirit of meddling agitation that has ruined the fairest govern- ments on earth. I have presented the evidence of Northern disunion and treason, in a conve- nient and tangible form, that the same may be demonstrated to the people who now suffer in consequence of these causes: — 1st. By Editors through the press. 2d. By public speakers from the rostrum. 3d. By citizens, among the masses — in the school house and other gatherings, and in private discussions. The condnct of this war, from the highest official to the lowest parasite of power, has been such as to be as personally offensive as possible to all conservatives, by the use approbious epi- thets, such as "Traitor" — "Copperhead," &c. With this work in his possession, no Democrat need fear these epithets, for if he will compel his assailant to endure the infliction to read or listen to a few choice paragraphs herein, the insult will hardly be repeated; for, the follow- ing pages constitute a bomb-proof battery — an "iron clad" torpedo— that will be dangerous to trifle with. For fifteen years I have been selecting and preserving in scrap book form, the within evi- dences of republican guilt, until I had creat- ed quite a "library" of scrap books. I was aware years ago that these scraps would one day become valuable. I was offered, during the political canvass of 1863, a large sum for my first volume of Scraps, and it occurred to me that if one of my many volumes was prized so highly, there were few that would not es- teem it a privilege to pay ^1.50 for the cream of them all. All the libraries in the " Union as it was," might be searched in vain for the contents of this book. The same might be found mostly in the newspaper files of the last seventy years, but it would require a practiced antiquarian years of research to hunt up and codify these extracts from original sources, at an expense wholly inadequate to any probable remunera- tion. Possessing these extraordinary facili- ties, I have compiled this work both from the dictates of duty and hope of reward. I do not warrant it free from errors; for, in addition to my other duties of publishing a Daily and Weekly Newspaper, &c., I have without assis- tance, copied, codified and arranged the work each evening, as needed for the printers the next day, nor have I been able to re-exam- ine a single sheet of " copy," previous to its A WORD OR MYSELF. use at the case. Still, I am quite sure I have done no injustice to the authors of the extracts, except, perhaps, in some unimportant typo- graphical errors, that readily suggest them- selyes. While I have endeavored to link together the various extracts in argumentative arrangement, I have, with but few exceptional cases, em- ployed no more of my «wn language and sen- timents than were necessary to a proper ap- plication and introduction of the sentiment or fact quoted. Another reason for presenting this work, is, that during the canvass of 1863, I printed the first edition of 10,000 copies in pamphlet form, which were soon disposed of in all parts of the North, with no effort on my part, save a notice that a work of that character was for sale, and even after the last copy was sent as per order, I continued to receive orders from Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Iowa, Minnesota, Indi- ana, New York and other States, until calls for more than 6,000 accumulated on my table, be- yond my power to fill. I corLmenced this edi- tion in November last, to meet this demand, and already, before the first copy is bound, I have orders for more than two-thirds of my en- tire edition. I am making arrangements for issuing a 3d edition to supply the general de- mand, which I am in hopes to issue some time in June or July next. To the conservatives of the country this work is especially dedicated, as the aggrega- tion of guilt and treason of seventy years accumulation — to be by them exhibited as a living panorama of "disloyal practices" by the opponents of Democracy — lest the treason of these marplots may be overlooked, amid the din of their phai'isaical protestations of "we- are-holier-than-thou" loyalty. These marti- nets of power must not be permitted to deceive the people with their "stop thief cry of "we are loyal" — "yow are disloyal" — when the evidences of their own guilt are so overwhelm- ing. A sure antidote to their poison is to be found in this volume, which will have the good effect to rid the truly loyal possessor of th© insults of that reptile tribe of arrogant, self- righteous bores, who breed in the sunshine of power — fatten on the sweat of honest toil, and parrot-like chatter virtues they never possessed. To those who have known me for years, it is unnecessary to offer assurances that I am, as I have been from the start, in favor of the most "vigorous" prosecution of the war to crush the rebellion. I believe this can be done under the Constitution, and in the mean time preserve personal and civil liberty. I am, as I ever have been, opposed to secession, disunion, and treason — especially Abolition- ism, believing that the latter combines the trinity of the former. I have no apology to offer for the rebellion, and am in favor of pun- ishing all traitors — am opposed to any peace purchased at the expense of the honor and in- alienable rights of loyal people, and am in favor of any peace — the sooner it comes the better — that shall secure the Union of GUr fathers, and be honorable in its terms, and believe that any sensible, conservative man would be an improvement on Mr. Lincoln for President. The "Shakesperean Irrepressible Conflict," which follows the general order of this work, I offer gratis — not as a specimen of literary genius, but in accordance with a promise made at the repeated requests of many of my friends. I attach no particular importance to it, for it was all prepared during the three last eve- nings of 1862, as a "message" for the car- riers of my paper. It was only intended as a humorous salmagundi, to represent the "rise, progress and decline of the one idea." I may, without arrogance, however, claim for it this merit — a truthful, even though crude, reflex of transpiring facts. With the foregoing "explanations," I offer the work to all those who would study ihQ great cause of all the evils that now afflict this sorely oppressed people. S. D. CARPENTER. MililsoN, wis., February, 1864. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. EFFECTS OF AXCIENT SLAVERY AGITATION, Etc. Application of the "Logic of History" — Effect of Early Slavery Agitation — Slavery in Ancient Times — Slavery Agitation in Rome — Its Terrible Effects : Agitation the Cause of the Downfall of the Roman Empire — Greece and lier Dependencies Destroyed by Slavery Agitation — The Agitation in France — Bloody Effects of, in St. Do- mingo — Brissot, and other French Abolitionists, stir up the "Irrepressible Conflict" — A Servile Insurrection Ensues — Napoleon Issues a "Proclamation of Freedom " — Terrible Disasters follow the same — A French Army Destroyed — Servile Insurrection in St. Domingo — Gib- bon, the Uistorian, on the Character of the Negro : their Fall from Ancient Superiority — McKe.nzie, the Histori- an, on the "Cause" in the West Indies — Statistics of St. Domingo — The Sublime Teachings of History. CHAPTER 11. EFFECTS AND INCIDENTS OF AGITATION IN THE WEST INDIES. Agitation of the Slavery Question in England. ..Abolition of the Slave Trade. ..English|rhilanthiopists Define their Position against immediate Emancipation. ..Abolition ef Slavery in the British West Indies : Effects of such Emancipation. ..Testimony of Anti-Slavery men. ..De- cline of Commerce. ..Destruction of Agriculture. ..The Negroes Tending to Heathenism. ..Valuable Statistics respecting Ilayti... Indolence and Destitution of the Uegroes... Present Condition of Hayti... Abolition Testi- mony. ..The Results of Emancipation in Jamaica. ..Census and Statistics. ..Great Falling Off in Products. ..Estates Going to Decay. ..The Negro Receding into a Savage State... .Tho Public Debt Increasing. ...The "London Times" Owns Up. ..Dr. Channixg's Prophecy not Ful- filled. ..Trollop and the "London Times "^.. Negroes will not render Voluntary Labor. ..Testimony of numer- ous Abolitionists, showing tho Effects of Emancipation in the West Indies. ..Effect in .Mexico. ..Mr. Lincoln's Opinion. ..Statistics Applicable to the Question in the West Indies and the United States. ..General Conclu- sions, etc. CHAPTER III. HISTORY OF CAUSES OF WAR. Slavery not the Cause of the War. ..Illustrations showing the Absurdity of the Claim that it is. ..Henry Ward Beecher declares the Constitution to be the Cause.. .Sen- ator Douglas' Testimony... Alex. Stevens' Views. ..The Rebel Iverson on the "Cause". ..Gov. Rhett on ditto ...The Rebel Benjamin, with Republican aid, creates a "Cause". ..The Constitution the "Cause"... Early Times ...The Three Parties in 17S6...Alex. Hamilton's "Strong Government". ..Early Opposition to the Constitution... Vote close in some of the State Conventions. ..The Four Rebellions. ..Shays' Rebellion...South Carolina Rebellion in 1832— The great Abolition Rebellion. ..The great South- ern Rebellion of 1861. ..What the Cause of tho War... Abolition Pettions for Dissolution. ..A Public Debt a Public Bl«ssing...The object to Destroy the Government ..Know-Nothingism as an Element to Wreck tho Gov- ernmert by placing Power in the hands of its Destroy- ers. ..Numerous Extracts in Proof.. .Treason of the Clergy in 181* ..Treason of the Federals in 1814...Sapport of the Government '-Reprobated" by Federal Reprobates, &c. CHAPTER IV. DISUNION OF EARLY GROWTH. Early Clamors for a Northern Confederacy.. .the Pelham Publication. ..Crusade Against Slavery in 1796. ..Its Baseness and Untruthfulness exhibited by Caret, in 1814. ..The Federal Argument to show that Dissolution was close at hand. ..Early Caricatures of the North to stimulate Sectional Hatred. ..Falsity of the Agitators' statements. ..Comparison of Northern and Southern support of Government. ..The odious comparisons con- tinued. ..Republican papers and the President's Message ...Section arrayed against Section. CHAPTER V. THE GREAT NEW ENGLAND CONSPIRACY. New England Money Kings endeavor to Bankrupt th& Government. ..Testimony of a Cotemporary...The Clergy in the Conspiracy. ..Consequence of the Conspiracy. ..De- preciation of Bank and Government Stocks. ..Mr. Carey's Statement. ..The Secret Federal Leagues. ..Monied men banded against the Government. ..Reign of Terror. ..Cit- izens dare not subscribe for Government Loan openly... Threats and Intimidations by the Federals. ..Treason of the Federals in buying and selling English Bills. ..Tho Sedition Law. ..Its object to crush out Free Discussion... Difference between Madison and Lincoln. ..Leading Fed- erals Gazetted. ..Object of the Sedition Law. ..We, the Government, in 1798. ..Damn the Government in 1814... The Pious Rev. Federals curse the Government. ..Views of Jeefekson and Webster, &c. CHAPTER VI. PROOFS OF FEDERAL TREASON.— Continued. Tone of the Federals when in Power... Similar to the Tone- of Those now in Power. ..Congregational Ministers' Ad- dress to President Adams. ..Extract from Sermon of Rev. Jewdau .MoRsi:... Extracts from Sermon by Rev. F. S. F, Gardner, 1812.. .Extracts from Discourses of Rev. Dr. Osgood, lS10...The Clamors of New England for Sep- aration and Di.?eolution..." Extracts of Treason". ..From Boston Centinel, Dec. 10, 1814. ..From same Dec. 14, 1814. ..Sundry other extracts from same. ..Ipswich Me- morial. ..Deerfield, (Maes.) Petition. ..From the Crisis, No. 3. ..From the Federal Republican, 1814. ..Extract from Addrege to the Hartford Convention, &c...From Boston Daily Advertiser, 1814. ..From Federal Republi- can, 1814. ..Extracts from proceedings of a Treasonable Meeting in Reading, Mass. ..Also from Memorial of citi- zens of Newburjport to the Legislature — From Federal Republican, Nov. 7, 1814. ..From Boston Gazette. ..From Sermon of Rev. David Osgood... Also from his Address before the Legislarure... Extracts from a treasonable let- ter from Federals to James Madison. ..From Boston Re- pertory... From New York Commercial Advertiser. CONTENTS. CHAPTER VII. OPPOSITION TO THE MEXICAN WAR — LIKE FATHER, LIKE SON — LIKE FEDERAL, LIKE WHIG. Treasonable opposition to the Mexican War. ..Mr. Linoolw charges the "GoTernment" with being in the "wrocg"" ...Caleb B. Smith glories in voting to condemn the war ...uiDDiNGS would "not vote a manor a dollar". ..The Press of 184S on tho War.. .From the Warren Chronicle ...Xenia Torch Light. ..Lebanon Star. ..Cincinnati Gazette ...Kennebeck Journal. ..New Hampshire Statesman... Haveihill Gazette. ..Boston Sentinel. ..Boston Atlas... Boston Chronotype...New York Tribune. ..North Ameri- can. ..Baltimore Patriot. ..Louisville Journal. ..Nashville Gazette. ..Mt. Carmel Register, Ac, ...Also Corwin's " bloody hands" diatribe, &c. CHAPTER VIII. FURTHER SCHEMES IN THE PROGRESS OF DISSO- LUTION EXPOSED. The efforts to create a public debt to hasten the "Strong Government" ... Mr. King's $2,000,000 gift, as a "means". ..Randolph opposed. ..CALaouN, as a means to an end, votes against hisparty...Purposeof tho"Frag- ments of the Whig party". ..Continued efforts to dissolve the Union. ..The Slavery issue used as a lever. ..The warnings of Jefferson. ..The Slavery Agitation "the death knell of the Union". ..Warnings of Washington ...The voice of Jackson. ..of Haerison, &c. CHAPTER IX. EFFORTS AT COMPROMISE— WHO RESPONSIBLE, The Statement of Douglas. ..His last Letter. ..Senator Pugh's Statement. ..Endorsed by Douglas. ..Chicago Tri- bune wouldn't Yield an Inch. ..The Peace Congress... Efforts of Republicans to Hush it Up. ..Senator Chand- er's "Blood-letting" Epistle, &c. CHAPTER X. THE MOTIVE FOR PRECIPITATING A CONFLICT. Who Responsible for bringing on a CI ish of Arms. ..The Administration resort to a " Trick" to Force the Rebels to Commence the Attack. ..Letterfrom tho Hon. Harlow S. Orton...His charges of a " Trick" proved by Extracts from. ..The New York Times. ..Charleston Mercury. ..New York Tribune, &c,...The United States Armada take no part to Believe Major AndersoQ...NewY'ork Post details the Trick. ..Radicals Prophesying an Easy and Early Victory. ..Seward's Promise to deliver up Sumter. CHAPTER XI. PROGRESS AND EVIDENCE OF THE NORTHERN CONSPIRACY. The Radicals conspire to overthrow the Government long before the Rebellion of 1861. ..Douglas' testimony on this point. ..John Brown Raid originated in Kansas.. Col. Jamison's testimony. ..Col. F. P. Blair on the cause of the war. ..Abolitionists and Secessionists united. ..Mr. Seward's testimony... Parson Brownlow on the designs of the Abolitionists. ..Thurlow Weed on the "Chief Ar- chitects" of the Rebellion. ..Aboliiionists of New York Invite Southern Secessionists to join them. ..Massachu- setts for Dissolution in 1851. ..Also in 1856. ..Ben. Wade Declares there was no Union. ..Garrison's "Covenant with Hell''. ..Republicans of Green County, Wis., Pledged to '•Revolutionize tho Govenmient"... Anson Burlingame for a New Deal all Round. ..David Wilmot on Dissolution ...Wendell Phillips again. ..Lowell Republicans for Dis- solution. ..Massachusetts Petitions for Dissolution... James Watson Webb for using "Fire and Sword". ..Bos- ton Free Soilers, 1854. ..Charles Sumner bound to Diso- bey law. ..The True American pronounees a Negro "Worth all the Unions on God's Earth" — Another Mas- sachusetts Petition for Dissolution. ..Dissolution Resolu- tion by Anti-Slavery Society. ..Another from same source. ..Disunion again in Massachusetts. ..From Red- mund's Speech. ..Wendell Phillips labors nineteen years to Break up the Union. ..Parker Pillsbury labored twen- ty years to destroy the Union. ..Stephen Foster dissua- ding young men from enlisting in this Unholy War, Ac. CHAPTER XII. PROGRESS OP THE NORTHERN CONSPIRACY— (Continued). Charles Sumner Advises Nullification and Disobedience to the Laws. ..Claims the Republican Party as Seetionil, and suited to his Purpose. ..Greeley's Insult to the Flag: The "Flaunting Lie "...Is this an Abolition War ?... Testimony of Gov. Stone, of Iowa. ..Statement of M. B. Lowry... Phillips on Secession..." Chicago Tri- bune and the Tax Bill. ..Extracts from a Massachusetts Pamphlet. ..Abuse of the Framers of the Constitution... Similarity between Northern and Southern Disunionists. CHAPTER XIII. DISUNION OF NORTHERN GROWTH. Disunion began in the North. ..Admission by Wendell Phillips. .."The War brought on by tho North as a Means to an End. ..The Kansas Imbroglio. ..Stimulated by the Radicals to Aid Secession and Disunion — Helper's "Im- pending Crisis" as a Means to hasten Dissolution. ..Mr. Seward Endorses its "Logical Analogies" — Treasona- ble Kansas War Meeting in Buffalo — Gerrit Smith and Gov. Reeder Stimulate the "Cause "...Beecheron Shoot- ing at Men. ..Charles Sumner admits the Northern Con- spiracy. CHAPTER XIV. THE JOHN BROWN RAID ENDORSED BY THE RE- PUBLICANS. Seward, Hale and Wilson Toasted by the Louisville " Jour- nal" for not exposing the John Brown Raid. ..John Brown's operations a part of the Dissolution Scheme... Numerous Extracts to prove that Republicans endorsed tho John Brown Raid. ..Republican Press, Clergy and Orators endorse it... From "La Crosse Republican"... Rev. De Los Love. ..Rev. B. D. Wheelock..." Milwaukee Sentinel "..."Elkhorn Independent"..." Janesvihe Ga- zette "...Telegraphic Despatches, 1859..." Wiusted Her- ald". ..Speech of J. W. Phillips. ..Laconic Letter and Reply, between Elder Spooner and an Editor. ..Massa- chusetts Resolution. ..Meeting in Rockford, 111.. ..100 Guns Fired in Albany, N. Y. ...Theodore Parker's For- mula. ..Indignation Meeting in Milwaukee : their Reso- lutions, etc. ...Rev. Geo. W. Bassett, of 111. ...Telegram from New York. ..Horace Greeley on John Brown — "Milwaukee Free Democrat "...Speech of Rev. Mr. Staples, Milwaukee.. .Emerson at Tremont Temple. ..Rev. M. P, Kinney... "Menasha Conservator "..." Milwaukee Atlas "..."New York Tribune"..." Wood County (Wis.) Reporter "...A Prophetic Article from the "New York Herald "...Brown's Character in Kansas, by the " Her- ald of Freedom" — General Conclusions, &c. CHAPTER XV. WISCONSIN NULLIFICATION AND SECESSION. The Four Shocks of Secession : 1st, New England ; 2d, South Carolina ; 3d, Wisconsin ; 4th, The Confederate CONTENTS. states. ..Wisconsin Bids '' Positive Defiance " to the General Government. ..Constitutional Provisions Ilela- tive to Jndicial Dicision3...A Premeditated Conspiracy to take Wisconsin Out of the Union. ..Complete Chrono- logical History of the Booth Case, and Judicial Action theraon...The Federal Supreme Court declare that Wis- consin was the First to Set Up the Supremacy of the State over the Federal Court. ..Republicans Break Open Arsenal, and Seize Arms to Tefy the Power of the Government. ..Judge Paine's "Eloquent Extract "...Op- position to Law Placed Judge P. on the Bench. ..The Rescue Leaguers. ..Republican Meeting to Denounce Law. ..Judge Crawford Opposed solely because he felt Bound by the Decision cf the Federal Court. ..The Con- stitution Quoted. ..Lloyd Garrison declares Fugitive Law Constitutional, but Defies It..." Milwaukee Sentinel" on Habeas Corpus and Jury Trial for Negroes. ..Opposi- tion to the General Government a Political Test. ..The " Wisconsin State Journal " on said Test. ..Various Re- publiciin Papers on the Test. ..Judge Smith's Opinion... No Precedent to Sustain It. ..What Senator Howe said... Judge Smith Scouts the Consequences of His Own Acts ...The Seven Points as Proof.. .The " State Journal " declares "Dissolution no Misfortune "...Republicans Resolve to "Revolutionize the Government "...Repub- lican Papers for Dissolution. ..To Sustain the Decision of the Federal Court declared a Crime. ..Republicans claim that Judge Paine was elected expressly to Defy the Fed- eral Court. ..Disunionists in Mass Convention. ..General Govenimeut again Defied. ..Republicans endorse South- ern Nullification. ..Wisconsin Legislature "Positively Defies " the Federal Government. ..Substitute to Sustain the Government Voted Down...Doolittle's Views. ..North- ern Nullification a Twin of Southern Nullification... Wisconsin endorses South Carolina and South Carolina endorses Wisconsin. CHAPTER XVI. REPUBLICANS TRUE TO OLD FEDERAL INSTINCTS. Classification of parties, principles and arguments, from 1798 to lS03...Thurlow Weed on Greeley. ..New York Tribune favors Secession. ..Greeley advocating Peace with Rebels. ..Mr. Lincoln Advocates the right of Se- cession. ..The Republican Congress vote down a Resolu- tion against a Dictatorship. ..The Ayes and Noes on that Subject. ..The Constitution again the "Cause of all our Troubles". ..Complete overthrow of the Public Liberties ...From the New York World... Republicans Raise a " Higher Standard than the Stars and Stripes". ..Prefer "Their principles to I'ifty Unions". ..Who Discourage Enlistments. ..Reference to Aboltition Votes in Congress. CHAPTER XVII. ABOLITiOM DISLOYALTY AND TREASON. Extracts from Speeches and Sayings : by John A. Bing- ham. ..A. G. Kiddle. ..Owen Lovpjoy...Wm. Davis... F. A. Pike...W. P. Cutler. ..J. M. A8hlay...J. P. C. Shanks ...John Huchings...F. A. Conway. ..C. F. Sedgwick... Benj. W.adc.J. H. Rico...Q. W. Julian. ..Thad. Stevens ...J. P. Hale (Petitions for Dissolution)... David Wilmot ...Horace Mann. ..Wendell Phillips... Lowell Republi- cans..." Boston Liberator "...J. Watson Webb. ..Boston Free Soilers... Charles Sumner..." True American "... ' Hampshire Gazette "...Prograninie of Revolution... Senator Wilson. ..R. P. Spaulding...Erastus Hopkins... H. M. Addison. ..Abolitionists of Massachusetts. ..R.W. Emerson... Horace Greeley. ..H. Ward Beecher...S. P. Chase. .. Fred Douglas...Redpath... Rev. Chas. E. Hodges ...Lloyd Garrison..." N. V. Tribune "...Wm. O. Duvall ...Gen. Banks. .. Anson Burlinganie... Rev. Dr. Bellows... IngersoU, of 111.. ..Defeat of the Crittenden Compromise ...Vote in the Senate. ..Policy of Woii't-YieM-an-Inch... Treasonable Correspondence between M. D. Conway and J. M. Mason. ..F. A. Conway's Treasonable Speech in Congress. ..Also, his Treasonable Letter to the "N. Y. Tribune". ..Garrison's Speech in Philadelphia. ..Ex- tract from "Wisconsin Puritan." CHAPTER XVIII. MORE REPUBLICAN VOMITINGS OF DISUNION AND TREASON The True Object of the War [the Nogro] Avowed by the " N. Y. Independent "...Beocher and the "Sheepskin Parchment "...Nest Eggs of Treason : Laid by Wendell Phillips, Lloyd Garrison, Abraham Lincoln, American Anti-Slavery Society, F. E. Spinner, J. S. Pike; anoth- er by Phillips and Garrison; and one by the " Chicago Tribune "...IngersoU invests Lincoln with the Power of the Czar of Russia... J. W. Forney on silencing " Laws and Safeguards "...The Abolition Conspiracy in the New York Riots : Important Testimony. ..The Union Not Worth Preserving. ..Tricks of the Ohio Abolition- ists. ..The Revolutionary Spirit at Work..." New York Tribune" advocating Mobs and Riots against Law... Sen. Howe would " Do in the Name of God what can't be done in the Name of the Constitution "...Phillips, Peace and Dissolution. ..This War a "Barbarian Con- quest." CHAPTER XIX. THE ADMINISTRATION UNDER THE BAN OF THE "BALANCE OF POWER." Power and Influence of the .ibolitionistg over the Admin- istration. ..The Leading. \bolitionist.s Feted and Provided with Place and Power. ..Superstition and Intolerance... 1796, ISOO, 1814 and IStU Compared. ..The Bigotry and Intolerance of To-Day Borrowed from the Pilgrims — A Chapter from the Puritans. ..Blue Lights and Blue Laws ...The Act Suspending tlie Writ of Habeas Corpus, in full. ..Ayes and Noes on said Bill, Politically Classified... "New York Tribune" on Peace. ..Old Abe and the " Union as it was," &c. CHAPTER XX. DISLOYALTY OF REPUBLICANS— THE GREAT ROUND-HEAD CONSPIRACY. Threats to Force Mr. Lincoln to Issue the Proclamation... From "New York Independent"..." Chicago Tribune" Against the "Union as It Was" ; also, its Threat to use Bayonets in Defiance of the People. ..The Radical Conspiracy of 18C2... Disclosures of the Round -Head Plot...Suggestionsof the " Boston Courier " ; also, from an Albany Paper. ..The "St. Louis Anzeiger " Reveals the Plot. ..Tho "N. Y. Observer" Gives a Clue to It... Gov. Ramsey, of Minnesota, on " Machinations of Home Governments," &c "Legalized Treason" From "Boston Courier "...The Second Hartford Convention Toasted. ..Chas. Sumner Teaches Revolution. ..Mr. Sew- ard Boasts of More Despotic Power than the Queen of England dare Exercise. ..Thad. Stevens declares the Con- stitution an "Absurdity "...Republicans Cheering for Dissolution Republicans for " Extermiaation and Damnation "...The " Boston Commonwealth " Denoun- ces Restoration a Crime. ..The " South Not Worth a Copper"... "Boston Commonwealth" Curses the "Union as It Was "...Bingham Don't Want the Cotton States... The Constitution Committed to the Flames by Garrison Senator Henklo and Vallandigham... Destruction of the Constitution a Test of Loyalty. ..God and the Negro... Beecher Declares that the Negro is our "Forlorn Hope" Republican Bloodthirstiness-.-Jim Lane would send all the White Men to " Hell "..."Chicago Tribune" Down on the " Union as It Was "...Amalgamation and Negro Equality. ..I'red. Douglas and White Women. ..Wendell Phillips Thanks God for Defeat..." N. Y. Tribune" De- fies the National Government — Ben. Wade on Dissolu- tion. ..The Seceding States follow Ben.'s Advice. ..C. M. Clay "Spots the Union as It Wag "...Beecher Ridi- cules the "Sheepskin Parchment "...Daniel Webster on the "Grasp of Executive Power "..."Democrats Must Not Clamor for the Union as It Was "...Moulding Public Opinion. ..Mr. Lincoln in 1854. ..Mr. Seward and Violence. ..Mr. Seward on the " Last Stage of Conflict " CONTENTS. ...Mr. Seward's Justification for Di^iunion... The Prefix " Naticnal " Stricken from the Republican Cognomen... Banks Predicts a Military Government. ..Carl Schurz on Revolution. ..J. P. Hale on Dissolution. ..Oen. Butler on Reconstruction. ..Object and Consequences of Slavery Agitation. ..Prophesies of Eli Thayer. ..General Conclu- sions, &c. CHAPTER XXI. ABOLITIONISTS SUOW THEIR PURPOSE TO DE- STROY THE UNION. The Various Efforts at Compromi3o...Compromise the Basis of all Governments. ..General Principles of, Applied... The Compromises of the Constitution : What were They ?... Messrs. Yates and Lansing Retire from the Con- vention of 1787. ..Compromise between Delaware, Mary- land and Other States. ..The First Draft. ..Luther Martin on Compromise. ..The Largo and Small Small States at War on Suffrage. ..Compi-omise on SlaveTrade and Nav- igation Acts. ..An Original Plan of Constitution. ..The Great Suffrage Question. ..Mr. Martin's Explanations... Compromise between Slavery and Navigation. ..The New England States Favor the Slave Trade. ..Official Proof... Hypocrisy of Abolition States. ..Massachusetts Stealing Negroes. ..The Virginia and New Jersey Plan of Govern- ment. ..Predictions of Geo. Mason. ..The Missouri Com- promise. ..General Propositions. ..Jackson and Clay on Compromise. ..Compromise of 1832-3. ..Crompromise of 1850. ..Why the Radicals would not Compromise in 1S61. CHAPTER XXII. THE RADICALS DETERMINED TO PREVEMT A SETTLEMENT. Could the Present War have been Avoided. ..Complete History of the Crittenden Compromise... Vote.?, Resolves, Propositions, ic. CHAPTER XXIII. REPUBLICANS OBSTINATE AND REFUSE TO COM- PROMISE. The Conduct of the Abolitioaists in the Wisconsin Legis- lature. ..Radical Reasons for not Compromising. ..The Chicago Platform Good Enough for the Radicals... Tenacity of the Wouldn't-Yield-An-Incher3...ElTort of Democrats to send Commissioners to the Compromise Congress. ..Republicans Claim to have "Struggled Man- fully against the United Democracy "...Carl Schurz and '• Our Side "...Republicans of Sauk City opposed to Com- promise... A Candid Admission. ..Edward Everett on Compromise. ..Lord Brougham on Coercion. ..Plan of Adjustment by the Peace Congress. ..Franklin's Substi- tute..." New York Post" on Effect. ..Greeley against Compromise. ..General Conclusions, &c. .CHAPTER XXIV. REPUBLICAN EFFORTS TO STIMULATE DISSOLU- TION—THEIR DISLOYALTY AND TREASON. The Morrill Tariff a^ a Means to Ha.sten Dissolution... Opinions of the "Cincinnati Commercial," " New York Times," and " New York World "...From the "London Times "...The Tables Turned on the Charge of "Disloy- alty "...Rules of Testimony, and the Proof of Republi- can Disloyalty. ..Testimony of Andrew Johnson. ..Sena- tor Wilson on "Setting up with the Union". ..What Constitutes a "Traitor" and a " Copperhead "...Mr. Lincoln on the Stand : His Preaching contrasted with his Practice. ..Congress on the " Object " of the War... "Indianapolis Sentinel " ditto. ..Thad. Stevens against the Constitution as it is. ..Mr. Chase Declares the Union ■ Not Worth Fighting For. ..Frank Blair on Chase. ..Thur- low Weed on Mob Inciters. ..Being for the Union as it was Declared an " Offense "...The Present Programme Blocked Out Just After Lincoln's Nomination. ..Daw- son's Letter to the "Albany Journal "...Giddings in the Chicago Convention ; His Radical Doctrine Voted Down There ; How Acted On. ..Lincoln's Letter of Ac- ceptance. ..Lincoln and the Chicago Platform in Juxta- position... Sumner Opens the Radical Ball..." New York Post " and Other Papers fear it was Premature. ..The Other Class of Disunionists... Treason of the " Chicago Tribune "...The Crittenden Resolutions. ..The Proclama- tion and Emancipation : Conclusions Thereon..." New York Tribune " and Other Sheets" Predict Good Things ...The " Pope's Bull Against the Comet "...The Object to Divide the North, Ac. ..Gov. Andrew Before and Af- ter the Proclamation. ..Choice Inconsistencies, Ac... Money and Not the Proelamation Required to Make tha " Roads Swarm '...Greeley Down on Old Abe... Seward Pronounces the Proclamation Unconstitutional CHAHTER XXV. DISLOYALTY AND "TREASON" OF THE RADICALS, How the Radicals "Opposed the Government" before the Proclamation. ..Parker Pilisbury..."New York Times" Before and After the Election. .."New York Post" "Op- poses the Government"... "New York Times" Agiiin... "Chicago Tribuno",,Denounces the President. ..Wiscon- sin Homo League on "Imbecility and Cowardice". ..Pre- dictions of "New York Tribune". ..Democratic Predict- ions. ..Gov. Stone admits this an "Abolition War"... A Short Tack after the Gale of 1862. .."New YorkTribune" ...More Prophesies by False Prophets. ..Wendell Phillips as a Prophet..."New YorkPosf'asa Prophet... "Nation- al Intelligencer" a True Prophet. ..Gov. Andrew's Proph- esies. .."New York Tribune's" Prophesies. ..The "900,- 000," Ac. .Remarks of "National Intelligencer" on Same. ..The Proclamation in a Nut Shell. ..Belief in the Proclamation a Test of Loy.altj'... Forney Thereon. ..Sen- ator Wilson's Address. .."Disloyalty" of "Jancsville, (Wis.) Gazette". .."Waukesha, (Wis.) Freeman". .."New York Tribune" on "BIunder3"...Wenden Phillips on the "Lickspittle Administration"... "Milwaukee Sentinel" Disloyal to the "Government"... "Slate Journal" Ditto ...Phillips Again. ..Beecher on the "Government". ...Tes- timony of Senator Browning. .."Milwaukee Wisconsin" Throws a Javelin at Seward. .."Chicago Tribune" Cor- rects Old Abe. .."New Y'ork Independent" on the Ad- ministration... "New York Times" Scores the "Govern- ment". .."Chicago Tribune" Ditto... "Milwaukee Senti- nel" Ditto...." Buffalo Express" Ditto..." Pittsburgh Chronicle" Ditto.... "Anti-Slavery Standard" Ditto... "New York Post" on "Mistakes," Ac. ..The Loyal Sia- mese Twins. .."New York Tribune" on "Cabbage Head'' Halleck. CHAPTER XXVI. THE PROCLAMATION. ..THE RADICAL WAR POLICY. Mr. Lincoln's Letter to the Utica-Springfield Meetings Editor's Remarks on the Negro Policy..." New York Tribune" Pledges the President, &c ...John P. Hale's Bill to Abolish the Constitution. ..The Proclamation in England. .."New York Tribune" on "Servile Insurrec- tions". ..Opinions of English Abolitionists. .. Mi . Wilber- force on the Folly of the Proclamation. ..Wendell Phil- lips on the Rampage. ..The Proclamation Confessed a I'ailure... Caleb B. Smith Pledges the Administration against the Proclamation... Mr. Madison on Emancipa- tion. ..Lord Dunmore's Proclamation. ..Bancroft, the llis- torian on the Same...Thurlow Weed's Prediction. ..Mr. Lincoln on Federal Authority. ..The Chicago Platform... General Remarks. ..Post Master General Blair as a Wit- ness. ..His Rockville Speech. CHAPTER XXVII. CONFISCATION— VIOLATION OF THE CONSTITU- TION, Ac. The Confisuation Scheme. ..The Constitution Ignored... Testimony of Senator Cov an... Political Extremes Com CONTENT?. pared. ..Postmaster General Blair on Secessionists an'i Abolitionists. ..Comments of "National Intelligencur "' ...Senator Doolittle on Colonization and Emancipation... The Three "Solutions": Of Calhoun, John Brown, (the s!»me as Radicals), and Jefferson. ..DooUttle on Con- fiscation. ..Also, on Same and Abolition Denunciations of the "Government '"...A Republican Journal on Senator Doolittlo. CHAPTER XXVIII. INDIRECT MODE TOTIOLATE AXD NULLIFY LAWS. The Personal Liberty Bills of the Various States. ..Sundry Provisions to Nullify the Fugitive Law... A Radical Or- gan admits the Purpose. ..Schemes of the Plotters ex- posed . CHAPTER XXIX. ARBITRARY POWER— MILITARY ARRESTS, &c. Introductory Remarks... Loyalty and Patriotism of the North. ..Arbitrary Power used to Destroy the Northern Unanimity... Senator Fessenden on Stopping Enlist- ments. ..Senator WiNon on same. ..General Conclusions... The Catise and the Effect. ..Mr. Lincoln's claim to Un- limited Power. ..Order No. 38. ..Trial of Yallandigham... Resolves of the Democratic Meeting at Albany. ..Their Protest to the President. ..The President's Reply. ..The Rejoinder. ..Protest of the Ohio Committee. ..Pi-esident's Reply. ..Committee's Rejoinder. ..The Law of the Case, from the "National Intelligencer "...Personal and Le- gal Rights. ..Crittenden's Views. ..Abolitionist i'eel Un- easy. ..Administration Condemned by its own Organs... Views of the N. Y. "Post" and " Tribune "...Judge Duer on Usurpations of the Administration. ..From tlie "N. Y. World." CHAPTER XXX. ARBITRARY POWER— MILITARY ARRESTS, &c., (Continued.) John Adams s Monarchist. ..What the Early Fathers thought of the Vallandigham Case. ..Great Speech of Edward Livingston on the Alien Bill, 1798. ..Terrible Scathing of Assumptions of Arbitrary Power. ..Who was Edward Livingston ?... Republican Confessions of Gross Abuses of Arbitrary Power. ..Case of Messrs. Brinsmade and Mahoney... Damaging Admissions by " Milwaukee Sentinel "...General Remarks thereon. CHAPTER XXXI. DESPOTISM, USURPATIONS, INALIENABLE RIGHTS TRAMPLED UPON, Etc. Despotism Seeks the Semblance of Loyalty. ..Solicitor Whiting perverts Judgre Taney's Decision... ProYost Marshal Fry Acts Thereon. ..Star Chamber... Laws by Proclamation in England. ..Kidnapping in New York... Gov. Hunt on Arbitrary Arrests. ..The Case of Gen. Stone ...Beecher on Arbitrary Airests...A Nice Point to Silence a Press. ..Geo. W. Jones vs. Wm. H. Seward. ..Judge Gierke's Decision... A Young Lady Fined $15 for Playing the "Bonnie Blue Flag".. "Burnside Favors the Arrest of Males and Females that wear Butternut Badges... Opening the Prison Doors. ..Case of Gov. Tod and Others ...Opinion of Judge Van Trump..." New York Journal of Commerce " on the Powers of the Provost Marshal... Case of Judge Constable. ..Liberated from the Bastile... Atrocious Sentiments by Senator Wilson. ..Cincinnati Prison Full. ..Other Acts of Despotism. ..General Conclu- Bions...Vallaudigham'8 Acts compared with Leading Re- publicans. ..Loyalty of Democrats. ..Disloyalty of Re- publicans. ..$5110 Reward for a Disloyal Democrat Not Taken. ..The Writ of Habeas Corpus" the Palladium of Our Liberties. ..Extracts of the Magna Charta— Wrung from King John... Lord Campbell's Boast .. " ,lish Bill of Rights..." Body of Liberties" Brougb' *he May- flower. ..The Bill In the Declaration. ..Virginia Bill of Rigli;s...Massachu8ettji' "Declaration of Riglits" in 1780. ..From Bill of Rights in Our Constitutien... General Remarks on Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus... Law of Suspected Persons. ..A Leaf from French History, by Allison. ..Our Parallels. ..Thiers on French Confisca- tion. ..Danton's Prediction. ..General Remarks. ..Black- stone on the English Habeas Corpus. ..Our Constitution Applied. ..The Ordinaoce of 1787 Applicable. ..What Our Fathers Tnought of it...Pinckney, Rutledge, Morris and Millson on the Habeas Corpus. ..Judge Curtis on " Loy- alty 'f and Habeas Corpus... A Scathing Speech. ..Mr. Chase's Opinion of Loyalty. ..The Roman Law and Per- sonal Liberty... St, Paul on Aibitrary Violations of Law Judge Festns and King Agrippa Respected the Roman Law..." New York Independent" on Arbitrary Arrests ...What a Conservative Republican Thinks of it. ..Presi- dent's Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus : His Proclamation... Congress on Arbitrary Arrests. ..Oflicial Vote. ..Supreme Court of Wisconsin on Suspending the Writ. CHAPTER XXXII. MORE REVOLUTIONARY SYMPTOMS. Mobbing of Democrats and Democratic Presses. ..Schenck's Order Suppressing Newspapers. ..Hascall's Despotic Note to the "New York Express "...How the Republicans Love Free Speech. ..Mobbing of Douglas in Chicago... Republican Mob in Green County, Wis. ...Federals, Whigs and Republicans in Juxtaposition. ..Their Line of Con- sanguinity. ..Senator Doolittle vs. Political Doolittle... " President Lincoln vs. Political Lincoln. ..Republicans in Congress Suppress Inquiry into Illegal Acts. ..Their Preaching vs. Practice. ..The Negro Voted Out of Illinois and Wisconsin... Abolitionists Selling Negroes for Cotton. CHAPTER XXXIII. HAVE WE A MILITARY DESPOTISM ? General Remarks. ..Educating the Army to the New Role ...Adjutant General Thomas Preaching Politics to the Soldiers. ..Punishes Soldiers for Political Opinions. ..Uow the Soldiers View it. ..Anti-Copperhead Letters and Re- solves from the Army. ..How Manufactured. ..General Remarks. ..General Halleck on "Crushing the Sneaking Traitors of the North "...Seward, Chase, Blair, &c., at the Cooper Institute Meeting. ..Case of Lieut. Edgerly... Abolitionism a Test of a Soldier's Duty. ..The Conscrip- tion Act intended to Ignore the Constitution..." Boston Commonwealth" Admits that the Administration Em- ploj'ed Bayonets to Carry Elections. ..Difference between Orthodoxy and Heterodoxy. ..Atrocious Sentiments of Senator Wilson... A Leaf from French History.. .A Fact by Sallust...Gov. Seymour on the Rotten-Borough System His Message of Jan. 5, 1864.. .A Flexible Platform... Henry Clay's Opinion. ..Free Speech Abolished. ..Senator Howe on. ..Petty Despotism... Arrests for Wearing Badges ...Several Instances in Point. ..The Evidences of Ap- proaching Despotism. ..A Link from " New York Tri- bune'. ..To Doubt the Infallibility of the President is . "Treason "...Declaration of Independence Revised, &c. CHAPTER XXXIV. MORE OF THE ROLE OF DESPOTISM. Abtlition Schemes to Control Elections. ..Army Votfng... Julius C«sar the Originator of.. .Dr. Lieber on... Louis Napoleon and Army Voting. ..Army Vote for. ..General Tuttle and Vallandigham. ..Mr. V. Ahead. ..N. Y. World thereon. ..Tricks of the Administration to Saddle their Electioneering Expenses on the People... Governor Salomon of Wisconsin in the role. ..The Army Weakened . CONTENTS. ...Soldiers Bent home to Vote. ..Proofs in Connecticut... Proofs in New York, liising so large a body of men, and the evident diingers of such a step, had long hesitated on the course they should adopt, and were in- clined to support the rights of the planters. Butthe pas- sions of the negroes were excited by the etforts of a society styled 'The Society of Fi lends of Blacks,' [same as our Abolitionists,] of which Brissot was the leading member ; and the muUattoes were induced, by their injudicious ad- vice, to organize an insurrection. They trusted that they would be able to control the ferocity of the slaves even during the heats of a revolt; they little knew the dissim- ulation and cruelty of the savage character. A universal revolt was planned and organized, without the slightest suspicion on the part of the planters, and the same night fixed on for its breaking out over the whole island. "At length, at midnight, on the 30th October, the in- surrection broke forth. In an instant twelve hundred coffee and two hundred sugar plantations were in flames; the buildings, the machinery, the firm ofSces, reduced to ashes; the unfortunate proprietors hunted down, murder- ed or thrown into the flames by the infuriated negroes. — The horrors of a servile war universally appeared. The unchained African signalized Lis ingenuity by the discov- ery of new and unheard-of modes of torture. An unhap- py planter w.as sawed asunder between two boards; the horrors inflicted on the women exceeded anything known even in the annals of Christian ferocity. The indulgent master young and old, rich and poor, the wrongs of an oppressed- race were indiscriminately wreaked. Crowds of slaves traversed the country with the heads of the white children affixed on their pikes; they served as the standards of these furious assemblages. [Our abolitionists have endeavored to incite similar outrages in the gouth.] In a few instances only, the humanity of the negro char- acter resisted the savage contagion of the time; and some faithful slaves, at the hazard of their own lives, fed in caves their masters or their children, whom they had res- cued from destruction. "The intelligence of these disasters excited an angry discussion in the Assembly. Brissot, the most vehement opponent of slavery, ascribed them all to the refusal of the blessings of freedom to the negroes; [precisely as our abolitionists ascribe every evil — the war and all — to sla- very;] the moderate members, to the inflammatory ad- dresses circulated among them by the Anti-Slavery Soci- ety of I'ai'is; [precisely as our abolitionists have ever done, and are now doing.] At length it was agreed to concede the political rights for which they contended to the men of color; and, in consequence of that resolution, St. Do- mingo obtained the nominal blessings of freedom. ["At length" came Lincoln's proclamation — a perfect historical parallel.] But it is not thus that the great changes of nature are conducted ; a child does not acquire the strength of manhood in an hour, or a tree the consistency of the hardy denizens of the forest in a season. The hasty phi- lanthropists who conferred upon an ignorant slave popu- lation the precipitate gift of freedom, did them a greater injury than their worst enemies. [And our "hasty phi- lanthropists,"' who clamor for immediate abolition, will do the slaves here "more harm than their worst enemies."] The black population remain to this day, in St. Domingo, a memorable example of the ruinous effect of precipitate emancipation. Without the steady habits of civilized so- ciety; ignorant of the wants which reconcile to a life of labor; destitute of the support which to a regular govern- ment might have afforded, they have brought to the du- ties of cultivation the habits of savage life. To the indo- lence of the negro character they have joined the vices of European corruption; profligate, idle, and disorderly, they have declined both in numbers and in happiness; from eing the greatest sugar plantation in the world, the inland has been reduced to the necessity of importing that valuable produce; and the inhabitants, naked and volup- tuous, are fast receding into the state of nature from which their ancestors were torn, two centuries ago, by the rapacity of Christian avarice." ACT II. — MORE FREEDOM TO THE NIGGERS DE- MANDED. As we have seen what came of the effort to free the negroes from bondage, so let us look at the effect of the Abolition effort to enfranchize the ignorant blacks AVe quote from the same history, vol. II, p- 241: — By a decree on March 8, 1790, the Constituent .Assembly had empowered each colony belonging to the Kepublic to make known its wishes on the subject of a Constitution, and that these wishes should be expressed by colonial as- semblies, freely elected and recognized by their citizens. This privilege excited the most ruinous divisions among the inhabitants of European descent, already sufficiently menaced by the ideas fermenting in the negro population. The whites claimed the exclusive right of voting for the election of members of this important assembly, while the mulattoes strenuously asserted their title to an equal share in the representation; and the blacks, intoxicated with the novel doctrines so keenly discussed by all classes of so- ciety, secretly formed the project of ridding themselves of both . This decree of the National Assembly was brought out to the island by Lieutenant Colonel Oge, a mulatto officer in the service of France, who openly proclaimed the opinion of the parent Legislature, that the half-caste and free negroes were entitled to their full share in the election of the representatives. The jealousy of the planters was immediately excited. They refused to acknowledge the decree of the Assembly,conslitiited themselves into a sepa- rate Legislature, and liaving seized Oge in the Spanish ter- ritory, put him to death by the torture of the wheel, un- der circumstances of atrocious cruelty. "This unpardonable proceeding, as is usually the case with such acts of barbarity, aggravated instead of stifling the prevailing discontents, and theheats of the colony soon became so vehement that the Constituent Assembly felt the necessity of taking some steps to allay the ferment. The moderate and violent parties in that body took differ- ent sides, and all Europe looked on with anxiety upon a debate so novel in its kind, and fraught with such momen- tous consequences to a large portion of the human race. Baruave Malouet, Alexander Lameth, and Clermont Ton- nerre strongly argued that men long accustomed to servi- tude could wkrcccive thepcrilous gift of liberty with safe- ty either to themselves or others, hut liy slow decrees, and thatthe effect of suddenly admitting that hrigld light upon a benighted population would he to throw them into inevit- able and fatal convulsions. But Mirabeau, the master- spirit of the Assembly, and the only one of its leaders who combined popular principles with a just appreciation of the danger of pushing them to excess, was no more, and the declamations of Brissot and the Girondists prevaileil over tlKse statesman-like ideas. By a decree on the 15th of May, IT'.i], the privileges of equality were conferred in- discriminately on all persons of color, "born of a free father and mother, " Far from appreciating the hourly increasing dangers of their situation, and endeavoring to form with the new citizens an org.'inized body to check the further progress of leveling principles, the planters openly endeavored to resist this rash decree. Civil war was preparing in this once peaceful and beautiful colonv; arms were collecting; the soldiers, caressed and seduced by both parties, were wavering between tlieir old feelings of regal allegiance and the modern influence of into.xicating j>rinciples, when a new and terrible enemy arose, who speedily extinguished in blood the discord of his oppressors. On the night of the 22d of August, the negro revolt, long and secretly or- ganized, at once broke forth, and wrapped the whole Xorthcrn part of the coiony in flames. Jean Francois, a slave of vast, penetrative, firm cliaracter, and violent passions, not unmingled with generosity, was the leader of the conspiracy; his lieutenants were Bias.son and ToussAl.xT. The former, of gigantic stature, Herculean strength and indomitable ferocity, was well fitted to as- sert that superiority which such qualities seldom fail to command in savage times; the latter, gifted with rare in- telligence, profound dissimulation, boundless ambition, SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 13 and heroic fii-Diness, was fitted to become at once the Numa and the Romulus of the sable Kepublic in the Southern Hemisphere. "This vast conspiracy, productive in the end of calami- ties unparalleled even in the long catalogue of European atrocity, had for its objects the total extirpatinn of the whites, and the. fstablishmerit of an independent hlackgov- ei'nmeat over the whole island." [Beware of liberty to the blacks, an'i " ex- tirpation " of the whites ] We quote as follows from the same Act, though in a different scene, p. 243-3 (1801): "Meanwhile the legislative assembly, which had succed- ed the constituent, a step farther advanced in revolution- ary violence, were preparing ulterior measures of the most frantic character. Irritated at the colonial legisla- ture for not having followed out their intention, and in- stigated at the populace, whom the efforts of Brissot and the Society at Paris, des Amis des Sorris had roused to a perfect phrensy on the subject, they revoked the decree on the2-l:th of September preceding, which had conferred such ample powers on the colonial legislature, dissolved the assembly at Capo Town, and dispatched three new commissioners, Arthanx, Sautionax, and Tolverel, with unlimited powers to settle the affairs of the colony. In vain Barnaves and the remnant of the constitutional parfy in the assembly strove to moderate these extravagant pro- ceedings; the violence of the Jacobins bore down all op- position. 'Don't talk tons of danger,' said IJrissot; 'let the colonies perish rather than one princijile bo abandon- ed.' [Don't talk to us, say our Abolition Crissots — let the Union perish rather than abandon our platform.] The proceedings of the new commissioners speedily brought matters to a crisis. They arrived llrst at Port an Prince, and in conformity with the secret instructions of the government, which were to dislodge the whites from that stronghold, they sent otf to France the soldiers of the regiment of Artois. established a .Jacobin club, transported to France or America thirty of the leading planters, and issued a jvoclamation [aye, aye, a "proclamation"] in which they exhorted the colonists "to lay aside at last the prejudices of color." Having thus laid the revolutionary train at Port au Priuce, they emb.irkcd for Cape Town, where they arrived in tlie middle of .Tune. Matters had by this time reached such a height there as indicated the immediate approach of a crisis. The intelligence of the executive of the King, and proclamation of a Republic, had roused to the very highest pitch the Democratic pas- sions of all the inferior classes. The planters, with too good reason, apprehended that the convention which had succeeded the legislative assembly would soon outstrip them in violence and put the finishing stroke to theib man- ifold calamities, by at once proclaiming the liberty of the slaves, and so destroying the remnant of property which they still posspssed. But their destruction was nearer at hand than they supposed. On the 20111 of June a quarrel accidentally ar^ ise between a French naval captain and a mulatto ofRcer in the service of the collonial government; the commissioners ordered them both into their presence, ■without regard to the distinction of color, and this excited the highest indignation in the officers of the marine, who landed with their crews to take vengeance for the indignity done to one of their members. The colonists loudly ap- plauded their conduct, and invoked their aid as the savior of St. Domingo; the exiles brought from Port au Prince fomented the disco.'-d as the only means of effecting their liberation; a civil war speedily ensued in the blockaded capital, and for two days blood flowed in torcnts in these insane contests, between the sailors of the fleet and the mulatto population. "The negro chiefs, secr-'tly informed of all these disor- ders, resolved to profit by the opportunity of finally de- stroying the whites thus" afforded to them". Three thou- sand insurgents penetrated through the works stripped of their defenders during the general tumult, and making straight for the prisons, delivered a large body of slaves who were therein chains. Instantly theliberated captives spread themselves over the town, set it o:i fire in every quarter, and massacred the unhappy whites when seeking to escape from the conflagration. A scene of matchless horror ensued: twenty tliousand negroes broke into the city, and, with the torch in one hand and the sword in the other spread slaughter and devastation around. Hardly had the strife of the Europeans with each other subsided, when they found themselves overwhelmed bv the venge- ance which had been accumulating for centuries in the African breast. Neither age nor sex were spared ; the young were cut down in striving to defend their houses,the aged in theVhurchos where they had fied to implore protec- tion; virgins were immolated on the altar; weeping infants hurled into the fires. Amid the shrieks of the sufferers and the shouts of the victor, the finest city in the West In- dies was reduced to ashes; its splendid churches, its state- ly palaces, were wrapped in flames; thirtj' thousand hu- man beings perished in the massacre, and the wretched fugitives who had escaped from this scene of horror on board the ships, were guided in their passage over the deep by the prodigious light which arose from their burning habita- tions. They almost all took refuge in the United States, where they were received with the most generous hospital- ity; but the frigate ia ^V«e foundered on the passage,and five hundred of the survivors from the flames perished ia the waves. " Thus fell the Queen of the Antilles: the most stately monument of European opulence that had yet arisen in the New World. Nothing deterred, however, by this unpar- alleled calamity, the commissioners of the Republic pur- sued their frantic career, and, ".-niid the smoking ruins of the Capital, published a decree, which proclaimed the freedom of all the blacks [what could more perfectly rep- resent this case than the President's proclamation, while the rebel armies were thundering at our capital?] who should em oil themselves under the standards of the Re- public; a measure which was equivalent to the instant ab- olition of shivery over the whole island. Farther resistance was now hopeless; the Republican authorisies became the most ardent persecutors of the planters; pursued alike by Jacobin phrensy and African vengeance, they fled in de- spair. Polveral proclaimed the liberty of the blacks in the West, and Montbrun gave free vent to his hatred of the colonists, by compelling them to leave Port au Prince, which had not yet fallen jnto the hands of the negroes. Everywhere the triumph of the slaves was complete, and the authority of the planters forever destroyed. " But, although the liberation of the negroes was afl'ect- ed, the imlependence of the island was not established." ACT III. — NAPOLEON ISSUES AN ABOLITION PROCLAMATION. In 1801, Napoleon, urged on by the Abo- litionists, issued his piroclamation abolishing slavery in the Island of St. Domingo, in which he called on the "Vrave blacks to remember that France alone had recognized their free- dom," and on November 22, 1801, having ap- pointed Le CLERC,^his brother-in-law, to the command of the army about to visit St. Domin- go in order to reduce the recusant Toussaint to obedience, he issued the following "procla- mation" [See p. 245]: At St. Domingo, systematic acts have disturbed the po- litical horizon. Under equivocal appeai-ancr.^, the gor- eminent has wished to see only the ignorance which con- founds names and things, which usurps when it seeks to obey; but a fleet and an army, which are preparing in the harbours of Europe, will soon dissipate these clouds, and St. Domingo will be reduced, in whole, to the government of the Republic." In the proclamatios addressed to the blacks, it was announced by the same authority, 'What- ever may be your origin or your colour, you are French- men, and all alike free and equal before God and the Re- public. At St. Domingo and Guadaloupe slavery no long- ger exists — all are free — all shall remain free. At Martin- ique different principles must be observed.'' Nowhere seems on almost exact identity be- tween Napoleon's and Old Abe's proclama- tions, especially the liberating the slaves in some localities and not in others. Here we have the tragedy, with our parallel close on its heels. To show from British abolition sources what 14 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. a great curse abolition has been to the French tod negroes, we quote from p. 251, as follows : "Since the expulsion of the French from tlie islanJ, St. Domingo has been nominally independent; but slavery has been far indeed from beinft abolished, and the condi- tion of the people anything but ameliorated by the change. Nominally free, the blacks have remained really enslaved. Compelled to labor, by the terrors of military discipline, for a small port of the produce of the soil, they have re- tained the severity, witliout the advantages of servitude; the industrious hrtliits, the flourishing aspect of the island Have disappeared; the surplus wealth, the agricultural opulence of the fields, have ceased; from being the great- est exporting island in the West Indies, it has ceased to raise any sugar; and the inhabitants, reduced to half their Republican task masters, have relapsed into the indolence and inactivity of savage life. "The revolution of St. Domingo has demonstrated that the negroes can occasionally e.\ert all the vigor and hero- ism which distinguish the European character: but there is, as yet, no reason to suppose that they are capable of the continued eftorts, the sustained and persevering toil, requisite_to erect the fabric of civilized freedom. An ob- Bervation of Gibbon seems decisive on this subject: 'The inaction of the negroes does not seem to be the effect either of their virtue or of their pusillanimity. They indulge, like the rest of mankind, their passions and appetites, and the adjacent tribes are engaged in fre- quent acts of hostility. But this rude ignorance lias never invented any effectual weapons of defense or de- struction; they appear incapable of forming any exten- sive plans of government or conquest, and the obvious in- feriority of their mental faculties has been discovered and abused by the nations of the temperate zone. Sixty thou.s- and blacks are annually embarked from the coast of Guinea but they embark in chains, never to return to their native country; and this const.ant emigration, which, in the space of two centuries, might have furnished armies to overrun the globe, accuses the guilt of Europe and the weakness of Africa.' "If the negroes are not inferior, either in vigor, courage, or intelligence to the European, how has it happened that for six thousand years, they have remained in the savage state? What has prevented mighty empires arising on the banks of the Niger, the Quarra, or the Congo, in the same ■way as on those of the Euphrates, the Ganges, and the Nile? Heat of climate, intricacy of forests, extent of de- Bert, will not solve the difficulty, for they exist to as great an extent in the plains of Mesopotamia or llindostan as in Central Africa. It is vain to say the Europeans have re- tained the Africans in that degraded condition, by their Tiolence, injustice and the slave trade. "Ilowhas it happened that the inhabit.ints of that vast and fruitful region have not risen to the government of the globe, and inflicted on the savages of Europe the evils now set lorth as the cause of their depression? Did not all nations start alike in the career of infant improvement? and was not Egypt, the cradle of civilization, nearer the Central Africa than the shores of Britain? lu the earli- j est representations of nations in existence the paintings ' on the walls of the tombs of the Kings of Egypt, the dis- tinct races of the Asiatics, the Jews, the Hottentots, and Europeans are clearly marked; but the blue-eyed and white-haired sons of Japhet are represented in cowskins, with the hair turned outward, in the pristine state of pas- toral life, while the Hottentots are already clothed in the garb of civilized existence. What since has given so mighty an impulse to European civilization, and detained in a stationary or declining state the immediate neighbors of Egyptian and Carthagenian greatness? It is impossi- ble to arrive at any other conclusion but that, inthequal- . ities requsiteto create and perpetuate civilization, the Af- / rican is decidedly inferior to the European race; and if / any doubt could exist on this subject, it would be removed / by the subsequent history and presentstate of the Haytian Republic. '* — See Mackenzie's St, Domingo, vol. ii, 200, 321. The following table contains .the comparative wealth, produce, and trade of St. Domingo, before 1789, and in 1832, after forty years^of nominal freedom . St. Domixgo. 1789. 1832. Population '. 600,000 280,000 Sugar exported 672,0000,000 lbs. None. Coffee 86,789,000 lbs. 32,000,000 lbs Ships employed in trade 1,680 1 Sailors 27,000 167 Exports to France .49,720,000 None. Importsfrom ditto 9.890,000 None. This last act in this abolition tragedy now remains for us to perform. The other acts we have scrupulously imitated, and it only remains for us to finish up the ''afterpiece." The tra- gedians, prompters, supes and all are on the stage, playing to crowded houses. CHAPTER II. EFFECTS AXD INCIDENTS OF AGITATION IN THE WEST INDIES. Agitation of the Slavery Question in England. ..A'lolition of the Slave Trade. ..EnglishjPhilanthiopists Define their Po.sition against immediate Emancipation. ..Abolition ef Slavery in the British West Indies : Eftects of such Emancipation. ..Testimony of Anti-Slavery men. ..De- cline of Commerce. ..Destruction of Agriculture. ..The Negroes Tending to Heathenism. ..Valuable Statistics respecting Hayti... Indolence and Destitution of the Negroes. ..Present Condition of Hayti. ..Abolition Testi- mony ...The Results of Emancipation in Jamaica. ..Census and Statistics. ..Great Falling Off in Products. ..Estates Going to Decay. ..The Negro Receding into a Savage State... .The Public Debt Increasing.. ..The "London Times" Owns Up. ..Dr. Chanmng's Prophecy not Ful- filled. ..Trollop and the "London Times "....Negroes will not render A'oluntary Labor. ..Testimony of numer- ous Abolitionists, s-howing the Effects of Emancipation in the West Indies... EB'ect in Mexico. ..Mr. Lincoln's Opinion. ..Statistics Applicable to the Question in the West Indies and the United States. ..General Conclu- sions, etc. SLAVERY AGITATION IN ENGLAND. In England, for more than two centuries, the question of abolition was agitated, Can- ning, Clarkson,'„Wilberforce, Burke and otlier humanitarians devoted their lives to the subject, and the world has given them credit for unambitious and human impulses, and while these philanthropists scorned to make political merchandise of their prejudices against slavery, their agitation of the subject, as in Rome and France, brought to the surface a horde of demagogues, cheap philanthropists and political agitators, who of course jostled from the stage an equal number of Statesmen. These agitators are indigious to all civilized countries, and are ever ready to mount the most popular hobby on which to ride into place and power, and herein we have a melancholy parallel in this country. In 1798 Mr Pitt introduced his bill in the House of Commons for the abolition of the slave trade, which finally became a law, and that inhuman traffic was no longer patronized by the British flag. But the system of slavery introduced under the tegis of that flag in America and in the Bi'itish West Indies, had so fastened its fangs on the body politic, and so interwoven itself among all relations of life, that to attempt its sudden extirpation was considered by the wisest and best philanthro- pists of the day as an evil even greater than the system itself. Paley, the great emanci- pationist, after a long agitation exclaimed, "The truth is, emancipation should be gradual, or the consequences may be terrible." Canning, the great English emancipation- SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK 15 ist, in his speech on the subject in Parliament, March 6th, 1824, said: If I am asked whether I am for the permaueiit exist- anceof slavery iu our colonies, I say no; but if I am ask- ed whether I am favorable to its immediate abolition, I Bay no; and if I am asked which I would prefer, perma- nent slavery or immediate abolition, I do not know wheth- er under all the perplexing cireumstances of the case. I should not prefer thiu2:s remaining as they are. — Can- ning's ficlect Speeclies, p. 414. Here, we see the well grounded fears of a real philanthropist, who looked to remote con- sequences rather than to immediate political advantage. It was not until 1833, thirt\'-fivc years after Pitt introduced his measure for the abolition of the slave trade, that England abolished slavery in her eighteen West Indian colonies, at a cost of §100,000,000, and it should be re- membered that the home Government had no slaves, and hence nothing to fear, except to the pockets of her West Indian merchants, nor had she any constitutional barriers in the way But, although slavery has been abolished in the British West Indies for over thirtj' years, and the system of free labor and African free- dom thoroughly tested, there is no historical dissent from the well known fact th;it both mas- ter and slave, in every material fact pertain- ing to their commercial prosperity, their phys- ical, moral and religious condition, are im- measurably below the standard of their former condition. Let a few statistical and historical facts settle this point. '3FFF.CTS OF EMANCIPATION IN TtlK WEST INDIES. The West India Islands contain about 150,- 000 square miles of the richest territory on the globe, and a climate that no latitude or longitude surpasses. A distinguished traveller says: " It IS extremely difiicult to convey to one unacquainted with the richness and variety of the island scenery of the tropics, a correct impression of its gorgeous scenery. — Islands rising from a crystal sea, clothed Avith a vege- tation of surpassing luxuriance and splendor, and of ev- ery variety, from the tall and graceful palm, the stately and spreading mahogony, to the bright flowers that seem to have stolen their tints from the glowing sun above them. Birds, with colors as varied and gorgeous as the hues of the rainbow, Hit amid the dark green foliage of the forests, and flamingoes, with their scarlet plumage, flash along the shore. Fish, of the same varied hues, glide through waters so clear tliat for fathoms below the surface they can be distinctly seen. Turn the eye where it will, on sea or land, some bright color flashes before it. Nature is here a queen indeed, and dressed for a gala day.' ' To this gorgeous picture may be added the fact that all the lucious fruits of the tropics, oranges, lemons, citrons, mangoes, coffee, plantains, bananas, yams, maize, millet, pine apples, melons, grapes, &c., grow spontaneous- ly. Such a paradise — such a garden of Eden — ought to secure wealth, prosperity and happi- ness to even the least deserving effort. A light 'draft' on Prof. Holton's work on Neio Gren- eda"^ will pay: " What more could nature do for this people, or what has *New Grenada: Twenty Months in the Andes. By Isaac F. Ilolton, M. A. Harper 4 norn-. Coffee, lbs, » 68,151,180 32,189,784 30,008,343 Cotton, lbs, 6,280, )2(i 020,972 .544, .516 Indigo, lbs, 9-30, Olti none. none. Here is the result of three periods, the first three years before emancipation, the second thiity-three years after, and the third fifty-six years after. It will be seen that the article of coffee is the only article that has kept up to even an approximation to the original standard, the reason is, though flourishing under good cultivation, yields moderately well under spon- taneous growth, and can be procured without agricultural labor, while sugar, indigo, and cotton cannot. Here is a striking evidence of the worthless indolence of the negro when left to himself. The above statistics are taken from the United States Commercial Relations, vol. 1, pp. 561-2, officially reported to Congress and published by its order. "In collonial times, when tho soil was onlliviilod by forced labor, this same country (Hayti) produced for ex- port five or six times the amounts now exported." — Aj)- pleton's New American Cyclopedia . "The public revenue is derived chielly from customs, nav- igation dues, monopolies, Ac, and averages about $1,000, - 000 a year. The expenditures exceed this amount, and hence the public debt has been coiistantlviucreasinj;." — Ibid. But we are not left wholly to statistics. A foreign resident at the Haytien capital writes: "This country has made, since its emancipation, no pro- gress whatever. The population principally live upon the produce of the grown wild cofiee plantations; rem- nants of the French dominion. Properly speaking. planta- tions of the model of the English in Jamaica, or the Span- ish in Cuba, do not exist here. XIayti is the most fertile and the most beautiful of the AntilleTevails to a most alarming extent among the people. The almost universal prevalence of intemper- ance is another prolific source of moral darkness aud deg- radation of the people. The masses, among all classes, from the Governor in his palace to the peasant in his but — from the bishop in his gown to the beggai- in his rags — are all slaves to their cups.' THE MARRIAGE RELATION AMONG FREE BLACKS. "So much for 'freedom' elevating the blacks. It is complained that the marriage relation is not always re- garded where 'slavery' exists, but it would seem from this 20 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. statement tli.it slavery had done more for the moral im- provement of the negro in this respect than he was at all diapesed to do for himself. "Mr. Underbill endorses the stories of the 'crowds of bastard children' in the Island, and says it is 'too true.' 'Outside the non-conlormist communities,' he says, 'neg- lect'of marriage is almost universal. One clergyman in- formed me, tliat of seventeen infants brought to his church for baptism,fifteen at least would be of illegitimate origin.' In fact, fiom all the admissions made, it does not appeal there is any more marriage in Jamaica than in Africa. The churches, Mr. Underhill allows, are less attended than formerly, and there is. evidently little of the religious training of the whites left among the people. The negro, however, has all the advantages of 'impartial freedom,' and 'the highest offices of the state are open to colored men — they are found (says Mr. U.)iii the Assembly, in the Executive, on the bench and at' the bar. All colors mix freely.' This would be the paradise for Seward, Phillips and Greeley. LOSS OF LABOR AND DECAY OF ESTATES. " Mr. Underhill estimates the annual loss of wages to the people from the decay of estates, and plantations, can- not be less than three hundred thousand pounds, or SI, .500,- 000. Negroes who work at all cannot be juevailed upon to do so generally more than four days in the week, and rarely five. Mr. U. also states that it has been officially ascertained that twu-tliirds of the persons employed on sugar estates are women and children ; yet, notwithstand- ing all these facts, the anti-slaveryite still adheres to his hobby. lie has excuses and palliations for his friend, the negro. True, Jamaica is ruined, bui still emancipation is a success. The seasons were poor, the estates were mort- gaged — the planters have not treated the blacks kindly, and they have bought patches of ground of their own, rather thau labor for others. Such are some of the ex- cuses of the friends of the negro, but the facts still stand out in bold relief, despite the assertions of ' negro mis- sionaries,' who are interested in keeping up the delusion. The/ttcointovl any act that has ieen done, any duty that hct.-i been omitted to he done o/ whichany of tliese disunion ists can j unity complain. Yet we are told simply because one party has succeeded in a Presidential election, therefore tliey choose to consider that their liberties are not safe, and tljerefore they break up the Government." ALEXANDER STEMIENS SPURNS THE SLAVERY "CAUSE." Alexander H. Stephens, the Vice Presi- dent over the Southern Confederacy, said, when the question of Secession was pending before the people of Georgia: " What right has the North assailed? 'What justice has been demanded? and what claim founded in justice and right has been withheld? Can eitlier of j'ou name to-day one single act of wrong, deliberately and purposely done by the Government at Wasliington, of whiclj the South can complain. I challcngethe answer .'' THE REBEL IVERSON OX THE "CAUSE." During the debates in the last Congress be- fore the several states, except South Carolina, had seceded, Mr. Iversox, a distinguished Senator from Georgia, in the Senate Chamber, said: "Sir, before the 4th of March, before you inaugurate your President, there will be certainly five states, if not eight of them, that will be out of the Union and have formed a constitution and form of Government for them- selves. * « * * *• Toil talli ahout repealing the per- sonal lihcrti/ hills as a concession to the South! Repeal them all to-morrow, sir, and it would not stop this revo- lution, * * * * * Nor do we suppose there will be any overt acts on the part of Mr. Lincoln. For one, I do not dread these overt acts. I do not propose to wait for them. * * * * * Now, sir, we intend to go out of this Union. I speak what I believe upon this floor, that before the 4th of March, five of the (Southern states, at least, will ha\* declared their independence; and I am satisfied that three others of the cotton states that are now moving in this matter are not doing it without dit-e con- consideration. Ifc have looked over the flcld. THE ELECTION OF LINCOLN NO "CAUSE '■' Gov. RiiETT, in the South Carolina secession convention, in December, 1860 — ^just after the Presidential election — said: "The election of Lincoln was not the cause of secession. Disunion has been a clicrislicd project for the last thirty years." Senator Toombs, in his Georgia speech, brought up the old original grievance about Northern commercial advantages. the rebel benjamin tried to create a "cause." Early in 1860 Senator Benjamin made a speech denouncing Douglas, and eulogizing LixcoLX. This was circulated all over the North under the franks of Republican members of Congress, and when Benjamin had succeed- ed in electing Lincoln he seized the event as a warrantable pretext to dissolve the Union. — He knew that with Doglas as Presdient he could not use the slavery ((uestion as a pretext, hence the effort to create a catisus beli, and then take advantage ef it. THE ''cause" dates FROM THE BEGINNING. From the beginning there has been a pow- erful party opposed to our form of government. If the reader will consult Elliott's Debates, and the "Madison Papers," and make himself familiar with the tone of opinion that prevailed in the National and State Conventions that formed and adopted our present Constitution, he will perceive that a powerful minority ex- isted in those days against the principles de- clared by our Constitution. Mr. Mason was in favor of "a President for life, his successor being chosen at the same time — a Senate for life," &c. Various were the objections to the Constitution, but most of them arose from local prejudices and interests. Some members of the South Carolina Convention objected to a Union under the Constitution, because'it gave too much commercial advantage to the North- ern States, while members of the New Eng- land Conventions were equally opposed because of certain Southern advantages, among which was the Fugitive clause, and the three-fifths representation, &c., and in all tho debates of those times the student of history will find a marked coincidence between the reasons ad- vanced against adopting the. Constitution, and those of latter-day politicians against its en- forcement. It was predicted at the time, by those in favor of a "strong government." that it would be, just what Beecher says it is, the "father of troubles." THE THREE PARTIES THAT FORMED THE CON- STITUTION. Mr. Carey, in his Olive Brayich, a work of some 450 pages, published in 1815, says there were three classes in the National Conven- tion that formed our Constitution — the purely Democratic, who had a constant dread of Fed- eral encroachments, and were for gaguingthe power of the General Government to the lowest scale; a Democratic Republican party, that desired to invest the Federal Government with just enough power to make it efficient, and no more; and the Monarchists, "a small but active division," who utterly repudiated a Republi- can form of government. This faction ulti- mately attached themselves to the Federal party. Hamilton's "strong government." Alexander Hamilton, a leading Federal- ist of that day, under date of New York, Sep- tember 16, 1803, in a letter to Timothy Pick- ering, Esq., defined his idea of government, from which we select the following: " The highest toned propositions which I made in the SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. :^o Conyentiou were for a President, Senate and Judges during good behaviour, though I would have enlarged the legis- lative power of the General Government," which Mr. Caret pronounces equivalent to " a President tor life. — Olive Branch, p. 88. EARLY OPPOSITION TO THE CONSTITUTION. Unfortunately, we have not the full proceed- ings of all the conventions that adopted the Constitution, yet -we have sufficient to show, by speech and vote, that it encountered a gigantic opposition, and. as Mr. Madison often re- marked, in his voluminous correspondence on the subject, its fate was shrouded in doubt until the last moment. Rhode Island was ever attached to the mon- archial form of government, and refused to accredit delegates to the national convention. North Carolina held back for a long while, and in every State a most determined opposition was manifest, but at last the Democratic spirit prevailed, and for a time the factious "Charter- ists" yielded assent. Then, as now, the op- ponents of the constitution opposed it for diverse reasons, according to location, but they acted together as one man, for the same pur- pose, each granting to the other the right to use pretexts the most popular in the several sec- tions to which they belonged. The opponents in New England sought the pretext of slavery, and other localized popular ideas, while those equally opposed in the South, used the com- mercial pretext for their opposition, and this parallel of mutual opposition for different and local reasons, has been kept up to this hour. THE VOTE A CLOSE THING. The following shows the test votes on adopt- ing the constitution in the several States named. We have not the record of the other States: Teas. Nays. Ab. South Carolina, 145 7.3 14 Massachusetts, 187 168 New York, 31 29 "Virginia, 90 78 Maryland resolved not to take a vote, and voted to suppress the records of ayes and noes, and then immediately adjourned. Randolph and Mason, of Virginia, and Gerry, of Mas- sachusetts, refused to sign the constitution, as members of the National Convention; the former, however, finally favored it, and was charged by Patrick Henry with what was akin to bribery. This opposition to our government has never ceased from that day to this, and to weld all the links of our historical chain, we will con- sider — THE four rebellions. These, we can but briefly notice, as it is es- sential to a proper appreciation of the details that are in various ways their cotemporaries and causes, as we shall show in the progress of this work. Shays' Rebellion. 1st. The Shay's. Rebellion, which broke forth with armed resistance to the Government, in 3 Massachusetts, in 1786-7, at the very time our fathers were deliberating on bringing forth (as Mr. Lincoln said at Gettysburg) the new Government. The pretext for this rebellion was alledged to be the "oppressions of Gov- ernment." (All rebellions have their pretexts.) The Rehellion of 1832. 2d. The South Carolina Rebellion of 1832, when the "oppressive tarift' laws'' (called by South Carolina, before the constitution. North- ern commercial advantages) were made to fig- ure as the pretext. This Rebellion, though formidable, and enlisting the bittewaet passions of that portion of the South, wns principally confined to the hot-spurs of South Carolina, whose ancestors had opposed the constitution, and hated our form of government, and who longed for an opportunity to put in operation their cherished system of Aristocracy, similar to that of England, and who held, with the same class hailing from New England, that "a national debt was a national blessing." But, failing to use this pretext with sufficient success to arouse armed resistance, the excitement was finally quelled, partly by Old Hickory's firm- ness, and partly by Mr. Clay's compromise tariff of 1S33, and partly from the want of a disloyal peasantry to back up the malcontents. The Great Abolition Rebdlion. 3d. The great Northern rebellion, which particularly manifested itself in public laws, (personal liberty bills) inflamatory declama- tions and resolves by leading men, which ap- pealed to the people onthQ pretexts of •'slavery aggression," to resist the laws of Congress and the mandates of the Supreme Court of the U. S. \_See Charles Sumner's speech at Worces- ter. Aug. 7, 1854, and Wisconsin conspiracy .y This rebellion was formidable and threatening to the worst degree. The wealth of the North was poured out, free as water, to set in mo- tion a train of circumstances that should "fire the Northern heart" to resistance, vi gt armis, as was the case in many instances, particular- ly ia Wisconsin, where armed mobs, unrebuked but encouraged by their partizans in office and out of office, forcibly, and for a long time suc- cessfully resisted the laws of Congress and the decisions of the Court of last resort. [The proofs of these outrages will appear under the head of "Revolutionary spirit of Republican- ism.] This rebellion partially developed itself between the periods of 1854 and 1860, in which the Sharp's Rifle raid in Kansas, the Helper "crisis" and the John Brown raid formed no. inconsiderable parts of the general conspiracy. All these and their kindred plots had their germ in revolutionary guilt, occasionally "crop- ping out" in the role of monster petitions to Congress from the New England states, pray- ing for a dissolution of the government. The pretext for this, not altogether bloodless revolu- tion, was the slavery question, but the gist of the indictment goes back of the Constitution. The Great Rebellion of 1861. 4th. The great Southern rebellion of 1861, 26 FITE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. the disasters of which are too fresh and pain- ful to be recited here. The pretext for this rebellioH was the slavery question, and he who reads may learn, without a tutor, that this pretext was used only because it was the most convenient to arouse the Sou'^hern fears and prejudices and to "fire the Southern heart'' to the pitch of armed resistance to what South- ern demagogues had educated the people to believe, was danger and destruction to their domestic happiness. Thus did Prretonean cun- ning inaugurate Macedonian strife, and the re- sult is a worse than Carthagenian war. Having thus briefly and historically sketch- ed antecedent events down to the advent of our present troubles, let us enquire, WHAT IS THE CAfSE OF THIS WAR? As we have seen, the real, long slumber- J ing caii.te or motive for this war existed not so . much iu hatred of slavery as in the hatred for the Constitution, which manifested itself long before the adoption of that instrument, and was confined to no section. The Northern Ab- olitionists and tlie Southern nuUifiers, while they used antipodeal means, were banded to- gether to accomplish the overthrow of the gov- ernment, for the proof of which '' let facts be submitted to a candid world." J. Q. ADAJIS PRESENTS A PETITION FOR DISSO- LUTION. On the 24th of February, 1842, .John Quincy Adams presented a petition in the House of Representatives, signed by a large number of citizens of Haverhill, Mass., for a peaceable dissolution of the Union, "assigning a? one of the reasons, the inequality of benefits confer- red upon the diti'erent sections. \_See Blake'' s History of Slavery , j^- 524. MR. ADAMS DEFENDED BY SOUTHERNERS. This caused great excitement in Congress, and although ostensibly aimed at slavery, Mr. Adams found many of its warmest defenders among slaveholders at the South. In the course of the debate, Mr. Botts of Va. warmly defended Mr. Adams, and considered the pre- sentation of this petition a bagatelle, compared with the open advocacy for dissolution by Mr. Upsher, the then Secretary of the Navy. — iSeep. 527. GIDDINGS PRESENTS A PETITION FOR DISSO- LUTION. On the 28th of February, 1842, Mr. Gid- DiNGs presented a petition from a large num- ber of abolitionists oi Austinburg, in his dis- trict, praying for a dissolution of the Union, and a separation of the slave from the tree states. Mr. Triplett, of Kentucky, consid- ering the petition disrespectful to both houses, moved that it be not received. Ayes, 24; (for reception) noes, 116. — [See Ibid, p. 529. FACTIONS OE EOTII SECTIONS DESIRED DISSO- LUTION. These two simple facts show that the feeling existed. North as well as South, in favor of a dissolution of the Union, as the feeling existed at the close of the 18th century against the system of government we did adopt. The old embers of dissolution were still alive, and only required an excitement to fan them into ablaze. Two things, motive and opportunity are ne- cessary for the perpetration of any wrong. — The motive for dissolution consisted in the original desire, patented for heirs and success- ors, to have what Hamilton and his friends termed a "strong government," generally un- derstood to mean an aristocracy, similar to that of England, with such modifications as might be adapted to the occasion. Among the objects to be attained was a large standing army and a heavy public debt, owned by the favored few, to whom the masses should p.iy tribute, under the guise of interest — that the main public offi- ces should be held by the rich and noble for long periods, or for life, &c. These, among other things, were the motives for dissolution, and a separation between the Northern and Southern states. The aristocrats of each sec- tion desired a monopoly in these au'l sundry other franchises, but the original weakness of the colonies, and the fear of foreign powers, together with the will of the Democratic mass- es, prevented dissolution in 1787-9. Still, the motive existed, and the only thing wanting was the occasion. The argument was often and vigorously advanced, that "a great na- tional debt would be a national blessing" — even as late as 1840 this was a leading argu- ment, and tlie various propositions to distribute the prjceeds of the sales of the public lands, and to engage in a general system National Improvements — the establishment of a monster National Bank,. &c. — all had their germ in the desire to create a great national debt. Prohib- itory tariffs, under the specious guise of "pro- tection to American industry,"' were also to play their part in clipping the amount received from customs, and thus to swell the national debt, but tiie laboring m.isses saw in all these efiFort,^ to create a heavy national debt, the foundation for their enslavement, to sweat out taxes to pay the interest. The West saw that Wall street. State street, and the monetai^ marts of the East would act as sponges for all time to suck up the entire revenue of its indus- try, and they put a veto on all those measures. OB.JECT OF THE KNOW NOTHINv! ORGANIZA- TION. Though the moiiife still existed in its origi- nal power, the occasion had not yet arrived, and it was feared never would so long as the Democratic legions, who thronged our shores, as refugees from aristocratic and pauperized Europe, were permitted to vote, and the occa- sion was sought in the abridgment of the elec- tive franchise, so as to exclude this powerful influx of voters from the polls, through the mystic operations of the Know Nothing order. This object, although successful in most of the New England States, utterly failed in the Mid- die and Western States. The Cleveland Her- SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK 27 aid, a sheet that has always opposed the Dem- ocratic party, said: "TFe unhesitatingly aver that seven-tenths of the for- eigners in our land, who hoiu in obedience to the Pope of Rome, are not as intelligent as the full blooded Africans of oua state — tve loill not include the part bloods." CHICAGO TRIBUNE ON " VOTING CATTLE." The following, from the Chicago Tribune, though out of chronological order, will equally illustrate our point, that the opponents of De- mocracy have deemed it necessary to their pur- pose to browbeat the foreign voters into silence. In alluding to the monster torch light proces- sion that turned out to welcome Douglas to Chicago, October 5, 1860, the Tribune said: "Taken altogether, the squatter reception, last evening, fell below what had been promisetl, but furnished an in- stance of what a few determined wire pullers can do with a few hundred voting cattle" — (alluding to the Irish and Germans . ) KNOW NOTHIXGISM ILLUSTRATED. In a Republican meeting in Putnam coun- ty, Illinois, in 1860, Mr. Elijah W. Green delivered himself as follows: " Me. Chairman: — It is claimed bj- some here to-day, that it i? not policy to niMninate a full ticket, on account of the Dutch. Some suppose we should not nominate a man against RoiHEMAX. I saj-, Mr. Chairman, we don't want to favor the Dutch; we don't want tc borrow any Dutch Totes, nor trade them any white votes. If thoy don't want to vote our ticket, let tliera g-o to hell! ! We have vjhiie votes enough, and can do without them. — Neither do we want the Irish Catholics in our party. We have lohite men in our party, and don't want the Irish or Dutch." MORE KNOW NOTUINGISM. A Republican candidate for the Senate, in Rock IslEtnd countj. 111., in 1860, said: " Suppose I were to tell you that I despise tlie Pope and hate the Tajjists, and detest the Irish Catholic voting cattle, who swarm around our polls at election times! — * * * The Douglasites depend upon the fiithfuluess and ignorance of their Irish Catholic allies. We expect nothing fiom the C.itliolic element in the next election. All that was worth having of New Yo: k Americanism and Know Nothiugism joined the Kepublican party weeks ago." FEDERAL KNOWNOTHINGIS.M. "The real cau.so of tiie war must bo traced to the influ- ence vi woiihlesxfurcif/ri'rs over tlie press and the delibe- ratioKs of the (jovermnent in all its branches. — Response to the Message of Guv. t.irong,of Mass.,bi/ the Assembly, June, ISll. GEN. SCOTT's VIEWS. "1 now hesitate between extending the pei-iod of resi- dence before naturalization, and a total repeal of all acts of Congress on the suliject — my mind inclines to the lat- te.."" — General Scott in his celebrated JVative American Letter. And, at another time he continued "Concurring fully in the principles of the I'hil idelphia movement." Which '-movement" was started for his benefit by the Native American party, in 1852. "If I had the power, I would erect a gallows at every landing place in the city of New York, and suspend every cursed Irishman as soon as the steps upon our shore." — Seriuirlcs of Mathew L. Davis on receiving the news of the Democratic triumph in yexu York, in 1852. "It is our opinion, as our readers well know, that no man of foreign birth should be admitted to the exercise of the political rights of an American citizen." — Albany Daily Advertiser. "Wo could not find any other remedy against the threatning danger, than a repeal of all naturalization laws." — Col. iVebb, of JVew I'ork. "All naturalization laws should be instantly repealed, and the term preceding the enjoyment of civil rights ex- tended twenty-tivc years."— J/r. Clarh; Whig Mayor of New Tori; All the leading Know-Nothings of the coun- try, who have not seriously relented their here- sies against foreigners, are to-day members ef the Republican or "Union" party. We could till volumes with similar extracts, but the foregoing must suffice. Still, the 0ccasion had not ripened. The spirit was willing, but the flesh was weak. — The "strong government" party could not get all the machinery of our Government into their hands. They came very near it under the Elder Adams, and attempted to circumscribe the elective franchise, or rather to mould it more to their purposes, by the Alien law, and to hush up the Democratic sentiment of the country, by the Sedition law, but tne spirit of the people was too strong, and the effort was abandoned. TREASON OF THE FEDERAL CLERGY. The next effort was to weaken this Govern- ment in its struggles with Great Britain in 1812-15, to the cud that the world might see Democracy in America was a failure, and then would come the millenium of the "strong gov- ernment." Then, as ever since, many of the leading clergy were with Ihem. The Rev. Mr. Gardner preached an anti-war sermon in Trinity Church, Boston, (1814) in which he &aid: ■•The Union has been long since virtually dissolved, and it is full time that this part of the Cniteu States should take care of itself." The Rev. Dr. Parish said: "How will the supporters o f this anti-Christian war en- dure the sentence — endure their own reflection — endure the fire that forever burns — the worm which never dies — the hi'zannas of heaven, while the smoke of their tor- njents ascends forever and ever." Said the Rev. David Osgood: "Each man who volunteers his services in such a cause, or loans his money for its support, or by his conversation, his writings, or in any other mode of influence, encour- ages its prosecution, that man is an accomplice in the wickedness, loads his conscience with'the blackest crimes, brings the guilt of blood upon bis soul, and in the sight of God and His law is a murderer." The Olive Branch, a work ©f that day, said: "To sum up the whole, Massachusetts was energetic, bold, firm, daring and decisive in a contest with the Gen- eral Government, she would not abate an inch. She dared it to the conflict. She seized it by the throat and deter- mined to strangle it." TREASON OF THE FEDERAL PRESS. The Boston Gazette, the New England or- gan of the Federalists, said: "Any Federalist who lends money to the Government, mu,-t go and shake hands with James Madison, and claim FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. fellowship with Felix Grundy. Let him no more call him- Belf a F<-'deraIist, and friend to his countrj'! He will be called by others infamous." SUPPUKT OF THE GOVERNMENT "nErROBATED." lu the Boston Centinel, Feb. 14, 1817, -we find a long Federal address, Tvhieh was written (probably by Josiaii Quingy) in reply to a Democratic Address of a previous date, and in answering a certain paragraph, this Federal Address proceeds to declare "There is, however, one fei«tiiro in tliis address at once so unprincipled, and bo mischievous that it seems impossi- bls for any man of the most common himesty or patriot- ism to notice it without reprobation. We allude to that part of it in which Massachusetts is called upon to re- Knquish her opposition to the General Government.- * * Fellow citizens, (cotinues the Federal Address) in what- ever point of view we consider this appeal (that is to de- sist in opposition to the General Government) whether as intended to intluence the electors in Massachusetts, or as a faithful representation of the principles -which govern our rulers, in the General Government, nothing can be -more shameless or degrading!" In 1817, the Boston CentineVs main objec- tion to General Dearborn, Democratic candi- date for Governor of Massachusets was, that he was " a friend of Thomas Jefferson." — Boston Centind, March 8, 1817. THE FIRST PROPOSITION IN CONGRESS TO DIS- SOLVE THE UNION. Josiah Quincy, who was then on the Fed- eral ticket for State Senator, and has never changed his politics to the present hour, but has of late been an ardent "Republican," made a speech in Congress, on the 14th of January, 1311, in which he declared that the purchase of Louisiana and admission of the State into the Union, would be a " Virtual dissolution of tho bonds of the Union * * rendering it the right of all. as it would become the duty of some, to prepare definitely for separation— amicably , if they might— /braftfi/ if they must." — Hildreth's His- tory U. S., ni. i,p. 226. And to be more explicit Mr. Quincy reduced his threat to writing and sent it to the Clerk, whereupon Mr. Poindkxter rose to his feet and declared it as the " First time that on this floor a threat had been made to dissolve the Union," WHAT RHODE ISLAND DID FOR THE WAR. "Rhode Island did actually order out and put upon duty an army of fifteen men, after having duly consulted on the matter with the 'Council of War' — Gov. MiRiix and CiiRiSTOPHKR Fuwler, Eiq. It was not, however, thought, (in the language of the Governor) that this guard was 'capable of resi-sting an invading foe of any considerable magnitude.' " — Seehis Message, vol. 14, p. 109. jSrHes' Iiegister,lSlb,vol. S, p. 39. QUALIFICATIONS AND DISQUALIFICATIONS FOR MEMBERS OF MASS. LEGISLATURE. During the last AVar with Great Britain, Massachusetts took the following action: Ist. That a member of that body was not disqualijied to hold his so.atou account of having taken an oath not to ieararms, [)ly, iinil with equal force to hundreds and thousands of essays and paragiajilis within the same topic. "Never was the yutta non vi, scd sanpe, cndenclo more completely verified. These positions, however absurd, however evtravagant, howevfr ridiculous they appear in their naked form, hive, by dint of incessant repetition made such an impression upon the minds of a lar^je portion of the people of Uie Kaslern States, that they are as thoroughly convinced of their truth, as of any problem in Euclid." ABOLITION CIIAEIOATURES. To show that the charicaturps by our North- ern politicians, calculated to "belittle and in- flame the South, were not without their ances- tral examples, we copy from the above named work, p. 274: "The Rev.JfiDEDiAH Morse has in some degree devoted his geography to, and disjiraced it by, the perpetuation of this vile prpjudice. Almost every page that represents /ifsojora section of the Union is highly encomiastic. He colors with the flattering tints of a partial and enamored friend, but when once he passes the Susquehannah, what a hideous reverse. Almost everything is there a frightful charitature. Society is at a low and meloncholy ebb, and all the sombre tints are employed in the description in order to elevate by the contrast, his fivorite elysium, the Eastern States. He dips his pen in gall, when he has to portray the man- ners, or habits, or religion of Virgini.a orJIaryland, either of the Carolinas or Georgia, or the Western country." To the student of forty years ago the above might be pronounced a frightful and just criti- cism on the old Morse Geography. How per- fectly in consonance with the maps of the Union that were circulated in 1856, one half printed black, to caricature the people of that section, and to breed hostile rejoinders. How consistent, also, much that we have quoted in the foregoing voluminous extracts, stand forth as the same species of beligerant menace, and typical of desire for disunioK, were the carry- ing of flags and banners in 1856, with only fif- teen stars thereon. Further comment on this point is unnecessary. SECTIONAL PREJUDICES AROUSED. It will be seen by the foregoing, that as of late, the Eastern states (the Federal, Republi- can, Abolition portions thereof) sought early to create prejudice and disunion — not on ac- count of any adequate existing fact, but merely to array section against section, in order to stimulate hatred and discord, and accelerate their darling object — dissolution. As we have seen, the disunionists of the Eastern states were continually harping on their exclusive commercial interests — that they paid more than the Southern states for the support of Govern- ment, &c. As the Government was supported by revenue derived from customs, and to show how ill founded these early complaints were, and that disunion was the only motive that put them forth, we exhibit the following. Mr. Carey, in 1814, said: "The Southern section of the Union, which has been so cruelly, so wickedly, so unjustly villified and calumniated for its hostility to commerce, is actually more interested in its preservation than the Eastern states, in the proportion of Jive to Ihreel" FALSITY OF THE STATEMENTS EXHIBITED. The writer then goes on to show that at that date (1813) the city of Baltimore had as much tonnage afloat as the whole New England states, being: New England, tons, 108,000' Baltimore, tons 103,000 The exports from the Southern states from 1791 to 1813, according to Mr Noukse's report to Congress, shows that the Southern states exported nearly double that of the Xew Eng- land states: Southern states, exports 22 years S'i]4,o'JS..000 N«w England states, exports 2.3 years. 299,10t100O ■ Diiferenoe, 8215,401, 000. HOW THE NORTH AND SOOTH SUPrORT THE GOVERNMENT. In fact. Virginia, Maryland, and the District of Columbia, exported more than the whole Eastern States. Mr. Nourse, Register of the Treasury, prepared a table, which he reported 10 Congress, showing the amount of duties paid by each State from 1791 to 1812, inclusive, from which it appears that the Southern, or slave States, paid duties, ?.55,660,000 New England States paid duties, 57,0.3o,000 THE ODIOUS COMPARISONS CONTINUED. Since that time, as we have shown elsewhere in this work, the Southern States have paid immensely more duties than a\l the Northern or free States combined. We only allude to these facts to show that the complaints of the Northern Abolitionists were unfounded and frivalous, and only put forth as one of the "^ir- ritations" mentioned by Washington ir, his Farewell Address, to "widen the breach," and consummate dissolution. Indeed, this system of unjust comparisons has been continued by that class of politicians from the earliest days to the present. Even the President's late Message to Congress, though not ostensibly of this order of complaints, nevertheless, so pre- sented the figures relative to the postal affairs, as to enable his partizans to renew the old "ir- ritation,'' which they have generally improved. We hare one instance before us. It is from the Milwaukee Sentinel of December 12, 1863: " WHAT IT COST ME NOETH TO C.iRRY THE MAILS FOR THE SLAVE STATES. "There is one statement contained in the President's Message so significant that it is worthy of brief comment. Speaking of the condition of the Post OiBce Deitartment, he says : " 'iiuring the past fiscal year the financial condition of the Post Oftice Department has been of increasing pros- 1/erity, and I am gratified in being able to state the re- ceipts at the postal revenue have nearly equalled the en- tire expenditures, the latter amounting to $ll,oM,li00,84 and the former to 811,160,169,08, leaving a deficiency of §160,417,2.5. In the year immediately prcceediug the re- bellion the deficiency amounted to $5, 656, 711.5,49, the post- al receipts of that year being $2,645,722.19 less than those of 1863. The decrease since 1S60 in the annual amount of transportation has been only about 25 per cent.; but the annual expenditure on account of the same has been reduced 35 per cent. It is manifest, that the Post Office Department may become self-sustaining in a few years, even with the restoration of the whole service.' " " This quite clearly demonstrates what it has cost the /ree i\'ffr<7t to carry the mails for the slavehold I nr/ South. Before the rebellion, when mail arrangements were unin- 32 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. ternipti'fi t!irou<;hout the South, the deficiency in the Department's liminces was $o,65G,"05,49, wherea.-, now, wlion tlie mail ficilities of tlie Slave States have been withdrawn, tlie Department pays its expenses into $150,- 417,25 ; or, in other words, it has cost the North annually five and a half million dollars to carry the mails for the neffroe-hreedinff InrtU of the Snalli. There may be many reasons and incentives that will induce men to sigh for the '• Union as it ivas," but tlio alwvo exhibit is not one of them." Now, compare this with its "twin sisters" of fifty years ngo, and see if you cannot dis- cover a marked family resemblance — particu- larly the sneer at the ^^Union as itivas.'!^^ — We have nothing to do with the merits of the arithmetical statements, which have no doubt been influenced greatly by the fact that the army has vastly accelerated correspondence, and military operations require vast mail fa- cilities, and consequently enhanced receipts, but it is the animus of such articles— their invidious comparisons, that "tend to alienate one section from the other," and, as Jefferson said, "to make Union impossible." CHAPTER V. THE GREAT NEW ENGLAND CONSPIKACY. New England Money King.s endeavor to Bankrupt the Government. ..Testimony of » Cotemporary...The Clergy in the Conspiracy ...Consequence of the Conspiracy. ..De- preciationof Bank andGoverument Stocks. ..Mr. Cauey's Statement. ..The Secret I'ederal Leagues. ..Mouied men banded against the Government... Reign of Terror. ..Cit- izens dare not subscribe for Government Loan openly... Threats and Intimidations by the I'eder.ils... Treason of the Federals in buying and selling English Bills. ..The Sedition Law. ..Its object to crush out Free Discussion... Difference between Madison and Ltmcolx... Leading Fed- erals Gazetted. ..Object of the Sedition Law. .."We, the Government, in 1798. ..Damn the Government in 1S14... The Pious Rev. Federals curse tlie Government. ..Views of Jeffekson and Webster, &c. CONSPIRACY OF NEW ENGLAND TO BANKRUPT THE GOVEENMENT. The New England money kings knowing that money furnished the "sinews of war." and having control of a great share of the mone- tary interests of the country, during the last war with England, entered into a conspiracy to break down the credit of the Government, and to discredit Government bills. They were continually crying peace, yet doing all they could to prevent peace, well knowing that a prolongation of hostilities would only secure to them dissolution. The Government under Kr. Madison, need- ed money to prosecute tl. f war, and isused eight per cent, bonds for luat purpose. No sooner were those bonds in Market than New England money sharks set up a howl that they were worthless, never could be redeemed, &c. Elsewhere in this work, will be found numer- ous extracts, showing the vile purposes to de- feat the obtaining money by the Government, but we will produce a few facts in this connec- tion, as more clearly establishing the truth of that wicked conspiracy in New England, to break down the Government, in the darkest hour of its peril, and to show tVhat peculiar claim that section has now to cry traitor to all those who believe in the "Union as it was and the Constitution as it is." We quote from the Olive Branchy p. 303: "In consefjuence, every possible exertion was made.par- ticularly in Boston, to deter the citizens from subscribing to the loans, in order to disable the Government from car- rying on the war, and of course to compel it to make poace. Associations were entered into, in the most solemn and public manner for this purpos6,and those who could not be induced by mild means, were deterred by denuncia- tions. A folio volume might be tilled with the lucu- brations that appeared on this subject. "Tlio pulpit, as usual, in Boston, afforded its utmost aid to the press, to insure success. Those who subscribed were in direct terms declared participators, in and access- ories to, all the Murdero, as they were termed, that might take place in the nnholy, unrighteous, wicked, abomnia- ble, and accursed war." \Se£ &r7non by Jiev. Osgood and others, elsewhere. '\ The consequence of these efforts was soon plainly visible. The currency of various banks out of New England began to depreciate, be- cause they were not in the plot. The Boston Price Current makes the following extract from the United Slates Gazette, of Feb. 7, 1815: Below par. All New York Banks 1>J to 20 p. c. Hudson Bank 20 Orange Bank 24 I'hilailelphia City Banks 'M Treasuiy Notes 24 to 2.t United States six per cents 4u Says Mr. Carey, in speaking of this con- spiracy: "The success of the Eastern States was considerable. Few men have the courage to stem the tide of popular de- lusion, when it sets iu very strong. There M'ere some, howi.'ver, who subscribed (to the Government loan) open- ly, in defiance of denunciations and threats. Others, of less fine texture, loaned their money (to the Government) by stealth, and as clandestinely as if it wete treasonable. What, alasl must be the awful state of society wheu a free citizen is afraid of lending his money publicly to support the government that protects him." In support of this damaging accusation, we extract the following paragraph from a work by JouN Lowell, a most inveterate Federal, who charged the "Federal secret Leagues" (have we not their progeny iu "Union secret Leagues"?) with violating their secret pledges, no^ to loan money to the Government. In de- nouncing the violation of the "professions and promises" of his secret League associates, he exposes their vile conspiracy. He says: "Money is such a drug (the surest sign of the /o?'TOer prosperity and present insecurity of trade) that men, against their consciences, their honor, their duty, their j^rofessions and SCr.APS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 33 PROMISES, arc willing to lend it secret!)/, to support the very measures [that is, the war, ) which are both intended and calculated for their ruin." Thus, the men, who to get rid of their "drug" would lend it secretly (they dared not openly) to the Government, had violated the secret idedges and promises they had made in the secret club rooms of their secret Leagues. Puritanital superstition was appealed to, to prevent loans to the Government. Just pre- vious to the Fast day in Boston, while the Government was advertising for loans, the following paragraph appeared in the Boston Federal papers: "Let no man who wishes to continue the war by active measures, by voting or lending money, dare to prostrate himself at the altar on the Fast day, for tbey are actually is much partakers in the w,ar, as the soldier who thrusts his bayonet, and the judgment of God will await them!!'' "Will Federalists subscribe to the loan? Will they lend money to our national rulers? It is impossible! First, because of the prin- cipal, and secondly, of principal and interest. If they lend money now, they make themselves parties to the violations of the Constitution, the cruelly oppressive measures in relation to commerce, and to all the crimes which have occurred in the field and in the Cabinet. To what purpose have Federalists exerted them- selves to show the wickedness of this war — to rouse the public sentiment against it, and to show the authors of it not only to be unworthy of public coulideuce, but highly criminal, if now they contribute the sums of money ivith- out which these rulers must be compelled to stop.'^ "By the very ruinous cause pointed out by. Gov. Stroxg, that is by icitholding all vol- untary aid, in prosecuting the war, and man- fully expressing our opinion r.s to its injustice and ruinous tendency, v:e. have arrested its progress, and driven back its authors to aban- don their w'farious schemes, and to look anx- iously for peace. * * But some say will you let the country become bankrupt ? No, the country will never become bankrupt, but piray do not prevtnt their trustees becoming bank- rupt ! Do not prevent them from becoming odious to the public, ami replaced by better men. Any Fedei-alist who lends his money to government, must go and shake hands with James M.\risON and claim fellowship with Felix Gri'nby. Let him no more call him- self a Federalist, and friend to his country. — He will be called by others, infamous. But, secondly. Federalists will not lend money, be- cause they will never get it again. Now, where and when are the Government to get money to pay interest, and who can tell whether future members of Congress may think the debt contracted under such circumstances, and by men who lend money to help out measures what they have loudly and constantly con- demned, ought to be paid ? On the whole, then, there are two very strong reasons, why Federalists will not lend money ; first, because it would be an abandonment of political and personal principles, and secondly, because it is pretty certain they will never be paid again. — Boston Gazette, April 14, 1814. "Our merchants constitute an honorable, high-minded, independent and intelligent class of citizens. [That faction always boasted of their intelligence.] They feel the oppression, injury and mockery, with which they are treat- ed by the government. They will lend them money to retrace their steps, but none to perse- vere in their present course. Let every high- u-ayman find his oicn pistols.'^ — Boston Ga- zette. "We have only room this evening to say that we trust no true friend to his country ivill be found among the subscribers to the Gallatin loan.''' — New York Evening Post. "No peace will ever be made till the people say there shall be no war. If the rich men continue to furnish money, war will continue till the mountains are melted with blood; till every field in America is white with the bones of the people." — Discourse at Byfield, [Mass.) April 7, 1814, by Rev. Dr. Parish. "So unjust is this offensive war, in which our rulers have plunged us, in the sober con- sideration of millions, that they cannot con- scientiously approach the God of Armies for His blessing upon it." — Boston Centinel, Jan. 13, 1313. "It is very grateful to find that the uni- versal sentiment is, that any man who lends his money to the Government, at the present time, will forfeit all claim to common honesty and common courtesy, among all true friends to the country. God forbid that any Federalist should ever hold up his head and pay Federal- ists for money lent to the present rulers, and Federalists can judge whether Democrats will tax their constituents to pay interest to Feder- alists." — Boston Gazette, April 14, 1814. The following announcement by Boston brokers show that the terror inspired by New England Federalists, through their secret Leagues, made it dangerous for any ©ne to sub- scribe to the Government loan openly. It is a sad commentary on the extreme terrorism raised by the monied and "intelligent" aris- tocracy of New England. PROOF OF TERRORISM IN BOSTON. Advertisement which appeared in the Boston Chronicle, April 14, 1814: "the XEW LOAN. " From the advice of several respected friends, we are irtduced to announce to the 34 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. public that subscriptions to the new loan will be received by us, as agents, until the 25th inst, from individuals, or incorporated bodies, in sums of $500 and upwards. The subscrip- tions to conform to the regulations announced by the Secretary of the Treasury, dated the 4th of April. Payments may be made in Bos- ton money, or in any other of the United States, the subscriber paying the customary rate of discount. Applications will be received from any persons who wish to receive their in- terest in Boston, by lettei's post paid, or by written (triplications^ from individuals in Boston, and the names of all subscribers shall beknou-n ONLY TO THE UNDERSIGNED according to the proposals of the Secretary of the Treasury- [For more particulars see his advertisement.] Each applicant must name the highest rate he will give, and if the loan is granted, lower than his proposal, it will of course be for his benefit, but on the other hand, if higher, he will lose the benefit of being a subscriber The certificates and all the business relating to it will be delivered free of charge. "GILBERT & DEAN, Brokers. "Exchange Coffee IIolse, Boston, Apiil 12." The following advertisement appeared in the Boston Gazette^ Aril 14, 1814: '•THE LOAN. "Subscriptions will be received through the the agency of the subscriber till the 25th inst., inclusive. "To avoid the inconvenience of personal ap- pearance to subscribe, applications in writing will be received from any part of the state. Each applicant will name the highest rate he will give, and if the loan shall be granted, lower than his proposal, he will reap the ben- efit, but if higher than his offer, he will have no share in it. The amount, rate and name of any applicant, shall, at his request, be knoivn only to the subscriber . All the business shall be transacted, and certificates delivered to the subscribers, without expense. "JESSE PUTNAM." Upon which the Boston Gazette of the same date remarked as follows: "How degraded must our Government be, even in their own eyes, when they resort to such tricks to obtain money, which a common Jew broker tvould be ashamed of! They must be well acquainted with the fabric of the men ■who are to loan them money, when they, offer, that if they will have the goodness to do it, their names shall not he exposed to the luorld! * * * Perhaps monied men may be bribed by the high interest that is offered, but if they withhold their aid, and so force the Govern- ment into a peace, will not their capital be better employed, if engaged in trade? "On the whole, we think it no way to get out of war, to give money to the Government when the very thing that prevents them from carrying it on is the icant of money!'''' AID AND COMFORT TO THE ENEMY. We regret that we have not ample room for the statistics before us, all going to show that the Federals of Boston, not only combined to make a run on the banks of New York, Penn- sylvania, and the Southern states, and draw out the specie from their vaults, with a view to create a panic, and destroy the value of their currency, but they actually engaged openly in the smuggling trade, bought and sold British stocks and bills openly in State street — hoard- ed the specie drawn from loyal banks and sent it off to England, via. Canada, to purchase con- traband goods and bills. So bold had these traitors become in their treasonable and illicit conduct, that on the 16th of December, 1814, the following advertisement appeared in the Boston Daily Advertiser : " IIBITISU GOVERNME.NT BILLS FOU SALE. 1 Bill for 800Z 1 do 250i 1 il) 203Z 1,253{ "By CnA'S W. GKEEN, No. 14, India Wharf." This illicit intercourse with the public ene- my was strictly prohibited by Acts of Congress of 1781 and 1782. These bills were constantly bought and sold in the Boston market. The Federalists kept up a line of communication with Quebec, to which ijlace they exported specie, and from which place they brought back British bills, which they forwarded to England to purchase contraband goods with, and so universal was the sentiment of resistance to the General Government, in Massachusetts, and so little respect was there existing for the Union, that this illicit and treasonable intercourse was kept up with the public enemy, all through the war, and the sentiment adverse to it was too weak to risk complaint and exposure. The mo- ment our government gunboats were out of Bos- ton harbor, the Federalists would hoist their signal Blue Lights, and the British merchant- men that continually hovered about the Massa- chusetts coast, would come in, deliver their contraband cargo, receive specie and British bills in exchange, and return for another car- go. Says Mr. Carey: "There is no country in the world, but the United States, wherein such crimes could be perpetrated with impunity. Even by our mild- est of all mild constitutions, it is treason /" These acts were not only treasonable, but they were the essence of treason, itself, and if SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 35 Mr. MadisO}^ and caused the arrest of the leaders in the guilt, and confined them in some Government Fort, and transported them "beyond the lines," he -would have been sus- tained by the just verdict of the nation. But he did not do it. He knew perhaps that all New England was so bent on the destruction of the Government, that it would make mat- ters worse to have aroused a worse hostility than he had already met with. 0. that Mr. Lincoln, for his sake, could have been justi- fied by a tithe of provocation and excuse in his arrest and banishment of Mr. Vallandig- HAM and others. But in his reply to the Ohio and Albany committees, he is bound to say that Mr. V. had committed no crime, that he was arrested and banished because it was feard he might do something criminal ! and Mr. Lincoln lays down the general rule of "disloy- alty," according to the reigning nomencla- ture, to be the use of a "but," or "and" or "if" or "saying nothina;," when one is standing by, listening to criticism on the conduct of gov- ernmental affairs. This is the diiference be- tween Mr. Madison and Mr. Lincoln in this regard. But to proceed. On all occasions, the Federalists, who were dissatisfied with our Government, sought to enlist sectional animos- ities. From a joint report to the two Houses of the Massachusetts Legislature, Feb. 18, 1814, we extract the following : "They (the South) huve seen, at first an ill concealed, but at last an open and undis- guised jealousy ®f the wealth and power of the commercial states, operating in continued efforts to embarrass and destroy that com- merce, which is their life and support." appealing to sectional jealousies. This report sets up the propriety, justice and necessity of forcible resistance to the Gen- eral Government, and then adds: '•The question is not a question o( power or right, with this Lesislature, but of ti7ne or expediency.^' And the committee proceed: "There exists in all parts of this Common- wealth, a fear, and in many, a settled belief, that the cause of foreign and domestic policy, pursued by the government of the United States for several years past, has its founda- tion in a deliberate intention to impair, if not to destroy that free spirit and exercise of commerce, which, aided by the habits, manners and institutions of our ancestors, and the bless- ings of Divine Providence, have been the prin- cipal source of the freedom, wealth and gene- ral prosperity of this recently happy and flour- ishing people." &c. And continue the Committee : "The memorialists see in this deploriable de- scent from national greatness, a determination to harrass and annihilate that spirit of com- merce," &c. A WAIF from the haktford convention. And this key note of false alarm to the peo- ple was taken up by the Hartford Convention from the Address of which we copy: "Events may prove that the causes of our calamities are (/ccj^ and permanent. They may be found to proceed, not merely from the blind- ness of prejudice, pride of opinion, violence of party spirit, or the confusion of the times, but they may be traced to implacable combinations of individuals or states, to monopolize power and of[ice,and to trample without remorse upon the rights aud interests of the commtrcial sec- tions of the Vnion. "The Administr.ation, after a long perseve- rance in plans to batfle every effort of commer- cial enterprise, had fatally succeeded in their attempts at the epoch of the war." In concluding this part of our subject, we refer the reader to the following notable Fed- eralists, who in various ways have had a hand in fulminating the foregoing treasonable ex- tracts, with hundreds of others, "too numerous to mention": the Brookses, the Strongs, the Otises, and the Quincys, of Boston: the Clark- sons, Rays, Ludlows, Remsons, Ogdens, Pear- sails, Lenoxes, Harrisons, Lawrences, McCor- micks, Colemans, and Webbs, of New York; the Willings, Francises, Norrises, Biddies, Latimers, Filghmans, Waluses, Ralstones, and Lewises, of Philadelphia; and the Gilmans, the Olivers, the Stewarts, the Howards, the Smiths, th" Briggses, the Grahams, and the Coopers, of Baltimore. The Federals were in power in Congress during the Administration of Gen. Washing- ton, and completely in power during the Ad- ministration of the elder Adams. Then was their time to put in motion their machinery for a "strong government." The occasion was ripe, says Carey, and they passed an alien law, calculated, under pretext of military ne- cessity, to eventually keep all foreign born people from participAting iu our Govei'nment affairs. They knew that the "foreign element" when one settled in this country, went with the Democratic party, hence the alien law, under a plausible pretext, ,to cruse out that element, 36 FIVE|HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. and to enable them to hold the reigns of power. In the series of measures for their "strons; goTernment" was also the sedition law. Having determined to force the Government into radical extremes, the Federals, knowing their conduct would be criticised, and through criticism and free discussion their purposes thwarted, they set about the means to prevent such discussion, and the following law was in- tended for that purpose. THE SEDETION LAW. "Sec 1. Be it enacted^ ^c, If any persons shall unlawfully combine or conspire together with intent to oppose any measure or meas- ures of the Government of the United States [then as now the Government was ih.& party '\ which are, or shall be directed by the proper authority, or to impede the operation of any law of the United States, or to intimidate or prevent any person from holding a place or of- fice in or under the Government of the United States, from undertaking, performing or exe- cuting his trust, or duty, and if any person or persons with intent as aforesaid, shall counsel, advise or attempt to procure any insurrection, riot, unlawful assembly or combination, wheth- er such conspiracy, threatening, counsel, ad- vice, or attempt, shall have t\\Q proposed effect ar not. he or they shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor and on conviction laefore any Court of the United States having juris- diction thereof, shall be punished by a fine not exceeding live thousand dollars, and by im- prisonment, .during a term not less than six months 7ior exceeding five years, and further, at the discretion of the Court, may be holden to find sureties for his or their good behavior in such sum and for such time as the said Court may direct. "Sec. 2. And he it further enacted, That if any i^erson shall write, print, utter or publish, or shall cause or procure to be written, printed, uttered or published, or shall knowingly or willingly aid in writing, printing, uttering or publishing any false, scandalous and malicious writing or writings against the Government (the party in power) of the United States, or either House of the Congress of the United States, or the President of the United States, with intent to defame the said Government, or either House of the Congress, or the said Presi- dent, or to bring them or either of them into contenipt or disrepute [see Gen. Hascall's order for a copy from this] or to excite against them, or either, or any of them, the hatred of the good people of the United States, or to stir up sedition within the United States, or to excite any unlawful combination therein for opposing or resisting any law of the United States, or any act of the President of the United States, done in pursuance of any such law [this is much milder than the law of indemnity of 1862] or of the powers in him vested by the Constitution of the United States, or to resist. oppose or defeat any such law or act, or to aid, engage or abet any hostile designs of any for- eign nation against the United States, their people or Government, then such person being thereof convicted before the Court of the Uni- ted States having jurisdiction thereof, shall be punished by a fine, not exceeding §2,000, and by imprisonment not exceeding two years. "Sec. 3. And be it further enacted and de- clared. That if any person shall be prosecu- ted under this act for writiug or publishing any libel as aforesaid, it ahall be lawtul for the defendent upon the trial of the cause to give in evidence in his defense the truth of the mat- ter contained in the publication charged as a libel, [this is milder than the action against Vallandigiiam and others] and the jury, who shall try the cause, shall have a right to deter- mine the law and the fact, under the direction of the court, as in other cases. "Sec 4. And he it further enacted. That this act shall continue and be in force until the 3d day of March, 1801, and no longer, provi- ded, that the expiration of the act shall not prevent or defeat a prosecution and punishment of any offence against the law during the time it shall be in force. "July 17, 1798." objects of the sedition law. Thus, this law was to continue to the very day the then Federal Administration was to go out of power, and no longer, and if they should succeed in prolonging their power, it could be re-enacted. The reader will see from this its real object, which was to silence all op- position to the Federal Administration, while they proceeded to mould their "strong govern- ment." Under this act, Mathew Lyox, of Vermont was put in prison for speaking disrepectful of the President. A "culprit" "Was found guilty and punished in New Jersey for the simple wish that the wadding of a gun, discharged on a festive day, had made an inroad into, or pierced the posterior of Mr. Adams, the President," &c. — [Olive Branch, p. 89. ^VE, THE GOVERNMENT IN 179S. Many other similar cases are recorded, but this will suflSce. The Federals of that day, were great sticklers for "sustaining the Gov- ernment." Everything the "Government"' chose to propose or do, must be acquiesced in by the people without a murmur, as it is at the present day. They were in power then. Wc will give a few samples. "I believe that some of the old French leaven remains against us, and that some vile and degenerate wretches, whom I shall call SCRAPS FROM MT SCRAP-BOOK. 37 French partizans, or American Jacobines will not join any military association or patriotic loan. These men should be watched. — {Balti- more Federal Gazette, July 5, 1798. The following is pitched in the same key, ang runs in the same vein, of the demands of the ins to-day, and did we not assure the read- er, was the preamble to a set of resolutions got up by the Federal majority of the New York Senate, and passed March 5, 1799, would be taken for granted as the "loyal'" efferes- cence of some "Loyal League" of the present day: '■'•And whereas, Our peace, prosperity and happiness, eminently depend on the preserva- tion of the Union, in order to which a reason- able confidence in the constituted authorities is indispensible, and Whereas, Every measure calculated to weak- en that confidence has a tendency to destroy the usefulness of our public functionaries," &c. This was the Federal response to the mur- murings of the people against the infamous Sedition and Alien laws. And be it remembered, these same Federals just thirteen years afterward, Joined in the cru- sade against Madison's administration (as we have shown) without so much as pretending to a tangible excuse. They went below the hard pan of infamy to "excite jealousies," &c. The clergymen of that day, of the leading orders, were mostly Federalists. Their ser- mons were full of devotion to "the Govern- ment." "It is a time of day that requires cautious jealousy; not jealousy of your magistrates, for you have given them your confidence. * * Cursed be he that keepeth back his sword from blood. Let him that hath none, sell his coat and buy one. — Sermoii of Rev. Dr. Parish, of Boston, July 4, 1799. In this connection we give the views of Jef- ferson on a fair and candid discussion of pub- lic affairs, written probably in answer to the claim of the New York Federals, and we give the credit to JeflFerson, lest the "loyal" men may read the sentiment as pure "copperhead- ism." "It would be a dangerous delusion were a confidence in the men of our choice to silence our fears for the safety of our rights. Confi- dence is everywhere the parent of despotism. Free government is founded in jealousy, and not in confidence. It is jealousy and not con- fidence which prescribes limited constitutions to bind down those whom we are obliged to trust with power. Our constitution has ac- Icordingly fixed the limits to which and nc fur- jther, our confidence may go, and let the hon- I est advocate of confidence read the Alien and Sedition acts, and say if the constitution has not been wise in fixing limits for the govern- ment it created, and whether we should be wise in destroying those limits Let him say what the government is, if it be not a tyranny, which the men of our choice have conferred on the President, and the President of our choice has assented to and accepted over the friendly strangers to whom the united spirit of our country and its laws had pledged hospi- tality and protection. The men of our choice have more respected the bare suspicions of the President than the solid rights of inno- cence, the claims of justification, the sacred force of truth, and the forms and substance of law and justice." Then read the following, and see if it comes within the limits of Jefferson's ideas of fair and candid discussion under a proper "jeal- ousy" to guard and respect constitutional rights, and also let the reader determine in his heart whether the following extracts from Fed- eral malcontents come within the just rule laid down by Webster, as follows: "The spirit of liberty is jealous of encroach- ments, jealous of power, jealous of men. It demands checks; it seeks for guarantees, it in- sists on securities; it entrenches itself behind strong defences, and fortifies itself with all possible cure against the assaults of ambition and passion. It does not trust the amiable weaknesses of human nature, 'and therefore will not permit power to overstep its prescribed limits, though benevolence, good intent, and patriotic purposes come along with it" DAMN THE GOTEKNMENT IX 1814. This was when his party were \-a. j^oiver, and talked of war. This same Reverend preached a sermond at Byfield, April 7, 1814, when his party was out of power, and the country was actually at war with another country, in which he said, p. IS: "The Israelits became weary of yielding the fruit of their labor to pamper their splendid tyrants. They left their political Moses. They separated. Where is our Moses? Where is therod of his miracles? Where is our Aaron? Alas, no voice from the burning bush has di- rected the house." On page 18 he says: "There is a point, there is an hour, beyond which you will not bear." "Such is the temper of American Republi- cans [the Democratic Republicans that sup- ported the war and Mr. Madison] so called. A new language must be invented before we attempt to express the baseness of their con- duct, or dscribe the rottenness of their hearts.'' —p. 21. 38 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. "New England, if invaded, would be. obliied to defend herself. Do you not then owe it to your children, and owe it to your God, te make peace for yourselves ?" — p. 23. "You may as well expect the cat:iract of Ni- agara to turn its currant to the head of Supe- rior, as a wicked Co7igress to viake a pause in the icork of destroying their country^ while the people will furnish the means. "^/'. 8 "A thousand times as many sons of America have probably fallen victims of this ungodly war, as perished in Israel by tlie edict of Pha- raoh! Still, the war is only beginning. If ten thousand have fallen, ten thousand times ten thousand may fall."—/'. 7. This, says Carey, would require 100,000,000 victims, when there were but 8,000,000 to se- lect from. ''Tyrants are the same on the banks of the Nile* and the Potomac, at Memphis and at Washington, in a monarchy and a Republic.''' —p. 9. "Like the worshippers of MoLOcn, the sup- porters of a vile administration sacrifice their children and families on .he altar of Democra- cy. Like the widows of Hindoostan they con- sume themselves." — p. 11. "The full vials of despotism are poured out on your heads, and yet you may challenge the ploddding Israelite, the stupid African, the feeble Chinese, the drowsy Tui-k, or the frozen exile of Siberia, to equal you iii tame suhmis- sion to the powers that he.— p. 12. "Here we must trample on the mandates of despotism, or here ive must remain slaves for- ever.'^ — p. 13. "Has not New England as much to appre- hend as the sons of Jacob had? but no child has been taken from the river to lead us through the sea."' — p. 20. "If judgments are coming on the nation; — if the sea does not open thee a path, where, how. and in what manner will you seek relief" — p. 20. "God will bring good from every evil — the famishers of Egypt lighted Israel to the land of Cannan."— p. 22 "Which sooty slave in all the ancient domin- ion has more obsequiously watched the eye of his master or flew to the indulgence of his de- sires, more servilly than the same mastei's have waited and watched, and obeyed the orders of the great N.-vpoleox. — \_Discourse delivered at Byfield, April 8, 1813,iJ.2l. "Let every man who sanctions this war by his suffrage or influence, remember that he is laboring to cover himself and his country with blood — the blood of the slain will cry from the ground against him." — p 23. "How will the supporters of this anti-chris- tian warfare endure their sentence — endure their own reflections — endure the. ^re that for- ever burns — the worm which never dies — the hozannas of heaven, while the smoke of their torments ascends forever and ever.'' — p. 24. "The legislators who yielded to this war, when assailed by the manifesto of their own party chief, establisked inequality and murder by law.'' — p. 9. ''In the first onset [of the war] moral prin- ciple was set at defiance. The laws of God and hopes of man were utterly disdained. — Vice threw off her veil, and crimes were decked with highest honors. This war not only tol- crries crimes, hut calls for them — demands them. Crimes are the food of its life — the arms of its strength. This war is a monster, which every hour gormandizes a thousand crimes, and yet cries give! give! In its birth, it demanded the violation of all good faith, per- jury of office, the sacrifice of neutral impar- tiality. The first moment in which the dragon moved, piracy and murder ivere leyalized. — Havoc, death and conflagration were the viands of her first repast." — p. 11. "Those western states which have been vio- lent for this abominable war of murder — those states which have thirsted for blood, God has given tkem blood to drink. Their men have fallen. Their lamentations are deep and loud." —p. 16. "Our Government — if they may be called the Government — and not the destroyers — of the country, bear these things as patiently as a colony of convicts sail into Eotanv Bay." — p. 5. CHAPTER VI. PROOFS OF FEDERAL TREASOX.— Comixusd. Tone of the Federals when in Power. ..Similar to the Tone of Those now in Power. ..Congregational Ministers' Ad- dress to President Adams. ..E.xtract from Sermon ef Rev. Jedidah Morse. ..E.xtracts from Sermon bj' Rev. F. S. F, Gahdner, 1812. ..Extracts from Disi'ourses of Ker. Dr. Osgood, 1810. ..The Clamors of New England for Sep- aration and Dissolution. .."Extracts of Treason". ..From Boston Centiuel, Dec. 10, lS14...From same Dec. 14, 1S14... Sundry other extracts from same. ..Ipswich Me- morial. ..Deertield. (Mass.) Petition. ..From the Crisis, No. ."...From the Federal Republican, 1814. ..Extract from Address to the Hartford Convention, A:c...From Boston Daily Advertiser, lS14...From Federal liepubli- can, 1814. ..Extracts Irom proceedings of a Treasonable Meeting in Reading, Mass. ..Also from Memorial of citi- zens of Newburyport to the Legislature — From Federal Republican, Nov. 7, lS14...From Boston Gazette. ..l>om Sermon of Rev. David Osgood. ...\1so from his Address before the Legislarure... Extracts from a treasonable let- ter from Federals to James MADisox...From Boston Re- pertory... From New York Commercial Adve»tiser. THE TONE OF FEDERALS WHEN IN POWER. In 1798, a Convention of Congregational ministers issued an address to President Ad- ams, from which we take a short extract: "The intimate connection between our civil and Christian blessings is alone sufficient to SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 39 justify the decided part tvhich the clergy of America have uniformly taken in sxipportiny the constituted authorities and political in- terests of their country " Their political party was then in power. On the 9th of May, 1793, theRev. Jedediah Morse preached a sermon, in which he urged everybody to yield strict obedience to the pow- ers that be, which were of his political faitn. He said: "To the unfriendly disposition and conduct of a foreign power, we may ascribe the unhap- py dissensions that have existed among us, which have so permanently disturbed our peace, and threatened the overthrow of our govern- ment. Their maxim to which they have strict- ly and steadily adhered has Iseen "divide and govern.'' Their too great influence among us has been exerted vigorously and in conformity to a deep laid plan in cherishing party spirit, in villifying the man we have by our free suf- frages elected to administer our Constitution, and have thus endeavored to destroy the confi- dence of the people in the constituted authori- ties, and divide them from the Government." Of the same tenor was Gov. Gilljiore's message to the Legislature of New Hampshire in 179S, the legislative response to the same — the Massachusetts Legislature and the Address of the Federalists of Elizabethtown, in 1798. EXTRACTS FROM A SERMON DELIVERED BY THE REV. F. S. F. G.iRDIXER, RECTOR OF TRINTY CHURCH, BOSTOX, April 9, 1812. " The British, after all, save lor us by their convoyB infinitely more property than they de- prive us of, where they take one ship they pro- tect ticenty ; where they commit one outrage they do many acts of kindness." — p. 15. •' England is willing to sacrifice everything to conciliate us except her honour and inde- pendence." — p. 10. "It is a war unexampled in the history of the world; wantonly proclaimed on the most frivolous and groundless pietences against a nation from whose friendship we might derive the most signal advantages." — Discourse de- livered July 23i/, 1813, ^J. 3. ''Let no consideration, my brethren, deter your at all times, and in all places, from exe- crating the present war. It is a war unjust, foolish and ruinous." — p. 15. "As Mr. Madison has declared war, let Mr. Madison carry it on." — p. 17. " The Union has long since been virtually dissolved, and it is full time that this part of the United States should take care of it- selfP—jy. 19. treason of the eev. dr. OSGOOD, pastor of THE MEDFOUD CHURCH. "The strcng prepossessions of so great a proportion of my fellow-citizens in favor of a race of demons, and against a nation of more religion, virtue, good faith, generosity, and beneficence, than any that now is, or ever has been, upon the face of the earth, wring my soul with anguish and fill my soul with appi'e- hension and terror of the judgments of heaven upon this sinful people." — Discourse of April Sth, 1810, J9. 40. "If at the command of weak or wicked ru- lers, they undertake an unjust war, each man who volunteers his services in such a cause, or loans his money for its support, or by his con- versation, his writings, or any other mode of influence, encourages its prosecution, that man is an accoiiaplice in wickedness, loads his con- science with the blackest crimes, brings the guilt of blood upon his soul, and in the sight of God and His law, is a murderer." — Dis- course of June Z7th, 1812, ^j. 9. " One hope only remains, that this last stroke of perfidy (the war) may open the eyes of a besotted people, that they may awake, like a giant from his slumbers, and wreak their ven- geance on their betrayers by DRIVING than from their stations, and placing at the helm more skillful and faithful hands." — p. 12. new ENGLAND CLAMORS FOR SEPARATION AND DISSOLUTIO.V. It gives us no pleasure to reproduce the fol- lowing extracts, as the touch-stone of i\i^ pre- vailing public sentiment of the Puritans forty- nine years ago. These extracts furnish a sad commentary on the clamoring cry of "treason" by the same party and the same men against all whom, while willing to aid our Government in every essential way to reduce this rebellion, and preserve the Constitution, claim and ex- ercise the right to criticise in a manly spirit what they believe to be measures destructive of constitutional rights and civil liberty. — The world has been taught that there is a vast difference between such articles as the follow- ing and a manly protest against the blow that strikes down civil rights arbitrarily, without any of those means of redress or modes of trial known to civil jurisprudence. James Madison was often severely censur- ed by many of his most ardent political friends for not imprisoning the utterers of the following sentiments of treason, and although the dan- ger from these influences was imminent, and at the time threatened to finally destroy the Government, Mr. Madison trusted to the good sense of i)iQ people to maintain this Gov- ernment, nor did he arbitrarily arrest a man, nor proclaim the suspension of the writ of hebeas corpus against all the people. The se- 40 FIVE HU^"DRED POLITICAL TEXTS. quel proved the wisdom of JLvdisox's course, for while the authors of that seditious treason that threatened to take New England out of the Union, soon found themselves buried in disgrace, he was spared the charge of even the attempt at oppression. All will agree that he would have been justified in arresting the au- thors of the following : EXTRACTS OF TREASON. "Those who startle at the danger of separa- tion tell -As that the soil of New England is hard and sterile — that deprived of the pro- ductions of the South, we should soon become a wretched race of cowherds and fishermen; that our narrow territory and diminished pop- ulation would malie us an easy prey to foreign powers. Do these men forget what national energy can do for a people? Have they not read of Holland? Do they not remember that it grew in wealth and power amidst combat and alarm! That it threw oflf the yoke of Spain (our Virginia) and its chapels became churches and its poor man's cottages prince's palaces ?'' — Boston Centind^ Dec. 10, 1814. "It is said, that to make a treaty of com- merce with the enemy is to violate the consti- tution, and to sever the Union. Are they not Loth already virtually destroyed ? Or in what Stage of cxistance would they be should we declare a neutrality, or even withhold taxes and men." — Boston Ceniinel, Dec. 14, 1814. "By a commercial treaty with England which shall provide for the admission of such States as may wish to come into it, and which shall prohibit England from makiny a treeity Kith the South and West — which does not give us at least equal privileges with herself — our com- merce will be secured to us; our standing in the nation raised to its proper level, and New England feelings will no longer be sported with, or her interest violated. — Boston Ccnti- nel, 1814. "If we submit quietly our destruction is cer- tain. If we oppose them with a highminded and steady conduct, who will say that we shall not heat them all 9 No one can suppose that a conjlict with a tyranny at home, would be as easy as with an enemy from abroad, but firm- ness will anticipate and prevent it. Cowardice dreads it, and will surely bring it on at last. Why this delay? Why leave that to chance which our firmness should command? Will our wavering frighten Government into compli- ance?" — Ibid. "We must do it deliberately, and not from irritation at our wrongs and 8ufiFerings, and when we have once entered on the high course of honor, and independence, let no diflSculties stay our course, nor dangers drive us back." — Ibid. "We are convinced that the time is arrived when Massachusetts must make a resolute stand, and recurring to first principles, view men and things as they are. The sophisticat- ed Government which these States have wit- nessed for thirteen years past, has almost com- pleted their ruin, and every day still adds to theiv distracted condition." — [Ipswich Mem- orial, Sept. 18, 1813. "The sentiment is houi-ly extending, and intliese Sort hern States will soon be universal, that we are in no better condition with respect to the /So uf/t than that of a conquered people." — Boston Centinel, Jan. 13. 1813. "We have no more interest in waging this sort of war at present, at the command of Vir- ginia, than Holland in accelerating her ruin, by uniting her destiny with France." — Ibid. "The land is literally taken from its old possessions and given to strangers." — Ibid. [This is just what New England is now clam- oring for in the South.] "Either the Southern States must drag us further into the war, or we must drag them out of it, or the chain will break. — Ibid. "We must be no longer deafened by senseless clamors about a separation of the States." — Ibid. "Should the present Administration, with the adherence in the Southern States still per- sist in the prosecution of this ruinous and loicked rear, in unconstitutionally creating new States in the mud of Luuisiana [just what we are fighting to keep in] (the inhabitants of which country are as ignorant of Republican- ism as the alligators of their swamps) and in opposition to the commercial rights and privi- leges of New England, much as we deprecate a separation of the Union, we deem it an evil much less to be dreaded than a co-operation with them in their nefarious projects." — Deer- field [Mass.) Petition, Jan. 10, 1814. "We must put away all childish fears of re- sistance." — Crisis No. 3. "What shall we do to be saved? One thing only: The people must rise in their majesty — protect themselves, and compel their un- worthy servants to obey their will." — Boston Centinel, Sept. 10, 1814. "The C-'/u'cfi is already dissolved, practical- ly.''— 3id. "You ask my opinion on a subject which is much talked of, a dissolution of the Union. On this subject I differ from my fetlow-citizens generally, and therefore I ought to speak and write with diffidence. I have for many years considered the Union of the Northern and Southern states as «o< essejitial to the safety, and very much opposed to the interest of both sections. The extent of the territory is too large to be harmoniously governed by the same representative body. A^despotic prince, like the Emperor of Russia may govern a wide extent of territory, and numerous distinct nations, for SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 41 his will controls their jealousies and discor- dent interests; but when states, having ditFer- ent interests are permitted to decide on those interests themselves, no harmony can be ex- pected. The commercial and non commercial states have views so different that I conceive it to be impossible that they ever can be satisfied with the same laws and the same system of measures. , I firmly believe that each section would be better satisfied to govern itself, and each is large and populous enough for its own protection, especially as we have no powerful nations in our neighborhood. These observa- tions are equally applicable to the Western States, a large body and a distinct portion of the country, which would govern themselves better than the Atlantic states can govern them. [This was in accordance with the old Federal notion that some states should be con- trolled and governed by others — and New Eng. land has ever acted on that doctrine.] That the Atlantic States do not want the aid of the strength, nor the counsels of the Western States is certain, and I believe the public Avel- fare would be better consulted and more pro- moted in a sfjWarai'e than in a Federal Consti- tution. The mountaiiis form a natural line of division, and moral and commercial habits would unite the Western people. In like man- ner the moral and commercial habits of the Northern and Middle states would link them together, as would the like habits of the slave holding states- Indeed, the attempt to unite this vast territory under one head, has long ap- peared to me al'i-nrd I I believe a peaceable separation would be for the happiness of all sections, but as the citizens of this country have generally been of a different opinion, it is best not to urge for a separation, till they are convinced of their error." — Com. in Boston Centinel, July 18, 1813. "We will ask the infatuated man of pro- perty, beguiled by the arts of Albert Galla. Tix, by what fund, and by whom, they will be repaid the advances made on exchequer bills and the loans, in the event of a dissolution of the Union'? AVe ask them further, whether from present appearances, and under existing circumstances, there is the least foundation to build a hope that the Union will last twelve monthsf We look to Russia to save us from the horrors of anarchy. If a reverse of for- tune is in reserve for Alexander, and the war continues, the Union is evidentli/ gone " — Federal Republican, 1814. EXTRACT FROM AN ADDRESS TO THE HARTFORD CONYEXTION. "The once venerable Constitution HAS EXPIRED BY DISSOLUTION in the hands of those wicked men who were sworn te pro- tect it. Its spirit, with the precious souls of its first founders, has jled forever. Its remains, with theirs, rest in the silent tomb! At your hands, therefore, we demand deliverance. New England is unanimous, and we announce our irrevocable decree, that the tyrannical oppres- sion of those who at present usurp the powers of the Constitution, is beyond endurance AND WE WILL RESIST IT.''— Boston Centinel Dec. 28th, 1814. " Long enough have we grasped at shadows and illusions, and been compelled to recoil up- on ourselves, and feel the stings of real, sub- stantial, hopeless woe, sharpened by disap- pointment. Long enough have we paid the taxes and fought the battles of the Southern states! Long enough have been scouted, abused and oppressed by men who claim a I'ight to rule and to despise us! Long enough have we been submissive slaves of the sense- less representatives ot the equally senseless natives of Africa, and of the semi-barbarous huntsmen of the western wilderness. Reali- ties alone can work our deliverance, and deliv- erance we deliberately, solemnly, and irrevoca- bly decree to be our right, and WE WILL OBTAIN IT!''— Ibid, Bee. 2Ath, 1814. "The sufferings which have multiplied so thick about us have at length aroused New England. She will now meet every danger, and go through every difficulty, until her rights are restored to the full, and settled too strong- ly to be shaken. She will put aside all half v-ay measures. She will look with an eye of doubt on those who oppose them. She will tell such men, that if they hope to lead in the cause of New England INDEPENDENCE, they must do it in the spirit of New Endand men.''— iJic?, Dec. 1, 1814. "Throwing off all connection wiili this wasteful war — making peace with the ei.emy, and opening once more our commerce, would be a wise and manly course." — Ibid, Dec. 17 1814. ' "My plan is to withhold our money and make ti s'parace peace with England.'" — Bos- ton Daily Advertiser, 1814. "That there will be a revolution if the war continues many months, no man can doubt, who is acquainted with human nature, and is accustomed to study cause and effect. The Eastern States are marching stealthily and straight forward up to the object. In times past there was much talk and loud menacts, but little action among the friends of reform in New England. Now, we shall hear little said, and much done. The new constitution [of the Hartford Convention] is to go into opera- tion as soon as two or three states shall have adopted it." — FMeral Republican, 1814. On the 5th of January, 1815, a treasonable meeting was held by the Federals, at Reading, which passed a long string of incendiary reso- lutions, from which we select the following: ^^ Resolved, That we pla«e the fullest confi- dance in the Governor and Legislature of Mas- sachusetts, and in the State authorities of New England, and that to them, under God, the Chief Governor of the Universe, we look for aid and direction, and that for the present, until the public opinion shall be known, we will not 42 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. enter our earnings, pay our continental taxes, or aiii, inform, or assist any officer in their col- lection." "In this alarming state of things we can no longer be silent. When our unquestionable I rights are invaded, we will not sit down and coolly calculate what it may cost to defend them. We will not barter the liberties of our children for slavish repose, or surrender our birthright, but with our lives. "We remember the resistance of our fathers to oppressions which dwindle into insignifi- cance when compared with those we are called upon to endure. The rights which we have received from God we will never yield to man. We call upon our State Legislature to protect us in the enjoyment of thote privileges, to as- sert which our fathers died, and to defend which, we profess, ourselves, ready to resist unto blood ! We pray your honorable body to adopt measures immediately to secure to us especially cmr undoubted right to trade [with Great Britain] within our own State. "We are ourselves ready to aid you in se- curing it to us, to the utmost of our power, peaceably if we can — FORCEIBLY ifwemust^ and we pledge to you the sacrifice of ourselves and property in support of whatever measures the dignity and liberties of this free, sover- eign and INDEPENDENT STATE,_ viay ^eem to your wisdom to demand!" — Extract from a Memorial of the citizens of JVewbury- port, (Mass.,) Jan. 31, 1814, to the Legis- lature of Massachusetts. "On or before the 4th of July, if James Madison is not out of office, a neiv form of government will be in operation in the Ea.st- ern section of the Union, instantly after, (he contest in viang of the States will be, whether to adhere to the old, or join the new govern- ment.' Like everything else, which was fore- told years ago, and whioh is verified every day, this warning will also be villified as visionary. Be it so. But, Mr. Madison can- not complete his tervi of service if the war continues! It is not possible ! and if he knew human nature, he would see it. — Federal Re- publican, JSov. 7, 1814. " Is there a Federalist, a patriot, in Ameri- ca, who concedes it his duty to shed his blood for Bonaparte, for Madison, for Jefferson, and the host of ruffians in Congress, who have set their faces against us for years, and spirited up the brutal part of the populace to destroy us? Not one! Shall we then, any longer, be held in slavery, and driven to desperate poverty by such a graceless faction? Heaven forbid!" Boston Gazette. "If, at the present moment, no symptoms of eivil jvar appear they certainly will soon un- less the courage of the war party fails them." — Sermon by David Osgood, D. /? , Pastor of the Church at Medford, delivered June 26th, 1812, p. 9. " A civil war becomes as certain as the events that happen, according to the known laws and estubli.sbed course of nature." — Ibid, p. 15. " If we would preserve the liberties of that struggle, (the American Revolution,) so dear- ly purchased, the call for RESISTANCE against the usurpations of our oicn Govern- ment is as urgent as it was formerly against themother country.''' — Rev. Osgood'' s discourse before the Lieut. Governor and Legislature of Massachusetts, May 31, 1809,^.25. "If the impending negociation with Great Britain is defeated by insidious artifice — if the friendly and conciliatory proposals of the ene- my shonld not, from French subserviency, or views of sectional ambition, be met through- out with a spirit of moderation and sincerity, so as to terminate the infamous war, which is scattering iis terrors around us, and arrest the calamities and distress of a disgraced country, it is necessary to apprise you that such conduct will be no longer borne with. The injured States will be compelled by every motive of duty, in- terest, and honor, by one manly exertion of their strength, to dash into atoms the bonds of tyranny ! It will then be t(o late to re- treat! The die will be cast — freedom pu/- chased.'' — Extract from aletter to James Mad- ison, entitled '■'■ Northern Grtevancei.^' and extensively circulated through New York and New England, dated May, 1814, p. 4. "A separation of the States will be an inev- itable result. Motives numerous and urgent will demand that measuie. As they originate in oppression, the oppressors must be responsible for the momentous and contingent events aris- ing from the dissolution of the present Con- federacy, and the erection of separate Govern- ments! It will be their work. While posterity will admire the independent spirit of the East- ern section of our country, and with senti- ments of gratitude enjoy the fruits of their firnuiess and wisdom, the descendants of the South and Wi }>■ 1-5. "Americans, prepare your nrms! You will soon be called to use them. We must use them for the Emperor of France or for ourselves. It is but an individual who now points to this ambiguous alternative; but, Mr. Madison and his cabal may rest assured there is in the hearts of many thousands in this abused and almost ruined country, a sentiment and energy to il- lustrate the distinction when his madness shall call it into action." — Boston Repertory. " Old Massachusetts is as terrible to the American now as she was to the British Cabinet in 1775. For America, too, has her Bute's and her NoRTifs. Let them, the Cf/mm^raaZ states breast themselves to the shock, and know, that to themselves they must look for safety. All party bickerings must be sacri- ficed [That sounds like the cant of Union League: s] on the altar of patriotism. Then, and not till then, shall they humble the pride and ambition of Virginia, whose strength lives in their weakness, and chastise the insolenge of those mad men of Kentucky and Tennessee who aspire to the government of these states, and threaten to involve the country in all the horrors of war " — A'. Y- Commercial Adver- tiser. This sheet has kept regular pace with its party in all its phases. It was a Federal sheet in 1812-U, &c.; Federal Jiepuhl i can in 132i; Whifj in 1833; Republican in 1S54; Union in 1863. Has any one a doubt of the geneology of its principles or name ? Mr. Carey, in his Olive Branch, p. 132, says: "It is a most singular fact, that the cause of England [during the war] has been far more ably supported in our debates and in our polit- ical speculations and essays, than in London itself." CHAPTER VII.. OPPOSITION TO THE MEXICAN WAR — LIKE FATHER, LIKE SON — LIKE FEDERAL, LIKE WHIG. Treasonable opposition to the Mexican War. ..Mr. Lincoln charges the "Government" with being in the "wrong" ...Caleb B. Smith glories in vot'ug to condemn the war ...GIDDINO.S would "not vote a man or a dollar"'. ..The Press of 1848 on the War. ..From tke Warren Chronicle ...Xenia Torch Light. ..Lebanon Star. ..Cincinnati Gazette ...Kennebeck Journal. ..New Hampshire Statesman... Havefhill Gazette. ..Boston Sentinel. ..Boston Atlas... Boston Chronotvpe...New York Tribune. ..North Ameri- can. ..Baltimore Patriot. ..Louisville Journal. ..Nashville Gazette. ..Mt. Carmel Register, '—N. R. Statesman. "To volunteer or vote a dollar to carry on the war, is moral treason against the God of reason ani the rights of mankind." — Iliver- hill^ {Mass.) Gazette. [This is the locolity from which emanated the petition presented by Mr. Adams for a dis- solution of the Union.] "Talk of this war as we may, shout, re- joice, illuminate your cities, it is still a war of injustice, of conquest and of unmitigated cvH^ and it is high time that the virtuous and patri- otic should speak out in condemnation' of it." — Boston u^'cntincl, 1848. "The Mexican war appears to be fast settling down to a mere matter of plunder and murder. * ■" * We think the war disreputable to the age we live in, and the country of which it is our boast to be called her children." — Boston Atlas. "If there is in the United States a breast worthy of American liberty, its impulses to Join the Mexicans, and hurl down upon the base, slavish, 7nercenary invaders, who, born in a Republic, go to play over the accursed game of the Hessians on the tops of those Mexican volcanoes, it tvould be a sad and woful JOY, nevertheless, to hear that the hordes under Scott and Taylor were every maji of them swept into the next world! — What business has an invading army in this?" — Boston Daily Chronotype. "The whole world knows that it is Mexico which has been imposed upon, and that our people are the robbers! So far as our Gov- ernment can affect it, the laws of heaven are suspended, and those of hell established in their stead. To the people of the United States. Your rulers are precipitating you into a fath- omless abyss of crime and calumny!" — N. Y. Tribune. "It is the President's war. Mexico is the Poland ot America. If there were excuse for the war, there is none for the measure which opened it. But what excuse is found for the war itself?" — North American. "What is it, then, that makes or allows Mr. Polk to sanction this war, and all the outrages of which it is the consequence? It is this: Mr. Polk is a weak man. He was selected to be the loco foco candidate for President because he was weak. It was this which recommended him to his party. It was this that elected him. It has been said, correctly, that it is a curse upon any nation to have weak minded rulers. We are under the judgment of that curse." — Baltimore Patriot. "If there is any conduct which constitutes moral treason, it is an attempt to embark or encourage the country in a war against God, as is the case in a war like that in which we are now engaged." — Louisville Journal. "To volunteer, or vote a dollar to carry on the war, is moral treason against the God of Heaven and the rights of mankind." — Nash- ville (Tenn.) Gazette. "We cannot possibly look favorably upon this war. Its first act was a gross outrage upon SCRAPS from' ISI'Y SCRAP-BOOK. 45 Mexico, and can it be supposed by Mr. Polk and his advisers, tliat an error so glaring— a crime so unpardonable, as this Mexican war, can be wliite-waslied?" — Mt. Carmel Register. Mr. CoEWiN, in a bitter speech denouncing the war, said: "Were I a Mexican, I would welcome these invaders with bloody hands to hospitable graves." These quotations might be seemingly in a more appropriate place under some other head, but as showing the motives of those who ever favored a "strong Government" to strike when- ever the iron of discord w'as hot, with a view to ■weld together opposing. elements, to ultimately demonstrate a seeming necessity for their sys- tem of Government, they are here inserted. ■\Ve freely admit that many of the masses who were influenced to adopt those extreme views were not actuated by the motives that evidently governed the authors, but such is human nature, that when the pride of opinion is once fixed, it can be easily controlled by arch, designing men, to further their views. CHAPTER VIII. FURTHER SCHEMES IN THE PROGRESS OF DISSO- LUTION EXPOSED. The efforts to create a public debt to hasten the "Strong Government" ... 5Ir. King's ?2,000,OtK) gift, as a "means". ..Randolph opposed. ..C.^lhoun, as a means to an end, votes against his party... Purpose of tlie "Frag- ments of the Whig party "...Continued efforts to dissolve the Union. ..The Slavery issue used as a lever. ..The warnings of Jefferson. ..The Slavery Agitation "the death knell of the Union". ..Warnings of W.ishington ...The voice of Jackson. ..of Harrison. &c. THE EFFORTS TO CEEATE A PUBLIC DEBT. Many have been the projects to create a Na- tional debt. As long ago as February 7th, 1S17, Mr. King, Federalist, offered in Congress "a proposition to appropriate §2,000,000, to be divided among the states in proportion to their free population, in aid of the funds of charitable and humane institutions, bible and missionary societies, &c." — [See JViles Regis- ter, vol. U,p. 408. On the same day the bill to "set apart and pledge as a fund for Internal Improvements, the bonus and United States share of the divi- dends in the National Bank,'"' was passed by tioo majority in the House of Representatives. While some good men favored this scheme, it was generally supported by the Federals and ecessionists Mr. Randolph opposed and Calhoun favored, contrary to his pretended school of politics. — [See same authority. This was just after an expensive war. Failing to inaugurate that change of. Gov- ernment for which aristocratic aspirations had 60 long struggled by popular commotions stir- red up on the basis of wars, banks, tariffs, distributions, &c., the malcontents naturall-y turned their attention to measures and acts more promising and auspicious. In an old, soiled and torn pamphlet, which survived the wreck of sundry newspaper files we had laid away years ago, occurs this pro- phetic language. [As the title page is entirely gone, we have neither the date or name of the author, but should judge it to have been writ- ten about the time the old Whig party gave way to the "Republican party."] CONTINUED EPfORTS TO DISSOLVE THE UNION. "The fragments of the Whig party having joined their fortunes with the abolition party, we may safely predict they will now yield noth- ing until ihey can bring about a dissolution of the Union. This seems to be their only pur- pose, for they see they can never control the ivhole Government as a unit.'' Mr. Samuel J. Tilden thus forcibly gives us a clue to the provocations of war, through the columns of the New York Evening Post: "How long could an orgamzQA. pauper agita- tion in England against France, or in France against England, continue without actual hos- tilities, especially if embracing a majority of the people, and the Governments' wars have as often been produced by popular passions as by the policy of rulers; but I venture to say, that in the causes of all such wars, during a century past, there has not been so much ma- terial for oifense as could be found every year in the fulminations of a party swaying the governments of many Northern States against the entire social and industrial systems of fif- teen of our sister states; so much to repel the opinions, to alienate the sentiments, and to wound the pride." .Jefferson's opinions and avarnixgs. Jefferson was a long-sighted statesman. He could sec as far into real party aims and purposes as any other man. He was perfectly acquainted with the party and its ultimate de- signs, that opposed the formation of our Gov- ernment, and when in later times the "Mis- souri question" was seized as a disturbing ele- ment, he comprehended at a glance the object of "throwing the tub to the whale," and in a series of letters he reminded the people of his 46 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. forebodings of portending dissolution. On the 12th of March, 1820, he wrote to H. Nelson: "I thank you, dear sir, for the information in your fovor of the 4th inst., of the settlement for the present of the Missouri question. lam so completely withdrawn from all attention to public matters, that nothing less could arouse me than the definition of a geographical line, which on an abstract principle^ is TO become THE LINE of SEPARATION OF THESE STATES, and to render despierate the hope that man can ever enjoy the tico hi ssings of peace and self- government. The question sleeps for the PRESENT, 6m< is not dead!'' On ♦he 5th of April, 1820, he wrote to Mark Langdon Hill: "I coniiratulatG you on the sleep of the Mis- souri question — I wish I could say on its death; but of this /despair.' The idea of a geograph- ical line once suggested, will brood in the minds of all those who prefer the gratification of their ungovernable passions to the peace and Union of the country!" On the 13th of the same month, he wrote to William Short. "The Missouri question aroused and filled me with alarm. The old schism 'of Federal and Republican, threatened nothing, because it existed in every State, and united them to- gether by the fraternism of party. But the coincidence of a marked principle, moral and political, with a geographical line, once con- ceived, I feared would never more be oblit- erated from the mind ; that it would be recur- ring on every occasion, and renewing irrita- tions until it would kindle such 7Hutual and mortal hatred, as to render separation preferable to eternal discord.' I have been among the most sanguine that our Union would be of long dur- ation. / now doubt it much, and see the eveiit at no great distance, and the direct CONSE- QUENCE of ih.\s question ! — not by the line wbich has been so confidently counted on ; the laws of nature control this ; but by the Poto- mac, Ohio, Missouri or more probably the Mis- sissippi upward, to our northern boundary. — My only comfort and confidence is, that I shall not live to see this, and I envy not the present generation the glory of throwing away the fruits of their father's sacrifices of life and fertune, and of rendering de-^parate the experi- ment which was to decide ultimately, whether man is capable of self-government. This treason against human hope will signalize their epoch in future history as the counterpart of the model of their predecessors !" He wrote to John Holmes, of Maine, April 22d, 1820, as follows: "I had for a long time ceased to read news- papers, or to pay any attention to public aftairs, confident they were in good hands, and con- tent to be a passenger in our bark to the shore, from which I am not distant. But this momen-, tous question, like a fire bell in the night, awakened, and filled me ivith terror. I consid- ered it at once aJ/Af DEATH KNELL OF THE UNION! It is hushed, indeed, for the mo- ment, htit this is a repiieve only, not a final sentence. A geographical Line, coinciding with a marked principle moral and political, once con- ceived and held up to the angry jtassionsofmen WILL NEVER BE OBLITERATED, and every new irritation icill make it deeper and deeper! I can say with conscious truth that there is not a man on eavth who would sacrifice more than I would, to relieve us from this heavy reproach in any practicable way. The cession of that kind of property, (for so it is misnamed) is a bagJitelle, which would not cost me a second thought. A general emancipation and expiitriatton could be effected, and gradu- ally, and with due sacrifices, I think it might be. But, as it is, we have the wolf by the ears, and we can neither hold him nor safely let him go! Justice is in one scale and self preserva- tion in the other. * * * * * "I regret that I am now to die in the belief that the useless sacrifice of thousands, by the generation of 1776, to acquire self government and happiness to their country is to be thrown away by the unwise and unworthy passions of their sons, and that my only consolation is to be that I live not to iceep over it! If they would but dispassionately weigh the blessings they will throw away, against an abstract principle, more likely to be Union than by secession, they would pause before they would perpetrate this act of suicide on themselves, and of treason against the hopes of the icorld.^' Up to the hour of Mr. Jefferson's death this subject worked upon his mind, and caused him much uneasiness. It was the theme of his correspondence and of his conversation, for he saw in this agitation of the slavery question the seeds of early and certain dissolution. On the 20th of September, 1820, he wrote to Wm. Pinckney: "The Missouri question is a mere party trick. The leaders of Federalism, [the same leaders now] defeated in the schemes of ob- taining power, by rallying partizans to the principle of monarchism [as we have already charged] — a principle of personal, not if local division, have changed their tack, and thrown out another barrel to the whale. They are taking advantage of the virtuous people, to affect a division of parties, by a geographical line. They expect that this will insure them on local principles, the majority they could never obtain on principles of federalism; but they are still putting their shoulder to the wrong wheel — they are wasting jeremaids on the evils of slavery, as if we were advocates for it." What better proof could be needed to prove the position we have taken, as to the ultimate designs of the party, whose lineage we trace by the blood dripping from their feet? SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 47 On the 29th of December, 1S20, he wrote to Gen. Lafayette: "The boisterous sea of liberty, indeed, is never without a wave, and that from Missouri is now rolling toward us, but we shall ride over it as we have all others. It is not a moral question, but one merely of power. It's object is to raise a geographicil principle for the choice of a President, and the noise will be kept up till that is effected. All know that per- mitting the slaves of the South to spread into the West will not add one being to that unfor- tunate condition — that it will increase the hap- piness of those existing, and by spreading them over a larger surface, will dilute the evil everywhere, and facilitate the means of getting finally rid of it — aa event more anxiously wished by those on whom it presses, than by the noisy pretenders to exclusive humanity. In the mean time, it is a ladder for rivals to climb into power. " On the 2Ist of January, 1821, and but short- ly before his death, he wrote to Joh.v Adams: "Our anxieties in this quarter are all con- centrated in the question: " ' Wliut tliKM the holy alliance, in and out of Congress, mean to do witli us on the Missouri question?' "And this, by the by, is but the name of the case — it is the John Doe, or Richard Roe of the ejectment. The question, as seen in the states afflicted with this unfortu- nate population, is. Are our slaves to be pre- sented with freedom and a dagger? For if Congress has the power to regulate the condi- tions of the inhabitants of the states within the states, it will be but another exercise of that power that a/^ aliall be free. Are we then to see again Athenian and Lacedemonian confed- eracies to wage another Pelooonessian war to settle the ascendancy between them, or is this the tocsin of merely a servile war? That re- mains to be seen; but not, I hope, by you or me. Surely, they will parley awhile, and give us a chance to get out of the way. What a bedlamite is man." On the 15th of February, 1821, he wrote to Gov. BREflKINKIDGE: "All, I fear, do not see the speck in our horizon [That "speck" is a heavy cloud now] which is to burst on us as a tornado, sooner or later. [That cloud has burst.] The line of division lately marked out between different portions of our confederacy is such as will nev- er, I fear, be obliterated, and we are now trusting to those who are against us in position and principle, to fashion to their own form the minds and affections of our youth. If, as has been estimated, we send ^300,000 a year to the Northern seminaries for the instruction of our own sons, then we must have there five hund- red of our sons imbibing opinions and princi- ples in discord with those of their own country. This canker is eating on the vitals of our ex- istence, and if not arrested at once will be beyond remedy. We are now certfiinlv furn- ishing recruits to their school." On the 9th of March, 1821, he wrote to Judge Roane: i 'Last and most portentious of all is the Mis- souri question. It is smeared over for the present, but its geographical deraark;ition is indelible. What is to become of it I see not, and leave to those who will live to see it. The University will give employment to my remain- ing years, and quite enough for my senile fac- ulties." On the 17th of August, 1821, he wrote to Gen. Dearborn: "I rejoice with you that the State of Mis- souri is at length a member of our Union. Whether the question it excited is dead, or only sleepeth, I do not know. I see only that it has given resurrection to the Hartford Con- vention men. They have had the address by playing on the honest feelings of our former friends to seduce them from their kindred spirits, and to borrow their weight into the Federal scale. Desperate of regaining power under political distinctions [that is their form- er political names] they have adroitly wriggled into its seat under the auspices of morality, and are again in the ascendency, from which their sins had hurled them." Thus has Jefferson left on record the po- litical consanguinity of the present party in power, by which we can easily trace their lin- eage to the old Hartford Convention, and the disunion purposes and aims of the old Fede- ralists. They started out in 1819-20, under a change of name, to work their way into power on the crest of slavery agitation, and as Jef- ferson expresses it, have "wriggled" around, under various phases of political cognomens, with varied success, until they have at length been successful on the sectional or geo- graphical issue thnt rang in Jefferson's ears as a "fire bell in the night'' — and as the "death knell of the Union." No matter ?t'Ao the individuals, the present ruling party ob- tained the ascendency on the same principle, that brought the Hartford Conventionists into power in 1820, through the final triumph of which the immortal author of the Declaration of Independence saw in advance, through the lens of prophetip wisdom, the Union expire. General Washington was President of the Convention that framed our Constitution. As he sat presiding over the deliberations of that body, day by day, he could not fail to have be- come acquainted with the peculiar views, aims and purposes of those who opposed the form of 48 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS govei'Dmeat he ami his compatriots were en- deavoring to establish. He knew those men. He knew there was a powerful party at that early day opposed to the government established for he saw the evidence in the Convention, that sooner or later this faction who were opposed to the kind of government adopted, would seek to overthrow the Union, using the sectional slavery question as their Archimedean lever. He knew these things, and he felt he could not retire from office and go down to his grave without leaving the weight of his advice to check the mad passions of those who would be seeking every occasion to overthrow this gov- ernment;in hopes to build up one more to their liking. In his Farewell Address he said: "My countrymen, frown indignantly upon every attempt to alienate any portion of our countiy from the rest. BEWARE OF SEC- TIONAL ORGANIZATIONS!— of arraying the North against the South, or the South against the North. In the end it will prove fatal to our liberties." General .Jackson had the reputation of "seeing through a man at a glance" He knew there were a large class of malcontents who desired the overthrow of the Union, and like Washington and Jkfferson, he readily discovered the lever they would use. He knew the struggle when it came would assume a sec- tional phase, for by such pretext only, could the Union be overthrown. He has left his warning voice for us to ponder over. In his • farewell address he says : "What have you to gain by divisions and dissentions ? Delude not j'ourselves with the hope that the breach once made would be after- wards easily repaired. If the Union is once severed, the separation will grow wider and wider, and the controversies which, are now debated, and settled in the Halls of Legisla- tion, will be tried in the field of battle, and determined by the sword. Neither should you deceive yourselves with the hope that the first line of separation would be the permanent one. * -x- 7;- -;;- * Local interests would still be found there, and unchastened ambition. — If the recollection of common dangers, in ■which the people of the United States have stood side by side against the common foe, the prosperity and happiness they have enjoyed under the present Constitution— if all these re- collections and proofs of comnion interests. are not strong enough to bind us together, as one people, what tie will hold united the warring divisions of empire, when those bonds have been broken, and the Union dissolved. The first line of separation would not last long — new fragments would be torn off — new leaders would spring up, and this glorious Republic would soon be broken into a multitude of petty States, armed for mutual aggressions — loaded with taxes to pay armies and leaders, seeking aid against each other from foreign powers — insulted and trampled upon by the nations of Europe, until harrassod with conflicts, and humbled and debased in spirit, they would be willing to submit to a domination of any mili- tary adventurer, and surrender their liberty for the sake of repose." Gen. Hakeison also early saw the disunion purposes of the Hartford Convention- Slavery- Agitators, and he warns us of the danger in a letter to Mr. Monroe, in 1820: "I am, and have been, for many years, so much opposed to slavery, that I will never live in a slave state. But I believe the Constitu- tion has given no power to the General Gov- ernment to interfere in this matter, and that to have slaves or no slaves, depends upon the people in each state alone. But besides the constitutional objection, I am persuaded that the obvious tendency of each interference on the part of the States which have no slaves with the property of their fellow-citizens of the others, is to produce a state of discord and jealousy, that will, in the end, prove fatal to the Union. I believe that in no other state are such wild and dangerous sentiments enter- tained on this subject, as in Ohio." Henry Clay, the cotemporary of Harrison and Jackson, and the political opponent of the latter, knew the haters of the Union would, on the first favorable opportunity seize upon the slavery question to further their schemes, and in a speech in Congress in 1839, he said: "Abolitionism should no longer be regarded as an imaginary danger. The Abolitionists, let me suppose, succeeded in their present aim of uniting the inhabitants of the free States as one man against the inhabitants of the slave States. Union upon one side will beget union on the other, and this process of reciprocal consolidation will be attended with all the vio- lent prejudices, embittered passions and impla- cable animosities, which ever degraded or de- formed human nature. * * * One section will stand in menacing and hostile array against the other. The collissions of opinion will be quickly followed by the clash of arms. I will not attempt to describe scenes which now happily lie concealed from our view. Ab- olitionists themselves would shrink back in dismay and horror at the contemplation of des- olated fields, conflagrated cities, murdered in- habitants, and the overthrow of the fairest fabric of human government that ever rose to animate the hopes of civilized man " SCRAPS FEOM xMY SCRAP-BOOK. 49 CHAPTER IX. EFFORTS AT COMPROMISE— WHO RESPONSIBLE, The Statement of DouRlas...IIi3 last Letter. ..Senator Ptigh's Statement. ..Endoi-sed by Douglas. ..Chicago Tri- bune wouldn't Yield an Inch. ..The Peace Congress... Efforts of Republicans to Hush it Up. ..Senator Chand- ler's " Blood-letting" Epistle, &c. And when the crash predicted by Jeffer- son, Jackson, Harrison and Clay had come — when the "tornado'' of the "geograph- ical question" which so much annoyed Jef- ferson, had burst over the heads of the peo- ple, to show that those who had caused it were bent on consummating their plans at the ex- pense of the Union, we quote the last letter written by Senator Douglas: " Washin'gton, Dec. 20, 18C0. "My Le.vr Sir: * * * You will have received my proposed amendments to the con- stitution before you receive this. The South would talie my proposition if the Republicans would agree to it. But the extremes, North and South, hold off, and are precipitating the country into revolution and civil war. "While I can do no act which recognizes or countenances the doctrine of secession, my policy is peace, and I will not consider the question of war until every effort has been made for peace, and all hope shall have van- ished. When that time comes, if unfortunately it shall come, I will then do what it becomes an American Senator to do on the then state of facts. Many of the Republican leaders de- sire a dissolution of the Union, and urge war as a means of accomplishing disunion; while others are Union men in good faith. We have now reached a point where a compromise on the basis of mutual concession, disunion and war, are inevitable. I prefer a fair and just compromise. I shall make a speech in a few days. "Yours, truly, S. A. DOUGLAS." Thus, by this testimony it will be seen that the "extreme" men of both l^orth and South held back, and refused terras of accommoda- tion, not — as we may reasonably suppose, from a long line of antecedents — that the northern extremists hated slavery more than they loved the Union, or the Southern "extremists" loved slavery more than they hated the Union — but in reality, because both factions saw in the then existing facts, the occasion for getting rid of the old Union. The Northern "extremists" declared they would "not yield an inch" and the Southern "extremists" would "not yield an inch" well knowing that the least mutual yielding would produce just what neither "ex- treme" wanted — a continued Union. During the pendency of the d'jliberations ox the Peace Congress, the Chicago Tribune thus defined its "position" ngainst any compro- mise. It was one of the "won't-yield-an- inchers:" '•Others may do as they please, but this journal stands where it has always stoOd. It concedes nothing that would weaken the North in her geat ti^umph over that infernal despotic institution which has debauched the National conscience, and now strives to emasculate the National courage. We surrender no inch of ground that has been won. Standing solidly on the Constitution and the laws; intending evil to none, but exact justice, under the Na- tional compact to all; animated by a perva- ding conviction of the sacredness of the cause in which we are engaged, we shall be content to do that which duty to God our country and ourselves demands, and trust the consequen- ces to that Power which shapes all things for the best; and this is the position in which the genuine Republicans of Illinois should stand, and these are the words which they should use. But whether they falter or keep on, our course is marked out." Senator PuGii, of Ohio, has put on record the following testimony as to what could have been done under a proper desire to save the Union : "The Crittenden proposition has been in- dorsed by the almost unanimous vote of the Legislature of Kentucky. It has been indors- ed by the Lagislature of the noble old com- monwealth of Virginia. It has been petitioned for by a larger number of electors of the United States than any proposition that was ever be- fore Congress. I believe in my heart to-daj', that it would carry an overwhelming majority of the people of my state ; aye, sir, and of nearly every state in the Union. Before the Senators from the state of Mississippi left this Chamber I heard one of them, who assumes at least to be President of the Southern Con- federacy, propose to accept it and maintain the Union if that proposition, couH receive the vote it ought to receive from the other side of the Chamber. Therefore, all of your propo- sitions, of all your amendments, knowing as I do, and knowing that the historian will write it it down, at any time before the first of Jan- uary, a two-thirds vote for the Crittenden res- olutions in this Chamber would have saved ev- ery state in the Union but South Carolina. — Georgia would be here by her representatives, and Louisiana, those two great states which at least would have broken the whole column of secession." — p. 1480,6-7(/ifl. To show that yielding would have saved us, we quote the lamented Douglas at an earlier period, while in his official robes: "The Senator (Mr. Pugh) has said that if the Crittenden proposition could have passed early in the session, it would have saVed all the states except South Carolina. I firmly 50 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. believe it would. While the Crittenden prop- osition was not in accordance with my cher- ished views, I avowed my readiness and eager- ness to accept it, in order to save the Union, if we could unite upon it. I can confirm the Senator's declaration, that Senator Davis him- self, when on that committee of thirteen, was ready, at all times, to compromise on the Crit- tenden proposition. I will go further, and say that Mr. Toombs was also.—/'. 13S1 Globe. Judge Douglas said in a speech in the Senate, January 3, 1861: "I address the inquiry to the Republicans alone, for the reason, that in the committee of thirteen, a few days ago, every member of the South; including those from the cotton stafcs, (Messrs. Toomijs and Davis.) expressed their readiness to accept the pi'oposition of my ven- erable friend from Kentucky, (Mr. Ckitten- DEN,) as a final settlement of the controversy, if tendered and sustained by Republican mem- bers. Hence, the sole responsibility of our disagreement. The only difficulty in the way of amicable adjustment is with the Republican party. At one time it was lil^ely the Peace Congress ■would aflfect some amicable arrangement to compromise and save the Union. Prior to this several Northern States had refused to send delegates to that Congress, but as some of the Administration States had, and their action was likely to compromise the Administration in a compromise for peace, the politicians who noio declare they don't believe in the Constitution, took immediate steps to break up, or defeat the purposes of that Peace Congress. Carl Schurz, then being East, telegraphed to Gov. Randall, of Wisconsin, to favor the move and to appoint him as one of the dele- gates (Schurz boasted of his opposition to Peace compromises) as it -'will strengthen our side.^^ For the same reason Senator Chandler wrote to Gov. Elair, of Michigan, as follows: '■Washington, Feb. 11, ISOl. "Mt Dear Governor: — Gov. Binham and myself telegraphed you on Saturday, at the re- quest of Massachusetts and New York, to send delegates to the Peace or Compromise Congress. They admit that we are right and they are wrong — that no Republican State should have sent delegates; but they are here and can't get away. Ohio, Indiana and Rhode Island are coming in, and there is danger of Illinois, and they beg us for God's sake to come to their rescue, and save the Republican party from a rupture! I hope you will send stiff-backed men or none! The whole thing was got up against my judgment and advice, and will end in thick smoke. Still, I hope as a matter of courtesy to some of our erring brethren that you will send the delegates. " Truly your friend, Z. CHANDLER. " His Excellency, Gov. Blair. "P. S. — Some of the Manufacturing States think that a fight would be awful. Without a little blood-letting, this Union, in my estima- tion, will not be worth a rush." These politicians cared nothing for saving the Union, but to "sai'c the Republican party'' was their great desire. CHAPTER X. THE MOTIVE FOR PRECIPITATIN(i A CONFLICT. Who Resiionsible fur bringing on a CI ish i.f Arras. ..The Admiuistiation resort to a " Trick" t.j Force the Rebels to Commence the Attack. ..Letterfi-oi:i tiie Hon. Harlow ?. Orton...Hi3 charges of a " Trick" provt-d by Extracts from. ..The New York Times. ..Charleston Mercury. ..New York Ti ibune, (ic,...The United States Armada take no part to Relieve Major Andersoa... New York Post details the Trick. ..Radicals Prophesying an Ea^y and Early Victory. ..Seward's Promise to deliver up Sumter. It is not of so much moment now to ascer- tain the cause of the war as it is the motive. — The former cannot now be remedied, so as to effect present results, while by duly exposing the latter we may avoid its repetition for some lime to come, as the expose of FeJeral designs pi evented a disruption of the Union in 1814-16. LETTEE FROM JUDGE OF.TON. We cannot better illustrate the animus of the party in power to provoke actual hostili- ties., with a view of throwing the onus of war's inception on the rebels, than by copying entire the letter and "accompanying documents" by the Hon. Harlow S. Orton, Judge of the 9th Wisconsin Circuit, to the Vrijconsin Pat- riot.^ as follows: "To TIIE EDITORS OF THfi PATEIOT: "The Journal, in its generally correct re- port of what I said in the recent Democratic Convention, says: "He charged that this war w.as brougM upon,the coun- try by the present administration in iiccor.iance with an infamous plot — a disgraceful politici! trick! That the sendiug of a vessel to Fort Sumter with the avowed ob- ject of sending provisions to the men in the Fort, was only a pretense, gotten up to provoke South Carolina to make an .attack ! to form an excuse for the administration to de. claro war! The party iu power would not hear to any terms of compromise," &c. "The general sense of what I said on that point, is perhaps sufficiently conveyed by the above report, yet much of the language used I respectfully disown. I said, in effect, that the inception of the war, (by which I meant the firing on Fort Sumter.) was the result of a trick of the administration. That the fleet SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 51 with provisions and men was sent to lie off Charleston harbor, ostensibly for the purpose of reinforcing the Fort, but in fact with no such real design, but to provoke and induce the enemy to make their threatened attack in order to arouse and unite the North for the war. That the attempt to so reinforce the Fort at that time was in violation of a pledge given to the Southern Commissoners, that such an attempt would not then be made, "I pledged myself able to prove this charge, if it was denied. It has been denied, and I have been made the subject of much personal abuse for having made it. Two years is not a very long time to remember the important facts which make up the history of the present war, and it is remarkable, that a fact so well known and discussed at the time, and especially in Washington, and never then contradicted by by anybody, should now be denounced as worse than a falsehood. "Now for some of the proof. "The New York Times of March 11th, 1861, said : "The question of reinforcing Fort Sumter has been un- der consideration in the Cabinet, and it is understood that the question, whether or no, it is not desirable to with- draw all the troops except two or three men, rather than incur the bloodshed which will probably occur, before troops and supplies a:-e put into it, is now to be decided. The question has been under discussion in high military circles for some days. Gen. Scott advises that reinforce- ments cannot now be put in without an enormous sacrifice of life. He is understood to say, that we have neither militarj' or naval force at hand sufficient to supply the Fort against the threatened opposition, which it would require twenty thousand men to overcome. Besides, if it should initiate civil ivar, in addition to uniting the South, and overiuhelminr/ the Union sentiment there, in the waves of passion, it would require two hundred and fifty thous- and Government soldiers to carry on the struggle, and a hundred millions of money to begin with." "It is a fact of the current history of the time, that this discussion and under the advice of Gen. Scott, resulted in the unanimous de- cision of the Cabinet, that the fort should be evacuated, and the President's oi-der for that purpose was anxiously awaited and expected by the public for several days, and the people had generally acquiesced in the wisdom and con- ciliation of the measure. It was at this junc- ture that Mr. Seward, or some other person having authority, pledged the Southern Com- missioners that the fort would not be rein- forced, and this was communicated to the Southern rebel authorities. In consequence of this understanding, the Charleston Mercury proclaimed — "Sumter is to be ours without a fight! All will rejoice that the blood of our people is not to be shed in our har- bor either in small or great degree." "The fact that this pledge was given by Mr. Seward or some other member of the Cabinet, is charged in the last communication of the Southern Commissioners to the Secretary of State, and has never been denied oificially or otherwise. "So matters remained until the 5th of April. The New York Tribune of that date says: " Many rumors are in circulation to-day. They appear to have originated from movements on the part of the United States troops, the reasons for which have not been communicated to the reporters at Washinu;t.in as freely as the late Adrni'iistration was in the habit of imparting Cabinet necrets. There can be no doUbt that serious movemouts are on foot." "These mysterious movements were the dis- patching of eight vessels of war; with twenty- six guns and thirteen hundred and eighty men, between the 6th and 8th of April, with sealed orders for the south. On the 8th, information was communicated by the Government to the authorities at Charleston that they desired to send supplies to Fort Sumter by an unarmed vessel. They were informed that the vessel would be fired upon and not permitted to enter the port. On the same day official notification was given by the governmeat that supplies would be sent to Major Anderson, peaceably if possible, otherwise by/orce. On the 9th the Southern Commissioners were dismissed from Washington, by the Secretary of State declin- ing to receive them officially, but expressing great deference for them personally. On the 10th United States vessels were reported off Charleston, apparently standing in for the, harbor. "On the 11th, preparations were made by the military of Charleston for an attack on the Fort, in anticipation of a forcible attempt on the part of the Federal fleet to supply it. On the 12th, after a demand for its surrender, the Fort is fired into, and the war is com- menced! During this infamous and cowardly attack upon the small and starved garrison of Sumter, the United States fleet is in sight, making no attempt to enter the harbor, or co- operate with the Fort, lying idly by, and wit- nessing the desperate and heroic yet useless struggle of the gallent Axdersox and his men, to defend his Fort and his flag against an over- whelming force of rebels, unaided and alone. The deed is done, and the bloody struggle of a relentless civil war has commenced! The Fort has fallen into the hands of the rebel states, and its guns turned against the Gov- ernment; and behold the effect. All party lines are obliterated, and the people of the Northern States, with one mind, and with the most patriotic impulses, rush to arms, to avenge the insult by fierce and bloody war. As Geu. Scott predicted would be the consequence of an attempt to reinforce the Fort, 'Civil war is initiated, the South is united, and the Union sentiment there is overwhelmed in the waves of passion.' "The Border States, hitherto reluctant, now make haste to rush into the whirlpool of se- cession, and join the Southern Confederacy. All pending eltbrts and measures for compro- mise are scouted and contemned; and a peace- ful solution of the sectional controversy is now rendered impossible. Since that time, I have never once ques- tioned the right and the imperative duty of the Administration to use all possible and adequate means to conquer and subdue a rebellion so causeless and wicked — only insisting that all the efforts of the Government to that end should be to restore the Union and maintain the obligations of the Constitution over all the 52 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. states, and that -when this is accomplished, the war ought to cease, and this, I understand, was the unquestioned and universally conceded policy of the Administration when the war commenced, and by the unanimous action of Congress in the adoption of the Crittenden resolutions. But while using the highest degree of military force to coerce submission to the Government. and obedience to the Constitution, I have thought it not inconsistent with our high national character and the true dignity of the Government, to propose and constantly tender to the rebel states such just and proper terms of compromise of the sectional controversies out of which this terrible war has arisen, as might result in the speedy restoration of the Union, conscientiously believing that war alone, without mutual conciliation could never' restore it. With these views, I still insist that the inception of the war was the result of a trick of the Administration, and with the evi- dent design on the part of those whose policy has since been adopted in the conduct of the war, to sieze upon this terrible national ca- lamity as their long waited opportunity to abolish slavery, regardless of the fate of the Government. "I have already briefly stated the facts con- nected with the event — facts of history which none will deny, and it only remains to prove what were the real motives and designs, or what was the strategy or plan of the adminis- tration in sending a fleet to Charleston under the pretence or feint of reinforcing Fort Sum- ter. To prove that it was a mere feint or pre- tence, and that the designs were such as I have stated, I shall, for the present, adduce only the cotemporaneous statements of the tken most prominent and credible witnesses , then and now in the secrets, confidence and interest of the administration, and leave the contro- versy upon these points between them and my accusers. The New York Times^ of the loth of April, said: "TUo curtain has fallen upon thefiist act of tbo groat tragedy of the apce. Fort Suniter h.aa lieen surrendered, and the Stars and .Stripes of tlie American Republic give place to the felon flag of the Southern Confederates. . "The defence of the fort did 'lienor to the gallant com- mander by whom it was held, ai)d vindicnted the govern- ment under which ho served. Jiidginr/ frnm theresiilt, it doesnotscem to have been the purpose of the government to doanythinijmore. The armed ships which accompanied the supplies took no part in the contest. Whatever may have been the re.ason for it, their silence was probably fortunate." "The New Yoi"k Tribune of the same date, said: "The announcement tluit Fort Sumter was on fire, sounded like a knell as well as an impossibility. It causeii forebodings. ' Wh^re is the fleet f was on ail lips. That there had been some unlucky miscarriage as Vie public mind had conceived its oi/ec^i, was quite plain. Finally came the report that the Stars and Stripes would soon come down, and later, that they had actually given place to the flag of rebellion, in spite of doubts, and the strong inclination to disbelief, particularly of the statement that, notwithstanding the bombardment had continued nearly thirty -six hours, 'nobody was hurt' on either side, the feeling reached its climax. No comx>romise now with re- bellion, is the universal sentiment. Jf there were differ- ences before, there cannot be said to be any now." "The following article, of the same date, from the New York J'ost, I commend to those who'care to know the full magnitude and par- ticulars of the strategy, plan, or trick, which resulted in the first blow of the war. I quote largely from this article, for it is all pertinent to the issue. The Post said : "It is evident that Gen. Bcc^T has once more beaten the enemies of his country, by the more forcei of his admiralde strategetical genius. To do so, he has, as was necessary su_^rred not only traitors, hut lo;ial men to rest wider a misapprehension. lie who reads and compares carefully the dispatches from Charleston, Montgomery, and AVash- iui^ton in this mornii}g journals cannot avoid the gratify- ing conclusion, tliat that which looks at first blush like a disaster to the Government, is in realiti/, but the successful carrying out of an admirnlAe military plan. Before this, the traitors see themsdres caught in the iron toils. In fiict it seems to have sickened the Chief Traitor, Davis, already. For Montgomery dispatches relate, that when the news from CUarleston came, and the mob serenaded D.wis and Walkek, "the former was not well and did not appear." "The facts which tend to the conclusion we have pointed out may be summed up as follows : "Gen. Scott has been averse to the attempt to reinforce Fort Sumter. He saw that it would cost men and vessels which the Government could not spare just now. As an able General, he saw that Charleston and Sumter were points of no military importance, and would only need valuable men to hold if we took them — with no adequate advantage gained. lie saw that the two keys of the po- sition were Fort Pickens, in the Gulf, and Washington, the Capital. Ills plans, based on these facts, were at once laid. By every means in his power he concentrated the attention of traitors and loyal men on Sumter. He must have seen with infinite stisfaction the daily increasing force gathered at Charleston, vrbilo the Government lost no time in strengthening the capital. Eveiy hour the traitors spent before Sumter gave them more surely into the hands of their master To make assurance doubly sure, he pretended to leave Fort Pickens in the lurch. It was said to be in danger, when Scott knew that a formi- dable force was investing it. At last Washington waa reasonably safe. Forces now gathered. Once more our brave old General saw himself with means in his hands. "Then came the armament popularly believed to be des- tined for Sumter. "The Government said not a word — only asked of the traitors the opportunity to send its own garrison a needed supply of food. They refused, fearing the arrival of the Federal fleet — drunk and besotted with treason, and impa- tient to shed the blood of loyal soldiers, they made the at- tack. Scarce h.ad they begun, when they saw with evi- dent terror, ships hovering about the harbor's mouth; they plied their cannon in desperate haste; but no shij' came in to Anderso:<'s help. What was the viatter? " Made bold by the furious thirst for blood, they dared the ships to come iq, but no ship offered its assistance to Anderson. More, the guns of Sumter were only directed to the works of the traitors, and Major Anderson evident- ly tried to fire in such a manner as not to kill men. He did not even try a few bombs on the city, though it is certain, from a letter from one of his own officers, that his guns would reach beyond the centre of Charleston. What was the matter? Beauregard must have thought the Government officers both fools and cowards. When hij own b.iats were sailing unharmed about the harbor be- tween Sumter and Moultrie, bearing his orders, was it possible that the forces outside could stand apathetic while a brave garrison was being done to death? When the battle was to the death, would a shrewd officer neg- lect to divert his enemies' attention by firing his city? — If it seems mysterious to us, waiting on Saturday wit/i breathless suspense, it must have seemed incomprelicnsiblc to any cool head in the traitor camp. "Still no ships came in — and, in fact, the reports state that only three or four small vessels remained in the offing. "After forty hours,' cannonade, in which not one man is killed, Major Anderson, an officer of undoubted courage and honor, runs up a white flag, surrendered the fort, and becomes the guest of Gen. Beauregard. Le: no man hasti- ly cry traitor! He only obeyed orders . He made an hon- orable defence. He took care to shed no blood. "He gave orders not to sight men, but to silence batteries." SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 53 "Mean, time, while the rebels are ignorantly glorifying the victory of five thousaml meu over eighty, whatrews comes from Montgomery? The telegraph in the hamls of the rebels save, Fort Pickens was reinfovcert last night.'— 'It is understood that Charleston harbor is blockaded.' Xo ■wonder the rebel chief was sick and went to bed. "The position' of affairs is this— Charleston is blockaded — Fort Pickens is reiuforcod by troops, ivhich the Irailurs foolishly beliepcd to^n- dcttimd for Sumler. ] Washing- ton is secure beyond peradventure. I'he traiiijrs have, vjithout the sli.'jhte.'^t cause, opened the iciir they have so long threatened. The country is roused to defend its as- sailed liberties, and gathers enthusiastically about the Government, and treason has been checkniated at the tirst blow ithas struck. Let them keep Sumter a few weeks.'' "The above article is copied into the "Re- bellion Record," as a part of the reliable his- tory of the ■war. "It ■will be seen that this article more than bears put the statement I made, and I trust those ■who have charged my statement ■with being false, will be fair and candid enough to read and republish the above article, that both parties may see some of the evidence upon ■which it 'was based. I regret the necessity of taking so much of your valuable space to pre- sent the evidence of a fact that I did not sup- pose ■would be questioned by any one. The fact itself is only important in throwing light upon the designs of the party in power, which at first were disguised, but now openly avowed, viz: the ultimate destruction of the Union, hos- tility to all compromises, the violation of the constitution, a war of conquest, and the abo- lition of slavery, regardless of consequences. "11. S. OKTON." Meanwhile, the radical press were belittling the magnitude of the Southern discontent, and under the Syren song of a "nine days bubble," assured the people that this treason could be '"crushed out in thirty days." The New York Tribune said : "The nations of Europe may rest assured that Jeff. Daa'is & Co. will be swinging from the battlements at Washington at least by the 4th of July. We spit upon a later and longer de- ferred justice." The New York Times said : "Let us make quick work. The 'rebellion,' as some people designate it, is an unborn tad- pole. Let us not fall into the delusion, noted by Hallam, of instituting a 'local commotion,' for a revolution. A strong active 'pull to- gether,' will close our work in thirty days." The Philadelphia Press said, that : "No man of sense could, for a moment, doubtthat this 'much-ado-about-nothing' would end in a revolt." The Chicago Tribune was for undertaking ' the job itself. It said : "Let the East get out of the way. This is a war of the West. We can fight the battle, ' and successfully, within two or three months, at farthest. Illinois can whip the South her- self. We insist on the matter being turned over to us." The Cincinnati Commercial said: "The West ought to be made the vanguard of the war. * * v.- The rebellion will be crushed out before the assemblage of Con- gress — no doubt of it." It is charged by Pollard, in his work on the Southern rebellion, and not denied, that Mr. Seward promised Judge Cajipeell, of the Supreme Court, that Fort Sumter should be evacuated to prevent war, but that faith was never kept in that regard. [See p. 47. ■CHAPTER XI. PROGRESS AND EVIDENCE OF THE NORTHERN CONSPIRACY. The Radicals conspire to overthro^w the Government long before the Rebellion of 1861...DyU(iLAs' testimony on this point. .. Jonx Bro'K.v Raid originated in Kansas.. Col. Jamison's testimony. ..Col. F. P. Blair on the cause of the war... Abolitionists and Secessionists united. ..Mr. Seward's testimony. ..l^arson Brownlow on the designs of the Abolitionists. ..Thurlow 'Weed ou the ''Chief A;:- chitects" of the Rebellion... Aboliiionists of New York Invite Southern Secessionists to join them. ..Massachu- setts, for Disfolution in 1851. ..Also in 1856. ..Ben. Wade Declares there was no Union. ..Garrison's "Covenant with Hell''. ..Republicans of Green County, Wis., Pledged to "Revolutiojiize the Government''. ..Anson I'urlingamc fur a New Deal all Round. ..David Wilmot on Dissolution ...Wendell Phillips again... Lowell Republicans for Dis- solution. ..Massachusetts Petitions for Dissolution... James Watson Webb for using "Fire and Sword"'. ..Bos- ton Free Soilers, 1854. ..Charles Sumner bound to Diso- bey law. ..The True American pronounees a Negro "Worth all the Unions on God's Earth'' — Another Mas- sachusetts Petition for Dissolution. ..Dissolution Resolu- tion by Anti-Slavery Society. ..Another from same source. ..Disunion again in Massachusetts. ..From Ked- mund's Speech. ..Wendell Phillips labors nineteen years to Break up the Union. .. Parker Pillsbury labored twen- ty years to destroy the Union. ..Stephen Foster dissua- ding young men from enlisting in this Unholy War, &c. Stephen A. Dotglas understood the secret designs of the leading Republicans, as well as any other living man, and he thus gave utter- ence to his honest convictions, in the U. S. Senate, Dec. 25, 1860: "The fact can no longer be disguised that many of the Republican Senators desire war and disunion,under pretext of saving the Union. They wish to get rid of the Southern states, in order to have a majoritj^ in the Senate to con- firm the appointments, and many of themtLiuk they can hold a permanent Republican major- ity in the Northern States, but not in the whole Union ; for partisan reasons they are anxious to dissolve the Union, if it can be done without holding them responsible before the people." "dates back of su.mter." Gen. Jamison, one of the Abolition mar- plots of Kansas, made a speech to his soldiers 54 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. Oil the 22d of January, 1862, which appeared in the Leavenworth Conservative, in Avhich he shows that the firing on Sumter was not the beginning of ihe war: "For six longycars we have fought ii3 guer- rillas, what we are now fighting as a regiment. This war is a war which elates away back of Fort Sumter! On the cold hill side, in awamps and ferns, behind rocks and trees, ever since '54, we have made the long campaign. Away ofiF there we have led the IDEAS of this age, always battling at home, and sometimes send- ing forth from among us a stern old missionary like John Brown, to show Virginia that the world does move." COL. BLAIR ON THE "CAUSE OF THE WAR." Col. Frank P. Blair made a speech in Congress, on the 11th of April, 1862, and de nied that slavery is the "cause" of the war. He says: "Every man acquainted with the facts knows that it is fallacious to call this 'a slaveholder's rebellion.' If such was the fact, two divis- ions of our army would have supported it with- out difficulty; the negroes themselves could hare easily put down 25(?,000 slaveholders; but it is a matter of history that the slaveholders, as a body, were the last and most reluctant to join the rebellion." He thus states his theory of the rebellion: "It was the negro question, and not the slavery question, which made the rebellion — questions entirely different, and requiring en- tirely different treatment, and it is as neces- sary to understand the distinction, to enable us to deal with it successfully, as it is that the physician should know the disease which he is called on to treat and cure. If the rebellion was made by 250,000 slaveholders, for the sake of perpetuating slavery, then it might be a complete remedy to extirpate the institution; but if the rebellion has grown out of the abhor- ence of the ytcw-slaveholders for emancipation and amalgamation, and their dread of negro equality, how will their discontent be cured by the very measure, the mere apprehension of which has driven them into rebellion?" ]mr. Seward's testimony. We have high cotemporaneous authority for the belief that there has existed a class ih both sections of our Union, anxious to destroy it, who have ever been experts in using the most con- venient jjrf^czi's to favor their ends. Mr. Sew- ard, in his dispatch "No. 287, confidential," to Minister Adams, thus ofi"ers his high testi- mony:* " Depari'ment of State, I WashiDgtoQ, July 5, 1861. J "Sir:— Your dispatch of June 28, (No. 176,) has been received and read by Earl Russell. The subject it presents is one of momentous import. It seems as if the extreme advocates of African slavery, and its most vehement op- ponents, were acting in concert, TOGETHER, to precipitate a servile war — the former by making the most desperate attempt to over- throw the Federal Union, the latter by demand- ing an edict of universal emancipation, as a Lawful, if not, as they say, the only legitimate way of saving the Union! "I reserve remarks on the military situation for a day nearer to the departure of the mails. "1 am Sir, your ob't serv't, " WILLIAM ir. SEWARD. " Charles Francis Adams, Esq.," &c. This expose of the designs of the "extreme" radicals was the cause of the Senatorial raid which demanded the removal of Mr. Seward from the Cabinet. But Mr. Seward had ex- posed nothing more than Washington, Mad- ison, Jefferson, Jackson, Douslas, and other great and good men had predicted. parson brownlow on the abolitionists. Parson Brownlow, in his debate with Par- son Pryne, in Philadelphia, in 1858, said: "A dissolution of the Union is what a large portion of the Northern Abolitionists arc aim- ing at." — See Braicidow and Pnjne's debates. TIIURLOW weed's EVIDENCE. Thurlow Weed, for penning the following truth, was, as he avers, driven from the edi- torial chair of the Albany Journal : "The chief architects of the rebellion, before it broke out, avowed that they were aided in their infernal designs by the ultra Abolitionists of the North. This was too true, for without said aid the South could never have been uni- ted against the Union. But for the incendiary recommendations, which rendered the other- wise useful Helper Book, a fire brand, North Carolina could not have been forced out of the Union. And even now, the ultra Abolition Press, and speech makers are aggravating the horrors they helped to create, and thus by playing into the hands of the leaders of the rebellion, are keeping down the Union men of the South, and rendering reunion difficult, if not impossible !" abolitionists unite with the seces- sionists. We are not left to the charge of Mr. Weed alone. We have the positive testimony of the Abolitionists themsehes that they were in league with the Southern secessionists. In 1859, the Abolitionists of New York met in convention and passed the following resolu- tions: '■'■Whereas, The dissolution of the present inglorious Union between the free and slave SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 55 States, would result in the overthrow of slave- ry, and the consequent formation of another Government, without the incubus of slavery, therefore '■^Resolved, That we invite a free corres- pondence with the disunionists of the South, in order to agree upon the most suitable meas- ures to bring about so desirable a result." Now, a simple reflection will thoroughly strip this pretended pretext of hatred of slavery, as the foundation of a desire to dissolve the Union, of its treasonable gause. If hatred of elavery induced the New York Abolitionists to believe a dissolution of the Union would "result in the overthrow of slavery," they could not be such fools as to believe they could make willing allies of those who insisted on slavery as the "corner stone of their edifice." Indeed, these Abolitionists had furnished the very best reason to the slaveholders for a con- tinuance of the Union, as the only means to save their "system." But hatred of slavery was not the moving cause of these Abolition- ists. They were secessionists, ^'er sf, and only used the slavery ghost to frighten unsuspect- ing and otherwise well disposed persons into their schemes. The "secessionists of the South" knew this, and hence they could agree to act together, not that they cared a straw about the slavery question, but only using that as the most convenient pretest for breaking up the Union. And so it was in 1814, when the secessionists of the Hartford Convention made opposition to slavery one of the corner stones of their disunion edifice. A large number of slaveholders went with them, well knowing that disunion, as the motive^ was in the background, and slavery, as the shiboleth or pretext, in the foreground. THE LATE GRE.iT NORTHERN CONSTIRACT. Having shown the wicked motive and the guilty occasion for war and seeession, which not only "dates back of Sumter," but dates back of our constitution, and have been de- veloping themselves for more than sixty years, we will now exhibit to the world the viodus o]?era7idi by which the motive was to be grati- fied, and the occasion fully developed. It will hardly be practicable in all cases to place the sayings, doing and resolves of the conspirators in chronological order, nor shall we endeavor to set down aught in malice or aught extenu- ate. The object of the authors of the follow- ing extract was no doubt to stir up and hasten that "Irrepressible Conflict," which Mr. Sew- ard predicted in his Rochester speech, and which is now upon us. MAS3ACUU3ETT.S FOK DISSOLUXrON IN 1S.51. In their State convention of 1851, the radi- cals of Massachusetts, on whom the mantle of the Hartford Convention had fallen, and ani- mated by the same purposes '•'■Rosolved. That the constitution which pro- vides for a slave representation and a slave oli- garchy in Congress, which legalizes slave catch- ing on every inch of American soil, which pledges the military and naval power of the country to keep four millions of chattle slaves in their chains, is to be trodden under foot, and pronounced accursed, however unexceiHionable or valuable, it may be in its other provisions." "That tlie one great issue before the country is the dissolution of the Union, in comparison with which allotherissues with the slave power are as dust in the balance; therefore, we have given ourselves to the work of 'annulling this covenent with death,' as eseutial to our own innocency, and the speedy and everlasting overthrow of the slave power." MASSA'cnUSETTS YOU DISSOLUTION IX lSc/6. In 185C the same party passer the following in convention: ^'■Resolved, 1st, That the necessity of dis- union is written in the whole existing character and condition of the two sections of the coun- try in their social organization, education, habits and laws; in the dangers of our white citizens in Kansas, and our colored men in Boston; in the wounds of Charles Sumner, and the laurels of his assailants, and no Gov- ernment on earth was ever strong enough to hold together such opposing forces." -'■Resolved, 2d, That this movement does not merely seek disunion, but the more perfect union of free States by the expulsion of the slave States from the Confederation,- in which they have ever been an element of discord, danger, and disgrace. '•'•Resolved, 3d, That it is not probable that the ultimate severance of the Union will bean act of deliberation or discussion; but that a long period of deliberation and discussion must precede it, and here we meet to begin the work. '■'■Resolved, 4th, That henceforward, instead of regarding it as an objection to any system of policy, that it will lead to the separation of the States, we will proclaim that to be the highest of all recommendations, and the great- est proof of statesmanship; and Will support politically, such men and measures as appear to tend most to this result." BEN. WADE ON DISSOLUTION. In 1855 Senator Wade, of Ohio, made a speech in Portland Maine, in which he de- clared: 56 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. '•There is really no Union now between the North and the South. I believe no two nations on earth entertain feelings of more bitter ran- cor towai'ds each other than these two portions of the Hepublic." "tue union is a lie." Mr. Garrison made a speech in 1856, in which he declared: '•I have said, and I say again, that in pro- portion to the growth of disuuionism, will be the growth of Republicanism. * * * * * The Union is a lie. The Ameri- can Union is an imposture, and a covenant with death, and an agreement with hell. ••' * * ■■■' I am for its overthrow. * * -■- * Up with the flag of dis- union, that we may have a free and glorious Union of our own." GREEN COUNTT, WISCONSIN, FOR REVOLUTION At a Republican convention held at Monroe, Green county, Wis., in 1856, the following resolution was passed: ^'•Resolved, That it is the duti/ of the North in case they fail in electing a President and Congress that will restore freedom to Kansas, to revolutionize the govcrjiment!'^ A NEW DEAL ALL ROUND. Anson Burlingame made a speech in 1856 in which he blasphemously said: '■The time is coming and soon will be that we must have an anti-slavery constitution, an anti-slavery bible and an anti-slavery God." DAVID WILMOT ON DISSOLUTION. The Montrose Democrat of May 10th, 1856, "We recollect a little over a year ago, that we heard Mr. AYilmot make the following de- claration: " 'I am determined to arouse the people to the importance of the slavery issue, and get up an organization through which they can get control of the Government in 1856. And if I become satisfied that these etforts -will fail, and that the people will not assert their rights, then I'll be d — d if I dont join the pai'ty that I think will send the country to h — 1 the quickest!" ' MORE treasonable EXTRACTS. "In conclusion I have only to add that such is my solemn and abiding coijiviction of the character of slavery, and under a full sense of my responsibility to my country and my God, I deliberately say, better disunion— better a civil or servile war — better anything that God in his providence shall send — than an extension of the bonds of sl:-,very." — Hon Horace 3Iann "No man has a right to be surprised at this state of things. It is iust what we abilitionists and disunionists have attempted to bring about. There is merit in the Republican party. It is the first sectional party ever organizedin this country. It does not know its own face, but calls itself national; but it is not national — it it sectional. The Picpublican party is a party of the North pledged against the South." — Wendell Phillips. '■'■Resolved., That the Union was established to secure the liberties of Americnn citizens. When it fails to do that, our only voice can be, let the Union be dissolved." — Lowell Repuhli- can Resolution. The Boston Liberator., in an article headed in large type — "But one issue — the dissolution of the Union" — recommends signatures to a petition for that purpose, of which the follow- ing is the spirit: "We therefore believe that the time has come for a new arrangement of elements so hostile; of interests so irreconcilable, of institutions; so incongruous; and we earnestly request Con- gress, at its present session, to take initiatory measures for the speedy, peaceful and quiet dissolution of the existing Union, as the exi- gencies of the case require." "If the Republicans fail at the ballot-box,we shall be forced to drive back the slaveocrats with fire and sword." — James Watson Wehhin 1856. " Resolved, That Constitution, or ao Consti- tution, law, or no law, we will not allow a fu- gitive slave to be taken from Massachusetts." — Boston Free Soilers of 1854. "I have before declared that the path of duty was clear as to the fugitive slave act, and that I am bound to disobey it!" — Chas. Sum- ner, Sept. 18.34. The True American, a Republican organ in Erie county, Pa., in commenting upon a speech delivered at a Democratic meeting, said: "This twaddle about the Union and its pre- servation is too silly and sickening for any good effect. We think the liberty of a single slave is worth more than all the Unions God's universe can hold." The Hampshire (Mass.) Gazette of August 23d, 1856. a Republican organ, published a let- ter from a citizen of Northampton, who was engaged in circulating there the petition for a dissolution of the Union, wherein he stated that— "more than one hundred and fifty legal voters of that town have signed this petition." ra-solution adopted on motion of Wendell Phillips, by the American Anti- Slavery Society, New York, May, 1848. '■'■Resolved, That recognizing as we do, with profound gratitude, the wonderful progress our cause has made during the last eighteen years, SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 67 and yet considering the effort now'making to impress the community "with the idea that the church and the land will abolish slavery by its own virtue, and that the parties are able and willing to grapple with the evil this society deems it a duty to reiterate its convictions that the only exodus for the slave out of his pres- ent house of bondage is over the ruins of the present American Church, and the present American Union." Resolution adopted by the Americiin Anti-Slavery Society, New York, December, 1S5S. ^^ Whereas, The dissolution of the present imperfect and inglorious Union between the free and slave States would result in the over- throw of slavery and the consequent founda- tion of a more perfect and glorious Union, without the incubus of slavery, therefore ^'■Resolved, That we invite a free correspond- ence with the disunionists of the South, in or- der to devise the most suitable way and means to secure the consummation so devoutly to be wished, Resolution adopted by the Esserx County (Mass.,) Ai.ti- Slavery Society, May Id, 1862. ^^ Resolved, That the war as hitherto, pros- ecuted, is but a wanton waste of property, a dreadful sacrifice of life, and worse than all, of conscience and of character, to preserve and perpetuate a Union and Constitution which should never have existed, and which, by all the laws of justice and humonity, should in their present form, be at once and forever overthrown.'"' From Redmond's Speech, Boston. "Remembering that he was a slaveholder, he could spit upon Washington. * * So near to Faneuil Hall and Bunker Hill, was he not to be permitted to say that scoundrel George Washington had enslaved his fellow men?" From rbillips' Speech, same occasion. "Washington was a sinner. It became an American to cover his face when he placed his bust among the great men of the world." And again another time: "I have labored nineteen years to take fif- teen States out of the Union; and if I have spent any nineteen years to the satisfaction of my Puritan conscience, it was those nineteen years." From Parker Pillsbury's Speech, April, 1SG2, "I do not wish to see this government prolong- ed another day in the present form. I have been for twenty years attempting to overthrow the present dynasty. The constitution never was so much an engine of cruelty and crime as at the present hour. I am not rejoiced at the tidings of victory to the northern armg ; I would far rather see defeat, eto." From Stephen F. Forters's Speech, Boston, 1S62. "I hav9 endeavored to dissuade every young • man I could from enlisting, telling them that they were going to fight for slavery." 5 CHAPTER XII. PROGRESS OF TUE NORTHERN CONSPIRACY— (Continued). Charles Sumner Advises Nullification and Disobedience to the Laws. ..Claims the Republican Party a.s Section%), and suited to his Purpose. ..Greeley's Insult to the Flag: The " Flaunting Lie "...Is this an Abolition War ?... Testimony of Gov. Stone, of Iowa... Statement of M. B. Lowry... Phillips on Secessio.i... "Chicago Tri- bune and the Tax Bill. ..Extracts from a Massachusetts Pamphlet. ..Abuse of the Framcrs of the Constitution... Similarity between Northern and Southern Disunionisti. CHARLES SUMNEK ON NULLIFICATION. To show that Charles Sumner came hon- estly by his nullification and resistance-to- law doctrine, we present the following extract from his speech delivered at Worcester, Massa- chusetts, Sept. 7, 1854, just after the slave Anthony Burns had been rescued from the Boston mob, at which poor Bachelder was killed by said mob, while in the discharge of his duty, in guarding the prisoner. Mr. Sum- ner, among other things said : "But it is sometimes gravely urged that since the Supreme Court of the United States has affirmed the constitutionality of the Fuo'i- tivo act, there only remains to us in all places, whether in public station or as private citizens, the duty of absolute submission. Now, with- out stopping to consider the soundness of rheir judgment, aflirming the constitutionality of this act, let me say that the Constitution of the United States, as I understand it, exacts no such passive obedience, * * and no man who is not lost to self respect, and ready to abandon the manhood which is shown in the heaven directed countenance, will voluntarily aid in enforcing a "judgment" which in his conscience he solemnly believes to be against the fundamental law, whether of the Constitu- tion or of God ! * * * The whole dogma of passive obedience must be rejected in Avhatever guise it may assume, and under whatever alias it may skulk ; whether in the tyranical usurpations of king parliament or judicial tribunal."" He thus sets off the aims and objects of the Republican party just then organized: "To the true-hearted, magnanimous men who are ready to place Freedom above Party, and their party above Politicians, I ajipeal. (Immense cheering..) Let them leave the old parties, and blend in an organization, which, without compromise, will maintain the good cause surely to the end. Here, in Massachu- setts s large majority of the people concur in sentiment on slavery; a large majority desire the overthrow of the slave power. It becomes them not to scatter their votes, but to unite in one firm consistent phalanx, (applause) whose triumph shall constitute an epoch of Freedom not only in this commonwealth, but throughout the land. Such an organization is now pre- 58 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. sented by this Republican Convention, ■which according to the resolutions by which it is con- voked is to co-operate with the friends of free- dom in other States." And this is the way he undertook to educate the public mind to the pitch of resisting the de- cisions of the Supreme Court: "But let me ask gentlemen who are disposed to abandon their own understanding of the Constitution, to submit their conscience to the standard ot other men, by whose understand- ing do they swear? Surely not by that of the President. This is not alleged. But by the understanding of the Supreme Court. In oth- er words, to this Court, consisting at present of nine persons, is committed a power of fast- ening such interpretation as they sec fit upon any part of the Constitution — adding to it or sub trading from it — or positively varying its requirements — actually making and unmaking the Constitution; and all good citizens must bow to their work as of equal authority with the original instrument, ratified by solemn votes of the whole people. [Great applause.] If this be so, then the oath to support the Constitu- tion of the Uni'cd States is hardly less offen- Bive than the famous "et cetera" oath devised by Archbishop Laud, in which the subject Bwore to certain specified things, with an ''&c." added. Such an oath I have not taken. [Good, good.] For myself, let me say that I hold judges, and especially the Supreme Court of the coun- try, in much respect; but I am too familiar with the history of judicial proceedings to re- gard them witn any superstitious reverence. — [Sensation.! He thus clinches the subject, by boldly set- ting up the purpose of the Republican organi- zation, to "overthrow the slave power" and "to open the gates ef emancipation in the slave States:" "To the overthrow of the slave power we are thus summoned by a double call, one polit- ical and the other philanthropic; first, to re- move an oppressive tyranny from the National Government, and secondly, to open the gates of Emancipation in the Slave states. [Loud applause.] "But while keeping this great purpose in view, we must not forget details. The exist- ence of slavery anywhere within the national jurisdiction — in the territories, in the District of Columbia, or on the high seas beneath the national flag, is an unconstitutional usurpation, which must be opposed. The Fugitive Slave Bill, monstrous in cruelty, as in unconstitu- tionality, is a usurpation which must be op- posed." With what huge delight must Ch.veles Sum- nek have heard the tocsin of war — as the natural and inevitable consequence of his par tizan raid on the South. With what avidity must he devoured the fruits (the war) of his pious labors. As an original proposition, with no constit«- tion to bind us, we should never have been in favor of the Fugitive Slave Law. But it was passed in 1793, by our fathers, in pursuance of a solemn, constitutional agreement they had en- tered into. W.\sHiNGTO\, the Father of his Country, President of the Constitutional Con- vention, and as President of the United States, signed that law, and gave it vitality. The Su- preme Court in many instances declared it to be enacted in accordance with the constitu- tion; and all good citizens were bound to yield to its requirements, whether they personally liked it or not. But, as we have seen, there was from the beginning, a powerful faction in our country, opposed to our Government, who were ready to seize the most favorable pretext to consummate their destroying object. As we have already seen this pretext assumed various shapes and forms— anything to cater to the prevailing whims of the day. The thing or idea that could produce the greatest "irrita- tion" was always in the vanguard. In 1798, it was slavery and commerce. In 1S12, &c., it was the array of the Agricultural against the Commercial States — Peace 'vs. War, &c. In 1333, the "oppressive tariif of 1828" was held up, as the initiating pretext, and from that time till 1860 the most prolific of all "ir- ritations" — the slavery question — furnished the pretext. In all those quotations we have made from old, and latter-day Federals, and from their progeny, the Republicans and Abolitionists, we request the reader to particularly notice the great similarity in the animus and "style" of denunciation. When, in 1854, the slave Burns had been delivered at Boston, and put on board of a United States vessel, in charge of his claim- ant, in pursuance of that law which Mr. Sum- ner advised his followers to resist, though the supreme tribunal of the land had decided it constitutional, the New York Tribune., true to the instincts and purposes of the old haters of our Government, garnished its columns with the following poetical rhodomontade: TUE AMERICAN FLAG. fFrom the New Tork Tribune, 1S54.] All hail Vae flaunting lie! The st.irs look pale and dim; The atripes are bloody scars — A lie the vaunting hymn! SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 59 It shields a pirate's deck I It binds a man in chains'. It yokes the captive's neck, And wipes the bloody stains! Tear down the flaunting lie; Half-mast the starry flag; Insult no sunny sky With hate's polluted rag ! Destroy it, ye who can; Deep sink it in the wares ! It bears a fellow man, To groan with fellow slaves! Furl, furl the boasted lie ! Till Freedom lives again. To rule once more in truth, Among uutrammeled men! Roll up the starry sheen, Cenceal its bloody stains. For in its folds are seen The stamp of rustling chains! IS THE WAR PROSECUTED TO ABOLISH SLAVERY? Mr. SujixER sounded the key note of revolt in 1854. The Abolitionists caught it up, and demanded dissolution, as we have already seen. The war followed, as naturally as that any any cfiFect/ollows a cau.'se Whether this war is being prosecuted with sole reference to abol- ishing slavery, regardless of what may become of the Union, shall not rest on our charge. We will introduce Abolition testimony. Col. Wm. Stoxe, the Governor of Iowa, in canvassing that state in the summer of 1863, in his speech at Keokuk, on the 3d of August, said: "Fellow citizens — I was not formerly an ab- olitionist, nor did I formerly suppose I would ever become one; but I am now, I have been for the last nine months, an unadulterated ab- olitionist. [At tins the abolition portion of his audience shouted loudly and cried out. 'That's it,' 'That's the way to talk it out,' 'Hurrah, hurrah!'] As a matter of policy, perhaps, it would have been more prudent not to have so publicly declared that I have become an abo- litionist; but, since I have said it, I will not take it back, and let those who don't like it make the most of it. [Again the old Whig- hating Abolition faction of his audience shout- ed most lustily, while a number of Republi- cans, in an under tone, were heard to express dissatisfaction.] "Fellow-citizens — The opposition charge that this is an abolition war. A'^^ell, I admit that it is an abolition war. It was not such in the start ; but the administration has discover- ed that they could not subdue the South else than making it an abolition war, and they have done so ; and it will be continued as an aboli- tion war so long ae there is one slave at the South to be made free. Never, never can there be peace made, nor is peace desirable, until the last link of slavery is abolished. — [Loud and prolonged cheers from the abolition- ists, while the republican Unionists muttered much dissent.] "Butler, Stanton, Burnside, and men of that stamp, I regard as true patriots ; but as for the copperhead democracy, I hold for them the ut- most contempt, and I would rather eat with a nigger, drink with a nigger, live with a nigger, and sleep with a nigger, than with a copper- head. [At this declaration in favor of sleep- ing, etc., with niggers rather than with the copperhead democracy, as he termed it all true democrats, the shouts of the advoc ites of negro amalgamation were loud and defiant.] " MoBROw. B. LowRY; an abolition State Senator in Pennsylvania, at a League meeting in Philadelphia, in 1863, said : "This war is for the African and his race. — The six hundred colored men who have recent- ly fallen, have elevated the race. For all I know, the Napoleon of this war may be done up in a black package. (Laughter.) We have no evidence of his being done up in a white one, as yet. AVhen this war was no bigger than my hand, I said that if any negro would bring me his disloyal master's head, I would give him one hundred and sixty acres of his master's plantation. (Laughter and applause.) Tho man who talks of elevating the negro would not have to elevate him very much to make him equal to himself" We might crowd a small octavo volume with similar declamations and admissions, but these must suffice until some one shall impeach the veracity of these revolutionists. In a speech by Wendell Phillips in 1862, he said: "Slavery had suggested secession, and it had a right to do so, for he, (Mr. Phillips,) be- ing a secessionist, believed that those people were the sole judges of what causes they had for revolution.'" While the tax bill was pending in Congress, a Washington correspondent of the Chicago Tribune said through that sheet: " The Tax Bill is slowly grinding through the House, in committee of the whole, and is one of the most telling anti-slavery documents ever devised by the wit of man. If there had been no slavery, there would have been no re- bellion, and of course no tax bill. Every man, woman and child in the loyal states must now commence paying for the luxury of having neighbors who own and flog negroes. There are none so poor that they can eseape this slavery tax — none so dull they cannot see what has caused it." This is the same species of argument as that of the man who shot his neighbor, and chan'ged the foult to the man who invented guiipf>='Ot Had th<;re been no powder the man '^^'Pre- have been shot. As slavery cj^ vious to the agitation b" '' to d« with it, wo''^ " 60 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. ble to suppose that slaver;/ agitation was the cause of the war tax? For years, the disunionists of the North have manifested the boldness of a Cromwell, the assiduity of bcaTers, the cunning of foxes, the malignancy of Iscariots. Their money has been poured out free as water, in publishing and circulating Abolition tracts, speeches, in- flammatory and incendiary appeals — not to national honor and pride, but to the passions and hot bed sentimentalities that fester in the breasts of malcontents. In 1852, a series of pamphlets were issued for Massachusetts, en- titled, "The United States Constitution and its pro slavery compromises." From the "Third edition, enlarged," of this treasonable publi- cation we take the following: "If, then, the people and the courts of a country are to be allowed to determine what their own laws mean, it follows that at this time, and for the last half century, the Consti- tution of the United States has been, and still is a pro-slavery instrument, and that any one who swears to support it, swears to do pro- slavery acts, and violates his duty both as a man and an Abolitionist. "If, then, the Constitution be what these de- bates (the Madison papers) show that our fath- ers intended to make it, and what, too, their descendants, this nation, say they did make it, and agreed to uphold, then we affirm that it is '4;. covenant with death, and an agreement with hell,' and ought to be immediately an- nulled! No Abolitionist can consistently take office under it, or swear to support it. "To continue this disastrous alliance (the Federal Unioa) longer, is mcf(f«e.s«.' "We dare not prolong the experiment, and with double earnestness, we repeat our demand upon every honest man to join in the outcry of the Ameri- can Anti-Slavery Society — No union with slaveholders!^'' Speaking of the framers of the Constitution, it Bays: "Now, these pages prove the melancholy ftiet, that willingly, with deliberate purpose, ouf fathers bartered honesty for gain, and became })artners u-ith tyrants! that they might share in the profits of their tyranny. On page 145, the following occurs: "Fidelity to the cause of human freedom, and allegiance to God [the Higher law which Mr. Seward borrowed from the Puritanical fathers] require that the existing National compact should he instantly dissolved; that tecession from the Government is a religious and political duty." "What more did the South Carolina Nullifiers and Secessionists ever declare] What more have they ever done than to act upon this pious hint, and yet the authors of the foregoing have never been arrested by the powers that be, nor have they ever been denounced by those pow- ers or their backers. But while those fanatical disunionists were denouncing our fathers, for becoming partners with tyrants, and showing their proof for this charge from the Madison papers, they ought not to have neglected the important fact that it was mainly owing to the vote of Massachu- ctts and Fihode Island that the report of the committee of thirteen, and the voice of slave- holding Virginia and Delaware were overruled, and the slave trade, now pronounced piracy by the greatest Powers on the globe, was prolong- ed from 1800 to 1808. Yes, Massachusetts done this to "protect" her sordid shipping in- terest, on a plea of gain, and to have been con- sistent those Massachusetts Abolitionists, who now shout for the war, only because "it is an instrument in the hands of God" to confiscate the slave property at the South, purchased from the guilty slave importers of Boston — under that constitutisnal license, prolonged for eight years at the special request, and by the solid vote of Massachusetts and Connecticut, against the earnest protest of old Virginia and Delaware. Now comes Massachusetts and de- clares the consequences of her own crimes a cSiuse for dissolving the Union, after she has gone out of the trade ! CHAPTER XIII. DISUNION OF NORTHERN GROWTH. Disiinion began in the North. ..Admission by Wendell Phillips. ..The War brought on by the North as a Means to an End. ..The Kausa.s Imbroglio. ..Stimulated by the Radicals to Aid Secession and Disunion— Helper's "Im- pending Crisis" as a Means to hasten Dissolution. ..Mr. Seward Endorses its " Logical Analogies " — Treasona- ble Kansas War Meeting in Buffalo — Gerrit Smith and Gov. lieeder Stimulate the "Cause "...Beecheron Shoot- ing at Men. ..Charles Sumner admits the Northern Con- spiracy. DISUNION BEGUN AT THE NORTH, Wendell Phillips is the most honest and outspoken of all the Northern Disunionists. He does not hesitate to claim that this revolu- tion began at the North, and that it had a.pur- posem view, and i\x-;it purpose was dissolution — the means being the slavery agitation. In a letter to the Boston Liberator., July 21, 1863, he makes the following remarkably candid dec- larations: "The disunion we sought was one which SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP BOOK. 61 should be bcr/un bij the North on principle. * ^■^ The agitation for such disunion, based on the idea that slavery is a sin, to be immediate- ly repudiated at every cost, was the most di- rect and effcctire way of educating the public to a stcn anti-slavery principle. * * Aboli- tion of slavery was our object, disunion our ■weapon. [This reversed, would accord more nearly with the general purpose of Abolition- ists.] * * The North had the right of re- volution — the right to break the Union, and that such disunion would sooner end slavery than continuing under a Constitution that for- bade the North during peace to interfere with the slave systems of the Southern states." Here is a bold declaration that this war was of "right" brought on by the North, by the slavery agitation, so that slavery could be abolished, which could not be done in a state of peace. This admission covers the ■whole ground, as to who is responsible for the ■war. It admits as plain as language can that the slavery agitators drove the South into it with the avowed purpose of accomplishing in a state of war what they admit they could not in a state of peace. But, Ml'. Phillips leaves us nothing to guess, and in the following paragraph he gives us the Abolition reasons for stimulating war, as simiDle as a child would narrate a May-day exploit: "In these circumstances, the Abolitionists, who were not peace men, and had never as- serted the sinfulness of war, perceived that the war itself would produce an overwhelming na- tional opinion adverse to slavery, sooner than unj other agency. The manifestation war must make of the nature and designs of the slave power, ■would inevitably make every Unionist an Abolitionist. The need of the negro in the conflict W'luld destroy prejudice against color more speedily than any other means could, and his presence in the army would be the first step to civil equality. AVe saw that the preser- vation of the Union -would efficiently protect the negro in his transition to perfect freedom, and that the nation he helped to create, oiued him this aid, which is of vast importance. "As things stand, therefore, since the war: "1. The Union means liberty, and to save itself, must free the blacks. To uphold it in this struggle for existence, is the readiest way to convert the nation into Abolitionists. One year of such war is worth, for thi.'i purpose, twenty years of peaceful agitation."' This plan of inciting all the horrors of a civil -war as the best means to liberate the Af- rican and make him in all i-espects our equal, is certainly more ingenious than reputable. It is worthy the sinister purposes of the agitating authors of this war. Mr. P. continues: "The sharp sword of war kills or cures at once, and as God has linked success with jus- tice, we must be whipped into a people hating slavery, as their conqueror, or we must be suc- cessful, with justice for our ally — the negro our acknoivledged equal ajid brother! We see nevertheless, the use of our disunion agitation. If we did not fully convert the community by our cry, 'Liberty and justice are better than Union, ^ we so far leavened their minds, and wakened their consciences, that when the war came, the hour found them ready to accept the issue. When the question was put — the old Union, with slavery, or a new one without it, the people have been found far more ready than any man supposed, to answer, give us, at any cost. Union and freedom," &c. Thus, we have the admission that the Abo- litionists brought on the war to put down slavery, and then we have the Proclamation as a "military necessity" to put down the war. How easy and simple the proposition. We have ever regarded Mr. Ppillips as a talented, truthful, bold, fanatical, bad man. — When he tells us that he and his class have been endeavoring to bring on war and dissolu- tion we believe him, not because we want to believe him, but because his admission comes from one of that class — yea, its principal lead- er, who are now on trial before the great trib- unal of history as inciters, aiders and abetors of treason against the best human government ever established on this globe. THE KANSAS IMBROGLIO. We are to read the Kansas imbroglio in the light of Mr. Phillip's admission. That th unhappy state of affairs in Kansas was made to play into the hands, and aid the designs of the Northern disunionists and the Southern disunionists, we have not a doubt. It was unquestionaoly the purpose of South- ern "propagandists" to make a show of estab- lishing slavery in Kansas, not that advocates ot the "peculiar system" ever believed slavery would be either profitable or permanent, if established in that territory. But it furnished a coveted point to both sides for a "conflict," and while those politicians in the interest of the South played their role to the best ad vantage, and committed many criminal acts, that ought to "make the dogs blush," t4(6ir counterparts in treasonable opposition, "jump- ed at the chance" to stimulate their long cherished "idea," by precipitating the "irre- pressible conflict." Had even the agitators of the North been dictated by purely patriotic 62 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. motives, there would have been no serious conflict, for the North having the means to fur- nish five to one of the emigration, could have voted down the Southern influx, and the North could have afi"orded to rely on its strength and wait for time to settle the matter. But the contest originated, as we have seen in the progress of our compilation thus far, over forty years before Kansas was organized as a territory. The contest began in 1798, and raging with unremitting violence up to that time, could not be abandoned by the haters of the ' 'league with hell, the covenant with death," in 1857-8. The abolition agitators have often "thanked God for the occasion which the Kansas imbroglio afforded to stimulate the cause." It was hoped by the secessionists, North and South, tliat Kansas would prove to be the rock on which the Union would split. — Each party of factionists and disunionists bent ©very nerve to this end. Traitors in the South, under the guise of Democrat!, and traitors in the North, as members of the Republican or- ganization, furnished their "quota" of men and arms. Each party, anxious for the fray — both factions praying with impious fervency, that the "hour had come'- that should rend asunder the ligaments of Union. Christian men (?) and pastors of Christian churches (?) bundled off their frenzied partizans with the bible in one hand and a Sharpe's rifle in the other, and bid them God speed in the holy crusade. 0, that was a rich and exhilerating carnival, when the fires of civil discord were lighted by vandal torches — when the proud Romans went forth with a shout of brotherly hate (!) to prick the barbarian Persians with the javelin of holy revenge, that the empire might perish between them! The embittered feelings engendered by the Kansas imbroglio, was but the dawn of that abolition millenium which the agitators had prayed for for years. It gave them new life and hope, and they threw up their caps and shouted God curse the Republic. The fires of secession had been kindled, and it was deter- mined that no shower of patriotism should quench th« flames. New and inflamable mate- rial must be added, and the breath of denun- wation, with ten thousand bellows power, was employed to fan the flames of discord to an inextinguishable conflagration. Inflamatory speeches were made, denunciatory newspaper articles, and incendiary sermons and threats were sent broadcast over the land, to keep the fires of discord to a "welding heat." The Helper book, the most incendiary and exas- perating of all, was issued, not in the name of its real Northern author, but in the name of a purchased stool pigeon, who hailed from a slave state, so as to give point, piquancy and sting to its pages. We select some specimens from this book, which was endorsed and recommend- ed as a work calculated to have "great influ- ence on the public mind," by seventy-eight members of Congress, belonging wholly to the Ptepublican party. We quote as follows: THE "impending CRISIS." "It is against slavery on the whole, and against slave-holders as a body that we wage an exterminating war.' — p. 129. "Do not reserve the strength of your arms until you have been rendered powerless to strike. "We contend, moreover, that slave-holders are more criminal than common murderers.' — p. 140. "But it is a fact, nevertheless, that all slave holders are under the shield of a perpetual li- cense to murder.' — p. 144. "Against this army for the defence and pro- pagation of slavery, we think it will be an easy matter — independent of the nef/roes,icho in nine cases out of ten would be delighted at the op- portunity to cut their master^s throats, and without accepting a single recruit from either of the free States, England, France or Ger- many — to muster one at least three times as large, and far more respectable, for its extinc- tion.'— p. 147. "But we are wedded to one purpose, from which no earthly power can divorce us. We are determined to abolish slavery at all haz- ards.' — p. 149. "Now is the time for them to assert their right and liberties; never before was there such an appropriate period to strike for freedom in the South.'— p. 153. "Not to be an abolitionist is to be a wilful and diabolical instrument of the devil.' — p. 368. "No man can be a true paoi-iot withour; first becoming an abolitionist.' — p. 116. "Small pox is a nuisance; strychnine is a nuisance; mad dogs are a nuisance; slavery is a nuisance; and so are slave breeders; it is our business, nay it is our imperative duty to abate nuisances; we propose therefore, with the ex- ception of strychnine, to exterminate this cat- alogue from beginning to end.' — p. 130. "Foam, sirs, fret, foam' prepare your weap- ons, threaten, strike, shoot, stab, bring on civil war, dissolve the Union; nay, annihilate the solar system if you will — do all this, more, less, better, worse, anything — do what you will sirs, you neither foil nor intimidate us; our purpose is as firmly fixed as the eternal pillars of heaven; we have determined to abolish slav- ery, and so help us God, abolish it we will! — SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 63 Take this to bed with you to-night^^sirs, and think about it, and let us know how you feel- to-morrow morning." ' Mr. Seward, the author, in this country.of the "irrepressible conflict" doctrine give it the weight of his great influence as follows: "AUBUKN, N. Y., June 28. 18.57. "Gentlemkn: — I have received from you a copy of the recent publications, entitled the "Impending Crisis of the South," and have read it with deepest attention — it seems to me a work of great merit; rich, yet accurate in statistical information, and logical in analogies; and I do not doubt that it will exert a great in- fluence on the public mind, in favor of truth and juctice. "I am gentlemen, very respectfully, ■"W. II. SKWAKD." THE KANSAS IMBROGLIO A PART OF THE SCHEME. Can any one doubt the truth and sincerity of Mr. PxiiLLirs, after reading this, and know- ing the fact that it was publicly endorsed by nearly every Republican member of Cc ngress, that war and disunion was from that day to be the "weapon'' to accomplish what Mr. P. says could not be consummated in peace? The Republican partizans were holding meetings in all parts of the country to organ- ize for a civil war in Kansas. Many of their leaders were reticent and cautious about ad- missions that should give a clue to their real purposes, but there were others who made no secret of their intentions and objects. Among this class we select the following from the pro- ceedings of a public meeting held in Buffalo, N. Y., wherein Gov. Reeder (then late of Kansas) and Garrit Smith acted as colpor- teurs of the Republican party in raising funds to carry on a civil war in Kansas: "Mr. Smith continued to speak of the ag- gressions of the South, and said he only hoped to hear of a collision at the South, and said he only hoped to hear of a collision at Topeka; that he only desired to hear of a collision with the Federal troops, and that northern men had fallen; and then he would hear of Northern states arraying themselves against the Federal Government. And would that be the end? No; Missouri would be the next battle field, and then slavery would be driven to the wall. Her strength is only apparent; it consists half in Northern cowards and doughfiices. It has been brave and rampant only because the North has fled before it. It will run when the North faces it. He believed the time had come to use physical force." "Gov. Reeder read to the convention the report from Kansas, of the dispersion of the Territorial Legislature by Colonel Sumner, and remarked, at the close that he was sorry that the Legislature had not waited till driven out at the point of the bayonet." (Cheers.) ''Mr. L. R. NoELE asked how many troops there were belonging to the United Stitcs in Kansas? "Gov. Reeder said about 600. "Mr. NouLE — And how many in the entire army of the United States? '"Governor Reeder — I believe l-'-.OOO. "Mr. Noble — I learn from a friend near me, that they can't send more than 10,000 men into Kansas; and so I say let us go on. "Gerrit Smith desired to see the contri- butions continued. "A delegate said he would give 100 men who did not fear the devil, and who, like Crom- well, would praise God and keep their powder dry. "Gerrit Smith thought funds were wanted first, and hoped to see the subscription go on. He urged in several speeches that the time had come when it was necessary to use physical force. "To this Governor Reeder replied that he was not in favor of waiting because they had not received tvrongs enough^ but thought it right to wait until thej could st7-ike an effective blow. If it remained with him to use the power of the Government, he would not have waited thus long, but the oppressors before this would have been converted into heaps of dead men on the fields of Missouri. But he was willing to wait until to-morrow, or two to- morrows. When on the trail of the enemy, against whom he had a deadly hate, he would follow him with cat-like tread, and would not strike until he could strike him surely dead. He was, therefore, willing to wait until they had the power he would thus have used. He did not wish to give the South notice of their intentions by marcning armed men into the Territory. The dragoons could go in as voters, or to cultivate the soil, and strike when the right time arrived. When the time came to strike, he wanted the South to have the first notice of the blow in the blow itself." About this time Mr. Giddings is reported to have said : "I look forward to the day when I shall see a servile insurrection at the South. When the black man supplied with British bayonets, and commanded by British officers, shall wage a war of extermination against the whites — when the master shall see his dwelling in flames, and his hearth polluted, and though I may not mock at their calamity, and laugh when their fear cometh, yet I shall hail it as the dawn of a political millenium." Henry Ward Beechee, in presenting a Sharpe's rifle to one of his Kansas proteges., said : "It is a crime to shoot at a man and not hit him." 64 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. CHAPTER XIV. THE JOHN EROWX T.AID -ENDORSED BY THE RE- rUBLICANS. Sewani, Hale and Wilson Toasted by the LonisTille " Jour- nal" for not exposing the John Brown Raid. ..John Brown's operations a part of the Dissolution Scheme... Numerous Extiacts to prove that Republicans endorsed the John Brown Raid...Repulilican Press, Clergy and Orafors endorse it... From "La Crosse Republican"... Rev. De Los Love. ..Rev. E. D. Wheelock..." Milwaukee Sentinel "..."Elkhorn Independent"..." Janesvihe Ga- zette "...Telegraphic Despatches, 1859... •' Winsted Her- ald "...Speech of J. W. Phillips. ..Laconic Letter and Reply, between Elder Spooner and an Editor. ..Massa- chusetts Resolution. ..Meeting in Rockford, 111.. ..100 Guns Fired in Albany, N. Y.... Theodore Parker's For- mula. ..Indiicnation Meeting in Milwaukee : their ]5eso- lutions, etc."... Rev. Geo. W. Bassett, of 111. ...Telegram from J^ew York. ..Horace Greeley on John Brown — "Milwaukee Free Democrat "...Speech of Rev. Mr. Stajdes, Milwaukee. ..Emerson at Tremont Temple. ..Rev. M. l\ Kinney..." Meuasha Conservator "..."Milwaukee Atlas "..." New York Tribune "..." Wood County (Wis.) Keporter"...A Prophetic Article from the "New York Herald "...Brown's Character in Kansas, by the " Her- ald of Freedom " — General Conclusions, &c. THE JOHN BROWN EAID — A PART OF THE PROGRAMME. We have the statement of Col Jamison, (Abolitionist), that Kansas was employed as a nursery for disunion, for he tells us (see ex- tract from his speech on page — } that John Brown had been sent from Kansas to Harper's Ferry. The Northern sesessionist, Mr. Phillips tells us, finding it impossible to abolish slavery in peace, sought to inaugurate a war, as the only means to secure this object. Take their conduct in this, step by step, from beginning to the end — from first to last, — and it all looks like husi7iess. They went to work as though they intended to accomplish their purpose. — They knew that to make hornets "fighting mad," they must be violently disturbed. The Kansas imbroglio had not sufficiently madden- ed Achilles to make a counter attack on Hec- tor, and something else was necessary to j^ro- t'O^e hostilities. Yes, this is the word under Mr. Phillip's and Colonel Jamison's decla- rations, none other will answer. Charles Sumner, in a speech delivered be- fore the Young Men's Pi.epublican Union of New York, Nov. 27, 1861, says: "Alas, it is ourselves that have encourged the conspiracy, and made it strong. * * While professing to uphold the Union we have betrayed it. It seems now 'leyond question that the concessionists of the North have from the beginning, played into the hands of the Secessionists ef the South." — p. 9. That John Brown was equipped and sent to Virginia by the Abolitionists to stir up civil \Tar, with a view to hasten the crisis, we have abundant evidence from the treasonable mut- terings of those who rang bells on the day he expiated his crimes, and canonized him as a martyr, whose "soul is marching on." That leading and influential Abolitionists were made acquainted with his designs at Harper's Ferry before the shameful cmeute took place, is abun- dantly in proof. Forbes, a compatriot of John Brown, and who from some spleen of disap- pointment "blowed" on his bloody preceptor, was a witness before the Senatorial Committee that investigated the Harper's Ferry affair. This Forbes testified that he had forewarned Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, and others of Rrown's nefarious purposes, and still Wil- son kept the matter from the public. — [5ee Report of Senate Investigating Committee. THE LOUISVILLE JOURNAL'S EXPOSITION. The following article from the Louisville Journal., at the time of the Congressional ex- posure, shows that not only Messrs. Wilson, Hale. Seward and other leading Republi- cans foreknew the purposes of Brown, but that they kept the knowledge from the public, for reasons which all may readily divine. Many of the Journal's suggestions have since been reduced to history: "We are now prepared to comprehend the general character and extent of the disclo- sures which Forbes made to Mr. Seward in the interview before mentioned Forbes, it will be observed, had two separate and distinct grounds of complaint against the 'humanita- rians,' as he somewhat loosely terms the Abo- litionists, seeing that he is a man of culture and intelligence: — namely, first, the necessi- ties of his family, consequent, as he alleged on the failure of the 'humanitarians' to redeem their engagements to liim, [Forbes, be it re- membered, was one of the John Brown guard, and 'blowed' on that band of assassins he had been associated with, because they neglected sundry money obligations] and sec- ondly, the rejection of his plan by the perfid- ious 'humanitarians,' and their adoption of 'John Brown's project,' including 'the cotton speculation.' These arc grievances for there- dress of which Forbes desired to enlist the favor and influence of Seward and Hale. These are the crooked things which he wanted them to 'put straight.' The scope and force of the language in which he describes his respec- tive interviews with them is now not only obvi- ous, but unmistakable. 'Having made several ineffectual attempts,' he says, 'to get a quiet conversation with Senator Joen P. Hale, of New Hampshire, I met him accidentally on Sunday morning. I could not then enter into the details of John Brown's project, there- fore I confined myself to explaining the urgen- SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 65 cy of sending my family relief." He could touch upon only a part of his grievances. Not so in his more deliberate interview with Mr. Seward. In that he touched fully upon the entire burden of his complaint. '/ 7ve7it' he says Hiito the u-hole matter, in all its hearings.^ What now is left to inference or doubt? As- suming the genuineness of these developments, which we believe is not impeached, even by those most nearly concerned, it is an offense to reason, an insult to common sense, a gross violence to the constitution of the human mind, to ask one to believe that 31r. Seward wa.f not thoronghlij cognizant of the blood;/ and de- moniacal scheme ivhich old Jouy Brown and his fellow conspirators were meditating. He did know it all. The conclusion is inevitable!" REPUBLICAN ENDORSEMENT OF THE JOHN BROWN RAID. As accumulative proof that the Republican party generally, if they did not plan or con- nive at the JouN Brown raid, for the purprse of'bringiug on a civil war — if they were not accessories before the fact, they were certainly and clearly after — we present the following testimony. Our witnesses are principally from Wisconsin, as the most convenient at hand, but their evidence is similar to the general mnss of Republicans throughout the North. In 1859, the Rev. W. De Loss Love, an or- thodox Abolitionist of Milwaukee, preached a thanksgiving sermon in the Spring street Con- gregational Church, "on the death of John Brown, in which occurs these sentences: "In Kansas was sown the seed of the out- break at llarper''s Ferry! * * If, indeed, you had power to revolutionize a nation, or all nations, and extinguish slavery at a blow, and plant society afterwards on a peaceable and sure foundation, doubtless you, as a people, should do it! * * John Brown may die on a gallows, but his name will be embalmed in millions of hearts. * '■'• " 'The jioorl lie has iloiic \ViU live after hiiii.' * • "The world will attribute the blood of John Brown, not to Justice, but to those \sfho shod the felood of his children. The blood of both father and sons will cry out against them from the ground." "But thanks to God, several thousand are yet left in this Israel that hare not bowed their knees to Baal nor prostituted their lips to kiss the rod of slavery. From these let your hopes arise, that our land will yet be redeemed from her insolvency," &c. The Fort Atchison (Wis.) Standard, in. its first issue after the execution of Brown, thus blended its grief with its treason : "John Beown Dead. — The first act in the tragedy has been performed. The great State of Virginia has played the hangman's part, and is crowned with its bloody honors. A telegraphic message was received at Janesville yesterday afternoon, stating that Broavn was hung at Charleston, at a quarter past 11, A. M. For an hour previous to the arrival of the in- telligence at this place, the bell was tolled sad- ly in anticipation of the event ! No mercy was expected for the victim of southern vengeance. But the end is not yet. Troops cannot check the flow of sympathy that surges over the land. A wall of bayonets may guard the hid- eous bastile of cruelty and wrong, but cannot obstruct themarch of the free legions that will spring forth from their slumber, and make the earth tremble beneath their tread! "Now, may God help the right ! and give us tongues of fire, and hands that shall never weary, to rvage an eternal crusade against the diabolical sin of slavery. "Peaceful be the sleep of the murdered Bkown, and glorious his awakening." The above was draped in mourning to show the deep sorrow of the editor for the death of the diabolical murderer. "If the decree of the court is fulfilled, Vir- ginia will commit a crime in the murder of John Brown to-day, which will result in anoth- er step towards bringing to the light the dark blot upon the American Republic." — LaCrosse (Wis.) Republican, Dec. 2, 1859. "One such man makes total depravity im- possible, and proves that American greatness died not with Washington ! The gallows from which he ascends into Heaven, will be in our politics, what the cross is in our religion — the sign and symbol of supreme self-devotedness, — and from his sacrificial blood, the temporal salvation cf four millions of our peojile shall yet sprinq! On the second day of December he is to be strangled in a Southern prison, /or obeying the Sermon on the Mount. But, to be hanged in Virginia, is like being crucified in Jerusalem — it is the last tribute which she pays to Virtue!''' — Extract from Sermon of Rev. E. D. Wheelock, of Dover, N. //., on the execu- tion of John Brown. "The Hangman's Day. — To-morrow, the 2d day of December, 1859, is to become mem- orable in history for the martyrdom of John Brown! The State of Virginia, represented by Gov. Wise, and the United States of Amer- ica, 'the home of the free and the land of the brave,' represented by President Buchanan, are to see the effectual hanging of "Ossawata- niie.' Some twenty-five hundred State and Federal troops will assist in the ceremony. No one is to come within earshot of the dying martyr. No 'Northerner' will be permitted to record his parting words. But, in spite of all precautions, they will be heard, read and re- membered by millions of freemen, whose hatred of oppression, injustice and tyranny, in every form, will be intensified by the events of this black Friday. The bell that tolls for 66 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. the departing spirit of John Brown, tvill ring the knell of American Slavery."^ — Milwaukee (Wis.) Sentinel, Dec. \st 1859. "The moral effect of the hanging of Brown will be to bring the hideousness of slavery home to thousands who were indifferent before. A thousand abolitionists will spring up for every one that is hung, and the 'irrepressible . conflict' will go on until the institution of slavery is rooted out of the Union. The Union may he dissolved, but slavery must die! and if it can only die or be restricted to its present limits, tlirough a dissolution of the Union, then in the name of the framers of the Union, who made it to secure the blessings of liberty, let the Union he dissolved.' .'^' — Elkhorn (Wis.) Independent, 1859. "Even if Brown is guilty of all that is charged against him, his bravery, magnanimi- ty, and fortitude wins the respect of the gener- ous, everywhere." — Janesville (AVis.) Gazette, 1859. A telegraphic dispatch, dated Manchester, N. H., Dec. 2, 1859, said: "An attempt was made to toll the City Hall bell to-day, in commemoration of John Brown. The bell was only struck a few times, when Mayor Harrington appeared in the belfry, and ordered Brown's sympathisers to desist. One of them refused, when the Mayor dropped him down through the scuttle, as the most con- venient mode of enforcing his exit." Another telegraphic dispatch read: "Cleveland, Dec. 2. — A meeting was held here to-night, commemoratory of the execution of Brown. Over 1,500 people were present. Able addresses were made by D. R. Tilden, R. S. Spauluing, C H. Langston, A. G. Riddle, Rev. J. C. White, and others. Res- olutions were adopted. The hall was draped in mourninr/^' There were a few Republican presses in va- rious localities, fearing no doubt the bad po- litical effect of mourning the loss of Rrown, chose rather to fish up excuses that he was in- sane, &c., and they pretended not to sympa- thize with his movements and murderous con- duct, but in all their editorials, they would somehow or other contrive to weave in a word of excuse and palliation. To this class of Re- publican papers the Winsted (Conn.) Herald a rabid Republican sheet, thus discoursed: "And here we may as well say, we have no admiration for that class of Republican news- papers which are so eager to disclaim and dis- own all fellowship and sympathy for old John Brown. Did they stop here, we could be pa- tient with them, but when they go further, and pelt him with titles of madman, crazy, mud- dled and insane, we say out upon them, for hypocrites and traitors — 'little villains,' un- worthy to lick or feel the foot of old John Brown. * * * At all events he is so un- successful, and so Republican jiresses, fearful that their party will somehow lose a vote, and themselves an office, fell to mouthing old John Brown, as heartily as twelve months since they praised, and vie with each other in de- nouncing and abusing him. For shame! Old Brown had more nobleness in his soul, more honesty in his heart, more principal in his action, more courage in a single finger, than all such politicians, from Maine to Oregon." "We have almost brought the American peo- ple to that decision, which SAjs '■Government or no Government — law or no law, hut slavery come down! Whether he broke law or violated Government, God bless Jolui Brown.'.'' So s.ays the American heart in the Northern states. The American head will soo7i folloiv! The American hand will soon begin its ivork! in obedien'ce to that heart and head, and we shall see slavoi-y, the victim of its agitation — the victim of pure politics and a Christian church." — Extract from a speech of John W. Phillips before the Anti-Slavery Society of 3Iass, 1859. The Wisconsin Chief, a paper devoted temperance, took occasion to rebuke the mad spirit of fanaticism that was rushing the coun- try to ruin on John Brown breakers, where- upon Elder Spooner, one of the subscribers of that paper wrote the following note: Waukesha, Dec. 2, 1809. Mr. T. W. Brown: — Discontinue my paper. I won't let my children read any paper that says John Beown was a fool. Send your bill. It will be paid. N. A. SrOONER." To which the editor of the Chief replied: "John Brown had heroism to redeem his folly. Elder Spooner is not so fortunate. He is fortunate, however, in living in a land where folly is not a capital offense." A John Brown meeting was held at Natick, Mass., which was attended by U. S. Senator Wilson, at which the following resolution was passed: '■'■]Vhereas, Reiistance to tyrants is obdience to God, Resolved, That it is the right and duty of slaves to resist their masters, and the right and duty of the people of the 7\'orth to IN- CITE THEM TO RESISTANCE, and to aid them in it!'" A John Brown meeting was held in Rock- ford, 111., Dec. 2, 1859, attended by such lead- ing men as Ex-Senator Talcott, who presi- ded, and Dr. Lyman, Mr. Hulin, Mr. Loop, Judge Church, Mr. BLiNN,ReY. Mr. Canaut, and others, who made speeches. The follow- SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 67 ing is among the resolutions they passed, offer- ed by Mr. Hulin, and adopted unanimously: Resolved^ That the memory of John Brown is now consigned to impartial history, which will vindicate his motives, and that his integrity, truthfulness, courage, fidelity and fortitude, stand as conspicuous examples for the veneration of all who love freedom and ap- plaud true courage. '■'■Resolved, That the city bells be tolled one hour in commemoration of John Bkown." The following appeared among the tele- graphic dispatches of the day: "one HUNDRED GUNS IN HONOR OF THE EX- ECUTION OF JOHN BROWN. Albany, N. Y., Dec. 2, 1S59. "To-day, between twelve and one o'clock, one hundred guns were fired, comemmorative of the execution of John Brown. It was previously hinted in some of the papers, that some of the more impulsive and enthusiastic portion of the Republicans intended thus to celebrate the event. A member of the common council of this city, at the last sitting, drew up a resolution, desiring that body to author- ize that demonstration, but he was dissuaded from it. To-day, a connon was taken from the State Arsenal by the keeper thereof, and plant- ed upon the State Street Bridge, from which a hundred catridges were fired by the Deputj of the Commissionary General. * * During the day the white fanatics posted placards through the streets. "Give us liberty or give us death — execution of Capt. John Brown." THE POSTULA AND FORMULA OF THEODORE PARKER AND HORACE GREELY. Shortly after the execution of John Brown a card appeared in the New York Tribune, from Theodore Parker of Boston, in which the following postulates are laid down as a formula for future action : "1st. A man held against his will, asaslave, has a natural right to kill any one who seeks to prevent his enjoyment of liberty. "2d. It may be a natural duty of a slave to develope this natural right in a practical man- ner, and actually kill those who seek to pre- vent his enjoyment of liberty. "3d. The freeman has a natural right to help the slaves to recover their liberty, and in that enterprise to do for them all which they have a right to do for themselves. "4th. It may be a natural charity for the freeman to help the slaves to the enjoyment of their liberty, and as a means to that end, to aid them in killing all such as oppose their natu- ral freedom. "5th. The performance of this duty is to be controlled by the freeman's jwojt'er to help." On the 2d day of Dec, 1859, an indignation meeting was held in the Chamber of Commerce in Milwaukee. A, committee was appointed on resolutions, consisting of Edward D. Holton, (afterwards elected by the Republicans to the Legislature,) J. H. Paine, a prominent law- yer of Milwaukee, Geo. Tracy, Clarence Shepherd and B. Domsciike, a Republican editor, who reported among others the follow- ing resolutions: '■'■Whereas. The fundamental principle of the United States Government is, that all men are created equal, and are entitled to the protec- tion of life, [except the white men murdered by John Brown,] liberty and property as an inalienable birthright, and, ^^ Whereas, There can be no allegiance due to a Government from those to whom it refuses such protection, and, '■'■Whereas, To enslave innocent human be- ings is the highest crime against humanity, therefore, '■^Resolved. That the enslaved of this coun- try owe no allegiance to the Government, either of the United States, or of the state in which they live, and have a right to regard and treat their enslavers as their enemies [Was not this a declaration of war?] and that a resort to force to obtain their freedom, is not only the right of the enslaved, but may be a duty which they owe to themselves and to their children, if they can use no other means, by whicl^ they can escape from the House of Bondage. [One fact should not be lost sight of in reading these vaporings, and that is, John Brown, though he often tried, could not induce the slaves to join him in effecting their "fi-eedom," so that this criminal sympathy was a forced exotic] '^Whereas, The State of Virginia, under the forms of laio, has this day put to an ignomini- ous death John Brown, for an attempt to de- liver his fellow men from slavery, and. ^"■Whereas — All the evidence in relation to this attempt proves that they did not intend to destroy life, except in self defense, but were animated solelj' by the desire to relieve the op- pressed, therefore Resolved, That John Brown and his fellow sufferers, who have followed his example, have but obeyed the Divine Command, 'remember those that are in bonds as bound with them,' have but acted in the faith of the Declaration drafted by Virginia's greatest statesman, that all men are endowed by their Creator with an inalienable right to liberty, and placing the souls in the slave's souls stead, have translat- ed into an immortal deed, the glorious motto, "give me liberty or give me death." '■'■Resolved — That those who justify the Revo- lution of '76, cannot condemn the attempt of John Brown," &c. That is, if the revolution of the British con- trol over this country was right, the attempt to revolutionize the government which was the result of such first revolution is right, and 68 FIVE HUxNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. ought not to be condemned, and so on, ad in fmitum, keeping society in constant revolution. Can it be possible that such monstrous doc- trines were honestly entertained by honest men and good citizens ? The resolutions also declare "7?tso?(Y(f, That the spectacle of a great state, trembling with affright at the solitary voice of John Brown [when backed by the entire "voice'' of the abolition party of the North] alone in prison, surrounded by thous- ands of armed soldiers, yet preaching repent- ance to oppressors, and ready to cheerfully seal his doctrine with his blood, is convincing proof ®f the weakness, cowardice and guilt of the slaveholders to an earnest that Brown is the J'okn the Baplist of the new dispensation of freedom [What solemn mockery] and that noth- ing but the united and earnest protest of the people of the North, to break every slavehold- ing yoke in the Union and let the oppressed go free. ^''Resolved, That as the pusillanimity of the North, and its ^vant of fealty to the principles of freedom, have encouraged the growth and spread of slavery, and the arrogance of the slave power, it is time that the North should awake to its responsibilities and duties, and that as the Union is a mocl-ery and a cheat to all u'ho hold to the sentiments of the Dcclaratio7i of Independence, and to the prin- ciples of Free Government, we should not be deterred from speaking the truth in regard to slavery, and the rights and duties of both the oppressors and the oppressed, by the silli/ and cowardhj threats cf dissolvina the Union,'' &c. The Rev. Geo. W. Bassett, of Ottawa, 111., was one of the speakers at the John Bi-own meeting in Chicago, and being severely criti- cised by the Times of that city, wrote a note to the editor, of which the following is an ex- tract: "When you tell your readers that I eulogized Capt. Brow.v, of Ossawatamie, I thank you for it, and I regard it as the shame of a pusillani- mous and servile age, that the heroism of that most remarkable and heroic man, is not ap- preciated. Ilis epitaph, like that of the noble, but equally unfortunate Emmet, shall be writ- ten by a subsequent and disenthrallfed age. "Sirs, I prefer your outspoken, fearless and terriblj' consistent advocacy of despotism; or, as you will say, slavery as it is, to a truckling and time serving spirit, that while seeking to use the anti slavery sentiment of the country for apolitical result, tries to cast odium upon the very unpopular development of it." This was said of those Republican sheets that professed to dislike the John Brown raid, for fear of its Tprohahle political consequences, which might be adverse to their political pros- pects: The following appeared among the telegraph items of "New York, Nov. 2. 1859.— Wendell Phillips, of Boston, delivered a lecture last night, in Brooklyn, in which he argued that John Brown was the only American who had acted boldly up to the es"... Prefer "Their principles to Fifty Unions". ..Who Discourage Enlistments. ..Reference to Aboltition Yotes in Congress. DISLOT.\LTY AND REVOLUTIONARY .SPIRIT OF REPUBLICANS. [The crowd of other duties, and the necessary haste in ■which these extracts have been collected— involving the perusal of hundreds of books and newspapers — render it quite impossible to place them in chronological order, but by proper headings it is believed they will be convenient for reference. — Compiler.] We have already published enough to show that the leaders of the great party opposed to the Democracy desire the dissolution of the Government, by any means, and have been la- boring to that end for seventy-five years. — Under all the dodges and guises of a change of name — shifting of ostensible purposes and objects, they have steadily pursued their de- structive course — using the same class of argu- ments, and resorting to the same class of means to accomplish their purpose. The Federalists of 1812, though professing a different line of policy, used the same class of arguments, and hurled the same species of denunciation against the Government and the principles on which it ■was founded, as the Federals of 1798 — always professing to be for the Constitution — yet in- sisting that Congress, the Executive and the courts had placed a wronar construction on its meaning. The Federal Republican of 1821 used the same class of arguments as the Fed- erals of 1812. The "Whig of 18.33 was true to the reasoning of his Federal Republican pro- genitors of 1824, while the Republican or "Un- ion" of the present era goes back to the Hart- ford Convention for the inspiration of his po- litical history, and while this class of men (the leaders — we do not mean all) profess, as did their Federal progenitors, to revere the Con- stitution, they scout the idea of ever again en- forcing it — laud those who wantonly violate it, and denounce as "traitors" and "copper- heads" all who are sincerely devoted to it "as it is," or desire to maintain the "Union as it was." Future generations, that may chance | to read the pages of this book, shall not have it to say we slandered the leaders of the Re- publican or "Union" party, for we shall let them speak for themselves, as Agrippa per- mitted Paul to plead his own case. If the well studied words and phrases of the leaders of the present party in power do not sustain our charge that they desire a dissolution of this Union, and have been using the slavery question as but a means to accomplish the end, then let the present and future readers sen- tence us to the ignominy due to a slanderer. thurlow weed's testimony. TiiuRLOW Weed, late editor of the Albany Journal, is good Republican authority. He denounces Horace Greeley', the principal leader of the Republican party, with whom the President condescends and delights to corres- pond with, as the "architect of ruin," and proceeds, "first, while Slidell, Toombs, Ma- son, Davis, etc. etc., were maturing their schemes for rebellion, and the Gulf States, under their instructions, were seceding, Mr. Greeley approved, justified, and invited them to go forward ivith their treasonable designs,^^ and — HERE is the evidence. "If the cotton states shall become satisfied that they can do better out of the Union than in it, tve insist on letting them go in peace. The right to secede may be a revolutionary one, but it (xists nevertheless. * * * We must ever resist the right of any state to remain in the Union and nullify or defy the laws thereof. To ivithdraw from the Uni»n is quite another matter. Whenever a considerable section of our Union shall deliberately resolve to go out we shall resist all coercive measures designed to keep them in. We hope never to live in a Republic whereof one section is pinned to an- other by bayonets." — Neoi York Tribune, Nov. 9, 1860. "If the cotton states unitedly and earnestly wish to withdraw peacefully from the Union, ice think they should and would be alloiccd to do so. Any attempt to co7npel them by force to remain, ivould be contrary to the principles enunciated in the immortal Declaration of Independence — contrary to the fundamental ideas on which human liberty is based." — A'^civ York Tribune, Nov. 26, 1860. How easy it is for heretics to summon the Bible to their aid, or political disunion lunatics, to summon the "immortal Declaration" or the "fundamental ideas of humanity" as evidence that Dissolution is accerding to the true Union faith! Again: SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 87 "If it (the Declaration of Independence) justified the secession from the British Empire, of three millions of Colonists in 1776, wc do not see ichy it should not JUSTIFY the seces- sion of five millions of Southerners, from the Union.' in 1861"— iV^c York Tribune, Dec. 17, I860. '^Whe/iever it shall he clear that the great body of the Southern peoj'le have become con- clusiveh) alienated from the Union and ajixious to escape from it. WE WILL DO OUR BEST TO FORWARD THEIR VIEWS!"— iV'm- York Tribune, Feb. 23, 1861. Here, then, during the insipient stages of the Rebellion, -wc find the great leading organ of the Republican party, pleading for the right of secession, and pledging itself not only to resist any coercive measures but to forward the views of the traitors. No Republican press — no Republican orator — has from that day to this, denounced Gkeelet, the author of these disunion sentiments, and why? Because Greeley always votes against the Democracy and supports the Republican ticket!! GREELEY ADVOC.MIXG PEACE WITH THE RE- BELS. To show still further the treasonable animus of the Tribune, we quote from its reply to Mr. Weed: "We believe that should they (the rebels) be successful and ive defeated, in the general re- sults of the campaign now openiny, impartial third parties will say, that we ought to consent to peace, an the best attai7iable terms! Whether ■ we shall take that counsel, or renew the strug- gle [which actually did go against us at Fred- ericksburg and several cither places] as a uni- ted people, who have come to understand, and to accept its real character, the cost and suffer- ing involved, even will detei-mine. "But we believe the time ivill come — we do not say how soon, as that must depend on the results of the conflicts yet future, when the great powers of Europe will mediate — not by blows nor menaces, but by representations — against a coniijiuajice of the struggle, as fruit- less, ivasteful butchery, and urge a settlement in the interest of huma7iity &nd coinmerce.^' These are precisely the grounds on which the Federals of 1814 urged a "settlement." To this last extract, Mr. Weed replies: "In simple, direct, unequivocal language, Mr. Greeley says that if we are not successful in the campaign noiv opening, [the campaign of Fredericksburg] our cause and country are lost, and that we must have peace upon the 'best attainable terms.' "This is saying openly and publicly, to the enemy, that they have only to hold out two or three months longer, to secure the triumph of rebellion and slavery. Had an opposition journal or memher of Congress uttered these sentiments, the Tribune would have demanded their removal to Fort Lafayette. "Mr. Greeley evades, though he does not de- ny, that he has communicated with the French Minister and Mr. Vallandigham, suggesting mediation to the former nnH peace to th.G latter. In entering upon the question of mediation with a foreign Minister, he takes issue in vio- lation of law against the G0VERN3IENT! And in opening a correspondence with a rep- resentative, whom he is constantly denouncing as a traitor, he commits an oflFense, I leave others to name and characterize ! "And now I leave Mr. Greeley The col- umns of his own Tribune being the exponent and witness, as first inviting the withdrawal from the Union, and then, after a hundred thousand lives had been sacrificed, and twelve hundred millions of treasure squandered, de- manding the intervention of the Great Powers of Europe, in favor of, '■'■peace upon the best attainable terms! 'for the sake of humanity and commerce!^ ". MR. LINCOLN ON THE RIGHT OF SECESSION. Mr. Greeley was not the first to advocate the right of secession and dicsolution, nor was Mr. Lincoln, but Mr. Lincoln did advocate it as early as the 12th of January, 1 843, on a question of reference of a portion of the Pres- ident's message — See Ap. Cun. Globe, lit Ses- sion, 3Qlh Cone/ress, p.9i. "Any people, any where, being inclined and having the power, have the right to rise up and shake off the existing government and form a new one that suits them better. *■«■** Nor is this right confined to cases in which the people of an existing government may choose to exercise it. Any portion of such people that can, may revolutionize, and may make their own of so much territory as they inhabit. More than this, a majority of any portion of such people may revolutionize, putting down a minority, intermingled with or near about them, who may oppose their movements." the radicals in congress show their PURPOSE to destroy THE UNION. Mr. Vallandigham, who has been denoun- ced as the "prince of copperheads," introduced a series of resolutions in Congress, testifying jo the integrity of the Union, on the 5th of January, 1862, from which we select the fol- lowing: '■'■Resolved, That the Union as it was must be restored, and maintained, one and indivisible, forever, under the constitution as it is, the 5th Article, providing for amendments, included. '■'■Resolved, That this Government can never permit the intervention of any foreign nation in regard to the present civil war. FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. '■'■Resolved, That no two Governments can ever he perrnitted to exercise jurisdiction ivithin the territory now belonrjing to the United States, and •which ackowledgcd their jurisdic- tion at the beginning of this civil war. '■'■Resolved, That whoever shall propose, by Federal authority to extinguish any of the States of this Union, or to declai'e any of them Fxtinguished, and to establish tervitorial gov- ernments within the same, will be guilty of a high crime against the constitution and the Union. '■'Resolved, That whoever shall affirm that it is competent for this House, or any other authority, to establish a Dictatorshij} in the United States, thereby superceding, or sus- pending the constitutional authorities of the Union, and shall proceed to make any tnove towards the declaring of a Dictator, will be guilty of a high crime against the constitution .and the Union., and Public Liberty.''^ Mr. LovEJOY (radical) immediately moved to table the resolutions, which would be equiv- let to their final rejection. The yeas and nays were demanded by Mr. Vallaxdigiiam, and resulted: Aldricb, S. C. Fessepden, Porter, Arnold, T. A. D. Fesseuden, Potter, Asliley, Fisher, J. H. Kice, Babbitt, Franchott, E.n. Rollins, Baker. Frank, gargeant, Baxter, Goodwin, Sedgwick, Beaman, Gurlev, Shank, Bingham, Hale," Shellaburger, Samuel S. Blair, Harrison, Sherman, Blake, Hickman, Sloan, Buffington, Hooper, Spaulding, Chamberlain, Horton, Stevens, Clark, Hutchins, Stratton, Colfax, Julian, B.;F. Ihoma.s F. A. Conkling, Kelley, Train, Roscoe Conkling, W. F. Kellogg, Trowbridge, CoYode, Loomis, Van Horn, Cutler, Lovcjoy, Van Valkenburg Davis, Low, Van Wyck, Dawes, McPhersoii, Walker, Delano, Mitchell, Wall, Duell, INIoorehead, Wallace, Edgerton, Justin S. Morril, Washburne, Elliott, Nixon, Wilson, Ely, I'iko, Windham, Fenton, I'omeroy, ■Worcester. 78 Republicans NATS. W. J. Allen, Hall, Price, Anacona, Hardy, Richardson, Bailey, Holman, Robinson, Biddle, Johnson, Sheffield, W. G. Brown, Knapp, Shiel, Clements, Law, Smith, Cobb, LaZear, JohnB. Steele, Conway, Leary, Wm. G. Steele Corning, Mallory, Stiles, Cox, Maynard, Vallandigham, Cravens, Menzies, Vibbard, Crisfield, Noble, Voorhees, Dunlap, Norton, C. A. White, English, Nugen, WickUffe, Fourke, Pendleton, Woodruff, Granger, Perry, Wright, Grider, Yateman — 50 . If this does not exhibit the true intent and purpose of the radicals in power to change our Union, establish a despotism or some new kind of government in its stead, then there is no meaning to be attached to the actions of men. TUE CONSTITUTION AGAIN THE "•CAUSE OF ALL OUR TROUBLES." During the summer of 1863, the Anti-Slave- ry Society of New York, passed the following resolution, Wendell Phillips being present and aiding in the same: ^^ Resolved, That while the Society has ren- dered this verdict with the deepest emphasis, it has not failed to remind the people of the North, that ever since the adoption of the con- stitution of the United States, 'their feet have run to evil, and they have made haste to shed innocent blood,' in the way of slaveholding complicity; that by consenting to a slave rep- resentation in Congress, to the arrest and ren- dition of fugitive slaves on their own soil, and to the suppression of slave insurrections by the iron heel of the General Government, they have made a covenant with death, and with hell they have been at agreement, till at last, judgment is laid to the line and righteousness to the plummet, and the ball sweeps away the refuge of lies, the waters overflow the hiding place, the covenant with death (the constitu- tion) is annulled, and the agreement with hell no longer stands." THE PURPOSE OF VOTING DOWN THE PLEDGE NOT TO ESTABLISH A DESPOTISM. The following brief views of the act author- izing the President to suspend the writ of free- dom, and to indemnify the President and all acting under him for any act they may commit, is from that able paper, the New York World It should be read in the same connection with the sedition law of old, which was virtue, com- pared with this law. It gives a clue to the real motives that governed the majority in Congress in voting down Mr. Vallandigiiam's resolutions against a Dictatorship, noted above: From the New York World. THE COMPLETE OVERTHROW OF THE PUBLIC LIBERTIES. "This is the darkest hour since the outbreak of the rebellion. Congress, by the act passed yesterday authorizing the President to suspend the writ of habeas corpus throughout the whole extent of the country, has consummated its scries of measures for laying the country pros- trate and helpless at the feet of one man. It, was not enough that Mr. Lincoln has been intrusted with the purse and the sword; that, with an immense power to raise or manufacture money he has unrestricted command of the services of every able-bodied man of the country, Congress has thought it necessary to aive the finishing stroke to its establishment of a military des- potism, by removing all checks on the abuse of SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 89 the enormous monetary and military power with which they have clothed the President. — What assurance has the country that we shall ever have another Presidential election? None whatever, except what may be found in the confidence, reasonable or unreasonable, reposed in the rectitude and patriotism of Mr. Lincoln. If any person, in any part of the country, shall think it his duty to resist unconstitutional en- croachments on the rights of citizens, Mr. Lin coin is authorized, by what purports to be a law, to snatch up that individual and immure him in one of the government bastiles as long as he shall see fit, and there is no power in the na- tion to call him to account. He can send one of his countless provost marshals into the house of a governor of a State, or any other citizen, in the dead of night, drag him from his bed, hustle him away under the cover of darkness, plunge him in a distant and unknown dungeon and allow his friends to know no more of the ■whereabouts of his body, than they would of the habitation of his soul, if, instead of impris- oning the provost marshal had murdered him. With this tremendous power over the liberty of every citizen whom he may suspect, or whom he may choose to imprison without suspecting, the President is as absolute a despot as the Sultan of Turkey. All the guarantees of lib- erty are broken down; we all lie at the feet of one man, dependent on his caprice for every hour's exemption from a bastile. If he wills it, the State governments may continue in the discharge of their functions: but if he will it, every one of them that does not become his sub- missive and subservient tool can be at once suspended by the imprisonment of its officers. Considering the enormous power conferred on the Presinent by the finance and sonscription bills, a reasonable jealousy would have erected additional safeguards against its abuse. Instead of that, Congress has thrown down all the old barriers and left us absolutely without shelter in the greatest violence of the tempest. "So far as the detestable act passed yester- day is an act of indemnity to shield the Presi- dent from the legal consequences of past ex- ertions of arbitrary power, it is a confession that he, his secretaries, provost marshals, and other minions, have been acting in violation of law. It annuls all laws passed by the state legislatures for the protection of their citizens against kidnapping; it provides for taking all -uits for damages out of the state courts and transferring them to the Federal tribunals, and before those tribunals the fact that the in- jury complained of was done under color of executive authority is declared to be a full and complete defense. It even inflicts penalties on persons coming before the courts for redress of injuries, by declaring that if they are not suc- cessful, the defendant shall recover double costs.. So that the aggrived party must take the risk of this penalty for venturing to ascer- tain, in a court of justice, whether his oppres- sor was or was not acting under the authority of the President. To this alarming pass have matters come, that not only does every citizen 7 hold his liberty at the mercy of one man, but he is liable to be punished for inquiring wheth- er the man arresting him really possessed, or only falsely pretended to possess, that man's authority! "The attempt to disguise the odious charater f this detestable act by a sham provision to its second section is an insult to the intelli- gence of the people. "The Secretary of State and the Secretary of War," so it reads, "are directed, as soon as it may he jiracticable,^'' to furnish to the judges of the courts lists of the names of the persons arrested, that they may be presented to a grand jury for indictment. — And who is to judge of this practicability'? Why the secretaries themselves, or the Presi- dent for them. They will furnish such lists whenever it suits their pleasure, and not be- fore. There is not only 7io penalty for neglect- ing to do this altogether, but the main purpose of the act is to protect these oflficers, and all persons acting under their directions, against all legal penalties for all arrests wherever made, and all detentions in prison however long protracted. "The ninety days during which Congress has now been in session are the last ninety days of American freedom. Our liberties had previ- ously been curtailed and abridged by execu- tive encroachments, but the courts remained open for redress of wrongs. But this Congress has rendered their overthrow complete, by first putting the purse and sword in the hands of the President and then assuring him of com- plete impunity in all abuses of this enormous, this dangerous, this tremendous power." A HIOHER STANDARD THAN THE STARS AND STRIPES. Soon after Fremont's removal from the Ar- my of the West, his admirers held a meeting in Cincinnati, the Rev. Mr. Conway was the prin- cipal speaker, in the course of whose remarks we find the following: "'Now that the standard of liberty has been unfurled by Fremont over the contending par- ties — a higher standard than the stars and stripes or stars er bars — how wretched and despicable appear the standards raised by the pigmy gen- erals who have gone out warm from the wings of the Administration.^^ REPUBLICANS "PREFER THEIR PRINCIPLES TO FIFTY UNIONS." Soon after Mr. Seward made his great speech, declaring that if need be all platforms must be sacrificed to save the Union, the New York Tribune became indignant, and thus rap- ped the Senator over the knuckles: "Senator Seward, in his speech of Thurs- day last, declares his readiness to renounce Republican principles for the sake of the Union. In this readiness the Senator differs totally from the almost incomparable majority 00 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. of the Republican party, and from the Presi- dent elect. They regard these principles as sacred. They will not forswear them at the bidding of a world of seceding and treasonable slaveholders. They see no necessity to choose between them, but if such a choice must be made, they prefer their principles to fifty Vnions.^^ ABOLITIONISTS BISCOUEAGE ENLISTMENTS. So long as the Boston Liberator supposed the Wi;r was being prosecuted to save the Union, it was bitter against all who enlisted. Here is an extract from its columns of 1862: "Hasten back to a recognition of your own manhood — of your divine origin and destiny. Believe yourselves too sacred to be shot down like dogs by Jeff. Davis and his negro mymi- dons, and all in the cause of slavery! Die, rather, at home in the arms of loving mothers and affectionate sisters. Nay, be shot down, if you must, at home, and die like a Christian, and have a decent burial, rather than go and die in the cause of a Union and a government based on slavery, which should never have been formed, and which are blistered all over with the curses of God for wrongs, outrages and cruelties it has inflicted on millions of His poor children. Speak in tones of thunder to the Government until it hears, and declares a policy and purpose of such a character as that if you must die in battle it shall at least be in the cause of jusiiuu and liberty." VOTES ON ABOLITION IN CONGRESS. Not having room in this work for even ex- tracts, we refer the reader for the votes on the various negro policies of the party in power to the Congressional Globe of 1861, pp. 5 and 159. Also to same of 1862, pp. 1179, 1653, 1548, 2359, 2363, 1408, 2793, 3107, 3267, 2536, 3397, &c.. CHAPTER XVII. ABOLITION DISLOYALTY AND TREASON. Extracts from Speeches and Sayings : by John A. Bing- ham. ..A. G. Riddle. ..Owen Lovfjoy...Wm. Davi8...F. A. Pike...'\V. P. Cutler. ..J. M. Ashlay...J. P. C. Shanks ...John Uuchings...F. A. Conway. ..C. F. Sedgwick... Benj. Wade.... I. il. Kice...G. W. Julian...Thad. Stevens ...J. P. Hale ' ►■■ titions for Dissolution). ..David Wilmot ...Horace Wu.ii.... Wendell Phillips... Lowell Republi- cans..." Boslnu Liberator "...J. Watson Webb. ..Boston Free Soilors... Charles Sumner..." Tiue American '... ' Haaipshire Gazette "...Programme of Revolution... Senator Wilson. ..R. P. Spauldine...Erastus Hopkins... H. M. Addison. ..Abolitionists of Massachusetts. ..R. W. Emerson... Horace Greeley. ..U. Ward Beecher...S. P. Chase. . .Fred Douglas. ..Redpatb... Rev. Chas. E. Hodges ...Lloyd Garrison..." N. Y. Tribune "...Wm. 0. Duvall ...Gen. Banks. ..Anson Burlingame...Rev. Dr. Bellows... Ingersoll, of 111. ...Defeat of the Crittenden Compromise ...Vote in the Senate. ..Policy of Wou't-Yield-an-lnch... Treasonable Correspondence between M. D. Conway and J. M. Mason. ..F. A. Conway's Treasonable Speech in Congress... Also, his Treasonable Letter to the "N. Y. Tribune". ..Garrison's Speech in Philadelphia. ..Ex- tr.ict from "Wisconsin Puritan." SLAVERY THE ''cause" OF AGITATION. The following extracts, taken promiscuously from a large class, exhibit the true aim^ and purposes of the radicals to agitate the slavery question as the shortest route to a dissolution of the Union. Nothing can be plainer than this. It is the same old stereotyped lingo, used by Peliiam in 1796, when he boasted of his object to dissolve the Union. Most of these characters are the direct descendents of those who voted down Virginia and Delaware, then and now slave states, and succeeded in keep- ing open that execrable commerce, the slave trade, eight years longer than most of the South wanted it, that they might enrich their com- merce, and sell its fruits to the very men and communities they now denounce. The picture is as true as it is sad. "We believe that in the initiation of eman- cipation, of full and complete emancipation, will put an end to this civil war. After slave- ry is abolished, or put in process of ultimate extinction, there will be nothing left for trait- ors to fight for." — Hon John A. Bingham, of Ohio, March 18, 1862. ''The forces now moving the profound depths of our political compact, will themselves, ere they are spent, work its [slavery's] demoli- tion." — lion. A. G. Riddle, of Ohio, January 27, lb62. "This war, without compromise or cessation will go forward till its beneficent end [the end of slavery] is accomplished through its own appointed means." — lion. A. G Riddle, April 11, 1862. "There can be no Union till slavery is des- troyed. * * I say you cannon put down the rebellion and restore the Union without des- troying slaverj'." — Hon. Oiven Lovejoy, of Illinois^ April M, 1862. "Slavery is at war with us, and slavery must die. '^ — Hon. Wm. Davis, of Penn., March 6, 1862. "And these three — tax, fight, and emanci- pate — shall be the trinity of our salvation. In this sign we shall conquer." — Hon. F. A. Pike, of Maine, Feb. 5, 1862. "Slavery is a public enemy, and ought, therefore, to be destroyed; it is a nuisance, that must be abated. * * I reiterate the words used by the honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens) in the preamble to his bill now under consideration: 'slavery has caused this present rebellion, and there can be no permanent peace and union in this republic so long as that institution exists.' SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 91 Everybody knows this to be true. * * . * Shall we occnpy the ridiculous position of hav- ing well nigh exhausted the blood and treasure of a nation to suppress a rebellion, and leave the admitted cause of it untouched?'' — Hon W.P. Cutler, of Ohio, April 23, 1862. "In my judgment, an enduring peace can be secured only bj conauering the rebels, con- fiscating their property, and emancipating their slaves." — 7/crt. J. J/. Ashley, of Ohio, May 23, 1862. "This is the time, of all others, to release the slaves of rebels. Such law could only be enforced by the army. Hence, the army would be on the spot to quell any possible outbreak. — Hon. J. r. C. Shanks, of Indiana, May 24, 1862. ■'All slaveholders, and those who sympa- thize with the institution of slavery more or less sympathize with this rebellion. I say that this is the cause of the whole difficulty now, and I think that this nation is false to its own interests, false to humanity, false to the claims of justice, if it does not destroy the institution on the occasion now presented. — Hon. John Hutchinys, of Ohio, May 2^, 1862.. "This is the immense sacrifice we are making for freemen and Union; and yet it is all to be squandered on a subterfuge and cheat! For one, I shall not vote another dol- lar or a man for the war until it assumes a difi'erent standing, and tends directly to an anti-slavery result. — Hon. F. A. Comcay, of Kansas, Dec. 12, 1862. "We will break it (slavery) down, destroy it, and overthrow the institution, if the laws of war, under the Constitution of the country, give us the authority, as I most solemnly be- lieve they do. I will have no disguise of my opinions or intentions. My stand upon the subject is open to all observation. 1 am for destroying this hostile iiistitution in every state that has made v:ar upon the Govern' ment; and if we have milita^'y strength enough to reduce them to possession, I propose to leave not one slave in the wake of our advancing armies — not one '' — Hon. C. F. Sedgwick, of New York, May 23, 1862. "I would reduce the aristocratic slaveholders to utter poverty. I know they are conceited; I know they are essentially aristocratic. I am fully persuaded that their minds and their feel- ings are so in antagonism to Republican Dem- ocratic doctrines that it is impossible to recon- cile them, and we shall never have peace until we have reduced the leaders to utter poverty, and taken thereby their influence away. I am for doing it. It ought to be done." — Senator Wade, of Ohio, June 25, 1862. "I hope and believe that before this war is ended the sun will not shine upon a slave upon all this continent. I hope that the end of slavery and this war will be written together upon the same page of the history of the coun- try."— i^on. 0. F. Sedgwick, June 25, 1862. "By the laws of peace it [slavery] was en- titled to protection, and had it. By the laws of war, it is entitled to annihilation. In God's name, let it still have its rights." — Hon. John H. Bice, of Maine, Meiy 25, 1862. "The rebels have demanded a 're-construct- ion' on the basis of slavery, let us give them a 'reconstruction' on the basis of freedom. Let us convert the rebel States into conquered provinces, remanding them to the status of mere territoriei, and governing them as such in our discretion." — Hon. G. W. Julian, of Indiana, January 13, 1862. "Sir, I can no longer agree that this Admin- istration is pursuing a wise policy." * * * "I cannot agree to the policy which is forbid- ding the employment and liberation of these men. Its policy ought to be to order our army, wherever they go, to free the slaves, to enlist them, to arm them, to discipline them as they have been enlisted, armed and disciplined ev- erywhere else, and as they can be here, and set them shooting their masters, if they will not submit to this Government. Call that sav- age, if you please." — Hon. Thad. Stevens, of Fa., July 5, 1S62. "On the 7th day of February, 1850. John P. Hale insisted upon, and along with Chase and Seward alone, voted to receive, refer and consider a petition demanding of Congress 'an immediate dissolution of the Union,' because a union with slave-holders is violative of di- vine law and human rights." "John P. Hale, on the 23d of March, 1848, presented a batch of eight petitions at once, demanding the dissolution of the Union." The Montrose Democrat of May 10th, 1856, says : '■We recollect a little over a year ago, that we heard Mr. Wilmot make the following de- claration : " 'I am determined to arouse the people to the importance of the slavery issue, and get up an organization through which they can get control of the Government in 1856. And if I become satisfied that these efforts will fail, and that the people will not assert their rights, then I'll be d — d if I don't join the party that I think will send the country to h — 1 the quickest! ' " "In conclusion I have only to add that such is my solemn and abiding conviction of the character of slavery, and under a full sense of my responsibility to my country and my God, I deliberately say, better disunion — better a civil or servile war — better anything that God in his providence shall send— than an extension of the bonds of slavery.' — Hon, Horace Mann. '•No man has a right to be surprised at this state of things. It is just what we abolitionists and disuniunists have attempted to bring about. There is merit in the Republican party. It is the first sectional parly ever organized in this 92 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. country. It does not know its own face, but calls itself national; but it is not national — it is sectional. The Republican party is a party of the North pledged against the South." — We7ulell Phillips. "Ecsohed, That the Union was established to secure the liberties of American citizens. — When it fails to do that, our only voice can be, let the Union be dissolved." — Lowell Republi- can Resolution. The Boston Liberator, in an article headed, in large type — "But one issue — the dissolution of the Union'' — recommends signatures to a petition for that purjiose, of which the follow- ing is a spirit: "We theiefore believe that the time has come for a new arrangement of elements so hostile; of interests so irreconcilable; of in- stitutions so incongruous; and we earnestly re- quest Congress, at its present session, to take initiatory measures for the speedy, peaceful and equitable dissolution of the existing Union, as the exigencies of the case require." "If the Republicans fail at the ballot-box, we shall be forced to drive back the slaveocrats with fire and sword!" — James Watson Webb. '^Resolved, That 'Constitution, or no Consti- tution, law or no law, we will not allow a fugi- tive slave to be taken from Massachusetts.' " — Boston Free Soilers of 1850. "I have before declared that the path of duty was clear as to the fugitive slave act, and that I am bound to disobey it!" — Chas. Sumner, October, 1850. The Trae American, a Republican organ in Erie county. Pa., in commenting upon a speech delivered at a Democratic meeting says: "This twaddle about the Union and its pre- servation is too silly and sickening for any good eifect. We think the liberty of a single slave is worth more than all the Unions God's universe can hold." The Hampshire (Mass.) Gazette of August 23d, 1856, a Republican organ, published a letter from a citizen of Northampton, who has been engaged in circulating there the petition for a dissolution of the Union, wherein he stated ihat "More than one hundred and fifty legal vot- ers of that town have signed this petition." Says Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts: "Freemen of the North have a right to gov- ern this country. I tell you here, to-night, that the agitation of this question of human slavery will continue while the foot of a slave presses the soil of the American Republic." Says Charles Sumner: "The good citizen, as he reads the require- ments of this act, — the fugitive slave law — is filled with horror. * * * Here the path of duty is clear. I am proud to disobey this act. Sir, I will not dishonor the home of the pil- grims, and of the revolution, by admitting — nay, I cannot believe this will be executed here." Said RuFus P. SPArLDixG, a member of the Convention that nominated Fremont: "In the case of the alternative being pre- sented of the continuance of slavery, or a dis- solution of the Union, I am for dissolusion, and I care not how quick it comes." Said Erastus Hopkins, a member of the Convention that nominated Fremont: "If peaceful measures fail us, and we are driven to the last extremity, where ballots are useless, then we'll make bullets effective." — [Tremendous applause.] II. M. Addison, otth.Q American Advertiser, says: "I detest slavery, and say unhesitatingly, that I arm in favor of abolition by some means, if it should send all the party organizations in the Union, and the Union itself, to the devil. It can only exist by holding millions of human beings in the most abject and cruel system of slavery that ever cursed the earth; it was a pity it was ever formed, and the sooner it is dissolved the better." In 1854, the abolitionists of Massachusetts and other states sent petitions to Congress, from which the following is an extract: "We earnestly request Congress, at its pres- ent session to take such initiatory measures for the speedy, peaceful and equitable dissolution of the existing Union as the exigencies of the case may require." Said Ralph Waldo Emmerson: "We can no longer live in a Union with a barbarous community." Says Senator Wade, of Ohio: "I say there is another thing — and I put it as a question of casuistry — if the condition on which the Union is to be permanent can con- sist alone in trampling down nearly four mil- lions of your inhabitants, (i. e. the existence of slavery,) I ask honest and honorable men, dare you wish that the Union should be con- tinued upon even these nefjirious conditions? No, sir; nor I, for it would be the most mise- rable selfishness that ought to damn any man wishing to benefit himself from such a sacrifice of all the rights belonging to human nature as this. (Applause.) "And after all this to talk of a Union ! Sir, I have said you have no Union. I say you have no Union to-day worthy of the name. "Sir, I am here a conservative man, know- ing as I do that the only salvation to your SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP BOOK. 93 Union is that you divest it entirely from all the taints of slavery. "If we can't have that, then I go for no Union at all. but I go for FIGHT. (Great applause.) If there is any man here possess- ing a weaker spirit, let him show himself, for I want to see his meek face." Says HoR.\cE Greeley: '•'•All nations have their superstitions, and that of our people is the Constitution." Henry Ward Beecher says: "A great many people raise a cry about the Union and the Constitution, as if the two were perfectly identical; but the truth is, it is the Constitution itself that is the cause of every division with this vexed question of slavery has ever occasioned in this country. It has been the foundation of our troubles, by at- tempting to ii.old together, as reconciled, ttvo opposing principles which will 7iot harwonize nor agree.'' James Watson Webb remarked in a speech in the convention that nominated Fremont: "On the action of the convention depends the fate of the country; if the Republicans fail at the ballot box, weivill be forced to drive back slavocracg ivilh FIRE AND SWORD. Says Sal. P. Chase: "Slavery in the States would not continue a year after the accession of the anti-slavery party to power, ;'ind it ought to be abolished by the constitutional jaozt'cr of Congress.^^ Says Fred. Doudlas: "From this time forth I consecrate the la- bors of my life to the dissolution of the Union; and I care not whether the bolt that rends it shall come from Heaven or from Hell!" Redpath, the English abolitionist, who has done the engineering for the Republicans in the Kansas matter, has published a book, in \rhich his purpose is frankly avowed. He says: "I believe that civil war between the North and South would ultimate in insurrection, and that the Kansas troubles would probably cre- ate a military conflict of the two sections. Hence I left the South and went to Kansas, and endeavored, personally and with my pen, to precipitate a revolution." Now, the aforenamed traitors are not de- nounced as ••copperheads," because they vote the Republican ticket. In 1855 Senator Wade, of Ohio, made a speech in Portland, Maine, in which he de- clared: "There is really no Union now between the North and the South. I believe no two nations ■on earth entertain feelings of more bitter ran- cor towards each other than these two portions of the Republic." In a tract, by the Rev. Chas. E.Hodges., and published by the Anti-Slavery Tract So- ciety, occurs this passage: "That Constitution is pro-slavery. Viewed, then, in the light of all that is urged, (andean logic or inspiration point to any other con elusion?) he is not a traitor to his country, but the only true patriot, as well as christian, who labors for the peaceful dissolution of the Union." * * * "We do not expect to dissolve the Union alone. With the truest and most disinterested love of justice, humanity, and our country, we simply ask co-operation, and, for this, appeal to the conscience and understanding of the people. There is no necessity, therefore, for any definite answer to the question: How do you propose to do this thing? It is not the time to lay out a plan of a campaign, to open trenches, dispose forces, and besiege the cita- del, while we have yet no forces, save only a few recruiting officers. The thing to be done now is, to urge upon every man this question: Are you ready? Now, has this Rev. ever been denounced by any Republican press or orator? Never! — Why? Because the Rev. Chakles E. Hodges votes the Republican ticket! Mr. Garrison made a speech in 1S56, in which he declared: "I have said, and I say again, that in pro- portion to the growth of disunionism, will be the growth of Republicanism. * * ^ The Union is a lie. The American Union is an im- pesture, and a covenant with death, and an agreement with hell. * * * I am for its overthrow. * * * Up with the flag of dis- union, that we may have a free and glorious Union of our own." No Republican was ever known to denounce Garrison for this blasphemy, because he never votfd the Democratic ticket! Wo quote as follows from the New York Tribune, which was laid upon the members' desks just before the passage of the Kansas- Nebraska act: "We urge, therefore, unbending determina- tion on the part of Northern members hostile to this intolerable outrage, and demand of them, in behalf of peace, in behalf of freedom, in behalf of justice and humanity, resistance to the last. Better that confusion should en- su e — better that discord should reign in the national councils — better that Congress should break up in wild disorder — nay, better that the Capitol itself should blaze by the torch of the incendiary, or fall and bury all its inmates be- neath its crumbling ruins, than that this per- fidy and wrong should be finally accomplished." 94 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. The next is an extract from a letter of Wm. 0. DuvALL, to a convention which he had been inTited to address in New York: "Were not the nominal free states of this Republic completely 'subdued?' Within forty- eight houi-s from the time Charles Sumner was murderously and cowardly assaulted in the Senate, every custom-house, arsenal and forti- fication of the North should have been in the possession of citizen soldiers, and long before this an army of, twenty thousand men should have expelled from Washington the Goths and Vandals of the administration. And give me leave to say to you, the people are ready to do this work, and are only kept from it by the 'cool headed' management of political leaders. Only let the capitalists of the North furnish the means, and the men are ready to fight this propagandizing Government at once u2)on its good behavior. Let the capitalists generally take pattern from the noble Gcrrit Smith, who proposes the raising at once of a million of dollars, and pledged himself for ten thousand of it. That is the ring of the true metal. — Where shall we find one more such? That there are more such I know, for my neighbdl', Nathan Marble, told me yesterday, that if Mr. Smith's plan should be carried out he would give a thousand dollars towards it." "I sincerely hope that a civil war may soon burst upon the country. I want to see Ameri- ' can Slavery abolished in my day — it is a leg- acy I have no wish to leave my children; then my most fervant prayer is, that England, France and Spain may speedily take this sla- very-accursed Nation into their special consid- eration; and when the time arrives for the streets and cities of this 'land of the free and home of the brave' to run with blood to the horses' bridles, if the writer of this be living, there will be one heart to rejoice at the retri- butive justice of heaven." Nc\ Republican ever saw any "treason" in this, because Mr. Duvall votes the Republi- can ticket! Gen. Banks said: "I am willing in a certain contingency to let the Union slide," and no Republican has ever declaimed against the sentiment, because Banks votes the Repub- lican ticket. BuRLiNGAME, present minister to the Celes- tial Empire, said in a speech in Indiana, that "the time will come when we must have an anti-slavery constitution — an anti-slavery Bible and an anti-slavery God," nor have we ever heard a Republican dissent from this blasphemy, because Burlingame votes the Republican ticket. Thad. Stevens, the chairman of the com- mittee of Ways and Means in the House, made a speech in Congress, in which he declared: "If we are to have a Union again, I would not have one with one part free — the other part slave. I would not, if I could, agree to such a Union!" Thad. Stevens has not been rebuked by his followers, because Tuad. Stevens votes the Republican ticket! The Rev. Dr. Bellows, in one of his public discourses in the city of New York, disgraced the pulpit by uttering the following: "It is no longer a war in defence of the Union, the Constitution, and the enforcement of the laws. It is a war to be carried on no longer with the aim of re-establishing the Union and the Constitution with all their old compromises. God means not to let us off with j any half-way work. I am now convinced, and I consider it the most humane, the most econ- omical, and the most statesmanlike now, to take tiie most radical ground possible — TO ASSUME THAT THIS IS A WAR FOR THE SUBJUGATION OR EXTERMINA- TION OF ALL PERSONS AVHO WISH TO MAINTAIN THE SLAVE POWER:— a war to get rid of slavery and slaveholders: WHETHER IT BE CONSTITUTIONAL OR NOT!!!" Dr. Bellows votes the Republican ticket and hence he is not denounced for such senti- ments by that party! Mr. iNGErsoLL, the Abolition candidate for Congress at large in Illinois, during a late can- vass, in a speech at Chicago, said: "I say we must adopt whatever measures are necessary to crush this rebellion and save the countiy. I am not'the judge of what is neces- sary, nor is any man here the judge. The President is the appointed judge, and when his mandate has gone forth, every mau is bound to obey. Abraham Lincoln is Command- er-in. Chief of the armies of the states. As such he possesses the power necessary to crush the rebellion. I care not what you name the measure; if it becomes necessary, that is the only question, and the man who does not re- spect the mandates of his supreme General when the country is in a death graple with re- bellion, is a traitor and deserves a traitor's doom. The President in such a time, I be- lieve, is clothed with the power as full as that of the Czar of Russia over this question, and the question of its exercise is for him and his constitutional advisers to determine. The Chi- cago Times is not the judge. If it is necessary perhaps it is just as well for the people to be- come familiar with this power and the right to its exercise now as at any other time. If the President should determine that in order to crush this rebellion the constitution itself should be suspended during tho rebellion, I believe he has the right to do it '" SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 95 Ingersoll was not dnounced as a traitor, because Ingeesoll votes the Republican ticket. TEACE AND THE CRITTENDEN PBOPOSITION. That the passage by Congress of the Crit- tenden proposition would have brought peace to the country, and saved us millions of trea- sure, a million of precious lives, and rivers of blood, we have the best of evidence. Every Republican in the United States Senate voted against that proposition, and here is the vote: i;i_V!ir(l, i.i)i!er, .right, ' ritteudeu, Douglas, liwinn, Hunter, ATES. Johnson, of Tenn.,Polk, Kennedy, Pugli, Lowe, Rice, Latham, Sebastian, Mason, Thoniiison, Nicholson, WigfiiU— IS. Anthony, Durkoe, Morrill, Bingham, Fesseuden, Sumner, Chandler (blood let-Foote, Ten Eyck, ting), Foster, Trumbull, Clark, Grimes, Wade, Dixon, Harlan, Wilkinson, Doolittle, King, Wilson— -0. If two, of those who voted in the negative, had voted in the affirmative, as Douglas de- clared, on the tloor of the Senate, it would have saved us the horrors of this war. The reader can form his own conclusion, as to whether that negative vote was the result of a desire to plunge us into a war and thus throw the onus of dissolving the Union upon the South. THE WOULDN'T-TIELD-AN-INCH POLICY. During the pending of the peace negotia- tions, the Chicago Tribic?ie said: "Others may do as they please, but this journal stands where it has always stood. It concedes nothing that would weaken the North in her great triumph over that infernal, des- potic institution which has debauched the Na- tional conscience, and now strives to emascul- ate the National courage. We surrender no inch of ground that has been won. Standing solidly on the Constitution and the laws; in- tending evil to none, but exact justice, under the National compact, to -all; animated by a pervading conviction of the sacredness of the cause in which we are engaged, we shall be content to do that which duty to God, our country and ourselves demands, and trust the consequences to that Power which shapes all things for the best; and this is the position in ■which the genuine Republicans of Illinois should stand, and these are the words which they should use. But whether they falter or keep on, our course is marked out." OPEN TREASON OF THE ABOLITIONISTS. The Rev. M. D. Conwat went to England. as he himself admits, for the purpose of enter- ing into negociations with the Rebel Envoy, J. M. Mason, and with a view to stipulate that on certain conditions the Abolitionists of America would oppose the further prosecution of the war. By the laws of war, and by our Constitution, this was rank, unmitigated treas- on — "adhering to the enemy — giving him aid and comfort," &c. And yet no Republican press or orator has denounced Mr. Conway as a traitor, because Mr. Conway votes the Re- publican ticket. Our '•Government" has taken no steps towards having him brought to j ustice, but has winked at his treason — paying no at- tention to it, while it hunted down by the^spy system, a citizen of Ohio, and sent him beyond our lines, as a felon, at the same time the President declaring he had committed no crime. A parallel for this conduct cannot be found in any civilized Government, and the real patriot is left to fall back on the vote against Vallan- digham's resolutions, declaring against a Des- potism, (see previous page) for a solution of the problem. Here is the proof of Conway's treason: 31r. Conway's Letter to Mason. "Aubrey House, Notting Hill, I London, W., June 16, 1863. j" "Sir: — I have authority to make the follow- ing proposition on behalf of the leading anti- slavery men of America, who have sent me to this country: "If the states calling themselves 'The Con- federate States of America' will consent to emancipate the negro slaves in those states, such emancipation to be guaranteed by a lib- eral European commission, the emancipation to be inaugurated at once, and such time to be allowed for its completion as the commission shall adjudge to be necessary and just, and such emancipation once made to be irrevoca- ble — then the Abolitionists and anti-slavery leaders of the Northern states shall immedi- ately oppose the prosecution of the war on the part of the United States Government, and since they hold the balance of power, will cer- tainly cause the war to cease, by the immedi- ate withdrawal of every kind of support from it. "I know that the ultimate decision upon so grave a proposition may require some time; but meanwhile I beg to be informed at your early convenience whether you will personally lend your influence in favor of a restoration of peace and the independenne of the South upon the simple basis of emancipation of slaves. "Any guarantee of my own responsibility and my right to make this oifer shall be forth- coming. "MONCURE D. CONWAY. '•J. M. Mason, Esq." 96 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS J/r. Mason's Heply. "No. 24 Upper Setmoue Stp.bet, ) Portman Square, June 11, 1863./ " Sir: — I have your note of yesterday. The proposition it contains is certainly worthy of the gravest consideration, provided it is made under a proper responsibility. Yet you must be aware that while you know fully the repre- sentative position I occupy, I have not the like assurance as regards yourself. If you think proper, therefore, to communicate to me who those are on whose behalf and authority you make the proposition referred to, with evidence of your 'right to make this offer,' I will at once give you my reply, the character of which, however, must depend on what I may learn of your authority in the premises. J. M. BIASON. •'M'NtiBE D. Con-way." 3Ir. Conway's Answer. "AuBKEY House, Notting Hill, W., 1 '•June 16, 1863. / "SiE; — Your note of the llth, has been re- ceived. I could easily give you the evidence that I represent the views of the leading Abo- litionists of America, but with regard to the special offer I have made. I have concluded that it was best to write out to America and obtain the evidence of my right to make it in a form which will preclude any doubt as to its sufficiency. I shall then address jon again on the subject. "MONCURE D. CONWAY. "J. M. Mason, Esq." BIr. Mascn Closes the Correspondence. "I>o. 24, Upper Seymour Stbeet, 1 "Porfmaii Square, June 17, 1863. / '•Sir: — I have received your note of yester- day. You need not write to America to "ob- tain the evidence' of your right to treat on the matter it imports. . Our correspondence closes with this reply. "It was your pleasure to commence it, it is mine to terminate it. "I desired to know who they were who were responsible for your mission to England as you present it, and who were to confirm the treaty you proposed to make for arresting the war in America, on the basis of a separation of the States with or without the sanction of their government. But such information is of the less value now as I find from an advertisement in the journals of the day that you have brought to England letters of sufBcient credit from those who sent you, to invite a public meeting in London under the sanction of a member of Parliament who was to preside, to hear an address from you on the subject of your mission, with the promise c!' a like address from him. "The correspondence shall go to the public and will find its way to the country, a class of the citizens which you claim to represent. — It will perhaps interest the government and the soi distant "loyal men,-' there to know un- der the sanction of your name, that^the "lead- ing anti-slavery men in America" are willing to negotiate with the authorities of the Con- federate States for a "restoration of peace and independence of the South on a pledge that the abolitionists and anti-slavery leaders of the northei-n states, shall immediately op- pose the further prosecution of the war on the part of the United States Government, and since they hold the balance of power, will cer- tainly cause the war to cease by the immedi- •ite withdrawal of every kind of support from it. "As some reward, however, for the interest- ing disclosure, your inquiry whether the Con- federate States will consent to emancipation on the terms stated, shall not go wholly unan- swered, you may be assured then, and per- haps it may be of value to your constituents to assure them that the Northern states will never be in a position to put this question to the south, nor will the Sothern states ever be in a position requiring them to give an answer. "J. M. MASON. "MoNcuEE D. Conway." AJJOTHER CONWAY IN THE ROLE OF TREASON. The Kansas namesake of the Abolition En- voy Extraordin.ary to Secessiaiv'a England, de- serves a niche in our pantheon of the Aboli- tion gods. F. A. Conway, an Abolition member of the last Congress from Kansas, delivered a speech just before the close of the session of that il- lustrious body, in which he did what no Dem- ocrat North of the Potomac ever has done — advocated direct, the dissolution of the Union. We garnish our pages with enough to show its intent and purpose. EXTRACT FROM CONWAY's SPEECH. "Sir, I am not in favor of restoring the Con- stitutional relations of the slaveholders to the ^ Union, nor of the war to that end. On the contrary, I am utterly, and forever opposed to both. I am not,in favor of the Union as it exists to-day. I am in favor of recognizing the loyal states as the American nation, based as th3y are on the principle of freedom for all, with- out distinction of trace, color or condition. I believe it to be the manifest destiny of the American nation to ultimately control the American continent on this principle. I con- cieve, therefore, that the true object of this war is to revolutionize the national Govern- ment, by resolving the North into the nation, and the South into a distinct public body, leaving us in a position to recognize the latter as a separate state. I believe the direction of the war to any other end is a perversion of it, cal- culated to subvert the very object it was design- ed to effect. "I have never allowed myself to indulge in that superstitious idolatry of the Union so pre- valent am-^ng simple but honest people, nor that political cant about the Union so prevalent SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 97 among the iiishonest ones. I have simply re- garded it as a form of government, to be valued in proportion to its merits as an instrument of national prosperity and power. _ "The war which has come in between the North and the South for the past two years has made a revolution. This is the fact; and the fact in such a matter is the important thing. It settles the law. No technicality in a question of this kind can stand. The war has utterly dissolved the connection between the North and the South, and rendered them separate and independent powers in the world. This is the necessary eifect of civil war anywhere. It makes the belligerent powers independent for the time being, and, unless the one succumbs to the other, they continue independent of each other forever The principle is laid down by Vattel, as follows: 'When a nation becomes divided into two parties, abso- lutely independent, and no longer acknowledging a com- mon superior, the state is dissolved, and the war between the two factions stands upon the same ground, in every re- spect, as a war between two different nations.' — Bouk 111, cluip. 17, X'- -1-^. "It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that so learned and profound a jurist as the honor- able member from Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens) should express the same opinion. * ir * * * * * ''The Democrats will not, of course, listen to separation for an instant. Such a sugges- tion, in their eyes, is treason — a proposition to dissolve the Union — for which anyone ought to be hanged. They expect the question wheth- er the Union shall be restored by force or by compromise, to be submitted to the people in the next election; and upon that to carry the country. Their plan is to oppose the Admin- istration simply in its anti-slavery policy. — They put in issue the Confiscation Act, the Missouri Emancipation Act, and the Presi- dent's Proclamation of Emancipation. These measures they pronounce unconstitutional, de- ny their validity, and every thing done, or to be done, in pursuance of them. In addition to this, they attack the Administration on ac- count of itS suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, false imprisonment, corruption, imbe- cility, &c.. ami a thousand other incidents. — But on the war and the integrity of the Union they are like adamant itself. They claim to favor the war, for the sake of the Union, but to be for peace rather than war. They say, very truthfully, that the Republicans have tried force for two years, and exhausted the country, and upon this claim the adoption of their method as all that is left to be done. — This is the manner in which the politicians of the country propose to terminate this great conflict. - * * * . * * "The Senator from Massachusetts, (Mr. Sumner,) who has lately been re-elected to serve another term of six years in the body he has 80 long adorned, should, in this crisis, point to us the proper action. His purely Northern character, his great abilities, his lofty aspirations, his sacrifices for freedom, the entire confidence of his state »o spontaneously bestowed upon him — and that state the noblest in America — all single him out as one author- ized and required to speak with a decisive voice on this great occasion. "There are also in this House, gentlemen whose words on this momentous theme, the country will listen to with intense inter- est. The honorable member from Pennsylva- nia, (Thad. Stevens,) one of the truly great men of America — full of learning and wisdom — tried by long years of arduous service in this cause, who has never fiiltered, and is now re- elected in his district by overwhelming num- bers, stands foremost among those of whom the nation will expect deliverance from the dan- gers which encompass it. Let these men, and such as these speak, and tell the country what to do in this hour of transcendent peril. "Nevertheless, I cannot refrain from ex- pressing my individual opinion that the true policy of the North is to terminate this war at once. The longer it continues the worse our situation becomes. Let the two Houses of Con- gress adopt the following resolutions : '■'■Resolved hy the Senate and House of Rep- resentatives, §•€., That the Executive be, and he is hereby requested to issue a general order to all commanders of forces in the several mil- itary departments of the United States to dis- continue offensive operations against the ene- my, and to act in the future entirely on the de- fensive. ^'■Resolved, That the Executive be and he is further requested to enter into negotiations with the authorities of the Confederate States with reference to a cessation of hostilities, based on the following propositions: — 1, Re- cognition of the independence of the Confed- erate States. 2, A uniform system of duties upon imports. 3, Free trade between the two states. 4, Free navigation of the Mississippi river. 5, Mutual adoption of the Monroe doc- trine. "I entirely disagree with those who assert that it is impossible that the North and South could live peacably side by side, because there ** are no natural boundaries between the two, such as Rocky Mountains or the Atlantic Ocean. This is a bug-bear with which we im- pose upon ourselves. The people of the North and South can never become foreign nations to each other in the sense in which the French and English or Russians are. They are sprung from the same origin, speak the same language, possess a common literature, inherit similar politics and religious views, and inhabit re- gions closely connected by natural and arti- ficial ties. They will, therefore, both be al- ways American. The only great difference be- tween them is of a social and political nature, namely, that which arises from the existence of African slavery in one, and the absence of it in the other. "This fact, however, presents no obstacle whatever to such a separation as is involved in independent political jurisdiction; on the con- trary, it greatly facilitates it. "Before the Federal Union was established, all the States were independent, and associated 98 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. under the Articles of Confederation in the na- ture of a treaty. "The articles are now adduced to show the impracticability of present separation between the North and South, with equal good force to prove the impossibility of what then actually existed and was accepted in the case of the thirteen original states of the Union. The lat- ter stood toward each other precisely as the North and South in the Confederate States, re- suming, as to them, the old basis of the Con- federation. This would be the whole of U. It is, therefore, a very simple operation. ''I do not suggest this, however, on the idea that should it ever be adopted, the separation it implies would be permanent. I believe that it would insure an ultimate re-union on an an- ti-slavery basis. "I have confidence in the inherent vitality of Northern civilization. I have no fear to set in competition with that of the South. Let them proceed side by side in the race of em- pire, and we shall see which will triumph." Now, no Republican denounces Mr. Conway for thus offering to give up the ghost, and dis- solve the Union, but they all denounce every Democrat who talks or thinks in favor of nego- tiations for peace on a basis of preserving the Union. The difference is just this: Democi'ats don't vote the Republican ticket, and Mr. Conway does! When the conscription bill was before Con- gress, Mr. Vallandigham (Dem.) moved to so amend, that arrests in the loyal states should only be made by warrant, on oath, citing the particular offense committed, &c. — This the Republicans voted down by 101 to 57. No Republican ever talked of arresting Mr. Conway for his ebullition of treason, and sending him ever the lines, because he votes the Republican ticket. He became so bold, by sufference, that he even issued his disunion bulls from the threshhold of the President's mansion, as it were, and still the President neither caused his arrest, or censured him. The following letter, written from Washington to the N. Y. Tribune, the grand receptacle for disunion offals, shows that his speech in Con- gress was not to be repented of : Conway's letter to the tribune — disun- ion a "fixed fact." "A WORD "To THE Editor opihe N. Y. Tribune: "Sir: — The recent avowal of Mr. Gerrit Smith, that he is in favor of a restoration of the Union, even if such restoration should in- volve renewed power to slavery, is a slight in- dication of that counter revolution in public sentiment, on this subject, which the war is calculated to effect, and which political lead- ers seem determined, through it, to bring about. "The only period in which there was a ghost of a chance of giving this war an anti-slavery result, was the first two years ot its existence. If it had been taken hold of at the outset, as an instrument of revolution, to dissolve the Union, and constitute the North a nation, thus liberating the Government from all constitu- tional obligations to slave hokU'rs, and had been rushed through with skill, and energy, under wise ministers and competent generals, in a manner to give full effect to the power of the North, slavery would have been swept out of existence, and the seceding states conquered to the authority of the Union, and held as sub- ject provinces. "But this was not done. On the contrary, the war was employed as a means to prevent revolution, and to maintain the Union. The object was to enforce upon slaveholders the rights guaranteed to them by the Constitution they discarded. For nearly two years, the most zealous regard was piid to the "rights," and military operations conducted in a manner to induce the Southern people to return volun- tarily to their Federal allegiance. In conse- quence of this policy the golden opportunity slip- ped away. The South became a settled and deter- mined power — the North lost the prestige of victory, and its morale was broken. "Thus the war became a failure, and utterly ceased to bear upon the question of the subju- gation of the South, in any manner, whatso- ever, and now whatever may be said to the contrary, there are few reflecting minds which have not come to the conclusion that J8^* the Independence of the South is an established fact, whether recognized or not. "The war for the future, therefore, becomes simply an instrument in the hands of political managers to effect results favorable to their own personal ends, and unfavorable to the cause of freedom. "What matters it that a few regiments of negroes — more or less — under white ofllicers, are sent into the field? What matters it that the President's edict of Emancipation is print- ed in Little & Brown's edition of the United States Statutes at largel Is Richmond ours, or even Vicksburg? Does not the Confederacy still stand firm and defiant? And does it not promise to stand so in the future:- And above all, is not the Presidential election approach- ingi "It is now assuined that the Lnion is an ob- ject paramount over all other considerations, and we are told that it must never be relin- quished. We are told to adhere to the war, not because it gives us successful achievements in the field, but for the reasons, simply, that otherwise, we give up the Union. We are told, also, that the institution of slaverj', like all other institutions, (see the New York Times of to-day), is of minor importance, one way or the other, compared with the Union — that it must give waj', or not give way — be destroyed, or granted a new lease of life, with increased SCRAPS FEOM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 99 power, just as the exigencies of the Union may require, and to this doctrine, that life-long Ab- olitionist, Gerrit Smith, and that zealous Re- publican, Mr. Raymond, and that eminent Democrat, Mr. Van Buren, all alike assert since the deportation of Vallandigham, it is supposed that this is to be the mongrel Demo- cratic platform for the next Presidential race. "Now, Mr. editor, I desire thus publicly, and from the beginning, to announce my em- phatic vrish to be counted out of any such ar- rangement. I went into this anti-slavery busi- ness earnestly, and on the presumption that I was acting with honest men — men who hated slavery, and were determined to cast it out, come what might. I find that as to many of them I have been deceived. I find that men want power, and care for nothing else, and that for the sake of power they would kill all the white people of the South, or take them to their arms — that they would free all the slaves, or make their bondage still more hopeless, or do any other inconsistent wicked thing. I have no sympathy whatever for such an unhallowed lust of dominion. "As to the Union, I would not give a cent for it, unless it stood as a guarantee for free- dom to every man^ ivoman and child within its entire jurisdiction. I consider the idea that everything must be sacrificed to the Union, as utterly preposterous. What was the Union made for? That we should sacrifice ourselves to it? I, for one, would beg to be excused. — As things stand, I would sacrifice the Union to freedom any morning before breakfast! "Verj' truly yours, M. F. CONWAY. "Washington, May 29, 1S63." " GOD OPPOSED TO THE UNION AS IT WAS." Wm. Lloyd Garrison, in a speech in Phil- adelphia, in the fall of of 1863, said: "Since the war broke out there has been no Union. How did it happen that the Union was broken in the twinkling of an eye? The God of the oppressed has done it. The laws of justice and right are vindicating the commands of God. 'Woe to the rebellious children,' saith the Lord, 'that taketh not their counsel of me.' In spite of our experience, there are thousands of men yet in favor of the policy of restoring the Union as it was. As well might a man blown up by a bombshell propose, in the other land, to come back again and have the experiment tried over again with the bomb- thell as it was. [Laughter.]" There are many who profess to ignore the idiosnycracies of Mr. Garrison, and yet, by their acts acknowledge him as their co-laborer and leader. He is a veteran agitator, and hes- itates not to boldly avow his treasonable aims, while others are vile enough to conceal theirs. Garrison's "Union" was always a bomb- shell, and he always managed to explode it to the damage of the Union. god respon'sible for emancipation. The Wisconsin Puritan, November, 1863, said : "When in years past we prayed and talked in behalf of the bondmen of our laud, we had no conception of the way by which those in bonds were to be made free. * -^ ■» God has chosen this process because he sees it the best, because in justice the circumstances de- mand it." The Abolitionists declared that God had de- creed emancipation in the West Indies, but after much experience, few will admit that God had any hand in it. It is nothing short of im- pious blasphemy for abolitionists to charge the Deity with their acts, in hopes to escape the just odium which comes after them. CHAPTER XVIII. MORE REPUBLICAN VOMITINGS OF DISUNION AND TREASON. Tho True Object of the War [the Negro] Arowc-d by the "N. Y. luciependent "...Beecher and the '•.Sheepskin Parchment "...Nest Eggs of Treason : Laid by Wendell Phillips, Lloyd Garrison, Abraham Lincoln, American Anti-Slavery Society, F. E. Spinner, J. S. Pike; anoth- er by Phillips and Garrison; and one by tho " Chicago Tribune "...Ingersoll invests Lincoln with the Power of the Caar of Russia. ..J. W. Forney on silencing " Laws and Safeguards "...The Abolition Conspiracy in the Kew York Riots : Important Testimony. ..The Union Not Worth Preserving. ..Tricks of the Ohio Abolition- ists. ..The Revolutionary Spirit at Work... "New York Tribune" advocating Mobs and Riots against Law- Sen. Howe would " Do in the Name of God what can't be done in the Name of the Constitutiuu "...Phillips, Peace and Dissolution. ..This War a '•Barbarian Con- fjuest." THE OBJECT OF THE WAR AVOWED. The N. Y. Independent, more honest than most of its co-members, just after the procla mation was issued, thus let the cat out of the bag as to the object it and its friends had in bringing on the war, and refusing all means to suppress it: "It has been our peculiar misfortune to be so tied up by civil restrictions, that the Govern- ment could not perform any act of justice, in consonance with the spirit of our age and the spirit of our constitution, without stepping over into the dangerous ground of revolution. Only war could give to the Pi-esideut liberty to emancipate. And now, he advances to an act of supreme justice and humanity by ways sound and constitutional, opened by the mad- nes of the South. The sword has cut the knot that statesmen and economists could not untie. The war which at first seemed an awful disas- ter, a stupendous folly, has, indeed, proved to be a folly, but a Divine folly: 'Because the 100 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. foolishness of God is wiser than men: and the weakness of God is stronger than men.' * * "The nation is committed. Either there must be reTolution in the North, or else all dissentients must submit, and the North stand as a mighty unit with the President! * * "This proclamation is like Ithurial's rod. — It will turn every toad to his true infernal form. A distinction between supporting the war, and opposing the war policy. They are routed without a battle. They must go over to the South or take sides with the Administra- tion. Public sentiment will compel the latter course. It will be impossible, then, to per- suade the South, hereafter, that the North did not mean to injure her institutions. 'I, Abra- ham Lincoln, President of the United States of America, and commander-in7Chief of the army and navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare.' This is the authorized voice of the nation It is the hand-writing on the wall. That proclamation cannot be suppressed. Its edict cannot be rubbed out. Th3 Southern eye reads, hnene, ieckel, vphardn? "No more guises and vails. No more side issues. No more deceiptful compromises. The Government has taken ground, and every man in the nation must take ground. You are for or against this Government, and this Govern- ment is declared to mean Liberty to the Slave! There is no neutral ground for traitors to hide in, playing wolf by night and sheep by day. The President's Proclamation will sift the North, give unity to its people, simplicity to its poli- cy, liberty to its army! That whole army is no longer a mongrel something between a police force and a political caucus. It is an army or- ganized to strike where blows will be most felt." It will be seen that this agitating organ, scouts the idea that the North in the beginning did not "mean to injure Southern institutions." All know that was the means to gain an end, and Beeciier is unsophisticated enough to ad- mit it. This same Beecuer, in Plymouth Church, in 1863, said: "I know it is said that the President is not the government; that the Constitution is the government. What! a sheepskin parchment a government? I should think it was a very fit one for some men that I hear and see some- times. What is a government in our country? It is a body of living men ordained by the peo- ple to administer public affairs according to laws that are written in a constitution and in the statute books, and the government is the living men that are administering in a certain method the aSairs of the nation. It is not a dry writing or a book. President Lincoln, his Cabinet, the heads of the executive depart- ments, are the government, and men have got to take their choice whether they will go against their government or go with them." Upon which a Connecticut paper justly re- marks as follows: "Is this not another foreshadowing of des- potism? The 'sheepskin parchment' as Beech- er terms it, is to give place to Mr. Lincoln and his cabinet, who are the government, and men have got to take sides. Such assertions could only be made at this time, with the freedom of the press palsied, and the freedom of speech stifled in government dungeons." NEST EGGS OF TREASON. It is a favorite term of reproach by the abo- lition newspapers against Charleston that it was the "nest of the rebellion." If it be true that it was the nest where the eggs of rebellion were hatched, it is not true that it was the nest where the eggs of rebellion were laid. That nest was situated considerably to the North- east of Charleston, in the region popularly known as New England, and eggs of rebellion were laid in it as long ago as 1815, by men as- sembled at Hartford, in the state of Connecti- cut, whose conclave is historical by the name of the "Hartford Convention." Other eggs were laid in it in 1844, when the Legislature of Massachusetts resolved that the annexation of Texas would be the cause of the dissolution of the Union. A great many other eggs have since been laid in it, by a great many men and a great many public meetings, both in and out of New England. Here is one laid by Wen- dell PuiLLirs: " The Constitution of our fathers was amis- take. Tear it in j^i^ces and make a better. — Don't say the machine is out of order; it is in order; it does what its framers intended — pro- tect slavery. Our aim is disunion, breaking up of the states! I have shoV^n you that our work cannot be done under our institutions." Here is one laid by Wm. Lloyd Garrison: "This Union is a lie! The American Union is an imposition — a covenant with death, and an agreement with hell! * * * I am for its overthrow! * * * Up with the flag of disunion, that we may have a free and glori- ' ous Republic of our own; and when the hour shall come, the hour will have arrived that shall witness the overthrow of slavery." Here is another laid by Garrison: "No act of ours do we regard with more con- scientious approval or higher satisfaction — none do we submit more confidently to the tri- bunal of Heaven and the moral verdict of man- kind, than when, several years ago, on the 4th of July, in the presence of a great assem- bly, we committed to the flames the Constitu- tion of the United States." SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 101- Here is another laid by Lincoln: "I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free." Here are three laid by the American Anti- Slavery Society at one of its anniversary meet- ings: '■'■Resolved, That secession from the United States government is the daty of every aboli- tionist, since no one can take office, or deposit his vote under its constitution without violat- ing his anti-slavery principles, and rendering himself an abettor to the slaveholder in his sin. '■'■Resolved, That years of warfare against the slave power have convinced us that every act done in support of the American Union rivits the chain of the slave— that the only exodus of the slave to freedom, unless it be one of blood, must be over the remains of the present Amer- ican Church, and the grave of the present Union. '■^Resolved, That the abolitionists of this country should make it one of the primary ob- jects of this agitation, to Dissolve the Am- erican Union. Here is one laid by the present Assistant Secretary of the Treasury— Frahcis E. Spin- ner — during the Fremont campaign: "Should this (the election of Fremont) fail, no true man would be any longer safe here from the assaults of the arrogant slave oligarchy, who then would rule with an iron hand. For the free North would be left the choice of a peaceful dissolution of the Union, a civil war which would end in the same, or an uncondi- tional surrender of every principle held dear by freemen." Here is one laid by James S. Pike, long editorially connected with the New York Tri- bune, and now Minister to the Netherlands: "I have no doubt that the free and slave states ought to separate. The Union is not worth supporting in connection with the South." Here is one laid by Wendell Phillips shortly after the organization of the Republi. can party. He was speaking of that party: "No man has a right to be surprised at this state of things. It is just what we abolition- ists and disunionists have attempted to bring about. It is the first sectional party ever or- ganized in this countiy. It does not know its own face, and calls itselr national; but it is not national — it is sectional. The Republican party is a party of the North pledged against the South." Here is one laid by Wm. Llotd Garrison at about the same time: "The Republican party is moulding public sentiment in the right direction for the specific work the Abolitionists are striving to accom plishjviz.: The dissolution of the Union, and the abolition of slavery throughout the lund.^' Here is one laid by the Chicago Tribune in December, I860: "Not a few of the republican journals of the interior are working themselves up to the be- lief, which they are endeavoring to impress upon their readers, that the seceded States, be they few or many, will be whipped back into the Union. We caution all such that in lan- guage of that sort they are adding new fuel to the flame which is already blazing too fiercely; and that the probabilities now are that the re- sult will prove them to be false prophets. No man knows what public policy may demand of the incoming administration; but the drift of opinion seems to be that, if peaceable secession is possible, the retiring States will be assisted to go, that this needless and bitter controversy may be brought to an end. If the Union is to be dissolved, a bloodless separation is by all means to be coveted. Do not let us make that impossible." These were the eggs of treason which were hatched out in the Charleston nest. THE right to suspend THE CONSTITUTION claimed. E. C. Ingersoll, Republican candidate for Congress at large, in Illinois, at Bryan Hall, in Chicago, in 1862, said: "The President, in such a time, I believe, is clothed with power as full as that of the Czar of Russia over the question. "If it be necessary, perhaps it is just as well for the people to become familiar with this power, and the right to its exercise, now as at any other time. "If the. President should determine that in order to crush the rebellion the Constitution itself should be suspended during the rebel- lion, I believe he has the right to do it." If such teaching as this is not calculated to impress one with the idea of approaching des- potism, then nothing can. LAWS and safeguards TO BE SILENCED. John W. Forney, editor of the Philadel- phia Press, over the nom de plume of "Occa- sional," writes to his paper : "Let us unite the North by any means. — AYhen men no longer volunteer let there be conscription. Silence every tongue that does not speak with respect of the cause and the flag. Do away with politics, with luxuries, with comforts. Let us cease for the present to speak of laws and restrictions, and what are called safeguards." All know the intimate connection of Mr. Forney with the Administration, and hence 102 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. such declarations, like double shotted guns, carry "long range," and promise heavy exe- cution. AN ABOLITION CONSPIRACY. The official reports of Gen. Wool and Gen. Sanford throw much light on the dark subject of the New York riots. It is alleged by both the Her aid (Lincoln paper) and the World^ that the riots were prolonged three days by the operations of the Abolition authorities, who were determined to place New York under martial law, and not permit Gov. Seymour to carry off the honor of putting down the riot. In short, the Abolition authorities threw every obstacle they could in Gov. Seymour's way, with a view to use the riot for political pur- poses. The following, from the Worlds shows up the Abolition interference, without mincing the matter: "In the light of these considerations, it will be easy to understand the remarkable facts which are stated with the naked simplicity of an annalist, by General Wool. The Mayor is a Republican; the police are under llGpublican control; so long, therefore, as the disturbances were slight, Provost Marshal Nugent depend- ed on the police to arrest them. When they became formidable, the Mayor requested the assistance of General Wool, assigning the ab- sence of the militia regiments as a reason for doing so. thus making a fresh Republican re- cognition of the principle that the suppression of the riot was the proper business of the local authorities. General Wool promptly acceded to the Mayor's request. The troops under his command in the forts being insufficient, he made application to Governor Seymour, who promptly furnished such militia as was within reach, and placed it under the command of General Sandford. "Thus far, everything had been done with- out any interference from Washington, all the authorities and officers acting in perfect har- mony. General Wool, who seems to have had no other motive than an honest desire to pre- serve that harmony and make short work of it with the rioters, directed that Major General Sandford, of the militia, should command the force of mixed militia and regulars assembled for the restoration of order, and that Brigadier General Brown, of the United States service, should act under his orders. What messages were interchanged between parties here and the authorities at Washington, during that and the two following days, the public have no means of knowing; it is certain that the tele- graph was busy, and th.at the Administration felt a keen interest in all that was transpiring. It immediately became evident that the harmo- ny between the state and Federal authorities, which General Wool was so wisely attempting to promote, was distasteful to the Administra- tion, and was by some means to be broken. " We know not by whose inspiration General Brown first volunteered his services to General Wool, and, to make sure of their acceptance, offered to serve in any capacity. I3ut by whomsoever inspired, he immediately refused to obey Gen. Sandford's orders. This led to the issue by Gen. Wool of an order formally installing Gen. Sandford as commander of all the troops for the defence of the city, and re- quiring implicit obedience to his orders. The consequence was that the same evening Gen. Browe came to Gen. Wool, complaining of Gen. Sandford, and asking to be excused from the operations of the order. As he still persisted, after Gen. Wool's explanations, he was reliev- ed from duty, and an order was immediately issued putting Col. Nugent in charge of the regular troops. "This was Monday night. What messages passed between New York and Washington during the night must be left to conjecture. — Early the next morning, General Brown pre- sented himself again to General Wool, con- fessed that he had been wrong, and asked to be restored to the position he had too hastily abandoned. Was this prompt rerontance the consequence of a reprimand from Washington? Had General Brown been taken to task for his want of skill or want of perseverance in the attempt to nullify the authority of General Sanford? That he would unpTomj)ted have made this humiliating profession of penitence is incredible, especially as his subsequent course showed it to be a piece of pure dis- simulation "It was a mere trick to get back; once back, he made it his business to disobey and thwart General Sanford, even going so far as to issue orders to troops stationed at the latter's head- quarters, and treating him with as little con- sideration as if a Major General's commission given by State authority were no better than a piece of blank parchment. He did not succeed in nullifying General Sanford's authority, and was therefore aismissed; but he did succeed in seriously obstructing and postponing the sup- pression of the riot. General Sanford states that the peace of the city would have been en- tirely restored as early as Tuesday, the second day of the riot, had it not been for the ob- structive proceedings of General Brown. Thus we are indebted for the two worst days and the most fearful scenes of the riot to the Republi- can conspiracy against state sovereignty." We copy copiously from the Herald as fol- lows: "The Real Conspiracy in the Late Riot. — The mystery that enveloped the events of the week of terror in this city is fast being cleared away. The nest of the conspirators has been probed, and they now stand before the public in their hideous forms. When we saw the Tribune. Times and Post, day after day, amidst the tumultuous and trying scenes in this city, mled with bitter, acrimonious and SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 103 bloodthirsty articles, we concluded that there was some secret under and behind all the dis- turbances, which was purposely hidden from the general public. Time has verified our sus- picions. Facts that have come to light within the last few days conclusively prove that the incendiary course of the radical journals was prompted solely by a fixed determination to in- crease the extent of the riot and to force a collision between the State and national au- thorities. "The latter Doint accomplished, it was to be followed with the declaration of martial law, a military Governor, and all the appliances that this Satanic radical committee, with Greeley, Raymond, Godwin & Co. at its head, with its dozen or fifteen tails, could bring to bear to control future elections in this city. They were foiled in their evil and bloody work by the tact and skill of Generals Wool and Sandford, with the co-operation of Governor Seymour. The riot and sufl'ering and the reign of terror were, however, extended by them at least three days by their nefarious work. "How these radical conspirators tampered with the military is shown by the reports of Generals Wool and Sauford. The letter of the former states that on Monday afternoon (13lh) General Harvey Brown tendered his services. His offer was accepted, and he was directed to report to Major General Sanford. It was soon found that General Brown did not act in har- mony with General Sandford. General Wool thereupon issued an order; but this Brown did not obey, but presented himself in the eve- ning, asking to be excused from the operations of the order. This Gen. AVool refused to grant him, declaring: "That for efficient operations, a hearty co-operatiou of the State and United i>tates troops with the police was necessary to put down tliemob." "General Brown persisting, he was excused from further service. Mark the sequel. The next morning the radical papers denounced the military authorities in unmeasured terms and howled for martial law. General Brown also appeared about eight o'clock in the morning at General Wool's headquarters and asked to be re-instated, "saying, in substance, that he was in the wrong.'' He was reinstated. What then? The same authority states that he acted with- out any reference to General Sandford. "Right here comes in the important testi- mony of General Sanford. The latter, in his official report, asserts " 'That the rioters were dispersed on Monday night and Tuesday morning, and the peace of the city would have been restored in a few hours but for the interferauce of Brevet Brigadier General Brown, who, in disobedience of the orders of General Wool, withdrew the detachments belonging to the general government.'" "This act so weakened the small military force in the city that it was again placed at the mercy of the rioters, and the bloody scenes were continued two or three days longer. The Tribune clamored the next morning for the re- moval of Gen. Wool. " Thus we have the official testimony that Gen. Brown was used by the radicals. It is a well known fact, that General Wool and Sand- ford were in frequent consultation with Gov- ernor Seymour, and that these three officials worked together in harmony. Brown, on the other hand, was no doubt urged to ask to be reinstated by the little Satanic committees com- posed of Greeley, Raymond and Godwin, they fearing that unless he was there to interfere with the plans of Seymour, Wool and Sandford the riots would be put down and their plans of martial law and conflict between the state and national authorities defeated. "Brown's reinstatement was essentially ne- cessary for the success of their schemes. — Hence the pretended confession that he was wrong. General Brown is no doubt a member of a church in good standing and a good mili- tary officer. He has done good service for his country at Fort Pickens and other points, and like Phelps and Hunter, is a good fighter, when the ne^ro is not about. But hold up the negro to such men and they forget all their military "khoVledge. The radicals held up the nigger and nigger party to Brown, and all military ability departed except for mischief." If the above facts, which are corroborated in every particular by the official reports of Generals Wool and S.'Vnford, do not show that the New York riot was fanned and fed by the Abolitionists, if not by the Administration itself, for the purpose of aiding the Republi- can party, then the sun does not shine. "such a union not worth perpetuating." During the excitement of the Oberlin riots, Mr. Langdon, an Ohio Abolitionist, said: "But why preserve the Union, when its only object is to eternize slavery? Such a Union is not worth perpetuating. With all my heart I should say. let it be abolished! I hate the Union of these states as I hate the devil! for by it I am denied all protection for my personal liberty " A delegation from Lorain county, Ohio, turned out to resist the law, and to commit treason to their Government, by engaging in the Oberlin riots in 1859. [See Ohio State Journal, (Rep.) May 26, 1859.] The band that accompanied the delegation, played the revolutionary "Marsellaise hymn," — the char- acters "1776" were inscribed upon their ban- ners. One banner was inscribed on one side "Lorain," and on the other "Here is the Government. Let tyrants beware." The "Government" was not then located in the White Palace — the mob was then "the Gov- ernment." A speaker at this mobocratic gathering said: "Steady, trust in God and keep your powder dry, and look for the things that shall be." 104 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. Another said: '•Let tlie Federal authority make the issue and test the fact whether we will execute OUR LAWS. They know not how soon the smoul- dering volcano will burst under their rotton carcases." One of the resolutions passed by that mob declared: "That the enforcement of such laws (the Fugitive law) against an unwilling people, is productive only of evils threatening the public order and stability of governmental institu- tions." This reminds us of the ancient maiden, when stoves were first put up in buildings and churches. She had heard that stoves were un- healthy, and insisted on fainting in church one day because the majority of the Society would insist on putting up "one of them pesky stoves." It turned out that there was no fire in the stove at the time of fainting, but never- theless, the anti-stove party insisted that the stove was the cause of the church difficulty, and the church was actually split up and di- vided because the stubborn majority would in- sist on patronizing the stove. But the se- ceders would never own that the rebellion that broke hearts and religious ties, was in any de- gree attributable to them, when if they had not created dissensions ivlthout cause, all would have been well. THE REVOLUTIONARY SPIRIT AT WORK. The following short paragraph, from the Lea- venworth Bulletin, concerning the state of af- fairs along the Missouri and Kansas state line, tells more than whole volumes, the nature of that revolutionary spirit we are considering: "The General Order, requiring all to leave the border counties, has been carried out. All persons found without proper papers are shot at sight " Jim Lane, a "Border Ruffian" United States Senator, is the reported author of that "order." And yet to complain of these things subjects the complainant to the charge of "sympathizers with the rebellion." "evangelists, rebels and rioters." In 1854, when Anthony BtrRNs, a fugitive, was in the custody of the law, at Boston, — when a mob, of the rabble, backed by the pious and virtuous (?) undertook to "resist" the ex- ecution of the law, and by violence prevent its execution — when poor Bachelder, a white man, was murdered in cold blood, for stand- ing at his place of duty, as an officer of the law — when treason run riot in Massachusetts, the New York Tribune thus came to the "res- cue" of the rescuers : "The Rev. T. W. Higginson, cf Worcester, Massachusetts, is on bail for §3,000 to respond to the charge of inciting a riot in Boston, at the time of the attempted rescue of Antony Burns. We don't know that Mr. H. did any- thing toward effecting the rescue of Burns, but he doubtless would have done it if he could, and now regrets that he did not succeed. — AVhen U. S. marshals find it necessary to surround themselves with armed cohorts of jail birds, blacklegs, and brothel bullies, in order to prevent a rescue by the honest yeomanry who crowd the streets, it is pretty safe to pre- sume that every real minister of the gospel stands opposed to the blacklegs and bullies. — AVhen kidnappers are the chief saviors of the Union, of course evangelists will be rebels and rioters." Thus, when the courts were protecting the authority of the Government, and endeavoring to prevent rebellion from usurping the throne of law, this leading organ of the exclusively "loyal" party was endeavoring to overthrow the constitutional powers by the "gospel of riot," and to evangelize the heathens of legal power with "thirty thousand bayonets" in the hands of an "honest yeomanry," and by dis- placing provost marshals with pious ministers of the "gospel of riot," to bring on the mil- lennium, when "evangelists will be rebels and rioters." And when the "Government" was invoked to show its power for law and order, against the organized " Anti-Fugitive-Law League," in Wisconsin, the programme of said Leaguers was quoted by the New York Tri- bune, with fiendish delight, as follows: "As Freemen, we can and will stand it no longer. "We will stand by the rescuers of Glover, with our influence, our purses, and our right arms. No court shall crush them; no prison bars and walls shall ever confine them." From the courts to the league in 1854; from the courts to the army in 1863. The appeal is the same; the last resort of the fanatic is still the last resort of the despot; self-will su- preme over law; passion supreme over reason; force, and force alone, the final arbiter of states and men. Such is the disposition of the evane;elist, of those who exclaim, "away with him" — "down with the Government," when they are out of power — and — "If you oppose us you oppose the Government"— when in power. SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 105 ■WHAT THE CONSTITUTION WILL NOT PERMIT DO "in THE NAME OF GOD." When the bill was before the U. S. Senate amending the act of 1790, relative to the call- ing out the militia, so as to call out slaves, &c., Mr. Browning, (rep.) of Illinois, moved to so amend that the wives and children of sold- ier slaves belonging to rebels should be set free instead of freeing all, including those belong- ing to loyal union men. Mr. Cowan, (rep.) of Pennsylvania, was in favor of the amendment. He said: "The country had prospered under the Con- stitution, and we are bound by it." Mr. Howe, (rep.) of Wisconsin, said there seemed to be some difficulty as to how we should support our Generals. There were too wany controversies. Mr. Cowan asked: "Does not the Constitution exist? Are we not bound by it? Mr. Howe — "We arc bound by it. Yes, we are bound by it, and bound to battle for it, and not stand here higgling about the force we are to send into the field. I would bring all the force into the field I could, not caring what the color of it might bu. Bring the negroes into the field in the name of God if we cannot do it in the name of the Constitution!'^ WENDELL PHILLIPS AT BEECHER'S TABER- NACLE. Wendell Phillip s, the great war horse of the radical party in power, made a speech in Bbecher's Political Synagogue, in 1S6"3, in which he declared: "This is not a war of sections — it is a war of ideas — ending only when one idea strangles another, and not before. Peace comes when freedom holds the helm, and not before. Now, I would accept anything on the anti-slavery basis. I would accept separation. I would ac- cept cowiipromise. I would accept Union [the last and least with Phillips]. I would accept peace, and pay the whole Confederate debt, at par, on the anti-slavery basis." "absolute BARBARIAN CONQUEST." In the same speech this Abolition-martinet advocated the killing of the whites at the South and giving their estates to the negroes, and strange to say his hearers cheered the senti- ment. He declared that the Richmond of the South lay in two millions of blacks, and con- I tinued: "If this be true of the two extremes of the Confederacy, what remains? Why, only the solid centre, the great Gibralter, the rich plant tations, and the accumulated blacks, ^tha- 8 make a girdle round the Gulf, should be ap- proached by the news that wherever it plants its flag, it should declare 'there is nothing here but people and land.' The land is ours — con- fiscated, guaranteed; its title given to the sol- dier who has finished his service. Give it to the black man, who is willing to take it, and plant a state, under the guarantee of the Union — employ free labor upon that fertile soil, and commence again the civil mahcinery, the organization of astute, "I do not believe in battles ending this war. This is a war of ideas. You may plant a fort in every district of the South — you may take possession of her capitals, and hold them with armies, but you have not begun to subdue her. You don't annihilate a thing simply by abolish- ing it. The most successful superintendent of contrabands at Fortress Monroe, is begging of this timid, dilatory, indecisive government, to allow him to take possession of the abandoned plantations, and put the vagrant contraband, who is not allowed to work upon those acres, and make him self-supporting. A government has to be besieged and entreated before it can be brought to see that the conquest of Virginia is not to be had on the Rappahannock, but it is to be affected at Fortress Monroe, when the negro puts his foot upon the soil and owns it. I know this seems extreme doctrine. I know that it seems something like absolute barbarian conquest. I allow it. I don't believe there will be any peace until 347,000 slave holders are either hung or exiled. [Cheers.] History shows no precedent of getting rid of an aris- tocracy like this, except by the death of thg geneimtion." This same Wendell Phillips, in a speech at Cincinnati, since the war commenced, boasted that "1 have labored nineteen years to take six- teen States out of this Union." CHAPTER XIX. THE ADMINISTRATION UNDER THE BAN OF THE "BALANCE OF POWER." Power and Influence of the Abolitionists over tlio Admin- istration. ..Tiie Leading Abolitionists Feted and Provided with Place and Power.. .Saperstition and Intolerance... 17915, ISOO, ISU and 1864 Compared. ..The Bitjotry and Intolerance of To-Day Borrowed from the Piicrims— A Chapter from the Puritans. ..Blue Lights and Blue Laws ...The Act Suspending the Writ of IIabe;is Corpus, in full. ..Ayes and Noes on said Bill, Politically Classified... "New York Tribune" on Peace... Old Abe and the Union as it was," &c. THE POWER AND INFLUENCE OF ABOLITION- ISTS. We are aware that the Republicans seek to parry the effect of the extreme abolition de- clarations, by assuring us that those who utter them have little or no influence, and conse- quently can do no harm. Indeed, it's just tke lOG FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. reply of the Wisconsin State Journal to the Wisconsin Patriot, when it quoted a brace of Phillips' treasonable paragraphs, but it was not long before Phillips was invited by a .Republican to lecture in the city where those two papers are published. Mr. Hastings, the Republican State Treasurer waited upon the great disunionist and traitor — received him at the depot in high livery — escorted him through the city as Canadian cockneys would a "Lion from London." We assert, without fear of contradiction, that the class of Radicals from whose speeches and resolves we have so liberally quoted, and shall yet quote, have more influence over the Administration to-day, and the shaping its pol- icy, than all those who style themselves ''Con- servative Republicans," combined. It was the clamors of the Radicals that forced from the President the Proclamation, but a few days after he refused to issue it. Let us inquire the whereabouts and status of some of the leading Abolitionists. Where is Senator Wade, who declared there was no Union? In the United States Senate, as one of the President's constitutional advisers. Where is Senator Hale, who in 1850, intro- duced petitions for a dissolution of the Union? In the United States Senate, as one of the President's censtitutional advisers. Where is Charles Sumneb, who said at Worcester, the 7th of September, 1854, that it was the duty of the people to resist a law, even after it was decided constitutional by the high- est Federal Court? In the United States Senate, re-elected as one of the President's constitutional advisers. Where is Mr. Sewaed, the author of the "Irrepressible Conflict,'' and who voted to re- ceive a petition for Dissolution of the Union, in 1848? In Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet. Where, to-day, do you find the man who de- clared thao any people had the right to revolu- tionize their Government, and establish anoth- er — who pronounced the Mexican war a wicked war, and declared that this Union could "not exist half free and half blave," and bestows the blessings of his power on those who have for over a quarter of a century denounced the Government of our fathers? Acting as President of the United States! Where, to-day, is Owen Lovejoy, the man who moved to table a resolution which ignored the establishment of a despotism on the ruins of this Government? A member of the American Congress. Where are the seventy-eight Republicans who voted with Owen Lovejoy to table said resolution? High in the Republican synagogue. Where, to-day, is Thadeus Stevens, who scouted the idea that he obeyed his oath to support the Constitution, in voting to dismem- ber Virginia? Chairman of the most important committee in the American House of Representatives. Where, to-day, is Bingham, the man who declared that slavery or the Union must pei'ish? In Congress, a leader among the "loyal." Where, to-day, is N. P. Banks, whose easy loyally would "let the Union slide?" A Major General in the loyal army. Where to-day is Cassius M. Clay, whore- fused to fight for his country, unless he could have his way about slavery? First appointed Minister to Russia, then honored with the commission and salary of a Major General, with plenty to eat and nothing to do. Where have you found Anson Bukling- game, the Abolitionist who declared for a new Constitution, a new bible — a new God — in short, a new deal all round? Appointed by Jlr. Lincoln to drink tea and eat ornamental mince pies in the Celestial Em- pire. Where to-day do you find Joshua R. Gid- DiNGs, who in 1848 introduced a petition for the dissolution of the Union? As Mr. Lincoln's Consul to the Canadas. Where do you find Hannibal Hamlin, the Vice President of the United States? Leaving tne presiding officer's chair to wel- come Wendell Phillips upon the floor of the Senate, a courtesy rarely accorded to any civ- ilian. Where to-day do you find Horace Greeley, the man who stigmatized the American flag as a "flaunting lie," and cried, "tear it down?" As the editor of the leading Republican pa- per in America. Where now is Wm. Lloyd Garrison, who pronounced our Constitution a '-covenant with death, an agreement with hell?" SCRAPS FROM MV SCRAP-BOOK 107 You will find him feted by Republicans, and addressing "loyal Union" meetings! Thus, we might go on ad infinitum, and show that each and every one from whom we have quoted "disloyal," "disunion," and "treason- able" sentiments, are now high in the confi- dence and employ of the party in power. Why, as Wexdell Phillips said, the Republicans " don't know their own f:\ces." They are now even ahead of the abolitionists of old. One cannot find a leading Republican of to-day who will acknowledge he would be in favor of the old Union which Gakrison declared to be a "covenant with death, an agreement with hell" — they and Garrison believe the same thing now, and the reason that Garrison has not some pet office, is, that he is honest in his de- nunciations of our Union, and will not take an oath to support the Constitution, while his Re- publican co-workers will, with a mental reser- vation to destroy it. SUPERSTITION AND INTOLERANCE. A man's peculiar natural characteristics are not guaged by his belief, but his belief, whim or caprice, are often the offsprings of his nat- ural, or national characteristics. AVhat a vast difference have we always observed between the two great leading parties of this country, even from its earliest period. The Federals, in power from 1796 to ISOO, were arrogant, con- ceited and intolerant. They could not bear to tolerate the least opposition to, or criticism upon their measures. No matter how wild or destructive those measures, all must tamely acquiesce, without complaint. The sedition law was the offspring of this partizan reticence. Opposition was sure to call down on the victim, persecution. Nor did the Federals waive this intolerance when they went out of power, but they kept it up, insisting on their prerogative to force obe- dience to their behests, and more than toler- ance of their dogmas. Nor has this particular characteristic for- saken that classification of men to the present hour. Witness their inflamatory denunciations of all those who do not endorse their every ex- treme idiosyucracy. You must believe that slavery ought to be abolished, constitution or no constitution, or you are a "traitor." You must believe that it is right, and a "military necessity," to put down and silence all criti- cism on public measures, by suppressing and mobbing persons; by the arrest and imprison- ment of dissentients, under the law of "sus- pected persons." You must believe that the constitution is a "covenant with death" and the Union a "league with hell," or you are a "secessionist." If you believe in the "Union as it was, and the constitution as it is," includ- ing the article providing for amendments, you are a "copperhead." In short, if you do not endorse every act of the Administration, as just and proper, you "oppose the war," and ought to be sent ''over the lines." Such is the spirit of intolerance of that class of persons who have always opposed the Democracy — with a few honorable exceptions. Not so with the Democracy, for no recording pen of history has shown or can show that during the Democratic adminisiration of Mr. Jefferson, when we were threatened with a war with France, that any opponent was arrest- ed, and punished without "due process of law"— and under the Democratic administration of Mr. Madison, when the nation was in a death-like grapi^le with the most powerful nation on the globe — no arbitrary arrests were made — no newspapers suppressed — no printing offices mobbed — no system of provost marshals to in- timidate, annoy and arrest people, without charge or accusation — no indemnifying acts to shield officers guilty of striking down civil and personal liberty without cause — no deporta- tion beyond our lines. In short, none of those intolerant, revolutionary means were resorted to, although, as we have shown in these pa- ges, there was abundant cause for the most energetic and summary measures, Mr. Mad- ison might have arrested thous 'nds of lead- ing, wealthy and influential citizens of the Eastern States, with specific charges of treason and misprison of treason, and been content to have rested the prosecution in open court on their own published acts, resolves and speeches. But Mr. Madison did not do it. And here- in consists the great difference between the characteristics of the two great parties of this country. The present party in power — intol- erant and prescriptive as their Federal sires, have made thousands of arrests — most of which had not the merit of being based on charges, even, and none of which, so fiir as we have ever been able to learn, have ever been followed by proof that treason was either com- mitted or intended. Newspapers have been 108 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. suppressed (as we shall show hereafter) for no greater crime than a manly protest against such outrages, and fair criticism on the con- duct of those in authority, with a view solely of preserving — not destroying — the Govern- ment of our fathers. THE BIGOTRY AND INTOLERAXCE OF TO-DAY — BORROWED FROM THE PILGRIMS. To show that the leaders of the present reigning dynasty came honestly by their hig- otrj', intolerance and spirit of persecution, we will in this connection introduce A CHAPTER FROM THE PURITANS. And before we introduce our "ancient tes- timony,'"' we wish to enter our protest against that indiscriminate denunciation against our Puritan fathers, which many in- dulge. The Mayflower brought many good, liberal and generous spirits as well as bad, illiberal, arrogant and intolerent ones. That early lump of emigration was leavened with a fair proportion of Democracy, from which sprang many of the leading, liberal Democrat- ic ideas of our age. They were the pioneers of those free and liberal ideas that have for the most part governed our people for nearly two centuries. But a large majority of the early Puritans were bigoted and intolerent, and to trace the genealogy of the illiberal and intolerent ideas of the present age to their proper source, we copy from an old work written in the latter part of the 17th century: "The Quakers were whipped, branded, had their ears cut off, their tongues bored with hot irons, and were banished upon pain of death, in case of their return, and actually ex- ecuted upon the gallows." At a subsequent date, says another work: "The Quakers prosecuted the Protestants with all manner of cruel atrocities," &c. And continues this antiquarian work: "The practice of selling the natives of North America into foreign bondage continued for two centuries. The articles of the early New England Confederacy classed persons among the spoils of war. A scanty remnant of the Pequod tribe in Connecticut, the captives treacherously made by AYaldron in New Hamp- shire, the homeless remnants of the tribe of Annamon, the orphan offspring of King Phil- lip himself, were all doomed to the same hard destiny of perpetual bondage." And again: "The Pokanokets were the first tribe which sheltered the Pilgrims after their landing on Plymouth Rock, and they were the first to fall victims to their insidious and ungrateful pol- icy." And it is further recorded iu the same his- tory: "At the two sessions of the court in Septem- ber, 1769, fourteen women and one man were sentenced to death on charges of witchcraft. One old man of eighty refused to plead, and by that horrible decree of the then common law, was tortured to death. Although it was evident that confession was the only safety, in most cases, some few had courage to retract their confessions — some eighty of them were sent to execution. Twenty persons had al- ready been put to death — eight more were un- der sentence; the jails were full of prisoners; and new accusations were made every day." BLUE LIGHTS AND BLUE LAWS. As the Puritans passed blue laws, the better to silence opposition to their illiberal ideas and dogmas, so their progeny burned blue lights to signal the enemy in war, and thus at times in our history, have rendered the cause of per- sonal rights and civil liberty, to say nothing of National existence, Hue indeed. Among the laws alluded to in this early his- tory, were the following: "No one shall travel, cook victuals, make beds, sweep house, cut hair, or shave on the Sabbath day. "If any man shall kiss his wife, or wife her husband, on the Lord's day, the party in fault shall be punished at the discretion of the court, or magistrate. "No woman shall kiss her child on the Sab- bath or fasting day." To these provisions of law, the historian ap- pends the following note: "A gentleman, after an absence of some months, reached home on the Sabbath, and meeting his wife at the door, kissed her with an appetite, and for his temerity in violating the law, the next day was arraigned before the court, and fined, for so palpable a breach of the law on the Lord's day." We by no means charge our opponents with the guilt or foibles of their early ancestors. — Our purpose is only to trace a proper geneal- ogy of that illiberal, intolerant and bigoted spirit that to-day would consign to the dun- geon all dissentients against their political dogmas, so that it may not be said our Abo- lition bigots came dishonestly by their intoler ance. SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP BOOK. 109 SEDITION LAW NUMBER TWO— THE ACT TO STRIKE DOWN THE HABEAS CORPUS. AVe have deemed it important, in the pro- trress of this work, as showing the revolution- ary spirit of those in power to place on record in these pages the ''Act Relatiiifj to Habeas CoTpvs, and Eegu- lating Judicial rroc'xliivjs in Certain Cases," so that the reader may compare it with the aims and purposes of the Sedition Act of old, and to properly appreciate this Sedition Law No. 2, it should be read by the light of the vote in Congress, by which the resolution ignoring a despotism on the ruins of our Government was tabled. ''Sec 1. Be it enacted. 8rc.. That duringthe present rebellion, the President of the United States, whenever in his judgment the public safety may require it, is authorized to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in any case throughout the United States, or any part thereof, and whenever and wherever the said privilege shall be suspended, as aforesaid, no military or other officer shall be compelled, in answer to any writ of habeas corpus., to re- turn the body of any person or persons detain- ed by him, by authority of the President, but upon a certificate, under oath of the officer having charge of any one so detained, that such a person is detained by him as a prisoner, un- der authority of the President, further pro- ceedings under the writ of habeas corpus shall be suspended by the Judge or court having is- sued the said writ, so long as said suspension by the President shall remain in force, and the said rebellion continue. "Sec- 2. And be it farther enacted, ^-c, That the Secretary of State and the Secretary of War be, and they are hereby directed, as soon as may be practicable, to furnish to the Judges of the Circuit and District Courts of the United States, and of the District of Columbia, a list of the names of all the persons, citizens of the States in which the administration of the laws has continued unimpaired, in the said Federal Courts, who are now, or may hereafter be held as prisoners of the United States, or order or authority of the President of the United States, or either of said Secretaries, in any fort,'aTsenal, or other place, as State ov polit- ical prisoners, or otherwise, than as prisoners of war, the said list to contain the names of all hose who reside in the respective jurisdictions of said Judges, or who may be deemed by the said Secretaries, or either of them, to have vi- olated any law of the United States, in any of said jurisdictions, and also the date of each arrest; the Secretary of State to furnish a list of such persons as are imprisoned by the order or authority of the President, acting through the State Department, and the Secretary of War a list of such as are imprisoned by the or- der or authority of the President, acting through the Department of V/ar. And in all cases where a grand jury having attended any of said courts, having jurisdiction in the prem- ises, after the passage of this act, and after the furnishing of said list, as aforesaid, has terminated its session, without finding an in- dictment, or presentment, or other proceeding against such person, it shall be the duty of the judge of said court forthwith to make an order that any such prisoner desiring a dis- charge from such imprisonment, be brought before him to be discharged, and every officer of the United States having custody of such prisoner, is hereby directed immediately to obey and execute said judge's order. In case he shall delay or refuse so to do, he shall be subject to indictment for a misdemeanor, and be punished by a fine of not less than §500, and imprisonment in the common jail for a pe- riod not less than six months, in the discretion of the court; Provided, however, that no per- vson shall be discharged by virtue of the provis- ions of this act, until after he or she shall have taken an oath of allegiance to the govern- ment of the United States, and to support the constitution thereof, and that he or she will not hereafter, in any way encourage or give aid and comfort to the present rebellion, or to the supporters thereof; and, provided, also, that the judge, or court, before whom such person may be brought, before discharging him or her from imprisonment, shall have power, on ex- amination of the case, and if public safety shall require it, shall be required to cause him or her to enter into recognisance, with or without security, in a sum to be fixed by said judge or court, to keep the peace and be of good be- havior towards the United States and its citi- zens, and from time to time, and at such times as such judge or court may direct, appear be- fore such judge or court, to be further dealt with, according to law, as the circumstances may require, and it shall be the duty of the District Attorney of the United States to at- tend such examination before the judge. "Sec. 3. Andbe it further enacted. That in case any of such prisoners shall be under indict- ment or prosecutions, for any ofl:ense against the laws of the United States, and by existing laws, bail or recognizance may be taken for the appearance, for trial of such person it shall be the duty of said judgeat once to discharge such person, upon bail or recognizance, for trial, as aforesaid, and case the said Secretaries of State and War shall for any reason, refuse or omit to furnish the said list of persons held as prison- ers, as aforesaid; at the time of the passage of this act, within twenty days thereafter, and of such persons as hereafter may be arrested within twenty days from the time of the arrest, any citizen may after a Grand Jury shall have terminated its session without find- ing an indictment or presentment, as provided in the second section of this act, by a petition, alleging the facts aforesaid, touching any of the persons, so as aforesaid imprisoned, sup- ported by the oath of such petitioner, or any other credible person, obtain and be entitled to have the said judge order to discharge such 110 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. prisoner on the same terms and conditions pre- scribed in the second section of this act, pro- vided^ however, that the said judge shall be satisfied, such allegations are true. "Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That any order of the President or under his au- thority, made at any time during the existence of the present rebellion, shall be a defense in all courts to any action or prosecution, civil or criminal, pending or to be commenced, for any search, seizure, arrest or imprisonment made, done or committed, or acts omitted to be done, under, and by virtue of such order, or under color of any law of Congress, and such defense may be made by special plea, or under the gen- eral issue. "Sec. 5. And he it further enacted^ That if any suit or prosecution, civil or criminal, has been or shall be commenced in any state court against any officer, civil or military, or against any other person, for any arrest or imprison- ment, made, or other trespasses, or wrongs done or committed, or any act omitted to be done, at any time during the present rebellion, by virtue or under color of any authority de- rived from, or exercised by, under the Presi- dent of the United States, or any act of Con- gress, and the defendant shall at the time of entering his appearance in such court, or if such appearance shall have been entered, be- fore the passage of this act, then at the next session of the court, in which such suit or prosecution is pending, file a petition, stating the facts, and verified by affidavit for the re- moval of the cause for trial at the next Circuit Court of the United States to be holden in the district where the suit is pending, and offer good and sufficient surety for his filing in such court, on the first day of its session, copies of such process and other proceedings against him, and also for his appearing in such court, in entering special bail in the cause, if special bail was originally required therein, it shall then be the duty of the state court to accept the surety, and proceed no further in the cause or prosecution, and the bail that shall have been originally taken, shall be discharged, and such copies being filed, as aforesaid in such com-t of the United States, the cause shall proceed therein, in the same manner as if it had been brought in said court hy original process, what- ever may be the amount in dispute, or the damages claimed, or whatever the citizenship of the parties, any former law to the contrary notwithstanding. And any attachment of the goods or estate of the defendant, by the origi- nal process, shall hold the goods or estate of the defendant, so attached, to answer the final judgment, in the same manner as by the laws of such state they would have been holden to answer final judgment, had it been rendered in the court in which the suit or prosecution was commenced. And it shall be lawful in any such action or prosecution which may be now pending or hereafter commenced, before any state court whatever, for any cause aforesaid, after final judgment, for either par- ty to remove and transfer, by appeal, such case during the session sr term of said court, | at which the same shall have taken place, from such court to the next Circuit Court of the United States, to be held in the district in which such appeal shall be taken, in manner aforesaid. And it shall be the duty of the person taking such appeal, to produce and file in the said Circuit Court attested copies of the process, proceedings and judgment in such cause, and it shall also be competent, for either party, within six months after the rendition of a judgment in any such cause, by writ of error or other process, to remove the same to the Circuit Court of the United States of that district in which such j udgment shall have been rendered, and the said Circuit Court shall thereupon proceed to try and determine the facts and the law in such action, in the same manner as if the same had been there origi- nally commenced, the judgment in such case notwithstanding. And any bail which may have been taken, or property attached, shall be holden on the final judgment of the said Cir- cuit Court in such action, in the same manner as if no such removal and transfer had been made as aforesaid. And the state court from which any suoh action, civil, or criminal, may be removed and transferred as afore- said, upon the parties giving good and suffi- cient security for the prosecution thereof, shall allow the same to be removed and transferred, and proceed no further in the case: Provided, however that if the party aforesaid shall fail duly to enter the removal and transfer, as aforesaid, in the Circuit Court of the United States, agreeably to this act. the state court by which judgment shall have been rendered, and from which the transfer and removal shall have been made, as aforesaid, shall be authorized, on motion for that purpose, to issue execution, and to carry into eflFect any such judgment, the same as if no such removal and trans- fer had been made: And Provided also, that no such appeal or writ of error shall be allowed in any criminal action or prosecution where final judgment shall have been rendered in favor of the defendant or respondent, by the state court. And if in any suit hereafter com- menced, the plaintiff is nonsuited or judgment pass against him, the defendant shall recover double costs. "Sec. 6, And be it further enacted. That any suit or prosecution described in this act in which final judgment may be rendered in the Circuit Court, may be carried by writ oi error to the Supreme Court, whatever may be the amount of said judgment. "Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, Thatno suit or prosecution, civil or criminal, shall be maintained for any arrest or imprisonment made, or other tresspasses or wrongs done or committed, or act omitted to be done, at any time during the present rebellion, by virtue or under color of any authority derived from, or exercised by, or under the President of the United States, or by or under any act of Con- gress, unless the same shall have been com- menced within two years next after such arrest, imprisonment, trespass, or wrong may have been done or committed, or act may have been SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. Ill omitted to be done! Provided, That in no case shall the limitation herein provided commence to run until the passage of this act, so that no party shall, by virtue af this act, be debarred of his remedy by suit or prosecution, until two years from and after the passage of this act." VOTE ON THE PASSAGE OF SAID BILL. The above act passed the House of Repre- sentatives, March 3d, 1863. We annex the list of yeas and nays so that the reader may see who "did this thing," and to what political faith they belong. Altlrich, K. Arnold, Ji. Ashley, 11. Babbitt, 11. Baker, R. Baxter, K . Beaman, II. Biglow, R. Blair, (Va.)U. Blair, (Pa.) R. Blake, R. Browne, (Va.) U. Buffington, R. Campbell, R Casey, U. Chamberlain, R. Clark, R, Colfax, R. Conklin, F. A., Conklin, R., R Conway, R . Cutler, R , Davis, R. Dawes, R. Delano. R . Dunn, R. Edgerton, R. Elliott, R . Ely, R. Fenton, R. Fisher, R. Frauchet, R. Frank, R. Gordin, R. Gurley, R. Hahn, U. Hale, U. Harrison, R. Hooper, R. Horton, R. llutchins, R. Julian, R. Kelley, R. Kellogg, (Mich.) Kellogg-, (111.) R. Killings, R. Lansing, R. Lary, U. R. Lehman, D. Loomis, R. Low, R. Mclndoe, R. McKean, R. McKnight, R. McPherson, R. Marstou, R. IMaynard, U. Mitchell, R. Moorehcad, R. Morill, (Me.) R. Fessenden, S. C, R.Nixon, R. Fessenden.TAF. RPatton, R. Flanders, U. Phelps, (Cal.) R Ayes 100; all anti-Democratic but Pike, R. Pomeroy, R. Porter, R. Rice, (Me.) R. Riddle, R. Rollins. (N. 11.) R. Sargeaiit, R. Sedgwicli, R. Segar, R, Shanks, R. Shellaburger, R. Sherman, R. Sloan, R. R.Spaulding, R. Stevens, R. Strattou, R. Thomas, (M.L) U. Trimble, R. Trowbridge, R. Van Horn, R . Van Valkenburg, R Van Wyck, R. Verree, R. Walker, R. Wall, R. Walace, R. Washburne, Wheeler, R. White, (lud.) R. Wilmer, R. Windham, R. Worcester, R. R. NATS . Allen, (0.) D. Allen, (111.) D. Anacona, D. Biddle, D. Calvert, D. Cravens, D. Cnsfield, D. Delaplaine, D. Dunlap, U. English, D. Granger, D. Grider, U. Hall, D. Harding, D. Holman, D. Nays 4S — > Johnson, D. Shiel, D. Karrigan, D. Smith, R. Knapp, D. Steele, D. N. D. Law, D. Steele, (N. J.) D. Mallory, U. Stiles, D. May, D. Thomas, (Mass.) U. Menzies, U. Vallandigham, D. Morris, D. Voorhees, D. Noble, D. Wadsworth,D. Norton, D. Ward, D. Nugin.D. White, (0.) D. Pendleton, D. Wicklifie, U. Perry, D. Wood, D. Price, D. Woodruff, D . Robinson, D. Yeaman, D. only one Republican. As the foregoing act established a Dictator- ship over the people so far as it was piossible for Congress to do it, we are anxious the men of the future shall see who is responsible. "anythinq but that." The New ^ork T^rjAwne having been taken to task by a "conservative" Republican paper for its treasonable purposes, that sheet retorts as follows, which shows that its politics out- weighs its "love" for the Union. "A journal which seeks occasion to differ with the Tiihune, asserts that after having been willing to 'let the cotton states go,' we have oj^posed every proposition looking to peace. This is astonishingly wide of the truth. The one thing that we Aat'e steadfastly opposed — that we have deemed too dear n price, even for peace — is new concessions — new guarantees to human slavery. Take any form but that. * * * Let us have a Union of peace as soon as possible, but never by new concessions to, new compromises with, slavery." WITHOUT NEGRO EQUALITY THE UNION OF NO ACCOUNT. The Chicago Journal uses the following in- genious argument to prove that the President is not in favor of the "Union as it was:"" "All a Mistake. — The Chicago Trilune complains with some bitterness of an express- ion in the President's letter to Horace Gree- ley, wjiich quotes as follows: 'The sooner the National authority is restored the sooner the Union will be the Union as it wns/' [The ?7a/«c« are not ours.] The Tribune's ground of comrlaint is, that the President seems to look to restoring the old order of things, just as it existed immediately preceding the rebellion. Such would be the inference if the President had used the language imputed to him, but the Tribune has misquoted. The language of the President, as we tind it published in the Na- tional Intelligencer, the nnquestionably correct version is as follows: 'The sooner the Nation- al authority can be restored, the nearer the Union will be the Union as it was.' This con- tains a different idea from that contained in the sentence quoted by the Tribune. It shows the President does not expect the old order of things will be restored." &c. And we may add, his subsequent action proves that the Journal via.s correct: A "loyal" appeal for DISSOLUTION. From a speech by Wendell Phillips, at an Emancipation Anniversary meeting, in Ab- ington, Mass., Aug. 1, 1862, we select the fol- lowing, which was applauded to the echo by the large crowd of Republicans present: "AVe shall never have peace until slavery is destroyed. As long as you keep the present turtle [Lincoln] at the head of the Government you make a pit with one hand and fill it with the other. * * * * If any man present believes he has light enough to allow him, let him pray that Davis may be permitted to make an attack on AVashington City within a week. * * * The speaker knew Mr. Lincoln. He had, while in Washington, taken his measure. He is a first rate second rate man. That is all. A mere convenience, and he is honestly wait- 112 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTiS. ing, like any other brooia stick, for the people to take hold of him and sweep slavery out of the nation. Democracy is lifting up its fangs, and another Congress will not have the same amount of Republican and honest sentiment in it that the last kad. Nothing less than a bap- tism of blood, to cry in anguish for a corporate, idea, that the head of the army can save us. — Lincoln is as good as the people of the North •want him. In years gone by in yonder grove the Whigs fired cannons to smother the voices from the ttxud then occupied by the speaker, [Phillips,] and what is the result? The sons of those Whigs now fill graves in Chlcka- hominy swamps. Let this Union be dissolved, in God's name, and the corner stone of a new one be laid, in which shall be organized forev- er equality in a political sense for every man who is born into the world!" CHAPTER XX. DISLOYALTY OF REPUBLICANS— THE GllEAT ROUND-HEAD CONSPIRACY. ^ Threat,-i to Force Mr. Lincoln to Is.^ue the Proclami>tion... From "New York InJepemlont "...'• Chicago Tribune "' Against the "Union as It Was"; also, its Threat to use Baj'onets in Defiance of the People. ..The Radical Conspiracy of 1862.. .Disclosures of the Round-Head Plot...Suggestion8of the " Boston Courier"; also, from an Albany Paper. ..The "St. Louis Anzeiger" Reveals the Plot. .".The "N. Y. Obseryer " Gives a Clue to It... Gov. Ramsey, of Minnesota, on " Machinations of Home Governments," Ac "Legalized Treason" From "Boston Courier "...The Second Hartford Convention Toasted. ..Chas, Sumner Teaches Revolution. ..Mr. Sew- ard Boasts of More Despotic Power than the Queen of England dare Exercise. ..Thad. Stevens declares the Con- stitution an " Absurdity "...Repul'licans Cheering for Dissolution Republicans for " Extermination and Damnation "...The " Boston Commonwealth " Denoun- ces Restoration (i Crime. ..The " South Not Worth a Copper"... "Boston Commonwealth" Curves the "Union as It Was "...Bingham Don't Want the Cotton States... The Constitution Committed to the Flames by Garrison Senator Henkle and Vallandigham... Destruction of the Constitution a Test of Loyalty. ..God and the Nc;{ro... Beecher Declares that the Negro is our "Forlorn Hope" Republican I!loodthirstines8...Jim Lane would send all the White Men to " Hell". .."Chicago Tribune" Down on the " Union as It Was "...Amalgamation and Negro Equality. ..Fred. Douglas and White Women. ..Wendell Phillips Thanks God for Defeat..." N. Y. Tribune" De- fies the National Government — Ben. Wade on Dissolu- tion. ..The Seceding States follow Ben.'s Advice. ..C. M. Clay "Spots the Union as It Was "...Beecher Ridi- cules the "Sheepskin Parchment "...Daniel Webster on the "Grasp of Executive Power "..."Democrats Must Not Clamor for the Union as It Was "...Moulding Public Opinion. ..Mr. Lincoln in 1854. ..Mr. Seward and Violence. ..Mr. Seward on the " Last Stage of Conflict" ...Mr. Seward's Justification for Disunion. ..The Prefix " National " Stricken from the Republican Cognomen... Banks Predicts a Military Government. ..Carl Schurz on Revolution....!. P. Hale on Dissolution. ..Gen. Butler on Reconstruction. ..Object and Consequences of Slavery Agitation. ..Prophesies of Eli Thayer. ..Geueral Conclu- sions, &c. A THREAT TO DISPLACE THi; TRESIDENT. In the New York Indc]}ende?it of August 9, 1862, under the head of "A Leader for the People," we find the following, with much more of the same import, too lengthy for in- sertion here. The paragraphs here quoted, in- dicate as strong as language can, the purpose of the Radicals to depose Mr. Lincoln by force, unless he yielded to their demands, and issued the Proclamation, and it is but charity to suppose that these and kindred threats, from kindred sources, forced him to reconsider his firm resolve on that subject: "Let any one compare the State papers, messages, proclamations and orders that have issued from this Administration during the past year and a half, with the documents which preceded and accompanied our own war of In- dependence. The Bills of Rights of the colo- nies sparkle with sentiments of humanity, of right, of liberty, The resolves of the old col- onial legislatures had in them that which fed the deep love of liberty in the human soul. The remonstrances addressed to the throne — the letters of eminent men — the declarations of Congress — were all aglow with a divine en- thusiasm. "Compare with these the papers that have issued from our Government, during this in- fernal revolt of slave bred men against free institMtions — thct/ are cold, heartless^ dead. * * * There has not been a line in any government paper that miyht not have been is- sued bu the Czar, by Louis Napoleon^ or by Jeff Davis. "Our State papers during this eventful pe- riod are void of genuine enthusinsm, for the great doctrines on which this government was founded. Faith in human rights is dead in Washington. The Administration have faith in America, in the United State.?, in a united North, in a liepublicayi j>artg, but no faith in that invisible principle which underlies and nourishes them. The people are never called to maintain their historic ideas. The nation is never reminded of its political truths. The people not marched where their enthusiasm, like the sleeping music of the harp strings, lies waiting some touch to bring it forth, to roll over this continent such an anthem as the world never heard, and only a free people can J| chant. Let one of those grand old documents ■ be brought forth which our fathers issued be- fore this infernal slavery had made man timid of their best faith, and tolerant only of the doctrine of devils. Behold its lofty spirit. See how divine in its inclusion of the whole human family in the right claimed by its au- thors for themselves. How bold, wise, feai-less and consistent! "Now lay down by its side the pale, cold, lifeless documents that have come forth from the Government of the great people striving for their liberties, and for the very land be- queathed them by their fathers. Why, their State papers of our time are the winding sheets of the old ones — the very shrouds in which to bury the noble lines and sentences of the fa- thers out of sight of generations whom slavery has missled, or whom a false prudence has in- timidated. * * But we must cease looking ^ SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 113 any more to Government^ we must turn to OURSELVES. A time may he near when the people will be called to act with prudence [how cautious the sentence] and courage beyond all precedent. After strength has been frittered away in wooing the manhood of Border State eunuchs, and reverses have come, and our rul- ers are fugitives from the proud capital.— Should they deem the task of maiiataining the sanctity and integrity of the national soil hopeless, then this great people, running through all their States, may yet be called to take up the dispairing work, and carry it to lictoru! "The people must have leaders. As yet they have not found them." " THE UNION AS IT OUGHT TO BE." The Chicago Tribune thus scorns the idea of the Union as it was: "In his letter to Horace Greeley the Presi- dent says: "'The Sooner the uatiimiil authority is rcstoreri, the sooner will be the Union as it was.' "There is much ambiguity in this expression. The 'Union as it was,' is a cant phrase, invent- ed by the famous Vallandigham, and fathered by his dirty tool, Dick Richardson. The mean- ing they attach to these words is well under- stood. But such a Union loyal men do not want to seerestored. They prefer a Union as it ought to be."' B.WOXETS TO DEFY THE PEOPLE. In ihe Chicago Tribune of Sept. 17, 1862. we find the following: "Let it be understood that the people have become lukewarm in the cause [abolition of slavery] in which they are contending, and we shall straightway behold them [the soldiers] asserting their principles in defiance of the peo- ple. The bayonets think. The bayonets in the American army bristle with ideas." Tlli: K.\DIC.\L CONSPIRACY OF ]8(52. It is well known, that following in the lead of the Hartford Conventionists of 1814, several of the New England Governors, in defiance of the spirit of the Constitution, which forbids the states to enter into any alliance, and what states cannot do the Governor.^ of the states cannot rightfully undertake, met at Providence, R. I., in secret, and finally adjourned to anoth- er secret meeting at Altoona, Pa. All this was done in the summer of 1862, while the radicals were attempting to browbeat Mr. Lincoln into issuing the proclamation — when he complained , of the "terrible pressure" upon him. And it will go down among the legends of his- tory, if even it does not yet appear in bold re- lief, that those most "Loyal Governors" con- spired together with a view to pledge them- selves to furnish no more troops for the war unless the President yielded to their demands. Whatever the object of their meetings, true loyalty did not require secrecy. The old Hart- ford Convention sat with closed doors, and in- tended to keep their aims and purposes secret, but they were at last subjected to the fiery crucible of history, and exhibited in all the infamy of a treasonable attempt to dissolve the Union. Let us trace the conspiracy of 1862 to its logical conclusions, and make up our verdict from the budget of facts before us. The following telegraphic dispatch, issued from the very headquarters of the Government just about the time the President was compell- ed to yield to the radical policy, and who knows that it was not furnished to the press by his order, as a justification of the course he did pursue? At all events, take the whole affair, link by link, and does it not show we had the Hartford Convention revised? '■•The Roundhead Conspiracy — Startling Devel- opments — Conspiracy of the Radicals to De- pose the President. •'W.isiii.NGTON, Sept. l(j, 1SG2. "Most astounding disclosures have been made here to day, by letters and verbal com- munications, from prominet politicians, show- ing that a vast conspiracy has been set on foot by the radicals of the Fremont fiiction to de- pose the present administratior, and place Fremont at the hwid of a provisional govern- ment; in other words, to make him military dictator. One of these letters asserts that one feature of this conspiracy is the proposed meet- ing of the governors of the northern states to request President Lincoln to resign, to enable them to carry out their scheme. The writer, in conclusion, says Governor Andrew and Senator Wilson are at work, and they are probably at the bottom of the movement. — From other well informed sources it is learned that the fifty thousand independent volunteers proposed to be raised under the auspices of the New York National Union Defence Committee were intended to be a nucleus for the organi- zation of the Fremont conspiracy. It was the purpose of those engaged in this movement t® have this force armed and organized by the government, and placed under the independent command of tneir chosen leader, and then to call upon all sympathizers to unite with them in arms to overthrow the present administra- tion, and establish in its stead a military dic- tatorship, to carry on the peculiar policy they desire the government should execute. Fail- ing in this, it is stated that a secret organiza- tion had been inaugurated, the members of which are known by the name of Roundheads. 114 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. It is intended that this organization shal number two hundred thousand men in arms, who shall raise the standard of the conspira- tors, and call General Fremont to the com- mand. They expect to be joined by two-thirds of the army of the Union now in the field, and that eventually one million of armed men will be gathered around their standard This startling disclosure is vouched for by men of high repute in New York and other northern states. It is the last card of those who have been vainly attempting to drive the President into the adoption of their own peculiar policy." The following, from the Boston Courier^ also sheds some light, and offers some valuable suggestions on the subject: '■'■The F emont Conspiract; — Scheme of the New York Jacobins to Depose President Lincoln. "If we published our paper in the city of New York, we should be disposed to press the affair ®f the war committee to all its legitimate re- sults. The ill-tempered letter of Mayor Op- dyke, the chairman, to Messrs. Belmont, shows the spirit of the committee, but ought they not to be specifically inquired of,as to certain points demanding explanation? For example, might it not well be asked of this committee: "1. In what manner did you intend to em- ploy the 50,000 men which you proposed to raise by the authority of the state government, in case the general government refused to al- low of such a formidable military organization under command of Gen. Fremont? "2. For what purpose did a deputation of your committee attend a conference of New England Governors at Providence? "3. What was the report which they brought back and made to you, after that conference? "4. Was it not proposed that the army of 50,000 men, which you designed to raise in New York should be reinforced by such re- cruits as you might be able to obtain in New England? And was not this proposition con- sidered and discussed at the conference in question? "5. If your object was solely and legitimate- ly to aid the government in the suppression of the rebellion, why did you seek to raise a sop arate military force without its authority, and if such authority were refused, so to raise it necessarily against its authority? "6. Do you think that this proceeding could be regarded as encouraging enlistments — or, was it not rather the most direct possible dis- couragement, by attempting to raise a large force, not for the service of the government,but aside from it? "7. What was the specific object of raising that military force? Explain, if you please, how it could be employed in any legitimate way? ' '8. Why have the sessions of your committee been secret? We do not ask why you may have excluded reporters for the press, or the public generally, while you were engaged in the trans- action of committee business — but why is the business of a National War Committee so con- ducted, that absolute exclusion of the public from all knowledge of the character of its do- ings is deemed necessary? ' '9. Has it occurred to you that the suspicions of the public might justly be roused, lest transactions of which so much has been re- vealed, combined with the fact of this extraor- dinary privacy, might be inconsistent with the public peace and safety? "10. Has any suggestion been made in your committee, as to a government at the north, separate from that of Ihe United States? We do not ask you whether you have formally re- solved to secede, in a certain contingency, but wheter that subject has been discussed in your committee — whether it was not discussed at the Providence meeting before referred to — wheth- er your sub-committee did not make a report on this particular subject — and if not, what object it actually was which you wished to raise an army for? "11. When you proposed to place the army you thought of raising under the command of Fremont, did you have iu mind the following language attributed to him, as was used by him while in the service of the United States iu Missouri? "That the people were in the field, and he was at their head, and would have done everything according to their expectations fnim him; that now we have only extracon- stitctional government — no civil rights, so to speak— all ordinary peaceful rules were to be set aside, and this thing of red tape must give way very shortly to what the people require of him; that he meant to carry out such measures as they, the people, expected him to carry out, without re- gard to the red tape of the Washington people."' "12. Are you not aware that large numbers of persons, disaifected as to the policy of the i national government, and with whom you have been in political association, are providing themselves with arms in the state of New York and in the New England states?'' — Boston Courier. '■'■The New York '■National War Committee.'' "The Jacobin club is not, however, idle, al- though exposed and denounced. Its agents are busily engaged in gathering up secretly the names of all who are willing to enrol them- selves in the army of 50,000 men, to be placed under the command of Fremont. It is a repe- tition of the Wide Awake clubs of 1860, with this difference, that the Jacobin force will be supplied with arms, which they would not prob- ably have the courage to use. "There is every reason to fear that this bold usurpation is of wider extent than has been supposed. In every city or county of this state there is good reason to believe, similar secret bodies are in existence, with the object of sys- tematically organizing a force that may be used, if the necessity should arise to usurp the power of the government." — Albany paper. The following from the Saint Louis Anzieger (Rep.) gives us still further evidence of the means to be employed: "Programme of the Revolution. — We directed attention yesterday to the approach- SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-B 0/ 115 ing convention of the AVestern Governors, who, as we learn, in conjunction ■with some Eastern governors intend to put an ultimatum to Pres- ident Lincoln, and in case of a refusal, with- draw their quota of the troops. "Accordins: to the report communicated to us, this programme will contain the following points: "1. Immediate and general emancipation of the slaves. [Which was acceded to.] "2. Dismissal of the Cabinet and formation of a new one from the ranks of the radicals. "3. Discharge of McClellan and all Demo- cratic Generals [This was acceded to.] •'4. Transfer of the chief command of the entire army to Gen. Fremont. Besides, some other demands of a like character. "Governors Curtin, Tod, of Ohio, Pierpont, of Virginia, and Morton, of Indiana, have de- clared themselves against this revolutionary proceeding, and invited the AVestern Governors to a conference on the 24th, in Pennsylvania. For the present, preliminary consultations are held at Springfield, Illinois, and the project of a revolution, with the removal of Lincoln from the Presidency and the dismissal of his Cabi- net, is openly discussed. Unless further deci- sive victories of General McClellaa stifle the project in its birth, we shall soon see the doors open to anarchy, and then woe to the Germans! They will oe made the scapegoat,who will have to suffer for every thing.' ^ 31ore of the Conspirators in Neiv York. The New York Observer., a religious sectari- an organ, says : "AVe speak what we know when we say that a calm, scholarly minister of Christ in this city declared in the house of God, four days ago, that we shall have ho success in this war until the President is driven out of AVashing- ton, and three of his Cabinet are executed. — This is the revolutionary spirit that is abroad, and the foundations of government and law and society are trembling at its breath. Here, then, are numerous links, well put to- gether, and forming a chain of almost irresist- able evidence. But they are not all. Just leave New Englend abolitionism for a moment alone in its glory, and turn our attention to evidences of the guilt in the AVest. The Exe- cutive convention at Cleveland worked in har- mony with the New York and New England move. Simultaneously all the AVestern Legis- latures were called together, with no visible necessity for the trouble and expense. They all urged substantially the same measures, which were, that the soldiers should be privil- edged to vote, and that the States should arm and equip themselves, like independent war powers. Gov. Ramsey, of Minnesota, thus al- luded to the voting question: "It may happen, that unless proper legisla- tive action is taken to prevent it, a day will come when our vast force of volunteers in the field will represent one set of principles, while our ffovernmeni, state andnationul. will be con- trolled by an entirely different set; in other words, the labors and sufferings of a patriotic army may be frustrated, embarrassed and brought to nought by the machinations of home governments., wielded by timid or disloi/al spir- its. No mind can estimate the horrors to which such a state of things would lead. It would be armed right contending against legalized treas- on, and its fruit would be a condition of fear- ful anarchy.'' The Chicago Tribune of the 17th, said upon the same topic: "Let it be understood that the people have become lukewarm in the cause for which they are contending, and we shall straightway be- hold them (the soldiers) asserting their prin- ciples in defiance of the people!^'' Here, then, it was directly announced, that any opposition to the wishes of the people (and the radicals claimed to be the people) on the part of the AVashington Government would be "legalized treason," and the leading organ of that faction declared the soldiers may find it necessary to assert their principles (here used in the sense of the principles of the radicals) '■'■in defiance of the people." THE ALTOONA MEETING fFrom the Boston Courier, Sept. 27. J "The further report of the Herald's Altoona, correspondent is entirely confirmatory of the first one, and there is every reason to believe it is substantially correct. The attempt to cover up the proceedings, or to conceal the de- signs of the active conspirators, must inevita- bly fail. The article of the Louisville Journal on the subject is impressive, and will command attention and respect. The country has great cause to be thankful that Governor Bradford, of Maryland, set down in some accounts as a "war democrat," but who has always been a AVhig, and acted with the Bell and Everett party at the last election, was present. His true loyalty and spirit were of main service at the meeting; and the action of Gov. Tod, of Ohio, and Gov. Curtin, of Pennsylvania, in concert with him, turned the tide of faction and conspiracy. "Undoubtedly we shall have further devel- opments forthwith, especially as to the per- sistent malice of Governor Andrew and those who concurred with him in the silly and mal- ignant attempt to press for the removal of McClellan. But he is now out of their reach, and they will suffer the usual consequence of biting files. Under the recent supplementary proclamation of the President, these men could be handily arrested at AVashington, whither they are said to have repaired; for their conduct in hostility to the commanding 116 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. general is, of all things, directly to discourage enlistments and to be guilty of disloyal prac- tices, affording aid and comfort to the rebels, ■who would like nothing better than to have McClellan removed. Our own Governor, in- deed, can be proved to have declared in New York a few days ago that the government should not have a man from Massachusetts until the change in the command of the army was effected. The H.rald^s correspondent, who was on the spot, informs us that these "Loyal Governors" were in session till half past one o^ clock at night, and that after the telegraph had inform- ed them the President had yielded, they open- ed their batteries on Gen. McClellan — made it a part- of their programme that he should be removed, and adjourned for Washington in a body, where, no doubt, they received the as- surance from headquarters, that as soon as it would look well their wishes should be grati- fied. This meeting of twelve Governori of twelve states, at such a time, and such an hour, for such purposes, is without a parallel in the an- nals of traitorous conspiracies. Even the traitorous Federal Governors of 1814, dared not undertake so bold a job in their executive capacities and the Hartford Convention was composed of a set of lay delegates. We re- linquish this subject with the melancholy re- gret that we have men high in office that would combine in a move to coerce the executive of the nation into any measure, and that we have a Natienal Executive that would yield to such a pressure. The precedent is one pregnant with unalloyed danger to our Government, and all true patriots will regret that we had not one in the Presidential chair who would meet all such forestalling efforts with the reply: "By the Eternal, I run this machine — dis- perse to your homes, or I will hang you on the first tree as plotters of treason!" EEVOLUTIONART SPIRIT TAUQIIT BY CHARLES SUMNER. On the 7th of September, 1854, at Worces- ter, Mass., Charles SujiNER made a speech on the birthday of the Republican party in that state. Then and there the party was christ- ened, and Mr. Sumner in leading it to its bap- tismal fount, portrayed the objects of its birth, and prophesied of its future career, as the Moses in the Abolition bull rushes: "The whole dogmn of passive obedience must berejected. In whatever guise it may assume, and under whatever alias it may skulk — wheth- er in the tyrannical usurpations of king, par- liament, or judicial tribunal — whether in the exploded theories of Sir Robert Filmer, or the rampant assumptions of the partizans of the Fugitive Slave bill. The rights of the civil power are limited. There are things beyond its province. There are matters out of its control. There are cases in which the /ajVA/wZ citizen may say — &je.,7nu3t say, Iwill not obey?'' And again: "I desire to say that no party which calls it- self National^ according to the common accep- tance of the word, which leans upon a slave holding wing (cheers), or is in combination with slave holders (cheers) can at this time, be true to Massachusetts (Great applause), and the reason is obvious. It can be presented so as to cleave the most common understanding. The essential element of such a party, whether de- clared or concealed, is compromise^ but our duties require all constitutional opposition to slavery, and the slave power without compro- mise. * * " As Republicans, we go forth to encounter the oligarchy of slavery! (Great applause.) MR. SEWARD'S despotism. To show that Mr. Seward considers himself a Duke of no ordinary pretensions in a great Republican Despotism, we quote from his re- marks to the British Lord: "My Lord, I can touch a bell on my righ, hand, and order the arrest of a citizen of Ohio! I can touch the bell again, and order the im- prisonment of a citizen in New York, and no power on earthy but that of the President., can release them! Can the Queen of England, in her dominions, do as much?" No, Mr. Seward, the Queen of England cannot. If she attempted it her head would roll from the block. None but the Czar of Russia, the Sultan of Turkey, the Kahn of Tartary, the Emperor of Austria, the Presi- dent of the United States, and such autocrats, could accomplish such feats of absolute des- potism. the CONiTITUTION PRONOUNCED AN "aB- ■ SURD.ITY." When the bill for dismembering Virginia was up for consideration, in the House of Rep- resentatives, Thad. Stevens thus gave vent to his abhorence of the constitution: "I will not stultify myself by supposing that we have any warrant in the constitution for this proceeding. "This talk of restoring the Union as it was, and under the constitution as it is, is one of the absurdities which I have heard repeated until I h»ave become sick of it. There are many things which make such an event impos- SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 117 sible. This Union nevt^r shall, with my con- sent, be restoredunder the constitution as it is!'' REPUBLICANS CHEERING FOR DISSOLUTION. In the Wisconsin State Journal, (Rep.) of September 13, 1854, we find the following: '^Second Edition of Little Giantism in Chi- cago. "Last Saturday, Lieutenant Governor Wil- lard, of Indiana, attempted to convert the po- litical heatkens of Chicago to the sublime doc- trine of Squatter Sovereignty, and force them into allegiance to the Prophet of the New Dis- pensation. "The people listened to his remarks half an hour in silence, when thinking he had made a decided impression, he ventured to stigmatize Horace Greeley as "the first man who attempt- ed opposition to the Nebraska Bill, and recom- mended a dissolution of the Union. This Irought out the croivd with three cheers for Greelei/, and three groans for Douglas ! Again, he turns acr states, and •would soon have double, or peniaps treble the number of Representatives that they are to have at first, and thereby enormously increase their influence in the National councils. "However, the majority of the select coni- mittee at length agreed to a series of proposi- tions by way of compromise — part of which related to the representation in the First Branch — nearly as the system is now published (in the adopted Constitution) and part of them to the second branch, securing in that equal representation; and reported them as a com- promise, upon the express terms that they were to be wholly adopted or wholly rejected. Upon this compromise a great number of the mem- bers so far engaged themselves, that if the sys- tem was proceeded upon agreeably to the terms of compromise, they would lend their names by signing it, and would not actively oppose it, if their states should be inclined to accept it. Some, however, in which number was myself, who joined in that report, and agreed to pro- ceed upon these principles, and see what kind of a system would ultimately be formed upon it, yet reserved to themselves in the most ex- plicit manner, a right of finally giving a sol- emn dissent to the system, if it was thought by them inconsistent with the freedom and happi- ness of their country. This, sir, will account why the gentlemen of the Convention so gen- erally signed their names to the system — not because they thought it a proper one — not be- cause they thoroughly approved, or were unan- imous for it — but because they thought it better than the system attempted to be forced upon them. This report of the select committee was, after long discussion, adopted by a ma- J jority of the Convention, and the system was ■ proceeded in accordingly. I believe near a *' fortnight — perhaps more — was spent in the dis- cussion of this business, during which we were on the verge of dissolution, scarce held together by the strength of a hair, though the public papers were announcing our extreme unanim- ity." Such were some of the difficulties encoun- tered by our fathers in reference to only one point of issue then pending. The same species of opposing views and clashing interests arose on almost every section of the Constitu- tion — all of these discordant elements had to be met by the spirit of compromise. COMEROMISE BETWEEN SL.WERT AND NAVIGA- TION. We have not room in this connection to no- tice, even by reference, any other point of dif- M ference and the compromises thereon, save ■ that pertaining to the slave trade and the nav- igation laws. Some portions of the South were very anxious to be protected in the slave trade for a considerable period, in order, as they said, to compensate them for the losses of slave pro- perty during the Revolution. On the other hand, Now England was very jealous lest the non commercial states should place some ob- stacles ■ on commerce and navigation, and when the slave trade clause came up for con- SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 12'J sideration, and was referred to a committee, New England delegates were not slow in using their influence to send the clause pertaining to navigation to the same committee. The blend- ing of these two dissimilar subjects shows the real object to make the one act as a weight to compromise in favor of the other. We will let a member of the Convention and the Commit- tee (Mr. Martin) explain the mode of doing this: '■By the 9th section of this article, the im- portation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited prior to the year 1808, &c. "The design of this clause is to prevent the General Government from prohibiting the im- portation of si nvcs. but the same reason which caused them to strike out the word "Nation- al," and not admit the word "stamps," [be- cause at that time these words were odious.] influenced thciu here to guard against the word "slaves." They anxiously sought to avoid the admission of expressions which might be odious in the ears of Americans, although they were willing to admit into their system those things which the expression signified; and hence it is, that the clause is so worded, as really to authorize the General Government to impose a duty of ten dollars on every for- eigner who comes into a state to be a citizen, whether he comes absolutely free, or qualified- ly as a servant; although this is contrary to the design of the framers, and the duty was only meant to extend to the importation of slaves. "This clause was the subject of a great di- versity of sentiment in the Convention. As the system, was reported by the Committee of Detail, the provision was general, that such importation should not be prohibited, without confining it to any particular period. This was rejected by eight states, Georgia. South Carolina, and, / think, North Carolina voted for it. "We were then told by the delegates of the two first of these States, that their States would never agree to a system which put it in ■ the power of the General Government to pre- vent the importation of slaves, and that they, as delegates from those States, must withhold their votes from such a system. "A committee of one member from each State was chosen by ballot, to take this part of the system under their consideration, and to endeavor to agree upon some report, which would reconcile these States. To this commit- tee also was referred the following proposition: "No navig.Ttion net shall be passeil witlinut tho assent of two-thirds uf the members present in each House." A proposition which the staple and commer- cial States were solicitious to retain, lest their commerce should be placed too much under the power of the Eastern States, but which these last States were anxious to reject. This committee, of which I have had the honor to be a member — met — and took under consid- eration the subjects committed to them. I found the Eastern States, notwithstanding their aversion to slavery were very willing to indulge the Southern States, at least with a temporary liberty to prosecute the slave trade, Provided, the Southern States would, in their turn, gratify them, Inj laying no restriction on navigation acts, and after a very little time the committee, by a great majority, agreed on a report, by which the General Government was to be prohibited from preventing the im- portation of slaves for a limitied time, (1800), and the restriction relative to navigation acts, was to be omitted." — ElliotOa Debates, Vol. 1, p. 373. MASS.\CnVSETT3 FAVORS TUB SLAVE TRADE. Thus have we a clue to the compromise of the Constitution on the slavery question. Re- collect that the original committee of thirteen had recommended that the constitutional li- cense to the slave trade should cease at the period of 1800. But this did not suit the ava- rice of some of the New England states, and we copy trom the secret record of the debates, kept by Mr. Yates, a member from New York. \_See Elliotth Debates, v. 1, ji. 264-5. "It was moved and seconded to amend the report of the committee of eleven, entered on the Sournal of the 24th [August 1787] inst., as follows: "To strike out the words 'the year eighteen liunJreJ,' and insert 'the year eightccu hundred and eiyld.' "Which passed in the affirmative, '■Yeas. — ycm Hamjisliiri', Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, XortU Carolina, South Carolinaand Georgia.— 7. "Xats. — New .Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Vir- ginia — -1." To show that what Mr. Martin said above was true, that many states did not wish to in- cur the "odium" of inserting the word "slave" in the Constitution, yet were willing to reap the pecuniary benefit from tho thing itself, we copy further, continuously from this ofBcial report: "It was moved and seconded to amend the first clause of the report to read — "The importation of slaves into such of the states as shall permit the same shall not be pro- hibited by the Legislature of the United States prior to the year 1808. "Which was passed in the negative, "Yeas. — C'onneclicut, Virginia and Georgia--.3. "Xats. — Xew Ilanjpsliire, M.assachusetts, Pennsylva- nia, Delaware, North Carolina and South Carolina- -6. "Divided — iMary land — 1 . This was the same proposition as that which followed, except it contained the word '■'■slave.''' It seems that even Connecticut had then no scruples about that word being in the Consti- 130 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. tution, while all but two of the slave states had. Now, mark the hypocrisy of the three New England Abolition states that voted to con- tinue the inhuman slave trade for eight years longpr than some of the slave states desired- We continue our quotation: "On the question to agree to the first part of the report, as amended, viz: '"The migration or importation of such persons as the saveral states now existing siaall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Legislature [Congress] prior to the year ISUS' — "it passed in the affirmative: "Yeas — Xeiv HamjJskire., JIassachiiseiis, Connecticut, Maryland, North Carolina, !:?outh Carolina and Georgia — 7. "Nats — New Jersey, Peuusylvauia, Delaware aud Vir- ginia — 4." Thus, it will be seen that if the three states which have all along been willing to break up the Union, on account of slavery, had went ■with their Northern sisters, and with the slave states o{ Del aiv are and FtV^i^ziia, the vote would have stood right the reverse — 4 for and 7 against the eight additional years of the trade which has been declared fJiVacy by the laws of civilized nations. If there be efficacy in prayer, we trust that all good people will pray that Massachusetts, Connecticut and New Hampshire may cast the black beam out of their own eyes before they declare they see "disloyalty" in every moJe in their neighbor's eyes. A liitle going back to "first principles" might teach them to be humble, even as a peacock doth drop his plumes when he beholds his own dirty feet ! We raise no complaint, even at this mode of compromising. It cannot be objected to even on such a subject, for without a compromise, no Union could have been effected. We only object to the subterfuge and subsequent dis- play of hypocrisy. The question may be raised as to the motive that then induced the three principal New England States to engage in the slave trade at all, or to desire its continuance. The answer is summed up in one compound word — self- interest^ which is the mainspring of all com- mercial transactions. For more than a century the ships of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and others, had been profitably engaged in the slave trade, which it was hard to relinquish, and twenty years promised more profits than twelve years. The very fact that they agreed to suppress it at all, shows that they ^Acwknew it to be as wrong as it is to-day. MASSACHUSETTS STEALING NIGGERS. Thus, for twenty years aftjr the Constitu- tion was formed, did Massachusetts, and the other New England states, prosecute the slave trade. Their slave merchantmen piratically tore from the coast of Guinea thousands of the unoffending natives, transported them through the horrors and suffocation of the "Middle Passage," and sold them for gold t© the plant- ers of South Carolina, Georgia, &c., and ever • since the constitutional prohibition began to run they have been endeavoring to break up the Union, because the Southern states owned and worked the very slaves these abolition hu- manitarians stole from Africa and sold to them. Enough! We have no heart to further pursue so dark a subject. There were dozens of plans submitted to the original National Convention, embracing al- most every conceivable variety and form of Government. We have not space to notice them all in detail, but will note the difference between two plans submitted by Virginia and J New Jersey, respectively, as a sample of the m whole, that the reader may see something of the difficulties in the way of compromise. The Virginia plan proposed two branches of Congress ; New Jersey a single branch. Virginia — Legislative powers derived from the people : New Jersey' — same from the States. Virginia — a single Executive ; New Jersey — more than one. Virginia — that a majority of Congress could act ; New Jersey — a small majority could control. Virginia — Congress to legislate on all Na- tional concerns ; New Jersey — only on limited objects. Virginia — Congress to negative all State laws ; New Jersey — Giving power to Executive to compel obebience by force. Virginia — To remove Executive by impeach- ment ; New Jersey — On application of majority of States. Virginia — For establishment of inferior ju- dicial tribunals ; New Jersey — No provision. PREDICTION OF GEO. MASON. " This Government will commence in a mod- erate aristocracy : It is at present impossible SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 131 to foresee whether it ■will, in its operations produce a monarchy or a corrupt, oppressive aristocracy — it will most probably vibrate some years between the two, and then termi- nate in one or the other. "GEO. MASON." [SeeElHoU's Debates, 1, p. 496. Our Government was not only created on the basis of compromise, but it has only been kept together up to the election of Abkaiiam Lin- coln by that spirit of compromise which brought its form and substance from the chaos of the Confederation. THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE. In 1819 the cloud of dissolution arose from behind the Missouri question. Missouri ask- ing and demanding to be admitted with her slavery constitution on the one hand, while the Abolitionists of the North declared she should never be admitted as a slave state. Here was two extreme propositions. Neither party would yield wholly to the other, for that cannot be expected in any controversy. At least, few instances of the kind have been recorded by history. Both parties must yield something, or war and dissolution followed. MR. clay's compromise. Thus matters stood when Mr. Clay, the great American champion of compromises, brought forth his celebrated Missouri compro- mise, which was finally incorporated into the Missouri Act of Admission, as the 8th sec- tion, and which consisted in drawing an ima- ginary line of 36 deg. 30 min. north latitude, to the western boundary of Missouri, and pro- viding that slavery should never exist north of that line. This is what the Southern party yielded to the Northern party, in considera- tion of the Admission of Missouri as a slave state, with another condition that the article in the constitution prohibiting free blacks from settling in that State, should be stricken out. Under these provisions, Missouri was admitted as a State, by proclamation of President Mon- roe, in the summer of 1821 — the people of Missouri, in the mean time having voted to ac- cept the conditions of the compromise. Thus, the Missouri imbroglio blew over, while parties busied themselves in getting up a new cause of irritation. They were not long in maturing their mischievous plans. J. The tariflF of 1828, passed while the "Fed- eral Republicans" were in power, was excess- ively offensive to the South, and especially to South Carolina. And in 1832 that state posi- tively bid defiance to the General Government, and resolved to resist its revenue law of 1828. At one time civil war seemed inevitable, but the firm, yet compromising spirit of General Jackson, aided by the accommodating spirit of Henry Clay, soon allayed discontent and restored the relations of peace and obedience to law. South Carolina was opposed to all tariffs. The manufactui'ing states were for a high "protective'" (prohibitory) tariff. Here was the two extremes. If neither had yielded, war was inevitable. One could not in "honor" yie]d tch oil y to the other. Hence, the "pro- tectionists" yielded so as to bring the tariff to the supposed standard of revenue, while the nullifiers yielded their opposition to all tariffs, so as to consent to the revenue standard — and here was the common mean between the two extremes. Compromise accomplished in this what perhaps half a million of lives and five thousand millions of property could not accom- plish, while subsequent history demonstrated the fact that that the basis of actual settlement was really more beneficial to both parties than cither extreme would have been to either party. GEN. JACKSON ON COMPROMISE. As the spirit in which Gen. Jackson treated this embroglio maybe of some service to those who are not too mad to reason, we introduce it here, in the language of Col. Benton: "Such was the message which President Jackson sent to the two Houses in relation to the South Carolina proceedings, and his own to counteract them, and it was worthy to fol- low the proclamation, and commenced in the same spirit of justice and patriotism, and therefore wise and moderate. * * '■■ His proclamation, his message, and all his pro- ceedings, therefore, bore a two-fold aspect — one of relief and justice, in reducing the mea- sure to the wants of the Government, in the economical administration of its affairs — the other of firm and mild authority, in enforcing the laws against offenders. * * '- Bills for the reduction of the tariff — one commenced in the Finance Committee of the Senate, and one reported from the Committee of Ways and Means of the House of Representatives, and both moved in the first days of the session, and by committees politically and personally favorable to the President, u'ent hand in hand iviih the exhortations in the proclamation, and the steadi/ preparations for enforcing the laios. if the extension of Justice and the appeals to reason and patriotism should prove insuj^cient Many thought that he ought to relax in his civil measures, for allaying discontent, while South Carolina held the military attitude of 132 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. armed hostility to tlie United States, and among them Mr. Quincy Adams. But he ad- hered steadily to his purpose of going on ivith what justice required for the reliff of the South, and promoted bg all the means in his power the success of the bills to reduce the measure, espe- cially the bill in the House, and which being framed upon that of 1816, (which had the sup- port of Mr. Calhoun,) and which was (now that the public debt was paid,) sufficient both for revenue and the incidental protection which manufacturers required, and for the relief of Ihe South, must have had the effect of satisfy- ing every honest discontent, and of exposing and estopping that which would not." — I'hirig Tears, p. 308. This was the noble, yet firm and patriotic stand taken by Gen. Jackson to cast water instead of pitch on the flames of civil discon- tent. HENRY CLAY OS THE S.IME SUBJECT. The manly and patriotic sentiments uttered by Mr. Clay when he introduced his compro- mise tariff bill, is a noble model of enlight- ened statesmanship, which is worthy of being framed in gilt to garnish the best statesman's library on the globe. He said: "Sir. I repeat, that I think South Carolina has been rash, intemperate, and greatly in the wrong, but I do not want to disgrace her, nor any other member of this Union. No, I do not desire to see the lustre of one single star dim- med of that glorious confederacy which consti- tutes our political system. Still less do I wish to see it blotted out and its light obliterated forever. Has not the state of South Carolina been one of the members of this Union in days that 'tried men's souls?' Have not her ances- tors fought alongside our ancestors. Have we not conjointly won many a glorious battle. If we had to go into a civil war with such a state how would it terminate? Whenever it should have terminated, what would be her condition? If she should ever return to the Union what would be the condition of her feelings and af- fections? What the state of the heart of her people? She has been Avith us before, when her ancestors mingled in the throng of battle, as I hope our posterity will mingle with hers for ages and centuries to come, in the united defense of liberty, and for the honor and glory of the Union. I do not wish to see her degrad- ed or defaced as a member of this Confedera- cy." Mr. Clay's second speech in defense of his compromise bill was equally honorable and pa- triotic. Such a speech, made by the same man, now-a-days, would be pronounced, in "loyal" nomenclature, as "copperhead treason." Mr. Clay said: "This, or some other measure oi conciliation, is now more than ever necessary since the passage through the Senate of the Enforcing Bill. * * * It appears to me, then, Mr. President, that we ought not to content our- selves with passing the Enforcing Bill only — Both that and the Bill of Peace seem to me to be required for the good of our country. * * The difference between the friends and the foes sf the compromise under consideration, is, that they would, in the enforcing act send forth ALONE a flaming sword — wexvottld send out that, but along ivith it the Olive Branch, as a messenger of peace. The// cry out, '■'■The law! The law!! The law!!! Power! Power!! Power! ! ! We, too, revere the laws, and bow to the supremacy of its obligation, but we are in favor of the law executed in mildness, and poicer tempered with mercy. ■» * * Y^e want no war — above all, no civil war — no fam- ily strifes. We want to see no sacked cities — no desolated fields — no smoking ruins — no streams of American blood shed by American arms. "Pass this bill — tranquolize the country, re- store confidence and affection in the Union, and I am willing to go home to Ashland, and rc- nounccpuhlic ser vie.: forever. '■• "^ * Yes. I have ambition! but it is the ambition of being the humble instrument in the hands of Provi- denee, to reconcile a divided people — once more to revive concord and harmony, in a dis- tracted land. The pleasing ambition of con- templating the glorious spectacle of a free, united, prosperous and practical people!" The settlement of the South Carolina con- troversy left peace and all its fraternal bless- ings to flow uninterruptedly for eighteen years, till 1850 — but the spirit of discord and the demon of dissolution were at work, and scarce- ly a month passed of this eighteen years that did not witness the utterance of some treason- able sentiment in favor of dissolution. In the progress of events, and the fullness of our history, a war with Mexico not only settled a long pending controversy, over repeated in- sults, injuries and wrongs, but gave us New Mexico and California. The immediate and almost providential discovery of rich fields of gold in our newly acquired Pacific possessions, stimulated emigration to such extent that Cal- ifornia put in motion the whole machinery of a State Government, and asked admission into tho sisterhood of states, as a free state. The claims of that State were resisted by the slavery "balancc-of-power" men of the South, because there happened to be no slave State ready for admission as an offset, to keep up the political equilibrium between the two sections of our common country, so basely di- vided by political agitators on both sides of the line between slave and free states. In this the South had no constitutional cause of com- SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 133 plaint, because she had no constitutional right to demand that this "equilibrium" should be kept up. But the "occasion" gave to her pol- iticians a pretext for complaint, which they lost no time in entangling with the slavery agita- tion generally. The bad faith of the North in reference to the rendition of fugitive slaves — the personal liberty bills that virtually render- ed nugatory the fugitive law of 1793 — were made to play their part in the budget of com- plaints, claims and counter claims, until the controvery became mixed with merit and demer- it on both sides. The crisis at one time became alarming, when again shone forth, in all their brilliancy, and not in the least dimmed by age, the compromising qualities of Clay, who with Wkbster, Crittenden, Douglas, and such old Nestors of patriotic fame, became active to still once more the noises of faction, and who endeavored to dry up the fountains of discord by the system of compromise adopted in 1850. The measures linown as the "compromise measures" (or omnibus) of 1850, were as fol- lows: 1st, The admission of California, with her free Constitution. [In this the South yielded.] 2d. The erection of the territory of Utah, leaving the people to regulate their own af- fairs [No particular yielding on either side.] 3d. The creation of New Mexico into a ter- ritorial government, with like provisions. [No particular yielding on either side.] 4th. The adjustment of the Texas boundary question. [Claimed by abolitionists to have been a concession to the South.] 5th. Abolition of the slave trade in the Dis- trict of Coluipbia. [Concessions by the South to the North.] 6th. The amendments to the Fugitive Slave Law. [A concession in mode of operating, to the South, but no concession as to principle.] These measures received the concurrence of such men as Clay, Webster, Cass, Douglas, Benton, Dickinson, &c., and were consider- ed as settling the whole controversy. Both the Democratic and Whig National Conventions of 1852, agreed most solemnly to stand by these compromises. But the radical element in the Whig party was turbulent, and refused to ac- quiesce, and immediately the agitation began. The radicals took the field with Birney at their head, in 1852, when the Whigs found themselves severely beaten. The party vainly struggled on, with little vitality, for two years, when it disbanded, and the "Free Soil" or abolition party drank in most of its members, and from that day to this the agitation has con- tinued, wholly on a sectional basis. The re- sult need not be portrayed by us. But it re- mains for us, in this chapter, to perform the unpleasant duty of considering THE FRUITLESS EFFORTS TO COMPROMISE IN 1?61. Alas, Clay, Webster and Be.vton — the heroes of the compromise of 1850 — were gone to their final account. Douglas was pros- trate, and soon followed his old compeers — Cass, at a ripe old age, had been retired from the National counsels. Political agitators and cheap politicians occupied their once honored places. The hour of trial came — the crisis, long ac- cumulating its virus, had broken forth — the shock of dissolution was terribly felt. The causes that produced or hastened the black evils of the hour, belong not for us to canvass here. Go to the first fifty pages of this work and read for yourself. There you will find the cause. There, every line is a sermon — every sentence an oration — almost every ex- tract an obituary. Could the authors of "all this riot" be induced to filter and settle the waters they had riled — could prattling youth, stern manhood, ripe old age, or pleading wives, or agonized daughters and sisters, by the loud tones of discontent, or the mute ex- postulations of fear, move the guilty authors of the impending calamities to make an effort to retrace their steps — to desist from acts of efifrontei'y that stimulated exasperation, and heated to a boiling temper the mad spirit of fiiction — could these agitators be induced to pour oil on the troubled waters — in short, to compromise the jarring claims of faction, so as to bless the world with peace? No, they could not, and we are left the mournful task of re- cording the reasons WHY the radicals WOULD NOT COMTROMISE IN 1861. When the cloud of war broke forth in all its fury, as Jefferson predicted in 1821, all pat- riotic lovers of the Union strove to avert the evils, and to turn the tide of fratricidal war. Various were the efforts, and numerous the propositions to compromise our national differ- ences, and to go on once more in the brotherly path of peace, possessing 'the manifold objects which invited us to untold blessings and hap- 134 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. piness. But the tide of the destoyers of the Union was at its flow— the crisis they had louj; sought to create, had arrived, with the addi- tional advantage of having the reigns of Gov- crnmeut in their power, so that while they might not be able to control the storm, they could direct the course of the ship of state, with a view to cause sufficient damage to justi- fy in their belief a 5'e«e/-a^ overhauling and re- paiVs,with "all the modern improvements," as expressed by Gen. Butler in New York. The following full history of the Critten- den compromise, and the action of the Repub- lican party thereon was compiled by a distin- guished patriot, and we here present it in de- tail. We can well afford the space it occupies, as it covers the most important history of our country. CHAPTER XXII. THE RADICALS DETERMINED TO PliEVEMT A SETTLEMENT. Could the Present TVar have been Avoi(lf'1...Conipleto History of the Crittemien Compromise. ..Votes, Kesolves, Propositions, &c. COULD THE PRESENT WAR HAVE BEEN AVOID- ED HISTORY OF THE CRITTENDEN COM- PROMISE. "We know of no great revolution which might not Lave been preveutedby compromise early and graciously made. Firmness is a great virtue in public aft'airs, but it has its sphere. Conspiracies and insurrections, in which small minorities are engaged, the outbrcakings of popular vi- olence uncounecteii with any extensive project or any durable principle, are best repressed by vigor and decision- To shrink from tbem is to make them formidable. But no •wise ruler will confound the pervading taint with the slight local irritation. No wise ruler will treat the deeply-seated discontents of a great party as he treats the conduct of a mob which destroys mills and power-looms. The neglect of this distinction has been fatal even to governments strong in the power of the sword. * * « In all movements of the human mind which tend to great revolutions, there is a crisis at which moderate concessions may amend, conciliate and preserve." — Macaulay. No truer words were ever uttered by any historian ; and had we had a wise ruler instead of the present weak-minded Chief Magistrate, we should not now have to lament the deplora- ble condition to, which the country is reduced by the want of those timely concessions, which would hiive conciliated and preserved. To show to a people how they have been made the dupes of a class of men"whose hostility," in the language of the lamented Douglas, "to slavery is stronger than their fidelity to the Constitu- tion, and who believed that the disruption would draw after it, as an inevitable conse- quence, civil war, servile insurrections, and, finall}', the utter extinction of slavery in all the Southern States," we have made up from the record a history of the "Cx-ittenden Com- promise." It will develop the great crime that has been committed against liberty, civil- ization and humanity, by men, who, unfortu- nately for the American people, had, for over two years past, the direction of our national affairs. On the 18th day of December, 1860, Senator Crittenden, of Kentucky, introduced into the Senate of the United States a series of resolu- tions as a basis of settlement of the difficulties between the North and the South — difficulties, which at that time, threatened the peace of the country and the integrity of the Union. {^Cou' geessional Globe, Part 1, session of 18b0-61, page 114 ] Senator Hale (Abolition) led off in a speech. in opposition to the resolutions, declaring it to be his opinion that the remedies of our troubles were not in Congressional action. He said: "I do not knovv that this Congress can do anything; but this controversy will not be settledhere." He was right. The controversy was not set- tled there. Would to God it had been! But we all know that the reason why it was not set- tled there was, the Republicans would not per- mit it. Douglas told them, on the floor of the Senate, that the responsibility of the failure was with them. The Republican Senators and Representatives acted on the idea of Senator Chandler, cf Michigan, who declared that with- out a little blood-letting the Union would not be worth a rush. No further action was had on these resolu- tions, except ordering them to be printed, un- til January 2d, 1861, (South Carolina having seceded Dec. 20, and her delegation withdrawn from Congress Dec 24, 1800) when Mr. Crit- tenden introduced them anew with a different preamble, 'in which shape thev read as follows: (Page 237,) "Whereas, The Union is in danger, and owing to the unhappy divisions existing in Congress,it would l>c difficult, if not impossible,fortliat body to concur in buth its branches by the requisite majority, so as to enable it either to adopt such measures of legislation or to recommend to the States such amendments to the Constitution as are deemed neces- s.iry and proper to avert that danger; and whereas in sa great an emergency the opinion and judjjjuient of the peo- ple ought to be heard, and would be 'lie best and surest guide to their represen^atives; therefore "Resolved, 1\nt provisions ought to be made by law, without delay, for taking the sense of the people, and sub- mitting to their vote the following resolutions, as the basis tur the final and permanent settlement of those disputes that now disturb the po.ice of the country, and threaten the existence of the Union. "Besolved by the Senate and House of Sepresentatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, two-thirds of hoth Houses concurrinr). That the following articles be and are liereby proposed and submitted as aiuendmendments to the Constitution of the United States, which shall be valid to all intents and purposes as part of said Constitution, when ratified by Conventions of three- fjurths of the several States: "Article 1. In all the territory of the United States now bald, or hereafter acquired, situated north of latitude tliir- ty-six degrees and thirty minutes, slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a punishuient ofcrinie, is prohibited while such territory shall remain under territorial gov- ernment. In all the territory now held, or hereafter ac- quired, south of said line of latitude, slavery of the Afri- can race is hereby recognized as existing, and shall not be interfered with by Congress; but shall be protected as jiroperty by all the departmeuts of the Territorial govern- ment during its continuance; and when any territory north or south of said lino, within such boundaries as Con- SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 135 gress may pri'pscrilie, sbnil contain the population re«}usite for a member of Congress according to the tlien Feilcral ratio of representation of the people of tlie United Status it shall if its form of government bo reiiublican, be admit- ted into the Union on an equal footing with tlie original States, with or without slaverj', as the Constitution of such new State may provide. "Art. 2. Congress shall have no power to abolish slav- ery in places uniler its exclusive jurisdiction, or within the limits of States that permit the holding of slaves. "Art. 3. Congress shall have no power to abolish slavery within the District of Columbia, so long as it ex- ists in the adjoining States of Virginia and Maryland, or either, nor without the consent of the inhabitants, nor without just compensation iirst made to said owners of slaves as do not consent to such abolishment. Nor shall Congress at any time prohibit officers of the Federal Gov- ernment or members of Congress, whose duties require them to be in said District, from bringing with them their slaves, and holdihg them as such during the time their duties may require them to remain there, and afterward taking them fioni the District. "Art. 4. Congress shall have no power to prohibit or hinder the transportation of slaves, from one State to an- other, or to a Territory in which slaves are by law permit- ted to be held, whether that tran.sportion be by laud, nav- igable rivers, or by sea. "Art. 5. That in addition to the provisions of the third paragraph of the second section of the fourth article of the Constitution of the United States, Congress shall have power tu provide by law,anIr. Clark — "It might be espected, as I offered that substitute, that I would say something in its supjiort ; but, as the session is drawing so near a close, though I am prepared, I shall waive the opportunity, and let the vote betaken. Mr. Wilson — "We have voted on that several times, and I suggest that it be withdrawn, and let us vote di- rectly on the resolutions. The Presiding Officer — "It cannot be withdrawn, the yeas and nays having been ordered . "The Secretary proceeded to call the roll. Mr. Anthony (when his name was called) — "Without any reference to the merits of this amendment, I shall vote against it for the purpose of allowing the Senator from Kentucky to obtain a vote on his resolutions. I vote nay. Mr. Baker (when his name was called) — "Without re- terence to the merits of this amendment, I shall vote against it in order to get an opportunity to vote against the resolution of the Senator from Kentucky. "The result was announced — yeas 14, nays 22, as follows: "yeas. Bingham, Fessenden, Sumner, Chandler, Foote, Trumbull, Clark, Harlan, Wade, Doolittle, King, Wilkinson Durkee, Morrill, NATS. Anthony, Foster, >[ason. Baker, Gwin, Nicholson, Bayard, Hunter, Polk, Bigler, Johnson, of Teun. Pugh, Bright, Kennedy, Rice, Crittenden, Lane, Sebastian, Dixon, Latham, Ten Eyck— 22. Douglas, So Mr. Clark's amendment was rejected. (Page 1404. The question then recurred on adopting the Crittenden plan of compromise. It was de- feated by the following vote: (Page 1405.) TEAS. Bayard, Johnson, of Tenn. Polk, Bigler, Kennedy, Pugh, Lane, Rice, Latham, Sebastian, Mason, Thomson, Nicholson, M'igfall.— 19 NATS. Fessenden, Sumner. Foote, Ten Eyck, Foster, Trumbull, Grimes, Wade, Harlan, Wilkinson. King, Wilsou— 20. Mairill, Bright, Crittenden, Douglas, Gwin, Hunter, Anthouy, Bingham, Chandler, Clark, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Of the nineteen who voted yea^ seventen were Democrats and two Americans. The lat- ter were Senators Crittenden, of Kentucky, and Kennedy, of Maryland. The twenty who voted in the negative were all Republicans. In the House of Representatives. On the 27th of February, 1861, [seepage 1261,] Mr. Clemens, of Virginia, proposed to the House of, Congress that the Crittenden compromise should be submitted to a vote of the people for adoption or rejection. He pro- posed the following joint resolution: "Whereas, The Union is in danger; and owing to the unhappy division existing in Congress, it would be diffi- cult, if not impossible, for that body to concur, in both its branches, by the requisite majority, so as to enable it either to adopt such measures of legislation, or to recom- mend to the States such amendments to the Constitution as are deemed necessarj' and proper to avert tliat danger; and "WuEREAS, In so great an emergency, the opinion and judgment of the people ought to be heard, and would be the best and surest guide to their representatives; therefore "■Jicsolved hy the Striate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That provisions ought to be made by law, without delay, for taking the sense of the people, and submitting to the vote the following resolutions (Crittenden's) as the basis for the final and permanent settlement of those disputes that now disturb the peace of the country and threaten the existence of the Union." [Here followed Mr. Crittenden's resolutions. The proposition of Mr. Clemens was reject- ed by the following vote: yeas 80, uays 113. Adrian, D, Florence, D, Anderson, W.C. AmFourke, D, Avery, D. Barr, D. Barrett, D. Babcock, D. Boteler, Am. Bouligney, Am. Brabson, Am. Branch, D. Briggs, Am. Bristow, Am. Brown, D. Burch, D. Burnett, D. Clark, H. F. D. Clark, J. B. D. Cochrane,John, ] Cox, D. Craig, James, D. Burton, D. Craig, D, Davis, J, G, D, DeJarnette, D. Dlmmick, D. Edmundson, D. English, D. Garnette, D. Gilmer, Am. Hamilton, D. Moore, T, Am . Morris, I, N, D. Nelson, Am. NiWack, D. Noell, D. Harris. J, M, Am. Peyton, D. Harris, T. J, D. Phelps, D. Hatton, Am. Pryor, D. IIolman,D. Quarles, Am. Howard, William, DRiggs, D.; Hughes, D. Robinson, J. C, D. Jenkins, D. Rust, D. Kunkel, D. Sickles, D. Larahee, D. Simms, D. Leach, J, M, Am. Smith, William, D Leake, D. Logan, D . Maclay, D. .Mallorry, Am. Martin, C, D, D. Martin, E, S, D. Maynard, Am. McClernard, D. McKentey,D. Millson, D. Montgomery, D. Laban, Am. 80 — Democrats, 61; Americans, 19. Smith, W, H.N, Am Stevenson, D. Stewart, J, A, D, Stokes, Am . Stout, D. Thomas, D. Tallandigham, D. Vance, Am. Welister, Am. Wuitney, D. Winslow, D. Woodson, D. Wright, D SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 137 C. F. Adams, R. Foster, R. Aldrioh, K. Frank, R. Alley, R. French, R. Asliley, R. Gooch, R. Babbett,R. Graham, R. Roale, R. , Grow, R. Bingham, R. Hale, R. Blair, R. Hall, R. Blake, R. irelmick, R. Brayton, R. Hickman, R. Buffington, R. Hinilman, D. Biirlingame, R. Hoard, R. Pettit, R. I'orter, R. Potter, R. Pottle, R. E. R. Reynolds, R. Rice, R. C. Robinson, R. Royce, R . J^cranton, R. i^odgwick, R. Sherman, R. Somes, R Burnham, R. W. A. Howard, R.Spaulding, R. Butterfield, R. Humiihrey, R. Spinner, R. Camiibell, R. Hutchins, R. Stanton, R. Carey, R. Irvine, R. Stevens, R. Carter, R. Junkin. R. "W. Stewart, R. Case, R. F. W. Kellog, R. Scratton, R. Coburn, R. W. Kellog, R. Tappan, R. C. B. Cochrane, R-Kenyon, R. Thayor, R. Colfax, R. Kilgore, R. Theaker, R. Conkling, R. Killinger, R. Tompkins, R. Conway, R. DeWitt C. Leach, RTrain, R. Cerwin, R. Lee, R. Trimble, R. Covode, R. Longnecker, R. Yandover, ]{. TV. H. Davis, A'n.Loomis, R. A' an Wyck, R. Dawes, R. Lovejoy, R. Terree, R, Del.ano, R. Marston, R. Wade, R. Dnell, R. McKean, R. AValuron. R. Dana, R. McKnight, R. Walton. R. EdgertoD, R. McPherson, R. C. C. Washbiirne,R Edwards, R. Morehead, R. R.B. Wasliburne,R Elliot, R. Morrill, R. Wells, R. Ely, ft. iMorse, R. Wilson, R. Etheridge, A"n. Nixon, R. Windham, R. Farnswurth, R. Olin, R. Wood, R. Fenton, R. Palmer, R. Woodruff. R. Ferry, R. Perry, R. 113. Republicans, 110; Americans, 2; Democrats, 1. Such was the recorded action of the two houses of Congress, at the most critical and momentous period of our history, on a measure that would have saved us from civil war bad the representatives of the party that had just been elected to power adopted it in season. It is denied by some of the leaders and presses of the Republican party, that such would have been the result of the adoption by Congress of the Crjttenden Compromise; but they produce no i^roof to sustain their asser- tion. On the other hand, we have as high tes- timony as could be desired or needed, to show that had the Crittenden Compromise been adopted in season, it would have saved the country from civil war. Senator Douglas, on the 3d of January, 1S61 speaking of liis own plan of adjustment. Avhich he had introduced'into the Senate, said: ( See Appendix Con. Globe, 1860, 1861, page 41.) "I believe this (his own plan] to be a fair basis of amica- ble adjustment. If you of the Republican side are not willingto accept this, nor the proposition of the Senator from Kentucky, Mr. Crittenden, pray, teU us what you are willing to do. I address the inquiry to the Pepubli- alone, for the reason that in the Committee of Thirteen, a few days ago, every member from the South, including those from the cotton States, (Messrs. Toombs and Davis,) expressed their readiness to accept the proposition ot my venerable fiieiid from Kentucky, Mr. Crittenden, as a FIXAL SETTLKMEXT of the Controversy, if tendered and sus- tained by Vie Fiepuhlican members. Hence, the sole re- sponsibility of mir disagreement and the o.nly difficulty in theway of an amicable adjustment j'stoiWiWic REPUB- LICAN PARTY." When Mr. Douglas made that speech, he made it in presence and in the hearing of Jeff. Davis and Toombs, and other Southern Sena- 10 tors, except those from South Carolina, who had retired from Congress; and no one denied the truth of his statement. Nor did any of the Republican members of the Committee of Thir- teen deny its truthfulness. They must, there- fore, all be taken as having concurred in its correctness, viz: that the Southern Senators would have received the Crittenden plan, if tendered and sustained by the Republican mem- bers, as a final settlement of the slavery con- troversy; and, that therefore, the only difficul- ty in the way of an amicable adjustment was with the Republican party, and on it would rest the sole responsibility of the disagreement and its consequent horrors of civil war. But there is other proof. On the 7th of Jan- uary, 1861, Mr. Toombs made a speech (seep. 270) in which he corroborated the statement of Mr. Douglas, so far as he was concerned. He said: "But, although I insist upon this perfect equality intho territories, yet when it was proposed, as I understand the Senator from Kentucky now proposes, that the line of 36 deg. 30 niin. shall be extended acknowledging and pro- tecting our property on the south side of that line, for the sake of peace— permanent peace— I said to the Committee of Thirteen, and I say here, that, with other satisfactory provisions, I would accept it. * * I am willing, how- ever, to take the proposition of the Senator, as it was un- derstood in committee, putting the North and the South on the same ground, prohibiting slavery on one side, ac- knowleding slavery and protecting it on the other, and applying that to all future acquisitions, so that the whole continent to the North Pole shall be settled upon the one rule, and to the Sou^h Pole under the other." But that is not all. By reference to the same Congressional Glolc, part 2, page I SOU. will be found a speech made by Mr. Pugh, on the 3d of March, 1861. In the course of that speech, Mr. Pugh said: "The Crittenden proposition has been indorsed by the almost unanimous vote of the Legislature of Kentucky. It has been indorsed by the Legislature of the noble old Commonwealth of Yirginia. It has been petitioned for by a larger number of electors of the United States than any proposition that was ever before Congress. I believe in my heart to-day that it would carry an overwhelming ma- jority of the people of my State— ay, sir, and of nearly every other State in the Union. Before the Senators from the State of Mississippi left this Chamber, I heard one of them, ivho now assumes, at .'east, to be President of the Southern Confederacy, jiropose to accept it and to maititain the Union if that proposition coidd receive the vote it ought to receive from the other side of the Chamber. Therefore, of all your propositions, of all your amendments, knowing as I do, and knowing (hat the historian will write it down, at any time before the \st of January, a two-thirds vote for the Crittenden Resolutions in this Chamber would have saved every State in the Union but South Carolina." Mr. Pugh said that in the presence and in the hearing of Republican Senators, and no one denied the truth ot his assertion. Mr. Douglas was present and followed Mr. Pugh in a speech, remarking: (Page 1391.) "The Senator has said that if the Crittenden Proposition could have passed early in the session, it would have saved all tha States except South Carolina. I firmly believe it would. While the Crittenden Proposition was not in ac- cordance with my cherished views, I avowed my readiness and eagerness to .accept it, in order to save the Union, if vre could unite upon it. No man has labored harder than I to get it passed. lean confirm the Senator's declara- tion, that Senator Davis himself, when on the Committee of Thirteen, was ready, at all times, to compromise on the Crittenden Proposition, I will go further, and say 'that Mr. Toombs was also." 138 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. We tkink nothing could be more conclusive than that testimony, unless the actual experi- ment itself, oy the adoption of the plan itself and a trial under it. which the Republican members would not pfrmit Senator Critten- den's opinion as to the effect the adoption of his plan would have had, was expressed by him, in a letter to Larz Anderson, Esq., of Cincin- nati, dated Frankfort, March 27, 1861, in which he said: "Those resolutions were proiiosod ia the true spirit of compromise, a.ul with tlie hope of preserving or restoring to the country peiice and union. They were the result of the joint labiVs of, and consultation with friends, having the same object in view; and 1 bflieve if those measures thus ofl'eied liad been, at a suitable time, promptly adopt- ed by the Congress of the United States, it would have checked t/ie progress nf the rebellion and revolution and SAVKD THE VA^JOlX." Some of the leaders finding the proof against their party to be so conclusive and overwhelm- ing, endeavor to avoid its force by stating that, had the Southrrn Senators remained in their seats and voted, the Crittenden plan of Com- promise would have passed Congress. That is not true. Under no circumstances could it have j)assed the House, which was Republican. With a full Senate, and every Senator present and voting, it would have required forty-four votes to pass the Crittenden Compromise. being a two-thirds vote, which is required on amend- ments to the Constitution. Had the thirty Senators from the Slave States been present and voted, they, with the Pen Democrats from the Free States, would have made but forty, ■which would not have been enough by four votes. It is not true, therefore, that had the Southern Senators remained in their seats and voted, the Crittenden Compromise would have passed the Senate even. As we have already remarked, the House being Republican, it could not have received a majority vote in that body, let alone a two thirds vote. But unanimity of opinion was necessary to have secured the success of the Crittenden plan with the states, had it even passed Congress. The Southern Senators, in the Committee of Thirteen, felt the necessity of that unanimity, aud therefore it was that Mr. Douglas said, that "every member from the South, including those from the Cotton States. (Messrs. Toombs and Davis, ) expressed their readiness to ac- cept the Crittenden Compromise as a final settlement of the controversy, if tendered AND SUSTAINED BY THE REPUBLICANS." If not tendered and sustained by the Republi- cans, the Southern Senators, as did everybody else, knew that the adoption, by Congress, of the Crittenden Compromise, would, in the end, be perfectly nu-itory, as it; would be defeated in the State Legislatures by the Republicans. .Had it been tendered and sustained by the Republican members of Congress, the Southern people would have had a strong assurance, amounting almost to certainty, of its success in the State Legislatures; for the two great parties would then have been for it. But the managing, leading Republicans wanted no com- promise at all, and least of all did they desire any that would be acceptable to the South. — They wanted a disruption of the Union, and civil war, in order to overthrow slavery. The testimony of Mr. Douglas on that point is over- whelming. In a letter to S. S. Hayes, Esq., of Illinois, he said: "Washingiox, December 2'J, 1860. "My DevrSir: * * * You will have receiv- ed my proposed amendments to the Constitution before you receive this. Tlie South woidd lahemy proposition if the Bepublicans would ac/ree to it. But the extreme North and South hold off, and are precipitating the country into revolution and civil war. "While 1 can do no act which recognizes or countenances the doctrine of secession, my policy is peace, aud I will not consider the question of war until every elfort has been made for peace, and all hope shall have vanished. When that time conies, if unfortunately it shall come, I will then do what it becomes an American Senator to do on the then state of facts*, Many of the Republican leaders desire a disioli'lion nf the Union, and URoe w.\R .\s A jieaxs of ac- c'0MPI,I.^^u^(i PiisuxioN; while others are Union men in good faitli. We have now reached a point where a cojiPROiMlsE on the basis of .MUTUAL concession, or cisu.nion and war, are INEVITABLE. I prefer a fair and just compromise. I shall make a speech in a few days. S. A. DOUGLAS. "S. S. ILlTES, Esii." On tke same day Mr. Douglas addressed a letter of like import to the Hon. John Taylor, of New York. To that gentleman, Mr. Doug- las wrote: "Washington, Dec. 29, 1860. "My Dear Sir: — Pressure of business has prevented an earlier acknowledgment of your kind letter. The pros- pects of our country are ).'loomy indeed, but I do not de- spair of the Republic. We are now drifting rapidly into civil war, which must end in disunion. This can only be prevented by amendments to the Constitution, which will take the slavery question out of Congress, a-7id put an end to the strife. Whether this can be done ddpends upon THE Kkpublicans. Many of their leaders desire disunion on party grounds, and here is the difficulty. God grant us a safe deliverance is my prayer. "Very truly your friend, "S. A. DOUGLAS. "lion. John Taylor." Mr. Douglas made his speech four or five days after the date of that letter, in which he .ivowcd his readiness and eagerness to accept the Crittenden Compromise in order to save the Union; thereby endorsing it as "a fair and just compromise." But there were too many Republican leaders, who desired a dissolution of the Union, and urged war as a means of accomplishing disunion, to permit either Mr. Douglas' plan or Mr. Crittenden's plan, or the Peace Conference plan to pass; and so the country was precipitated into civil war. Early in February, 1861, Mr. Douglas, in a letter to the editors of the Memphis Appeal, drew more fully the portrait of the managing Republicans. He said: "Washington, February 2, 1801. "Messrs. Editors: * * * You must remember that there are disunionists among the party leaders at the North as well as at the South, men' whose hostility to slavery is stronger than their fidelity to the Constitution, and who believe that the disruption of the Union would draw after it, as an inevitable consequence, civil war, servile insur- rection, and, liually, the utter extermination of slavery in all the Southern States. They are bold, daring, deter- mined men; and believing, as they do, tliiit the Constitu- tion of the United States is the great bulwark of slavery on this continent, aud that the disru|)tion of the American Union involves the inevitable destruction of slavery, and is an inseperable necessity to the attainment of that end, SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 139 they are determined to accomplish their iiaramoiint oliject by any means within their jiowci. "For these reasons the Northern Disunionists, like tlio Disunionists of the South, are violently opposed to all compromises or constitutional amendments, or efforts at conciliation, whereby peace should be restored and the Union preserved. They ace striving to break up the Union under the pretence of unbounded devotion to it. — They are struggling to overthrow the Constitution, while professing undying attachment to it, anil a willlngiiese to make any sacrifice to maintain it. Tliey are trying to )dunge the country into civil war as the surest means of destroying the Union, upon the plea of enforcing the laws and protecting the public property. If they can defeat every kind of adjustment or compromise, by which the points at issue may be satisfactorily settled, and keep up the irritation, so as to induce the Border States to follow the Cotton .States, they will feel ceitain of the accomplish- ment of their ultimate designs. "Nothing will gratify them so much, or contribute so eflectually to their success, as the Secession of Tennessee and the Border States. Every State that withdraws from the Union increases the relative power of Northern Abo- litionists to defeat a satisfactory adjustment, and bring on a war which, sooner or later, must end in final separation and recognition of the independence of the two contend- ing sections." That Mr. Douglas drew a correct portrait of tlie managers of the Republican party is prov- ed by the letter written by Senator Chandler, of Michigan, to Austin Blair, then Governor of that State. This letter was written a few days after the date of Senator Douglas's letter to the editor of the Memphis Api^cal. Here it is: "Washixgto.v, Feb. 11, ISGl. "Mv De.vr Gover>-or:— Governor Bingham and myself telegraphed to you on Saturday, at the request of Massa- chusetts and New York, to send delegates to the Peace or Compromise. Congress. They admit that We were right and they wore wrong; that no Republican State should havesent delegates; bnt they arehere and can't get awav. Ohio, Indiana and Rhode Island are caving in, and there is some danger of Illinois, and now they beg us, for God's sake, to come to their I'escue and save the Republican par- ty from rupture. I hope you will send stiff-backed men or none. The wholethingwasgottcn up against my juilg- ment and advice, and will end in thin fmoke. Still, I hope, as a matter of courtesy to some of our erring breth- ren, that ycu will send the delegates. "Truly your friend, Z. CII.VXDLluR . "His Excellency AusTix Blais. "P. S.— Some of the Mnnufocturing States think that a fight would be awful. Without a little blood-letting this Union will not, in my estimation, bo worth a curse." That letter is full of point. It .jpens to the public gaze the motives upon which tlic Repub- lican managirs acted. Virginia had solicited a conference of the states to see if some plan could not be devised and agreed upon, to save the Union and prevent civil war. Sincere pat- riots were anxious to save the Border States — Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri, together with North Carolina and Tennessee — and therefore favored the assem- bly of this Peace Conference. The Republican managers were opposed to it Massachusetts and iNew York sent delegates, but when the plan of the Republican managers was explained to them, they repented of their haste, acknowl- edged their error, admitted that the managers were right and they wrong, and that no Republi- can state should have sent delegates. They, therefore begged for God's sake, for theGovernor of Michigan to come to the rescue, and save the Republican party— not the Union— from rup- ture. The Governor was requested to send stiff backed men or none — none who were likely to favor any plan of conciliation. In the opinion of Chandler, the Union would not be worth a curse, without a little blood letting. As far back as December 23, 1860, Mr. Toombs issued an address to his constituents, of Georgia, in which he uys, speaking of the Crittenden Compromise: "A vote was taken in the Committee of Thirteen on amendments to the Constitution, proposed by the Hon. John J. Crittenden, and each and all of them were voted against harmoniously by the Black Republican members of the Committee. In addition to these facts, a majority of the Black Republican members of the Committee (fe- dared distinctly that they had no tjiiaranties to offer, which w:i.s silently acquiesced in by the other members." Mr. Toombs afterward, January 7, 1861, made his speech in the Senate, in which he said he would accept the Crittenden Compro- mise as a final settlement of the slavery ques- tion. But, as Senator Hale, a leading Repub- tican, said, on the floor of the Senate, when Mr. Crittenden presented his plan to the Sen- ate, the controversy was not to be settled by Congress. The Republican managers did not mean to permit it to be settled there. They wanted, in the language of Senator Douglas, a disruption of the Union, believing a disruption "would draw after it, as an inevita- ble consequence, civil war. servile insurrec- tions, and, finally, the utter extermination of slavery in all the Southern states." They are the great criminals upon whose backs the scor- pion whips of a duped and outraged people should be applied. But for these men, we might have continued a united and prosperous people. Their devil- ish spirit demanded war, blood-letting, and the land has been gorged with the blood "of breth- ren, shed by the hands of brotliers. Desola- tion and death, humiliation and tears and sor- row, have been our portion since these Repub- lican managers have had the direction of public affairs at Washington. They are the cabal that have controlled the President from the start. — To what condition the country will be reduced by the time their power shall cease, on the re- tirement of Mr. Lincoln, can be imagined from its present deplorable state, under their man- ipulatation. All our troubles might have been avoided but for their determination that there should be xo comprojiise. What a price the country is paying for the Abolition whistle! 140 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. CHAPTER XXIII.i KEPUBIJCANS OBSTINATE AND REFUSE TO COM- PROMISE. The Conduct of the AboIitioEists in the Wisconsin Legis- lature. ..Kadical Reasons for not Compromising. ..Xho Chicago Platform Good Enough for th« Radicals... Tenacity of the \Vouldu't-Yi<'ia-An-Irichers...Efi'ort of Democrats to send Commissioners to llie Comi^iromiso Congress. ..Republicans Claim to have " .Struggled Man- fully against the United Democracy "...Carl t^cUurz and '• Our Side "...Ropublicaus of Sauk City opposed to Com- rromisc.A Candid Admission. ..Edward Everett on Compromise. ..Lord Brougham on Coercion. ..Plan of Adjustment by ihe Peace Congress... Franklin's Substi- tute..." New York Post" on Effect... Greeley against Compromi3e...Geueral Conclusions, Ac. WISCONSIN LEGISLATURE ON COMPROMISE. In addition to the foregoing, wc have sorted out the following from the proceedings of the Wisconsin Legislature, as samples of the gen- eral course of the Republicans, and as showing their ^en«raZ purposes and designs. AVith this yjQ consider the •'record complete." In the Senate of Wisconsin, Jan. 25th, 1861, the following resolution was passed: ^'■Resolved, {if the Assembly concur^) That the following resolution, reported by a minor- ity of the select committee of 33 in the Con- gress of the United StateS; and signed by Messrs. Tappan of New Hampshire, and AVash- burn of Wisconsin, reflects the judgment and sentiments of the Legislature of Wisconsin, and that its views and patriotic conclusions should be adequate to restore permanent peace and prosperity to our glorious Republic. ''■Resolved. That the provisions of the Con- stitution are ample for the preservation of the Union; and the protectioc of all the material interests of the country; that it needs to be obeyed rather than amended; and that extrica- tion from present difficulties should be looked for in efforts to protect and preserve the public property, and the enforcement of the laws, r. ther than in new guaranties for particular interests or compromises and concessions of unreasonable demands." Mr. Bradford, (Rep.) introduced the fol- lowing in the Assembly: ^'Resolved, That we, as the representatives of the people of Wisconsin, are opposed to each and all the schemes of compromise which jhave been proposed or may hereafter be devised recognizing slavery as in accordance with the Constitution, or, in any way tending to extend, diffuse or perpetuate so peculiar and odious an institution, and which has been well said to be "the sum of all villainies." Mr. Keogii (Dem.) offered the following, [which was intended to be a gentle reminder to the Chairman of the Committee on Federal Relations, (Mr. Spooner, now Lieutenant Oovernor,) who managed to have all peace resolutions referred to his Committee, where they were kept, as was believed, to prevent action:] '■'•Resolved, That the Committee on Federal Relations be instructed to report within one week on the preamble and resolutions No. 8, A., referred to them on yesterday, as to the policy or impolicy of the action therein pro- posed, and also whether the state of Wisconsin ought or ought not, in the opinion of said Com- mittee, take any action in reference to the dan- gers that now threaten our Union, and wheth- er, if any action is deemed necessary, it should be pacificatory first, before war- like, or whether it is our policy as a state to declare against all concessions, and for blood and strife. '■^Resolved, That the 'poet,' in giving the history of our early strife with the mother country, and the object of our forefathers in reference to the white and black man's rights, &c., expresses just and wise sentiments, as fol- lows; " 'The Tableaux change, and Brother J. proposes To 'boot' the King, and ring bis soldiers' noses! Now, George this 'insult' with gallant scorn resented, (Though 'tis due to state he afterwards repented;) And, of course, a long and sanguinary war ensued. And brother's hands with brother's blood imbued! Those were the times, as their history now unfolds. That friccassied men's bodies-^and tried their souls! Thai, we had 'Tragedians,' all first class 'Stars,' Who, true to heroic life, delineated Mars; No phosphorous lightning — no sheet iron thunder! Then shook, the Thespian Temple with false wonder! No incandescent ilash — no pyrotecnic blaze! Such as school boj's muster in nocturnal plays; No 'fancy fencing, with stub-shod Iron swords — No ratan muskets flourished on those 'Boards!' But the real 'Old Flint Lock' and Damascus Steel, Made the 'claret' flow, and flesh and mnscle fed! And on every bloody field the patriots' bayonets Pierc'd the tinseled helmets of Gen'ral and Brevets! Nor were our fathers figliting,like hypocrites and knaves, Vndfr pretense of giving 'freedom' to their slaves! Nor were they guilty, in their 'Bill of vested rights,' Of classing Ethiopians with their brother whites! They left to God the gen'ral purpose of his plan. To apportion as He will'd the proper 'Rights of Man!' Of which self-gov'meut— more jjotent than the rest — Each prevailing R.ice make laws that suit them best. Since God himself widely hath partition'd races — Assigned to each their xiqyrior and inferior places — What right hath mortals to change His holy plan, And legislate the inferior to the superior man?' " On the 26th of January, the propositions of Virginia for a Peace Congress, were transmit- ted to the Legislature by Governor Randall. These propositions were conceived in a worthy spirit, and evidently showed an earnestness to compromise and save blood shed. They were imploring but not dictatorial. They were treated with general respect, by some Repub- licans, but evidently detested and scorned by the mass of the party. The Democracy to a man were in favor of immediate action, and a favorable response. For days the question was argued, in various forms, in both Houses, and finally, by the schemes of Republican party leaders, the propcsition to send Commissioners SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP BOOK. 141 was defeated. Below we present some of the opinions expressed in the course of debate by leading Republicans, though it is due to state that some Republicans appeared to honestly favor action: "Senator Hutchison, (Rep.) believed that we should meet with the representatives of \''ir- ginia around the family altar. There is never danger to him whose cause is just, meeting with his adversary. It was at tirst thought that the delegation in Congress should act as commissioners, but upon further reflection, and as it was for a specific purpose, it was thought better to send special commissiouers He inserted Mr. Washburne's nauic, as he had been on the committee of 33, and it might be gratifying to have his action endorsed. "Senator Bartlett, (Rep,) thouglit that slavery was sufficiently guarantied by the Con- stitution in the State of Virginia. If we ap- point a committee in accordance with the Vir- ginia resolutions we meet with her commis- sioners ou the basis that they present. As a Republican party we debauch ourselves if we place ourselves on the record, as these resolu- tions require. It's worse than folly to make a mere show of amity by sending commissioners to Washington, bound by instructions not to grant the demands of the South, and nothing but an insult to those with whom we treat. If wc were prepared to admit that south of 36 deg. 30 min. should be given up to slavery and that it should be perpetual, then indeed might we consistently t^^-eat. The Senator from the 30th, Hutchinson, thinks it an alarming thing that we cannot meet the Southern States round the family altar, but it is true that at this time they are engaged in acts of treason and he thought the resolutions showed a lack of moral courage, and he as a Republican, did not wish to be put in such an anamolous position as they would place him in. Moral courage, sir, is that kind of courage which enables a man to take his sfa.ul on principle and do right. This is what alone can save the country in the pres- ent crisis. We cannot look to the shattered columns of the Democracy of the North for salvation. Nothing but firmness and integrity on the part of the Republicans will carry the country safely through the present crisis. No good can arise from such a conference as is proposed. "There can be no moral influence in the course advocated by Senator Hntchinson as it bears a lie on its face. We should also look to the expense of this commission, and believing that no good can result from the expense, I cannot go in for it. He that is wasteful of the people's money is also wasteful of principle." February 1, '61, the following action was had in the Senate, on the Commissioner propo- sition: "Senator Gill then spoke against the adop- tion of Senator Hutchinson's amendment: He was tired of hearing of Union savers. Too many eulogies had already been pronounced on such men as Alexander 11. Stevens, of Geor- gia. He reiterated at length that the Virginia resolutions called for Commissioners from this state, with the words explicitly stating that they were required to deliberate on amend- ments to the Constitution, and if they went they would find themselves deluded and in a snare. "Senator Worthington followed in a pointed and deliberate argument against the appoint- ment of commissioners. He said that the posi- tion of Senator Gill was invulnerable, and that he very much doubted, from what he knew of the sentiments of some of the intended Com- missioners of their accepting the commission. He agreed with the remarks made by his col- league on the committee,. Senator Bartlett. "Senator Cole, as one of the committee ou Federal relations, was impelled by a full con- sideration of the Virginia resolution's, to vote for the amendment as amended. "Senator Joiner, in some brief and sensible remarks, stated his intention, notwithstanding the grand flourishes of some gentlemen to the contrary that he had heard during the argu- ment, of voting for the amendment. "The resolutions introduced by Senator Hutchinson, and as amended by Senator A^ii'- gin, were then adopted by A . T. Bennett, Cole, Cunning, Decker, Ugau, Bartlett, Bean, Geo. Bennett, Carey, Cox, ATES. Ferguson, Hutchinson, Joiner, Kingston, 31a.\uu, N.lVS. Crane, Foot, Gill. HazcJton, Kelseii, Qnentin, Sweat, Sweet, Virgin — 14 . Montr/omery, Stewart, Vtley, Wurtli in^ton l-l . Kcpuljlicans in italic. "The Lieutenant Governor giving his vote in the affirmative, which occasioned much ap- plause. The Lieut. Governor (Rep.) was denounced by his party press for giving this casting vote. On the same day the following debate was had in the Assembly: "Mr. Rugee (Rep. J spoke in favor of his amendment, and was in favor of acting up to the requirements of the 21,000 majority in this state. He Avas satisfied that the Democratic party would not swallow the Pv.epublicau plat- form, and he could see no propriety in sending a Democrat among the Commissioners, unless he is willing to conform to the Republican platform. "Mr. C R. Johnson (Rep.) said the question used to be, 'Have we a Bourbon amongst us?' It might now be rendered, 'Have we a Republi- can party?' He believed the Republican party was a Union party. He was a Union man. Ho could not appreciate the expression, that 'in these revolutionary times it is ridiculous to talk of the Chicago platform' was not an ema- nation from a Republican breast. He was in 142 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. favor of instruction if we must send commis- sioners. Mr. J. proceeded for some time to enforce his views, taking strong ground against this action. He went in for the Chicago plat- form. "Mr. I). H. Johnson, (Rep.,) thought it im- portant that we should have a free interchange of sentiment, with a view to a better under- standing. He was sorry to see a spirit of dis- appointment and opposition here. He alluded to the gentleman from Hock, [Mr. Graham, which brought that gentleman to his feet in ex- planation.] Mr. J. proceeded to discuss at considerable length the propriety of not in- cluding the Chicago platform in his action. "Mr. Rugee, (Rep.,) said if any Republican would show anything bad in the Chicago plat- form he would withdraw it. "Mr. D. II. Johnson rejoined. "Mr. Bradford, (Hen.,) said that he discov- ered that his Democratic friends were as calm as turtle doves, while many of the Republicans seemed to be trembling in their boots. [Laugh- ter.] He predicted that to send commissioners would end in a conventional bubble, and would explode, amounting to nothing. lie knew when Virginia asked anything she meant to have it or nothing. He was decidedly opposed to the proposition of sending commissioners. He cautioned the liepublicans ajainst leaving out the Eepublican jAatform If they did they would leave out manj' of the party. "Mr. Atwood, (Rep.) said that several gen- tlemen had endeavored to impress upon this House that they were Republicans. He believ- ^ed that where he lived no one questioned his "Republicanism. This question was not one of party; it Avas not to advance Republicanism as such — it was to save our country, and party had nothing to do with it. He could meet the Democrats and act with them on this matter, and never stop to enquire whether they ever had a platform or not. In giving the "21,000 majority," so much referred to here, we did not expect these dreadful realities -which now surround us. We must now act upon the facts and circumstances as they surround us. These commissioners could go to Washington and act independent of any other state. They would no dovibt act with reference to the sentiment of the people of the state as much as possible. He was opposed to any positive instructions, though he should haveno objection to have the commis- sioners required to communicate with the leg- islature. "Mr. Rugi,e again rejoined, taking strong ground in favor of sending the Chicago plat- form to Washington. "Mr. Graham, (Rep.) said ho Iiad intended to be content with a silent vote against this measure, but he could hardly sit still since so much had been said, and his proposition had been voted down. He believed the northern Democrats were as loyal to the constitution and government as the Republicans, and he should not object to see a Democrat appointed, if the commissioners should be raised. He should vote for Mr. Rugee's proposition to in- struct, /or the purpose of hilling the motion. — lie spoke against the idea that slaves are pro- perty. [Why not have raised this question on the Ripon speech before electing Judge Howe? — Reporter.] ' 'Mr. Atwood said he respected the frankness of the gentleman from Rock in declaring he would go for the amendment to kill the propo- sition. He thanked him for that. He liked the Chicago platform as much as any one, but he could not consent to tack that and state constitutions on propositions of this kind. — He believed this move would do good. He be- lieved it would do good for a parley to be held. It could do no harm — itmighi do good." From the Assembly Debates on the 4th we take the following: "Mr. Dwight (Rep.) was at first in favor of sending commissioners, but the arguments he ^ had heard had convinced him of his error, and he was not ashamed to own it. He did not propose to get down on his knees when the South had a club over his head, and eat a 'large piece of pumpkin pie.' His children were all girls, and therefore he could stand the war very well. He wished he was in the Chair, he would show the South a little of Old Jack- son. In short, he was opposed to all conces- sions and all compromise. "Mr. Lindsley (Rep.) was opposed to this commission. He believed we had already given the South an intimation of what we would do, and he was opposed to going any further. He would favor the submission of our personal liberty bill to a judicious committee, and if found to be unconstitutional, to repeal it, but he was opposed to meeting the South for any such purpose as this. Much as he loved peace and quiet he would willingly sac- rifice his life to abolish slavery. He loved the Union, and he would be willing to make any reasonable sacrifices to save it, but he would not vote for this resolution. "Mr. Spooner, (Rep ) was opposed to the amendment. He saw where the opposite side met the difficulty. They find it necessary to ignore the expressed will of the people. His constituents had instructed him not to back down in the least, and to yield nothing. So far as he was concerned, he should stand by his instructions. He could vote for no such propositions and go back to his constituents." A correspondent of the Milwaukee Sentinel (rep.) of February, said: "My sympathies on this occasion were all with the Republicans, who struggled manfully against the united Democracy., aided by mem- bers from their own ranks, to defeat this prop- osition; and who were finally overcome only by the casting vote of the Lieutenant Governor, who, representing the «7ioZe state, nevertheless preferred to vote with the six Republicans who favored the proposition, rather than the four- teen who opposed it. Vengeance is not mine." Carl Sciiurz was at Nsrwalk, Ohio, during this controversy. He, with Ch.ikdler, of SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 143 Michigan, was opposed to compromise, and be- ievedthiit to send "stiff-backed Republicans.'' ■who were opposed to it, as commiisioners, was the only way to prevent compromise, and Av/re the Rep uhli din party The following dispatch explains itself: "To Gov. Ilarnlall: "By Telegvaiih fruiii Xoewalk, Ohio, Feb. 1, 1S( 1. '"Appoint Commissioners to Washington con- ference — myself one, to strengthen our side. "CARL SCHURZ " The Republicans in various portions of the State soon began to act, and wire pullers pulled the strings to prevent compromise. A "Union" meeting was held by the Republi- cans of Sauk City, Sauk county, 'Wisconsin, in February, and from among their resolutions ■we select the following: '■^Resolved, That we, as Republicans, will not submit to compromises at the sacrifice of principle." " There was a Brutus once, that would have broolcM The eternal devil, to keep his State in Rome, As easily as a King." — Julius Ctesar. No one doubts that Brutus had the courage to do much that he lacked the power. We find many here that would "brook the eternal deyil" to carry their points, but they would no doubt end where Brutus did. with the loss of liberty and power. AVith the following, from King Henry IVth, we will leave our readers to "heed or bleed." " A Peace is of the nature of a Conquest! For then hoth parties nobly are subdued, And neither party loser." A CANDID ADMISSION. The Milwaukee Sentinel, in Februar3^,lS61, made the following admission: "Had the election of last November resulted in favor of that party, [the Democracy,] we should have heard nothing of 'Secession;' no coAiplaints about 'Personal Liberty Laws;" no denunciation of Northern fanaticism; no talk of a 'Southern Confederacy.' South Carolina indeed, might have made more or less fuss, as usual; but she would have stood alone, and her fit would have soon passed over." This was very true, but the Democracy did not succeed; hence the necessity for compro- mise. EDWARD EVERETT ON COMPROMISE. A large and enthusiastic Union meeting was held in Faneuil Hall, Boston, February, 1861, at which the Crittenden proposition was en- dorsed unanimously. The following letter was read to the meeting from the Hon Edward Everett: "WAsniNGTON, Feb. 2, l!§iil-. '•My Dear Sir — I much regl'et that it is not in my [miuc— to be present at the meeting to b • hel I in F^.neuil Hall next Tuesday. I have yieldc'l. ai the sacrifice of personal con- venience, to the udvice and request that I would jiioloii;^ my stay at AVashington, with a view to conference with members of Csngiess and other persons from vaiious parts of the Union, who are uniting their counsels and efiTorts for its preservation. "The crisis is one of greater danger and im- portance than has ever before existed. Sis states have declared their separation from the Union, and the withdrawal of the seventh is a probable event. The course of the remaining Southern States will be decided in a few days. They are under opposing influences. A strong conservative sentiment binds them to the Union; a natural sympathy with the seceding states draws them in an opposite direction. "If they adhere to the Union there will be no insuperable difficulty in winning back the sister States, which have temporarily with- drawn from us, but if the border states are drawn into the Southern Confederacy the fate of the country is sealed. Instead of that palmy prosperity which has made us for two generations the envy of the civilized world, we shall plunge into the road to ruin. AVe must look forward to collision at home — fierce, bloody, deadly collision — not alone between the two great sections of the country, but be- tween neighboring States — town and counti-y, and embittered parties in the same city — and abroad we must submit to the loss of the rank we have hitherto sustained among the family of nations. Human nature is the same in all ages, and the future, now impending over our once happy country, may be read in the mourn- ful history of the Grecian and Italian repub- lics, and in the terrific annals of the French revolution. To expect to hold fifteen States in the Union by force is preposterous. The idea of a civil war, accompanied, as it would be, by a servile insurrection, is too monstrous to be entertained for a moment. If our sister states must leave us, in the name of heaven let them go in peace. I agree in the sentiment that the people alone can avert these dire calamities. Political leaders, however well disposed, are hampered by previous committals and control- led by their associates. The action of Con- gress, unless accelerated by an urgent impulse from the ultimate source of power, is too much impeded by the forms of legislation and tedi- ousness of debate. There is no hope from the political parties of the country — agencies un- happily too potent for mischief, but, in the present extremity, powerless for good, except by a generous sacrifice of all party views, in- terest and ambition to the public weal. "No; it is only by the loud, emphatic, unan- imous utterance of the voice of the people, that the danger can be averted. Let the cry go forth from Faneuil Hall, and ring through the 144 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. lano. that the Union must and shall be pre- serreJ! (Great cheering.) '•Your friend and fellow citizen, '•KDWAKD EVEUETT." LORD BROUGHAM ON COEKCION. The venerable Lord Brougham, one of the ■wisest and most conservative men of England, thus wrote on the 19th cf March, '61— a just rebuke to those who would sustain somjthing they have dubbed a Platform, and make ship- wreck of the Constitution and Union: "The alarm felt by all the friends of human improvement at the risk of disunion in Ameri- ca, are naturally uppermost in one's mind at the present time. How much it is to be wished that the contending parties in both Italy and America wonld take a leaf out of our books, and learn the wisdom os icell as virtue of com- 2)roi/iise and mutual concessio?i.'" TLAN OF ADJUSTMENT ADOPTED BY THE PEACE CONGRESS. "Sec. 1. In all the pnsent territory of the United States, north of the parallel of thirty- six degrees thirty minutes of north latitude, involuntary servitude, except in punishment of crime, is prohibited. In all the present territory south of that line the status of per- sons held to service or la.3or, as it now exists, shall not be changed. Nor shall any law be passed hy Congress or the territorial legisla- ture to hinder or prevent the taking of such persons from any of the States of this Union to said territory, nor to impair the rights aris- ing from said relation. But the same shall be subject to judicial cognizance in the Federal courts according to the common law. When any territory north or south of said line, with such boundary line as Congress may prescribe shall contain a population equal to that re- quired for a member of Congress, ,it shall, if its form of government be republican, be ad- mitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, with or without involun- tary servitude, as the constitution of such State may provide. "Sec. 2. No territory shall be aquired by the United States except by discovery and for naval and commercial stations, depots, and transit routes, without the concurrence of a majority ot all the Senators from the States which allow involuntary servitude, and a maj- ority of all the Senators from States whicli prohibit that relation ; nor shall territory be acquired by treaty, unless the votes of a maj- ority of the Senators from each cbiss of States hereinbefore mentioned be cabT as a part of the two-third majority necessary to the ratifi- cation of such treaty. "Sec. 3. Neither the constitution nor any amendment thereto, shall be consti-ued to give Congress power to regulate, abolish or control, within any state or territory of the United States, the relation established or recognized by the laws thereof touching persons bound to labor or involuntary service in the District of Columbia, without the consent of Maryland, and without the consent of the owners, or, making the owners who do not consent just compensation; nor the power to interfere with or prohibit representatives and others from bringing with them to the city of Washington, retaining and taking away, persons so bound to labor or service, nor the power to interfere with or abolish involuntary service in places under the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States within these states and territories where the same is established or organized; nor the power to prohibit the removal or transiiortation of persons held to labor or involuntary service in any state or territory of the United States to any other state or territory thereof, where it is established or recognized bylaw or usage; and the right, during transportation by sea or river, of touching at ports, shores and landings, but not for sale or traffic, shall exist; nor shall Congress have power to authorize any higher rate of taxation on persons held to labor or service than on land. The bringing into the District of Columbia of persons held to labor or service for sale, or placing them in depots to be afterwards transferred to other places for sale as merchandize, is prohibited, and the right of transit through any state or territory against its dissent, is prohibited. "Sec. 4. The third paragrah of the second section of the fourth article of the constitution shall not be construed to prevent any of the states, by appropriate legislation, and through the action of their judicial and ministerial offi- cers, from enforcing the delivery of fugitives from labor to the person to whom such service or labor is due. "Sec. 5. The'foreign slave trade is hereby forever prohibited, and it shall be the duty of Congress to pass laws to prevent the importa- tion of slaves, coolies or persons held to ser- vice or labor, into tlie United States, and the Territories from places beyond the limits thereof. "Sec. 6. The first, third and fifth sections, together with this section six of these amend- ments, and the third paragraph of the second section of the first article of the constitution, and third paragraph of the second section of the fourth article thereof, shall not be amend- ed or abolished without the consent of all the states. "Sec. 7. Congress shall provide by law that the United States shall pay to the owner the full value of his fugitives from labor, in all cases where the Marshal or other officer whose duty it was to arrest such fugitive, was prevented from so doing by violence or intimidation from mobs or riotous assemblages, or when, after ar- rest, such fugitive was rescued by like violence or intimidation, and the owner thereby pre- vented and obstructed in the pursuit of his remedy for the recovery of such fugitive. Con- gress shall provide by law for securing to the citizens of each state the privilege's and immun- ities of the several states " SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 145 NT., franklin's substitute. The substitute offered in the Peace Confer, ence by Mr. Franklin, of Pennsylvania, for the first article of the Guthrie Basis, and which was adopted by the vote of all the states rep- resented, except Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Delaware and Missouri, is as fol- lows: "Art. 1. In all the present territory of the United States, not embraced in the Cherokee Treaty, North of the parallel of thirty-six de- grees and thity minutes of North latitude, in- voluntary servitude, except in punishment of crime, is prohioited. In all the present terri- tory South of that line, the status of persons held to service or labor, as it now exists, shall not be changed by law, nor shall the rights arising from said relation be impaired; but the same shall be subject to judicial cognizance in the Federal Courts, according to the com- mon law. When any territory North or South of said line within such boundary as Congress may prescribe, shall contain a population equal to that required for a member of Congress, it shall, if its form of government be republican, be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original states, with or without invol- untary servitude, as the Constitution of such state may provide." THE EFFECT OF IT. The failure of Wisconsin, says the Milwau- kee Senti)itl, to appoint commissioners is likely to have a decidedly opposite effect from what the opponents of such action have intended. The N. Y. 7\-.j< says: "In the conference four strongly Republican states remain unrepresented. Michigan, Wis- consin, Minnesota and Kansas have neglected or refused to send commissioners. Of the twenty slates represented, three of the free, Rhode Island, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, will join the seven slave states in any proposi- tions which the latter desire. Thus, should the slave states unite for Guthrie's plan, the vote would probably be a tie, ten to ten. The four free states not represented in the Peace Con- ference owe it to the country to repair their neglect and authorize the attendahce of com- missioners." GBEELEY STRIVES TO I'HEVENT COMrROMISE. The following appeared in the New York Tribune while the peace negociations were pending. It was designed to frighten ofl" the partizans: "For a man or a party to win a Presiden- tial election under false pretences, is an of- fense as much more heinous than obtaining money under false pretenses, as the adminis- tration of the affairs of a great nation is of more consequence to the world than the ques- tion whether John Doe or Richard Roe shall possess a certain ten dollar bill. The Repub- lican party obtained power in the recent Pres- idential contest by professing certain clearly defined principles upon the subject of slavery in the territories. Being about to assume the seals of office, eminent men, of whom it had a right to expect better things, counsel that it repudiate its platform of principles, confess itself a common cheat, turn its back upon those who elevated it to place, and convict itself of having cither been a rank hypocrite before the election, or of being a skulking craven now. »^ Such counselors should know that men and \ / parties which attain power by professing one V set of principles, and then, when in office, sac- ''\ rifice them, and carry out another set, always • break down and go to perdition, amid the jeers of the foes whom they beat in the contest, and the execrafions of the friends whom they af- terwards betraj'ed. And yet this sort of grand larceny, this stealing into power by false to- kens, this playing the 'confidence game' on the broad theatre of a nation, is sometimes called statesmanship! The Republican party can better afford to lose than keep the authors of such statesmanship in its ranks. Let them go!" The Tribune followed this up by declaring the right of secession. On the 2d of March, '61, it said: "We have repeatedly said, and we once more insist, that the great principle embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, that governments derive their just powers from >^ the consent of the governed, is sound and just; ^^ and that, if the slave states, the cotton states, / or the Gulf states only, choose to form an in- dependent nation, thei/ have a moral right to do soP^ We might fill a dozen volumes with corelativc testimony, all going to show that the Republi- cans were determined that no compromise should be affected. Most of their leading presses and orators treated all who favored compromise as little, if any better than trai- tors. Little did they think that compromise is writ- ten on the face of nature itself, and that their very existence is the result of compromise. The yielding amJ"9pi»pensating principles between heat and coKl, wet and dry, earth and air, attraw-ion and repulsion, positive and neg- ative, in the mental and physical, good and bad, in the moral and political, wise and unwise principles in the material world, are all the re- sult of compromise. Without this accommo- dating principle, or virtue of yielding partially to opposing forces, to secure results otherwise unattainable, no human government could be formed, no laws could be enacted, no laws es- 146 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS ecuted, no society maintained, and even no family happiness secured. No compromise, said the Republicans, and as they looked upon their Wide-Awake battal- ions, "panting for the fray," they bid defiance to conciliation, and looking to the South as Cffisar viewed the Persians across the Helles- pont, like Shakespeare's hero they exclaimed: "Let tbem come! They come like sacrifices m their train, And to the tire-eyed maid of smoky war. All hot and bleeding, we will offer tlieni! The mailed Wars shall on his altar sit, Up to his eats in blood!" But, happy for them, if in the sequel they do not feel inclined, in the language of Henry VI to exclaim: "Ah! vain Republicans, thosa days are dangerous! Tirtue is cUuked with foul ambition, And charity chased hence by rancor's Iiand — Foul subordination is predominant, And equity exiled our natiTo land; The gods of party rule the fatal hour, And mocK all ellbrt.-j to reprieve the victims!" CHAPTE^IV. REPUBLICAN EFFORTS TO STIMULATE DISSOLU- TION— THEIR DISLOYALTY AND TREASON. The Morrill Tariff as a Means to Hasten Dissolution... Opinions of the "Cincinnati Commercial," " New York Times," and " New York World "...From the "London Times "...The Tables Turned on the Charge of "Disloi-- alty"... Rules of Testimony, and the Proof of Republi- can Disloyalty. ..Testimony of Andrew Johnson. ..Sena- tor Wilson on "Setting up with the Union". ..What Constitutes a "Tr.aitor" and a " Copperhead "...Mr. Lincoln on the Stand : Ilis Preaching contrasted with his Practice. ..Congress on the " Object " of the War... "Indianapolis Sentinel " ditto. ..Thad. Stevens against the Constitution as it is. ..Mr. Chase Declares the Union Not AVorth Fighting For. ..Frank Blair on Chase. ..Thur- low Weed on Mob Inciters. ..Being for the Union as it was Declared an "Offense "...The Present Programme Blocked Out Just After Lincoln's Nomination. ..Daw- " Bon's Letter to tho "Albany Journal "...Qiddings in the Chicago Convention ; His Radical Doctrine Voted Down There ; IIow Acted On. ..Lincoln's Letter of Ac- ceptance. ..Lincoln and the Chicago Platform in Juxta- position... Sumner Opens tho Radical Ball..." New Y'ork Post " and Other Papers fear it was Premature. ..The Other Class of Disunionists... Treason of tho " Chicago Tribune "...The Crittenden Resolutions. ..The Proclama- tion and Emancipation : Conclusions Thereon..." New York Tribune " and Other Sheets" Predict Good Things ...The "Pope's Bull Against the Comet "...The Object to Divide the North, &c....Gov. Andrew Before and Af- ter the Proclamation. ..Choice Inconsistencies, &c... Money and Not tho Proelamation Required to Make the " Roads Swarm '...Greeley Down on Old Abe... Seward Pronounces tho Proclamation Unconstitutional. THE MORRILL TARIFF AS A MEANS TO HASTEN SECESSION AND DISSOLUTION. The passage of the Morrill tariiF, -with its high pressure demands, just in the nick of time, when the Southern fever was at boiling pitch, was not only calculated to hasten seces- sion and dissolution, but that act was passed under such circumstances, as to leave little poubt of its intent. We submit the following testimony: repeal OE the TARIFF. The Cincinnati Commercial (Rep.) says: "Our new and supremely idiotic Tariff is a great lever placed in the hands of the Seces- sionists, and they are employing it with tre- mendous effect to pry off the border slave states from the Union. It is vastly more efficient than the negro I.\TION IN A NUT-SHELL. Secretary Chase, in one of his late speech- es, asserts that "the rebellion would have suc- ceeded but for the proclamation of freedom." The National Inielligencer. in an elaborate dis- cussion of his position, presents the following theories which show what Mr. Chase will have to do in order to substantiate his assertion: "Slavery was everywhere destroyed by the hostile presence of our armies before the proc- lamation was issued. "Slavery was everywhere destroyed by the hostile presence of our armies since the proc- lamation has been issued. "Required to prove that it is the proclama- tion which destroys slavery." And again: "The hostile presence of a military force where the proclamation " The President seems to be a man without any sense of the value of time. * * Armies are per- ishing. Months are wasting. We are in the second year of the rebellion. We have been just on the eve of doing something for sixteen months. "The people cannot but see that the success of our arms has been in the ratio cf their dis- tance from the Seat of Government! In all the Great West, where the Government could not meddle — on the sea board, in North Carolina. at Beaufoi't, S. C, at New Orleans, we have had success. But in Virginia, within reach of tlie influence of Washington we have had all our delays and all our misfortunes. "We looked from stand to stand in the great meeting on Tuesday, with a sadness we could not disguise. The necessity for such a meet- ing was a mortification. What President ivas ever so royally backed ; [stick a pin here.] — What resources; what enthusiasm, what unity of feeling ; [just as we meutioned in previous pages.] What eagerness of men to be enroll- ed, what confidence in the Administration ! — And one year has so nearly wasted all this that the Government is resorting to unusual measures to secure enlistments. Is patriotism dead? Is the love of national unity grounded ? AVhy are such meetings needed to draw up re- cruits? We are obliged to say, Mr. Lincoln, the fault is not with the people.^^ Cannot Mr. Beecher see some reason for 166 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. this apathy among the people, in the system of arbitrary arrests ■without accuser, judge or jury — and the negro policy? "The war line rose up in its majesty to pun- ish rebellion. It put a magnificent army into the President's hands. For one year that ar- my was besieged in the capital! * * and in the second year of the war! And how long will „it be before every nation in Europe will have" a rioht to say the South has shown itself able to maintain its independence? * * -x- But one thing is sure, unless there is more purpose and vigor at Washington^ all the pub- lic meetings in the land will not save this country from shame and disaster." THE HEAVY LOAD OF THE ADMINISTRATION. The New York Times, before the election in 1862, declared that all who did not sustain every act of the administration^ were traitors. After the election it thus made the administra- tion the scape goat for the sins of its party de- feat: "The l^eaviest load which the friends of the Government (administration) have been com- pelled to carry through this canvass, has been the inactivity a?td inefficiency of the adminis- tration. We speak from a knowledge of pub- lic sentiment in every section of the state, when we say that the failure of the Government to prosecute the war with a vigor, energy and success which the vast resources at its com- mand warranted the country in expecting at its hands, has weighed like an incubus up- on the public heart. With every disposition to sustain" the Government, with the conviction that the only hope of the country lies in giving it a cordial and effective support, its friends . , have been unable to give a satisfactory answer X to the questions that have came up from every \ side. >Vhy has the war made so little pro- gress? Why have our splendid armies achiev- ed such slight successes? Why have they lain idle so long? And why have the victories they have won been so wholly barren of decissive results? The war has dragged on for a year and a half. The country has given the Gov- ernment over a million of men, and all the money they could possibly use, yet we have made scarcely any progress towards crushing the rehellion The rebel armies still menace the capital. The privateers defy our navy and spread increasing terror among our peaceful traders on the seas: What is the use of trying to sustain an administration which lags so far behind the country, and seems so indifferent and incompetent to the dreadful task committed to its hands?" The Chicago Tribune threw this fling at the Administration: '■'■ [nfl.uence of Traitors at Washington. — The recent unrebuked presence in Washington of Mrs. Lay, whose husband was formerly on Gen. Scott's staff, but who is now an Inspector in the rebel army, and Mrs. Campbell, wife of the Assistant Secretary of War of the rebel government, and their unimpeded return to Richmond, have provoked much comment. Many people cannot see why female spies are thus permitted to visit the Capital of the coun- try, and after obtaining whatever information is accessible — usually an ample store — be al- lowed to return at pleasure through our lines to Richmond, laden with their valuable freight- age." Would the Tribune thus cast reproach on the Administration, after the issuing of that wonderful Proclamation? Doubtful. This same sheet of April 10, '63, takes the New York Post to task for its "attacks on the President" for retaining McClellan so long, notwithstanding the Tribune admits in the same article to have done the same thing. (Probably before the proclamation.) The Milwaukee Sentinel of April 18, 1863, pitches into the President's "scatteration" policy, in sending Banks off to the Rio Grande, &c. It says: "The scattering of large armies at various points along a lengthy line of attack, and too far apart for mutual support, or speedy con- centration, seems opposed, not only to the max- ims of great military attributes, but to the dic- tates of common sense. * * * We have more and better men than the rebels. With a military policy as correct as theirs, we could not fail to whip them even with our present armies." But the Scntiiiel, since that time, has ob- tained anew editor, and probably will "sin no^ more." The Buffalo Express, a strong Administra- tion paper, in a l®ng doleful article on the fail- ure of the Potomac Army to accomplish any- thing, says: "Either we must have generals who can blossom in the shade, for Generals do not thrive under the drip of the Capitol At thirty- six hours distance from Washington, armies and Generals succeed. At twenty-four hours they just held their own; but within six hours they are as dead as a field of wheat under the shadow of a upas tree." The Pittsburg Chronicle, a most radical sheet, in speaking of Rosccrans' movements, says: "That while the rebels are at their old game of concentration, Halleck is at his of 'scatter- ation.' Can any sensible man tell why Grant's main army is idle at this moment, or why our best troops are wasted in idle and Quixotic ex- peditions to those distant and God forsaken countries, Texas and Arkansas? Do the vitals SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 167 of the rebellion live away out among the Ca- manches or Creek Indians, or in Georgia, Ala- bama, Mississippi and Virginia? We are again hacking away at the fingers and toes of the re- bellion, while Rosecrans' spring at its very heart is turned aside by want of numbers and concentration." Perhaps the Chronicle is one of those weak minded concerns that believe it is the object of those in power to put down the rebellion, and save the Union. It may be guilty of such weakness. The anti-slavery Standard offers the follow- ing mutterings: "By the time the Government gets ready to do anything, the time for it has passed. This has been the case too often in the past. We need vigor, more vigor, and still more vigor, and Mr. Stanton needs to learn that bullying men as he used to juries, is not vigor." The Cincinnati Gazette^ an extremely loyal paper, as will be seen by a quotation from it in reference to the Mexican war (in a previous chapter) thus utters its complaints: '•The great army of the West lies useless on the Mississippi, while the great shock of armies in the West will soon take place in Tennessee. This is the whole situation, and it would be difficult to describe a more total helplessness of a great power for want of an intelligent director. It is hard to account for the apathy of a military Director at Washing- ton, under this state of affairs. * * * "The rebels have adopted the policy of con- centration. Our military Director persists in scattering. * * * In its (the war) present arrangement there is nothing to inspire hope, but everything to create disuflection and des- pondency." The New York Post says: "The Government has made mistakes ; it has at times pursued an illogical, weak and timid policy ;. it has done some things calculat- ed to alienate popular sympathy," &c. For saying no more than this, any Democrat- ic paper would have been called "copper- head." TUE TWO "loyal" SIAMESE TWINS. Booth, the great Wisconsin martyr, and leader of the Wisconsin Republican mobs, takes its yoke fellow, the Milwaukee Sentinel, to task as follows. It is like^Satan rebuking sin. Says the Milwaukee Daily Life (Booth's paper) : "The Sentinel man denounces the concilia- tory war policy of the Administration for the first twelve months of the war" as "miserable and disgraceful." It says: "Ttie volunteer soldiers of our army were degraded — their morals and enthusiasm impaired, and their Northern manhood insulted by this miserable half-war and half- peace policy, and it advises any who have forgotten how much violence toward Union men, and how much master- ly inactivity were the results of this policy— to take the files of any good newspaper, and wade through the shame- ful record of subservience, tenderness and patriotism on our side, and of insolence, ingratitude and treachery ex- hibited by the slave owners of the Border States." "The Sentinel., during these same 'twelve months,' defended this very 'miserable half- war and half-peace policy,' and denounced those who criticised it, declaring that our paper ought to be suppressed, for finding fault with this policy. 13ut now it turns round, with a fucility of sumersaulting, on a brazen faced impudence worthy of the New York Jlerald, and denounces the very policy it then defended, in far stronger language than we used, when it accused us of treason to the Gov- ernment." [From tha New York Tribune, of Nov. 22, 1863.] "Great is Ilalleck. Yes, great is Halleck! Had he never been called to the post that he fills — that of Geueral-in-Chief — his Order No. Three, and his everlastingly memorable siege of Corinth would have secured for him that mention in history that is not unfrequently de- nied to daring and worth. In this common- sense world, and in the country of ours where common-sense is almost sure to ivin its tvay., blank stupidity is always to be mentioned: — Halleck will fill a volume. "Halleck is General-in-Chief. To him the planning of campaigns is referred — to him as a West Pointer, and presumptively a man of science. He, under the President, who does not pretend to know the hidden mysteries that lie within inner and outer circles, is the ulti- mate authority. -Ilis fat is conclusive. "I am the army," he may say with just as much truth as Louis XIV. used to say, ''I am the State!" And now behold what he has order- ed: An expedition to Brownsville of — we know not of bow many men — an expedition that might be in order when all the othe-r ene- mies of the Republic are put down; but which is now sadly out of keeping with the exigency of the national situation. He is for nipping the rebellion on its edges, while its heart beats loud and strong. He is the champion of exte- rior lines. Besides this the expedition of Washburn, Texasward, by way of Oi)clousa — what is that but a stroke of genius of which Order No. 3 was but the premonition — genius that triumphs over swamps, bayous and timber though it may not conquer the enemy? And while these expeditions are floundering, the one in the surf and the other in 'he wvi, we see what we want clscwln-re. ''Bornside, beleagured by a superior force, cries for help that cannot reach him, and Grunt shut up at Chattanooga at the head of an arviy that is battered and bruised by a late encoun- ter, cannot move a peg. Meade cannot go for- ward and cross the Ropidan, because bis forc3 weakened by the sending off detachmcuts to the Cumberland, has not the strength to over- come the obstacles opposed! Defeat stares the 168 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. armies in the face, because our forces are di- vided and sent off on Tomfoors errands — to do something that will have no influence on the final and much desired result. Had Grant half of the men that are butting their brains out against cypress trees in thatOpelousas country, be could push on; and his first move would call back to his front the columns that now, under Longstreet, threaten Knoxville and the con- tinuity of our line. Hooker and his corps ■would have been saved to Meade and the fortir fications that his army could not have safely assaulted, could not have been turned. Mean- while a dozen gunboats on the Mississippi could have kept every rebel on the west side of that stream Five hundred men afloat could have done the work of five and thirty thousand in the field. Is not the wisdom, the foresight and necessity of Order No. 3 vindicated in what •we relate? "The country inquires why is it that Halleck icith that cahhage head of his, retains his ■ place — why is he not permitted to retire to his ancestral krout gardens on the Mohawk, and there, among his kindred, find, in the killing of cut-worms and the care of his cabbage crop, the employment for which his genius is fitted And if Burnside is gobbled up, and Grant is forcedio retreat, that inquiry ivill grow into a demand that ivill he sure to maJce itself heard. We, who do not care for all the epauletted dig- nity that the Presicent can confer on medioc- rity, press the demand now. Cabbages for Halleck, and war for those who have genius to comprehend it!" In a subsequent number of the same paper, we find the following: "We know no reason, outside of the ineffi- ciency and incompetency of General Halleck, why this array of evils should now confront » the country and send a chill down to the soles of every loyal man's boots. And we knovv of no remedy save that heroic one of sending Halleck, who is responsible for the army's movements, back to the captaincy for which he is best fitted, or to the Mohawk and the cab- bages among which he was raised. The disas- ter now threatening has been foreseen for more than a month, It has been the constant theme of the rebel papers, and their loudest boasts There is not a man in the land who did not know of the movement intended. There is not, save one at Washington, a General-in- Chief, who would not have made a counter movement to check it. If Knoxville falls, and Burnside is destroyed, let the hero of Corinth — the author of Order No. 3 — look out. Not even Presidential favor can save him! [From the New York World, Nov. 11, 1S6.3.] " 'The greatest folly of my life was the is- suing of the Emancipation proclamation.' Such weie the woi'ds of President Lincoln to Wendell Phillips last January, according to the testimony of the latter in a speech he made last week at the Music Hall in New Haven. Before the issuing of that document. President Lincoln gave it as his opinion that it would be of no more effect than the 'Pope's bull against the comet;' and after he had given it to the world he regards it as 'the greatest folly of his life,' and did not scruple to so inform one of the most influential leaders of the fanatical faction who had forced him into the objection- able measure. President Lincoln has made many notable remarks since he has been in of- fice, but none that is likely to attract so much attention as the above." CHAPTER XXVI. THE PROCLAMATION. ..THE RADICAL WAR POLICY. Mr. Lincoln's Letter to the Utica- Springfield Meetings Editor's Remarks on the N?gro Policy..." New York Tribune" Pledges the President, Ac ...John P. Hale's Bill to Abolish the Constitution. ..The Proclamation in England. .."New Y'ork Tribune" on "Servile Insurrec- tions". ..Opinions of English Abolitionists. ..Mi. Wilber- force on the Folly of the Proclamation. ..Wendell Phil- lips on the Rampage. ..The Proclamation Confessed a Failure. ..Caleb B. Smith Pledges the Administration against the Proclamation. ..Mr. Madison on Emancipa- tion. ..Lord Dunmore's Proclamation. ..Bancroft, the Uia- toriaii on the Same...Thurlow Weed's Prediction. ..Mr. Lincoln on Federal Authority. ..The Chicago Platform... General Remarks... Post Master General Blair as a Wit- ness. ..His RockviUe Speech. THE rROCLAMATION AND THE PRESIDENT'S WAR POLICY. The following is President Lincoln's letter to the Union Mass Meeting at Springfield, Ill- inois, and Utica, New York: "Executive Mansion, \ "August 20th, ls(32. ]■ '^ To Hon. James C. Conklin: "My DEAR Sir: — Your letter inviting me to attend a mass meeting of Union men, to be held at the Capitol of Illinois on the third day of September, has been received. It would be very agreeable to me thus to meet my old friends, at my own home, but I cannot just now be absent from this city so long as a visit there would require. "The meeting is to be of those who maintain unconditional devotion to the Union, and I am sure that vaj old political friends will thank me for tendering, as I do, the Nation's grati- tude to those other noble men, whom no parti- san hopes make false to the Nation's life. "There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say, you desire peace, and you blame me that we do not have it: but how can we attain it? There are but three con- ceivable ways: "First — To suppress the rebellion by force of arms. This I am trying to do. Are you for it? If you are, so far we are agreed. "If you are not for it, a second way is to give up the Unioft I am against this. If you are not for force nor yet for dissolution, there remains only some imaginable compromise. I do not believe that any compromise under the maintenance of the Union is now possible. All th^it I learn, tends directly to the opposite be- lief — that the strength of the rebellion is in its military — its army; and that the armydom- SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 169 inates all the country and all the people within its range. Any offers, if made by any man or men within that range, in opposition to that. ar simply nothing, for the present, because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce their side of a compromise, if one be made with them. "To illustrate: Suppose refugees from the South and peace men from the North should meet in convention and frame a proclamation or compromise embracing a restoration of the Union, in what way can that compromise be used to keep Gen. Lee's army out of Pennsyl- vania? Gen. Meade's army can keep Gen. Lee's army out of Pennsylvania, and I think ultimately drive it out of existence. But no paper compromise, to which the COTitrollers of Lee's army are not agreed, can at all effect that army. In an effort at such a compromise we would waste time that the enemy would im- prove to our disadvantage, and that would be all. A compromise to be effective must be made either with, those who control the rebel army, or with the people liberated from the do- minion of that army by the success of our army. "Now, allow me to assure you that no word or intimation from the rebel army, or from any of the men controlling it, in relation to any peace compromise, has ever come to my knowl- edge or belief. All charges or intimations to the contrary are deceptive and groundless, and I promise you that if any such proposition shall hereafter come, it shall not be rejected and kept secret from you. [This is certainly apochryphal. See the AVood-Lincoln correspondence ] "I freely acknowledge myself to be the ser- vant of the people according to the bond of the service, the United States Constitution, and as such I am responsible to them. But, to be plain, you are dissatisfied with me about the negro. Quite likely. There is a difference between you and myself upon the subject. I certainly wish all men could be free, while you, I suppose, do not. Yet I have neither adopted or proposed any measure which is not consistent with even your view, provided you are for the Union. "I suggested a compensated emancipation, to which you replied that you wished not to be taxed to buy negroes, but I had not asked you to be taxed to buy negroes except in such a way as to save you from greater taxation, in order to save the Union exclusively by other means. You dislike the emancipation and per- haps would have it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think differently. I think the Constitution vests its Conu|^nder-in-Chief with the law of war in time of^^r. The most that can be said, if so much, is that slaves are property. Has there ever been any question, that by the laws of war, property, both of ene- mies and friends, may be taken when needed? and is it not needed whenever the taking of it helps us or hurts the enemy? Armies, the world over, destroy the enemy's property when 12 they cannot use it, end even destroy their own to keep it from the enemy. Civilized belliger- ants do all in their power to help themselves or hurt the enemy, except in a few things regard- ed as barbarous and cruel. Among the excep- tions are the massacre of vanquished foes and non-combatants, male and female. But the proclamation as a law is valid or not valid. If it is not valid, it wants no retraction. If it is valid it cannot be retracted any more than the dead can be brought to life. "Some of you profess to think that retraction would operate favorably to the Union. "Why better after the retraction than before the is- sue? There was more than a year and a half of trial to suppress the rebellion before the proclamation was issued, the last one hundred days of which passed under an explicit notice that it was coming unless averted by those in revolt returning to their allegiance. "The war has certainly progressed as favor- ably to us since the issue of the proclamation as before. I know, as fully as one can know the opinions of others, that some of the com- manders of our armies. in the field, who have given us our most important victories, believe the emancipation policy and the aid of colored troops constitute the heaviest blows yet dealt to the rebellion, and that at least one of those successes could not have been achieved where it Wj^s, but for the aid of black soldiers. [We'd like to see the proof of this.] "Among the commanders holding these views are some who have never had any aflinity with what is called abolitionism, or the Republican party politics, but who hold them purely as military opinions. I submit their opinions, as being entitled to some weight against the ob- jections often urged that emancipation and arming blacks are unwise as military meas ures, and were not adopted as such in good faith. "You say that you will not fight to free ne- groes; some of them seem willing enough to tight for you. but no matter. Fight you then exclusively to save the Union. I issued the proclamation and propose to aid you in saving the Union. Whenever you have conquered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to continue fighting, it will be an apt time then for you to declare [that you shall not fight to free negroes. I thought that in your struggle for the Union, to whatever extent the negroes should cease helping the enemy in his resist- ance to you. You think differently. "I thought that whatever negroes can be eot to do as soldiers, leaves so much less for white soldiers to do in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise to you ? But negroes, like other people, act upon motive. Why should they do anything for us if we will do nothing for them? If they stake their lives for us they must be prompted by the strongest motive, even the promise of freedom, and the jjromise being made must be kept. "The signs look better. The Father of Wa- ters goes un\exed to the sea, thanks to the Great Northwest for it. Nor yet wholly to T 170 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. them. Three hundi-ed miles up they met New England, the Empire and Keystone states and New Jersey, hewing their way right and left. The sunny South too, in more colors than one, lent a hand. On the spot, their part of the his- tory was jotted down in black and white. — The job was a great one, and let none be bar- red who bore an honorable part in it. And while those who have cleared the great river, may well be proud, yet even that is not all. — It is hard to say that anything has been more bravely and better done than at Antietam, Murfreesboro, Gettysburg and on many fields of less note. "Nor .must Uncle Sam's webbed feet be for- gotten. At all the water's margins they have been present. Not only on the deep sea, the broad b;iy, and the rapid river, but also up the narrow mud bayou, and wherever the ground was a little dnnp they had been and made their tracks. "Thanks to all; for the great Republic; for the principles by which it lives and keeps alive; for man's vast fortune — thanks to all! Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come soon, and come to stay, and so come ai to be xcorth the keeping in all future time. It will then have been proved that among free- men there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they who take such appeal are to lose their case and pay the cost. And then there will be some black men who can remember that with silent tongue, and with clenched teeth, and with steady eye, and ■well-poised oayonet, they have helped mankind to this great consummation; lohile I fear that there will be some ichite men, unable to forget that with ni'iligti'int heart, and deceitful speech they have striven to hinder it. "Still let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy and final triumph. Let us be quite sober, and let us diligently apply our means, never doubt- ing that a just God, in His own good time will give us the rightful result. Yuurs very truly, [glgneil.] "A. LINCOLN." TUE NEGRO SOLDIEE POLICY. We have given above the whole of Mr. Lin- coln's epistle to the Utica-Springfield meet- ings — not that it was necessary for our pur- pose, but that his friends may not say we have done him injustice by partial extracts. He is here on record as wedded to the policy which the radicals forced him into. The objei't if this policy lies deeper than a desire to render aid to white soldiers. This might have been done by employing the ne- groes as servants and helpers, in camps and ditches In fact, this is the only way that negroes might be servicable, to which no one has objected. But Sambo must be used as a political machine, and hence he must wear the blue uniform, and become subservient to the military power — not that he has or can do any military service, commensurate with the trouble and expense of his equipment and military training. No, the negro as a soldier has' made no record in this war, notwithstanding we are told the nation has expended millions for arming, equipping, feeding and clothing some 200,000 negro troops, be the same more or less, and we do not remember to have heard of Sambo, amid the din of battle, save at Mil- liken's Bend, where a black regiment was forced to the front by a wall of bayonets, in white hands, behind them. True, we have heard in the radical papers of wonderful prod- igies performed by the sable sons of Mars, and some officials have even gone so far as to extol their merits above that of the white soldiers, but in all this, they have failed to furnish us with the history of facts and -circumstances. But, do you ask how the negro as a soldier, is to be used to favor political objects? Let us see. The Proclamation did not assume to liberate slaves everywhere. Certain districts were ex- cluded. Slavery was still unmolested in the loyal Border States. The radicals insisted on some coup de main to abolish slavery in the border States. How could this be done? Why by the black soldier system. How by that? Let us see. The momeivt the bl.ick soldier system had been established, thousands of en- listing agents took up their positions in the border States, where they went to enlisting the slaves of loyal masters. They created alarm and brought out protests from the Governors of Maryland and Kentucky, but all to no pur- pose. The enlistments went on, and the gen- eral promise was thrown out, as a tub to the whale, that the slaves thus taken should be paid for. But this did not satisfy the loyal slave- holder. He saw in the movement an undis- guised effort and determination to abolish 'i slavery in all the localities excepted by the "^ Proclamation, by indirection— a. kind of whip- the devil-round-the-stump game. \ The radicals saw that if they could, under the protecting ajgis of the "military power" seize all the^ile-bodied slaves in the border States as solcRrs, the people from necessity would give up the balance, and thus the negro soldier business would have answered its end. But as for negroes fighting or being of actual use in milit-ary operations, the evidence is en- tirely wanting. If this theory does not solve SCRAPS FROM MV SCRAP-BOOK 171 the negro soldier scheme, then it must remain unsolved till the end of time, for from past history, we have no data to solve it on the black fighting hypothesis. The following from the New York Tribune, of December, 1863, is unequivocal, and pledges the President to abolish slavery in all places, without a why or wherefore: "Slavery, the wicked, wanton fomenter of this horrible strife, must die, or the peace will be but a hollow, delusive truce, to be soon fol- lowed by another desolating war. * * * Such is our President's programme, and we indorse every word of it." A BILL TO ABOLISH THE CONSTITUTION. As carrying out this view, Senator John P. Hale introduced the following in the Senate, December 14, '63: '■'Be it enacted, ^-c. That hereafter all per- eons within the United States of America are equal before the law; and all claims to person- al service, except those founded on contract f and the claim of a parent to the service of a ^ minor child, and service rendered in pursuance of sentence for the punishment of crime; be and the same are hereby forever abolished, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding." THE proclamation IN ENGLAND. One of the main arguments in favor of the Proclamation, by the radicals, was. that it would bring the English people to our aid; but the following, from the London Herald, does not wear so favorable an aspect. That paper says: '"Another symptom of increasing ferocity — a new source of frightful crime, on the one side, and provocation to horrible vengeance on the other, [just what we have seen as the father of all the dithculties in reference to exchange of prisoners, whereby thousands of our brave men have been forced to starve and rot in Southern prisons, all on account of the negro punctilio red-tape-ism of our Government,] is disclosed in the demand made in New York for the Abolitionist Proclamation. So far as its nominal purport goes, this would be as futile as Mr. Lincoln's other edicts. Before he can emancipate the Southern negroes, he must conquer the South [just what he himself said to the Chicago divines]. But the demand is not made with a view to tha^|^al liberation of the slaves. It is meant to^^inish the rebel army, by calling away many officers and men to the delense of their homes. [This failed entirely.] The object is not negro emancipa- tion, but servile insurrection [this was argued by the New York T ibune'] — not the manumis- sion of slaves, but the subornation of atroci- ties, such as those at Cawnpore and Meireut against women and children of Southern fam- ilies. "For the negro the Northerners care noth- ing, except as a possible weapon in their hands, by which the more safely and effectually to wreak a cruel and cowardly vengeance on the South. Inferior in every respect to the Sepoys, the negro race would, if once excited to rebellion, outdue them in acts of carnage, as they would fall below them in military courage. They maybe useful as assassins and incendiaries; as soldiers against the dominant race, they would be utterly worthless. Fortu- nately, there is no probability that the North will be able to kindle any general or extensive negro insurrection On the lines of the Mis- sissippi there might be occasional outbreaks and numerous desertion?; a good many planta- tions might be fired, and a number of fugitives might be added to the Federal army. But neither the issues of the struggle, nor the fate of the servile race would be thereby altered. The war would only be made more ferocious, and the condition of the slaves more miserable. * * These new Abolitionists do not conceal their motives; they have not the decency to pretend conviction; they seek, avowedly, nothing but an instrument of vengeance on their enemy, and an instrument so dastardly, involving the commission of outrages so horrible, that even a government which employs a Mitchell and a Butler must shrink from such a load of in- famy." opinions of the abolitionists of ENGLAND. The London correspondent of the New York Ti?nes (Radical) wrote as follows to that pa- per, in 1862: "We have still another object of British sympathy— the everlasting negro. We have the most doleful pictures of his unhappy situa- tion, deprived of his Southern home and its comforts, and turned out to freeze and starve. Rejected from some of the Free States, and scorned in all, what is the poor negro to do? It is a f'lct that Hie h'ading Abolitionists in England are reproaching the Nat onal Gov- ernment for bringing upon the negroes the calamity of sudden and unprovided freedom. It is costing millions — tasking the resources of a great nation — to feed the idle operatives in Lancashire How then, they say, can you pro- vide for four millions of slaves, who become free by the Proclamation of President Lincoln on the 1st of January? The great m'^ss of the abolitionists in England icould ra'her trust the negroes to their masters, than have them run the chances — or rather, meet, what they con- sider, the certain miseries of a forced andim- mediate emancipation. The nholition policy of the Government has ntterly failed, so far as I have been able to learn, of finding any sym- pathg on this side of the Atlantic.'' MR. WILBERFORCE ON THE PROCLAMATION. Mr. WiLBERFORCE, SOU of the late and fam 172 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. ous Emancipationist, lately wrote a letter to tke London Times ^ in which he says: "Allow me then to say, that if my father's life had been prolonged, I am certain on the one hand that his abhorance of slavery, and zeal for emancipation would not have lessened, and equally certain on the other hand, that he would have considered it a grievous crime to Btir up insui-rection and civil war; doubly so if it were done, not from mistaken benevol- ence, but from selfish political purposes. This,- as Mr. Bexton truly says, is the only meaning of Mr. Lincoln's proclamation, if it has any meaning at all." WENDELL PHILLIPS ON THE RAMPAGE. Wendell Phillips made a speech at the Cooper Institute, December 22, 1863. We se- lect the cream of said speech: * * * " What Grant has not done he will do. Not now. Every ounce of food his men eat is brought to them fifteen miles over the hills, and that arm of the service needs rest as well as the others. He may not be heard from for sixty or ninety days. But be assured of this — he won't sit down and dig. [Long con- tinued applause.] When he does move, it will be to see the South retreat to the real Gulf States — Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi. They have no means of bringing food to this army, and the army must go to the food. But when they have reached it, when five or six millions of men make up their minds that the forlorn spot is reached, then be sure the war is not yet ended. The South is a brave people. Four years ago I said to you under this roof, "The South is no coward," and you laughed at me. You know now, that however deluded, the South does believe a lie, and is willing to fight for it. The last forlorn refuge for such a peo- ple is a bloody fight. The war does not touch its end, and yet its end is certain, and we may now read it in the light of our power and our own perseverance The Union is to be recon- structed with a cement that laughs all interfer- ence to scorn. Daniel Webster said the ce- ment of the Union was the fugitive Slave bill. Sin never cemented anything. The cement of this Union is to be the mutual respect of the sections, bred of that blood which has mingled on bravely contested fields. The South thought of the Yankees as one who know only how to cheat — she met him at Chattanooga and chang- ed her mind The North thought of the South as only gasconade — she has struggled with her for four years, and learned to respect her sincer- ity if not tier intelligence. Out of that mutual respect is to grow a Unian as indestructible and as indivisable as the granite that holds up the continent. The question is here at the North, how far we will go. All civil wars are ended by compromise. There never was a civil war in history in which one party gained a clear vic- tory. The only question is, what shall we compromise onl Once launched on the stormy, turbid waters of politics, you cannot tell. — To-day the helm is in our hands, and you and I, if faithful, can say this to the nation, and the future: You may compromise when and Avhere you please, with one exception, and tliat is, that the tap root of slavery shall be cut [Applause.] Let thirty Senators and Uepresentatives enter Conaress under the proclamation, and what will be their first at- tempt? It will be, gentlemen, fund our debt. Your Representatives will want a tariff to pay Mr. Chases interest. The reply of the South will be, ■•Granted, provided that you tack on to it, by way of rider, a taritl'that will pay our in- terest too; only upon that condition shall you have a policy that is not tantamount to repudia- tion." Do you say that is not possible? Let me see. The builders of private ships in England have some §100,000,000 of this scrip. Suppose they come to the doors of your reconstructed Congress and say, "This paper is not worth five cents on the dollar, but we will give you §20,000,000 of it if you will make the other §80,000,000 worth par." Did you ever know a Congress that could not be bought for §20,- 000,000? Do you ever hope to see one ? The first item of compromise, then, will be three or four thousand million dollars debt. I do not object to that particularly myself. It is the atonement which God demands of this na- tion for twenty years of sin. No sin is wash- ed out in words. You cannot cheat the devil of his due. Our fathers sinned against that victim race; and God mortgages the hand of every living man, and every child that is to be born for the next half century, to atone for the nation's iniquity. There will be other com- promises. One is the first element of Mr. Lincoln's project of reconstruction, which is this: He puts his own act and all the acts of Congress at the feet of the Supreme Court, and says the South is to swear to sup- port the various acts of the government so far as the Supreme Court holds them to be valid. I do not say that he could say anything else. I am only telling you what he does say. What does his procla- mation of January 1st, 1863, mean? Some numbers of the Cabinet say it means that any negro that can get hold of it is free. Mr. Chase says that every negro down to the Gulf that tver sees the flag is free. I asked the shrewdest member of the House of Represent- atives what he would give for the proclamation before the Supreme Court? "Little or noth- ing," he said. A prominent New England Senator said to me the greatest danger to the proolamation was from the Supreme Court. Leading Republicans in my State say there is no law in it, that it is not worth the paper on which it is written. Mr. Lincoln says, as he ought to say, noyuj^. He cannot say anything. The meaning ^^v=^^ proclamation nobody knows until the Supreme Court has decided it. In other words, the proclamation of January 1, 1863, is to be filtered through the secession heart of a man in Baltimore, but his soul, if he has got one, is in Richmond. [Laugh- ter.] It is to pass the ordeal of a Bench of Judges who made the D ed SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP BOOK. 173 Scott decision, and announced that a negro lias no rights that a white man is bound to re- spect. It is to pass the ordeal of a set of fudges the majority of whom came out of the wicked- ness of Polk, Pierce, and Buchanan; and of the only two who, refused to sanction the Dred Scott decision, one is in his grave, and the other has resigned. God help the negro if he Tiangs on Roger B. Taney for his liberty. — [Sensation.] I am not here to speak of the portentous power of the Supreme Court. You know what it is, the Gibraltar of our spstem, the point where our democratic machine touch- es nearest to despotism. Taking our system of bowing to precedents, it is a system in which the opinion of the present day is checkmated by the prejudices of men who were appointed fifty years ago, and who are pledged to respect the prejudices of men who have been in their graves a hundred years. That is the meaning of the Supreme Court of the United States. That is the only hope that Mr. Lincoln's pro- ject holds out to you of the validity of the act of Congress and of his proclamations of Sep- tember and January last. As Commander- in-Chief and author of these two instruments. I am not finding fault with Mr. Lincoln. Sup- pose you are tenant in a house. Your chimney smokes; but your lease is out in thirty days. You throw up the window to make a draft. But the landlord remodels the chimney. Mr. Lincoln is a tenant at will, and goes out short- ly. His proclamation is throwing up the win- dow to make a draft. As the landlord, let the nation say we want him to remodel the chim- ney. We want a platform which the Supreme Court cannot touch. [Applause.] As the quid pro quo for this war, I want something of which I know the value to-day without consult- ing Judge Wayne, Judge Grier, Judge Taney, Judge Clifford, or Judge Catron, secessionists from the top of their heads to the soles of their feet. [Hisses.] If you don't think so, go and examine them; that's all. [Hisses and ap- plause.] If they have reformed and repented, I shall be glad to know it. I judge them by the record — by their decisions. The New York Times asks me to-day whether I would not trust the negro where all white men have been trusted for the last seventy years. If I had no protection but the bond of the Supreme Court, T should have been in jail seven years ago; and as for the negro, that court has an- nounced that he has no rights white men are bound to respect. What I ask of Mr. Lincoln in his behalf is, an amendment of the constitu- tion, which his advice to congress would pass in 60 days, that hereafter there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any State of this Union. [Prolong^ applause.] Mr. Seward wants the Mississi^i chairs — the Sen- ate chamber filled. So do I. He is for having them filled as they are. I am for making them so hot that a slaveholder cannot sit in them." THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE ON SERVILE INSUR- RECTION. In this connection, a word from the New York Tribune^ may not be out of place, as a foundation for the articles just quoted from the London Herald. The Tribune says: "The rebels, not with the phantom, but with the reality of servile insurrection, by the sudden appearance in arms, in the region se- lected, of a body of no less than 5000 negroes, properly led by whites, and supported by regu- lar troops, communication has been opened and kept up for some time by trustworthy contra- bands with the bondsman of the chosen field of operations, and they know when the liberating hosts will appear, and are ready to raise in thousands, and sioell it to a wave so mighty that it ivill sweep bo*h rebellion and slavery out of existence, wherever it may roll." THE PROCLAMATION CONFESSED A FAILURE. The Springgeld (Mass.) Republican, a warm administration paper, frees its mind after the following fashion, in reference to the utter failure of the proclamation; March, 1863: "A great many expectations have been dis- appointed, and a great many confident predic- tions have failed of realization in the progress of this war. In nothing has the disappoint- ment been greater than in the results expected from the emancipation war policy, by those most clamorous for it. They were very cer- tain that the proclamation would give tha Union cause a quick and sweeping triumph, and the President was fiercely denounced by politicians and persons of his own party, for allowing the 'sacrifice of Northern men' to go on when with a stroke of his pen he could remove the 'cause' of rebellion, and make it impotant for mischief. It was said that as soon as liberty should be pioclaimed to the negroes, we should see the Southern soldiers scattering to their homes to look after the chattels and the negroes gener- ally revolting and hastening to enlist under the standard of the Union, and so the necessity for further fighting on our part was to be re- moved. The predictions were made and re- peated with so much confidence, that before the President issued his proclamation, many of his own party had come to consider him guilty, almost to the extent of treason, in delaying to speak the word which was to act like magic in the salvation of the Union. The style of men- ace in which the President was addressed on the subject is fresh in public recollection, al- though some who used it would now be glad to have it forgotten. ''Well, it is more than five months since the President announced his intention to proclaim emancipation, and two months since the proc- lamation was formally made, and the negroes still remain quietly on the Southern planta- tions. The rebel armies have not dispersed to hunt flying negroes, but are larger and strong- er than ever before. The market price of ne- groes is at its highest — the negroes within our lines show no passionate eagerness to fight, and even Gen. Hunter has been obliged to resort to forcible conscription to fill up his negro regi- ments, and that too, where the expedient of 174 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. making negro' soldiers has been longest in ope- ration. Neither are the promises ©f the dread- ful effect of the proclamation upon the people of the North realized Gov. Andrew's 'swarms' ao not throng the roads of Massachusetts, and Tolunteering has been at a stand still. As to the political effect of the proclamation, at the North, nothing can be said. The enthusiasm it has evoked, has all been on the ivrong side, and some of the most ardent advocates of emancipation have been so disheartened by this, that they began before the proclnmation had been out a month, to talk about letting the South go, if we cannot subdue the rebellion before May. [That was Greelej'.] The pre- text of our malcontents, that the proclamation is powerless, because it does not declare free the slaves in the loyal states, is not even spe- cious; it is merely absurd." CALEB B. SMITH PLEBGES THE ADMINISTRA- TION. During the time which the lion. Caleb B. Smith acted as Mr. Lincoln's Secretary of the Interior, he addressed the Republicans of Providence, R,. I., and from that address we make the following selections, to show what the "Government" pledged its good faith to the people on this subject: "It is the question of domestic servitude that has rent asunder the temple of liberty. What is there in this question of slavery that should divide the people? [Sure enough.] * * * The theory of the Government is, that the states are sovereign within their proper spheres. The Government of the United States has no more right to interfere with the institution of slavery in South Carolina, than it has to inter- fere with the peculiar institutions of Rhode Island, whose benefits I have enjoyed to-day. * * '^"" It has been my fortune to be se- lected as one of his [the President's] constitu- tional advisers. 1 have had the honor of being connected with this Administration since its commencement, and I tell you to-night, that you_ cannot find in South Carolina a man more anxious, religiously and scrupulously, to ob- serve all the features of the Constitution, re- lating to slavery, than Abraham Lincoln. * * ■" My friends, we make no war upon Southern institutions. AVe recognize the right of South Carolina and Georgia to hold slaves, if they desire them. But. my friends, we ap- peal to you to uphold the great honor of our glorious country, and to leave the people of that country to settle their domestic matters according to their own choice, and the exigen- cies which the times may present. * ■:^- * "It is not theprovince of the Government of the United States to enter into a crusade against the institution of slavery. I would proclaim to the people of the states of this Union, the right to manage their institutions in their own way. I know that my fellow citi- zens will recognize that as one fundamental principal on which we commenced this contest. Let us not give our opponents any reason to complain of in this respect. Let us not bring to bear upon them thejoo?^^^ of despotism, but the power of a people of a Republican Govern- ment, where the people rule." Mr. Smith was no doubt honest iu the above sentiments, but the utterance of them cost him his seat in the Cabinet, for from that day the radicals gave the President no rest until his exodus was made certain. We have thus given a pretty full chapter of the rise, progress and decline of the Adminis- tration, in its negro policy, and if that policy shall have no worse effect than to demonstrate the inconsistencies and idiosyncrasies of hot- bed politicians, then we may thank God for the power of a saving grace, that can check the most sinister machinations of fallen man ! • MR. MADISON ON EMANCIPATION. Mr. Madison, the "father of the Constitu- tion," in a debate on this subject, in the Con- stitutional Convention of 1787, used the fol- lowing language. \_See Elliott^ s Delates, v. 3, p. 621. "I was struck with surprise when I heard him (Mr. Wythe) express himself alarmed with respect to the emancipation of slaves. Let me ask, if they (the North) should even attempt it, if it would not be a usurpation of power. Thereis no poxoer to ivarrant it in tliat papier ^ (the Constitution). If there be, I know it not. But, why should it be done? Says the honor- able gentleman, 'for the general welfare; — it will infuse strength into our system.' Can any member of this committee suj^pose that it (emancipation) will increase our strength? Can any one believe that the American con- gress will come into a measure which will strip them of their property, and discourage and alienate the affections of five-thirteenths of the Union? Why was nothing of this sort arrived at before? I believe such an idea never enter- ed into an American heart, nor do I believe it ever will enter into the heads of those gentle- men who substitute unsupported suspicions for reasons." This was the harshest language used by Mr. Madison in all the debates of the first Consti- tutional Convention. The idea of emancipa- tion was so absurd to him that he could not conceal his indignation, notwithstanding he was at that time faking a Constitution for a state of war, as well as peace, with the experi- ence of a long and bloody struggle before him. LORD DUNMOEE'S PROCLAMATION. During the Revolution, Lord Dunmoee is- sued a proclamation to excite the negroes against the Colonists. We refer the reader to SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 175 the Eighth Volume of Bancroft's History of the United States, where the historian thus sets forth the matter: "Encouraged by 'this most trifling success,' Dunmore raised the King's flag, and, publish- ing a proclamation, which he iiad signed on the 7th. ho established martial law, required every person capable of bearing arms, to resort to his standard, under penalty of forfeiture of his life and property, and declared freedom 'to all indentured servants, negroes or others, appertaining to rebels,' if they would 'join for the reducing the colony to a proper sense of its duty.' The eifect of this invitation to con- victs and slaves to rise against their masters, was not limited to their ability to serve in the army. 'I hope,' said Dunmore, 'it will oblige the rebels to disperse to take care of their fam- ilies and property.' (But it didn't.) The men to whose passions he appealed were either criminals, bound to labor in expiation of their misdeeds, or barbarians, some of them freshly imported from Africa, with tropical passions seething in their veins, and frames rendered strong by abundant food and out-of-door toil; they formed the majority of the population — at tide-water — and were distributed among the plantations, in clusters, around the wives and children of their owners, so that danger lurked in every house. * * * At Dunniore's pro- clamation, a thrill of indignation ran through Virginia, effacing all differences of party, and rousing one strong, impassioned purpose to drive away the insolent power by which it had been put forth. * * ••" "But, in truth, the cry of Dunmore did not rouse among the Africans a passion for free- dom, [nor does it to-day.] To them, bondage in Virginia, was not a lower condition of being than their former. They had no regrets for ancient privileges lost; their memories promp- ted no demand for politflal changes ; no struggling aspiration of their own had invited Dunmore's interposition; no memorial of their grievances had preceded his offer. [And this was precisely the case with Mr. Lincoln's proclamation ] "What might have been accomplished had he been master of the country, and had used an undisputed possession to embody and train the negroes, cannot be told; but as it was, though he boasted that they Clocked to- his standard, [just as the abolitionists do now,] none combined to join him from a longing for an improved condition, or even for ill-will to their masters." TIIURLOW weed's PREDICTION. Thurlow Weed, in a letter to the New York Commercial Advertiser, thus records his predictions relative to the "Bull against the Comet." "The solicitude is now intensified by the at- titude, arrogance and insolence of abolition journals, representatives and lecturers. In assuming to discover, in the President's proc- lamation a 'new ;)"l'cy.' and one which con- verts and perverts tho ■.<■ ir, waged in defense of the Governnieut auil Unoion into a crusade against slavery, / see sure and swift destruc- tion! In Wendell Phillips' avowal, that the abolition motto is '■Death to Slaver;/ or the Union.'' endorsed by the Tribune 2,n^ Independ- ent, I see, unless the tior.sonable sentiment be rebuked, a dividrd North, [The very thing we chai'ged as tne object,] with two-thirds of the people against this fanaticism." MR. LINCOLN ON FEDERAL AUTHORITY. On the 6th of March, 1862, Mr. Lincoln transmitted to Congress his message, recom- munding rem-uneration for slaves by appropri- ation from Congress, &c., in which he speaks of initiating an emancipation scheme on the free will basis of state action and national pe- cuniary aid He says: "I say initiatory, because, in my judgment, gradual and not sudden emancipatieu is better for all. In the mere financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress, with the census tables and the Treasury reports before him, can readily see for himself how very soon the current of expenditure of the war would pur- chase, at a fair valuation, all the slaves in any named state. Such a proposition on the part of the General Government sets up no claim or right by Federal authority to interfere wiih slavery tvi thin state limits, referring as it does the absolute control of the subject in each case to t^e state and its people immediately inter- estedP THE CHICAGO PLATFORM. The above when read in connection with the following plank in the Chicago Platform, does not well comport with the subsequent action of the President and his friends. This is the 4th plank in said platform: "4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domes* tic institutions, according to its own judgment, exclusivehj, is essential to that balance of pow« er, on ichich the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends?'' Here it is laid down as a political axiom that the " maintenance inviolate" of the right of each State to regulate its own domestic con- . corns in its own way, is essential — that is — ^'*^- necessary — to that "balance of power" on which the ^'■perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends." Well, as this right is now disputed by the radicals, and ignored by the Administration, we have a right to infer that it is in contempla- tion to destroy the "perfection and endurance" of our political fabric. In other words, to dis- 17(3 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS, solve the Union. For, if the Republican thesis was right in I860, their conduct now is not only wrong, but aims at dissolution, for are they not destroying what they declared in 1860 to be '■'■esscntiaV^ to Union? No other corolary can be drawn from the proposition and conduct of the Administration. POSTMASTER CENERAL BLAIR AS A WITNESS- Fortunately we were not left to our own opinion or ipse dixit, but will refer the reader to the speech of Post Master General Blair, at Rockville. Md., October 3, 1863. His speech seems to have been in reply to the Ar- ticle in the Atlantic Monthly, by Charles Sumner, which advocated the ''State Suicide" doctrine. We do not endorse all that Mr. B. says, but give his reasons in full, that they may be compared with the conduct of the Ad- ministration, to which he is officially attached: SPEECH OF HON. MONTGOMERY BLAIR AT ROCK- VILLE, Ml)., OCT. .3, 1863. '■^Fellow Citizens: — I congratulate y^u on the hopes just inspired by the circumstances under which we have met to-day. The pro- gress of our armies gives us good reason for believing that peace will soon be restored to- our country, and that when it comes it will be an enduring peace, because obtained bj pre- serving the integrity of the government, and because it will be followed by the early suppres- sion from our system of the institution of do- mestic slavery, which occasioned most of the difficulty in the founding of the goverHment, and has been the only cause which ever serious- ly endangered its existence. But even whilst we are indulging in these well founded hopes that our country is saved from destruction by rebellion, we are menaced by the ambition of the ultra abolitionists, which is equally despot- ic in its tendencies, and which, if successful, could not fail to be alike fatal to republican in- stitutions. "The slaveocrats of the South would found an oligarchy, a sort of feudal power, imposing its yoke over all who tilled the earth over which they reigned as masters. The abolition party, whilst pronouncing phillippics against slavery, ^ seek to make a caste of another color, by amal- ' sramating the black element with the free white labor of our land, and so to expand far beyond the present confines of slavery the evil which makes it obnoxious to republican statesmen, and now, when the strength of the traitors who attempted to embody a power out of the interest of slavery to overthrow the govern- ment is seen to fail, they would make the man- umission of the slaves the means of infusing their blood into our whole system by blending with it "amalgamation, equality and fraterni- ty." The cultivators of the soil must then be- come a hybrid race, and our government a hy- brid government, ending, as all such unnatu- . ral combinations have ever done, in degraded, if not in abortive generations, and making serfdom for the inferior caste — the unmixed blood of the conqueror race inevitably assert- ing a despotism over it. To facilitate this pur- pose a concerted appeal is now made to the people of the free states through the press to open the way to this daring innovation, begin- ning in the Southern states, unhappily now brought under the ban by the Calhounite con- spirators. "With this view it is proposed to declare the State governments vacated in that section where they are restored to the Union, and all the loyal men of the South whom the treason of Presidents Pierce and Buchanan, in com- plicity with southern traitors, has subjugated, are to come under absolute submission to the representatives of the Northern States in Con- gress, without vestige of a State right, a State ^N( law, or constitution to protect them — nay, not / even the franchise of a vote to send a solitary representative to the Legislative body to which their destiny is to be committed. Simultane- ously three leading organs — the Chronicle, at Washington, boasting a sort of official sanction; the Missouri Democrat^ the ultra abolisher of Fremont graft, at St. Louis, and the Atlantic Monthly, which lends to the parent stock, at Boston, all it can boast of literary strength and elegance — have struck the key-note of revolu- | tion, the sheer abolition of State constitutions "^ in the region suffering under the rod of the re- bellion. "The article in the Atlantic Monthhj may justly be quoted as the programme of the move- ment. It presents the issue on which the abo- lition party has resolved to rest its hope of setting up its domination in this country. The boldness that marks the announcement of its design to assume for Congress absolute power over the states req||vered to the Union, without allowing representation for them in the body, argues much for the confidence of those who never attained an ounce of political weight un- til they threw themselves into the scale of the republican party adjusted at Chicago, wherein state rights, even the most doubtful one assert- ing exclusive power over the subject of slavery was recognized. S i"And now in this discussion (says tlie new ukase) we are brought to the practical question which is destined to occupy so much of public attention. It proposed to bring the action of Congress to bear directly upon the rebel states. This may be by the establishment of provisional governments, under the authority of Congress, or simply by making the admission or recognition of the states de- pend upon the action of Congress. The essential feature of the proposition is, that Congress shall a.ssume jurisdic- tion of the rebel states." "One would suppose that "the action of Con- gress" had been already brought to bear "di- rectly on the rebel states," by the armies which Congress has raised and sent against the rebel states; or to use exact language, the states in which the rebels enforce a usurpation over the loyal people. "But it is not over the states in the hands t)f rebels that the abolition programme proposes to SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 177 assume jurisdiction; but over the states when wrestedfrom the usurpation of rebels, and in condition to be restored to the control of the loyal people. Against these political military bodies now exerting the force of government in that portion of the United States in which the rebellion reigns for the time triumphant, the Union wages war, but it does not wage war up- on the loyal people, upon the constitution they recognize — or the true constitution — upon the pirit and toi'ms of their government, upon its archives or property. Ou the contrary, the whole system as part of the Union subsists and is respected by the nation, and only remains in abeyance where the rebels hold sway' by force of arms. It is against this rebel organization, against the persons and property, the moans and instrumentalities of the rebels, that the United States make war, in defence of the loy- al men and loyal governments. "The assumption that certain states of the south are extinct — annihilated by the rebellion — and that a Congress composed of representa- tives from the states in which the rebellion does not exist has the right to consider the sister Republics where the insurrection for the moment prevails as dead bodies, to be disposed of as they please when they get possession, is abhorrent to ever;/ principle on ichich the Union was founded. No member of the Union, nor the government of the whole, tan act upon any of the States in the mode prescribed by the constitution. They are all bound to guarantee to each a republican form of government, and that is a government adopted by the people, for it is the essence of republican government that it shall emanate from the people of the State. "The Federal Government derives its power from the same source, and it is on the people and through the people that it must act as a nationality, and not upon the states, blotting them out of existence by a supposition, while their constitutions, laws, archives, property, all survive, and a loyal people to give them activity the moment that constraint is thrown oii". The abolition programme assumes, on the contrary, that because violence has trod- den down state governments and state rights, 'they have ceased to exist; that a loyal people, in whom they still survive and have being, and to whora the United States stands pledged to guarantee them forever, must also have per- ished, and that a Congress of the other states may step in and take .absolute authority over the whole region, as vacated states, territory, and legislate for it — founding this new assump- tion upon fictions as absurd as those on which rebellion founds itself. "The abolition programme ascribes all our calamities to "the pestilent pretension of State rights.' The discontent with the treaty be- tween the United States and Great Britain, called Ja3''s treaty, originated in 'pestilent state rights.' The famous resolutions of Vir- ginia and those of Kentucky usually known as the resolutions of "98, sprung from 'pestilent state rights.' The Missouri controversy about the prohibition of slavery, the first South Car- olina outbreak., the contest in Congress about abolition petitions, about the recognition of Hayti, about Texas, about the Wilmot proviso, about the admission of California, the discus- sion of the compromise of 18.50, the Kansas question — 'all this audacity was in the name of state rights.' If we except from this aggrava- ted list charged to 'pestilent state rights,' the incipient treason of the South Carolina or- dinance, there was nothing beyond the whole- some discussions incident to parties in free governments, in which state rights made no resistance to national authority. This denun- ciation of the party influence derived through appeals to state rights during this eventful and prosperous period of our history, proves that it proceeds from a parti/ hostile at heart to free debate, the canvasses, the active employment of the checks and balances of our complicated system of national and state governments which are essential to the vitality of all its parts, and enables all to take a just share of the power which moves the whole machinery. In their view our history is a pestilence from Washington's time to this hour, when it is pro- posed to annihilate state rights as the remedy. We are told that this is effected first by 'state suicide.' "The states themselves committed suicide, so that as states they cease to e.xist, leaving their whole jurisciction open to the occupation of the United States under the Constitution." "Burke is quoted to make good this posi- tion. "When men," .says P.urke, "tlierefore break up the or- iginal comiiact or agreement which gives its corpor,ate form or c.ipacity to a state, they are no longer a people. — They have no longer a corporate fornr or e.xistencc," &c. "The programme adds: "If that great master of eloiinencc could be heard, who can doubt that he would blast our rebel states as senseless communities, who have sacriticed that corporate existence which makes them living corpoiatc members of our union of st.ates." Burke might blast the "rebel States," but would he blast Missourri, Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, and all the rest of that noble sisterhood of States which, with their loyal people, have in succession been trodden under foot by a military force? Have the peo- ple who resisted at the polls, and who still re- sist in arms, united with their brethern under the flag of the Union wherever it appears, sac- rificed that corporate existence which identi- fies themselves and their States as "living component members of our Union?" Is not the Union and its cot stitution identified as "that corporate existence" with the States which makes them all — those trodden down and those standing up — component members of our Union States? How can the Union, which is the guarantee of the government of every re- public of which it consists, admit while it lives that any part of it is dead? It does not admit it. It is at war in every State of the Union at this moment, co-operating with the loyal in each entitled to its special sovereignty, to crush the traitors who violate it. As members of the Union, the States assailed by treason may be said to be paralyzed; but they live in all i their vital powers, ready for resurrection, in 178 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS the persons of their loyal people, the moment the stone is rolled away. The traitors only will have committed political suicide. "The man recovpi-ed from the Mto, The Jog it was tUat died." "I allow that "it is a patent and undisputed fact that this gigantic treason was inaugurated ■with all the forms of law," and that "the states pretended to withdraw bodily in their corporate capacities," which is the ground work of the second proposition of the pro- gramme, viz: "That tlie states, by their flagrant treason, have for- feited their rights aa states, so as to be civillj' dead." "But the Federal Government is very far from admitting that "the forms of law" em- ployed by the rebels, or the fact that "the states pretended to withdraw bodily" affected in the least the legal status of the states in question. Treason was committed not by any State, but by the individuals who made use of the forms of the state governments and attempt- ed to dismember the National Government. — The suggestion that states, guaranteed by the Constitution as under the shield of the Union, can in any way be held responsible for this treason, and subjected to a forfeiture of their rights as a consequence, shows affinity of the abolitio7iists to the nuUifiers. Calhoun's whole scheme was based on the proposition they now adopt, that the states could "withdraw bodily in their corporate capacity." "The true doctrine, as laid down by the fathers of the constitution, is. that the employ- ment of the forms of the state governments, and the pretense of withdrawing them in their corporate capacity out of the pale of the na- tional authority, does not shift the responsi- bility from the traitors to the people. Hamil- ton, in the Federalist, marks the change on this point effected by the adoption of the con- stitution. He says: "The great and radical vice in the construction of the existing Confederation is the principle of legislation for states or governments in their corporate collective capaci- ties, and as contra distinguished from the individuals of whom they consist." ^ "He emphasizes this proposition in the strongest manner, by the use of capitals, in order to condemn the policy of acting on states instead of criminal individuals of whom they consist. "The aim of the abolitionists is now to ac- complish this very thing in defiance of the Con- stitution. They demand that Congress shall attach the treason in the south, plotted in se- cret and sprung upon the nation by a body of oath-bound conspirators, to the people of the whole region, and insist that they have forfeit- ed their rights in their corporate and collective capacities for the treason of these individuals. It asserts the power of legislation over the states or governments, instead of applying the law of treason to the guilty individuals to whom alone in the very nature of things it is applica- ble. No learning is necessary to enable one to see that a state cannot he guilty of treason or any other crime. Only common sense is want- ed to comprehend that guilt cannot be imputed to any but a sentient being, and only common honesty is required to perceive the injustice of disfranchising loyal citizens on account of the offences committed by the disloyal. "But the manifesto I am considering comes at last to the conclusion that these modes of retiring the states out of the Union are unsat- isfactory. " 'I discard (says the writer) all theory, whether it be of state suicide or state forf-jitvire, or stateaboUtion, on the one side, or state rights, immortal and unimpeachable, on the other side. Such discussions are only endless mazes in which a whole Senate may be lost . ' "Verily, such contemptuous flinging away of states and sfate rights as of no better stuff than may be overlaid with cobwebs and dust — such flimsy arguments as state suicide, state forfeit- ure, state abdication, might, if indulged in, reduce the Senate to a lost condition. And the process of this scheme shows how readily it might be merged into a consolidated head. — Here is the recipe which disposes of states and senators without resorting to the troublesome fiction of state suicide, state forfeiture or state abdications. "The ukase continues : "And, in discarding all theory, I discard also the ques- tion of de jure — whether for example, tlie rebel states, while the rebellion is flagrant, are de jure states of the Union, with all the rights of states. It is enough that, fir the time being, and in the absence of a loyal govern- ment, they can take no part and perform no function in the Union, so that they cannot be recognized by the na- tional government. The reason is plain. There are in these states no local functionaries bound by coustitutional oaths — so that there are, in fact, no constitutional func- tionaries — and, since the state government is necessarily composed of such functionaries there can be no state gov- ernments. " "This is summary reasoning, but it begins by an assumption that there are no other states but rebel states, cutting out of the question the existence of the states de jure, which have subsisted since the foundation of the govern- ment to this hour, and the existence of which the United States are bound to guarantee and maintain, and is at this moment fighting the bloodiest battles known to modern annals to support, against the most excuseless treason and shameless counterfeit authority that evei' put on the mask of government. It may be readily conceded that 'rebel states" are not de jure states of the Union, with all the rights of states, and that 'as they can take no part and perform no function in the Union, so they can- not be recognized by the general government.' But does it follow that states are wrenched from the Union because the usurpers hold a dis- puted tottering power within their territorial limits? States every day recognized as states in the Union, states whose constitutions, l»fws, archives, loyal citizens, public edifices, lands, and properties of all sorts, are recognized and held sacred, not only in the hearts of loyal patriots of this and every other civilized coun- try, but which the government of the nation recognizes as forming a member of it in every ofBcial act, and by every officer at home and abroad, who has occasion to refer to them. SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 179 "More than a million of brave men have left their homes, and one hundred thousand of them, at least, have laid down their lives to put down the conspirators and lift up the loyal men in whose sacrifice it was designed to sac- rifice the Union. To what purpose have our glorious soldiers devoted themselves? To de- stroy the rights of the true men they went to save, together with the rights of these states consecrated to the Union by memory of the re- nown that belongs to our history? And on what pretext is it that states which fought the battles of our independence — states older than the Union, and which labored in its construc- tion, are to be disfranchised of the rights that Union is pledged to guarantee to them under a Republican form of government as equal in the Confederation? "Congress is to take to itself parliamentary powers — disfranchise certain states, declare others to be mere territories, having no gov- ernment, and this because 'there are in those states no local functionaries bound by consti- tutional oaths,' so that in fact there are no con- stitutional functionaries, and since the state government is necessarily composed of such functionaries, there can be no state govern- ment. And what fatal results come upon the states from the want of local functionaries bound by constitutional oaths. Therefore, 'no constitutional functionaries !' Therefore, 'no state governments.' And, finally, the want of 'local functionaries bound by constitutional oaths' extinguishes the states in one-third of the Union, and their destiny is scaled with this pronicnciajiieriio — 'the whole broad rebel region is tabula rasa, or a clean slate, where Congress, under the constitution, may write the laws.' "It is strange that a party bases such im- mense power on such an immaterial fact that it might be mistaken as to the existence of the fact. The states involved in insurrection have multitudes of magistrates, state and Uni- ted States Judges, and other sworn function- aries, ready to resume their functions the mo- ment the rebel military duress is removed, and the whole machinery of the state governments ■will be put in motion by the election of repre- sentatives and all civil officers as soon as the military power of the Union has accomplished its duties. In the meantime, are not the state governments in the hands of their appropriate functionaries, bound by constitutional oaths, •when the army of the nation is in their midst? Then our army and its officers are at this in- stant executing in all the states proposed to be disfranchised their most appropriate functions in breaking the x-ebel power and lifting up and invigorating the state authority everywhere. "In this way the most potent recognition the Union can afford is given to the Union. Not only army and navy and President give this recognition, but Congress, in voting men and money to erect this grand retinue, pays its homage to the endangered States, of whose maimed condition the ultra abolitionists would take advantage to reduce to territories and strip them of the rights of republican govern- ment. In this Congress proves its just appre- ciation of our Federal system as conceived by its authors. Madison, in the Federalist says: "The Stiite governments may le reganieii as con.istituent and essential parts of the Federal government, whilst the latter is no wise essential to the operation or organization of the former. AVithout the intervention of the State Legislatures, the President of the United States tannot be elected at all. They must in all cases have a just share in his appointment, and will, perhaps, in most cases of them- selves determine it," Ac. "The consequence of this imposed as a duty on tlie part of the general government to each state a guarantee of a republican form of gov- ernment, which supposes a pre-existing gov- ernment of the form which is to be guaranteed, and in effecting this guarantee, both Madison and Hamilton unite in saying the Union may interpose in crushing the dominant majority in a state. ■ Madison thus touches this point: "At first view it might not seem to square with the Re- publican theory to suppose either that a majority have not the right, or that a minority will have the force tosnbvert a government, and consequently that the Federal interpo- sition can never be required but when it would be impro- per. But theoretic reasoning in this as in most c ises must Ije qualified by the lessons of practice. Why may not il- licit combinations for purposes of violence be formed as well by a majoritj- of a state, especially in a small state,as by a majority of a county or district of the same state,and if the authority of the state in the latter case to protect the local magistracy, ought not the Federal au- thority of the state ought in the latter case to protect the local magistracy, ought not the Federal authority in the former to support the state authority? Besides, there are certain parts of state constitutions interwoven with the i^ederal Constitution that a violent blow cannot be given to the one without communicating the wound to the other," &c. "He asks again: "Is it true that force and right are necessarily on the s^mesidein republican governments? May not a minor party possess such a superiority of pecuniary means, of the military talents and experience, or of secret success from foreign powers, as will render it superior also in an appeal to the sword? May not a more compact and ad- vantageous position turn the scale on the same side against a superior number so situated as to be less capable of a prompt and collected exertion of its strength? Nothing can be more chimerical than to imagine that in a trial of actual force victory may be calculated bj' the rules which prevail in a census of the inhabitants, or which determine an election." "Hamilton, in his paper, shows the propriety of the Union interposing by force to protect a state government against internal foes, upon the score that usurpers, clothed with the forms of legal autority, can too often crush the op- position in embryo. Against this anticipated danger he points to our happy federation of state governments for safety. He says: " 'Power being almost always the rival of power, the General (jovernment will at times f the usurpation of state governments, the same disposition towards the f The iieople, by throwing themselves into either scale, will infallibly make it preponderate. If their rights are in- vaded by either, they can invoke the aid of the other as the instrument of redress. How wise will it be in them, bv cherishing the Union, to preserve to themselves an ad- vantage which cannot be too hiijhly prized.' "And yet the abolitionists would begin the work of demolishing this system, by disfran- chising one throwing out one-third of the states at the \ery moment the Union is working out the salvation of the nation in the mode pre- scribed in its charter >^ lys the rival of power, the i times stand readj' to check ■; — J iments, and these will have j~ :he General Uoverninent. — / 180 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS ■'The abolition manifesto protests against "The instant rfistoration of the old state governments in all their parts through the agency of loyal citizens, who, meanwhile, must be protected in this work of restora- tion." '•And why may not the loyal citizens per- form this most escntial and patriotic duty? "Because," adds the paper, '-it attributes to the loyal citizens of a rebel state, however few in numbers — it may be an insignificant minority — a power clearly inconsistent with the received principle of popular government, that the majority must rule. The seven votes of old Sarum were allowed to retun two members to Parliament, be- cause this place, once a Roman fort, and afterwards a sheep walk, many generations before, at the early casting of the House of Commons, had been entitled to thisirep- resentation; but the argument for state rights assumes that all these rights maybe lodged in voters as f(^w as ever controlled a rotten borough in England." "The argument of Madison, which I have al- ready quoted, indicates the principle of the Constitution which sends the masses of the United States into a state to assert the rights of a loyal minority over an usurping majority there. But the sneer at the loyalty of the South in the suggestion of Old Sarum is unjust. Notwithstanding the conspiracy at work in se- cret societies and in public bodies throughout the United States to undermine the loyalty of the South for thirty years; notwithstanding two Northern Presidents joined this conspiracy — the one wielding the powers of the Federal Government to add Kansas as a state to rein- force it, and the other sending the navy into distant seas to give it security, and the army into the remote West, to be surrendered, with all the posts, forts, navy-yards, mints, muni- tions of war, custom-houses, national edifices, and wealth of all sorts — thus, in effect, making the nation itself an ally of treason, notwith- standing the President of the United States thus betrayed the states of the South into the hands of the conspirators with the means of the nation to strengthen them in the possession of the governments they usurped; the Presi- dent declaring by message to Congress, that they could not be coerced, still the traitors could not bring a majority of the voters to the polls in any of the states but South Carolina to countenance the usurpation. ■'In Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Ken- tuckj', Tennessee, ^Maryland and Virginia, a majority vo'cd against secession, in defiance both of the lurking armed conspirators who pervaded the whole South to control its will, and the insulting taunts of the Abolitionists, who now wish to disfranchise them — to 'let them go.' Does it become any party in this country, pretenditig fealty to republican gov- ernment, to sneer at a loyalty which has passed through such an ordeal, and which still bears up under the cruelty of an armed tyranny, which has improved on its experience in the school of slavery — treating the loyal men of the South worse than slaves? '•I turn from the abolition programme to that which is presented by President Lincoln. The issue is made; we must choose one or the other. His plan is simple. He would disha- bilitate the rebels and their usurpation called a Confederacy of the States, and rehabilitate the loyal men and their States and republican governments. To do this he must break the power of the conspirators; crush or expel them from the region of the insurrection, restoring in the persons of loyal citizens within the con- fines of their respective states the republican governments which now have their administra- tion committed to our loyal armies and loyal citizens who have their protection. As soon as this protection is needless, the state govern- ments resume their functions under officers chosen by citizens who have been true to it, and by such others as may be comprehended in an amnesty, and who have given in a sincere adhesion to it and the government of the Union and the measur?^ taken in its maintenance. "Missouri; whose Governor, Legislature and Judicial officers betrayed her, expelled her faithless representatives with the aid of the Federal government, and filled their places with loyal men, abolishing slavery as an ear- nest of her abhorrence of the means and the ends for which the conspirators against the Union labored. Kentucky, temporarily paral- yzed by the treachery of her Governor, was soon put right by the people when furnished with arms by the government, carried to them by the lamented and gallant Nelson. In Mary- land the attempt to turn her over to the rebels was crushed by the arrest of treasonable legis- lators. Virginia was overwhelmed for a time; but Western Virginia, being delivered from the armed brigands, called a convention, elected a Legislature for the whole state (the greater part of it lieing still held by the rebels), was recognized as the law making power of the whole state, as such divided the state and set up a new state in the west. "This exemplifies the President's mode of saving the Union. He saves the States, ptit- ting the powers of the government as soon as they are redeemed into the hands of loyal men, and then the State resumes its place in the councils of the nation with all its attributes and rights. He has signified his ijurpose of inviting Tennessee and Louisiana — now in preparation — to follow these examples, and every other State, as soon as it can be rescued from the rebel armies, will be aideil to come in and reintegrate the grand f;imily of repub- lics. "Now, what is the pretext for abandoning this safe and healing policy of the President? So far it has worked well, and secured the ap- probation of all well-wishers of the country. — The abolition programme shows somewhat of the motive for converting states into rerritories, and carrying them back into colonial bondage, to take law from Congress without representa- tion. The reasons assigned: " 'Slavery,' gays the programme, 'is impossible within the e.vchisive jurisdiction of the national government.' "For many years I have had this conviction, and have constantly maintained it. I am glad to believe that it is impossible, if not expressed in the Chicago platform. Mr. Chase, among our public men, is known to accept it sincerely. Thus, slavery in the territories is unconstitu- tional ; but if the rebel territory falls under the SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 181 exclusive jurisdiction of the national govern- ment, then slavery is impossible there. In a legal and constitutional sense, it will die at once. The air will 6e too pure for a slave. I cannot doubt but that this great triumph has been already won. The moment that the states fell, slavery fell also, so that without any proc- lamation of the President, slavery had ceased to have a legal or constitutional existence in every rebel state. "In concert with the elaborate article in the Atlantic Monthl)/. a department organ, the •Chroyikle, at Washington, strikes the key note of state annihilation, in a leading editorial: " There is (says this print) a conflict of authorities — of State and Federal authorities — and it is clear that one or the other must be annihilated. If the State succeeds, the Federal authority is gone forever; nothing can restore it; not even the State itself which destroyed it; for in this case the Federal authority would become subordinate to the State authority, and be no government at all. For the same reason, if the Federal authority prevails, and succeeds in putting down the rebellious states, must the authority be destroyed." And then the case is put of the present conflict: " in which several states combine against their common Federal Government. "Here the power to be overcome is not only greater, but, in a moral point of view, far more dangerous to the Fed- eral government . Hence when such a rebellion is sub- dued, it is not only necessary to destroy the treasonable element in such rebellious state, bu( also the power which these states had to combine against the Federal authori- ty," kc. "In conjunction with these movements at Washington and Boston to annihilate the state governments which preceded and helped t'o create that of the nation itself, the coadjutors of Presidential schemers in St. Louis and throughout Missouri are endeavoring to throw that state into the cauldron of revolution, that it, too, may be annihilated or declared vacat- ed as one or the other of the counts of "state suicide," "state forfeiture," "state abdica- tion," the '■'■ tabula rasa" or clean slate on which Congress may write the laws it pleases. "Does not the extreme anxiety evinced in certain quarters in these forces, efforts to pre- vent the states dropped out of the Union by conspirators from returning under the aus- pices of the President, the patriotic army of the Republic, and the loyal citizens who would, through them maintain their own and the rights of the states in question indicate some- thing of a design to command a great event in prospect by revolutionary measures. Is a ban upon one-third of the states, marking them for exclusion from the Union, when treason is defeated and the traitors expelled, as just, as •wise, as constitutional, as likely to end the troubles of the country, as that marked out and pursued by the President? "It is manifest now that the President must steer his course through the strong conflicting tides of two revolutionary movements — that of the nulUfiers, to destroy tlie Union and set up a Southern Confederacy, and that of the ultra abolitionists, which has set in to dischanfrizo the South on the pretext of making secure the emancipation of the slaves. The attempt of the nuUifiers is rebuked from the cannon's mouth, and the proposal of France to secure their object for her friendly mediation is put aside by the President telling the Emperor that he will confer with the rebels through no indirect medium; that Senators and Represen- tatives in Congress coming from the Southern States, and bringing with them an earnest of returning loyalty, will be met as equals and admitted te the councils that are to dispose of the destiny of the nation. "Alterations in its laws must be made by Congress; changes in the constitution by dele- gations in convention from all the states, ac- cording to the terms of that instrument. This is the final response of the President to the rebels and to the French Emperor. To the re- volutionary demand for the disfraHchisement of the southern states, the President's i"eply from his first message to the last, and all his pub- lished letters, has been uniform. It is couch- ed in the words I read you from his proclama- tion : "Hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object ot» practically restoring the constitutional re- lation between the United States and each of the s'ates, and the people thereof, in which states that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed." "The proclamation answers the demands for the enfranchisement of the slaves. It is conce- ded from the necessity of growing out of the rebellion, and to quell it. But it closes with this salve for the loyal sufferers under this de- cisive measure: "The Executive will in due time recommend that all citizens of the United States who have remained loyal thereto throughout the rebellion shall, upon the restora- ration of relations between the United States and the peo- ple, if that relation shall have been suspended or dis- turbed, be contpensated for all losses by acts of the United States, including the loss of slaves." "The issues are thus made up between the President and the rebels and their foreign sympathizers, who would revolutionize our gov- ernment to create a separate government in the South, on the one hand, and on the other hand between the President and the ultra abolition- ists, who would disfranchise the southern sec- tion of our country. It is not improbable that the latter, though aiming at a different result, will be found co-operating in the end with con spirators of the South and their foreign allies. They may prefer parting with the South to partnership and equality under the constitu- tion." ^. 182 ^FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. CHAPTER XXVII. CONFISCATION— VIOLATION OF TIIK CONSTITU- TION, &c. The Confisealion Scheme. ..The Constitution Ignorol... Testimony of Senator Co¥ an. ..Political F.xtrem*^ Com- I^areil... Postmaster General lilair on Secessionists and Abolitionists. ..Commenis of "National Intelligoncer " ...Senator Doolittle on Colonization and Emancipation... The Three '-Solutions": Of Calhoun, John Brown, (the s'xme as Radicals), and Jefferson. ..Doolittleon Con- fiscation. ..Also, on Same and Abolition Denunciations of the "Government "...A Kepublican Journal on Senator Doolittle. THE CONFLSCATIOS SCHEME. We will not offer opinions of our own on this subject, but will be content to favor the reader with a few gems from Republican sources. Hon. Mr. Cowan, a Republican Senator from Pennsylvania, made a speech in the Sen- ate on the Coniiscation bill, on the 4th of March, 1862. We give his i-emarks at great length, not fearing to be called "traitor," for we quote from one who votes the Republican ticket: "This bill proposes to go forward and strip the whole population of the South of their property, and reduce them to ix)verty — and while yet 400,000 of them have arms in their hands. If there is anything calculated to make that entire people our enemies always, it will be the promulgation of such an act as this. — Will they yield to us any sooner in view of such a destruction? What would we ourselves do under any such circumstances? I need hardly ask that question of nien who have de- scended from sires who refused to pay a pal- try tax on tea, and from grandsires who raised a revolution rather than pay twenty shillings ship money — that I think was the amount de- manded from Hampden — a revolution which cost King Charles' head. No such sweeping measure as this has ever been enacted, even in the days of William the Conqueror. The proud Norman and his barons were content with the fiefs and castles of the Saxon leaders. They did not dare to strip the people of their prop- erty, nor even much increase their burdens. They knew that, victorious as they were, they would have involved themselves in a far more dangerous struggle, in which every peas- ant would have been a principal combattant. — The English in their contest with, and bills of attainder against, the Irish never attempted to touch the possessions of the common people — but only the property of the nobles. This bill goes farther, and attempts to confiscate another species of property Avhich cannot be put into the coifers of the conqueror. I mean the property of slaves. I dont intend to stop to discuss the question of properly of this kind. It is enough for me to say that all the South seem to agree as to the kind of property ■with wonderful unanimity, and to resent any interference with it. This bill proposes to lib- erate 3,000,000 of slaves— truly the most tre- mendous strike for universal emancipation ever attempted in the world. Indeed. I think it virtually liberates the whole 4,000,000. What is to be the effect of this upon the war? Shall we be stronger, or shall we find that we have only doubled the number of these men in arms against us ? They now have no cause for re- bellion. Will not this furnish them one ? [That was precisely what the Radicals were driving at.] Let the loyal men of that section who know them, answer this question. I will ' abide the answer. "I submit again that no deliberative Assembly ever before sat in judgir.ent on so stupendous an issue. Yes, as if to blind us still more, this bill has a proposition of still greater diffi- culty; that is, to take these millions and trans- fer them to some tropical clime, and to to pro- tect them there with all the rights and guar- ties of freemen. / find this all provided for in a sinqle section^ and a single section of nine lines! Truly, we must recently have transported ourselves from the domain of prac- tical facts and set down in the romantic re- gions of Hastern fiction Do the advocates of the measure propose to confer upon the Presi- dent the gold-making touch of Midas? Noth- ing short of the ring and lamp of Alladin, with their attendant genii, would insure the success of such a scheme, unless it is believed that the Treasury note [greenbacks] possesses this power. And even under that supposition, I think the owners of these Southern climes, and the transportation companies, ought to be consulted in regard to the legal tender clause. * * * Ti- Then, again, there is a fourth consideration in this bill, and one of still great- er moment, which is, that it is in direct con- flict U'ith the constitution of the United States,* requiring of us, if we pass it, to set aside and ignore that instrument in its most valuable and fundamental provisions — those whicli guarantee the life and property of the citizen, and those whitk define the limits and boundaries of the several Departments of this Government. Pass this bill, and all that is Ifft of the consti- tution is not worth much — certainly not worth this terrible war, which we are now waging for it — for be it remembered that this war is waged solely for the preservation of the constitution. [Mr. Cowan must be a Republican copperhead.] 1 am aware that some think that the Con- stitution is a restraint upon the conduct of this war, which they suppose could be carried on a great deal better without it. I have no hesita- tion in saying that no greater mistake has ever been made anywhere, than is made by such people. I atii afraid it will amount to a con- fession that they Jiave not carefully examined the full scope of its provisions. The greatest dangfr is, that these propositions, at the first glance, seem probable, and even plausible. They are not the rolling breakers which every one may see, but the sunken rocks, which are (/// the more dangerous, because theg are hiddi7i. Therefore I am opposed to this bill, and I will proceed to give my reasons, and show, if I can, SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 183 why I think that in its main provisions, it is unriecessaru, impolitic, iiiexpedient, und, I may add, utteriji and totally useless, and I think I can show that the Government has all the pow- er under the Constitution which is necessary to put down this rebellion, aad punish the reb- els, and that there is not, in reality, any ne- cessity for straining any of its provisions in anyway." Mr. Cowan then goes into a lengthy disqui- sition, both able and conclusive, to show that the confiscation bill was a clear violation of the Constitution, and that it would weaken, instead of strengthen our cause. We regret that our space will not admit the whole of this able, conservative speech, but we have given enough to show the drift of the honorable Senator's argument. We know that with a certain class of radical disunionists it is useless to talk about the Con- stitution. One might as well attempt to whistle down a whirlwind. The radicals are mad. Flushed with power and gorged with spoils, they are determined to l?reak up the Union. It is, in fact, broken up, and never can be re- stored, e-xcept by and through the conservative element of the country. If they continue in power, all such conservative Republicans as Senator Cowan must be jostled aside, to make room for some '"first rate second rate" dema- gogue. Alas, our Constitution is no more. Its demise has been predicted and pronounced by the ablest men that belong to the reigning traitorous dynasty. POLITICAL KXTREMES COMP.iRBD. Metaphors are sometimes very useful in il- lustrating ideas, causes and effects. The Re- ■publican politician sometimes feels insulted if you call him an Abolitionist, though that reti- cence is now wearing off, since leading Re- publicans (Gov. Stone, of Iowa, for e. ff.) ad- mit this is "an Abolition war." But, as the Republicans and Abolitionists have acted to- gether and voted together since 1854, and all now pursue the policy and dogmas that distin- guished the Abolisionists years ago, we feel justified in using the metaphor of Col Ben- ton, who said that the Abolitionists and Re- publicans were like a pair of shears, working on a common fulcrum, to cut the Union in twain. Doesticks, or some other humorous writer, says there is no more difference between a Republican and an Abolitionist than there is between two links of sausages, made from the same dog! They may also be likened to two persons placed back-to-back at the North Pole, and walking in apparently opposite directions, yet both are going due South. But, we will let Post Master General Blair give his views, which link these two factious with the South- ern secession extreme, forming a most baneful trinity. In Mr. Blair's speech at Concord, New Hampshire, he said: "There are two knots of conspiring poli- ticians at opposite ends of the Union that make slavery a fulcrum on which they would-play see-saw with the Government, and Avillingly break it in the middle and demolish it to make experiments with the factions in reconstruc- 'tions suited to their designs, which are only known as hostile to the well-balanced Consti- tutions inherited by our fathers. The Calhoun and Wendell Phillips Juntos have both sought the accomplishment of their adverse ends by a common means — the overthrow of the Consti- tution. Calhoun's school would destroy every free principle, because repugnant to the per- petuity and propagation of slavery universally as the only safe foundation of good govern- ment — Phillips's school would subject all our systems of goverment to the guillotine of rev- olutionary tribunals, because they recognise the existence of different races among us, of white, red, and black; because they repudiate the idea of equality and fraternity in regard to citizenship that tends to produce that amalga- mation, personal and political, which would make our Government one of mongrel races; and because they authorize legislation, state and national, which may exclude them from taking root in the soil and government of the country. The white man has excluded the In- dian race from dominion on this continent, its native-born. original inheritor; the African was introduced on it, not as its owner or to give it law, but to be owned and receive law; and un- der this aspect the white man, as a conqueror, has accommodated the constitutions of the country to his own condition — that of the ru- ling race. The ground which Wendell Phil- lips and his followers take is not merely to alter the law and enfranchise the races held under it as inferior to that holding the domin- ion by right of conquest, but to abolish the constitutions which recognise that right as es- tablished, and admit to equal participation those races hitherto excluded as inferiors." After remarking, says the National Intelli- gencer, that the Fnge States of the North ex- clude the manumitted slaves from their soil, avowing the abhorrent feeling of caste as an insuperable bar to the association on any terms, much less of equality, Mr. Blair asks how it can be expected that the people of the South- ern States will acquiesce in arrangements which proceed on the assumption that this ex- communicated race, surrendered by them as 184 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS slaves, should be retained, nevertheless, among them, and admitted as equals and as partners in political power, in defiance of the Constitution of the United States, and the laws even of the Northern States, which brand them with the badge of inferiority and politic- al disability ? He adds ; "Would not the inextinguishable memory of wrongs on one side, and of admitted mastery on the other, make patient acquiescence on either side impossible ? All the bloodiest rev- olutions of ancient and modern times have been those broached by slaves against enslav- ers. Our civil war, closing in the manumis- sion of four million of slaves, to take equal rank with six million of enslavers, would be" but the prelude to a servile war of extermina- tion. The advocates of this hybrid policy know this, but they think the negi-o so essen- tial to the selfish purposes of their political ambition that, like Calhoun, they are willing to make him, as well as those who hold him in durance, the victim of their policy." We place these sayings on record, for the time is at hand when the Democracy can make good use of them. SENATOR DOOLITTLE ON COLONIZATION AND EMANCIPATION. Mr. DoOLiTTLE, on the 19th of March, 18G2, in the United States Senate, delivered the fol- lowing remarks. Let everybody read them: "I know it is sometimes said that the object- ion which is felt on the part of the white pop- ulation to living side by side on a footing of social and civil equality with the negro race is mere prejudice. Sir, it has its foundation deeper; it is in the very instincts of our nature, which are stronger and oftentimes truer than reason itself. Men of wealth and fortune, men of high wrought education, and men of rank and position, who are removed above the trials and sympathies of the great mass of laboring men, may reason and theorize about social and political equality between the white and the colored race; but I tell you as a practical fact, it is simply an impossibility. Our very in- stincts are against it. Let us look at the facts, and neither deceive ourselves nor deceive any- body else. How do the people of the free states stand on this question? In my state there are so few colored men that there is now no great feeling on the subject oim way or the other; but suppose it should no\VT)e proposed to dis- tribute the whole negro population equally among the states, which would bring into the state of Wisconsin about one hundred and twenty thousand, say seven thousand to Mil- waukee, and from one to two thousand to each of the towns of Racine, Madison, Jancsville, Kenosha, Watertown, Oshkosh, Fond du Lac, and other places, what would be the feelings then? What would our people, native and for- eign-born, say to that? Sir, they would prob- ably feel and say just what the people of Penn- sylvania, Ohio, Indiana and Illinois feel and say on this subject. Illinois has just held a convention and formed a new constitution, which excludes free colored men, as did the | old constitution. Indiana has a similar pro- vision, either by constitutional requirement or by legislative enactment. Ohio had until quite recently, a law by which a free coloreil man was required to give bail for his good be- havior. Nor are the people of New England devoid of this same feeling either. By the laws of Massachusetts intermarriages between these races are forbidden as criminal. Why forbidden? Simply because natural instinct revolts against it as wrong. Come down to the practical question whether, if the whole negro population of the United States should be set free, and be apportioned and distributed among the several states, and you would find just as much repugnance in New England as you now see exhibited in Illinois, Indiana, or Pennsyl- vania. Their humanity would rejoice at their freedom, but their instincts would shrink back at their apportionment. "Sir, when we come to the thing itself, and look it squarely in the face, it is a very im- portant question what is to be done in relation to this race of people when they r\ve emanci- pated. Within this District, and within the territories, we have all power and all respon- sibility. V/ithin the several states, however, it belongs to them and to their people. They have the undoubted right to regulite, as they have always regulated, their own policy upon this subject for themselves. We know how much that policy varies, in free as well as slave states. In some free states they have civil rights alone; in others, political rights, also. In others still, they are forbidden to come at all. The slave states have poculiar policies of their own. In none are free negroes allowed to come. Some will not allow a negro to be emancipated unless he is taken out of the state; and within the last few ye.irs some of them have passed most cruel laws to compel those already free to leave the state or be reenslaved and sold at the auction block. "All this goes to demonstrate that Jeiferson knew as much about the question as the new lights of the present day. He, who was him- self the author of the declaration of the equal rights of all the races of mankind, declares to you also as a fact indisputable, that the two races upon the same soil, side by side, in any- thing like equal numbers, cannot and will not live together upon a footing of equality. "To illustrate this feeling in the slave states still further, I will state another fact not gen- ei'ally known, and I do so upon the authority of Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, in 1856, when he was Governor, there were fears of a negro insurrection in that state. Li.rge num- bers of the non-slaveholding white population called upon him as Governor fo.- arms. For wnat purpose? To prevent an insurrection of the slaves? This was the alleged purpose; but he ascertained the fact to be that these men were conspiring to massacre the whole negro SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 185 population in that section of the state, and he was compelled to call out the militia, not to prevent negroes from raising in insurrection, but to prevent the whites from destroying them altogether. '■I know this bill relates only to slaves in the District Columbia, and my amendment to to colonization from this District only; but it naturally opens the whole field of discussion of the true relations of the two races towards each other. Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Clay and .Jackson, not only loved libertj' as ardently as wo do, but they under- stood this question of race in all its bearings. It is well kcown they all favored emancipation with colonization. I state a fact not generally known, that General Jackson, when President, in Cabinet councii, intending to carry out this policy, proposed the purchase of some territory from Mexico, to become the homes of free colored men, to be occupied as a territory for themselves and all who should become eman- cipated. But the troubles growing out of the treason of Calhoun postponed any definite ac tion. "But the day for action is at hand; it cannot be postponed. There must be a solution. It belongs, it is true, mainly to the people of the states. Some responsibility, however, rests upon the Federal Government. It has the un- doubted power, by treaties with Hayti, Libe- ria, and other tropical states, to acquire rights of settlement and of citizenship for all free persons of African descent who may desire to migrate to those countries, and thus, with very little expense gain free homesteads for tnem and their children forever. This would open the way for the slaveholding states, if any of them desire to avail themselves of the opportu- nity, to emancipate and colonize their slaves, and thus open their own rich fields to be for- ever the homes of the pure Anglo-Saxon race. "There are, and there can be, in my judg- ment but three solutions to this negro question. One is the solution of John Calhoun, one of John Brown, and a third midway and equally removed from both extremes, the solution of Thomas Jefferson. Calhoun's solution. "Calhoun and his followers, Toombs and Davis, say, in substance : "Slavery is a blessing to mankiud, black and white. — Extend it everywhere; reopen the slave trade, bring all Africa into Slavery, to christianize and civilize the negro race ; buy if you can, if not, seize Cuba and all central and trophical America; plant slavery all around the Gulf of .Mexico and the Cairibbean Sea, until the slave- holding aristocracy, proclaming 'cotton as king,' reaching through the valley of the Orinoco to the v.alley of the Amazon, shall shake hands with the slaveholding empire of Brazil. Then shall slavery, the great Dagon at whoso shrine we worship, hold within its embrace a monopoly of the sugar and the cotton of the world." "This is the solution of southern fanaticism; this is the dream of southern mad ambition. — It is a gigantic dream. Could they have held the Government for one or two administrations more, they would have struggled to realize it. 13 But the power was wrested from their hands. Their dream is broken, and for that they make war upon the Government they could not hold. JOHN BEOWN's solution. "The second is John Brown's solution. It is based on this idea — that all the negro popu- lation of the United States shall be instantly set free, by act of Congress, cr by arms, where they now are, side by side with their masters, throughout all the slave states, and placed on a footing of equality, entitled to all the rights of mannood, civil and political of the citizens of those states; at once trampling down the rights of the states, and producing a system of equality which would bring the laboring white man and the laboring colored man precisely upon the same level, to compete for wages in the same market. This, of necessity, where their numbers bear any proportion to each other, must lead to an "irrepressible conflict" of race, and to the expulsion of one or the other, or to amalgamation of races, to produce in the Southern States the same condition that exists in Mexico, making them into mulatto states, and thus solve the negro question. "This is the John Brown solution. The first, through Davis and Toombs, fourteen months ago, said, 'down with the Constitution; give us anew Constitution, to carry slavery all over Mexico and Centi-al America, as fast as we can acquire it, or we will destroy the Gov- ernment.' The second cries, 'down with the Constitution. It is a covenant with hell. It gives Congress no power to abolish slavery in the states. Make a new Constitution.' Sir, I will not yield to the demands of either. Jefferson's solution. "I have stood and will continue to stand for that solution of the negro question which Jef- ferson, the author of the Declaration of Inde- pendence, himself, proposes, which, while it will in the end give universal liberty to uni- versal man, will gradually and peacefully sep- arate these two races for the highest good and to the joy of both; giving to each in their own place the enjoyments of their rights, civil, so- cial, political. That solution is in accordance with that law of the Almighty by which the black man dominates the tropics, and always will; by which our race dominates the tem- perate zone, and will forever. It is easier to work with Him than against Him. When we accept the solution of Jefferson, which falls neither into the fanaticism of the one nor the blindness ^f the other, we shall see the begin- ning of the end of that irrepressible conflict, more of race than of condition, which has dis- turbed us so long. Until it be saved, there can be no permanent peace. "Mr. President, what idea underlies the war now going on? The leaders of the rebel- lion were goaded to it by mad ambition. Slave- ry was their pretext; but the great mass of the non-slaveholding people were deluded into it. They were told, and became maddened at the thought, that the pui-pose of the Republican 186 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. party is not merely to prevent sl.ivery going into the territories and abolish it in this Dis- trict, where we have the power, but that its real purpose is to overturn slavery iu the states : to put the black man there upon a foot- ing of social and political equality with them- selves and their wives and children. They were made to believe that John Brown was its true representative; that if Mr. Lincoln should be elected, the slaves would be set free and armed against their masters. They believed it. That belief brought before their eyes, to be re-enacted at their own homes, all the hor- rors of St. Domingo — fire, rape, and slaughter; dwellings burned, children butchered, wives and daughters ravished upon the dead bodies of their husbands and fathers. They were made to belive it all. That belief drove them to frenzy. That alone roused in their breasts a passion too strong for their patriotism. That alone made them desert the iiag of the Union and take up arms against this Government. "What we mny constitutionallj' and justly do to confiscate the property, including slaves, of the leading conspirators upon whom this crime rests, which "Hell, with all Its powers to damn," can hardly punish, I will not now consider; I may do so on some proper occasion hereafter. I will only now say, that if we now do just what they charged us with intending to do; if, by one sweeping act of Congress, we declare the HI n,oZ(j in- volved, they arc really of more consequence than any given number of special cases. THE VALLANDIGHAJI CASE — IN COURT AND OUT OF COURT. As the principles involved in this case cover the whole ground, and as the people have been so thoroughly aroused and excited on this subject, we will principally confine our quota- tions to this particular case. THE BURN SIDE OKDER No. 38. This will be our first witness on the stand, because we have good reasons for believing this order was issued expressly, and for no other purpose than to form an excuse to arrest and punish Mr. Vallandigham, so far as the latter clause is concerned. Certain it is, that we have heard of no other victim being ar- rested under this order, though hundreds of others said harsher things than Mr. Vallan- digham. This order reads as follows: " Headquarters Department of the Ohio, > Cincinnati, April 18(33. / " General Order No. 38. "The Commanding General publishes, for the information of all concerned — "That hereafter all persons found within our lines who commit acts for the benefit of the enemies of our country, will be tried as spies or traitors, and, if convicted, will suffer death. This order includes the following classes of persons: "Carriers of secret mails. "Writers of letters sent by secret mails. "Secret recruiting ofBces within the lines. "Persons who have entered into an agree- ment to pass our lines for the purpose of join- ing the enemy. "Persons found concealed within our lines belonging to the service ©f the enemy; and in fact all persons found improperly within our lines who com Wgive private information of the enemy. "All persons within our lines who harbor, protect, conceal, feed, clothe, or in any way aid the enemies of our country. "The habit of declaring sympathies for the enemy will no longer be tolerated in the de- partment. Persons committing such offences will be at once arrested, with a viev/- to being tried as above stated, or sent beyond our lines into the lines of their friends. "It must bo distinctly understood that trea- son, expressed or Implied, will not bo tolerated in this department. "All officers and soldiers are strictly charg- ed with the execution of this order. By commauU of Major General A. E. Burnside: LEWIS RICUMOM', Assistaut Ailjutnut Gaucral. AVhen it is knowTi that any criticism on the conduct of the Administration, however just and pertinent, was held by the radicals as "declaring sympathies for the enemy," we are enabled to read this order in its true meaning. Take what followed under this order, and com- pare it with the old, justly odious Seditiou law, and the reader will be astonished at the mildness of that law which hurled the Feder- als from power in 1801. \_Scc Sedition law on p. 36. SPIES SENT OUT. After issuing this order. General Burnsidb sent out a couple of spies to track and hunt down Mr. Vallandigham, who attended the Democratic meeting at Mount Vernon, Ohio, on the 1st of May, 1863, for the purpose of SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 193 evesdropping — catching pa^ts of sentences, distorting others, and garbling the whole, with a view to make out a case. These spies reported at headquarters, and Mr. Vallan- DiQHAM -was arrested at 2 o'clock at night. His domicil at Dayton. Ohio, was surrounded by 100 soldiers, broken into and himself seized and carried by force to Cincinnati, and to give the full history of this transaction, we present, THE TRIAL OF C. L. VALLANDIGHAM. The Charg-^ ■tnd Specifications — Testimomj for the Pi-osecu- tion and Defense. — Protest of Mr. VaUandigham, dc. FIRST DAY. Wednesday, May 6, 1803. Tbo commission convened at 10 o'clock a. m. The Judge Advocate read the General Order from the headquarters ofthe Department of the Ohio, apjiointint; the foUowing officers a commission to try all pai-ties hroujjiht before it, and Mr. Tallaudigham was asked whetlier he had any objections to offer to any member of the court. The foliowinn officers compose the court: Brig. Gen. K. B. Potter, President. Capt. J.M. Cutis' Judge Advocate. Col. J. F. DecouRCEV, 16th 0. V. I. Lieut. Col. E. 11, Goodrich, Com. Sub. Major Vax Eurex, A. D. C. Major liROiVN, 10th Kentucky Cavalry. Major Fiicn, 11.5th 0. V, I. Capt. Lymg. a. D. C. Mr. Vallandigham said he was not acii'.iainted with any ofthe members ofthe court, and had no ulyection to offer to them individually, but he protested that the Commis-'sion had no authority to try him. he being aeithor in the land or naval foice of th& United States, and was not tlierefore triable by such a court, but was amenable only to thejudi- cial courts of the land. The members of his court were then sworn to try his case impartially. TheJudge Advocate tten read the following charge and specification: THE CHARGE. CAac^c— rPnbiicly expiessiog in violation of General Or- ders No. £S. from Ileadquartors Department of the Ohio, his symp.ities with those inarms agiinst the government of the United States, declaring disloyal sentiments and opinions, with the object and purpose of weakening the power of the govevumeutin its efforts to sujipress an un- lawful lebelliou. THE SPECIFICATION. Spccillcotirrn — In this, that the said Clement L. Vallan- digham, a citizen of the State of Ohio, on or about the 1st day of May, 1S63, at Mount A'crnon, Knox county, Ohio, did publicly address a meeting of citizens, and did utter sentiments in words, or in effect, as follows: Declaring the present war ft "wicked, cruel and unnecessary war," a war ■'not beiiiK waged for the preservation of the Union," "a war for the purpose of crusliing outliberty, and erecting % despotism," "a war for the freeiloni of the blacks anil the enslaving -f the whites," stating "tiiat if tl:c admini.stra- tion had so wished, the war could have been honorably ter- minated months ago," that ''peace might have been hon- orbly abtained by listening to the proposed hitermediation of France:" 'that "propositions by which the Southern states coiiM be won back, and the south guaranteed their rights under the Constitution, had been rejected the day before the 'ate battle of Fredericksburg, by Ijincoln and his minions;" •■= meaning thereby the President of the United States arid those under him in authority; ch;irging that "the government of the United States were about to ap- point military marshals in every district to restrain the people of their liberties, to ileprivo thompf their righiS and privileges;" characterizing Gencal Order No. o8, from headquarters department of the Ohio; as "a base usurpa- tion of arbitrary authority," inviting his hearers to resist the same by saying, "The sooner the people inform the *The port-on enclosed in brocho'is w:ts struck out. minions of usurped power that tl ey will not submit to such restrictions upon their liberties thebe.ter;"declaringthat "he was at all times upon all occasions resolved to do what he could do to defeat the attempt now being made to baild up a monarchy upon the ruins of our free government;" asserting that "he firmly believed," as he said six months ago, "that the men in power are attempting to establish a despotism in this country more cruel and mote oppressive than ever existed before." All of which opinions and sentiments he well knew did aid, comfort and encourage those in arms against the g»v- eruRient, and could but induce in his hearers a distrust of their own government and sympathy for those in arms against it and a disposition to resist the laws ofthe laud. G. W. CUTTS, Captain 11th Infantry, Ji'dge Advocate, Depiirtment of the Ohio. Mr. Valliindigham was asked by the Judge Advocate, what his plea was. Mr. Vallandigham refnsed to plead, and asked time to consult his counsel, and for process to compel the attend- ance of Fernando Wood, of Now Yo'k city, who should be required to bring with him the letter wnich he received fro.Ti Richmond in relation to terms offered for the return of southern Senators to their .scats in Congress, with the letter of the President declining to entdtain the propo- sition. Mr. Vallandighan> continued to refuse to plead to the charge, the President directed that the plea of "not guil- ty," be entered on the record. The ecmrt then gave .Mr. Vallandigham time to con.suIt his counsel, and for tliat purpose ordered a recess to half past 1 o'clock. The court was then cleaied for deliberation, as (o wheth- er the delay asked for by Mr. Vallandigham should be granted, and remained closed until near noon. The court again met pursuant to adjournment, and the doors were opened. The president asked M •. Vallandigham wlieiher ho de- sired to appear with counsel. Mr. Vallandigham said ho did not. His counsel, Geo. E. Pugh, tJeo. Pendleton, and Alexander Ferguson, re- mained in the adjoining room. THE TJiSTlMONY. The Judge Advoc.ite announced that the case would be proceeded with, and called the first witness for the prose- cution . Capt. ir. R. H'll, of the lloth 0. V. I., who was sworn. (inestion by Judge Advocate — Were you present at a meeting of citizens of Mount Vernon, on M.ay 1st, 1S6-3? A. — 1 was. Q. — Did you hear accused address thai meteing? A.— I dill. Q. — Wiiat piisition did you occupy at the meeting, and were you near enough to hear all he said? A. — I was leaning against iiie end of the platform on wh'ch he was speaking. Was about six feet from him. I remained in this position during the whole time he was speaking. By Judge Advocate — State what remarks he made in re- lation to the war; what he said about the President ofthe United States and the orders of military commanders. AVitness— In order that I may bring in events as they were referred to by the speaker, I ask permission of the court to refresh my memory from the notes which I took at the time. President — You can i ead from your notes. Witness — The speaker cummenced by refe'-iing to the canopy under which he was speaking — the stand having been decorated with an Amei-ican flag — the flag under the Constitution- Witness— Afterfinishing li]3 e^o.dium, he snokeof the designs of those in power to erect a despotism.^ '^^^\ '' was not their intention to effect a rpstor:itio:i tf the Union That prcviou.s to the battle of Fredericksburg an attempt was made to stay this wicked, cruel and u!iQei:es->ary war. That the war could have been ended in February last. Tuat a day or two before the battle of Fredericksburg a proposition had been made for the re-admission of south- ern Senators into the United States Congress, and that the refusal was still in existence over the President's own sig- nature, which would be made pulic as soon as the ban of secrecy imposed by the President was removed. That the Union could have been saved if the plan proposed by the spe.akerhad been adopted; that the Union could have been saved upon the basis of reconstruction; but that it 194 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. would have ended in the exile or death of those who ad- vocated a continuance of the war. He then referred to Forney, who was a well known correspondent of the Phil- adelphia /Vess, and said he had no right to speak for those who were not connected with the administration. That some of our public men, rather than hring back some of the seceded states would submit toaiiermauent separation of the Union. He stated that France, a nation that had always shown herself to be a friend of our government, had proposed to act as intermediator; but that her pi'opo- sition, which, if accepted, might have brought about an honorable peace, was insolently rejected. Mr, A'allandigham here corrected the witness. Tlie word he used was "instantly," not "insolently." ■\Vitness...I understood the word he used to have been "insolently." That the people had been deceived — that 20,000 lives had been lost at the battle of Frederickaburg, which might have been saved. In speaking of the ob- jects of the war, he said it was a war for the liberation of the blacks, and the enslavement of the whites. AVe had been told it would be terminated in three months — then in nine months — and again in a year. That the war was still in progress, and that there was no prospect of its being ended. That Richmond was theirs ; that Charleston and Yicksburg were theirs; that tlie Missis- sippi was not opened, and would not be so long as there was cotton on its banks to be stolen, or so long as there were any officers to enrich. That a southern paper had denounced him and Cox and the peace Democrats as hav- ing done more to prevent the establishing of the Southern Confederacy than 10,000 soldiers could do. That they proposed to operate through the masses of the people in both sections who were in favor ot the I'uion. That it was the purpose or desigu of the Administration to sup- press or prevent such meetings >as the one he was ad- dressing. [This very trial proved the truth of this.] That military marshals were about to be appointed in every district, who would act fjr the purpose of restricting the liberties of the people; [did not this prove true?] but that he was a freeman. That he did not ask David Tod, or Abraham Lincoln, or Ambrose E. Burnside for his right to speak as he had done, and was doing. That his authority for so doing was higher than General Order No. 3S — it was General Order No. 1 — the Constitution. That General Order No. 38 was a base usurpation of arbitrary power — [a gi-eater truth no man ever uttered] — that he had the most supremo contempt for such power. He de- spised it and spit ujiou it. He trampled it under his feet. That only a few days before a man had been dragged from his home in Butler county by an outrageous usur- pation of power and tried for an offence not known to our laws by a self-constituted court martial ; tried without a jury, which is guaranteed to everj- one. ..that he had boon fined and imprisoned. That two men were brought over from Kentucky and tried, contrary to express laws for the trial of treason, and were now under sentence of death. That an order had j ust been issued in Indiana denying to per- sons the right to canvass or discuss military policy, and that if it was submitted to would be followed up by a similar order in Ohio. That he was resolved never to submit to an order of a military dictator, prohibiting the free discussion of either civil or military authority. The sooner that the people inform the minions of this usurped power that they would not sub- mit to such restrictions upon their liberties, and that they would not cringe and cower before such authority, the better. Let them not be deluded by the image of liberty when the spirit is gone. He proclaimed the right to criticise the acts of our military servants in power. That there never was a tyrant in any age who oppressed the people further than he thought they would submit to endure. That in the days of Democratic au- thority Tom Corwin had, in the face of Congress hoped that our brave volunteers ia Mexico "might be welcomed with bloody hands to hospitable graves," but that he had not been interfered with. It was never before thought necessary to appoint a Captain of cavalry as Provost Marshal as was now the case In Indianapolis, or military dictators as were now exercising authority in Cincinnati and Columbus. ... That a law bad recently lieen enacted in Ohio, as well as in some other states, regulating the manner in which sold- iers should vote, that the oflicers have to be judges of the election. Judge Advocate objected to this part of the testimony as irrelevant. Mr. Vallandigham desired the court to permit the wit- ness to go on with this testimonv. Witness. ..The speaker closed by warning the people not to be deceived. That an attempt would shortly be made to enforce the conscription law, and to remember that the war was not for the preservation of the Union, but that it was a wicked abolition war, and that if those in authority were allowed to accomplish their purposes, the people would be deprived of their liberties and a monarchy es- tablished; but, as for him, he was lesolved that he would never be a priest, to minister at the altar on which his country was being sacrificed. [Is this implied freason?] Question by J. A. ..What other flags or emblems were used in decorating the stage! A. ..There were banners made of frame-work, and cover- ed with canvass, which were decorated with butternuts, and bore inscriptions. One banner, which was carried at the head of a delegation which came iu from a town in the country, bore the inscription, "The copperheads are com- ing." Mr. "\ allandigham...The South never carried copper cents. [What greatness' for an administration to punish a man for speaking at a meeting where butternuts were worn!] Judge Advocate. ..But butternuts are a southsru em- blem. Mr. Vallandigham shook his head, and said they were not. Q. by J. A.. ..Did you see any persons have emblems on their persons? A. ..Yes, I saw hundreds of persons wearing butternut and copperhead badges. Mr. Vallandigham, ..The copper badges were simply the head cut out of the common cent coins with pins at- tached. Mr. Vall.andigham...Did you notice what inscription those copperhead badges bore? A. ..No, I did not lock at them. Mr. Vallandigham. ..The inscription on them was "Lib- erty?" Q. by J. A. ..Did vou hear any cheers in the crowd for Jeff. Davis? Mr. Vallandigham. ..That is not in the specification. A... I did not hear cheers for Jeff. Davis, but I heard a shout in the crowd that Jeff. Davis was a gentleman, and that was more than the President was. [Did Mr. V. com- mit treason by proxy?] CROSS-ISAMINATION ET MR. VALLAXDIOHAM. Q. — Did not I refer in my speech to the Crittenden com- promise propositiou.s, and condemn their rejection? As the witness was about answering the Judge Advocate objected to the question on the ground that it was bringing in a matter foreign to the charge and specification. The court allowed the question to be answered. A. — When endeavoring to show that the party in power had not the restoration of the Union in view iu conducting the war, and that tkat was not their object, he stated a number of means by which that could have been accom- plished, and, from the fact that none had been adopted,he considered it proof that that the restoration of tho Union was not the object for which the war was being waged. Q. — Did I not quote Judge Douglas' declaration that tho rejection — Mr. Vallandigham.— I desire to prove that in my speech I stated that Mr. Douglas had said that the responsibility for the rejection of the Crittenden propositions was with the republican party. The Judge Advocate stated that his objection was that the question was bringing in political opinions andiUscus- sions with which the court had nothing to do. The room was cleared for deliberation, aad the doors closed. After an interval of fifteen minutes the doors were again opened, and then the Judge Advocate annouced, that the question would not be admitted. Ci...When speaking in connection with Forney's Press, did I not say that if other democrats in Washington ancl myself had not refused all idea and suggestions of somo prominent men of the party in power, to make peace on terms of disunion, that I believed the war would have been ended in February? A...'\Vhen speaking of the propositions before referred to, and that this war was not being carried on for the res- toration of the Union, he stated that if the Democrats in Washington had united in influence for the i)ermanent separation of the Union, it would have been accomplished in February. Q...Did I not refer expressly to myself in that connect- ion, and say that I had refused and always would refuse, SCRAPS FEOM :SIY SCRAP-BOOK. 195 to agree to a separation of the states, in other words, to peace on terms of disunion? A. ..Well, that idea is not exactly as it was expre.«sed.— lie stated someUdvy to that effect. That he wished to have a voice iu the manner in which the Union was to be re- constructed, and that onr southern brethren should also have a voice in the matter. Q... Referring to the Kichmond Enquirer article, did I not say that it, Jeff. Davis', organ, had called Dictator Lincoln to lock up Mr. Cox, Senator Richardson and my- Belf in oneof his military prisons, because of our doing so much against southern recognition and independence? A. ..That issuhstanliallywhat he said. Q... Referring to General Order No. 38, did I not say that in 80 far as it undertook to subject citizens not in the land or naval forces of the United States, or militia of the Uni- ted States in actual service, to trial by court martial or military commission, I believed to be unconstitutional and a usurpation of arbitrary power? A. ..Yes, except in the words "in so far." Q... Referring to two citizens of Kentucky tried by mil- itary court in Ciucinunti, did I not say that if what they ■were charged with was actual treason, punishable by death, and that if guilty the penalty by state law which was hanging, that they ought to be hung, after being tried bj' a judicial court and a jury, instead of which they had been tried by a military court, and, as I understood, sen- tenced to a fine and imprisonment — one of them §.300 fine? A...I don't think he put those "if s" in. I^think he said they were improperly tried, and by ausurpation of power. Mr. Yallandigham... Strike out the "if's" then. Witness. ..That was substantially what he said. * Q....Did I not say, in that connection, that the rebel of- ficer who was tried as a spy by the military court at Cin- cinnati, was legally and properly tried, according to the rules and articles; tried and convicted — that that was a clear case, where the court Iiad jurisdiction? A. ..It is my recollection that he denounced the court as an unlawful tribunal, and did not make the distinction. Q. by Judge Advocate. ..Didho refer to thecase of Camp- bell, the rebel spy, and make any distinction? A. ...No. He denounced the court first, and then gave the instances, which I have already related in my direct testimony. Q. by Vallandigb.am...Doyou not remember my speak- ing of the Campbell case, and saying that he was proper- ly tried? A. ..He may, but I do not recollect it. He probably did refer to the Campbell case. Q...May I not have made the distinction and you not have heard it? The Judge Advocate said he would admit that the ac- cused did draw the distinction between the cases, and that he admitted the right of the court to try the spy. In other words, that he condemned the trial of the Butler county man, and ajjproved the case of the spy who was tried and convicted. Q....Did I not distinctly, in the conclusion of the speech, enjoin upon the people to stand by the Union at all events and that, if war failed, not to give up the Union, but to try by peacable means, by cumpromise, to restore it as Gur fathers made it, and that, though otliers might con- sent, or be forced to consent, I would not myself be oneof those who would take any part in agreeing to a dissolution of the Union? A. ..Yes. He said that he and the peace men were the only ones who wished the restoration of the Union. Q...Did not one of the banners you refer to as decor.ated with butternuts bear the inscription, "The Constitution as it is and the Union as it wa.s"? A. ..The banners were numerous. One of them, I be- lieve, did bear that inscription. Q...Do you mean to be understeod to say that I heard the reference to Jeff. Davis iu the crowd or gave any assent to it whatever? _&....! cannot say that he did. Did not see or hear him give any assent to it. There wore many other remarks of that character uttered. Q...What was the size of the crowd assembled there? A. ..I did not know the proper estimate but the crowd was very large. The Court then adjourned to Thursday morning at 10 o'clock. SECOND DAY. Thecourt met at lOo'clock, A. >I. Present as before. Yesterday's proceedings and testimony were read and ap- proved, and were signed by the President. Capt. Hill was again called to the stand, and his cross examination was resumed by Mr. Vallaudigham. U-.-Iu speaking of the character of the war, did I BOt expressly Bay as Mr. Lincoln in his proclamation, July 1st, lb02, said, 'This unnecessjiry and injurious civil war?" Judge Advocate. ..So, Mr. Vallandighani, was that used in your speech as a ijuotatiou from the Pretident's procla- mation ? Mr. Yallandigham. ..Yes, it was. Witness...! do nut recollect that he did. The language he made use of I understood to be his own. Mr. A'allandigham...Of course I could not i)ut the quo- tation marks in my speecli . I So that no speaker must repeat Mr. Lincoln's jukes or aphorisms, unless he puts in the ([uotation marks.] Q... Again, inspeakingof the character of the war, didi not expressly give as proof the President's proclamation of September 22, 1SG2, and January 1, 1803, declaring the emancipation of the slaves in the southern seceded states, as proof that the war was being waged for that purjjose? The witness was about to answer, when the Judge Ad- vocate cheeked him. He said it was bringing matters which were foreign to the charge and specilication, and that the court was not called upon to pass upon the mer- its of the President's proclamation . He then desired that the court should be closed for deliberation. Mr. Yallandigham...! desire to show this fact, in expla- nation of the purpose and object of my declaration as to the present character of the war, and as my authority for tho statement, for 1 assume that the President is not dis- loyal. The Judge Advocate insisted that the question required the cour t to pass judgment upon the merits of the Presi- dent's proclamation, and not whether he (Mr. V.) was ex- pressing his own sentiments or those of the President. The Judge Advocate said tho question would not be ad- mitted. Q...Did you continue at the same place dniing tho de- livery of the whole speech? A...! did. Q...Were your notes taken at the time or reduced to writing afterward? A. ..They were taken at the time, and as they fell from the speaker's lips. Q...AVere you not in citizen's clothes; and how came you to be at Mount Yernon that day? Did you go to Mount Yernon for the purpose of taking notes and reporting tho speech? Judge Advocate...! object to this question, on the ground of its immateriality. Mr. YallancUgham insisted on the question, on the ground that it explained the temper and spirit of the witness, and his prejudices, and as showing that the notes were taken with reference to the arrest and prosecution before this Commission, he being a Captain iu the service, and his regiment at Cincinnati. The question was objected to by the Judge Advocate, and tho court was cleaned for deliberation. On opening the doors again, the Judge Advocate an- nounced that the question would be allowed. A...I was in citizen's clothes, and I tvent vp for the purpose of listeniny to any sjieech that might le delivered by him. [A self- convicted spy.] I had no order to take notes or report. Q....Did you go provided with pencil and paper? The Judge Advocate objected to the question. Of course the witness had pencil and paper. Q...Did you take notes of any other speech? .4. ...I commenced taking notes of Mr. Cox's speech, but considered it harmless, and stopped . I took no notes of any other speech. Q...Were you not sent expressly to listen to my speech? A....I was not any more than any other speech. Q...By whom were you sent or requesteil to go? A....By Capt. Andi-ew C. Kemper, Assistant Adjutant General of the military commandant of the city. (i....From whom did yon obtain leave of absence? Judge Advocate. ..He did not need any leave of absence; tlie order was enough. Mr. Yallandigham. ..Then stiike out the words "or re- quested" from the answer for it leaves it ambiguous. Q... Did you make report to Capt. Kemper on your re- turn? The Judge Advocate objected to tho question, but the court allowed it. A. ..On my return !did not report to Kemper. Q...To whom did you report? A. ..To Col. Eastman himself, and he sent me to head- quarters Department of tho Ohio. 196 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS This closod tlie testimony of Capt. Hill on both the direct and cross examination. The Judge Advocate called Capt. John A. Means, 115th 0. V. I., who was sworn. ITo was asked by the Judge Advocate if he was at the Mount Ternon meeting, and whether he heard Mr. Val- landigham speak, and, if so, what ho said of the war, &c. AVitness...! was present at the meeting, and heard Mr. Vallandigham address the people. I was in two or three positions most of the time, and about five or ten feet from the stand. I heard the whole speech. By the Judge Advocate. ..State what remarks you heard him make, and give us, as near as you can, his language. AV"itness...He stated that the war was not carried on for the restoration of the Union, and that it might have been stopped some time ago, and the Union restored, if the Ijlans which had been submitted had bean accepted. Mr. Vallandighain objected to this testimony, on llie ground that he had ajiplied for a siibpcona to compel the attendance of Fernando Wood, who would produce the written evidence of what he (Mr. V.) had asserted about the return of Southern Senators to their seats in Con- gress. Judge Advocate...! will strike from the specification that part which refers to the propositions by which the Southern States could be won back, Ac. To the AVitnes3...You will omit that part of your lesti- mony. ■\Titne33 continued. "If the plans he had pi-oposed himself had been adopted, peace would h.ave been restor- ed, the Union saved by a reconstruction, the North won back, and the South guaranteed her rights. That Ilich- mond, Charleston, and Ticksburg had not been taken, and the Mississippi was not opened, and could not bo as long as there was cotton on the banks to be stolen or oilic- ers enriched. He said that after the rebuke which tlie administration received at the last fall election, no mo.'e volunteers could be had, and the Administration had to resort to the French conscription law. But he would not counsel resistance to military or civil law. That was not needed. The people were not deserving to be free men who would submit to such encreachments on their liber- ties. Mr. Vallandigham. ..What was I referring to, when I made the remarks you say I did ? Witness... He was speaking of tiie conscription act.... He said he believed that the Administration was attempt- ing to erect a despotism, and in less than one mouth . Mr. Lincoln had plunged the country in this cruel, bloody, and unnecessary war. lie stated that General firder No. 38 was a usurpation of power that lie despised. ..ho spit upon it and trampled it under his feet. That he for one would not regard it. He styled the officers of the admin- istration and officers of the army as Lincoln minions.... He said he did not ask Lincoln or lUirnside whether he might speak; that he was a free man and spoke as he pleased. He stated the military orders and proclamations were intended to intimidate the people and prevent them from meeting as they had done that day. He claimed the right to discuss and criticise the actions of civil and mili- tary authorities. Q...D'd ho advise the people to take any stops to obtain their rights? A. ..At the close of his speech he advised the people to come up together, and at the ballot-box to hurl the tyrant from his throne. In one part of his speech he styled the President as King Lincoln. Cr.OSS-EXAJIINATIOX I!Y MB. V.^LLANWOIIAM. Q...Did you take any notes at all during delivery of the speech, or are you testifying solely fmm memory? A. ..I took no minutesduriug the delivery of the speech. After Pendleton commenced speaking, I went and wrote out what I heard. It was perhaps an hour and a half after I heard the speech. Q... A bout what was the length of the speech? A. ..I think about an hour and a half. Q...Y0U made no short-hand report of it I suppose. Did you ever report in short hand? Judge Advocate. ..The witness has already said ho made no report of the speech. Mr. Vallandigham wanted to know if he was accustomed to reporting speeches. The Judge Advocate objected to the question. Q...YOU speak of my saying the North might be won back — was it not the South might be won back? Mr. Vallandigham said he noticed that the witness used the word "North" in place of the "South." It was the South he referred to. — ...No. I noticed Ibis particularly. It siruck mevery forciWy. Q...YOU say that I said that I would not counsel resist, ance to military or civil law. Did not I expressly counsel the people to obey the constitution aad the laws and to pay proper respect to men in authority, but to maintain their political rights through the ballot-box, and to redress per- sonal wrongs through the judicial tribunals of the country !ind in that way to rebuke and put down administrations and all usurpations of power. A. ..Not in that connection. He said, at the last of his speech, to come up to the ballot-box and hurl the tyrant from power. li...Do you recollect the whole connection in which the sentence was used? A... I did not understand him to advise submission at all times. Q...Do you recollect the sum aud substance of what I said? ' A... I remember part of it, but I cannot remember the language or substance so as to answer the question. li...Did I not say that my authority to speak to the peo- ple in public assemblages on all public quest ions was not derived from General Order No.. 38, but from General Or- der No. 1— the Constitution of the United States, George Washington commanding? A... I understood him to say that his authority to speak to the people was higher than General Order No. 38, by tliat military desjiot, 15urnside. It was Order No. 1, signed Washington. I did not hear him say "Constitution." Q...Were not the names of Tod, Lincoln and Burnside used in the same connection, and that I did^not ask their consent to speak? A. ..At another time he did use these words. Q...Wero not the remarks you say I i;iade about des- pising, spitting and trampling under foot, e.xpressly ap- plied in reference to arbitrary power gener.illy, and did I nut in that connection refer to General Order iS'o. 9 of In- diana, signed by General Hascall, denyin;^ the right to criticise the war policy of the Administration? A. ..The remarks in regard to despising and spitting upon were in direct reference to Order No. 3S. Some time afterwards, in speaking of the tyranny of the administra- tion, ho did refer to Order No. 9. and of the right to criti- cise the acts o f the Administration, and saiil that, if sub- mitted to, it would be followed by civil war in Ohio. Q...Did I approve or condemn the order? Judge Advocate. ..The question, I think, has been al- ready answered. Q...Will you undertake to give any connected or me- thodical statement of my speech of ove;- one hour and ;i half long? A...lsimply remember parts of it. I do not p;etend to give the siteech just as he spoke it. Q...Were you not present in citizen's clotiics, and how came you at Mount Vernon that day, by whoso order, and were you sent for the purpose of listening to and report- ing the speech? A...I was there in citizen's clothes by oouer of Colonel Eastman. / was sent to listen to the spcecit .and to give my careful attention and get his language as near as I could. Q...Did you makt such a report? A...I did; to Col. Eastman. Q...Did you make report of any o^hor speeches on that occasion? A... I did. I got tho substance of Cox and Eanney's speeches. Q... Were you directed to go to Mount Vernon and make a report of my speech, with reference to the prosecution uuder General Order No. 38. A....I was not. Q...Wero any reasons given you why you should go? The Judge Advocate objected to the question, as the an- swer had been snlBcieutly given before. Q...Was any object stateii to you, and if so what, for your going there in citizen's clothes, listening to, and re- porting the speech? A. ..There was not any. The cross-examination hei'e closed, and tho Judge Advo- cate stated that he did not propose to introduce any furth- er testimony on the part of the prosecution. Mr. Vallandigham asked for a few miinUes to consult with his counsel, which was gi anted, and the court took a recess of fifteen minutes. SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 197 THE DEFENCE. On the re-agserablfng of tbe court Mr. VaUandigham called Hon. S. S. Cox, who was sworn. He was exam- ined by Jlr. Vallandighani. Q...'\Vc're you present at a pubiic political meeting of citizens of Ohio, at Blount Yernou, on Friday, May 1st, 186-3, ncd if so, in what capacity? A. ..I was present as one of the gpeakcis. Q... Did you hear the .speech of Mr. Vallaudigiipni on that dav made to the assemblage? A...Idid. Q... State where your position was during its de'ive'-'v; what your opportunities for hearing were; whetlier you heard "it all; and whetlier and why your attention was particularly liirected to it? A...Defoi"e the speaking began I was on (he stand, a few feet from Mr. Vallandigham,aud was most of the time standing near him, so that I could not fail to hear all that Le said . I do not think my attention was distracted unless for a few minutes during the whole speech. I had not heard Mr. Tallaudigham speak since the adjournment of Congress, and as I came in from a different direction from the West, I did not know that he was to be there. I took an esjiecial interest in listening to his speech through- out. Having to follow him, I naturally noted the topics which he discussed. I believe that answers the question. Q...Did you hear any allusions to Gen. Burnside, by name or description, and if so, what were they? A. ..The only allusion that he made to the General was, I think, near the beginning of his speech, in which he said he was not there by the favor of David Tod, or Abraham Lincoln, or Ambrose E. Burnside. Q...AVere any epithets applied to him during the speech? A. ..No, sir. If there had been, I should have noticed them, because Gen. Burnside was an old friend of mine. I should have remembered any odious epithets applied to him. Q...Did you hear the reference to General Order No. 38, and, if so, what was it? A...Tlie only reference made in that speech to that Or- der was something to this effect: that he did not recognize (I do not know that I can quote his language) Order No. 38 as superior to General Order No. 1, of the Constitu- tion, from George 'Washington, commanding. It was something to that effect. I thought at the time that it was a handsome point. I remembered that, because Mr. Vallandigham used the same expression in the debate in Congress on the conscription bill, or in some debate, somewhere else, when I heard him speak. Q Were any violent ejjithets, such as spitting upon, trampling under foot, or the like, used at any time in the speech, in reference to that Order No. 38; and if any crit- icism was made upon it, what was that criticism ? A....I cannot recall any denunciatory epithets applied to that order, I did not hear them, and if I had I should have remembered them. The criticism upon the order was made as I have stated before. Q....In what connection did I use the strong language? A. ...Mr. Vallandigham discussed the order very briefly, in order to get away on the four o'clock train, and occu- pied most of his time in discussing other propositions It was in connection with remarks about closing the war by separation of the Union. He charged that the men in power had the power to make peace by separation. He exhausted some time in reading proofs of this ; one was from Montgomery Blair and another from Forney's Press. He also said there were private proofs which time would disclose. He said they pursued this tiling until they fuund th.T,t the Democrats were unwilling to make any peace except on the basis of the restoration of the whole Union. Q...DO you remember to what, if at all, in connection with future usuj-pations of power he applied his strongest languai;e? A...I cranot say as to 11:6 strongest language, for he al- ways spoke pretty strongly. He denounced in strong lan- guage any usurpations of power to stop ijublic discussions and the sufi'rage. He appealed to the people to protect their rights, us the remedy for every grievance. Twice in his speech he counseled and warned against violence or revolution. By the peaceful means of the ballot-box, all that was wrong of a public nature might be remedied and that the courts would remedy all grievances of a private nature. I cannot quote the langTiage, but that is the sub- stance. During his speech he referred to those in power having rightful authority, and that they should be obeyed. Ho counseled no resistance except what could be bud at the ballot-bo.t. Q... Was anything said by meat all looking t . vucible resistance of either law or military orders? A. ..Not as I understand it. Q...What was the sole remedy that I urged upon the people? A. ..The sole n-medy -was, as I have staied, in ihe courts and in the ballot-box. 1 remember this distinctly, be- cause I had been pursuing the same line of i-emark at Chicago and Fort Wayne and other places where I had been speaking, and for the purijose of repressing any ten- dency toward violence among our democratic people. Q...Was anything said by me on I hat occHsiun in denun- ciation of the couscription bill or looking in any way to re- sistance toil? A. ..My best '-ecollection is that Mr. Vallandigham did i>ot say a word about it. Mr. Vallandigham. ..Not one word. Q...DidI refer to the French conscrip^'oj law, and if not, by whom was reference made to it? A. ..He did not. I did in this connection. The Judge Advocate objected to what Mi-. Cox had gaid as not being competent evidence. Mr. Cox desired to say to the Court, in exp'auation of what he said about the Conscription law, that he had just befoie the meeting been talking with Judge Bartley about tbe Conscription; law having been copied from the French law, and I merely referred to that in my speech. Q...Doyou lomember my quoting from President Lin- coln's proclamation of July Ist, lSt)2. the words '-unnec- essary and iajm-ious war." A...I do not. He may have done so, but I did not hear it. Q...Did you hear similar language used by me? A... I cannot recollect it. Q...Do you remember my comments on the change of the policy of the war some year or so after its commencement, and what reference was made by me in that connection? A. ..He did refer to the change in the policy of the war, and I think devoted some time to show that it war carried on for the abolition ol slavery, and not for the restoration of the Union. Q...What did he claim to have been its original purpose, and did he ref^r to anj' measure or proclamatioa of the President in that connection? A. ..He referred in that defense to the Crittendep propo- sition, declaring the war was for the restoration of the Union, and not to break up the States. Q...Did I counsel any other mode in that speech, of re- sisting usurpations of arbitrary power, except by free dis- cussion and the ballot-box? A. ..He did not. Mr. Vallandigham. ..As I understand thatportiou of the specification which relates to the proposition fi-om Kichmond has been stricken out, I will ask no questions about it. Q...Were any denunciations of the officers of the army indulged in by me, or any offensive eijithets applied to them? A. ..Well, occasionally, Mr. Vallandigham used the word "The President and his minions," but I did not think he used it in any other than the general acceptation of that term. lie did not use it in connection with the army. Mr. Vallandigham...! did not use it in connection with the officers of the army. Mr. Cox. ..It was in conuection with arbitrary arrests perhaps, that he used it . Q...Was it not in connection with army contractors and speculators? The Judge Advocate objected to the question and said the witness had distinctly stated that he did not think Mr V. had applied it to the officers of the army. Q...D0I understand you to say that the denunciations to which you refer, were chiefly in reference to arbitrarj' ar- rests? A. ..My recollection is that that was the connection in which it was used. He used sirong epithets towards spies and informers, and did not seem to like them very much. Mr. Vallandigham... As the court has admitted that I did make a distinction between tlie Butler county case and the Kentucky spy, I will not refer to it now. Q...D0 you remember the connection in which words to this effect were used at the close of the speech: "In re- gard to the possibility of a dissolution of the Union," and of his own determination in regard to such a contingency, and his "declining to act as a priest?" A. ..I cannot give the exact words, but I remember the metaphor, "that he would not be a priest to minister at the 198 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. altar of disuniun." It was as, he wouml up Ijisspe"- 'i. lie was speukiiif; about disunion and Liia attacliment to the Union. Q...What counsel did I give the people on th" inbject of the Union at the close of my speech? A. ..lie invoked them under no circumstances to surren- der the Union. I think he said something about leaving it to our posterity. Q...Do you remember my rebuke of arliitrary court mar- tiala, and was it in connection with the Butler county case? A. ..Yes; I so understood it. Q...What was the general character of my remarks on that subject? A. ..He denounced the applause of Jeff . Davis by that party, and said there was a mode by which this man could be tried. Mr. Vallandigham asked whether the rebuke had not reference to. and was spoken in connection witli the But- ler county case. lie desired a distinct answer ts this. Mr. Cox. ..He was speaking of the Butler county case, and he pointed out a mode by which such a man could be tried. Q... Was anything said in my speech in reference to tlie war, except in condemnation of what X claimed to bo the policy upon which it was now being waged, and as a policy which I insisted could not restore the Union, but must end finally in disunion? A... I can only give my nnderstanding. I do not know what inference other people might draw from it. I un- derstood his condemnation of the war to be launched at the perversion of its original purpose. Mr. Vallandigham...! do not remember anything fur- ther just now. I have some other witnesses whom I de- sire to examine on this point, who ai-e not yet here. Judge Advocate...! have no questions to put to the witness. To Mr. A'allandigham...IIas not this witness sufficiently developed the purpose and spirit of your speech? Mr. Vallandigham...! have called but one witness, and I understand the court has several more to corroberatu what their first witness has testified. Judge Advocate. ..The court will not be intiuenced by the number of witnesses. The number has nothing to do with the case. Mr. Vallandigham...! didnot counsel any resistance in my speech, and there were three \>itnesses on the stand, one of whom was the presiding officer and one a reporter, who is accustomed to reporting speeches, though he diil not report on that occasion, whom I have telegraphed for and expect here at 4 p. m. The Judge Advocate suggested that Mr. Pendleton, who was now present, was at the meeting at Mount Vernon, and that he might be called to the stand. Mr. Vallandiiibam...Mr. Pendleton has been engaged in this case, and I would prefer not to call him, as I have other witnesses. I also desire to show that the criticisms in my speech were not in reference to General Order No. 38. Judge Advocate. ..The witness has just said so. Mr. Vallandigham. ..If the court will admit that, then I will not call otlier witnesses. Judge Advocate...! will admit that the language might not have been used, especially toward General Order No. 38, but it had been proved that such language was used in the Mount Yernon speeches, in reference to military orders . Mr. Vallandigham...! want to prove that it was not used in relation to General Order No. 38. Judge Advocate...! will admit that the language was not used in regard to General Order No. 38, but generally to military orders. Mr. Vallandigham said he desired time to prepare a de- fence covering this testimony, and would, according to the rules governing court martials, submit it in writing. The Judge Advocate said he might cover 100 or 2U0 pages of foolscap in reviewing the case, but this would take time. He (the Judge Advocate) did not propose to say anything on the evidence, but would leave it with the Court. Mr. Vallandigham might say what he desired in defence verbally, and it could be reported in short hand, and thus save time. Mr. A'allandigham preferred to have the record correct, as it would have to go before another tribunal. The Court then took a recess to half past four o'clock. The Court reconvened at five o'clock. P.M. The Judge Advocate stated that the witnesses for the censed, who were expected, namely, Lickey Harper, J. F. F. Irwin and Frank U. Ilurd, had not arrived, and that he had agreed with the accused to admit, as it would avoid a continu.ance, that if they were present and under oath, they would testify substantially the same as Mr. Cox had done. Thereupon Mr. Vallandigham said he had no more testi- mony to ofler, and the case closed . The Judge Advocate now announced that the testimony was all in. At the request of Mr. Vallandigham, the testimony of Mi-. Cox was read over. Mr. Vallandigham. ..Gentlemen of the Court, very briefly and respectfully I offer the following protest : MR. VALLANDIGHAM' S PROTEST. Arrested withont due "process of law," mthout war- rant from auyjucUcial officer, and now, in a military pris- on, I have been served with a "charge and specifications," as in a court martial or military commission. I am not in either "the land or naval forces of the Uni- ted States, nor in the militia in the actual service of the United States," and therefore am not triable for any cause by any such court, but am subject, by the express terms of the Constitution, to arrest only by due process of law, ju- dicial warrant, regularly issued upon affidavit and by some officer or court of competent jurisdiction for the trial of citizens, and am now entitled to be tried on an indictment r presentment of a Grand Jury of such court, to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the state of Ohio, to be conlronted with witnesses against me, to have com- pulsory process for witnesses in my behalf, the assistance of counsel for my defence, and evidence and argument ac- cording to the common law and the ways of judicial courts. And all of these I here demand as my right as a citizen of of the United States, and under the Constitution of the United States. But the alleged "offence" itself is not known to the Con- stitution of the United States, nor to any law thereof. It is words sjioken to the people of Ohio in an open and pub- lic political meeting, lawfully and peaceably assembled un- der the Constitution and upon full notice. It is words of criticism of the public policy of the public servants of the people, by which policy it was alledged that the welfare of ' the country was not promoted. It was an appeal to the people to change that policy, not by force, but by free elections and the ballot-box. It is not pretended that I counseled disobedience to the Constitution or resistance to laws and lawful authority. I never have. Beyond this protest I have nothing furrher to submit. C. L. VALLANDIGHAM. Cincinnati, Ohio, May 7, 1803. FINDING AND SENTEXCE. The Commission, after mature deliberation en the evi- dence adduced and the statement of the accused, find the accused Clement L. Vallandigham, a citizen of the State of Ohio, as follows: Of the specification except the words: "That preposi- tions by which the northern states could be won back, and the South guaranteed their rights under the constitution had been rejected the day before the last battle of Fred- ericksburg, by Lincoln and his minions," — meaning, thereby, the President of the United States, and those un- der him in authority; and the words, "asserting that he had firmly believed, as he asserted si.x months ago, that the men in power are attempting to establish a despotism in this country, more cruel and more oppressive than ever existed before" "Guilty." And as to these words, "Not guilty. '' Of the charge "Guilty." And the commission do therefore sentence him, the said Clement L. A'allandigham, a citizen of the State of Ohio, to be placed in close confinement in some fortress of the United States, to bo designated by the commanding officer of this department, there to be kept during the continuance of the war. II. The proceedings, finding, and sentence in the fore- going case are approved and confirmed, and it is directed that the place of confinement of the prisoner, Clement L. A'allandigiiam, in accordance witli the said sentence, be Fort A\'arren, Boston Harbor. By command of Major General Buknside. LEWIS RICHMOND, Assistant Adjutant General. Here is the finding and the sentence. We place them on record, so that all posterity miy SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 199 Bee Just what Mr. V. was adjudged guilty of ; that is, 1st : for saying that Lincoln and his minions (meaning the president and those ac- ting under him in the character of spies, &c.) had prevented Union by rejecting certain prop- ositions for peace, &c. (This was stricken out, rather than expose Wood's testimony) 2d, the uttering the belief that those in power were at- tempting to establish a Despotism. (Did not this very trial furnish the proof of this ?) If this be treason, then traitors may be counted by the millions. The writer hereof, it is but proper to remark, has ever opposed Mr. Vs peculiar peace views, as both premature and useless, yet, he believes the means used to put down that gentleman, while Conway andhim- dreds of other republicans, who have directly advocated dissolution, and committed well-de fined acts of treason, without so much as a gen- tle rebuke from official quarters, is not only a gross outrage, but is intensifying the sting of despotism by an unmistakable display of polit- ical partiality. We have not the patience to comment on such a trial, and the punishmejat inflicted on such charges, and such proofs, to say nothing of the spy system, through the criminal f;irce as inaugurated. " Suspect ! that's a Spie's office ! — Byron "Rather confiile, and be deceivecl, A thousand times, by treacherous foes, Than once accuse the innocent, Or, let suspicion mar repose." — Mrs. Osgood. It would puzzle the most astute and patriotic man that ever lived, to pick out a sentence ut- tered by Mr. V., on the occasion, and distort it to mean anything like treason against the Government — or anything the half so disloyal as the hundreds of extracts from republican speeches, in the preceding pages of this work. One of the main charges against Mr. V. it seems, was the repetition of a phrase used by Mr. Lin- coln in his proclamation of July,'62. To punish citizens for repeating expressions used by him who applies the punishment, in the language of Edward Livingston, in 1798, is " a refine- ment on despotism." As we have given our opinion that Order 38 was issued expressly to reach Vallandig- HAM, so we record our belief that he was vir- tually sentenced before he was tried. This would not be without a precedent, for the bl®ody annals of i/O! /"orce and other Bastiles during the Reigr of Terror in France, teach us that the following order was often observed : 1st. Suspicion. 2d. Dig the grave. yd. Procure the coffin. 4th. Arrest of the suspected. 5th. A five minutes trial. 6th. Sentence of death . 7th. Execution. 8th. Use of the coffin and the grave. The forma of ti'ial, &c , over, the next thing was to sentence and punish Mj'. V. Buenside was graciously pleased to sentence the victim to confinement, which the President, in the plenitude and magnanimity of His Majesty's power, commuted, by substituting banishment — a punishment unknown before, on this free continent — a punishment so long the disgrace to British Statutes, but no longer known to the English criminal code. The arrest and deportation of Mr. V. arous- ed the most intense excitement throughout the north. The people saw in it a rapidly germi- nating despotism, and public meetings were held in numerous places — calm, yet firm and decided resolves were adopted, protesting to the President against the usurpation of power, and the striking down at one blow, the last barrier between despotism and civil liberty. The following resolves and 'correspondence with the President, are self-explanatory. THE ALBANY RESOLUTIONS AND THE PRESI- DENT'S EETLY. Letter of the Committi:e and Resolutions. Albany, May 19, 1S63. To His Excellency the President of the United States: The undersigned, officers of a public meet- ing held at the city of Albany on the 16th day of May instant, herewith transmit to your Ex- cellency a copy of the resolutions adopted at the said meeting, and respectfully request your earnest consideration of them. They deem it proper on their personal responsibility to state that the meeting was one of the most respect- able as to numbers and character, and one of the most earnest in the support of the Union ever held in the city. Yours, with great regard, ERAgTUS CORNING, President. ELI PERRY, Vice President. PETER GRANSEYOORT, Vice President. PETER MONTEATII, Vice President. SAMUEL Vi. GIBBS, Vice President. JOHN NIBLACK, Vice President. H. W. McOLELLAN, Vice President. LEMUEL W. ROGERS, A'ice President. WM. SEYMOUH, Vice President. JEREMIAH OSBORN, Vice President. WM. S. PADDOCK, Vice President. J. B. SANDERS, Vice President. EDWARD MULCAUY, Vice President. D. V. N. RADCLIEFE, Vice President. WM. A. RICE, Secretary. EDWARD NEWCOMB, Secretary. R. W. PECKHAM, Jr., Secretary. M. A. NOLAN, Secretary. JOHN R. NESSEL, Secretary. C. AV. WEEKS, Secretary. 200 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. Resolutions Adopted at the Meeting held in Albany, jV. V., on thelQlh of 3Iaij, 1863. Eesolved, That tLe Dcmocriils of Ntw York poiat to their' uniform course of action during the two years of civil war through which we have jiasseil, to the alacrity •which they have evinced in filling the ranks of tlie army, to their contributions and sacrifices as the evidence of their patriotism and devotion to the cause of our imperil- ed country. jSever in the history of civil wars has a gov- ernment been sustained with such ample resources of means and men as the people have voluntarily placed in the hands of the administration. Kesolvcd, That as Democrats we are determined tomain- tain this patriotic attitude, and, views and sentiments of the meeting refe:vei to. '•We are, with great respect, trulv vour::. "EKASXUS CuKNINiT. President. [This was also signed by the entire Committee.] "Albany, June 30, 1S63." To His Excellency Abraham Liscolm, President of the United States: SiE — Your answer, which has appeared in the public prints, to the resolutions adopted at a recent meeting in the city of Albany, affirm- ing the personal rights and liberties of the citizens of this country, has been refei'red to the undersigned — the committee who prepared and reporteu those resolutions. The subject will now receive from us further attention, which your answer seems to justify, if not to invite. We hope not to appear wanting in the respect due to your high position, if we reply with a freedom and earnestness suggested by the infinite gravity and importance of the ques- tion upon which you have thought proper to take issue at the bar of public opinion. You seem to be aware that the constitution of the United States, which you have sworn to protect and defend, contains the following guarantees, to which we again ask yonr atten- tion. (1) Congress shall make no law abridg- ing the freedom of speech or of the press. — (2.) The right of the people to be secure in their persons against unreasonable seizures shall not be violated, and no warrant shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath. (3.) No persons except soldiers and marines in the service of the government shall be held to answer for a capital or infamous crime, unless on presentment or indictment of a grand jury, nor shall any person be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due pro- cess of law. (4.) In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shtiU enjoy the right of a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State or district in which the crime shall have been committed, and to be confronted with the witnesses against him. You are also, no doubt, aware that, on the adoption of the constitution, these invaluable provisions were proposed by the jealous cau- tion of the states, and were inserred as amend- ments for a perpetual assui-ance of liberty against the encroachments of power From your earliest reading of history, you also know that the great principles of liberty and law which underlie these provisions were derived to us from the British constitution. In that country they were secured by Magna Charta, more than sis hundred years ago, and they have been confirmed by many and repeated; SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP BOOK. 205 statutes of the realm. A single palpable vio- lation of them in England would not only arouse the public indignation, but would en- danger the throne itself. For a persistent disregard of them Charles the First was de- throned and beheaded by his rebellious sub- jects. The fact hr.s already passed into history that the sacred rights and immunities which were designed to be protected by these constitution- al guarantees have not been preserved to the people during your administration. In viola- tion of the first of them, the freedom of the press has been denied. In repeated instances newspapers have been suppressed jin the loyal states, because they criticised, as constitution- ally they might, those fatal errors of policy which have characterized the conduct of public affairs since your advent to power. In viola- tion of the second of them, hundreds, and we believe thousands, of men have been seized and immure 1 in prisons and bastiles, not only without wariant upon probable cause, but with- out any warrant, and for no other cause than a constitutional exercise of freedom of speech In violation of all these guarantees, a distin- guished citizen of a peaceful and loyal state has been torn from his home at midnight by a band of soldiers, acting under the order of one of your Generals, tried before a miliiary com- mission, without judge or jury, convicted. and sentenced without the suggestion of any offence known to the constitution or laws of this coun- try. For all these acts you avow yourself ul- timately responsible. In the special case of Mr. Vallandiguam, the injustice commenced by your subordinate was consummated by a sen- tence of esile from home pronounced by you. That great wrong more than any other which preceded it, asserts the principles of a supreme despotism. These repeated and continued invasions of constitutional liberty and private right have occasioned profound anxiety in the public mind The appn-hension and alarm which they are calculated :o produce have been greatly enhan- ced by your attempt to justify them, because in that attem] " you assume to yourself a rightful authority i n-sessed by no constitutional mon- arch on earth. We accept the declaration that you prefer to exercise this authority with a moderation not hitherto exhibited. But, be- lieving as we do, that your forbearance is not the tenure by which liberty is enjoyed in this country, we propose to challenge the grounds on which your claim of supreme power is based. While yielding to you as a constitutional mag- istrate the deference to which you are entitled, we cannot accord to you the despotic power you claim, however indulgent and gracious you may promise to be in wielding it. We have carefully considered the grounds on which y:iur pretensions to more than legal authority are claimed to rest; and, if we do not misinterpret the misty and clouded forms of expression in which those pretensions are set forth, your meaning is, that, while the rights of the citizens are protected by the con- stitution in time of peace, they are suspended or lost in time of war, when invasion or rebel- ion exists. You do not, like many others in whose minds reason and the love of regulated liberty seem to be overthrown by the excite- ments of the hour, attempt to base this conclu- sion upon a supposed military necessity exist- ing outside of and transcending the constitu- tion, — a military necessity behind which the constitution itself disappears in a total eclipse. We do not find this gigantic and monstrous heresy put forth in your plea for absolute power, but we do find another equally subver- sive of liberty and law, and quite as certainly tending to the establishment of despotism. — You claim to have found, not outside, but with- in the constitution, a principle or germ of ar- bitrary power, which, in time of war, expands at once into an absolute sovereignty, wielded by one man; so that liberty perishes, or is de- pendent on his will, his discretion, or his cap- rice. This extraordinary doctrine you claim to derive wholly from the claase of the consti- tution which, in case of invasion or rebellion, permits the writ of habeas corpus to be sus- pended. Upon this ground your whole argu- ment is based. You must permit us to say to you, with all due respect, but with the earnestness demand- ed by the occasion, that the American people will never acquiesce in this doctrine. In their opinion, the guarantees of the Constitution, which secure to them freedom of speech and of the press, immunities from arrest for offences unknown to the laws of the land, and the right of trial by jury before the tribunals provided by those laws, instead of military commissions and drum-head courts martial, are living .and vital principles IN PEACE AND in war, at all times and under all circumstances. No soph- istry or argument can shake this conviction, nor will the people require its confirmation by logical sequences and deductions. It is a con- viction deeply interwoven with the instincts, the habits, and the education of our country- men. The right to form opinions upon public measures and men, and to declare those opin- ions by speech or writing, with the utmost lat- itude of expression: the right of personal lib- erty unless forfeited according to established laws, and for offences previously defined by law, the right, when accused of crime, to be tried where law is administered and punish- ment is pronounced only when the crime is le- gally ascertained; all these are rights instantly perceived, without argument or proof. No re- finement of logic can unsettle them in the minds of freemen; no power can annihilate them, and no force at the command of any Chief Magistrate can compel their- surrender. So far as it is possible for us to understand from your language the mental process which has led you to the alarming conclusions indica- ted by your communication, it is this: The habeas corpus is a remedial writ, issued by courts and magistrates to inquire into the cause of any imprisonment or restraint of liberty; on the return of which and upon due examination the person imprisoned is discharged if the re straint is unlawful, or admitted to bail if lie ap- 206 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. pears to have been lawfully arrested and held to answer a criminal accusation. Inasmuch as this process may be suspended in time of war, you seem to think that every remedy for a false and unlawful imprisonment is abrogated; and from this postulate you reach at a single bound the conclusion that there is no liberty under the constitution which does not depend on the gracious indulgence of the Executive only. This great heresy once established, and by this mode of induction, there springs at once into existence a brood of crimes or offences unde- fined by any rule, and hitherto unknown to the laws of this country; and this is followed by in- discriminate arrests, midnight seizures, mili- tary commissions, unheard of modes of trial, and punishment, and all the machinery of ter- ror and Jespotism. Your language does not permit us to doubt as to your essential mean- ing, for you tell us that "arrests are not made so much for what has been done, as for what probably would be done." And again: "The man who stands by and says nothing when the peril of his, government is discussed cannot be misunder- stood. If not hindered [of course by arrest,] he is sure to telp the enemy, and much more if he talks ambiguously — talks for hij country with 'buts,' and 'ifs,' and ands.' " Tou also tell us that the arrests complained of have not been made "for the treason defined in the constitution," nor "for any capital or otherwise infamous crimes, nor were the pro- ceedings following in any constitution or legal sense criminal prosecutions." The very ground, then, of your justification is, that the victims of arbitrary ai-rest were obedient to every law, were guiltless of any known and defined offense, and therefore were without the protection of the constitution. The suspension of the writ of habeas corpus^ instead of being intended to prevent the enlargement of arrest- ed criminals until a legal trial and conviction can be had, is designed, according to your doc- trine, to subject innocent men to your supreme will and ple.asure. Silence itself is punishable according to this extraordinary theory, and still more so the expression of opinions, how- ever loyal, if attended with criticisms upon the policy of the government. We must respectful- ly refuse our assent to this theory of cons-itu- tional law. We think that men may be right- fully silent if they so choose, while clamorous and needy patriots proclaim the praises of those who wield power; and as :o the "buts," the "ifs," and the "ands," these are Saxon words and belong to the vocabulary of freemen. We have already said that the intuition of a free people instantly rejects these dangerous and unheard of doctrines. It is not our pur- pose to enter upon an elaborate and extended refutation of them. We submit to you, how- ever, one or two considerations, in the hope that you will review the subject with the ear- nest attention which its supreme importance demands. We say, then, are you not aware that the writ of habeas corpus is now suspended in any of the peaceful and loyal states of the Union. An act of Congress approved by you on the 3d of March, 1863, authorized the President to suspend it during the present re- bellion. That the suspension is a legislative, and not an executive act, has been held in every judicial decision ever made in this country, and we think it cannot be delegated to any other branch of the government. But, passing over that consideration, you have not exercised the power which Congress attempted to confer upon you. and the writ is not sus- pended in any part of the country where the civil laws are in force. Now, inasmuch as your doctrine of the arbitrary arrests and imprison- ment of innocent men, in admitted violation of express constitutional guarantees, is wholly derived from a suspension of the habeas corpus, the first step to be taken in the ascent to abso- lute power ought to be to make it known to the people that the writ is in fact suspended, to the end that they may know what is their condi- tion. You have not yet exercised this power, and, therefore, according to your own consti- tutional thesis, your conclusion falls to the ground. It is one of the provisions of the constitution and of the very highest value, that no ex post facto law shall be passed, the meaning of which is, that no act which is not against the law when committed can be criminal by subsequent legislation. But your claim is, that when the writ of habeas corpus is suspended, you may lawfully imprison and punish for the crime of silence, of speech and opinion. But, as these are not offences against the known and estab- lished law of the land, the constitutional prin- cipal to which we now refer plainly requires that you should, before taking cognisance of such offences, make known the rule of action, in order that the people may be advised in season, so as not to become liable to its penal- ties. Let us turn your attention to the most glaring and indefensible of all the assaults upon constitutional liberty, which have marked the history of your administration. No one has ever pretended that the writ of habeas cor- pus was suspended in the state of Ohio, where the arrest of a citizen at midnight, already re- ferred to, was made, and he p)laced before a court martial for trial and sentence, upon charges and specifications which admitted his innocence according to the existing laws of this country. Upon your own doctrine, then, can you hesitate to redress that monstrous wrong? But, sir, we cannot acquiesce in your dog- mas that arrests and imprisonment, without warrant or criminal accusation, in their nature lawless and arbitrary, opposed to the very letter of constitutional guarrantees,can become in any sense rightful by reason of a suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. AVe deny that the suspension of a single and peculiar remedy for such wrongs brings into existence new and unknown classes of olfences, or new causes for depriving men of their liberty. It is one of the most material purposes of that writ to en- large upon bail persons who, upon probable cause, are duly and legally charged with some known crime, and a suspension of the writ was never asked for in England nor in this country 'SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 207 except to prevent such enlargement when the supposeil ofifence was against the safetyof the government. In the year 1807. at the time of Burr's alleged conspiracy, a bill was passed in the Senate of the United States, suspending the writ of habeas corpus for a limited time, in all cases where person!^ were charged on oath with treason or other high crime or misdemean- or endangering the peace or safety of the gov- ernment. But your doctrine undisguisedly is, that a suspension of this writ justifies arrests' without warrant, without oath, and even with- out suspicion of treason or other crime. Your doctrine denies the freedom of speech and of the press. It invades the sacred domain of opinion and discussion. It denounces the "'ifs" and "buts" of the English language, and even the refuge of silence is insscure. We repeat, a suspension of the writ of haheas corpus merely dispenses with a single and pe- culiar remedy against an unlawful imprison- ment; but; if that remedj' had never existed, the right to liberty would be the same, and every invasion of that right would be condemn- ed not only by the constitution, but by princi- ples of far greater antiquity than the writ it- self. Our common law is not at all indebted to this writ for its action of false imprisonment, and the action would remain to the citizens if the writ were abolished forever. Again: every man, when his life or liberty is threatened without the warrant of law, may lawfully re- sist, and, if necessary in self-defence, may take the life of the aggressor. Moreover, the people of this country may demand the im- peachment of the President himself for ihe exercise of arbitrary power. And, when all these remedies shall prove inadequate for the protection of free institutions, there remains, in the last resort, the supreme right of revo- lution. You once announced this right with a latitude of expression which may well be con- sidered dangerous in the present crisis of our national history. You said: "Any people, anywhere, being inclined and having the power, have the right tosaiseup and shake off the exist- ing government and form a new one that suits them bet- ter. Xor is this right confined to cases where the people of an existing government may choose to exercise it.... Any portion of such people that can may revolutionize and make their own of so much of the territory as they inhabit. More th.an this, a majority of any portion of such people may revolutionize, putting down a minority iatermingled with or near about them, who may oppose their movements.". ..noZi4y/t« ly, Congressional Globe,, p. 94.) Such were your opinions, and you had a constitutional right to declare them. If a citi- zen now should utter sentiments far less dan- gerous in their tendency,! your nearest mili- tary commander would consign him to a dun- geon, or to the tender mercies of a court mar- tial, and you would approve the proceeding. In our deliberate judgment, the constitution is not open to the new interpretation suggested by your communication now before us. We think every part of that instrument is harmo- nious and consistent. The possible suspension of the writ of haheas corpus is consistent with freedom of speech and of the press. The sus- pension of the remedial process may prevent the enlargement r.f the accused traitor or con- spirator, until he shall be legally tried and convicted or acquitted; but in this we find no justification for arrest and imprisonment with- out warrant, without cause, without the accu- sation or suspicion of crime. It seems to us, that the sacred right of trial by jury, and in courts where the law of the land is the rule of decision, is a right which is never dormant, never suspended, in peaceful and loyal commu- nities and states. Will you, Mr. President, maintain that, because the writ of habeas cor- pun may be in suspense, you can substitute soldiers and bayonets for the peaceful ojiera- tion of the laws, military commissions and in- quisitorial modes of trial, fjir the courts and juries prescribed by the constitution itself? And, if you cannot maintain this, then let us ask where the justification is for the monstrous proceeding in the case of a citizen of Ohio, to which we have called your attention? We know that a recreant Judge, whose uame has de- scended to merited contempt, found the apolo- gy on the outside of the supreme and funda- mental law of the constitution. But this is not the foundation on which your superstructure of power is built. We have menti&n«d the act of the last Con- gress professing to authorize a suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. This act now de- mands jour especial attention, because, if we are not greatly in error, its terms and plain intention are directly opposed to all the argu- ments and conclusions of your communication. That act, besides providing that ihe habeas cor- pus may be suspended, expressly commands that the names of all persons theretofore or thereafter arrested by authority of the Presi- dent, or his cabinet ministers, bei?ig citizens of states in which ihe adminiitratio?i of the laws has continued unimpaired, shall be turned over to the courts of the United States for the district in which such persons reside, or in which their supposed offenses were committed; and such return being made, if the next grand jury at- tending the court does not indict the alleged offenders, then the Judges are commanded to issue an ordar for their immediate discharge from imprisonment. Now, we cannot help ask- ing wheather you have overlooked this law, which most assuredly you are bound to ob- serve, or whether it be your intention to dis- regard it? Its meaning certainly' cannot be mistaken. By it the national legislature has said that the President may suspend the accus- tomed writ of habeas corpus, but at the same time it has comma^idcd that all arrests under his authority shall be promptly made known to the courts of justice, and that the accused par- ties shall be liberated, unless presented by a grand jury according to the constitution, and tried by a jury in the ancient and accustomed mode. The President may, possibly, so far as Congress can give the right, arrest without le- gal cause or warrant. We certainly deny that Congress can confer this right, because it is forbidden by the higher law of the constitution. But, waiving that consideration, this statute, by its very terms, promptly removes the pro- 208 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS- ceedings in every case into the courts where the aafeguards of liberty are observed, and ■where the persons detained are to be discharg- ed, unless indicted for criminal offences against the established and ascertained lavrs of the country. Upon what foundation, then, permit as to ask, do you rest the pretension that men who arc not accused of crime may be seized and imprisoned or banished at the will and plea- sure of the President or any of his subordi- nates in civil and military positions? "Where is the warrant for invading the freedom of speech and of the press? Where the justifiea- tion for placing the citizen on trial without the presentment of a grand jury and before milita- ry commissions? There is no power a^ THIS COUNTRY VTHICH CAN DISPENSE WI2H ITS LAWS The President is as much bound by them as the humblest individual. We pi'ay you to bear in mind, in order that you may duly estimate the feeling of the people on this subject, that, for the crime of dispensing with the laws and statutes of Great Britain, our an- cestors brought one monarch to the scaffold and expelled another from his throne. This power which you have erected in theory is of vast and limitahle proportions. If we may trust you to exercise it mercifully and le- niently, your successor, whether immediate cr more remote, may wield it with the energy of a Csesar or Napoleon, and with the will of a despot and a tyrant. It is a power withcwt boundary or limit, because it precedes upon a total suspension of all the constitutional aad legal safeguards which protect the rights of the cidzen. It is a power not inaptly described in the language of one of your Secretaries. Said Mr. Seward to the British Minister in Ws^sh- ington: "I can touch a bell on my right hand anJ order tljo- ar- rest of a citizen of Ohio. I can touch the bell again, and order the imprisonment of a citizen of New York, and no power on earth but that of the President can release thein, Can the Queen of Jingland, in her dominions, do as much? This is the very language of a perfect des- potism, and we learn from you. with profound emotion, that this is no idle boast It is a des- potism unlimited in principle, because the same arbitrary and unrestrained will or discretion which can place men under illegal restraint or banish them can apply the rack or the thumb- screw, can put to torture or .0 death. Not thus have the people of this country hitherto un- derstood their constitution. No argument can commend to their judgment such interpreta- tions of the great charter of their liberties. Quick as the lightning's flash, the intuitive sense of freemen perceives the sophistry and rejects the conclusion. Some other matters which your Excellency has presented demand our notice. In justification of your course as to Mr. Val- lancligham, you have referred to the arrest of Judge Hall at New Orleans by order of Gen. Jackson; but that case difl'ers widely from the case of Mr. Vallandigham. New Orleans was then, as you truly state, under "martial or military law." This was not ac- in Ohio, where Mr. Vallandigham was i-ji-resied. The administration of the civil lav? had' not been disturbed in that commonwealthi The courts were open, and justice was dispensed with its accustomed promptitude. In the case of Judge Hall, Gen. Jackson in a few days- sent him out- side of the line of his encampments and set him at liberty; but you have undertaken to banish Mr. Vallandigham from his-hoaae. You seem also to have forgotten that Gen. Jackson submitted implicitly to the jua^ment of the court which imposed the fine upenihim j that he enjoined his friends to assent, "as he most freely did, to the decision wMich haiij.ust been pronounced again.st him.'' More than this, you overlook fhe fiist that the then administration (in the language o-' a well-known author) "mildly but decitiedly re- buked the j>roceedings of Gen. Jnckson," and that the President viewed the subjeet with "surprise and solicitude." Unlike President Madison, yon, in a case much rsore unwarran- ted, approve th.e proceedings of youv subordi- nate officer, and, in addition, justify your course by a carefully considered: argument in its support. It is true that, after some tLfiirty yt^ays. Con- gress, in consideration of the devoted and pat- riotic services of Gen Jackson., refunded the amount of the fine he had paid'. But the long delay in doing this proved bow reluctant the American people were to do anything which could be considered as in any way approving the disregard shown to the majesty of the law, even by one who so emineatly enjoyed their confidence and regard. One object more, and we shall conclude. — You expressed your regret that our meeting spoke "as Democrats;" aad you say that, "in tliis time of national peril, you would have jjrefer- red to meet us upon a level, one step higher than any par- ty platform."' You thus compel us to allude to matters which we should have preferred to pass by. But we cannot omit to notice your criticism, as it casts-, at least an implied re- proach upon our motives and our proceed- ings. We beg to remind you that when the hour of our country's peril had come, when it was evident that a most gigantic effort was to be made to subvert our institutions and to over- throw the government, when it was vitally im- portant that party feeelings should be laid aside, and that all should be called upon to unite most cordially and vigorously to main- tain the Union; at the time when ycu were sworn into olBce as President of the United States, when you should have urged your fel- low citizens in the most emphatic manner to overlook all past differences and to rally in defence of their country iind its institutions, when you should have enjoined respect for the laws and the constitution, so clearly disregard- ed by the South; you chose for the first time, under like circumstances, in the history of our country, to set up^ party platform, called "the Chicago platform" as your creed, to advance SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 209 it beyond tlic constitution, and to speak dispar- agingly of the great conservative tribunal of our country, so highly respected by all think- ing men who have inquired into our institu- tions — TUB SUPREME COUKT OF THE UNITED STATES. Your administration has been true to the principles you then laid down. Notwithstand- ing the fact that several hundred thousand democrats in the loyal states cheerfully re- sponded to the call of their country, filled the ranks of its armies, and by "their strong hands and willing arms," aided to maintain your Excellency and the officers of govern- ment in the possession of our national capital; notwithstanding the fact that the great body of the democrats of the country have, in the most patriotic spirit, given their best efforts, their treasure, their brothers and their sons to sus- tain the government and to put down the rebel- lion; you, choosing to overlook all this, have made your appointments to civil office, from yonr Cabinet officers and foreign Minister? down to the persons of lowest official grade among the tens of thousands engaged in col- lecting the revenues of the country, exclus- ively from your political associates. Under such circumstances, virtually pros- cribed by your administration, and while most of the leading journals which 8ui)ported it ap- proved the sentence pronounced against Mr. Valiandigham, was our true course, our honest course, to meet as "Democrats" that neither your Excellency or the country might mistake our antecedents or our position. In closing this communication, we desire to reaffirm our determination and wc doubt not that of every one who attended the meeting which ."idopted the resolutions wc have discuss- ed, expressed in one of those resolutions, to devote "all our energies to sustain the cause of the Union." Permit us. then, in this spirit, to ask your Excellency to re-examine the grave subjects we have considered, to the end that, on your retirement from the position you now occupy, you may leave behind you no doctrines and no farther precedents of despotic power to prevent you and your posterity from enjoying that con- stitutional liberty, which is the inheritance of us all, and to the end, alse, that history may speak of yaur administration with indulgence, if it cannot with approval. We are. :• i-. with great respect, yours truly. JOHN V. L. PHUYN, Chairman nf Committee. , ji.neil also by the entire Conin:itte«.l ALtA.w, . uiie .30, 1863, •COERESrOXDESCB WITH TOE OlilO COMMIT- TEE. The following is a correct copy of the cor- respondence between President Lincoln and the committee appointed by the Ohio Demo- cratic State Convention to ask for permission for Hon. C. L. Vallandigham to return to Ohio: The Letter to the President. AVasuingto.n CiTT, Jnne 20, 1SC3. To His K.\cellency the President of the United StiiteS : The undersigned, having been .appointed a committee, under the authority of the resolu- tions of the state convention, held at the city of Columbus, Ohio, on the 11th instant, to communicate with you on the subject of the arrest and banishment of Clement L. Vallan- digham, most respectfully submit the follow- ing as the resolutions of that convention, bear- ing upon the subject of this communication, and ask of your excellency their earnest con- sideration. And they deem it proper to state that the convention was one in which all parts of the state were lepresented, and one of the most respectable as to character and numbers, and one of the most earnest and sincere in sup- port of the Constitution and Union ever held in that state. lie.snlvcd, 1, That the wiil of tlie people, is the founda- tien of all freo govoniiiient ; that to give eflect to this ■H'ill, free thought, free spei-ch and a tree press are abso- lutely indi.speiirfended. The provision relating to the writ of habeas corpus, being contained in the first article of the Constitution, the purpose of which is to de- fine the powers delegated to Congress, has no connection in language with the declaration of rights, as guarantees of personal liberty, con- tained in the additional and amendatory arti- cles. And inasmuch as the provision relating to habeas corpus expressly provides for its sus- pension, and the other provisions alluded to do not provide for any such thing, the legal con- clusion is. that the suspension of the latter is unauthorized. The provision for the writ of habeas corpus is merely intended to furnish a summary remedy, and not the means whereby personal security is conserved, in the final re- sort; while the other provisions are guarantees SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 215 of pei'sonal rights, the suspension of which puts an cud to all jjretensc of free government. It is true Mr. Vallandigham applied for a writ of habeas corpus as a summary remedy against oppression. But the denial of this did not take away his right to a speedy public trial by an impartial jury, or deprive him of his other rights as an American citizen. Your assump- tion of the right to suspend all the constitu- tional guarantees of personal liberty, and even of the freedom of speech and of the press, be- cause the summary r2medy of habeas corpus may be suspended, is at once startling and alarming to all persons desirous of preserving free government in this country. The inquiry of the undersigned; whether " you hol'I that the rights of every man throughout this vast country, in time of invasion or insurrection, are sub- ject to be annulled, whenever yuu may say that the pub- lic safety requires it," was a plain question, undisguised by circum- locution, and intended simply to elicit infor- mation. Your affirmative answer to this question throws a shade upon the fondest an- ticipations of the framers of the Constitution, who flattered themselves that they had provid- ed safeguards against the dangers which have ever beset and overthrown free governments in other ages and countries. Your answer is not to be disguised by the phraseology that the question "is simply a question who .shall decide, or an affirmation that nobody shall decide what the public safety doea re- quire in cases of rebellion or invasion." Our government was designed to be a gov- ernment of laiv^ settled and defined^ and not of the arbitrary will of a single man. As a safe- guard, the powers granted were divided, and delegated to the legislative, executive, and ju- dicial branches of the government, and each made co-ordinate with the others, and supreme within its sphere, and thus a mutual check upon each other, in case of abuse of power. It has been the boast of the American people that they had a written Constitution^ not only expressly defining^ but also limiting the powers of the government, any providing etfectual safe- guards for personal liberty, security, and pro- l^erty. And to make the matter more positive and explicit, it was provided by the amendatory articles, nine and ten, that "the enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not bo construed to deny ov disparage others retained by the people," and that "the powers not dele- gated to the United States by the Constitution, uor prohibited by it to the stutes, or reserved to the states respectively or to the people.''' With this care and precaution on the part of our fore fathers who framed our institutions, it was not to be expected that, at so early a day as this, a claim of the Presideht to arbitrary power, lim- ited only by his conception of the requirements of the public safety, would have been asserted. In derogation of the constitutional provis- ions making the President strictly an executive officer, and vesting all the delegated legislative power in Congress, your position, as we under- stand it, would make your ivill the rule of uct- ion, and your declarations of the requirements of the public safety the law of the land. Our inquiry was not. therefore, "simply a question who shall decide, or the affirmation that nobody shall decide what the public safety requires."' Our government is a government of laio, and it is the law-making power which ascertains what the public safety requires, and prescribes the rule of action; and the duty of the Presi- dent is simply to execute the laws thus enacted and not to make or annul laws. If any exigen- cy shall arise, the President has the power to convene Congress at any time, to provide for it; so that the plea of necessity furnishes no reas- onable pretext for any assumption of legislative power. For a moment contemplate the consequences of such a claim to power. Not only would the dominion of the President be absolute over the rights of individuals, but equally so over the other departments of the government. If he should claim that the public safety required it, he could arrest and imprison a judge for the conscientious discharge of his duties, pai-alyze the judicial power, or supercede it, by the substitution of courts-martial, subject to his own 2cill, throughout the whole country. If any one of the states, even far removed from the rebellion, should not sustain his plan for pros- ecuting the war, he could, on this plea of the public safety, annul and set at defiance the state laws and authorities, arrest and imprison the governor of the state, or the members of the Legislature, while in the faithful discharge of their duties, or he could absolutely control the action, either of Congress or of the Su- preme Court, by arresting and imprisoning its members; and, upon the same ground, he could suspend the elective franchise, postpone the elections, and declare the pei-petuity of his high prerogative. And neither the power of impeachment, nor the elections of the people, could be made available against such concen- tration of power. Surely it is not necessary to subvert fx-ee government in this country in order to put down the rebellion ; and it cannot be done un- der the pretense of putting down the rebellion. Indeed, it is plain that your administration has been weakened, gresitly weakened, by the assumption of power not delegated in the Con- stitution. In your answer you say to us : 'You claim that men may, if they choose, eniban'as those whose duty it is to combat a giant rebellion, and then be dealt with in turn only as if there were no rebel- lion." You will find yourself at fault if you will search our communication to you, for any such idea. The undersigned believe that the Con- stitution and Laws of the land, properly ad- ministered, furnish ample power to put down an insurrection, without the assumption of powers not granted. And if existing legisla- tion be inadequate, it is the duty of Congress to consider what futher legislation is neces- sary, and to make suitable provision by law. You claim that the military arrests made by 216 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. your administration are merely preventive rem- edies "as injunctions to stay injury, or pro- ceedings to keep the peace, and not for pun- ishmentV The ordinary preventive remedies alluded to are authorized by established law, but the preventive proceedings you institute have their authority merely in the will of the executive or that of officers subordinate to his authority. And in this proceeding a discretion seems to be exercised as to whether the prison- er shall be allowed a trial; or even be permit- ted to know the nature of the complaint al- leged against him, or the name of his accuser. If the proceeding be merely preventive, why not allow the prisioner the benefit of a bond to keep the peace? But if no offense has been committed, why was Mr. Vallandigham tried, convicted and sentenced by a court-martial? And why the actual punishment^ by imprison- ment or banishment, without the opportunity of obtaining his liberty in the mode usual in preventive remedies, and yet say, it is not for punishment? You still place Mr. Vallandigham' s convic- tion and banishment upon the ground that he had damaged the military service by discourag- ing enlistments and encouraging desertions, &c.: and yet you have not even pretended to controvert our position, that he was not charg- ed with, tried or convicted for any such offense before the court-martial. In answer to our position that Mr. Vallan- digham was entitled to a trial in the civil tri- bunals, by virtue of the late acts of Congress, you say: " I certivicly do not know that Mr. Vallandigham has specificallj' and by direct lanjuago advised against en- listments and in favor of desertions and resistance to draft- ing," (tc. And yet, in a subsequent part of your an- swer, after speaking of certain disturbances which are alleged to have occurred in resist- ance of the arrest of deserters, and of the en- rollment preparatory to the draft, and which you attribute mainly to the course Mr. Vallan- digham has pursued, you say, that he has made speeches against the war in the midst of re- sistance to it, that "he has never been known, in any instance, to counsel against such re- sistance," and that "it is next to impossible ty repel the inference that he has counseled directly in favor of it " Permit the under- signed to say, that your information is most grievously at fault. The undersigned have been in the habit of hearing Mr. Vallandigham speak before popular assem- blages, and they appeal with confidence to every truthful person who has ever heard him, for the accuracy of the declaration that he has never made a speech before the people of Ohio in which he has not counseled submission and obedience to the laws and the Constitution, and advised the peaceful remedies of the judicial tribunals and of the ballot-box for the redress of grievances, and for the evils which afflict our bleeding and suffering country. And, were it not foreign to the purposes of this communica- tion, we would undertake to establish, to the satisfaction of any candid person, that the dis- turbances among the people to which you al- lude, in opposition to the arrest of deserters and the draft, have been occasioned mainly by the measures, policy and conduct of your adminis- tration, and the course of its political friends. But if the circumstantial evidence exists, to which you allude, which makes, "It is next to lmpos.iible to repel the infererxe that Mr. Vallandigham has counseled directly in favor" of this resistance, and that the same has been mainly attributable to his conduct, why was he not turned over to the civil authorities to be tried under the late acts of Congress? If there be any foundation in fact for your statements implicating him in resistance to the constituted authorities, he is liable to such prosecution. And we now demand, as a mere act of justice to him, an investigation of this matter before a jury of his country; and respectfully insist that fairness requires, ether that you retract these charges which you make against him, or that you revoke your order of banishment and allow him the opportunity of an investigation before an impartial jury. The committee do not deem it necessary to repel at length the imputation that the atti- tude of themselves or of the Democratic party in Ohio " encourages desertions, resistance to the draft and the like," or tends to the breach of any law of the land. Suggestions of that kind are not unusual weapons in our ordinary political contests. They rise readily in the minds of politicians heated with the excite- ment of partisan strife. During the two years in which the Democratic party of Ohio has been constrained to oppose the policy of the administration and to stand up in defense of the Constitution and of personal rights this charge has been repeatedly made. It has fal- len harmless, however, at the feet of those whom it was intended to injure. The commit- tee believe it will do so again. If it were pro- per to do so in this paper, they might sug- gest that the measures of the administration and its changes of policy in the prosecu- tion of the war have been the fruitful sources of discouraging enlistments and in- ducing desertions, and furnish a reason for the undeniable fact, that the first call for vol- unteers was answered by very many more than were demanded, and that the next call for sol- diers will probably be responded to by drafted men alone. The observation of the President in this connection, that neither the convention in its resolutions^ nor the committee in its com- munication, intimate that they "are conscious of an existing rebellion being in progress with the avowed object of destroying the Union," needs, perhaps, no reply. The Democratic party of Ohio has felt so keenly the condition of the country, and been so stricken to the heart by the misfortunes and sorrows which have befallen it, that they hardly deemed it necessary by solemn resolution, when their very state exhibited everywhere the sad evi- dences of war, to remind the President that they were aware of its existence. SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 217 In the conclusion of your communication, you propose that, if a majority of our commit- tee shall aifis their signatures to a duplicate copy of it, ■which you have furnished, they shall stand committed to three propositions therein at length set forth; that you will pub- lish the names thus signed, and that this pub- lication shall operate as a revocation of the order of banishment. The committee cannot refrain from the expression of their surprise, that the President should make the fate of Mr. Vallandigham depend upon the opinion of this committee upon;these propositions. If the ar- rest and banishment were legal, and were de- served; if the President exercised a power clearly delegated, under circumstances which warranted its exercise, the order ought not to be revoked, merely because the committee hold, or express, opinions accordant with those of the Presidert. If the arrest and banishmeat were not legal, or were not deserved by Mr. Vallandigham, then surely he is entitled to an immediate and unconditional discharge. The people of Ohio were not so deeply moved by the action of the President, merely because they were concerned for the personal safety or convenience of Mr. Vallandigham, but because they saw in his arrest and banish- ment an attack upon their own personal rights ; and they attach value to his discharge chiefly, as it will indicate an abandonment of the claim to the power of such arrest and banishment. However. just the undersigned might regard the principles contained in the several propo- sitions submitted by the President, or how- much-soever they might, under other circum- stances, feel inclined to endorse the sentiments contained therein, yet they assure him that they have not been authorized to enter into any bargains, terms, contracts, or conditions with the President of the United States to procure the release of Mr. Vallandigham. The opinions of the undersigned, touching the questions involved in these propositions, are well known, have been many times publicly expressed, are sufficiently manifested in the resolutions of the convention which they re- present, and they cannot suppose that the Pres- ident expects that they will seek the discharge of Mr. Vallandigham by a pledge, implying not only an imputation upon their own sinceri- ty and fidelity as citizens of the United States, but also carrying with it by implication a con- cession of the legality of his arrest, trial, and banishment, against which they, and the con- vention they represent, have solemnly protest- ed. And while they have asked the revocation of the order of banishment not as a favor, but as a right, due to the people of Ohio, and with \ a view to avoid the possibility of conflict or ' disturbance of the public tranquility, they do not do this, nor does Mr. Vallandigham desire ,it, at any sacrifice of their dignity or self-re- spect. The idea that such a pledge as that asked ,from the undersighed would secure the public I safety sufficiently to compensate for any mis- take of the President in discharging Mr. Val- [landigham is, in their opinion, a mere evasion 15 of the grave questions involved in this discus sion, and of a direct answer to their demand.— And this is made especi;illy apparent by the fact that this pledge is asked in a communica tion which concludes with an intimation of a disposition on the part of the President to re- peat the acts complained of. The undersigned, therefore, having fully discharged the duty enjoined upon them, leave the responsibility with the President. -M. BIKCIIARD, 10th district, Clwirman. D.VVID HOUK, Secretarv, 3d district, -r GEO. BLISS, Utli district, T. W. BAKTLEY, Sth district, W. J. GORDON. IStli district, .7X0. O'NEILL, 1.3th di.i district J. F. McKINNEY,, 4th district, J. W. WHITE. xGth district, F. C. LEBLONIi, f,ih district, LOUIS SCiEUj>J:ER, 17th district, WARREN P^ I^OBLE, 9tb district. ..?/, [e.^ the tw® spies sent out to watch Vallandigham, and take notes of his speech, ic.,] have desig- nated as its object. The President, then, having made the law — the President having considered and applied it — the same Presi- dent is by the bill [Order 38] authorized to execute his sentence, [see sentence of Vallan- digham.] in case of disobedience, by impris- onment during his pleasure. This, then, comes completely within the definition of DESPO- TISM — a union of Legislative, Executive and Judicial powers. "But, this bill, sir, does not stop here. Its provisions are a refinement upon despotism, and present an image of the most fearful tyranny. Even in despotisms, though the monarch leg- islates, judges and executes, yet he legislates openly; his laws, though offensive, are known — they precede the offence, and every man who choses may avoid the penalties of disobedi- ence. Yet he judges and executes by proxy, and his present interest or passions do not in- flame the mind of his deputy. "But here the law is closely concealed in the same mind that gives it birth — the crime is fxciting the suspicions of the President; [That was Vallandigham's only crime, as admitted by Mr. Lincoln in his reply to the Albany com- mittee] but no man can tell what conduct will avoid that suspicion! A careless word [such as quoting the language used by the President in his message] perhaps misrepresented or never spoken, may be sufficient evidence. A look may destroy! An idle gesture may insure punishment! [Or the wearing of breast pins by the victim's friends.] No innocence can protect. No circumspection can avoid the jealousy of suspicion. Surrounded by spies, informers, and all that infamous herd u-hich fatten "under laics like this, [and under Order No. 33] the unfortunate stranger will never know either of the law, the accusation or the judgment until the moment it is put in execu- tion! [Let the thousands of victims of the Bastiles answer for the fulfillment of this prophesy.] He Avill detest your tyranny, and fly from a land of delators, inquisitors and spies. "This, sir, is a refinement on the detestable contrivance of the Decemvirs! They hung the table of their laws so high that few could read them. A tall man, [like the maker in our age] however, might reach — a short one might climb and learn their contents. But here, the law is equally inaccessible to high and low, safely concealed in the breast of its author. No in- dustry or caution can penetrate this recess, or obtain a knowledge of its provisions; nor even if they could, as the rule is not permanent, would it at all avail.' "Having shown that this act is at war with the fundamental principles of our government, I might stop here, in the certain hope of its rejection, but, I can do more. L'nless we are resolved to pervert the meaning of terms, I can show that the constitution has endeavored to 'make its surety doubly sure and take a bond of fate,' by several express prohibitions of measures like that you now contemplate. One of these is contained in the 9th section of the first Article — it is at the head of the Arti- cles which restrict the powers of Congress, and declares: '■That the migration or imjiortatiou of siuh per.'ons as any of the States shall think proper to aJmit, shall uot be prohibited prior to the year ISO^." "Now, sir, where is the difference between a power to prevent the arrival of aliens, and 226. FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. the power to send them away as soon as they shall arrive. To me they appear precisely the same. The Constitution expressly says that Congress shall not do this, and yet Congress are about to delegate this prohibited power, and say that the President may exercise it as often as his pleasure may direct. I am informed that an answer, has been attem23ted to this ar- gument, by saying that the article, though it speaks of "persons' only relates to slaves, but a conclusive reply to this answer may be drawn from the words of the section. It speaks of migration and importation. If it related only to slaves, 'importation,' would have been suffi- cient; but, how can the other word apply to slaves? J.Iigration is a voluntary change of country, but who ever heard of a migration of slaves? The truth is, both words have their appropriate meanings, and were intended to secure the interests of different quarters of the Union. The Jliddle States wished to secure themsehes against any laws that might impede the migration of settlers. The Southern states [as well as Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Connecticut,] in the importation of slaves, and so jealous were they of this provision, that the 5th article was introduced to declare that the constitution shall not be amended so as to do it away. •'But even admit the absurdity that the word 'migration' has no meaning, or one foreign to its usual accepation, and tliat the article re- lates only to slaves — even this sacrifice of com- mon sense will not help gentlemen out of their dilemma. Slaves, probably always, but cer- tainly, on their first importation are aliens. Many people think they are always 'dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States.' If the President should be of this opinion, he not only can, but by the terms of this law, is obliged to order them off, for the act creates an obligation on him to send away all such aliens as he shall judge dangerous to the i^eace or safety of the United States. Thus accord- ing to the most favorable construction, every proprietor of this species of pi-operty holds it at the will and pleasure of the President, and this, too in defiance of the only article of the Constitution that is declared to be unalterable. '•But, sir, for a moment, if it be possible, let us imagine that a constitution founded on a division of powers into three hands, may be preserved, although all these powers should be surrended into one. Let us imagine, if we can, that the States intended to restrict the general government from preventing the ar- rival of persons whom they were yet willing to suffer that same general government to ship off, as soon as they should arrive. Grant all this, and they will be as far from establishing the con- stitutionality ot the bill as they were at the first moment it was proposed; for, in the 3d Article it is provided "That all 'judicial power shall be vested in the Supreme and inferior courts'; — 'that the trial of all crimes shall be Ijyjury,'" "Except in case of impeachment, and in the 7th and 8th amendments provision is re- peated an 1 enforced by others, which declare that " 'Xo man shall be held to answer for a capital or other- wise infamous crime, unless on a presentment of a grand jury' and that 'in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the state and district where the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation— to be confronted with the witnesses against him — to have compulsory procoss for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assist- ance of counsel for his defense . ' " "Now, sir, what minute article in these sev- eral provisions of the constitution is there that is not violated by this bill? All the bulworks which it opposed to encroachments on personal liberty fall before this engine of oppression. "Judiciary power is taken from Courts [as in Vallandisham's case,] and given to the Ex- ecutive. The previous safeguard of a present- ment by a grand inquest is removed. [Hits the Vallandigham and other cases exactly.] — The trial by jury is abolished. The 'public trial' required by the Constitution is changed into a secret and worse than inquisitorial tri- bunal. Instead of giving 'information of the nature and cause of the accusation,' the crimi- nal, alike ignorant of his offense and the dan- ger to which he is exposed, never hears of either, until the judgment is passed, and the sentence is executed. Instead of being ^con- fronted ivith his accusers,' he is kept alike ig- norant of their names and their existence, and even the forms of a trial being dispensed with, it would be a mockery to talk of 'process for witnesses,' [as it was when Vallandigham was denied the privilege to send for Fernando Wood,] or the 'assistance of counsel for de- fence.' "Thus, are all the barriers which the wisdom and humanity of our country had placed be- tween accused innocence and oppressive power, at once forced and broken down. Not a ves- tige, even, of their form remains. No indict- ment, [as in the case of Vallandigham,] no jury, [as in the case of Vallandigham and others,] no trial, [as in the case of Vallandigham, un- less it be said the solemn mockery of a picked commission was a trial,] no public procedure, [ditto,] no statement of the accusation, [as in hundreds of cases where the victims lay in the Government bastiles,] no examination of wit- nesses in its support, [ditto,] no counsel for defense, [ditto.] All is darkness, silence, mystery and suspicion. But, as if this were not enough, the unfortunate victims of this law are told in the next section that if they can convince the Pressident that his suspicions are unfounded, [Mr. Lincoln said to the commit- tee that if they could convince him that his suspicions were unfounded, &c.] he may — if he 2^leascs, give them a license to stay! But how remove his suspicions, when they know not on what account they were founded? [but how remove Mr. Lincoln's suspicions, when he has suspended the habeas corpus, and forbids his victims to go before the court — their only resort for leg.al evidence?] How take proof to convince him, when he is not bound to furnish SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 227 that on which he proceeds? Miserable mock- ery of justice! •'Appoint an arbitrary judge, armed with legislative and executive powers, added to his own! Let him condemn the unheard — the un- accused object of his suspicion, and then, to cover the injustice of the scene, gravely tell him — " 'You ought not to complain — j-ou need only disprove facts you never beard — remove suspicions that have never been communicated to you— it will be easy to convince your judge — whom you shall not approach — that he is ty- rannical and unjust, and when you have done this, we give him the power he had before, to pardon you — if he pleases.^ [A perfect, and by no means overdrawn pic- ture of the case presented by the victims of Forts Henry, Warren, La Fayette, &c.] "So obviously do the constitutional object- ions present themselves, that their existence cannot be denied, and two wretched subterfu- ges are resorted to, to remove them out of sight: — First, it is said the bill does not con- template the punishment of any crime [the identical logic given by Mr. Lincoln to the Al- bany committee] and therefore, the provisions in the constitution relative to criminal pro- ceedings, and judiciary powers, do not apply! But have the gentlemen who reason thus, read the bill, or is everything forgotten in our zealous hurry to pass it? What are the offenses upon which it is to operate? Not only the offence of being "'Suspected to be dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States, but also that of being concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations against the government thereof.' [Precisely the law of Order 38.] "And this we are told is no crime! [Abraham Lincoln agrees with the advocates of the alien law in this respect.] A treasonable machination against the Government is not the subject of criminal jurisprudence! [Mr. Lincoln says so.] Good heaven! to what absurdities does an over zealous attachment to particular measures lead us! In order to punish a par- ticular act, we are forced^tosay that treason is no crime! and plotting against our Government [discouraging enlistments] is no offense. And, to support this fine hypothesis, we are obliged to'plunge deeper in absurdity and say,that as the acts spoken of in the bill are no crimes, so the penalty contained in it, is no punishment! [precisely Mr. Lincoln's argument] it is only a prevention. That is to say, we invite strangers to come among us — we declare solemnly, that Government shall not have the power to pre- vent them — we entice them over by delusive prospects and advantages. In mnny parts of the Union we permit them to hold lands, and give them other advantages, while they are waiting for the period at which we have prom- ised a full participation in all our rights. An unfortunate stranger, disgusted with tyranny at home, thinks he shall find freedom here — he accepts your conditions — he puts faith in your promises — he vests his whole property in your hands— he has dissolved his former connections, and made your country nis own. But while he is patiently waiting the expiration of the peri- od that is to crown the work, and entitle him to all the rights of a citizen, the tale of a domes- tic spy, or the calumny of a secret enemy draws on him the suspicions of the President, and, unheard, he is ordered to quit the spot which he selected for his retreat — the country he had chosen for his own — perhaps the family which was his only consolation in life, he is ordered to retire to a country [now to Dixie] whose Government, irritated by his renunciation of its authority, will receive only to punish him, and all this we are seriously told, is no punishment! "Again: We are told that the constitutional compact was made between citizens only, and that, therefore, its provisions were not intend- ed to extend to aliens; and that this act, oper- ating only on them, is therefore not forbidden by the Constitution. But unfortunately,neither common law, common justice, or the practice of any civilized nation will permit this dis- tinction. It is an acknowledged principle of the common law, the authority of which is established here, that alien friends (and per- mit me to observe that they are such only whom we contemplate by this bill, for we have an- other before us to send oif alien enemies) re- siding among us, arc entitled to the protection of our laws, and that during their residence, they owe a temporary allegiance to our Gov- ernment. If they are accused of violating this allegiance, the same laws that interpose in the case of a citizen must determine the truth of the accusation, and if found guilty, they are liable to the same punishment. This rule is consonant to the principles of common jus- tice, for who would ever resort to another country, if he alone was marked out as the ob- ject of arbitrary power ? It is equally unfor- tunate too, for this argument, that the Consti- tution expressly excludes any idea of this distinction : — it speaks of '■alt judicial power' — '■all trials for crimes' — ''all criminal prose- cutions' — '■all persons accused.' No distinction between citizen and alien — between high or low — friends or opposcrs of the Executive power — republican and royalist. All — all are entitled to the same equal distribution of jus- tice — to the same humane provisions to protect their innocence — all are liable to the same punishment that awaits their guilt. How comes it, too, if the constitutional provisions were intended for the safety of the citizen only, that our courts uniformly extend them to all, and that we never hear it enquired. Whether the accused is a citizen, before we give him a public trial by jury ? "So manifest do these violations of the con- stitution appear to me — so futile the arguments in their defence — that they press seriously upon my mind, and sink it even to despond- ency. They have been so glaring to my un- derstanding that I felt it my duty to speak of them in a manner that may perhaps give of- fence to men whom I esteem, and who seem to think differently on that subject — none how- ever, I caii assure them, is intended. "I have seen measures carried in this House which I thought militated against the spirit of 228 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. the constitution, but never before have I been a Tvitness to so open, so wanton and undisguis- ed an attack. "I have now clone, sir, with the act, and come to consider the consequences of its oper- ation. One of the most serious has been an- ticipated when I described the blow it would give to the constitution of our country. We should cautiously beware the first act of viola- tion. Habituated to overleap its bounds, we become familiarized to the guilt, and disregard the danger of a second otfence, until proceeding from one unauthorized act to another, we at length throw off all restraints which our con- stitution has imposed, and very soon not even the semblance of its forms will remain. "But. if, regardless of our duty as citizens, and our solemn obligations as representatives — regardless of the rights of our constituents, of their opinions and that of posterity — regard- less of every sanction, human and divine — if we are ready to violate the Constitution we have sworn to defend — will the people submit to our unauthorized acts? Will the states sanction our usurped power? Sir, they ought not to submit — they would deserve the chains which these measures are forging for them, if they did not resist — for, let no man vainly imagine that the evil is to stop here [we have seen the fultilmenc of this prophesy] — that a few unpro- tected aliens only are to be affected by this in- quisitorial power. The same arguments which enforce these provisions against aliens, apply with equal strength to enacting than in thr: case of citize?is. [Have we not seen this?] The citizen has no other protection for his personal security, that I know, against laws like this, than the humane provisions I have cited from tlie Constitution. But all these ai)ply in com- mon to the citizen and the stranger. ' All criines'' are to be tried by jury. ^No person' shall be held to finswer, unless on presentment. In all criminal ^prosecutions, the 'accused' is to have a public trial ; the 'accused' is to be informed of the nature of the charge — to be confronted with the witnesses against him — may have process to enforce the appearance of those in his favor, and is to be allowed counsel for his defence. Unless, therefore, we can believe that- treasonable machinations, and the other otfences described in the bill, are not crrme.s — that an alien i-s, uoi a. person, and that one charged with treasonable prac- tices is not accused — unless we can believe all this, in contradiction to our own understand- ings — to received opinions and the uniform practice of our courts, we must allow that all these provisions extend equally to aliei.s and natives, and that the citizen has no other secu- rity for his personal safety than is extended to the stranger who is within his gates. "If therefore, this securi-iy is violated in one instance, what pledge have we that it will not in the other? The same plea of necessity [Mr. Lincoln's plea] will justify both. Either the offences described in the act are crimes, or they are not. If they are, then all the humane provisions of the constitution forbid the mode of punishing or preventing them, equally as relates to aliens and citizens. If they are not crimes, then the citizen has no more safety by the constitution than the alien has, for all those provisions apply only to crimes. So that in either event, the citizen has the same reas- on to expect a similar law [and it was given in Order 38] to the one now before you, which subjects his person to the vncontrolled despot- ism of a single man. '•You have already been told of plots, of conspiracies, and all the frightful images that were necessary to keep up the present system of terror and alarm, were presented to you. But who were implicated by these dark hints, these mysterious allusions? They were our own citizens, sir, — not aliens. If there is, then, any necessity for the system now proposed, it is more necessary to be enforced against our own citizens than against strangers, and I have no doubt that either in this or some other shape they will be attempted. [This was a correc prophecy of Order 38.] "I now ask, sir, whether the people of America arc prepared for this? — whether they are willing to part with all the means which the wisdom of their ancestors discovered and their own caution so lately adopted, >to secure the liberty of their persons — whether they are ready to submit to imprisonment or exile [like the exile of Vallan- digham, for instance,] whenever sus- picion, calumny «r vengeance shall mark them for ruin? Are they base enough to be prepared for this? No, sir, they will — I repeat it, they will resist this tyrannic system. The people will oppose — the states will not submit to its operation. They ought not to acquiesce, and I pray to God they never may. My opinions, sir, on this subject, are explicit, and I wish they may be known. They are, that whenever our laws manifestlg infringe the Constitution^ under which they were made. the people ought not to hesitate which they should obey. If we exceed our powers we become tyrants, and our acts have no effect. Thus, sir, one of the first effects of measures, such as this, if they should not be acquiesced in, will be disaffection among the states, and opposition among the people, to your government. Tumults, violence, and a recurrence to first revolutionary principles [which Mr. Lincoln has argued was right and proper.] If they are submitted to, the conse- quences will be worse. After such manifest vi- olation of the principles of our constitution the form will not long be sacred. Presently, every vestige of it will be lost, and swallowed up in the Gulf of Despotism! But, should the evil proceed no further than the execution of the present law, what a fearful picture will our country present ! The system of espionage thus established, the country will swarm with informers, [as we have seen in our day] spies, delators, and all that odious reptile tribe that breed in the sunshine of despotic power — that suck the blood of the unfortunate— that creep into the bosom of sleeping innocence only to wake it with a burning wound. [What a graphic, life-like picture of what we have seen for the two years last past !] The hours of SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 229 the mcst unsuspecting confidence — the inta- macies of friendship, or the recesses of domes- tic retirement, afford no security [especially, as we have seen, when a hundred armed men surround the domicile of a man and seize and carry him oS at the dead hour of night] — the companion whom 5'ou most trust — the friend in whom you confide — the domestic who waits in your chamber, arc all tempted to betray your imprudence, or guardless follies — to mis- represent your words ; [as the spies and dela- tors did those of Vallandigham] to convey them, distorted by calumny^ to the secret tri- bunal, where jealousy presides — where fear officiates as accuser, and susjjicion is the only evidence that is heard. "These, bad as they are, are not the only ill consequences of these measures; amongthem we may reckon on the loss of wealth, of popu- lation, and of commerce. Gentlemen who sup- port the bill, seemed to be aware of this, when yesterday they introducetl a clause to secure the property of those who might be ordered to go ofi"; they should have foreseen the conse- quences of the steps they have been taking; it is now too late to discover, that large sums are drawing from the banks, that a great capital is taken from commerce. It is ridiculous even to observe the solicitude they show to retain the wealth of these dangerous men, whose persons they are so eager to get i-id of; if they wish to retain it, it must be by giving them security to their persons, and assuring them that while they respect the laws, the laws will protect them from arbitrary power: it must be, in short by rejecting the bill on your table. I might mention many other inferior considerations; but I ought, sir, rather to entreat the pardon of the house, for having touched on this: com- pared to the breach of our constitution, and the establishment of arbitrary power, every other topic is trifling; arguments of convenience sink into nothing; the preservation of wealth, the interests of commerce, however, weighty on other occasions, here lose their importance. When the fundamental rrinciples of freeuom are in danger, we are tempted to borrow the impressive language of a foreign speaker, and exclaim — "Perish our commerce; let our con- stitution live:" — Perish our riches; let our freedom live. This, sir, would be the senti- ment of every American, were the alternative between submission and wealth; but here, sir, it is proposed to destroy our wealth, in order to ruin our commerce. Not in order to pre- serve our constitution, but to break it — not to secure our freedom, but to abandon it. "I have now done, sir; but, before I sit down let me iutreat gentlemen seriously to reflect before they pronouuce the decisive vote, that gives the first open stab to the principles of our .government. Our mistaken ^eal, like that of nthe patriarch of old, has bound the victim; it lies at the foot of the altar; a sacrifice of the Ifirst-born offspring of freedom is proposed by 'those who gave it birth. The hand is already raised to strike, and nothing I fear but the voice of heaven can arrest the impious blow. 'Let not gentlemen flatter themselves, that the fervour of the moment can make tl ^^ --eople insensible to these agressions. It is ;i:. aonest noble warmth, produced by an indignant s^nse of injury. It will never, I trust, be extinct, while there is a proper cause to excite it; but the people of America, sir, though watchful against foreign agression, are not careless of domestic encroachment; they are as jealous, sir, of their liberties at home, as of the power and prosperity of their country abroad; they will awake to a sense of their danger; do not let us flatter ourselves then, that these meas- ures will be unobserved or disregarded. Do not let us be told, sir, that we excite a fervour against foreign agression, only to establish ty- anny at home, that, like the arch traitor, we cry, "i/aj7, C'o^wmi/cr," at the moment we are betraying her to destruction; that we sing out ^'■happy land,'''' when we are plunging it in ruin or disgrace; and that wc are absurd enough to call ourselves '■'■free and enlightened,^'' while we advocate principles that would have disgraced the age of Gothic barbarity, and es- tablish a code, compared with which the ordeal is wise, and the trial by battle is merciful nnd just" WHO WAS EDWARD LIVINGSTON? The author of the foregoing speech was the son of an eminent patriot of the Revolution — was elected twice to Congress from New York city — was appointed by Mr. Jefl"erson as the United States District Attorney for New York — was elected Mayor of New Y'ork in 1801, and Judge of a very important municipal court He was Aid-de-camp to General Jaceson at New Orleans — was the author of the Louisiana code — author of a famous criminal code, which fixed his reputation among the foremost jurists in the land. In 1823 Mr. Livingston was elected to Congress from Louisiana, which place he held till 18-29, when he was elected to the Senate from that state. In 1831 General Jackson appointed him his Prime MinisterJn which capacity he wrote the celebrated anti- nullification message. In 1833, Gen. Jackson appointed him Minister to France, where he acquitted himself with great credit, and to the entire satisfaction of the hero of New Orleans. This was the man who in 1798 so eloquently denounced that bold attempt to turn this Gov- ernment into a despotism, and which has been so faithfully imitated by the present Adminis- ti-ation. republican confessions. The following article was prepared by us, and published in the Wisconsin Patriot, Nov. 29, 1862. As it shows both sides, and we might not be able to improve on the arguments presented, we transfer it to these pages: 230 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS That the abolitionists deeply feel the effect of the popular verdict against the unblushing tyranny, and usurpation, by which the Admin- istration has filled its bastiles with innocent victims of party hate, is too plain for dispute. When Mrs. Brinsmade, an artless, beautiful and giddy wife of 22 years, was chased about from city to city and finally arrested without a shadow of suspicion against her and caged with common criminals and burglars in a common police station, in New York, the abolition press heralded her arrest as an evidence that the Ad- ministration was sharp after traitors and trait- oresess, and much fiendish satisfaction was in- dulged in by the abolition press at the incar- ceration of this defenseless female. She was locked up as aforesaid for near fifty days, and closely watched, and all entreaties by respect- able ladies of New York and Brooklyn to see her and give her such necessaries as she might be suffering for, were peremptorily refused by the black hearted jacobin who held her a pris- oner. She had many respectable and loyal friends, who sought to procure for her a speedy trial, and if she could not be found guilty, to relieve her from her loathsome prison, and thus save reproach on the American character, but all to no purpose. She was held in durance ■^ile until the elections thundered at the gates of criminal power, and then, and not until the thunder of the ballot had been heard all over the land, and the Belshazzars of power began to tremble with very fear, was this lady, guilty of no crime, permitted to "go in peace" with no charges against her- Then the Administra- tion organs began to plead the "Baby Act." They declared the Administration knew noth- ing of her arrest. But this had better be told to the marines, for the fact of the arrest of this female was heralded throus;h the public press all over the North, and the Administration knew perfectly well that she was a prisoner, and they knew also that no charges had been filed against her. for so the pettifogging journ- als assert. Never, since our forefathers baptized the tea in Boston harbor, has our country been so disgraced, as by these arbitrary, unnecessary, despotic and unconstitutional arrests. It is too late in the day for the Administration to plead ignorance of specific arrests. It will avail them noihing in that awful blistering his- tory which time is writing out. Queen Eliz- abeth often pled ignorance of certain enor- mities committed by her perjured minions, but history holds her guilty of all, for having plan- ned the general crusade against the personal rights of her subjects. King Richard, the hunchback, pled igno- rance of the murder of the Heir-Apparent, in the Tower, and wondered who could have done so toul a deed — after he himself had bribed his ready-made tool, Buckingham, to the awful regicide. We repeat, it is too late in the day for the pensioned organs of the Administration to plead ignorance on its part, of the infamous enormities committed by a generally unprin- cipled set of Provost Marshals, appointed with- out the least public necessity, so far as the loyal North is concerned. By the plainest principles of the common law, handed down as judicial heir looms, by Justinian and other law givers, if a man turns loose a vicious animal, he is responsible to his neighbor for any damage that may be committed, though he might have known noth- ing of the depredations! So with the Presi- dent of the Ucited States. Without the au- thority of law — without warrant of any kind — without the poor plea of "military necessity" he has let loose upon our loyal society a set of vagabonds, who have committed the grossest outrages on decency and personal rights, and he must be responsible to an outraged people for the wrongs committed. He has sent the arrow quivering from the bow, and though its poisoned blade hits an object he did not aim at, he must bear the guilt of its ravages. We have another strong case in point, of Ma- honey, editor of the Dubuque Herald, who was a'-rested at two o'clock at night, and hurried off to the Old Capitol building, as a political prisoner, right under the very eye of the presi- dent. The Milwaukee Sentinel, whose editor is an appointee of the president, and of course pocket-bound to do his bidding, undertakes to put in another Baby-Act plea for the president. In speaking of Mahoney, who was liberated on- ly by the thunder of the ballot box, as mystei'i- ously as Paul and Silas were from the Jewish prison, the stipendiary editor says : " He has been incarcerated but a short time, and with others, has been set free without question. Were there a disposition to tyran- nize on the part of the government, and had Mahoney been arrested under the dictate or impulse of that spirit, it is altogether probable that he would have been detained, and not lib- erated as he was. The president, nor none of SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 231 his subordinates, he says, was willing to take the responsibility of his arrest. It is not like- ly they would have shrunk from any such re- sponsibility; if any disposition to oppress him had caused the arrest. "The Government is obliged in existing evier- gencies to trust a vast deal of discretion to sub- ordinates — which subordinates have generally from the necessities of the case, been very hastily appointed, and in many cases lack the discretion required in the position. They do very foolish things, the arrest of Mahoney and others of the same stamp being among those foolish things. But the Government neither endorses or sanctions it. The moment Maho ney's case was reached, and the groundlessness and foolishness of the complaints against him were discovered, he was liberated. He complains that he does not yet know for what crime he was arrested. By acquitting him without question — the Government confesses substantially he was guilty of no crime. The moment the fact is ascertained he is liberated." This whole plea is as weak as it is babyish. It exhibits an evident consciousness of guilt, and overzealousness to avoid its natural conse- quences. This paid organ says that Mauoney "was incarcerated only a short time." If the editor of that sheet was incarcerated, in a loathsome cell, on prison diet for over three months, we hardly think he would call it a '•short time.*' But short or long, the principle is the same- And now says this organ, "he, with others, has been set free tvithoiit ques- tion! " Exactly! They did not even ask him whether he was guilty or innocent After beg- ging the Administration for over two months to give him a trial, or at least let him know the pretence of his arrest or incarceration, and all the while they refusing to do either, they turn him loose, "without question." Did mortal man ever hear of greater mocking of justice and decency? The man who could deliberate- ly pen an excuse for such ^diabolical conduct, would be the last to yield in a quarrel over the vesture of his Savior. The Sentinel attempts to weave the web of probability that the Administration is innocent, by raising the question that if the Administra- tion had really intended oppression, it would not have released Mahoney. What do you call a two months incarceration without charges of wrong, but oppression? But the "delivery" has no real merit. It was wrung from the Ad- ministration by the ballot-box thunder, as the Magna Charta was wrung from King John by his oppressed and determined subjects. If Ma- honey had been liberated before the election, it would have put a different phaze on the motive of the Administration, but to wait till the great states of the North had demanded by the potent ballot — "formidable to tyrants only"— that the oppressed innocent should go free — the act of liberation was no virtue, but a cowardly neces- sity. But, says this Custom House organ: "The Government is obliged, in existing emergencies, to entrust a vast deal of discretion to subordinates; and those suDordinates, hasti- ly appointed, often lack discretion, and do very foolish things; the arrest of Mahoney being among these foolish things," &c. Now, we deny that the Government is obliged in the existing emergencies, in any state north of the Ohio and Potomac, to appoint — "has- tily" or otherwise — any officers to arrest peo- ple at their will. The necessity does not, and never has existed. It is not within the power of any organ of the Administration to show that in any single instance, here in the North, the duties of a Provost Marshal are necessary. Among all the thousands of victims they have arrested, we have heard of not one that has been proven guilty, and we take it no man — even under the pressure of the highest salary — will plead for the necessity of arresting in- nocent men and women. But the plea of "hasty appointment" is the baby act over. It is worse than a baby's plea, for the appointments have been made with no more haste than thousands of other appointments. No, the people will not — cannot — except that plea. But the offer of it shows the crying guilt of the party in pow- er. Men always give their best reasons first for evil consequences, and if the Administra- tion has no better reason than its organ tosts to the waiting multitude, it might as well own up, first as last, that this Provost Marshal bu- siness was organized — not to serve the nation — but to serve the Abolition party as a threat- ening engine of oppression, to force the weak and timid to support the Abolition party; but, thank God, they have failed. Provost Mar- shals are no longer wanted. They have done many "foolish things." Let the Administra- tion discharge them, and thus save its credit while it is possible. "The moment Mahony's case was reached," says the Sentnel, "the groundlessness and foolishness of the complaints against him xocre discovered, and he was liberated!" What do you mean by "reaching" the case? That would indicate a kind of hearing, but nothing of the kind occurred, and as for the 232 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. ^'■fjroundless and foolishness of the complaint," that is all moonshine, for no complaint was ever lodged against him. and this the Sentinel ad- mits. From the start there was nothing char- ged against him, and this the Administration knew, for Mahony was almost daily asking the Administration what he was arrested for. We never knew a weaker argument and a more atrocious case than is here presented. The or- gan says that "By acquitting without question the government confesses substantially he was 'juilty of no crime!" And the government knew this the moment he was incarcerated, as well as the moment when they gave the order for his release. We hardly think the Sentinel will claim that the government arrests its vic- tims in hopes to hi'tnt up aftericards charges against them. This would be re-enacting the bloody and damnable deeds of the old Concei- gierre, in France, where they dug the graves, made the coffins, then sent out their provost marshals to hunt up the victims to fill them. "The moment he is found to be guilty of no crime."' says this organ, "he is liberated." Now, how did the government arrive at the conclusion that he was innocent just at that particular time? No court or tribunal had been organized to determine the fact. No wit- nesses had been sworn — no charges preferred, and yet all at once— just after the election — the Administration found out that Mahont was guilty of no crime, and he was set at lib- erty! What a mockery of common sense and justice! From Mahont's case, the Sentinel offers the Eaby Act plea in reference to Mrs. Bkins- made's case, as follows: '•The case of Mrs. Brinsmade, in New York, is one in point. Some official, (it is not yet certain who, but supposed to be Marshal Ken- nedy,) took the responsibility of arresting Mrs. Brinsmade and locked her up The case was finally brought to the attention of the au- thorities, and she was promptly released. None denounce the arrest more heartily and pointedly than the immediate friends of the Administration." Yes, yes, "some official" did take the re- sponsibility—but he took it from the Presi- dent's order commanding the arrest of all per- sons for "disloyal practices"— his appointees to be the sole judges. There is where the re- sponsibility came from. Mrs. B's case "was finally brought to the attention of the author- ities," ehl Yes, as soon as the elections, had opened their eyes and their ears, and set their hearts to palpitating, then they listened to the appeals of the poor, weak woman, and not be- fore. If so flagitious and iniquitous an arrest had been made, and a young and beautiful fe- male so long imprisoned in a common ward station house, without authority from head- quarters, think you the scoundrel who did it would wear the star of office another hour? No, he would be instantly dismissed, and a decent man put in his place, but he is still kept in office, a sufficient fact to our mind to warrant the belief that he is wanted for other nasty jobs But, says the organ, "the imme- diate friends of the Administration denounce" these outrages, and therefore we must draw the inference that it is guileless. Some of them have denounced them since the election, but not before. AVe challenge a single case to prove they denounced them before election, but- many Democrats did, and for doing so were called "traitors" and "tories" by these same organs. Theirs is a death-bed repentance. — The F>-yan Address and Gov. Seymour's speech denounced these arbitrary and illegal arrests, and fordoing so the Sentinel and other abolition sheets — befoi'e election — denounced Ryan and Gov. Seymour. Again, says the Custom-IIouse organ : " We have felt that a great many foolish, and even oppressive things were being done by these government agents. But the emergency of the government required the creation of agents of the character, and the evils complain- ed of are almost inevitable and inseparable from their appointment. The government, it- self, however, has shown no disposition to tyr- annize. These agents will learn their duties and learn not to overstep the bounds of a sen- sible discretion ; or, failing in that, will be speedily displaced, and their places iiUed with better men." We have seen no displacement of these bad men as yet. The first part of the above para- graph any man of sense and self-respect will say amen to. But it will be hard to convince any man of ordinary intelligence that any ijossible " emergency" has arisen, or is likely to arise, in the Northern States, whereby this new batch of officers are, or may be necessary. What act have they done, or can they do, (save to vio- late law and outrage personal rights,) that may not be done by U. S. Marshals, their dep- uties, or any other civil, executive officer ? — What possible necessity has arisen, or can arise, in all human probability, in the loyal states, making it necessary, or even excusable, to ar- SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 233 rest any man without ''due process of law ?" — And, what nOjBessity for arresting men without warrant, and suspending the privilege of habe- as corpus, except it be the intention to "tyr- annize" over men for their politieal opinion's sake 1 What possble harm could come to the government, to permit men to be arrested, when charged with some crime, and taken before some competent, civil tribunal, to be tried ? — Does any one believe, a man thus arrested, in any loyal state, and proven guilty, would escape punishment ? A bare suspicion of such a thing would be an imputation on the loyalty of citi- zen jurors, and tlie fidelity of our judiciary. We therefore insist, that, no matter what the original intentions, this Provost Marshal busi- ness is a gross imposition on the people — an imputation on their loyalty — a political engine, to force political action in violation of political opinions — and until we can be shown some?!c- cessity for it — the accomplishment of legiti- mate Government purposes, that cannot be ac- complished by other means, we will denounce it in all its phases as not only "foolish" and "oppressive," but a disgrace to the nineteenth century. In view of the verdict of the people iu the overwhelming political revolution, of '62, the Sentinel had gravely come to the following quite sensible conclusion: "The nature of our government, as well as the temper of the people, clearly reveal the folly of any attempt at tyranny or abuse of power on the part of those entrusted with the administration." All of which we endorse without &butQV an if. In conclusion, let us suggest, that if the Ad- ministration believes that Provost Marshals are necessary, and that it does not intend them to overawe the people in the exercise of their civil and political rights, would not the said Admin- istration remove all incompetents as soon as their "foolish" incompetency was discovered? Few if any greater crimes can be committed against individual rights than to deprive a man of his liberty without cause. And yet, the President don't remove that miserable tyrant, Kennedy, who arrested Mrs. Brinsmade, nor the contemptible wretch that arrested Mahoney who, the Sentinel admits were arrested without cause. Now, if our peacable and law-abiding citizens are to be arrested andplunged into the filth and debris of a military prison, with not even a charge against them, and the President 16 after knoioing all the facts, as he does now know them, at least, will not remove his ap- pointees who are guilty of such gross outrages, then he becomes person.illy the guilty party, and is inaugurating a system of despotism that may yet cost the loyal North seas of blood to crush out, after it has fairly got a foothold. One word as to what the Sentinel says about the friends of the Administration condemning these "oppressive" outrages. Did the Senti- nel denounce the arrest of Mrs. Brinsmade before the election'? Not a bit of it. On the other hand, if our memory is not at fault, it glorified in the arrest of a "she secessionist." Did the Sentinel or State Journal denounce the arrest of Mahoney before the election? — By no means; on the contrary, the latter did, even if the former did not, glory in the arrest of the "traitor Mahoney." Now, thatte is ac- knowledged to have been innocent, that Jacobin organ is mum. Not a note has it to sound against the outrage — but 0, how the Abolition press howled when Booth and Daniels, of Wisconsin, were arrested for crimes they glo- ried in — crimes of '■'■positive defiance''^ to law, which are to-day the corner stone of the Re- publican 2ilatform of Wisconsin. Great God! is this that "liberty" we have heard preached so often from Republican pul- pits? Is it that "freedom" so often harrangued from Republican rostrums? Is it that "free speech" so often sung in the Republican cloister and peddled through the columns of the Repub- lican press? Is this party of boasted "free- dom" about to turn the oppressors and enslav- ers of the white race, and impose upon it the necessities of becoming "hewers of wood and drawers of water" for Con2;o masters? Strange that a great party that no longer ago than I§60 had emblazoned on its victorious banners "Liberty and Freedom," should, at the first moment of its drunken success, raise the standard of worse than Roman slavery. Read- er, beware, for we have the lesson of the Qua- kers to guide us, who for centuries preached religious "freedom" and "toleration," and the moment they got the power, they went to hanging and persecuting all who did not be- lieve in their dogmas. The case of Roger Williams is not forgotten — nor will the politi- cal debaucheries and vile salvonic persecutions of Abolitionism be forgotten, so long as de- based humanity may steal that oft abused word ^'234 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. "Liberty," as a clonk for slavery and oppres- Bion. This chapter has been extended much be- yond our original design, but the principles involved are of such vast importance, that we feel justified in going beyond that design, though the largest 12 mo. volume would not contain the half we had selected undter this head. CHAPTER XXXI. DESPOTISJI, USURPATIONS, INALIENABLE RIGHTS TRAMPLED UPON, Etc. Despotism Seeks the Semblance of Loyalty. ..Solicitor Whiting perveits Judge Taney's Decision. ..ProTost Marshal Fry Acts Thereon. ..Star Chamber. ..Lawa by Proclamation in England. ..Kidnapping in New York... Gov. Hunt on Arbitrary Arrests. ..The Case of Gen. Stone ...Beecher on Arbitrary Arrests... A Nice Point to Silence a Press. ..Geo. W. Jones vs. Wm. II. Seward. ..Judge Gierke's Decision... A Young Lady Fined .|1.5 for Playing the "fSonnio Blue Flag"... Burnside Favors the Arrest of Males and Females that wear Butternut Badges... Opening the Prison Doors. ..Case of Gov. Tod and Others ...Opinion of Judge Van Trump..." New York Journal of Commerce " on the Powers of the Provost Marshal... Case of Judge Constable. ..Liberated from the Bastile... Atrocious Sentiments by Senator Wilson. ..Cincinnati Prison Full. ..Other Acts of Despotism. ..General Conclu- sions. ..Vallandigham's Acts compared with Loading Re- publicans. ..Loyalty of Democrats. ..Disloyalty of Re- publicans. ..$500 Reward for a Disloyal Democrat Not Taken. ..The Writ o( ILibeas Corpus the Palladium of Our Liberties... Extracts of the JMagna Charta— Wrung from King Juhn... Lord Campbell's Boast... English Bill of Rights..." Body of Liberties " Brought by tlio May- flower. ..The Bill in tlie Declaration. ..Virginia Bill of Rights. ..Massaehusettii' "Declaration of Rights" in 17S0...Froni Bill of Rights in Our Constitutisn... General Kemarks on Suspension of the Writ of Uabeas Corpus... Law of Suspected Persons. ..A Leaf from French History, by Allison. ..Our Parallels. ..Thiers on French Confisca- tion. ..Danton's Prediction. ..General Remarks. ..Black- stone on tbo English Habeas Corpus. ..Our Constitution Applied. ..The Ordinance of 1787 Applicable. ..What Our Fathers Tuought of it...Pinckney, Rutledge, Morris and Millson on the Habeas Corpus. ...Judge Curtis on "Loy- alty" and Habeas Corpus... A Scathing Speech. ..Mr. Chase's Opinion of Loyalty. ..The Roman Law and Per- sonal Liberty. ..St, Paul on Aibitrary Violations of Law Judge*Festus and King Agrippa Respected the Roman Law..." New York Independent " on Arbitrary Arrests ...What a Conservative Republican Thinks of it. ..Presi- dent's Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus : His Proclamation. ..Congress on Arliitrary Arrests. ..Official Vote. ..Supreme Court of Wiscon.sin on Suspending the Writ. DESPOTISM SEEKS THE SEMBLANCE OP LE- GALITY. It is very natural, and has been, in all ages of the world, lor Despots to claim they were acting under legal authority. The following "opinion" by Solicitor Whiting is quite in point: "WAR DEPARTMFNT, ") "Provost Marshal General's Office, y "Washington, D. C, July 1, 18(53. J "Oircular, No. 36. "The following opinion of Hon. William Whiting, Solicitor of the War Department, is published for the information and guidance of all officers of this Bureau: ^^Arrest of Deserters — Habeas C9rpus. — Opin- ion. '•It is enacted in the 7th section of the act approved March 3, 1863, entitled "An act for enrolling and calling out the national forces, and for other purposes,'' that it shall be the duty of the Provost Marshals appointed under this act, 'to arrest all deserters^ whether regu- lars, volunteers, militia men, or persons called into the service under this or any other act of Congress, wherever they maybe found, and to send them to the nearest military commander, or military post.' "If a writ of habeas corpus shall be issued by a State court, and served upon the Provost Marshaf while he holds under arrest a desert- er, before he has had opportunity 'to send him to the nearest military commander, or military post,' the Provo.«t Marshal is not at liberty to disregai'd that process. 'It is the duty of the Marshal, or other person having custody of the prisoner, to make known to the Judge, or Court, by a proper return, the authority by which he holds him in custo'dy. But after this return is made, and the State Judge or Court judicially apprised that the party is in custody under the authority of the United States, they can proceed no farther.' "They then know that the prisoner is with- in the dominion and jurisdiction of another government, and that neither the writ of habeas corpus, nor any other process issued under state authority, can pass over the line of di- vision between the two sovereignties. He is then within the dominion and exclusive juris- diction of the United States. If he has com- mitted an offence against their laws, their tri- bunals alone can punish him. If he is wrong- fully imprisoned, their judicial tribunals can release him and afford him redress. And, al- though as we have said, it is the duty of the marshal, or other person holding him, to make known, by a proper return, the authority under which he retains him, it is, at the same time, imperatively his duty to obey ihe process of the United States, to hold the prisoner in custody under it, and to refuse obedience to the man- date or process of any other government. And consequently, it is his duty not to take the prisoner, nor suffer him to be taken before a siate judge or court upon a Aaiea* cor^ws is- sued. under state authority. No state judge or court, after they are judicially informed that the party is imprisoned under the authority of the United States, has any right to interfere with him, or require him to be brought before them. And if the authority of a state, in the form of judicial process or otherwise, should attempt to control the marshal, or other au- thorized officer or agent of the United States, in any respect, in the custody of his prisoner, it would be his duty to resist it, and to call to his aid any force that might be necessary to maintain the authority of law against illegal interference. No judicial process, whatever form it may assume, can have any lawful au- SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAr-BOOK. 235 thority outside of the limits of the jurisdiction of the court or judge by whom it is issued, and an attempt to enforce it beyond these bounda- ries is nothing less than lawless violence. "The language above cited is that of Chief Justice Taney in the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of Able- man vs. Booth. (21 IlowarcVs Reports.) If a writ of habeas corpus shall have been sued out from a State Court, and served upon the Provost Marshal while he holds the desert- er under arrest, and before he has had time or opportunity "To send him to tlio nearest military coniraaniler, or mili- tary post," It is the duty of the Marshal to make to the Court a respectful statement, in writing, as a return upon the writ, setting forth, '•1st. That tbo respondent is Provost Marshal, duly ap- pointed by the President of the United States, in accord- ance with the provisions of the act aforesaid. "2d. That the person held was arrested tiy said Marshal as a deserter, in accordance with the provision of the 7th section of the act aforesaid. That it is the legal duty of the respondent to deliver over said deserter "to the near- est military commander, or military post," and that the respondent intends to perform such duty as soon as possi- ble. 3d. "That the production of said deserter in court would be inconsistent with, and in violation of the duty of the respondent as provost marshal, and that the said de- serter is now held under authority of the United States. — For these reasons, and without intending any disrespect to the honorable Judge who issued procoss, lie declines to produce said deserter, or to subject him to the procos.s of the court." "To the foregoing, all other material facts may be added. "Such return having been made, the juris- diction of the state court over that case ceases. If the state court shall proceed with the case and make any formal judgment in it, except that of dismissal, one of two courses may be taken. (1) The case may be carried up, by appeal or otherwise, to the highest court of the state, and removed therefjom by writ of error to the Supreme Court; or, (2) the judge may be personally dealt with in accordance with law, and with such instructions as may here- after be issued in each case. "JAMES B. FPvY, "Pi'ovost Marshal General." Now, to claim that Chief Justice Taney, in the Booth-Ableman case, endorsed the arbi- trary power claimed in the foregoing is one of the most abomniable stretches of Judicial license we have met with. Judge Taney simply says that when a state court is made acquintedwith the fact that a man is '■'■imprisoncd^^ under a '■'■process of the United States," such state court can proceed no further. This is good law, and u© sound lawyer will dispute it, but when the pettifoggers of the Administration ask us to assume that a militai-y order is a ju- dicial "process." such as Chief Justice Taney alluded to, it is asking more than'can be granted This shows to what desperation the authors) f despotic power are reduced.. ■< LAWS BY PROCLAMATION IN ENGLAND— OUR STAE CIIAMBEK. Lord SoMEUs, in denouncing the despotism of the Stuarts, said: "We had a privy council in England, with great and mixed powers; we suffered under it long and much: All the rolls "of Parliament are full of complaints and remedies; but none of them effectual till Charles the First's time. The Star Charnber was but a spawn of our coun- cil., and was called so only because it sat in the usual council chamber. It was set up as a for- mal court in the third year of Henry the Eighth, in very soft words, "To punish great riots, to restrain offenders too bi" for or- dinary justice." ***** "i?M< in a little time it made the nation trem- ble. The Privy Council came at last to make laws by proclamation, and the Star Chamber ruijied those that would not obey." The arrest of actual deserters is well enough, and all courts should and would remand them whenever it appeared that they were deserters. But the great benefit of the writ is to ascertain the fact whether the accused were in truth de- serters, or, whether in fact innocent men had not been arrested through mistake, or through the avaricious desire to get the bounty. The writ is not to encourage guilt, but to protect innocence. The following will illusti-ate the case in point: [From the New York World, Nov. 3, 1863.] "kidnapping in new YORK. "An instance of the gross injustice which seems inseparable from the arbitrary military system inaugurated by Secretary Stanton has recently come to lightr In October, 1861, six- ty-two young men were induced to enlist in what they were told was 'Company L, Colonel Serrell's Regiment of Volunteer Engineers,' the pay being for privates seventeen dollars per month. The compaog^, when organized, was, without authority of Governor Morgan, taken to Washington, where for several days neither the War Department nor the General- in-Chief would recognize them. Subsequently, and without any new muster, they were desig- nated as Fourth New York Independent Bat- tery. The men protested in writing, but ia vain — the pay is thirteen dollars per month. They have been in eleven actions, and have distinguished themselves. They applied through counsel to the adjutant-general to be attached to Colonel Serrell's regiment, in pur- suance of their enlistment, or to be discharged. This was refused; yiet neither by statute nor army regulations have the government the pow- er to transfer men from one arm of service to another in the volunteer servicQ^ 236 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. "Several of the men, feeling that they had been grossly wronged, after the battle of Get- tysburg deserted and reached New York. A habeas corpus was taken out before Mr. Justice Gierke, they having been arrested as deserters by a sergeant of artillery. Justice Gierke dis- charged them from the Fourth Independent Battery, for the reason that they never enlisted therein, and also./>07« the service oi ih.Q United States, for the reason that they were enlisted und'er false pretenses. A copy of this order, certified and under seal, was given to the men. Last week a government detective arrested one of these men, read the oider, and sent the man to Governor's Island, from whence, it is said, he has been sent South. It is very clear that this is a flagrant instance of downright kidnapping, and that by no rule of equity can it be justified. It is monstrous that under our system of laws, in which there are so many provisions for guarding the rights of the citizen and insuring the faith of contracts, men can be compelled to do military service without the slightest regard to law, justice, or their personal rights. Congress ought to invest- igate this matter. WASHINGTON HUNT ON ARBITRARY ARRESTS. The people of New York, without distinction of party, met in Union Square, New York, in May, 1863, twenty-five thousand strong, to take into consideration the subject of personal lib- erty. There was speaking at four stands.— The following letter was read, from Washing- ton Hunt, whom our opponents have so often supported for high offices in the Empire State: LOCKPORT, May IG, 18G.3. "Gentlemen: — I have received your letter inviting me to attend the proposed meeting at Union Square. It is out of my power to eome, but I wish to avail myself of the occasion to declare my emphatic condemnation of the re- cent attempts to subject the people of the loyal states to an irresponsible and arbitrary system of military domination. "While we are willing to submit to the great- est sacrifices, in a patriotic spirit, for the pres- ervation of the Union, it may as well be un- derstood that wc will not consent to be bereft of any of our constitutional rights. We have lost none of these rights in consequence of the southern rebellion. "The Administration ought to comprehend that it is amenable to public opinion, and that its conduct and policy are a legitimate subject ef popular discussion and criticism. It is for the perpetuation of a free constitutional gov- ernment, and for this only, that the country has been so willing to exhaust its best blood and place its vast resources at the disposal of the national authority. God forbid that the American people should allow the strength thus imparted to be turned against tnemselves, and a military despotism erected on the ruins of public liberty! So far as New York is concern- ed, let it be proclaimed from the house tops that no man within her borders "Shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due procefs of law." "With great regard, ycurs truly. "WASHIIJfGtON HUNT. "Messrs. Gideon J. Tucker, John Hardy, A. Mathew- sou, and otheis." THE CASE OF GEN. STONE. "We have a case in point, in that of Gen. Stone, of the great wi'ong and injustice liable to be done by arbitrary proceedings against individuals. Gen. Stone it is remembered, was arrested while in the exercise of a com- mand, sent to one of the military prisons, de- nied information as to the cause of his arrest, and refused any opportunity to explain any proceedings of his own which might have seem- ed unusual. After several months of confine- ment, he was released without trial, and it is now announced that he was assigned to duty in the Department of the Gulf, — the President being satisfied, of course, that he was wrong- fully arrested and imprisoned. How easily could this wrongful arrest and imprisonment have been avoided." BEECHER ON ARBITRARY ARRESTS. Even the most radical of all radicals; Henet Ward Beecher, sees danger ahead, in the way of arbitrary arrests. In speaking of Vallandighaji's case he said: "It would be better for the country that ten thousand brave men were slain on the battle field, than that one should be deprived of even the least of his guarranteod rights at this time. The heart of the nation is in no mood to be thus despotically tampered with." GETTING DOWN TO A NICE POINT. [From the New York World.] "We ask all candid liber ty-lovinsr American citizens of both parties if the foUowiug does not smack rather too much of Venice or Poland for this free country: "1IE.4DQUARTERS MILITARY GOVERNOR, I "Alexandria, Va., Sept. IG, 'Go. / ^^ Proprietor Alexandria Gazette: tigin: — Observing in your issue of this evening an arti- cle boldly he.aded 'Virginia Legislature,' which articlecon- tains the proceedings of the Confederate Legislature of Virginia, and hence, is a public recognition upon your part of a state government in Virginia opposed to the fed- eral government, the general commanding directs me to inform you that the repetition of this act will be visited with a suspension of your paper. "The existence of a paper in Alexandria known to be hostile totlje government he represents, will be tolerated so long only as there appears nothing in it offensive to loyal people. Respectfully, •^ ' "KOLLIN C. GALE, A. A. G." Have not things come to a pretty pass when an American newspaper published within a few miles of the capital of the country is threaten- ed with suppression, because the heading to some of the news displeases an ignorant mili- tary officer? The phrase "Virginia Legisla- ture" is literally correct, no matter what the SCRAPS FEO-M MY SCRAP-BOOK 237 political crimes of that body may have been. A gun is a gun, whether in the hands of a fed- eral or a confederate soldier, and an organized state legislature, in or out of the Union, is very properly distinguished by the name of the state it legislates for. The "general commanding" who inspired the above order may have a '■bold" head of his own, but it certainly has very little brains or dism-etion inside of it. GEO. W. JONES vs. WM. H. SEWAKD. Judge Clerkk, of the Superior Court of the city of New York, in which the case of George W. Jones r^. William H. Seward, an action for alleged false imprisonment, is pending, has rendered an important decision. The question before the court arose upon a motion to remove the case from the state court to the United States Court for the northern districtW New York. Judge Clerke, in giving the decision of the fal claimant to our civil obedience. That claimant can neither be a person invested, or uninvested with office, nor an idea of, public necessity, nor an imaginary 'national life' be- yond, or apart from the life created under the constitution. The only possible claimant of our obedience is the laic; for, as that law is made supreme, all other demands or demand- ants upon our submission are of necessity ex- cluded. (Loud cheers.) "What, then, does this supreme law em- brace? The test on which I am commenting itself furnishes the answer, 'This Constitu- tion,' it says — what this constitution contains, and the laivs that shall be inade 2w conformity with it — these shall be the supreme law, rising in authority above all other laws. No public necessities, save as they are embodied in the Constitution — no 'national life,' save as it ex- ists under the Constitution — no legislation that is not in accordance with the Constitution — is the supreme law: but what the Constitution ordains or authorizes, tliat is the public neces- sity— ?7 Department of the Ohio, v Indiauapoh's, May 5th, 1S63. j "To thi Editors of the New York Fxpress; '•Gents: — Some one has been kind enough to enclose me a slip from your paper contain- ing a copy of my Order No. 9, and your re- marks thereon. They are exceedingly witty and smart, and in your judgment, probably, dispose of the whole case. It may surprise you some to know that the order was issued after mature deliberation and consultation, and is being, and will be, carried out to the letter. It is fortunate for you that your paper is not published in my District. "Very truly yours, MILO S. IIASCALL, "Brijr-Gen. A'ols., CommaDdiug District." This demonstrates that kind of cheap des- potism which had its orign at Head Quar ters , and which has disgraced the age in which we live. HOW THE REPUBLICANS LOVE FREE SPEECH. On the 1st of September, 1854, Senator Douglas attempted to speak in Chicago, and to explain the principles of the Kansas-Nebras- ka bill. The Republicans, in utter ignorance of those principles, refused to listen, and the following, which we copy from the Wisconsin State Journal., (R^pO of Sept. 7, 1854, shows how they managed to prevent Mr. Douglas from discussing the measures which they had so ignorantly denounced. "Gentlemen, by the Nebraska Bill, the peo- ple are allowed the right of self government. (A voice, '"who appoints the Governor and Judges?'") The President ofthe United States. (Three groans for Pierce.) Reappoints Judges in every State in the Union, why should he not in Nebraska and Kansas? ("Read the section ofthe bill." "Read the bill''') The bill was published in one of your city papers to-day, and you can read at your leisure.— (Don't take that paper.) (A voice; "what a head.'') The best interests of the United States required that my bill should become a law, and that the right of the people to self- regulation should be recognized. (A voice, "let the niggers govern themselves." "Gentlemen, we are not talking about nig- gers, we are talking about the Nebraska-Ivjin- sas-bill. Gentlemen you have had a Conven- tion lately, in the First Congressional District. (Three cheers for AVashburne! Cries for the Harbor bill.) You can't hear anything about the harbor bill to-night, I am talking about the Nebraska bill, and I intend to talk about it. If you think to put a stop to the free dis- cussion of this measure, you are dealing with the wrong person. 1 shall stay here and talk as long as it suits my convenience. (Chorus: 'We won't go home till morning, till morning, till morning. We won*t go home till morning, till daylight doth appear.' ") "The speaker then defied the crowd to put him down, and said that he should speak again and again if necessary. ('Good! good!' 'Doit more!' 'Try it again!') Another attempt to speak on the Nebraska question was succeeded by a perfect typhoon of discordant voices, and cries of 'Small Giant!' 'Little Dug!' 'Milli- ken!' 'Dr. McVicker!' 'Cook, carry him home!' 'Young America!' &c." This, be it remembered, was the Republican account. It does not come up to the reality. THE GREEN CO., (wiS.) MOB. About the 1st of August, 1862. the Republi- cans of Green county. Wis., organized them- selves into what they termed a Vigilance Com- mittee. They took all matters into their hands, such as defining and punishing treas- on, &c. They adopted Pope's "Army Oath," and required all to subscribe to it, or be rough- ly handled. They caught one old, respectable man, loyal and true to his country, and rode him on a rail for refusing to sign the following oath: "Ij , ofthe town of , in the coun- ty of Green, and State of Wisconsin, do sol- emnly swear that I am a loyal citizen of the United States of America, that I will bear true allegiance to the same, that I will to the ut- most of my ability support the government in its efforts to suppress the rebellion; that in rendering such support I will discountenance in every p«s3ible manner by word or action every sentiment or expression the tendency of which may be to encourage disloyalty to the government, and that I will not by word or deed, countenance any disloyal, secret organi- zation; and for the violation of this oath may I suffer the just penalty of the crime." Another by the name of Steve.s was rough- ly handled for the same set, and we let the Rociford (111.) Democrat, (Rep) tell the story: "Mr. John Steves, a well known citizen of Durand, and a very radical Republican in pol- itics, [the mob did not know his politics] we understand, had occasion to visit Monroe, Wis- consin, last week, and while there a vigilance committee of which that vicinity boasts had taken into their hands a supposed secessionist of the place to administer to him the oath of allegiance, and if he refused to do so to inflict upon him a proper punishment. The operations of the committee had drawn together a large and excited crowd. Mr. Steves looked on and saw that their victim was an old man, perhaps seventy years old, whom they were handling, as Mr. Steves thought, with a degree of vio- lence which was hardly removed from brutali- ty. To see an old man thus treated aroused his sympathy, and without stopping to consider the merits of the case as charged against the old man, in the name of common humanity remon- strated with the crowd, telling them that they 258 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. ought to treat him more civily, and consider upon his case more dispassionately; — that the Trorst criminal who was to be hanged within the next half hour was entitled to a decent respect and inviolability of his person in the mean time. "The excited crowd instantly turned upon Mr. Steves, and he found himself in their hands and at the mercy of their excitement. The vigilance committee took his case in hand, as he learned upon being informed that they were then considering as to what should be done with him. In a few moments one of the com- mittee told him that he had one minute left to take the oath of allegiance or leave the town. Mr. Steves told them that he had not one word of objection to the sentiments of the oath and its purport, and as a voluntary transaction would take it a thousand times; but that he had not said a word or done a thing which gave them any reason to suspect his loyalty, and he should decline to take the oath upon compulsion. All that he had said was a plea for commonly civil, personal treatment towards an old gray haired man whom they had taken into their hands, and whom in the excitement of their anger he thought they were treating inhumanly. He asked to see the committee as a body and make a statement to them, believ- ing when they had heard all, they would see his case in the right light, and leave him to himself. The committee refused to see him, and at the expiration of the minute, the crowd took him, placed him upon a rail, and carried him on it to his wagon; and ordered him to leave town immediately. This accomplished, Mr. Steves, at the earnest solicitation of a friend whose goods he had been moving to Mon- roe, and whom as he was just starting in busi- ness there, he (Mr. Steves) did not wish to compromise, volunteered to take the oath of allegiance, and it was accordingly adminlstei'- ed to him. Thus relieving himself from the penalty of his refusal, he was allowed to re- main in town until next day, and then took his departure for home, satisfied with his visit to Monroe." FEDEEALS, FEDERAL. 1796 to 1S14. DISSOLUTION. WHIGS AND REPUBLICANS IN JUXTRAPOSITION. WHIG. REPUBLICAN. 1S44 to 1S48. 1S54 to 1S63. •'The Northern States can subsist as a nation — a Repub- lic — without any connection with the Southern. It cannot be contested that if the South- ern States were possessed of the same political ideas, our Union would be more close than separation, but when it becomes a serious question whether we shall give up our government or part with the States south of the Potomac, no man JVorth of that river, whose heart is not thoroughly Democratic, can hesitate what decision to make. "I shall, in the future pa- pers, consider some of the great events, which will lead to a separation of the United States — show the importance of retaining their present Constitution, even at the ex- pense of a separation — endea- vor to prove the impossibility of a Union for any long period in future, botht^from the moral andpolitical habits of the cit- izens of the Southern States, and finally examine carefully to see whether we have not al- ready approached to the era when they must be divided " — From Felharn's Pamphlet, 1796. •'■The Union has long since been virtually dissolved, and it is full time that this part of the United States should take care of itself. — p. 19. DISSOLUTION. '■'■Resolved, Rather than see slavery established on Mexi- can territory as the result of this accursed war, it were bet- ter this Union should be at once dissolved. — Whig Reso- lution in Worcester, Mass.. 1847. "On the 24th of February, 1842, John Quincy Adams presented a petition in the House of Representatives, signed by a large number of citizens of Haverhill, Mass., for a peaceable dissolution of the Union, 'assigning as one of the reasons, the inequality of benefits conferred upon the different sections.' " — Blake's Ilistory of Slavery, p. 524. "We cannot possibly look favorably upon this war. Its first act was a gross outrage upon Mexico, and can it be supposed by Mr. Polk and his advisers, that an error so glaring — a crime so unpardon- able, as this Mexican war, can be whitewashed?" — 3It. Car- mel Register, 1847. "Were I a Mexican, I would welcome these invaders with bloody hands to hospitable graves." — Thomas Corioin, 1847. DISSOLUTION. [Resolution adopted by tho American Anti-Slavery Society, New York, December, 185S.] '■•^Yhereas, The dissolution of the present imperfect and inglorious Union between the free and slave states would re- sult in the overthrow of slave- ry and the consequent founda- tion of a more perfect and glo- rious Union, without the incu- bus of slavery, therefore '■'■Resolved, That we invite a free correspondence with the disunionists of the South, in order to devise the most suit- able way and means to secure the consummation so devout- edly to be wished." ^•Resolved, That it is the duty of the North in case they fail in electing a President and Congress that will restore freedom to Kansas, to revolu- tionize the government!" — Republicans of Green Co., Wis. 1856. Mr. Garrison made a speech in 1856, in which he declared; "I have said, and I say again, that in proportion to the growth of disunionism, will be the growth of Repub- licanism. * * The Union is a lie. The American Union is an imposture, and a coven- ant with death, and an agree- ment T^ith hell. * * I am for its overthrow. * * Up with the flag of disunion, that SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 259 "The once venerable Con- stitution has EXPIRED BT DIS- SOLUTION in the hands of those wicked men who were sworn to protect it. Its spir- it, with the precious souls of its first founders, has fled for- ever. Its remains, with theirs, rest in the silent ionihf At your hands, therefore, we de- mand deliverance. Neto Eng- land is unanimous, and we an- nounce our irrevocable de- cree, that the tyrannical op- pression of those who at pres- ent usurp the powers of the Constitution is beyond endur- ance! — Address to Hartford Convention, 1815. "My plan is to withhold our money and make a separate peace with England." — Bos- ton Daily Advertiser. 1814. we may have a free and glori- ous Union of our own." "Tear down the fliuntinsjlie; Half-mast the starry flag; Insult no sunny sky With haie' s polluted rag!'' — XiW Tork Tribune,l9b4. OPPOSIXG THE "government," ETC. "On or before the 4th of July, if James Madison is noo out of office, a new form of governmsnt will be in opera- tion in the Eastern section of the Union, instantly after, the contest in many of the states ivill be, whether to adhere to the old, or join the neiu gov- ernment ! Like everything else, which was foretold years ago, and which is verified every day, this will also be vilified as visionary. Be it so. But, Mr. Madison cannot com- plete his term of service if the war continues! It is not pos- sible! and if he knew human nature, he would see it. — Federal Republican, Nov. 7. 1814. "It is a time of d(^y that requires cautiousjealousy; not jealousy of your magistrates, for you have given them your confidence. * ■'' Cursed be he that keepth back his sword from blood. Let him that hath none, sell his coat and buy one." — Sermon 'of Rev. Dr. Parish, of Bosto', , July 4, 1799. "The full vials of despotism ism are poured out on your heads, and yet you may chal- lenge the plodding Israelite, the stupid African, the feeble Chinese, the drowsy Turk, or the frozen exile of Siberia, to equal you in tame submission to the powers that be- * * "Here we must trample on OPPOSING THE "GOVERNMENT," ETC. "The voice of lamentation and war, heard all over the country, fi-om homes and fire- sides made desolate by the slaughter of fathers, and hus- bands, and brothers, is sweet music to the ears of the Pres- ident and his friends, and they seem ambitious to swell the chorus by increasing the vic- tims. * * * We rejoice to see a large and respectable number of Whig papers in this and other states taking ground against further appro- priations by &ongress of men and money for the Mexican cut throating business. This is as it should be." — Warren (0.) Chrinicle, 1847. "If there is is in the United States a breast worthy of American liberty, its impul- ses to join the Mexicans, and hurl down upon the base, sla- vish, mercenary invaders, who, born in a Republic, go to play over the accursed game of the Hessians on the tops of those Mexican volcanoes, it would be a sad and wofuiycy, nevertheless to hear that the hordes under Scott and Taylor were every man of them swept into the next world! What business has an invading army in this f " — Boston Daily Chronotype, 1847. OPPOSING THE "GOVERNMENT," ETC. Resolution adopted by the Essex County(Mass.)Anti Slavery Society Mav 16, 1S62. ''Resolved, That the war as hitherto, prosecuted, is but a wanton waste of property, a dreadful sacrifice of life,_ and worse than all, of conscience and of character, to preserve and perpetuate a Union and Constitution which should never have esisted,and which, by all the laws of justice and htimanity, should iu their present form, be at once and forever overthrown." From Parker Pillsbury's Speech, April, 1862. "I do not wish to see this government prolonged another day in the present form. I have been for twenty years at- tempting to overthrow the present dynasty. The consti- tution never was so much an engine of cruelty and crime as at the present hour. I am not rejoiced at the tidings of victory to the northern arms ; I would far rather see defeat, etc." From Stephen F. Forters' Speech, Boston, 1802. "I have endeavored to dis- suade every young man I could from enlisting, telling them that they were going to fight for slavery." "On account of the repeat- 260 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. the mandates of despotism, or here we must remain slaves forever." — p. 13. April 7. 1814. "Sec. 2. And he it further enacted^ That if any person shall write, print, utter, or publish, or shall cause or pro- cure to be written, printed, uttered or published, or shall knowingly or willinijly aid in writing, printing, uttering or publishing any false, scanda- lous and malicious writing or writings against the Govern- ment (the party in power) of the United States, or either House of the Congress of the United States, or the Presi- dent of the United States, with intent to defame the said Government, or either House of the Congress, or the said President, &c." — Sedition Law, JuUj 17, 1798. ed expressions of disloyal and incendiary sentiments, the publishing of the newspaper known as the Chicago Times is hereby suppressed. — Burn- side'' s Order No. 84, Ju7ie 1. 1862. "That any order of the President, or under his au- thority, made at any time du- ring the existence of the pres- ent rebellion, shall be a de- fense in all courts to any ac- tion or prosecution, civil or criminal," &c. — Extract from act sui^pending Hileas Cor- pus. March, 1863- KNOW NOTHINGISM. "The real cause of the war must be traced to the influence of worthless foreigners over the press and the deliberations of the Government in all its branches. — Response to the Messarje of Gov. Strong, of 3lass., by the Assembhi. June, 1814. KNOW NOTHINGISM. 'If I had the power, I would erect a gallows at every land- ing place in the city of New York, and suspend every curs- ed Irishman as soon as he steps upon our shore.'' — Re- marks of Mathew L. Davis on receiving the news of the Dem- ocratic triumph in New York, in 1852. "It is our opinion, as our readers well know, that no man of foreign birth should be admitted to the exercise of the political rights of an Ameri- can citizen.'" — Albany Daily Advertiser. "We could not find any other remedy against the threatening danger, than are- peal of all naturalization laws.^' — Col. Webb, of New York. '■^All naturalization laws should be instantly repealed, and the term preceding the enjoyment of civil rights ex- tended twenty-five years." — 31;. Clark, Whig Mayor of New York. KNOW NOTHINGISM. "Taken altogether, the squatter reception, last even- ing, fell below what had been promised, but furnished an in- stance of what a few determin- ed wire pullers can do with a few hundred voting cattle.''' — (alluding to the Irish and Germans.) — Chicago Tribune, Oct. 15, 1860. " We unhesitatingly aver that seven-tenths of the foreigners in our land, who boiv in obedi- ence to the Pope of Rome, are not as intelligent as the full blooded Africans of our state — 7ve will not include the part bloods.'' — Cleveland Herald. We might proceed almost ad iiifinitum, but Ihe above must sufiB.ce Our only object is to link together the principles of fraternism in a single group, between the old Federals and their progeny, so that the reader might see at a glance how well the three great parties, or rather the one party, with three great names. have agreed, voted, acted and thought alike. The above does not exhibit the strongest family resemblance— that feature, in all its various tints and hues, will be found scattered through- out this entire work. Let no Republican say he was not sired by a Federal. We have traced his geneology too clearly to admit of doubt. SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 261 REPUBLICAN PREACillNO VS. PBACTICE. Senator Doolittle vs. Political Doolittle. On the 2(1 day of May, 186:2, Senator Doo- little made a speech in the Senate of the United States, in which he maintained that there was ample power under the Constitution for every emergency in war : LOOK O.N THIS PICTURE. "Sir, I repeat, that never before, in this body, nor in any legislative body the sun ever shone upon, were there graver questions raised than these. And yet, under all this responsi- bility, there are gentlemen who, in their eagerness to press this measure to a vote, smile at constitutional scruples and responsi- bilities. Sir, I am not one of those ; I con- fess that I can concur fully in the language of my colleague, and say when I am pressed to act upon questions involving these great re- sponsibilities, that I do so with a fear and ap- prehension — not the fear of any man here or elsewhere — for I know no man master on earth, but the fear that in the presence of that God, before whom I have taken an oath to support the Constitution, I may be pressed, under the excitement of the moment, when passion rules the hour, to trample it under my feet. "Mr. President, we are in arms to-day. We are at war. For whati? It is for this very Constitution — to maintain, protect and defend its supremacy in every state, everywhere, from Maine to Texas. To maintain that supremacy we send our sons to the battle field — we stake all we have and all we are, and I should re- gard myself wanting in manhood, as cowardly, shrinking from the performance of my duty, if, while my sons and my countrymen are iu the field, fighting the enemy, meeting danger and death in every form, I should not stand here in the defense of the Constitution, by every power God has given me — let it be assailed from what quarter it may. The only fear I have is, that I may not defend it as I should. " Mr. president, that constitution, let me say, is just as supreme in reserving powers from this government, as it is in granting pow- ers to it. Just as supreme in withholding as in conferring power. If this government, or any branch of it — if Congress or the Execu- tive, or the Supreme Court shall undertake to overturn its provisions, and to trample under their feet the rights reserved to the States and the people by it, it is just as much an attempt at revolution and rebellion as when the men in the insurrecticnar;/ states undertake to trample tinder their feet the powers ichich by it are given to this government. Either is REVOLUTION! And if either succeeds, it is an end to our whole system of republican government ! ! If the doctrine shall once prevail, and be acqui- esced in by the government, and the people of of the United States, that the constitution can be overborne ; that this Federal Government can usurp powers which are not delegated, but are expressly reserved to the States—*' " days of this Republic are already passed—;. • days of the Empire have begun, and we are jaejiar- ing to re-enact, on perhaps a grander scale, the history of the decline and fall of the Em- pire of Rome. [You were right, Mr. D.] "The maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states and especially the rights of each state, to order and con- trol its own domestic institutions, according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of pow- er on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends. "—,[iyo?n the Chicago Platform. "Without that they cease to be states at aJl, [Mr. D. did not think then, perhaps, how soon he would be forced into the "state suicide" doctrine] and the Federal Government be- comes one vast, consolidated empire. This was as true in the beginning as it was in 1860, when we made it the pledge upon which we came into power, and it will be true, forever, whether men in the heat and passion of this hour shall heed it, or trample it under their feet. "This Constitution of ours gives to us all the powers which are necessary to meet even the exigencies of civil war. It is Just as perfect in this as in ang other respect. [For claiming this, Democrats have been called "Copper- heads."] It meets all the necessities of our situation, whether of war, insurrection or peace. The idea that at any time — for one sin- gle hour — this Constitution, because civil war exists, is dissolved, or gives way to martial law, as to something higher, and above itself, at the discretion or caprice of the President or Congress, or both together, is a heresy as fatal to free Government, and as full of evil as the whisperings of Satan to Eve iu the Garden of Eden. No, sir, no! The Constitution is just as much above mortial law as it is above civil law. From it alone are derived all the powers of the Government, and under it alone can they be exercised." NOW LOOK ON TUIS. On the 4th of June, 1863. Mr. political Doo- LITTLE made a speech before a meeting in Chi- cago, called to denounce the President for countermanding Burnside's Order, suppress- ing the Chicago Times, which speech demon- strates the facility with which "first rate fourth rate" statesmen can descend from the sublime to the ridiculous; and, here is the manner Mr. political Doolittle proposed to practice on the preaching of Mr. senator Doolittle. We quote fi-om the Chicago Tribune, of above date: " He (Doolittle) believed the exercise of the power in any part of the United States, to suppress newspapers, is simply a question of time and necessity. In New Orleans Gen. Butler suppressed newspapers, and even ex- ecuted a traitor. Has anybody found fault with that ? In many parts of the North papers have been suppressed, and justlg so. In my opinion (he Executive is clothed tvith discretion 262 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS ,n the time of war to do WHAT HE BEEl''^ FIT AND PROPER. He alluded to the re- voking order. Probably the President thinks the time hns not yet come when Chicago shall be put under martial law. But if any news- paper opposes the enforcing of the conscription law, or any other order the President thinks proper to give, that paper will be suppressed, and if need be, martial law proclaimed. We desire, if possible, to have the loyal people of the North united as one man, and wo must have it practically so, or it is of no avail. He regretted that there were still two political parties [suppression is a good way to get rid of one] — there should be but one, and that one united with a determination to put down the rebellion, but as it is, the President must control all men of all 2)/ to allow the people for a while some of their rights, lest a counter rev- olution migh*^ be inoonvenient and troublesome. EDCCATIXG THE ARMY TO THE NEW ROLE. Look to our army. Has it been only the object of the -'powers," to educate that army in the arts and sciences of war, and lo make it efficient as against the foe? By no means. That from the first, that army has been tamper- ed with; and more pains has been taken in certain quarters to bring it up to the required standard of political discipline, than to make it efiScient in military acquirements cannot be doubted. Let us cite a few facts from the scores we have in store. ADJUTANT GENERAL THOMAS PREACHING POLITICS TO THE SOLDIERS. • In 1862, Adjutant General Thomas was sent out to the West, ostensibly to look after con- trabands, and organize negro regiments; but his real object seems to have been to make political speeches to the soldiers, and to re- quire 0/ them unequivocal recognition of the political policy of the Administration. About the time when he first made his ap- pearance in the army of the West, the celebrat- ed "anti-copperhead resolutions'' began to pour foith from the army, deluging the whole North, with the most blood-thirty denunciations and threats against a majority of the people at home, threatening that as soon as the army should return they would exterminate the ' 'cop- perheads"'" (meaning Democrats,) with fire and sword. These epistles and resolves, it is be- lieved were instigated by this Adjutant Gener- al Thomas, who set that ball in motion to ef- fect the Northern elections. But, although many of those bloodthirsty resolves were repre- sented to have been passed by a unanimous vote in most instances, yet it is in proof, and as soon as Ave dare publish a long array of private cor- respondence, and not subject good brave sol- diers to the severe punishments that would fol- low their exposure, we shall give to the world evidence that in most cases the soldiers either silently permitted those diabolical resolutions to pass, without protest (for fear of the conse- quences) or by their silence were claimed as having assented. HOW THE SOLDIERS VIEW IT. Below we give an extract from a letter writ- ten by a member of the 12th Wisconsin Infan- 18 try to his brother in the Legislature of 1863, which was published in the Wisconsin Patriot "Some of our officers got togethei last Sun- day and passed a number of resolutions, which I presume you have seen before this, for they were sent to the State Journal* to be publish- ed. * * * Some of the resolutions were voted on by some of the soldiers, and some were strongly opposed to them, but they have since come to consider on the political object of the resolutions, and that the real purpose is to keep them longer a fighting for the negro, without one ray of hope for the Union, and all to give certain officers a certain share of ths spoils of cotton and other trophies, and from a pretty general conversation with the boys of the regiment, I believed that if called upon to-day to vote on those resolutions, that not five of the rank and file in the whole regi- ment would vote for them, though from the reign of terror which prevails over the soldier who is not much better in the eyes of the offi- cers than a nigger, they would remain passive, as many of them do, when called upon by shoulder straps to aid political schemes or cot- ton forays. "We are all under ban here, but if the sol- diers — the 'boys,' I mean, dared to speak their honest sentiments, there would be a hot row in camp. * * I would not dare to speak my sentiments here, as I now write them to you, for if I were not immediately locked up and punished by some picked guard, I should be subject to extra-hazardous services, and in one way or another be made to pay dearly for wri- ting what I knoiv to be true," &c. We have hundreds of such articles before us, but this must suffice as a sample, which demonstrates the fact that the army is being used to propogate political ideas and dogmas. After Adjutant General Thomas had suc- ceeded in getti. g a series of threatening reso- lutions issued from each camp, he took to har- ranguing the soldiers, to get expressions from them direct in favor of the political policy of the Administration, punishing such as refused to hurra for such measures. Startle not, read- er, for we shall let GEN. THOMAS SPEAK FOR HIMSELF. After Adjutant General Thomas returned to Washington, he rendered his own account ia his own way, of his acts in the West: "I was compelled to speak to the troops, [who "compelled" him, except it was the Pres- ident, his superior?] along the route — speak- ing in one day some seven or eight times. During my tour I met an Irish Regiment, the 90th Illinois, from Chicago — men who read the Chicago Times. After talking to them awhile, *This paper had published he resolutions as having been unanimously passed. MO FIYE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. ',1 proposed three cheers for the President of the United States. These were given heartily. Three ckeers were then proposed for the sotlled policy of the United States, [the Administra- tion] in reqard to negroes. This was met by cries of -l^oV 'No!' "The Colonel was absent, and the Lieut. Colonel was in command. I enquired what such conduct meant? The Lieut. Colonel en- deavored to excuse the men by saying that they had no opportunity to look over the matter. I replied 'you are not telling the truth, air! I know that they have been discussing this ques- tion for a week past. I know the fact if you do not.' The officer was coniderably morti- fied. [It is well for Adjutant Gen. Thomas that he did not provoke that kind of "mortifi- cation" which an Old Hickory would have manLfested.] "J ordered those who were opposed to this poVicy of the government, to step forward, and said / knew the regiment had seen considerble service and fought ivell! but I also knew there was but little discipline observed among them — that I wanted a distinct recognition of this doctrine — that was the first with me. Several stepped forward. They were instantly seized and sent to the guard-house. "I then left the regiment, telling them I would give them a week to consider what they would do. At the next Station I met the Col of the regiment, who begged that I would leave the matter in his hands, and he would see that the men were tnught tho duty of soldiers. I complied with the reque.-st." Such is .the confession (we use the term in its legitimate sense) of this political avant courier — this man, who supported the traitor Beeckinridge on the platform that the con- stitution carried slavery everywhere, and pro- tected it. This is the man who attempted to abolitionize the army, and what he lacked in offers of promotion he made up in "military discipline,"' threats and punishment. Now. let us enquire what right has the Ad- ministration to own and control the private opinions of those who fight the battles of the country? This political Ajas admits they feught well — no complaint ever rested against them for any dereliction of military duty — but they were "instantly seized and placed iii the guard house," and for what? Because they could not forswear t^ieir manhood — deny their political principles — as sacred to them as their religion, and acknowledge what they believed to be a lie. Who will have the courage to face posterity in the mirror of history, and say this was right? If soldiers "fight well" and obey all the lawful military commands of their supei'i- ors, in the name of God and their country, what more ought to be required of them? But no, this will not do. The Administration has a purpose in view. No one can be so foolish and illogical as to believe the "powers" care a fig for the private opinions of soldiers so long as they do not come in contact with the pur- pose of said "powers." But, suppose we are correct in awarding motives of despotic domin- ion in the radical leaders, whould we not look for just such measures? A despotism could not be consummated without the aid of the army. That army must be moulded to the very purpose in view. All conservatism must be forced out of the army by the pressure of discipline, so that when the time for action shall come, that army can be relied on, in every emergency. If it should become neces- sary to march into the North and murder the "copperheads" (the Democrats) the soldiers must be first prepared for it. Heno the "an- ti-copperhead resolutions," committing the army by threats to this very thing. Hence, the bloodthirsty epistles of Secretary Stanton to the Cooper Institute meeting, and the blood- thirsty speeches of Senators AVilson, Lane, and others — hence, the bloodthirsty and in- flammatory articles in the radical press. GEN. HALLECK AS A TUTOR. The Republicans had a meeting in Union Square, in Aprilyi 1863. A a;reat number of Abolition celebrities were there, who threw out bloody threats and hints. Gen. Halleck was not present, but he wrote a letter from which we seclect the following Robesperrian threat : "We have already made immense progress in this war — a greater progress than was ever before made under similar circumstances. Our armies are still advancing, and if sustained by the voice of the patriotic millions at home, they will ere long crush the rebellion in the south, and then place their heels upon the heads of sneeking traitors in the North. "Very resiiectfuUy, yoviral:i't serv't '■W. II. UALLKCK, Usuoral-in-Chiel," Not content with uttering this bloodthirsty threat against two millions of voters in the north, as Mr Hallegk, but he adds the weight of hi's high office, as "General-in-Chief." OTHER SENTIMKNTS AND THREATS. Mr. Seward also wrote a letter in which he remarked, in his most grandiloquent elo- quence: "Let us ask each other no qnes'ions about how the nation shall govern itself," or '**who SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK^ 26T shall preside in its councils in the great fu- ture," &c. This is the same syren song, under the nar- cotic and "v piaiic" influence of which Greece, Rome and Athens went to sleep, to wake no more. Mr. Chase in speaking of slavery to the same meeting said: '•What matter now how it dies? Whether as a consequnce or as an object of the war — what matter." Mr. Post Master General Elair also spoke at that meeting, and illustrated the Ad- ministration's new definition of "treason;" spoke of the '•Creatures in the Free States * * spared by the clemency of the Administration, that call themselves Democrats. But these men in the North are only so many men on gibbets.''^ TDE CASE OF LIEUT. EDGEELEY. As exhibiting further the object of the Ad- ministration to compel the army through fear of punishment to succumb to the political schemes and purposes of the Administration, we place before the reader the following ex- tract from •SPECIAL ORDER NO. 110. "War Derartment, Adjbtant Gexeral's Office, ? WASniNGWJ.v, March 1.3, 1S63. 3 "33- By direction of the President, the following officers are hereby di.s missed the ser- vice of the United States. * * Lieut. A. G. Edgerly, 4th New Hampshire Volunteers, for circulaiing C^pperheml tkkets, and doing all in his power to promo':e the rebel cause Tmeaning the Democratic ticket] in his state. "By order of the Secretary of War. "L. TIIOMACf, Adjutant General. "To the Governor of New Ilanipshire." We hardly know how to command language adequate to express the official turpitude of this transaction. Here, the only charge that was brought again t the Lieutenant, was vo- ting the Democratic ticket. For that is just what it amounts to. It is the first time in the history of this or any other government, that the vile nicknames of party have been used in QfEcial orders emanating from the high officers of Government. It shows the revolutionary spirit of those in power, and the act itself, ■demonstrates beyond a cavail, that it is the in- tention of the "powers that be'' to use what power they have to compel the army to become the agent, when the decisive hour shall arrive, to crush out the last remnant of liberty, and 40 throw a wall of bayonets around the throne of despotism. If this is not the legitimate meaning, aim and purpose of such acts as we have here recorded, then wo confess to a la- mentable incapacity to read men's intentions by the light of their conduct- THE CONSCRIPTION BILL. This act by the last Congress was an unnec- essary violation of the Constitution, for the same objects could have been obtained strictly in occordance with the Constitution. But that would not suit the purposes of despotism. The Constitution of the United States clearly places the militia under the control of the states, until called into actual service by the United States. Section 2, of Art. II., of the Constitution of the United States, declares that the President shall be "Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States, when called into the actual ser' vice of the United States." By this it would seem that the militia be- longs to the States, and is exclusively under State control, until actually called into the ser- vice of the United States. Subdivisions 14 and 15 of Sec. 8, Art. I., also make similar provisions. But, the Conscription Act ignores the consti- tution entirely, (so decided by the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania) because it calls upon the people, and enrols them as the United States militia, without reference to the States. This is just what one would expect from those who intended to establish a despotism, for if the soldiers were called for by the mode pre- scribed in the fundamental law, and it turned out that they were actually being used for des- potic purposes, tbe States might refuse to grant them, and thus the purposes of despotism might be thwarted. But as it is — if the con- scription act can be fully carried out, troops may be obtained to any number without asking their consent of the States. When the conscription bill was on its passage in the House of Representatives — "Mr. WicklifFe offered an amendment that the men thus called into service shall be by the Governors of the States org-inized into com- panies and regiments, with officers to command them, appointed by the authority of tach State, according to the provisions of the con- stitution of the United St^ates Rejected, aye* 55, noes 103." 268 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. This clearly demonstrates the real purpose of the radicals — to place the militia of the States at the unlimited command of the Presi- dent, for any and whatever purposes he chooses to employ them. We have already alluded to the despotic pow- er by which a Democratic convention was broken up in Kentucky— how the Kentucky election was controlled under martial law — how the sword controlled the elections in Mary- land, Delaware, Missouri, &c. These out- rages were thus avowed and excused by the or- gan of Gov. Andrew and Chas, Sumner: "The Thirty-eighth Congress is about to as- semble. The Senate will have a large admin- tration majority, and the House one sufficiently large to elect the caucus nomination for Speak- er, Clerk, and other officers. We say this with- out having carefully examined the tables, for we assume that the administration would not have resorted to its somewhat extraordinary means of carrying elections in the Border States, unless it had been sure that these means, successfully used, would give it a working majority. We do not find fault with the machinery used to carry Maryland and Delaware. Having nearly lost the control of the House by its blunders in the conduct of the war from March, 1861, to the fall of 1862, the administration owed it to the country to recov- er that control somehoiv. To recover it regu- larly was impossible; so irregularity had to be resorted to. Popular institutions will not suf- fer, for the copperhead element will have a much larger number of members in both branches than it is entitled to by its popular vote. Ohio, with its ninety thousand Republi- can majority, will be represented by five Re- publicans and a dozen or more copperheads. — It is fitting that this misrepresentation of pop- ular sentiment in the great state of the West should be offset, if necessary, by a loyal dele- gation from Maryland and Delaware, won even at the expense of military interference. If laws are silent amid the clank of arms, we must take care that the aggregate public opinion of the country obtains recognition, somcAow or other. ^^ — Boston Commonwealth. That is a pretty bold defense of villainy.— The Commonivealth is an organ of the Gov. Andrew negro school of politics, and he open- ly advocates the use of the bayonet against the ballot. We suppose those who advocate giving Mr. Lincoln "all the men and all the money he wants,'' will be highly delighted with this use made of them! Such despotic acts committed by any other party would be denounced with the most ve- hement bowlings, but being committed by the "loyal" party, they are considered all right, and this reminds us of the answer of the Eng- lish Bishop to the question: "Pray, my lord, is it not difficult to trace the exact line between orthodoxy and hetero- doxy?" To which the more honest than discreet di- vine replied: "Not at all, nothing can be more simple. Orthodoxy is my doxy, and heterodoxy is any other man's doxy'.' This illustrates the intolerent arrogance of Abolitionism: WHAT SENATOR WILSON SAID. In a speech he made during the Maine can- vass at Brunswick in that state, just preceding the election, he declared: "We shall subjugate the rebel states; that's the word — subjugation! And we will conquer the rebellion in New York. For ty-five regiments are there to do it, every soldier of which, as I told you before, would sooner shoot a copper- head than a rebel soldier." A LEAF FROM HISTORY. The following extracts are from Allison's History of Europe, vol. 1, chap. 14, should be read to be appreciated, by the light of the Vallandigham trial, and such diatribes as we have quoted from Senators Wilson, Lane, Halleck, &c.: "In pursuance of these views, St. Just made a labored report to the general police of the commonwealth, in which recapitulated all the stories of conspiracies against the Republic, explaining them as efforts of every species of vice against the austere rule of the people, and concluding with holding out the the necessity of the government striking icithotit intermis- sion till it had cut off all those whose corrup- tion opposed itself to the establishmtnt of vir- tue. "The foundation of all great institu- tions," said he, "is terror. Where would now have been an indulgent Republic? We have opposed the sword to the sword, and its power is in consequence established. It has emerged from the storm, and its origin is like that of the earth out of the confusion of chaos, and of man who weeps in the hour of nativity." As a consequence of these principles, he pro- posed a general measure of proscription against all the nobles, as the irreconcilable op- ponents of the Revolution: "You will never, " said he, "satisfy the enemies of the people till you have re-established tyranny in all its hor- rors. They can never be at peace with you; you do not speak the same language; you will never understand each other. Banish them by an inexorable law; the universe may re- ceive them, and the public safety is our Justi- fication.^^ He then proposed a decree which banished all the ex-nobles, all strangers from, SCRAPS FEOM MY SCRAP-BOOK" 269 Paris, the fortified towns, and seaports of France; and declared hors la loi whoever did not yield obedience in ten hours to th^ order. It was received with applause by the conven- tion, and passed, as all the decrees of govern- ment at that time, by acclamation. * * * "The trial of these unhappy captives was as brief cs during the massacres in the prisons ' -Did you know of the conspiracy of the prisons Dorival?" "No.'' "I expected no other an- swer. "Are you not an ex-noble?" "Yes," To a third: "Are you not a priest?" "Yes, but I have taken the oath.'" "You have no right to speak; be silent." "Were you not architect to Madame?" "Yes, but I was dis- graced in 17SS." "Had you not a father-in- law in the Luxembourg?" "Yes." Suck were the questions which constituted the sole trial of numerous accused; no witnesses were called; their condemnations were pronounced almost as rapidly as their names were called: the law of the 22d Prairial had dispensed with the necessity of taking any evidence, when the court were convinced by moral presump- tions. The endictments were thrown off by hundreds at once, and the name of the indi- vidual merely filled in; the judgments were printed with equal rapidity, j|in a room adjoin- ing the court, and several thousand copies cir culated through Paris by little urchins, ex- claiming, amid weeping and distracted crowds, "Here are the names of these who have gained prizes in the lottery of the holy guillotine." — The accused were executed at leaving the court, or, at least, on the following morning. "Since the law of the 2"2d Prairal had been passed, the heads fell at the rate of fifty or sixty a. day. "This is well," said Fouquier Tinville; "but we must get on more rapidly in the next decade; four hundred and fifty is the very least that must then be served up." To facilitate this immense increase, spies were sent into the prisons in order to extract from the unhappy wretches their secrets, and desig- nate to the public accuser those who might first be selected. These infamous wretches soon became the terror of the captives. They were enclosed as suspected persons, but their real mission was soon apparent from their insolence their consequential airs, the preference shown them by the jailers, their orgies at the doors of the cells with the agents of the police. They were caressed, implored by the trembling pris- oners, and received whatever little sums they had been able to secrete about their persons, to keep their names out of the black list; but in vain. The names of such as they chose to de- nounce were made up in a list called, in the prisons, "The Evening Journal," and the pub- lic chariots sent at nightfall to convey them to the Conciergerrie preparatory to their trial on the following morning. Says Sallust, "All bad actions spring from good begin- nings," and while the objects as originally declared by Congress, for the prosecution of this war, challenged the respect of every patriot in the land, the "bad actions" that have sprung from the "good beginning" may well turn our at- tention to the bloody 14th chapter in Allison's History. GOV. SEYMOUR ON THE ROTTEN BOROUGH SYSTEM. We had intended to offer some suggestions on the President's last message and proclama- tion, but Gov. Seymour has said all that is ne- cessary much better than we could say it. We therefore copy that portion of his message de- voted to national affairs: VIEWS OF GOV. HORATIO SKYMOUR. KxprcssoJ in his Annual Message to tlie Legislature of New York, delivered .January .5th, lS6i. The past year has been crowden by the valor of our armies? Has it pacified them? Has it revived the arts of peace? Has quiet and con- fidence been restored? Is commerce renewed? Are they not held as they were conquered, at the Cipense of northern blood and treasure? Are not our armies wasted by holding under armed control those who, under a wise and generous spirit, would have been friends? The spirit which prompts the harsh measure of sub- jugaiion has driven olf many in the border states, who, at the crisis of our country's fate, broke away from their ancient sympathies with the seceding states and clung to the Union. States which, by the elections of the people, ranged themselves upon the side of the consti- tution, are not allowed the free exercise of the elective franchise. In some quarters discon- tent has been increased; in no place has the wisdom of government gained us allies. There is but one course which will save us from national ruin. We must adhere to the solemn pledges made by our government at the outset of the war. We must seek to Restore the Union and to uphold the Constitution. To this end, while we beat down armed rebellion, we must use every influence of wise statesmanship to bring back the states which now reject their consti- tutional obligations. We must hold forth ev- ery honorable inducement to the people of the South to assume again the rights and duties of American citizenship. We have reached that point in the progress of the war, for which all have struggled and all "have put forth united exertions. Our armies and navies have won signal victories; they have done their part with courage, skill and success. By the usage of the civilized world, states- manship must now exert its influence. If our cause fails, in the judgment of the world, it •will be charged to the lack of wisdom in the Cabinet, and not to the want of bravei-y or patriotism in the army. The great object of Tictories is to bring back peace; we can now with dignity and magnanimity proclaim to the world our wish that states, which have long been identified with our history, should re- sume their positions in the Union. We now stand before the world a great and successful military power. No one can foresee the latent victories or defeats which lie in our course if force and force alone is to be exerted. The past has taught us the certain cost of war and the uncertainties of its results. In this contest belligerent rights are neces- sarily conceded to the South. The usages of internation.al warfare are practiced in the re- cognition of flags and the exchanges of pris- oners. Is it wise to put ofl" the end of the war and thereby continue a recognition which tends to familiarize the public mind in our own country, 8-ad in the world at large with the idea that w* are disunited into two dis- tinct nationalities? A needlessly protracted war becomes disunion. Wise statesmanship can now bring this war to a close, upon the terms solemnly avowed at the outset of the contest. Good faith to the public creditors; to all classes of citizens of our country; to the world, demands that this be done. The triumph won by the soldiers in the field should be .followed up and secured by the^peace- making policy of the statesmen of the Cabinet. In no other way can we save our Union. The fearful struggle which has taught the North and the South the courage, the endur- ance and the resources of our people, have made a basis of mutual respect upon which a generous and magnanimous policy can build lasting relationships of union, intercowrse and fraternal regard. If our course is to be shap- ed by narrow and vindictive passions, by venal purposes, or by partisan objects, then a patri- otic people have poured out their blood and treasure in vain and the future is full of dis- aster and ruin. We should seek not the disorganization, but the pacification of that section of our country devastated by civil war. In this hour of triumph appeals should be made to States, which are indentified with the ^ growth and greatness of our country, and with a some of which are associated the patriotic " memories of our revolutionary struggle. Every generous mind revolts at the thought of des- troying all those memories that cling about the better days of the Republic, that are connect- ed with the sacrifices of the men who have _ made our history glorious by their services in ■ the Cabinet, in the forum, and in the field. t| The victories which have given our govern- ment its present commanding position were won by men who. rallied around and fought be- neath the folds of a flag whose stars represent each State in our Union. If we strike out of existence a single State, we make that flag a falsehood. When we extinguish the name of any one of the original thirteen States, we dis- honor the historic stripes of our national ban- ner. Let the treasonable task of defacing our flag be left to those who war upon our govern- ment, and who would destroy the unity of our country. Faith in our armies and to our citizens de- mands that we keep sacred the solemn pledge made to our people and to the civilized world SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 273 when we engaged in this bloody war, "that it was not waged in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of oyerthrowing or interfering with the rights of established institutions in those states, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several states u-nimpaired; and that, as soon as these objects are accomplished the war ought to cease.' HORATIO SEYMOUR. A FLEXIBLE PLATiORM. The following platform (says the Corydon Democrat) we have arranged to suit all parties. The first column is the Secession platform; the second is the Abolition platform; and the whole read together is the Democratic platform. The platform is like the Union — as a whole, it is Democratic; but divided, one- half is Secession and the other Abolition: Hurrah for Secession We fight for The Confederacy We love The rebellion We glory in Separation We fight not for Reconstruction We must succeed The Union AVe love not We never said We want Foreign invention We cherish The stars and bars We venerate Southern Chivalry Death to Abe Lincoln Down with Law and order The Old Union Is a curse The Constitution Is a league with hell Free Speech Is treason A free press Will not be tolerated The negro's freedom Must be obtained At every hazard We love The negi'o Let the Uziion slide The Union as it was Is played out The old flag Is a flaunting lie The habeas corpus Is hateful Jeff. Davis Isn't the government Mob law Shall triumph THE PURSE AKD THE SWOBD. The chief objection of Patrick Henry to the ratification of the Constitution, was what he feared would be the yielding of the purse and sword to the President. In a speech in the Virginia Convention he thus replied to a member who attempted to show that the Pres- ident could never obtain control of the purse and sword under our constitution: "Let him tell me candidly, where and when did freemen exist when the purse aad the sword were given up from the people? Unless a miracle in human afi'airs interposed, no na- tion ever retained its liberty after the loss of the purse and the sword. Can you prove by any argumentative d<^duction thai it is possible to be safe without one of them? If you give them up, you are bates. lone.''— [See Elliott's De- Mr. Clay, in a debate in the Senate, said: "The two most important powers of civil government are those of the purse and the sword. If they are seperate, and exercised by difl'eront responsibe Departments, civil liberty is safe, but if they are united in the hands of one individual, they are gone." FREESPEECU ABOLISHED. We have seen, as another link in the chain of despotism now forcing for the people, that free speech is no longer tolerated, except as it may suit the pleasure or whim of the President or some of his appointees. Senator T. 0. Howe in his celebrated Ripon (Wis.) speech said: "I reply that if free speech be stifled upon ani/ one sut'ject the Union is alreadij absolutely and inevitably lost!'- This is none the les.-i true because Senator Howe now upholds a dynasty that has stricken down free speech — mobbed and destroyed a free press, and claims tho right to annihilate both at pleasure. PETTY DESPOTISM. The Abolitionists gave to the Democrats the vile nickname of "Copperheads." Finding that such nickname might be typical of "Lib- erty," they began to wear badges made of the old copper cent, with the profile of Wasiiinq- TON on one side and the word "Liberty" on the other. This badge had nothins to do with the Southern cause — it represented no idea in connection with it, nor did it manifest the least sympathy for that cause, but the radicals, ever ready to summon an excuse for their despotic conduct, chose to say that the Copperhead badge was an emblem of "disloyalty." The "Government," as in other small matters, joined in with the low grade of cheap politici- ans and gave orders to arrest all who should be found wearing one of the liberty heads. The following, as a sample, we clip from the Chi- cago Tribune of April, 1863: "At Cairo, several wearers of Copperhead badges have been arrested, to be dealt with. It has passed beyond a pleasantry, and those who so mark themselves, tvill find that rhey are marked for examination! " The following was telegraphed to the Asso- ciated Press: '•C.iiBO, Afrillt;, 1.363. "Nine persons were arrested here this even- ing for wearing the Copperheud badge." 274 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. Thus did the head ofiScers of a great and magnanimous nation, professing the Christian faith, and boasting of intelligence, league with the miniature politicians to hunt down all who should wear any device to distinguish them from their vile persecutors. We may search every lane and alley of history for a parallel of this small greatness. THE EVIDENCES OF ArPEOACHIJJG DESPOTISM. When CoLU.MBUs was on his first voyage to America, his faith in the existence of land to the west of him was confirmed by various float- ing weeds, logs, &c., and the appearance of birds, for he knew those things could not ex- clusively exist without land. So, in our voy- age towards the unknown coast of the future, we know that despotism of some kind lies in our way, for we have seen so many floating evi- dences of it. As one of those evidences, we cite the following from the New York Tribune: '•In times of war every blow struck at the measures of the Government [the Administra- tion] though designed only to afi'ect a change of Administration, really afi'ords aid and com- fort to the enemy. ^' These extravagant claims of unlimited ac- quiescence in everything the Administration may do or propose, are sure and certain evi- dences of approaching despotism, for the claim would not be set up, unless it was thought proper to enforce it. If it be true that any op- position to the measures of the Administration is "aid and comfort to the enemy," then it is treason as defined by the Constitution, and no matter what the President may do or propose, the least opposition is treason. Such a dsctrine would land us in the lowest depths of despot- ism. Again says the Tribune: "To doubt the infallibilty of the royal or ministerial good judgment [of the President] is to doubt the greatness and glory of the country, and the smallest dissatisfaction be- comes akind of petty treason.''^ We must be near the rocks and breakers of despotism, when we meet such arguments, floating on the tide of popular madness. DECL.A.RATION V.F INDEPENDEXOE EEVI8ED. The following was prepared by the author for a 4th of July occasion, and is here insert- ed as the most proper way to present the in- dictment against the radical policy: When, in the course of political events, it be- comes necessary for the people to dissolve the oflicial bands that have bound them to an un- just, unwise and tyranical Administration, and to assume to change that Administration, a de- cent respect for the opinions of mankind re- quires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all citizens of the loyal states, are, by the fun- damental law. free and equal, and endowed by their Creator and the Magna Charta with cer- tain inalienable rights, that among these are the liberty of speech, liberty of the press, and the liberty to properly criticise the acts of all public officers. That to secure these rights, onv Government was instituted, deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed, and whenever the administration of this govern- ment becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right and the duty of the people to change such Administration.basing their policy on such principles and organizing power in such form, under the fundamental law, as to them shall seem most likely to affect their safety and hap- piness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that an honorable Administration in times of great public danger, should not be changed for slight and transient causes, and accordingly our ex- perience hath shown that our people are more disposed to sufi"er while evils are sufiferable than to right themselves by any other than consti- tutional means. But, when a long train of abuses and usurpations. pursuing invariably the same objects, evince the design to reduce the people under absolute despotism, it is their right — it is their duty — to throw off such Ad- ministration, and to provide new guards for- their future security. Such has been the pa- tient suffering of this people, and such is now the necessity which const rains them to change the administration. The history cf the present Executive is a history of repeated wrongs, injuries and usur- pations, all having a direct tendency to the establishment of an absolute tyranny and des- potism over these states; to prove which, let facts be submitted to a candid world. He has obstructed the administration of jus- tice, by requiring his subordinates — creatures of his own will — to resist, vi et armis, the le- gal mandates of the loyal judiciary. He has arbitrarily usurped power to subject the liberties of our citizens, who acknowledge full allegiance to our laws, to the whim or ca- price of military tribunals •pring of his own choice. He has forcibly arrested and held in durance lie. judges on the bench, while in the exercise of their loyal and leg.J functions. [See the case of Judge Constable.] lie has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unknown to our laws, by instructing sub- alterns, subject to his own pleasure, to create by proclamation a criminal code, in direct an- tagonism to our laws. He has created a multitude of new ofBces, lud sent hither swarms of oflBcers, to harrass ur people, and eat out their substance. Pie has affected to render the military inde- pendent of, and superior to, the civil power, in direct violation of the fundamental law. He has, in innumerable instances, deprived our citizens of the benefit of trial by jury. He has, arbitrarily, and without excuse suspended that great charter of civil liberty, the Writ of Habeas Corpus, in violation of the Constitution, as solemnly declared by the Su- preme Court. He has endeavored to extinguish state sov- ereignty, by giving his assent to law obliter- ating state lines, without the assent of the people, thus striking down the last constitu- tional safeguard of a free people. He has practically annulled laws enacted over his own signature, providing against arbi- trary arrests and illegal seizures. He has, for many months, pursued aline of policy which, if not arrested, will alter, fun- damentally our form of Government. He has appointed men to fill the highest offi- ces of trust, responsibility and honor, notori- ously incompetent and corrupt, as a remuner. ation for political services. He has been, and now is, quartering among the loyal people of the North, large bodies of armed soldiery, without apparent necessity, but as it is believed, to sow the seeds of alarm among the people, to inaugurate a conflict, and to create a pretended necessity for a declara- tion of martil law, for purposes more safely imagined than described. He has encouraged unprovoked assaults on defenelessc citizens by soldiers, incited by offi- cers amenable alone to his power, by neglect- ing or refusing to issue his proclamation against such abuses, and failing to bring the offenders to justice. SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-EOOK. wholly the off- 275 He has invaded the sanctity of private dom- icils at the dead and criminal hour of night — dragged forth their occupants, guilty of no crime, as he himself publicly affirms — and then after a mock trial, before a picked mili- tary commission, that dare not offend their su- periors, transported the victim beyond his civil jurisdiction. He has endeavored to suppress the liberty of speech, and only failed to suppress the liberty of the press through fear of the dreadful con- sequences. He has forced citizens into extradition be- yond the limits of their own states, and with- out the pale of laws to which they owed fealty, without charges or legal trial, to be imprison- ed in loathsome dungeons, for pretended of- fences. He and his radical advisers have endeavored to mould the popular branch of Congress to their own partizan purposes by a no less dis- honorable schecie than a "rotten borough" system, so long the standing reproach to the British crown. This has been done hy admit- ting members chosen by small fractions of the people in the seceded states, under military coercion, after first extorting pledges to give their votes for measures the most radical and destructive. He and his political confrers have rendered the elective franchise a mockery and the ballot- box a fraud, by counting a pretended army vote, given hundreds of miles beyond their state jurisdictions, managed, controlled and re- turned hy partizan zealots, without legal res- traint and beyond the reach of sanitary laws — to set aside the known will of the people He has sought to render the military — the joint sacrifice and pride of all parties — a po- litical engine, by discharging from the service of their country, and affecting to dishonor and disgrace good and valiant officers, for no other offense than exercising the elective franchise as they deemed proper for the public weal. He has subjected loyal citizens to harsh and unusual punishment for no other offense than opinion's sake. He boldly claims the right to exercise sum- mary authority over the personal liberty of every citizen, in defiance of courts and law; thus assuming an autocratic power that no prince or potentate on any other continent, would dare exercise, to render the tenure of personal freedom alone dependant on his will. 276 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. He has also, through a subordinate officer, declared martial law on the eve of an impor- tant State election, -with no other ostensible object than to control the will of the people by tke force of bayonets. He has sought to intimidate the people in the lawful exercise of their political rights, and to prevent their counselling together, by masssing large bodies of armed troops in line of battle, to overawe a reaceful convention of loyal citi- zens, convened under the broad regis of the constitution, to deliberate on naatters of great public concern, and to petition for redress of grievances. He has, in one of these loy.al states, dispers- ed by armed force, a political convention called in the usual and time-honored way, to nominate officers of state, thus wickedly and unlawfully employing the military for partizan purposes. He has also, by orders and edicts of his sub- ordinates, annulled State laws, and prescribed new and unusual tests for exercising the elec- tive franchise, thus rendering the tenure of of- fice dependent on his pleasure. He has, by proclamation, established a rotten Borough system by which less than 70,000 per- sons in nine of the rebel states — and for aught that is known, a large portion of these may be enfranchised negroes, — may control over one- half the entire population of all the states, and that 1,400 persons in Florida may have as much power in one branch of our government as the great state of Now York, with throe millions of people. He has done numerous and sundry other unlawful and despotic things, against the peace, the dignity, and the quietude of this sorely op- pressed people. In every stage of these oppressions and usur- pations, the people have remonstrated in the most humble terms. Their remonstrances have been answered only by repeated wrongs and injuries. An administration that is thus marked by every act that may define tyrants, is unfit to manage the affairs of a free people, and should be changed, in a peaceful and lawful manner, as soon as our charter will permit. Nor have the people — the whole people — been wanting in duty to the Administration and the country. During every stage of oppress- ion and insult, they have poured out their blood and their substance, free as the air of heaven: and notwithstanding nearly three years ol war's fiery ordeal, that our adversary hovers as near our hearth-stones as ever before, the people are yet willing to bleed and be taxed, in the hope that the God of Battles will, ere it be too late, ordain a change of rulers, when a more enlightened policy shall infuse confidence and vigor into the war for the maintenance of the most liberal system of government on this planet. S>And for this purpose, and to break up the most wicked rebellion that ever reared its hydra head against a parent government, we pledge each to the other, our lives, our for- tunes, and our most sacred honor. CHAPTER XXXIV. MORE OF THK ROLE OF DESPOTISM. Alii'lition Schemes to Control Elections. ..Army Voting... Julius CKsar the Originator of.. .Dr. Lieber on. ..Louis Napoleon and Armv Voting. ..Army Vote for. ..General Tattle and Tallimdigham...Mr. V. Ahead. ..N. Y. World thereon. ..Tricks of the Administration to Saddle tlieir Electioneering Expenses on the People. ..Governor Salomon of Wisconsin in the role. ..The Army Weakened ...Soldiers sent home to Vote. ..Proofs in Connecticut... Proofs in New York, &c. .. Stanton Boasta of sending more Soldiers than Curtin's majority. ..The Contractors per- form their part. ..Martial Law in Kentucky to force the Election. ..How a "loyal" Paper Views it. ..From Louis- ville Journal. ..Statements of Clerk of the Election... IIow a Congressman was elected by an "overwhelming majority". ..Further evidences. ..The Administration carries Maryland by the Bayonet. ..Got. Bradford's Proc- lamation on the Subject. ..The Great Frauds Practiced on New York by the Enrollment and Quota process... Now York Overdr.awn as compared with other States... Frauds in the Peuneylrania and Ohio Elections... Punishing officers for Voting the Democratic Ticket... Case of Capt. Sells. ..Oflficers' Threats to control Elections ...Bribery at Elections. ..War on the "Copperheads"... Republican Organ Justifies Military Interference in Elections. ..The Politics of this AVar... Discharging disa- bled and dying Soldiers from Office of Sutler for Voting the Democratic Ticket... Abolition claim of "Those who Vote must Fight". ..Abolition Roorbacks to Effect Elect- ions. ..The Union League Machinery. ..Forney on Their Purposes. ..Dr. Lieber on Soldiers Voting. ..Geu. Milroy on "Home Traitors". ..John Brough's Appeal from the Ballot to the Bullet. ..More Threats. ..New York Inde- pendent Boa,sts of the Infamy, &c. ABOLITION DESPOTISM AND SCHEMES TO CONTROL ELECTIONS. The facts and documents now before us bearing on this point, would surfeit the largest folio volume. Our already over-crowded space admonishes us to shear down this matter to its lowest dimensions — barely giving here and there samples of the general whole, without particular reference to chronological dates. That the Administration while crying ''no party," has constantly sought to use the Army and every available means — legitimate and il- legitimate — within its power, to perpetuate its SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 27T reign, no man, not absolutely blinded by parti- zan zeal, can deny. ARMY VOTING. Army voting is not a recent invention. Our Xew York World coteieporary gives Louis Xapoleon Bonapaete the credit of having discovered the art of Army voting, but we race the discovery to a more remote date. 'l'lutraech, in his life of Marcus Crassus, lives a striking illustration of the truth that listory repeats itself in all ages, and in no times more fully than in civil wars. The Ad- ministration, in its recent interference in the elections, has but followed, not only Louis Napoleon, but the tricks and intrigues of Ju- lius C-esar. In speaking of the intrigues and dissensions that marked the Republic of Rome at the time of the Triumvirate of Poji- PEY, CiESAR and Crassus, Plutarch says: "On Caesar's coming from Gaul to the city of Lucca, numbers went to wait upon him, and among the rest Crassus and Pompey. These, in their private conferences, agreed with him to carry matters with a higher hand and to make themselves absolute in Rome. For this purpose Ctesar was to remain at the head of his army, and the other two chiefs to divide the rest of the army between them. There was no way, however, to carry their scheme into execution, without suing for another con- sulship, in which Cajsar was to assist by writ- ing to his friends, and bij sending a, number of his soldiers to vote in the election." Louis Napoleon, following in the lead of C^sar, set up what he called "universal suf- frage," but which Mr. Kinglake called a "snare" to "strangle a nation in a night time with a plebiscites^ Dr. Lieber, (whom Mr. Lincoln has chosen as the author of his army code) commenting on the fraud of which Louis Napoleon "strangled a nation in a night time," submits the following forcible conclu- sions: "Votes without liberty of the press have no meaning; votes without liberty of press and with a vast standing army itself possessing the right to vote, and considering itself above all law, have a sinister meaning; votes without an unshackled press, with such an army,and with a compact body of officials, whose number with those directly depending upon them or upon Government contracts, amounts to nearly a million, have no meaning whether he who ap- peals to the people says that he leaves 'the fate of France in the hands of the people' or not." Substitute the fate of America for the words "the fate of France," and the picture suits our mould to a T. When Louis Napoleon had got his "snare- to strangle a nation in a night tiiuc fairly se;, and had got his army well distributed through- out France, at every poll, it was an easy mat- ter to accomplish the balance of the program- me. He then submitted the question to the people — soldiers and all — whether they ap- proved of his breaking his oath, and of the despotism which he proffered in exchange for their Republican Constitution. The vote stood as follows: Tlio number voting Yes 7,438,216 The number voting No 030,737 Annulled votes 36,820 The number not voting 393,590 No doubt these returns were manipulated by faithful officials, but it was an object to show a few votes in the negative, so as to make it ayj- pear as though the people had voted "freely." And when, soon thereafter Napoleon again set the snare which he called "universal suf- frage," in submitting the question whether he- should assume the royal purple, the published' returns stood as follows: Voting Yes 7, Sil, ISO- Voting No 258,115 A'otes declared void 63,326 Dr. Lieber, Mr. Lincoln's martial law giver, from whom the above figures are taken, remarks with commendable sarcasm: "This is a state of harmony to which people of the Arylican tribe, with all their calmer temper, we venture to say, have never yet at- tained," and yet we have cases of still greater "harmo- ny" in our army voting.* GEN. TUTTLE and VALLANDIGHAM IN THE army. We select these two persons as the extremes, and give sufficient of the army vote for each to indicate the fact, that no matter how "loyal" and patriotic a candidate might be, if he did' not yoiewith the Administration partizans, he stood no more chance than the worst "copper- head." Gen. Tuttle, the Democratic candi- date for Governor of Iowa, stood upon a plat- form that was the neplus ultra of war and loy- alty. It was as strong "war to the knife," and support of the Administration in the conduct- of the war, as any Republican ever could ask. No one doubted Gen. T.'s patriotism, for he had "won his spurs" in the field, at the head of the brave Iowa boys, with whom the Gener- al was a popular favorite, while Col. Stone, his opponent, was under a cloud, and was ^78 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS ■•neither popular at home or in the army. Such was the standing and character of Qen. Tut- TLE. Now, let us take a view of Mr. Val- landigham's position, as candidate for Gov- ernor of Ohio. lie was denounced as the "prince of copperheads" — had been seized and banished by the Administration, as one too disloyal to be among loyal people, and every epithet that hate or ingenuity could invent, ■was heaped upon him. Officers were dismissed the service for speaking in his favor — soldiers were punished in the guard house for voting for him — and yet, after all these disparaging circumstances, he polled more votes, as will be seen below, in proportion to the number cast, than did Gen. Tuttle, not only in the army, but also on the home vote: OniO AND IOWA VOTE. 'The following are specimens of each: OHIO. Brougb, Abolition. "115th (Regiment) 371 100th 475 114th 460 118th 480 .2f.th 190 62d 272 67th 2^3 107th 2.5 • Hospital, Cairo ^ Soldiers in Martinsburg.. 650 .i Vallandigham, Dem. 25 IS 4 189 .... 41 .... 29 .none. .... 4 70 3231 LOWA. Stone, Abolition, , 520 . 267 . 93 . 294 . 302 . .#175 . 559 . 087 Gen. Tuttle, Dom. 30 . 280 .258 .177 , 207 . 42 .107 37th.. ISth.. 20th.. 4th.... 5th.... 6th.... 7th.... 9th.... 10th.. 14th.. 17th.. 25th.. 2l8t 88 Hospital, Cairo 38 Soldiers in St. Louis 482 Second Cavalry 571 .First Battery 54 4093 431 Thus, it will be seen, that Mr. V. has 88 more votes than hia proj^ or ■(ion, on the number above given. The New York World thus pertinently re- fers to this subject. "That the present administration would not scruple to interfere with the suffrage of the soldiers and use it as an instrument for perpet- uating its power, is proved by its unwarantable interference with the right of sutFrage in the states. An administration that cashiered Lieutenant Edgerly, of New Hampshire, for distributing Democratic ballots at his own home, will tolerate no free'suffrage in the army much less the free discussion and untrammel- ed political action without which voting is a fraudulent mocKery. An administration that commissions major-generals, and then, instead of assigning them commands, uses them to car- ry elections in states of which they are not res- idents, will have no scruples in using the offi- cers and sutlers ot the army for similar pur- poses. Within the lines of the army, where no intelligence circulates but by its permission, where speaking disrespectfully of Government officials is a penal offense, where its control over the pay and comfort of the soldier is com- plete, and its power of life and death over them is nearly absolute, voting ought, under no cir- cumstances to be allowed, unless accompanied by safeguards against its abuse. "How easy it is for the administration to con- trol votes in the army without exercising muclit seeming constraint is proved by the voting otf Wisconsin soldiers, when the administration' had no strong motive to exert its influnce. THE THICKS AND FRAUDS OF THE ADMINIS- TRATION TO SADDLE THEIR ELECTIONEER- ING EXPENSES ON THE PEOPLE. The following appeared under the telegraphic head of '•Cairo, III, Oct. 27, '03. "A short time before the recent elections a superannuated individual made his appearance at headquarters with a letter from Gov. Salo- man, of Wisconsin, saying that he was travel-; ing on the business of the Sanitary Commission, and asking for such assistance as the military could afford him in the prosecution of his philanthropic purposes. While the officers were debating among themselves, the propriety of giving him transportation at the expense oj t lie govern raent . they asked him some questions whereupon he acknowledged that he was pro- vided with election tickets for the soldiers of the different states, and on his way to distribute them, as had been arranged previously by par- ties at home. No doubt other agents of there- publican party, traveling und ,r the guise of Sanitary Commission agents and in other ways have been sent, at the people's expense, amongBf the soldiers to distribute black republicauf tickets and documents." This speaks for itseif, arid needs no com- ment. Et is but a samjile. THE ARMY weakened — SOLDIERS SENT irOMB TO VOTE. We present below a few specimens of that political game which has cost the nation much of its best blood, and vast treasures, by weak- ening our armies at a most critical juncture and sending them home to vote the Republican ticket. The following appeared among the aerws items of New York, of October 26, 1863: SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 279 •'In a period of less than forty-eight hours, more than Jive thousand soldiers have arrired in this city on their way from the Army of tbe Potomac. Not all these, nor a majority of them are invalids or furloughed on account of disa- bility, but sound, able-bodied men sent home to vote the Republican ticket. "One party of seventy-five, from different companies, were all Republicans but two, and these two were obliged, before getting leave to come home, to pledge themselves to vote the Republican or so-called Union ticket. Most of these were sound men, and made no secret of the fact that they were sent home to vote. Men not willing to pledge themselves thus could not obtain a furlough." [FroBi the llart.'brd Times.] '•The following letter is from a soldier, who when in Hartford, always voted the Republi- can ticket: "Arlington Heights, April 3, 1863. "De/ui 'Wife:— I did not go home wiih those who went home to vote. I expected to go, but the furloughs were given to a picked crowd, that would pledge themselves to vote for Buckintiham. I never want to take any such oath as this, although I think I should vote fur Buckingham mvself if I had been there; but I could not now at any rate, for I call this a damnably mean game. If I had come, I did'nt mean to let you know of it until I came in and took you by surprise; but this game has turned me, and all the rest of tbe regiment, too. I think half of the regiment would have come out again if this had not oc- airred; now, they won't cume at any rate; and I don't blame them . You can tell all my Republican friends that I am no more a Kepublican if they carry on elections in such away as this. Here is another which appeared in the Hart- ford Times: iixoHAM Legion, 20Tn Regiment C. T.'] Camp near Stafford Court House, > April 3, 1863. j Editors Times: — Col. Ross is acting Briga- dier General, Col. Wooster is in command of the regiment. To-morrow morning about twenty-five men leave here for Connecticut. All that go are pledged to vote the Republican ticket. There are men in the regiment who have done no duty during the last three months. The doctors say they ought to be dischargeil. These cannot go, and the reason is they will H.ot pledge themselves to vote for Buckingham. The following is from the Cincinnati Com- merieal (Rep.): "CoLL-MCUs, 0., Oct. 9, 1863. "Nearly two thousand soldiers are in the city to-night, from Camp Chase, receiving transportation to their different counties, to enable them to vote on Tuesday next. Thej are given ten days furlough, and are jubilant over their visit home, shouting lustily for Brough and the Union. They are now besieg- ing Quartermasters Burn's office, determined not to allow the employees to leave until each and all have their tickets." [Frcmthe Troy Press. J THE PrO^CEIPTION OF DEMOCEATS. "We have in our possession a letter from a friend, a non-commissioned officer in the army of the Potomac, whose word was never ques- tioned in the neighborhood .vhere he lived, sta- ting that he applied for a furlough at the time when so many were being allowed to go home and visit their friends, and the reply was that he could have a furlough on condition that he woitld vote the sc-called Union ticket, but as he had always been a Democrat, and was so still, he could not agree to such terms, and therefore icas Compelled to remain on duty while many of his companions had gone home. "We have also another letter from the army of the Potomac, dated October 8th, which is as follows: "Dear Parent: — It would give mo the greatest pleasure to visit you, as s.nne of our boys are taking furloughs for twenty days, which is to give them a chance to vote at tho election. But there is a condition upon which these fur- loughs are given with which I cannot comply. Any one of us that will pi edg ■ onr vote for Gov. Curtin can have twenty days to visit friends, i'ather, this I cannot do. — The boys call us, who refuse, foolish, but we think other- wise. They promise to deliver our letters to our friends while they visit theirs." The shameful act of using one part of the army to vote, and the other — not of the ad- ministration school of politics — to fight, is again and again being presented. The New York Journal of Commerce says: "Several thousand more soldiers arrived from Washington Friday. They were pouring through some of the streets from morning to night, making their way to the railroad Oe- pots and steamboat landings, where they could lake passage home to vote. When asked how many are on the route, they laugh, and say that, "It's only begun to sprinkle yet, but a smart shower may be looked fur on Saturday, Sanday, and Monday." "Within the last two days from 6,000 to 8,000 reached this city, and it maybe inferred from tbe size of the advance guard, how large an army will be distributed throughout the state by Monday next?" A Sergeant in Bates' Battery, on his way through Albany boasted he "Had brought on sixty -nine soldiers — all Republicans — on their way to Utica to vote, and had left every d — d Democrat behind to take charge of the battery and horses." Mr. Stanton boasted that he had elected Gov. Ctjrtix, for said he: "I sent him 15,000 votes more than his ma- jority." Says the World: "It is pretended that no seldiers ai^e '■brought from the front.' The battle of Chickamauga was lost in order to carry the Ohio election. General Meade was left to be driven into re- treat by General Lee in order that the admin- istration might carry the Pennsylvania elec- tion. In the face of these glaring facts, it is no wonder that the Abolition journals try to make it appear that nothing is lost to our effec- 280 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. tive strength in the field by this fresh deple- tion of the Army of the Potomac to carry the New York election." THE COSTRACTOBS PERFORM THEIR PART. The following cases in Connecticut, bear their own comments, and are but samples of a large class: "In "Williamantic, some G5 voters having de- pendent families, were forced to vote the Re- publican ticket against their will. Yellow bal- lots were used, and employers stood by the ballot box, watching to see if any 'freemen' dared to disobey their openly proclaimed or- ders! From 60 to 70 workmen, thus watched, in that place alone voted abolition against their own wishes! One poor old man, not employed in any of the mills, and too infirm for work, voted a white ticket, for the party with whom he had acted for half a century. The malig- nant abolition wretches could not discharge him because they had not employed him, but the old man had a daughter in one of the mills, whose daily labor was the support of the fam- ily. Iler they wreaked their vengeance upon, and discharged her at once! — and not satisfied with this, they ordered the old man and his family out of the tenement in which they lived! A subscription was set on foot by the demo- crats to save them from suffering. The names of the free speech men who discharged this in- offensive girl, are Ilayden — managers of the 'Smithville Co. Mill.' "The same infamous proceedings changed some 600 votes in other towns in Windham county, and nearly as many each in New Lon- don and ToUard counties. Colored ballots to 'spot' workmen — open proclamation of pro- scription as the consequence if they dared to vote as their conscience dictated — this, with wholesale bribery and the votes of 3,000 picked' and selected soldiers, sent home on a promise to vote abolition, was the way in which the dis- union party worked in every county in the State. "In Colt's Pistol Factory this same tyranny made at least 100 of the democratic workmen vote the abolition ticket. "In Plymouth, a man having refused the ab- olition command to vote that ticket, his family in his absence, were turned out of the house, the furniture and bedding thrown out, and a family of negroes put in the house! Legal action will be taken in this case. "In many towns the abolitionists, aided and encouraged by the 'Loyal Women's League,' have stopped all dealings with Democrats, and pass their former friends and neighbors with- out recognizing them in the street. Such are the legitimate results of fanaticism. "A^day is coming when these persons will regret this shameful conduct." MAKTIAL LAW IN KENTUCKY— ORDER "NO. 120." The following is Buenside's order sus- pending civil law in reference to elections. just four days prior to the election in that State: llEAIXirARTERB DEPARTMENT OP THE OHIO, ) CiNciN.VAii, Ohio, July 31, 1863. / Order No. 120. Whereas, The state of Kentucky is invaded by a rebel force, with the avowed intention of overawing the judges of elections, of intimi- dating the loyal voters, keeping them from the polls, and forcing the election of disloyal can- didates at the election on the 3d of August; and Whereas, The military power of the govern- ment is the only force that can defeat this at- tempt, the state of Kentucky is hereby de- clared under martial law, and all military offi- cers are commanded to aid the constituted au- thorities of the state in support of the laws and of the purity of suffrage, as defined in the late proclamation of his Excellency, Governor Rob- inson. As it is not the intention of the Command- ing General to interfere with the proper ex- pression of public opinion, all discretion in the conduct of the election will be as usual in the hands of legally appointed judges at the polls, who will be held strictly responsible that no disloyal person Ic alloiced to vote, and to this end the military power is ordered to give them its utmost support. The civil authority, civil courts, and busi- ness will not be suspended by this order. It IS for the purpose only of protecting, if neces- sary, the rights of loyal citizens, and the free- dom of election. By command of Major Gen. Burnside. LEWIS RICHMOND, A. A. G. No subsequent fact demonstrated that any such combination as is here referred to existed in the state, or that there was any cause to suppose that such was the case. Of course, an election under such an "edict" was a farce, which the voluminous documents before us amply prove. We have only room for the fol- lowing. The following appeared in the War Eagle at Columbus, Kentucky, three days before the election. This sheet was published under military control. "We now warn the people to beware of these traitors, for if they, in defiance to the will of Government, go to the polls and vote for Trim- ble, or any other man who has not publicly avowed himself as an unconditional Union man, they will hereafter be treated as enemies, and as men deserving on their guilty heads all the punishment whict the Government has in reserve for traitors. "Other persons of lesser magnitude have announced themselves as candidates for the State Senate, and for Representatives in the State Legislature, who are occupying the same position that Wickliflfe and Trimble occupy. The people are warned not to vote for such men, as they are enemies, and are running in' SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 2Er direct violation of Special Order N®. 159, is- sued from Headquarters, 16th Army Corps, and General Order No. 47, issued by Gen. As both, commanding the District of Columbus. We tell the people of the District that their only safety and protection depends on voting the itraiffht-out Union ticket. The issue is in your hands, and on your conduct next Monday depends your future peace and protection. When you vote for traitors, you can of course expect no protection from the Federal Govern- ment." [From the Louisville Journal.] ■'He who would make use of force to prevent freedom of election is a traitor to all the prin- ciples of civil liberty. To accomplish a tem- porary object, he would invoke a power which will destroy not only the liberties of his fellow- citizens, but eventually his own. The horse in the fable, to wreak his vengeance on the stag, permitted the man to saddle him, and was rid- den ever after, till the day of his death. We consider ourselves superior to our English an- cestors six hundred years ago; but many men in this age may learn a lesson from the times of Edward the First. "And because elections ought to be free," says a statute of that time, ■'the king commandeth, upon great forfeiture, that no man, by force of army, nor by malice, or menacing, shall disturb any to make free elections.'' A FEW ACTUAL SPECIMENS. The following is a statement of the polls in Mount Washington, at 9 o'clok a. m.: "WickliflFe 21, Bramlette 3, Green 21, Sam- uels 3, Frazier 21, Dawson 3. "Voting on the WickliflFe ticket was stopped by military order at 9 o'clock in the morning. The polls opened at about 8 o'clock in the morning. ROB'T. HALL, Clerk," The following is a true statement of the polls in Mount Washington at the close for dinner, at 111^ o'clock: "Bramlette, 15; Jacobs, 17; Harlan, 15; Garrard, 16; Samuels, 15; Stephens, 15; Har- ding, 17; Thompson, 24; Hogland 12. "P. S. — There were four or five of the above votes cast before the interferance of military authority. R. HALL, Clerk." The New Albany (Ind.) Ledger in its report printed on the afternoon of election day, said: "Numerous arrests of persons pointed out by the "spotters" at the polls as rebels have been made, the parties arrested being placed in the military prison. Files of soldiers are station- ed at all the polls, and we saw several pieces of artillery, with horses hitched and the men at the guns, ready for action at a moments notice. "In Portland, at 13 o'clock, the vote stood: Bramlette, 30; Wickliffe, 2. The two votes for WicklifFe at this poll were cast before the sol- diers arrived. "The Wickliffe men arc overawed, and it is probable but few of them will attempt to vote this afternoon." 19 now A CONGRESSMAN WAS "ELECTED BY AN OVERWHELMING MAJORITY." "PaAucab, Ky., Aug. 16, 1S6.3. "To the Editor of the Chicago Times: "In your paper of the 13th inst. you gave to your readers the oath which the detestable tools of the administration ai Washington were wont to cram down the throats of the demO' crats of Kentucky. Herewith I give yon another item that will be of interest to the mighty army of democrats in the free States who read your excellent paper. "It is now announced, with all Puritan in- nocence and godlike simplicity, that L. Ander- son, Esq., of the 1st Congressional district, is 'elected by an overwhelming majority." Now, let me show you how this 'overwhelming mf;J jority' was attained. At our Precint, No. 3 we did not vote at all. Why? Let the follow- ing answer: "Precinct, No. 3, Aug. £, 1863. "Be it kuown that we, the undersigned voters of McCracken county, Ky., did, on this day, appear at our Precinct No. 3 to vote, in accordance with the laws of the Commonwealth, and the proclamation of the Governor thereof, dated July 20, 1S63, but that we have been pre- vented from so voting by reason of the fact that the Judges could not execute the duties of their office in accordance with the laws of the State, and at the same time obey th"iple l>\it because the military, being of necessity ex- ■ II - ■ judges as to who shall be arresteil, the provision is • a6«se; for the revoked part I shall substitute the t . .• ,ifi: il.itail Provsot Marshals and other military ofiicera do prevent ail disturbances and violences at or about the pr lis, whenever offered by such persons as above des- c;ili('.l, or by any other person or persons whomsoever; the oihi 1 two propositions I allow to stand; my letter at lenjjtli will reach you to night. "A. LI.NTOLN." "Whilst this modification revokes the author- ity of the Provost Marshals and military offi- cers to arrest the classes of persons enumerated in the preamble to the order 284 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. "Found at or hanging about or approaching any poll or placed election," It directs them to prevent all violence or dis- turbance about the polls, &c. "To meet such disturbances, the judges of election, as I have already stated, are clothed ■with ample power, and I had received no pre- vious intimation that there was any reason to apprehend a disturbance of any kind at the polls on the day of election. In the absence of any military display, there would certainly , seem to be a little cause for such apprehen- sions as ever before existed. A preparation by the government, by military means to provide for such a contingency, will be quite as likely to provoke as to subdue such a disposition. — Not only so, but the military thus required to prevent violence or disturbances about the polls must necessarily be empowered to arrest the parties they may charge with such disorder, and they are still left, in eflfect, "the exclusive judges as to who shall be arrested" — a power they may as readily abuse as any other. "I regret, therefore, that I can perceive no such change in the general principles of the order as to induce me to change the aforegoing proclamation. A. W. BRADFORD. "Baltimore, Monday evening, Nov. 2, 1863." Be it remembered, that the tyrant, Schenck forbid the newspapers to publish this procla- mation, and Gov. Brvdfokd was forced to print it in handbill form, and then the "milita- ry authorities" suppressed it. Is not this a " refinement on despotism," when a loyal Gov- ernor of a loyal state is denied the privilege of proclaiming to the official agents of his state, their sworn duties under the laws thereof, and those laws are trampled under foot by military candidates for civil offices? And yet, the Pres- ident had the magnanimity to modify General Schenck's order — not because he thought it wrong — but to make it just as despotic — and that modification was suppressed, and the of- ficers who did it were not even censured. Un- der the infliction of such villainous despotism, we confess our faith in Jree government is very much shattered. In Delaware, the Democrats finding their rights usurped by military authority — the laws under which they lived, trampled under foot, came out in an address, (which we have before us, but must omit) declining to go through with the farce of voting by bayonet, and thus their rights went by default. THE CONSCRIPTION — ITS UNFAIRNESS — IS " NOT THIS A POLITICAL WAR? In New York, and we presume elsewhere, the draft is being used as a political machine — to draft more Democrats than Republicans. This is shown upon the face of things, and when we consider the fact that the names of Democrats have been known to be placed in duplicates, and in some instances in triplicates, while many leading Republicans are left out altogether — when we consider these facts, it is by no means unfair to suppose that the aboli- tionists intend to so arrange the draft as to draw at least two Democrats for one Republi- can. "To prove which, let facts be submitted to a candid world." The following table exhibits the blistering facts concerning twelve congressional districts of the State of New York — six Democratic and six Republican. The figures are based on the last gubernatorial vote of 186'2: What consti- a IT 1 _c tutes district. ■2 a 33.2 c Canvass '62. ■3_2 i5 Counties. 1-2 Ph 1:5 Wads 1 Sey'r 29 Genessee Niagara 32,189 50,399 Wyoming 31,968 114,556 1,767 U,198 8,984 20,182 17 St. Lawrence. S3, 689 Franklin 30,837 114,526 1,83 J 12,023 5,879 17,902 23 Onandaga 90,686 Cortland 26,294 116,980 2,ose 12,809 9,646 22,454 2& Monroe 100648 Orleans 28,717 129,365 2,01!: 11,470 9,536 21,000 15 Renssellaer ... S6,328 Washington... 45,904 232,331 2,26C ll,96€ 11,149 23,115 27 Chemung Steuben 26,917 66,690 .Alleghany 41,881 135,488 2.41t 15,405 10,447 25,852 30 Erie 141971 141,971 2,53t 9,642 11,783 21,425 Odell's Dist., King's Co. Brooklyn. Wards. 3 First 6,967 9,817 10,084 11,760 17,400 12,090 Second Third Fourth Fifth .Seventh Eleventh 28,851 Thirteenth 17,958 Fifteenth 10,566 Nineteenth.... 6,697 132,242 2,697 7,506 8,915 16,421 Kalbfleische 'i dis, Kings Co. Wards. 2 Sixth 27,710 9,190 Eighth .\inth 17,343 Tenth 25,258 11,083 15,475 Twelfth Fourteenth.... Sixteenth 21,181 •eventeentb .. 7,934 Eighteenth ... 4,3le 151,951 4,140 5,381 10,580 15, %7 Tovms. Flat bush 3,471 Flatlands 1,652 Uravesend 1 , 286 New Lolts 3,271 .\ew Utrecht. 2,781 Wards of G CityofX.'Y. Sinth 44,386 27,587 Fifteenth Si.xteeuth 45,17C 117,148 4,531 5,935 6,94212,877 8 Eighteenth .... 57,46U 67,510 Twentieth Twenty -first.. 19,017 175,988 4,892 5,570 9,625 15,195 4 pirst 18,14i' 2, .501 3,757 21,994 22,337 26,696 Second Third Fourth Fifth Sixth Eighth 39,406 131,854 5,88] 4,536 7,826 12,363 __ SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOR 285. It will be seen that in the sis Democratic districts, -with a total vote of 94;248, and a Democratic aggregate majority of 17,108, the draft calls for 24,688, while in the six Re- publican districts the total vote is 130,414 — or 36,266 more votes than in the six Democratic dis- tricts, and the Republican majority is 19,228, the draft only calls for 12,387— or within a fraction of just one half the number to be drawn from the six Democratic districts, con- taining nearly 40,000 less voters. If this is not a clear case of political fraud, then there is no such thing as fraud. Again, it will be seen that New York, which is "intensely Copperhead." according to the chaste diction of the Abolitionists had furnish- ed an excess over all calls of 22f761, exclu- sive of the militia, which have at different times been furnished for short periods, while many of the intensely Republican districts were short, by large odds. Still, the Administration insisted on drawing from ''Copperhead"' New York city 12,580 more. The following table shows what New York had done under the four calls: Quota of State Fur- Call for State. uished. 75,000 13,2S0 30,000 500,000 100,000 S9,755 .300,000 60,000 87,507 300,000 60,000 2,734 Quota of Citv Fnr- Cit}'. uished. 2,78-t 14,4.33 20,960 42,934 12,580 13,468 12,580 830 1,175,000 233,280 210,127 4S,910 71,671 And yet the disloyal Abolitionists cry give us more. On this subject the New York World. from which we obtained the above figures, re- marks: "The citizens of New York protest against the inequality and injustice of this distribution of a very onerous burden, which must be ac- companied by so many cases of individual hard- ships. They protest against this attempt to use the military power of the government as a party engine to get rid of political opponents who cannot be voted down. AVe maintain that when the government resorts to a method of raising troops which is, to say the least, of doubtful constitutionality, it ought to give evi- dence of pure and honest intentions, and an eye single to the public advantage. The National Intelligencer, one of the most candid papers in the Union, and which was never charged with being a Democratic paper, in commenting on these facts, says: "In order that every reader may see for himself the bases of the calculations from which we educe the conclusion that the quota assigned to New York is excessive, we cite the fii^ures, giving the representative popula- tion and the aggregate population of the fol- Reps. Quota. 10 15,126 5 7,581 3 3,768 3 3,331 4 5,432 '2 2,034 31 60,378 5 9,441 1 1,156 24 38,263 19 32,000 11 16,000 6 8,910 lowing states, together with the quota assigned to each. It is needless to say that if the quo- tas have been correctly distributed among the several states, they ought to bear something like a uniform ratio to the population of the states. Instead of this, we find by the rule of proportion that the ratio of New York is largely in excess over that of other states. States. Population. Massachusetts 1,231,066 Maine 628,279 New Uampshire 326,073 Vermont 315,098 Connecticut 460,147 Rhode Island 174,620 New York 3,880,735 New Jersey 672,035 Delaware 112,216 Pennsylvania 2,906,115 Ohio 2,349,502 Indiana 1,. 3.50, 428 Iowa 674,948 "The excess required of New York, estima- tins it upon the representation in Congress, is as follows: As compared with Massachusetts 13,488 As compared with Maine 13,376 As compared with New Hampshire 21,442 As compared with Vermont 25,958 As compartd with Connecticut 18,280 As conipared«with Rhode I.slaud 28,581 As compared with New Jersey i 1,844 As compared with Delaware 26,650 As compared with Pennsylvania 10,948 As compared with Ohio 8,168 As compared with Indiana 15,288 As compared with Iowa 14,343 "The excess required of New York, estima- ting it upoa the population, is about as follows: As compared with Massachusetts 12,538 As compared with Maine 13,548 As compared with New Hampshire 15,524 As compared with Vermont 19,342 As compased with Connecticut 14,562 As compared with Riode Island 15,170 As compared with New Jersey 5,8.58 As compared with Pennsylvania 9,276 As compared with Delaware 20,396i As compared with Ohio 7,298 As compared with Indiana 14,399 As compared with Iowa 9,146 PALPABLE FRAUDS. Since 1860 Pennsylvania has sent to the war 164,257 men— not less than 135,000 were voters. The total vote at the election of 1863 523,669 Total vote in 1860, 476,446 K.\ces3 over 1860, home vote 47,223 Now, as the excitement was intense in 1860, it is presumable that the full vote was out.— Let us compare three Presidential decades in that state. In 18.52 the total vote was, 386,267 In 1856, total vote, 461,246 Increase in fouryears, 74,979 Total vote in 1860, 476,446 Increase in four years 15,200 Total vote 186.3 523,669 Add for voters gone to the army, 135,000 658,669 Increase in ttree years, 182,223 286 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. Now let us take Ohio for three Presidential decades: Total vote of 1852, 353,428 Total vote of 1856, 386,497 Increase in four years 33,069 Total vote in 1860, 442,441 Increase in fouryears, 56,944 [This was an unprecedented exciting can- vass which brought out a. full vote.] Total home vote in 1863, 435,786 Add for voters gone to the war, 120,000 555,786 Increase in three years, 113}339 The same ratio of increase is exhibited in Maine. NoWj it is impossible to reconcile these blis- tering facts with honesty and fairness. Does any sanC; fair-minded man believe that Pennsylvania has increased her voting popula- tion within the three years last past, 182,223? when her increase from 1852 to 1856 was but 74,979, when emigration was going on swim- mingly, and from 1856 to 1860 her voting pop- ulation increased but 15,200, owing to a falling off in emigration, yet within the last three years when emigration had almost entirely ceased, she is represented by the vote forced by shoddy and bayonets, to have increased her Voting population over 182,000! This is monstroua. The vote in Ohio was equally monstrous. From 1852 to 1856 her voting popu- lation increased but 33,069, and from 1856 to 1860, which epoch called out the fullest vote cast in America, the increase was but 56,944, yet for the last three years, with no aid from emigration, the vote which she is represented to have cast, shows an increase of 113,339! — The Democratic vote in Pennsylvania at the recent election, was — Over that of 1852, 56,3.33 Over that of 1856, 24,117 Over combined vote of 1860, 59,253 The Democratic vote of Ohio at the election in 1863: Exceeds that of 1852, 19,3.50 Over that of 1856, 17,696 Over that of 1860, 1,348 While the Republican Abolition vote of 1863, (adding the soldiers they claim in the field. ) exceeds that of 1860 by 195,606! Further comment is unnecessary. PUNISHING OFFICERS FOR VOTING THE DEMO- CRATIIC TICKET. An article before us states that more than one half the Ohio soldiers refused to vote in October, 1863, and the following may and no doubt does, show a good reason for their reti- cence. Capt. Benj. F. Sells, of the 122d OhioV., Company D, was arrested on the 1st of Octo- ber, on the ''Charge — Conduct prejudicial to good or- der and military discipline." And from the specifications we take the fol- lowing: "Specification 4th. In this, that he, the said Captain B. F. Sells, 'D' Company, 122d 0. V. I., in the service of the U. S.; did utter and use the following language, to-wit: I am going to vote for Vallandigham, and so are all my company, except a few, or words to that ef- fect. This at or near Martinsburg, Va., on or about the 13th day of August, 1863. "Specification 8th. In this, that he. the said Capt. B. F. Sells, 'D' Company, i22d Regt, G. V. I., in the service of the U. S., did ply officers and men with arguments in favor of voting for Vallandigham, and did use the following language, to. wit: Vallandigham is a loyal man, and I will vote for him, or words to that efifejt. "This at or near Martinsburg, Va., on or about the 14th day of August, 1862. (Signed) OKLAXDOC. FARQUAR, Capt. Co. G, 122d Kegt. 0. V. I. THREATS FROM SHOULDER STRAPS TO CON- TROL THE ELECTIONS. The future historian will be thunderstruck at reading such threatening diatribes of which the following is but a sample of a large class, stimulated as we have remarked elsewhere, no doubt, by the harangues of Adjutant Thomas. The following, purporting to have been writ- ten to R. B. Charles, by one of the Wisconsin soldiers on the Potomac, appeared with gran- diloquent headings and preface in the Fond du Lac (Wis.) Commomvealih, of April 29, 1863 : " * * We will attend to the rebels, if " you will take care of the Copperheads at " home. When we get home, if moral suasion " has not taught them better manners we will " treat them to a dish of our own preparing ; " for we consider them the worst of traitors. " There are honorable traitors over the river " (the Rappahannock), but those in the north " are the most damnable of the devil's imps. " We are not lying on the ground for nothing, " tell them. Our business is to exterminate " traitors ; we shall not consider it finished so " long as there is a copperhead in the north. " Our epithets may be harsh, but they are just " such as a damnable set of traitors bring up- " on themselves, from every honest tongue, " whether from soldier or citizen. They have " belied us by stating that the army of the " Potomac was 'demoralized,' &c., but we will " not belie them, although truth sounds harsh." SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP BOOK -87 The following is an extract of a letter over the signature of J. W. McKay, of the 25th Wisconsin Infantry, and published in the Re- publican papers with approving comments, ap- peared about the same time as the above : "We warn Northern "Copperheads" to keep hands off; ruin to their friendship is better than ruin to our country, and if they force us to deal with them as enemies, we shall do our work for all coming time." Enough! The heart sickens at the recital of such bloodthirsty threats with no higher mo- tive than to gain a few votes. MONEY USED TO CARRY THE ELECTIONS. Read the following from the Providence (R I.) Post: "Money. — The Republicans admit that they used $40,000 in this city on Wednesday. We guess they used more. They gave as high as Bi5 for a vote, and there was no competition, either. We are glad that men who are willing to sell out are beginning to ask a high price. "In East Providence the price ran high, notwithstanding the fact that our friends did not use a dollar. "In Warwick the Republicans found Colonel Butler a hard man to beat, and offered thirty dollars for a vote all day. "In North Providence the Republicans spent fifteen to twenty thousand dollars." Can a party which sanctions such rascality be a friend to Republican institutions? Phillip, of Macedon, used money to de- stroy the liberties of the Athenian^, and Addi- son in speaking of which says: "A man who is furnished with arguments from the Mint^ will convince his antagonist much sooner than one who draws them from reason and philosophy. Gold is a wonderful clearer of the understanding; it dissipates every doubt and scruple in an instant; accom- modates itself to the meanest capacities; si- lences the loud and clamorous, and brings over the most obstinate and inflexible. Philip of Macedon refuted by it all the wisdom of the Republic of Athens, confounded their states- men, struck their orators dumb, and at length argued them out of their liberties.''^ History seems to be repeating itself very rapidly and unfortunately for our once great country. Our political opponents now in pow- er seem to only have studied the very worst side of it. The saying that "when the wicked rule the people mourn," originated from just such history as our rulers are repeating. NO POLITICS IN THIS WAR. One Casper Hawes, a disabled soldier, ob- tained the situation as sutler in the Philadel- phia Hospital, and was summarily discharged therefrom, for no other reason, says the Phil- adelphia Age. than appears in the following official note, which was proved a lie just after the election: Hawes had been crippled for life in the de- fense of his country, and this was the only means he had of getting a living. Mower U. S. Gex.'l IIifePiAL, 1 Philadelphia, Oct. 30, 1S63. j "Sir: — Having heard from Mr. Sands, of the Chestnut Hill Union Committee, that you voted the Democratic ticket, and expressed yourself inimical to the present Government, you are hereby notified that after November you can no longer be a sutler to this Hospital. By order of the surgeon in charge. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, THOMAS C. BRAINARU, Ass't Surgeon U. S. A., and Executive Officer. No politics in this war! Just prior to the election in Wisconsin, in 1863, the Milwaukee Sentinel, the leading Ab- olition paper of the state, kept standing in its columns, in flaming capitals, this line: "Those who vote must fight." This was intended as a fraud on those of our foreign born citizens who had not become suf- ficiently acquainted with the laws, customs and "regulations" to know its falsity. The object was to create an impression among this class of citizens that the act of voting would of itself send them into the army. In this way thou- sands of Democratic voters were kept away from the polls. It may be a fine thing to laugh over and to impugn their "loyalty," as the organs of that party were wont to do, but the army records show that this class of citizens have been as free to volunteer as those exces- sive "loyal" Republicans, who always cry "^0," but never say '■^come." abolition roorbacks. The Abolitionists have been in the habit,ju8t before the elections, of starting some wonder- ful "roorback," detailing some great Union victory over the rebels, with a view to obtain votes, by making the pe*ple believe they were really doing something and were entitled to confidence. Just before the Chicago election, in April, 1863, that party caused it to be tele- graphed west that Charleston was taken, when they knew it was not The knowledge ©f this false news was charged upon the administration and has never been denied. Similar roorbacks, for similar purposes, were started and circula- 288 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. ted about the taking of Vicksburg and other places, when the oonspirators knew them to be fal&e. THE UNION LEAGUE MACHINERY. John AV. Fohney, early in 1863, stated ■that "The Union men — in such organizations as Union Leagues, or whatever capacity they please to act, have opeaed the campaign, and intend to support the President in 1863, and if possible to control the election of President in J864." lEt will be remembered that all along the Tadicals had denied that the Union Leagues were a political organization. But Forney boldly admits what all outsiders know. Now, how do these Union Leaguers propose to carry the elections? Let them speak for themselves. At one of their meetings in Cincinnati March 1863, Judge Woodfuff, who presided, said: "'•The American flag [Greeley's 'flaunting lie'] and the laws [excepting such as they don't like] maintained, and THE ELECTION CAR- RIED, EVEN AT THE PPJCE OF BLOOD, for upon this everything depended." Mr. Hancock, who disgraced the profession
.ecks.^' Neither in France or Austria would such demoniac resolutions be tolerated over the sig- nature of military officers. But in this "free and enlightened"' country, anything to obtain votes. the whole thixNS justified. The Boston Commonwealth, in admitting the wicked and unlawful means resorted to by the Administration to carry the elections, attempts to justify the monstrous wrongs: "We do not find fault with the machinery used to carry Maryland and Delaware. Having nearly lost the control of the House by its blunders in the conduct of the war from March, 1861, to the fall of 1862, the Adminis- tration owed it to the country to recover that control somehow. To recover it regularly was impossible; so irregularity had to be resorted to. Popular institutions will not suffer, for the copperhead element will have a much larger number of members in both branches than it is entitled to by its popular vote. Ohio, with its ninety thousand Republican majority, will be represented by five Republicans and a dozen or more Copperheads. It is fitting that this mis- representation of popular sentiment in the great state of the West should be offset, if ne- cessary, by a loyal delegation from Maryland and Delaware, wo?i even at the expense of mili- tary interference. If laws are silent amid the clank of arms, we must take care that the ag- gregate public opinion of the country obtains recognition somehow or other." 290 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. THE NEW YORK INDEPENDENT BOASTS OF THE INFAMY. In speaking of the spring elections, the New York Independent said: "The Administration, for the first time since it came into power, used its legitimate influance on the right side in the New Hampshire election, and the second occasion was in Connecticut." This ''inflnence" consisted in sending such and only such soldiers home as would pledge themselves to vote the Abolition ticket, and re- fuse to allow any Democrat to go. And this is that Administration that come into power on the promise ©f freedom and reform. God save the mark. CHAPTER XXXV. SYMPATHY BETWEEN RADICALS AND REBELS— THE DRAFT, &.Q. The Rebels Hate tha Democracy and Sympathize with the Radicals. ..General Remarks.. .Benjamin's Speech In 1860 ...Breckinridge Seceshers Toasted with Office, &c... Rich- mond Examiner on Vallandigham, Cox, Ac. .Mobile Register on Democrats and Abolitionists....The Draft vs. VQluntcering.„.A'olunteering a Success....'\Vilson's and Fessenden's Admissions. ...Xhad Stevens on ''Alarming Expenses''... .Too many Troops to pay, but none to Spare McClellan....GeneraI Remarks, &c....The number of Men called for....Cameron's Eulogy on Voluuteering....Cost of Conscription. ...Opinions of the Republican Press on the Draft....Albany Statesnian....The Draft in Rhode Island ....A candid Statement by a RepuDlican paper....The Conscription in Massachusetts.... A mysterious Draft in New York....ResuIt of Draft in ninth District of Massa- chusetts and eighth District of New york....Thurlow Weed on "Sneaks". ...Drafting in the time of the Revo- lution....Remarks Thereon. HOW THE REBELS HATE THE DEMOCRACY AND SYMPATHIZE WITH THE ABOLITION- ISTS. That the Southern rebels have from the start hated the Nerthern Democracy and gave pre- ference to the Abolitionists, because they (the abolitionists) hate the old Union, has been known and appreciated ever since the campaign of 1860. During that campaign it is well known that the secessionists and Republicans worked together, cheek-by-jowl, for a common purpose — that common purpose was a division of the Democratic party, that a division of the Union might follow. This is a hard charge, but when read by the light of confessions, which abound in this work, no other proof is wanting. On the 22d of May, 1860, the great rebel leader, J. P. Benjamin, a Senator from Lou- isiana, made a gross and unprovoked attack on Stephen A. Douglas, and called it a speech. This was expressly intended as an electioneer- ing document, and was printed by the million, and circulated throughout the North and the South — the expense being equally divided be- tween the secessionists and the Republicans. The portion of these incendiary documents falling to the Republicans, were sent all over the North, as plentiful as autumn leaves, under the franks of Republican members of Con- gress. We have one before us that came under the frank of "Jas. R. Doolittle, M. C." Yes, this speech, which contained doctrines that slavery must be protected in all the terri- tories, by law, that it was held sacred there by the constitution, and which also contained the most florid pufiFs on Abraham Lincoln, was sent broad-cast over the North by Republicans, acting as twin coadjutors with the Southern re- bels. In speaking of the relative merits of Mr. Douglas and Mr. Lincoln, this South- ern fire-eater said: " His (DouGLas') adversary (Mr. Lincoln) stood upon principle (in the Illinois Senatorial Canvass), and was beaten, and lo ! he is the candidate of a mighty party for the Presidency of ihe United States." This was said to the praise of Lincoln, and the disparagement of Mr. Douglas. Through, out the whole speech, not one word is uttered against Mr. Lincoln, or what the South pre- tended to believe his heresies, but Douglas was vehemently denounced. And why was this ? Because there had no doubt been an agreement — an understanding between the two wings of Disunionists, to help elect Lincoln, and as soon as he was elected, this same Ben- jamin and his rebel followers were to claim the election as a cause for secession! One of the main objections to Mr. Douglas was, as seen on page 4 of said speech, that he had acted ■' consistent" with his former course. Such were the means resorted to by these twin factions to break the last link (the Democratic party) that existed between the North and the South. All other links — the churches and civil relations, had long before been sundered. Now, take these facts in connection with the treasonable utterances of the leaders of the party in power — their votes — their resolutions — their anathemas against the Union — in short, their former and their present attitude with regard to the " Union as it was, and the Constitution as it is" — and also take what fol- lows in this chapter — and who that has sense and patriotism combined can doubt that the sad events of the past thirty months have not SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 291 been the result of an " understanding," clear and well defined, to break up the Union? The mad schemes and disunion purposes of the Breckinridge faction were as well known (we make a few honorable exceptions for those who were really blinded) as they are now. — The fact that they contemplated disunion was patent, for they boasted of it. Neither Breck- inridge nor his friends would answer the que- ries of Judge Douglas, propounded at Nor- folk, as to their designs at revolution. And still, the Republicans took these traitors to their bosoms. They furnished the means to establish and keep alive newspapers at the North, in the interest of that faction, where they were not numerous enough to keep alive a 7x9 half-penny sheet. In all the state of Wisconsin the Breckinridge ticket only re- ceived some 800 out of near 153,000 votes, and yet an expensive newspaper, called the Argus 8r Democrat, was kept up at Madison, in that state, by Republican money, and it is well known that Republicans paid for and distrib- uted a large number of copies among the people, nor was this all. One Calkins, who was the willing tool to defame Douglas and advocate the secession platform through its columns, was rewarded by a fat ofiBce at the hands of the Republicans. N. B. Van Slyke, one of the Breckinridge electors in the same state, was rewarded by a fat and lucrative of- fice, as one of the military blessings that flowed from Republican hands. Another elector on that ticket, in the same state, H. D. Barron, has been not only appointed by the Republi- can Governor as Circuit Judge, but has been twice elected by that party as member of the Assembly, and received as high as 46 votes for Lt. Gouernor, in their State Convention of 1863. These are sample specimens "away out West." In the East the big leaders of the Breckinridge faction were among the first to be invited to the Abolition feast of spoils. Ben. Butler, who boasted of having voted for Jeflf. Davis one hundred times, was rewarded with a Major General's commission, which enabled Ms brother to make a "good thing" in the De- partment of New Orleans, it is said, to the tune of thirteen millions. Edwin M. Stanton, another, who rode the Breckinridge hobby, occupies a seat in the synagogue of Abraham the I. Daniel S. Dickinson was rewarded by a high place on the Abolition ticket in New York. Hundreds and thousands of others were likewise rewarded by the abolitionists for their subserviency to the destroyers of our Union, all of which show that it pays to have been an advocate of seces- sion candidates and the extreme southern doc- trine. Let the student of history draw his own conclusions from these facts. JEFF. DATIS' OFFICIAL ORGAN ON DEMOCRATS. The Richmond Examiner^ the especial organ of Jeff. Davis, in speaking of Vallandig* HAM and Cox, of Ohio, used this expressive language, which shows where their rebel sym- pathies lie, April. 1863: "We wish from our hearts they were both ■ already safely chained up at the present wri- ting- They have done \ismose harm — they and their like — than ten thousand Sewards and Sumners, We tremble to see their unwhole- some advances, and still more to see a morbid —^ craving here to respond to them, under the de- lusive idea of promoting intestine divisions at / the North. "Oh, Dictator Lincoln, lock ye up those two peace Democrats — together with Richardson — in some of your military prisons!" THE MOBILE REGISTER SATS "GIVE US SUCH MEN A3 SUMNER," ETC. The Mobile Register, shortly after Vallan- diqqam's deportation uttered the following re- markable piece ot cozening to the Abolition- ists. Read: "We thank God from the depths of our hearts that the authorities at Washington snub- bed Vice President Stephens in his late at- tempt to confer with the-n on international af- fairs, without form or ceremony. It has long been known here that this gentleman thought if he conld get to whisper into the ears of some men about Washington, the result might be terms of peace on some sort of Union or recon' struction. He seemed to forget that Douglas, with whom he used to serve, is dead, and not- withstanding his mantle has fallen, by dividing it into four pieces, upon Richardson and Voor- hees, Vallaudigham and Pugh, still the Demo- cratic party is not in power now, thank God for it. "The prospect looked gloomy to the Vice President, whose infirmity of body no doubt cast a shadow over his spirits, and he said that one of two things must be done: either some terms must be made, or the whole militia of the Confederacy must be called out, and imme- diate alliance proposed with foreign powers. President Davis gave him fullpowers to treat on honorable terms, and started him off to the Kingdom of Abraham. But Father Abraham told him there was an impassible gulf between them, and the Vice President had to steam back to Richmond, a little top fallen. 292 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. "We hope this will put a stop forever io some croakers about here, who intimate that there are people enough Liendly to the South in the North, to restore the Union as it was. And we also hope that the government at Richmond will not humiliate itself any more, but from this time will look only to the^one end of final and substantial independence. The North is not less tet on a final separation than we are. The Republican party is not fighting to restore this Union, any more than the old Romans fought to establish the independence of the countries they invaded. The Republicans are fighting for conquest and dominion, we for lib- erty and independence. " There is only one party in the North who want this Union restored, but they have no more power — legislative, executive or judicial — than the paper we write on. It is true, they make a show of union and strength, but they have no voice of authority. We know that the Vallandigham school wants the Union restored, for he told us so, when here in exile, partak- ing of such hospitality as we extended to a real enemy to our struggle for separation, banished to our soil by another enemy., who is prat ic ally more our friends than he. And if Vallandig- ham should by accident or other cause, be- come Governor of Ohio, we hope Lincoln will keep his nerves to the proper tension, and not ^Uow him to enter the confines of the State. — lis Administration u-ould do more to restore leold Union, than any other power in Ohio .ould do, and therefore, we pray he may be defeated. " Should a strong Union party spring up in Ohio, the third State in the North, in political importance, it might find a faint response in some Southern States, and yive us trouble. — But as long as the Republicans hold power, they will think on conquest and dominion ocly, and we, on the other hand, will come up in solid column for freedom and independence, which we will be certain to achieve with such assistance as we now (after the refusal of the Washington Cabinet to confer,) confidently ex- pect before the Democrats of the nation get in- to power again, and come whispering in our ears Union, Re-co7istruction, Co7istitutio7i, con- cessions and guarantees. Away with all such stuff. We want separation. Give us lather men like Thaddeus Stevens and Charles Sum- ner. THEY CURSE THE OLD UNION, AND DESPISE IT, AND SO DO WE ! ! And we now advise these gentlemen, that, as they hate the Union and the accursed Consti- tution, let them keep dowji Mr. Vallandigham and his party in the North, then they shall never be troubled by us with such whining about the Constitution and Union, as they are sending up." This, then, shows that there is both a fellow- feeling and a fellow-purpose between the reb- els and the Abolitionists. The rebels know the radicals do not want the Union restored, and in this they both agree, and the reason why the rebels are so prejudiced against the Democrats, is, that they know every Democrat is in favor of restoration. But enough on this subject. TOE OaAFT VS. VOLUNTEERING. To say nothing of the fact that nine-tenths of the legal mind of the nation believe the mode adopted to procure soldiers by draft, is unconstitutional, by reason of usurping the rights and power of the states over the militia, and that the conscription act has been decided unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, on this and other grounds — to say nothing of this, tJere are features in the operation and ill-success of the draft, that re- quire a moment's attention. It is far from our purpose to indulge in a fault-finding spirit, merely for the purpose of finding fault. We would by no means throw an obstacle in the way of any just, constitu- tional and patriotic effort to put out the fires of the rebellion. We would rather assist, all that may be in our power, and the most effective way to assist the Administration is to candidly point out its errors, wrongs and crimes, with a view to correct and improve. VOLUNTEERING A SUCCESS The Administration, so long as it adhered to its first declared policy found no difficulty in getting all the soldiers it wanted. Nearly, if not quite a million of men rushed forth, in vast numbers, so rapidly that Senator Wilson, of Mass., chairman of the Military Committee, became alarmed, and said in his place: "I have over and over again been to the War office, and urged upon the Department to stop recruiting in every part of the country. We have had the promise that it should be done. — I believe we have to-day 250,000 more men un- der the pay of the government than we need, or can well use. I think the Department ought to issue peremptory orders forbidding the en- listment of another soldier iato the volunteer force." About the same time Mr. Fessenden, of Maine, another abolition Senator, said: ''In every state in the Union, there are men who are paid from month to month, not called into the field for the reason that the Govern- ment has no occasion to use them; and yet no step is taked to disband these men. Why not disband them if they are not wanted? We have 250,000 more than we ever intended to have. — It is extravagance of the most wanten kind. I offered a proposition to stop all enlistments." Thus, we have it from the highest abolition SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 293 authority, that our armies were too large for the purpose o' subduing the rebellion. About this time Thad. Stevens, chairman of the committee on ways and means in the House, denounced the extravagance of so large an army, in the foUowina' style: "We shall have to appropriate more than six hundred million dollars without the addition of a single dollar beyond what is estimated for. New, sir, that in itself is alarming. I confess I do not see how, unless the expenses are greatly curtailed, this government can possibly go on six months. If we go on as we have been doing, the finances, not only of the Govern- ment, but of the whole country, must give way, and the people will be involved in one general bankruptcy and ruin. We have already in the field an army of six hundred and sixty thousand men, &c." Not far from the period at which these men gave the above utterances, Gen. McClellan was on the Chickahominy asking for a rein- forcement of 50,000 troops, with which he said he had not the least doubt he could take Rich- mond in a few days. But the powers at Wash- ingto had no troops to spare! and ordered his retreat from the pursuit of the rebel capital. The Administration and the disloyal and trait- orous abolitionists that controlled it, saw that if Richmond was taken it would end the war, and the war ended without the accomplishment of their darling object — the abolition of slavery, would not suit their programme, so our brave and ill-treated army was hauled off, and the re- bels given time to again recuperate — the mouse was permitted to gain sufficient strength to en- tertain those who desired to play with it. From that day to this the Army of the Poto- mac has been crushed by the foolhardy and criminal policy emanating from the "throne of power." They have been required to march up the hill and then to march down again, and have not been permitted to accomplish anything worthy of their patriotism and courage, except when the old grannies in and around the White House became frightened for their own indi- vidual safety. The people are fast settling down on the conclusion that those wno control the Adminis- tration do not want to take Richmond — do not want the war to close until they can provoke a state of despotism which may enable them to abolish slavery, or "let the Union slide." This war is being prolonged — the lives and the fortunes of our people are being sacrificed, be- yond any necessity of saving the Union, and all to enable the Abolitioniets to cairy out their primary designs. It has been a standing remark, for Republi- can as well as Democratic papers, that the Army of the Potomac was too near Washing- ton to accomplish anything. This is true, and the reason why they have accomplished nothing is because the radicals had resolved they should accomplish nothing, beyond the bare guarding of AVashington. We can now see an object in this. It is a link in the same object that brought on a collision by sending an un- armed vessel to banter the rebels at Charleston to a fight. The rebellion is now reeling at every step. We have more men in the field now than when Wilson and Fessexden clamored for a cessa- tion of enlistments, and the rebels are no stronger, and still the Administration is reach- ing out after conscripts, and by frauds the most damnable, are endeavoring to draft most- ly Democrats, in the hope that they may per- petuate their power. They are determined not to allow the rebels to come back and be good citizes, until they can destroy their state rights, and so cripple their power that they cannot vote against the Abolition party . That is the secret of their refusal to accept a sur- render, as their leading organ, the New York Times^ declares they will refuse, if a surren- der is ofi'ered, Does all this look as though the Administration was laboring to save this Union, and for that only? Does it not show that they care more for the future strength of their party than they do for the Union? It may be uncharitable, but we must con- fess that we can see it in no other light. We believe as firmly as we believe in the existence of an All-wise God, that the real purpose of insisting on the draft, is to keep the people of the North embittered and divided by a series of gross frauds on the one hand, and lamenta- ble mobs on the other. If the system of prov- ocation and reaction can be kept up, it is no doubt intended to consummate what Douglas predicted, to dissolve the Union and establish a Dictatorship, whenever it can be done with a show of shifting the responsibility on their opponents, or rendering a military excuse. — Hence, we firmly believe, the draft is held constantly over the heads of the people in ier- rorem, to affect the elections, in those various ways 80 susceptible to Abolition manipulation by the army of Provost Marshals. We have 294 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS exhibited some of these objects in former chnp- ters of this work. NUMBER OF MEN CALLED FOR. In round numbers, the President has thus far called for about 2,100,000 men, and of these about 1,000,000 have been called for by draft. Of the whole number, about 1,200,000 have been secured, and without pretending to be exact, (not having the figures before us), we may safely say, that aside from volunteer sub- stitutes, the Administration has not obtained 20,000 men, as living trophies from the '• prize wheel." This is an exceedingly small per cent- MB. Cameron's eulogy on volunteering. Mr. Secretary Cameron, in his first report, before the radical measures had been fully de- veloped, said: "History will record that men who, in ordi- nary times, were devoted solely to the arts of peace, were yet ready, on the instant, to rush to arms in defense of their rights when assail- ed. At the present moment, the government presents the striking anomaly of being embar- rassed by the generous outpouring of volun- teers to sustain its action. Instead of labor- ing under the difficulty of monarchical govern- ments, the want of men to fill its armies, tvhich in other countries has compelled a resort to forced conscriptions, one of its main diffi- culties is to keep down the proportions of the army." He says again: '•J cannot forbear to speak favorably of the volunteer system, as a substitute for a cum- brous and dangerous standing army. * * A government whose every citizen stands ready to march to its defense can never be overthrown; for none is so strong as that whose foundations rest immovably in the hearts of the people." And the second report from the same office glowed with a no less deserved panegyric on this system. COST OF THE CONSCRIPTION. We have seen it stated, though with what de- gree of facts to back it we know not, that each soldier drafted and mustend into the United States forces, has cost the people not less than $3000. This is an enormous sum we know, but when we take into account the vast army of offi- cers who are stationed all over the North, hunting down desertiifg conscripts, at ^15 or $30 per head — the trouble, delay, and vast ex pense attending on making the enrollment — costing nearly as much as the taking of the cen- sus — the support of Draft Commissioners — Ex- amining Boards — provost marshals, spies, del- ators, and the tens of thousands of officers that must be paid and fed from the public crib — all to procure the poorest material for war we cannot doubt the statement. We say "poor- est" advisedly, for so far as we have read his- tory and studied human nature, a vurm forced into the ranks against his will, is, in nine cases out of ten, inferior to the volunteer, because his heart is against it. From the observation we have been enabled to make, of all the facts, we are prepared to hazard the opinion that with less than a third of the expense incurred, the Government could have got all the men it wanted. Had it abol- ished — or rather never organized — its hordes of enrollment and draft officers and hangers- on, and applied the funds they have absorbed, to liberalizing the soldiers' monthly pay, to — say $25 per month, we should have heard noth- ing of mobs and riots, and no complaints of a lack of men, even under the present pernicious policy. This is the candid opinion of one who has been in favor of a most vigorous prosecu- tion of the war to crush the rebellion, from the start. republican opinions. The Albany Statesman, a Republican paper, thus warned the Government against continu- ing longer to insist upon the enforcement of the draft: "The Government never committed a more fatal mistake than when it abandoned the vol- unteer and bounty systems — systems which put into the field a million men in eighteen months. The Government, after it puts down ihe riot in New York, should take a calm view of the dangers which surround us, and if possible re- turn to a system which has never failed us, and which should never have been abandoned. Every person who wishes to see the southern rebellion promptly put down, should use every exertion to prevent a rebellion from breaking out in the loyal states. We are no alarmist, and yet we candidly think that it will take more troops to enforce the draft in this state than is required to capture Richmond. " The rioters in New York should and must be crushed. AVe owe this to the supremacy of the laws. Having done this, we do beseech our rulers to so modify the draft that the loyal States may continue to exhibit an unbroken front against the rebellion. Nothing but this unbroken front can prevent the rebellion from becoming a success. We call upon President Lincoln to save the North from anarchy. God grant that he may be equal to the task. At the SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 295 present time the Republic has more to fear from the follies of the war office than from a pair of armies such as Lee now heads in Maryland." THE riRAFT IN RHODE ISLAND. We clip the following from a Rhode Island paper: "In the First District, Wednesday, 78 ob- tained permission to go, pay, or find a substi- tute; and 95 were exempted — 49 for disability, 10 were elected by their parents. 9 were aliens, 2 were from families Jiaving already two in the service, 6 were of unsuitable age, 4 were only sons of widows, 8 were npn*residents, 4 are al- ready in the service, and 3 commuted. In the Second District 24 substitutes were accepted, 51 were exempted for physical disability, and 31 for various other causes." A statement went the rounds of the press, which we have not seen contradictad, that of all the persons conscripted in the state, but nineteen actually entered the service, and some of these were negroes. A CANDID STATEMENT BY A REPUBLICAN PAPER. The Springfield (Mass) Republican, a strong supporter of Mr. Lincoln, from first to last, in speaking of the draft in that State, thus testifies to its failure: " The daily reports of the results of the draft throughout the country, produce the general impression that it is a failure — that it will not add materially to the strength of our armies, and that it will cost more than it is :oorth. This is not absolutely true, but it must be confessed it is too close an approximation to the truth to be contem- plated with satisfaction. Evidently the Gov- ernment will not get one-fourth the number drafted, counting in the substitutes. Indeed, some consider one-fifth a large estimate. — [And this if a state where the "roads would swarm'' with volvnteers, if the proclamation should be issued!] Making due allowance for the states exempted from the draft, and the whole number actually drawn'will not be over 300,000. Cae-fourth of this number will be 75,000. But many of the conscripts, as well as substitutes, will make their escape, and the War Dei^artracut would undoubtedly jump at the chance to exchange the whole lot for 50,000, or ev u4C, '00 volunteers. The draft, it must be coiicc! ■ 1. if not a failure, is not a very gratifying suc' .?. If the President could have foreseen how b idly the draft would have been mismanaged, we believe he would have decided to rely upon volunteering to fill up the armies, and as things have turned, he could have done so wit! safety. The money and effort expended on he conscription would have eecurec' fifty thousand volunteers, there is ev- ery reason lo believe. And it would have been a gluricus thing to record on the pages of history, that the great rebellion was put down entirely by the spontaneous and unforced pat- riotism of the people." THE conscription IN MASSACHUSETTS. [From the Boston Herald,] ; ^*^' "The work of examining conscripts in the different districts in this state has progressed quietly T3nd with good order during the past week. All the Boards of Enrollment have been in session to hear claims for exemption, and we regret to find that so many of those whose names were drawn have been compelled to go before the medical officer to claim ex- emption — it speaks ill of the climate of New England. "On reviewing the returns of the Boards of Enrolment for the districts of which Boston is a part, we find that during the week the board in district 3 has exempted 259 men, has receiv- ed satisfactory evidence that 13 have paid the commutation fee, has received and accepted 54 substitutes, and has held one man to serve who reported at once for duty. "In the Fourth District 1,135 men have been examined, and of these 938 were declared by the Board to be exempt, 70 had paid the com- mutation fee, 10 were passed as fit for duty, and 108 substitutes were accepted. "In the first district, up to Friday night, 256 conscripts had been examined by the Board of Enrolment in this city of whom 29 were accepted and furloughed, 12 furnished substitutes, 21 commuted, and J04 were ac- cepted. "It is stated that Hon. Cileb Gushing has been retained by the Democratic Association of this state, who propose to test the constitu- tionality of the Conscription Law. H. W. Paine will be associated with him. Hon B. R. Uurtis, whose name has been before mentioned in this connection, may give a written opinion in the case." A mysterious DRAFT. [From the New York World.] 'The draft which commences in this city to- day and which is about to be enforced all over the North, promises to be a very mysterious business. Instead of ordering a general con- scription, and publicly apportioning the quotas to the several states, the administration has privately notified the several district provost- marshals, and the drafting has been begun without the knowledge or information of the public. We believe this secret way of doing business is common in Russia or Austria, but it is quite new in this free country. So far we have no assurance that it is to be an equal conscription. From the number act- ually drafted in Rhode Island and Massachu- setts, it would seem that the call was for 300,- 000 men; but the number required of the coun- ties of AVarren and Essex is on a basis of 400,- 000. According to the Tribune, the number New York city must raise is 26,000, and Brook- lyn 10,000, which is conscripting at the rate of 600,000 for the whole North. Can it be that 296 FITE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. the administration has so much more confidence in New York copperheads than New England Republicans that it calls for more of the form- er than the latter? This is really a serious matter, and in the absence of any official an- nouncement by the government of the number of men it requires, how do we know but what the secret instructions of the provost marshals are to conscript heavily in the Democratic dis- tricts and lightly in the Republican districts? Of course it is incredible that they should do this injustice; but the secrecy which marks the machinery of the draft naturally excites comment and uneasiness A Secretary of War who, on an occasion of great national rejoicing for victories won, is small souled enough and prejudiced enough to malign the majority of his fellow-citizens and apply to them an appro- brious party epithet, as Mr. Stanton did at the serenade the other evening, is equal to any in- justice towards the people he dislikos. Presi- dent Lincoln has issued a number of unneces- sary and mischievous proclamations, but we think one on this subject is very much needed to avoid misapprehensions." There is no doubt that the iniquities of the draft in New York was the cause of the dis- graceful riots in that city. RESULTS OF THE DHAFT IN M.ISSACHUSETTS. The whole number drafted in the 4th Dis- trict was 4,198. The account of the Esamin- Board stood as follows : Exempt for various causes 2,867 Absentees 22 Dead 4 Paid commutation 13i Furnished substitutes 196 Held and sent to corpi 46 Not reported and deemed Deserters 939 4,198 RESULT IN THE 8th DISTKICT, NEW TORE. Whole number exempted 2,582 Whele number examined 2,900 Paid commutation S85 Furnished substitutes 67 Conscripts accepted C3 These were no doubt extreme cases, but few districts have done much bettter, and the whole shows the system of draft to be a farce, and we are led to record our convictions that the draft is only kept up for political purposes, and not to obtain soldiers, for in fact, nearly all the soldiers that have been obtained for the past year have been enrolled by voluntary enlist- ments. THURLOW WEED ON " SNEAKS." The following from the pen of that conser- vative Republican, Thurlow "Weed, is as true as it is '• rough" : ^' It is to be regretted that leading, boister- ous abolitionists who were so free of their abuse of all those who differ with them, fail to justi- fy their precepts by their examples. The edi- tor of the Independent, whose zeal for the draft led him to rail at all who questioned its wis- dom, when drafted himself,ingloriously shrinks from taking his share of duty and danger. — Shame on such a sneak. Subject by law to military duty, and constantly pressing others into the field, Mr. Tilton must be craven in spirit, without patriotism, pride or manhood, to skulk a draft himself, while he is merciless in regard to the mechanic and laborer, who is compelled to leave his wife and children. "Still more mortifying, if possible, is the course of Mayor Opdyke, whose drafted son, instead of gallantly stepping forward, as an example to poor men, sneaks! The Mayor is filled with patriotism at conventions — he is gorged with government contracts! He leans heavily upon the government to make good his profits, but his son, when drafted, is not strong enough to be a soldier. He is, however, strong enough to hold offices, but these offices do not expose him to anything but salary and fees. — Being a soldier is quite a diflFerent thing. Out upon such false practices — such cheap loyalty —such bogus patriotism." This just rebuke hits not only Mayor Op- dyke and the editor of the N. Y. Independent^ but it is a just criticism on the sneaking con- duct of nineteen-twentieths of those who have so long and loudly abused all Democrats who did not go to the war,and yet they will ' 'sneak" out of all danger — all responsibility — and if they can only get a fat contract or enjoy fat fees, they set themselves up as extra loyal! We have heard of a very loyal member of the Wisconsin Legislature, who gave his age in the Blue Book as considerably below the maximum for the first class, and yet, when drafted, he claims immunity — and gets it — for over age. — These things will happen among the best reg- ulated advocates of loyalty. DRAFTING IN THE TIME OF THE REVOLUTION, We recall to the memory of all who have read the history of the revolution, the action of the Congress at that period in relation to the prin- ciple of drafting, and to offer for their diges- tion the following morsel of history: On the 26th of February, 1778, the follow- ing resolutions were unanimously adopted by Congress: "Eesolved, That the several States hereafter named bo required forthwith to Jill up, hy drafts from their militia, or in any other way that shall bo effectual, their respective battalions of Continental troops. "All persons drafted shall serve in the Continental bat- talions of their respective States, for the space of nine months from the time they shall respectively appear at the several places of rendezvous hereinafter mentioned unless sooner discharged." "Sesolved, That all persons, in whatever way procured, for supplying the deficiencies in the Continental battalions unless enlisted for three years, or during the war, shall bo considered as drafted." etc. On the 9th of March, 1779, it was again— SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 2!»r "Jiesolced, That it be earnestly recommended to the several states to make up and complete their respective battalions to their full complement by draft, or in any other miinner they shall think proper, and that they have their quotas ofdeticiencies ready to take the field, and to march to such place as the Commandex-rin- Chief shall di- rect, without delay." "Thus, it appears, that during the Revolu- tionary war, men were drafted to fill up the reg- ular regiments of the line, and were immediate- ly subject to the orders of the Commander-in- Chief, without reference to, or control by, the Governors of the states. We have here, there- fore, the most undeniable precedent for the ac- tion of the last Congress and that of the Presi- dent, for raising drafted men and placing them in the army. None but Tories and the friends of the enemy opposed the principle then — none but traitors wtU do it now. — Rej). Paper. Ah, yes, but you forget one thing. You have offered a, precedent., but that precedent proves just what you didn't want it to. It proves that under the old Continental sway they never thought of allowing Congress to draft, but re- quired the states to fill up their quotas by drafts. That's precisely the Democratic way now. That's just the only way the Democrats believe to be constitutional — the only way to preserve state sovereignty, and state identity. With the following quotation from Burke, we will close this chapter: "I can conceive no existence under heaven, that is more truly odious and disgusting than an impotent, helpless creature, without civil wisdom or military skill — without a conscious- Jiess of any but his servility to it, bloated with pride and arrogance, and calling for battles which he is not tofight.^^ CHAPER XXXVI. LOYALTY AND PATRIOTISM OF DEMOCRATS. General Remarks and Facts pertaining to. ..The Democra- cy of New York. ..The Iowa Democracy. ..Doctrine of the Kentucky Democracy. ..The Ohio Democracy... The Democracy of Wisconsin. ..The Minnesota Democracy... Democracy of Pennsylvania. ..Illinois Democracy., ..Con- necticut Democracy. ...Democracy of Indiana. ...Of Colum- bus, Ohio....0f M.adison, Wis.....The National Democracy ...Sayings and Doings of Leading Democrats. ..Governor Seymour's Proclamation. ..Gov. Seymour's Message... Gov. Parker's Proclamation. ..Kem.arks of Hon. 11. L. Palmer. ..Et tu Vallandigham... Democrats Rejoice at our Victories. ..Testimony of our opi)onents...NBW York Times.... Mr. Seward, Official... Judge Paine, of Wis.... Administration Compliment Gov. Seymour for his Pat- riotism, &.C. LOYALTY AND PATRIOTISM OF DEMOCRATS. Having ' shown, beyond a cavil, in the fore- going pages that the Republican leaders are disloyal to their goverement, we will now show by the best evidence that man can give or re- 20 ceive, that the Democracy of the country are now, as they ever have been, loyal to their government and true to the Union of their fathers. The best criteria of the aims and purposes of a party or individuals, are their recorded avowals — the actual and logical re- sults of their measures. Having judged of their opponents by these criteria, we will now pass in like review the principal leaders and meas- ures of the Democratic party. From 1801 to 1861 the Democracy of the nation had been constantly in power in one or all of the diflerent branches of Government, and most of this sixty years they had full con- trol of the entire administration of govern- ment. That the Democratic party during this long period, embracing the early pupilage of our government, may have committed errors — that individuals of the party may have perpe- trated gross wrongs in the name of that party, perhaps it would be uncandid to deny; but, history, the true arbiter, justifies us in the re petition of the oft reiterated, yet never im- peached declaration, that during all this peri- od — while the noble — historical Democracy — have been beset by all the ills that party and flesh are heir to, our country has flourished without a parallel in the annals of human gov- ernments. On every recurring national holi day. thousands of candidates for oratorical honors have over-taxed the eulogistic muses, and exhausted the most extravagant panegyr- ics on the fame and progress of our "Glo- rious Union."' All parties, without exception, appealing to facts and drawing lavishly from the store-house of fancy, had held up our country, in marked contrast with all other lands, as the most free, happy, progressive and prosperous — nor was it safe for foreign pre- tendei's to draw in question Brother Johna- than's panegyrics of the glorious past, or his predictions of the glorious future. This picture is by no means overwrought, and it shows that high grade of opinion in which, we, at least, held ourselves, and although the leading maratime powers of Europe may not have been willing to acknowledge that Brother Jonathan, yet scarcely out of his teens, had actually outstripped them in wealth and mate- rial greatness, they nevertheless acknowledged our vast and rapidly increasing power,and sent hither millions of their own citizens to be par- takers with us of those manifold blessings of personal happiness and civil liberty, for so 298 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. many centuries denied them on their native soil. We may safely say, without fear of contra- diction, that for all these blessings of our gov- ernment, so justly celebrated for the wisdom and beneficence of its laws, the partakers were indebted to the Democratic party— for we be- lieve no one will question the fact, or attempt to impeach our veracity, when we state that every general law of general public import- ance, found on the statute book of the nation, up to December, 1860, had its origin in the remocratic party. Perhaps these laws, or many of them might have been bettered, for no man or party has yet reached the degree of Divine perfection— but such as they were — they constituted the basis of all our national pros- perity, so often and so long the lyric's song and the statesman's eulogy. During this sixty years — embracing a long war with the first maratime power on the globe, and sundry harrassing Indian wars, together with a war with the Rei^ublic of Mexico, no man was arbitrarily deprived of his liberty without a remedy — no press was destroyed by the direction or connivance of the administra- tors or executors of the laws — no system of espoinage, spies and delators was established. No citizen was ever exiled or banished — no suspension of the writ of habeas corpus occur- red outside of military lines. In short, no constitutional right was denied to the people without a remedy. No Democrat was known to curse this Union as a "league with hell,'' or any equivalent, impious anathema. No clear and unequivocal infractions of the constitution •were suffered. In short, the rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness were guar- anteed to ail, in strict accordance with the constitution. Such, in brief, was the history and result of Democratic rule, up to the breaking out of our present troubles, and it becomes us now to enquire, what Democrats and the Demo- cratic party (we mean those and only those who fell not into the snares of secession) have done since that time. Our remarks will apply to the two millions of Democrats in the loyal Btates. Are they disloyal, or are they not? — L2t them answer for themselves. XHE NEW TOE.K DEMOCRACY. The following is the pertinent plank in the platform of the Democratic Convention that nominated Horatio Seymoub, September, 1862: ^'- First, That they will continue to render ^ the Government their sincere and united suji- port in the use of all legitimate means to sup- press the rebellion, and to restore the Union as it was. and maintain the Constitution as it is — believing that that sacred instrument, founded in wisdom by our fathers, clothes the constituted authorities with full power to ac- complish such purpose." NEW YOKK DEMOCRACY IN 1803. The State Convention that met at Albany. September, 1863. passed the following: '■'■Resolved, That we reaffirm the platform adopted by the Democratic Convention of 1862, viz.: First, That we will continue to render the Government our sincere and united support in the use of all legitimate means to suppress the rebellion, and to restore 'the Union as it was,'" and to maintain 'the Constitution as it is,' believing that sacred instrument, founded in wisdom by our fathers, clothes the consti- tuted authorities with full power to accomplish such i^urpose." THE IOWA DEMOCRACY— 1863. Gen. TuTTLE, the Democratic candidate for Gov. in 1863, issued an address to the people, from which we take the following, and on which he was supported by the Democracy : " I am in favor of a vigorous prosecution of the war to the full extent of our power, until the rebellion is suppressed, and of using all means that may be in our possession, recog- nized by honorable warfare, for that purpose. I am for the Union without an if, and regard- less whether slavery stands or falls by its res- toration, and in favor of peace on no other terms than the unconditional surrender of the rebels to the constituted authorities of the gov- ernment of the United States." DOCTRINE or THE KENTUCKY DEMOCRACY. The following from the message of Governor Bramlette, Sep. 1, 1863, is the doctrine not only of the Democracy of Kentucky, but eve- rywhere : '■'- We affiliate with the loyal men north and south, whose object and policy is to preserve the Union and the Constitution unchanged and unbroken, and to restore the people to harmo- ny and peace with the government, as they were before the rebellion. "It is not a restored Union, not a recon- structed Union, that Kentucky desires ; but a preserved Union, and a restored peace upon a constitutional basis." THE OHIO democracy. We select the following from among the planks of the Democratic platform adopted by SCRAPS FROM ^MY SCRAP-BOOK. 299 the convention that nominated Yallandig- iiAM, in 1S63: "That we ■will earnestly support every con- stitutional measure tending to preserve the Union of the States. No men have a greater interest in its preservation than we have. None desire it more. There are none who ■will make greater sacrifices or endure more than we will to accomplish that end. We are, as we ever have been, the devoted friends of the Constitution and the Union, and we have no sympathy with the enemies of either." THE DEMOCRACY OF WISCONSIN. The following is from the celebrated "Ryan Address," adopted by the Democracy, in Mass Convention at Milwaukee, September, 1S62, and reaffirmed in 1863: "We claim the right on their behalf and our own, to censure the political acts of the Ad- ministration, when we think that they deserve it, and to do all lawfully within our power to sustain the supremacy of the Constitution in all places north or south, and over all persons in office and out of it. And to that end we de- vote our hearts, minds, estates, to aid the Ad- ministration in the most vigorous and speedy prosecution of the war ivaged against the Union by the revolted states. We believe that in so doing we fulfil the most sacred duty we owe to the constitution. "And to this, we solemly pledge the faith of our party and ourselves, until the war be end- ed and the constitution restored, as the su- preme law of the land, in every state of the Union." THE SAME PARTY IN" lSo3. The following, among others, was adopted at the Democratic nominating State Conven- tion, in 1863: "11. Resolved, That we are proud of the gallantry and devotion of our fellow citizens serving in the land and naval forces of the United States, and sympathize deeply with all their sacrifices of life, health and comfort. End as the war maj-, their place in history is one of glory — successful whenever beyond the reach of corrupt political influences surround- ing the administration, failing from no fault of their own whenever within the reach of those influences, equallj' brave and patriotic in eith- er fortune, they are the glorious brothers of our blood and will never make good the brutal boast that when they shall have suppressed re- bellion in the south, they will turn their arms against their brethren in the north " THE MINNESOTA DEMOCRACY'. We select the following from the platform adopted by the Democracy in State Conven- tion July 26, 1863: "6. That it is the duty of every citizen to obey the laws, and that however unconstitu- tional and oppressive and unjust the same may appear, he must submit thereto, until such laws are repealed, or declared null and void by the proper tribunals. "7. That we tender our army, and espe- cially the members of ouvminnesota regiments, our heartfelt thanks for their patriotic devo- tion to their country, and we also tender our sympathy to the survivors of the gallant dead, who have oflfered up their lives as a sacrifice for their country and won for themselves the ever- lasting gratitude of the nation." THE PENNSYLVANIA DEMOCRACY. The following was passed by the Democracy of the House of Representatives of Pennsyl- vania, against the united votes of the opposi- sition, in 1863: "That Pennsylvania will adhere to the Con- stitution and the Union as the best, it may be the last hope of popular freedom, and for all wrongs which may have been committed, or evils which may exist, will seek redress under the Constitution and within the Union, by the peaceful but powerful agency of the suffrage of a free people. "That while the General Assembly con- demns and denounces the faults of the Admin- istration, and the encroachments of the Aboli- tionists, it does also most thoroughly condemn and denounce the heresy of Secession, as un- warranted by the Constitution, and destructive alike of the security and perpetuity of govern- ment and of peace and liberty; the people of the State are opposed to any division of this Union; and will persistently exert their whole influence and power under the Constitution to maintain and defend it." THE ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY. The Democracy of the Legislature of Illin- ois, in 1S63, among others, adopted the fol- lowing : Resolved, That while we condemn and de- nounce the flagrant and monstrous usurpations by the Administration, and encroachments by Abolitionism, we equally denounce and con- demn the ruinous heresy of secession, as un- warranted by the Constitution, and destructive alike of the society and perpetuity of our gov- ernment, and the peace and liberty of the peo- ple." THE DEMOCRACY OF CONNECTICUT. The following we take from the Democratic platform of 1863 : " 2d. That while as citizens of Connecticut, we assert our devotion to the Constitution and the Union, and will hereafter, as we have heretofore, support with zeal and energy the authorities of the U. S. in the full constitu- tional exercise of their powers, we deliberate- ly aver that the liberties of the people are menaced by congressional and federal usurpa- 800 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. tions, and can only be stopped by energetic ac- tion of State authority." THE DEMOCRACY OF INDIANA. The following is taken from the address of the Democratic members of the Legislature of Indiana, 1863 : " The Democratic party, if in power to-day, would put down this rebellion, and restore the Union as it was in six months, and by the hon- est and lawful method of subduing combat- tants, and protecting those not in arms against the government. It would make no war on States, and populations. It would ovcrthroiu the guilty rebel wherever found in arms. It TVOuld confiscate nothing that did not belong to a fighting traitor to the Union. * * A Democratic Administration would see that our victorious legions marched wherever there ■was an armed foe to conquer." DEMOCRACY OF C0XDMBU3, OHIO. The following clearly defines the position of the Democi-acy everywhere. It is the first of a series of resolutions passed by the Democracy of Columbus, Ohio, in 1863: '■^Resolved, That the present war should be carried on to maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and the enforcement of all consti- tutional laws, and that when this is accomplish- ed, the war ought to cease." DEMOCRACY OF MADISON, WISCONSIN. The Democracy of Madison, Wisconsin, in July, 1863, met to celebrate the taking of Vicksburg, and adopted the following resolu tions: ^^ Resolved, That the Democracy of the city of Madison and Dane county rejoice "with ex- ceeding great joy,-' at the surrender of Vicks- burg, the great Sebastopol of the Mississippi Valley, and that our thanks are due and here- by tendered to Major General Grant and the brave troops under his command for this glori- ous achievement — that while we tender our sympathies to those who have been wounded in battle, we embrace the mournful privilege of offering our sympathy and condolence to the friends and relatives of those brave men who have fallen while defending the Constitution and Union of our fathers. '■'■Resohud, That we award a like mede of praise and sympathy for sufferers in the Army of the Potomac, who have so bravely and so heroically defended the soil of Pennsylvania from the polution of rebel invasion. Resolved, In the spirit of the resolution pass- ed by the last Congress, that the war ought to be vigorously j^rosecuted for the establish-nent of the National authority, and the supremacy of the constitution and laws over every foot of our territory, and when that object is obtained the T^ar ought to cease " THE NATIONAL DEMOCRACY. On the 28th of June, 1863, the Democratic and conservative members of Congress unani- mously passed the following, among other res- olutions: '■'•Resolved, That the Constitution and the Union and the laws must be preserved and maintained in all their proper and rightful su- premacy, and that the rebellion now in arms against them must be suppressed and put down, and that it is our duty to vote for all measures necessary and proper to that end." SAYINGS AND DOINGS OF LEADING DEMO- CRATS. Gov. Seymour''s Proclamation. The following we select from Gov. Sey- mour's proclamation, issued in response to the President's call for troops, October 29, 1863: "In this emergency it is the duty of all citi- zens to listen to the appeal put forth by the President, and to give efficient and cheerful aid in filling up the thinned ranks of our ar- mies. It is due to our brethren in the field, who have battled so heroically for the flag of our country, the Union of the states, and to uphold the Constitution, and prompt and vol- untary assistance should be sent to them in this moment of their peril. They went forth in the full confidence that they would at all times receive from their fellow citizens at home a generous and efficient support. "Every motive of pride and patriotism should impel us to give this by voluntary and cheer- ful contributions of men and money, and not by a forced conscription or coercive action on the part of the government. Gov. Seymour's Message. The following paragraph is taken from the message of Gov. Seymour to the New York Lngislature, January, 1863: "We must accept the condition of affairs as they stand. At this moment the fortunes of our country are influenced by the results of bat- tles. Our armies in the field jnust be supported. All constitutional demands of our General Government must be promptly responded to! But, war alone will not save the Union. The rule of action which is used to put down an or- dinary insurrection is not applicable to a wide- spread armed resistance of great communities. It is wildness and folly to shut our eyes to this truth. Under no circumatances can the division of the Union be conceded. We will put forth every exertion of power. AVe will hold out every inducement to the people of the South to return to their allegiance, consistent with honor. * "We will guarantee them every right, every consideration, demanded by the Constitution, and by that fraternal regard which must pre- vail in a common country. But we can never SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK 301 voluntarihj consent to the breaking up of the Union of these states, or the destruction of the Constitution." Gov. Parker^s Proclamation. Oq tie 22d of October, 1863, Governor Par- ker, of New Jersey, issued a proclamation in response to the President's call for troops, in which occurs the following: "I earnestly call upon every citizen of this state to use every effort to raise these troops. The time for work is short: but, if the people of New Jersey, who have hitherto never fal tered in the discharge of duty, will, unitedly and in the proper spirit, at once enter upon it, with a determination not to fail, they will suc- ceed. "Our armies should be largely reinforced. A crushing blow at the armed power of the re- bellion, if followed by wise, just and concilia- tory counsels, will open the door to the peace which we so much desire; and which has thus far eluded us." lion. II. L. Palrner^s Speecli. The Hon. H. L. Palmer, late Democratic candidate for Governor of AVisconsin, presided at a patriotic meeting at Milwaukee. In ad- dressing the vast assemblage he used the fol- lowing language: "A most gigantic and stupendously wicked rebellion has arisen to destroy, with bloody and raricidal hands, this fair fabric raised at the cost of our father's blood; and now we are called upon to put it down and save our loved land. I trust we stand here to-day as Ameri- cans oulj', and that we shall not fail in effect- ive measures to answer the call of our country and to send succor to our brothers in arms and peril in the South." Et tu Vallandigham. Even V vLLANDiGUAM, who has been so un- mercifully and fouly villified as a traitor, ut- tered the following patriotic pentiments in re- ply to a charge of the New York Times that he counselled resistance to law: '■New York, March S, lSO-3. "To the Editor of the New TorJc Times: "Allow me to say that the statement of your reporter that I denied that we owed any obedi- ence to the Conscription act, and your own that I counselled resistance to it by the people of the North, are both incorrect. On the con- trary, / expressly eounselled the trial of all questions of latu beforeour judicial courts., and all questions of politics before the tribunal of the ballot-box- I am for obedience to all Laws — obedience by the people and by men in power also. I am for a free discussion of all questions of law before our judicial courts, and all questions of politics before the tribunal •of the ballot-box. I am for a free discussion of all measures and laws whatsoever, as in former times, hnt for forcibleresistance to none. The ballot-box, and not the cartridge-box, is the instrument for reform and revolution which I would have resorted to. Let this be under' stood. "C. L. VALLANDIGHAM." Mr. Vallandigham in Congress. The Abolitionists for months paraded through their columns what purported to be an extract from a speech of Mr. V. in Congress, that he would not vote a dollar for the war, &c. Here is what he did say : " For my own part, sir, while I would not in the beginning have given a dollar or a man to commence this war, I am willing— ?io it' that ice are in the midst of it without any act of ours — TO VOTE JUST AS MANY MEN AND JTI8T AS MUCH MONET AS MAY BE NECESSARY TO PROTECT AND DEFEND THE FFDERAL GOVERN- MENT. IT WOULD BE BOTH TREASON AND MADNESS NOW TO DISARM THE GOVERNMENT IN THE PRESENCE OF AN ENEMY OF TWO HUNDRED THOU- SAND MEN IN THE FIELD AGAINST IT !" Democrats Rejoice at our Victories. The following short extract from an editorial in the Chicago Post of July 11, 1S63, speaks volumes of praise for the Democracy : " The best answer to Gen. Singleton's un conditional peace speeches is to be found in the universal rejoicing by the democratic pa- pers of the country, over the victories of Meade and Grant. In these rejoicings we have an impression of the true democratic senti- ment. They are unconditional rejoicings. — They are not qualified by regrets that the war is not a constitutional one, or that it is a bar- barous one, or that it is a war to overturn and destroy the liberties of the people ; but the re- joicings are earnest and universal that the armed rebels against the Constitution and the Union have been beaten, defeated and cut to pieces by the troops of the United States. It is claimed that these victories are as honorable and as brilliant as though they were gained over any other enemy seeking to destroy the American Union. In these victories the dem- ocratic papers, and the democratic masses eve- rywhere see a hope that the Administration will learn and profit by the lesson that armed rebellion cannot be crushed except by force of arms : that paper proclamations and cruel laws only serve to exasperate the enemy, who is to be put down by blows and offers of pardon up- on pi'oper submission." TESTIMONY OF OUR OPPONENTS. The New York Times, after months of idle and slanderous denunciations of the Demo- cratic party, was compelled to make the fol- lowing admission: 302 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. "We have never doubted tlia'- the great body of the Democratic party are for preserving the Union and crushing the rebellion, which alone threatens its existence. We do'not doubt that they look upon a vigorous prosecution of the war as the only means by which that result can be brought about. And, in spite of all the efforts that maybe made to drive or seduce the Democratic party from that position, we be- lieve it will hold it with fidelity and firmness, and will insist upon the adoption of that policy by this administration and by any other that may succeed it. We arc well aware that the Democratic party does not indorse very many of the acts of the administration. We have no right to ask such an indorsement at its hands. Upon any of the details of administration, upon any of the measures which the President and Congress may see fit to adopt, that party has a perfect right to its own opinions. It may with perfect propriety protest against the pro- clamation of emancipation, the policy of arbi- trary arrests, the enlistment of negro soldiers and any other measure of the administration." The Philadelphia Press, the court organ of the administration, thus slurs at a Democratic resolution: "The Lancaster county copperheads had a convention, a few days ago, and adopted a number of platitudes, which they called reso- lutions. The following is one of the most precious of the number: "Eesolved, That the soldiers fighting in our armies mer- it the warmest thanks of the nation. Living, they shall know a nation's gratitude; wounded, a nation's care; and dying, they shall live in our niemori,'.;, l j touch posterity to honor patriotsanlM- • ■ > i^.-iicod thtir lives ■upon theirooii'.itry's . t •. We copy tills especially as a compliment. MR. SEWARD ENDORSES OUR POSITION. We find in a cotemporary the following reso- lution, said to have been adopted by a political Convention in the state of Maryland: '■^Resolved, That there is no such thing in in times of rebellion as supporting the Nation- al Government without supporting the Admin- istration of the National Government; that the administration of the National Government is confided by the Constitution to the President, assisted in his several spheres of duty by the administrative departments, and therefore the measures of the President and the general policy of the Administration should, under the present trying circumstances of the country, be sustained by all true patriots in a spirit of generous confidence, and not thwarted by cap- tious criticism or factious opposition." As a full reply to this we present the follow- inc from the official dispatch of Secretary Se- Ward to our Minister at London, of November 10, 1862 : " From whatever cause it has happened, po- litical debates during the present year have resumed, in a considerable degree, the normal character, and while loj'al republicans have adhered to the new banner of the Union par- ty, the democratic party has rallied and made a vigorous canvass with a view to the recovery of its former political ascendency. Loyal dem- ocrats in considerable numbers, retaining the aame of democracy from habit, and not be- cause they oppose the Union, are classified by he other party as 'Opposition.' It is not ne- ce sary for the information of our representa- tives abroad that I should descend into any ex- amination of the relative principles or policies of the two parties. It will suffice to say that while there may be men of doubtful political wisdom and virtue in each party, and while there may be differences of opinion between ■ the two parties as to the measures best calcu- fl lated to preserve the Union and restore its au- ■ thority, yet it is not to be inferred that either party, or any considerable portion of the peo- ple of the loyal States, is disposed to accept disunion under any circumstances, or upon any terms. It is rather to be understood that j the people have become so confident of the sta- I bility of the Union that partizau combinations 1 are resuming their sway here, as they do in such cases in all free countries. In this coun- try, especially, it is a habit not only entirely J consistent with the Constitution, hut even es- I sential to its stability^ to regard the adminis' ' tration at any time existing as distinct and sep- arable from the government itself^ and to cart- vass the proceedings of the one without the thought of disloyally to the other. We might possibly have had quicker success in suppress- ing the insurrection if this habit could have rested a little longer in abeyance : but, on the other hand, we are under obligations to save not only the integrity or unity of the country, but also its inestimable and precious Constitu- tion. No one can safely say that the resump- tion of the previous popular habit does not tend to this last and most important consum- mation, if, at the same time, as we confident- ly expect, the Union itself shall be saved." JUDGE PAINE AGREES WITH THE DEMOCRACY Judge Paine, a most intensely radical abo- litionist, and one of the judges of the Wisconsin Supreme Court, addressed a "Union" meeting at Madison, Wisconsin, May 14, 1863, and we take the following from his remarks, as report- ed in the iS^aie Journal (Radical) of the fol- lowing day: "The speaker thought the President posses- sed all nfcessary soioers under the constitution^ and that he should be governed by that instru- ment in war as well as inpeace. He agreed ivitk the Democrats in this respect.^' GOVERNOR SEYMOUR COMPLIMENTED. Gov. Seymour has been the best abused man in all the nation. No term could be heaped up- on him too vile for the tastes' and appetites of the radical press. But the following will show SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP BOOK. 503 that he stands in a much more patriotic light before the world for his prompt responses, than does Gov. Andrew, who hesitated — held back, and was long months in doing what Gov. S. ac- complished in a few hours. The following cor- respondence will explain itself: On the 15th of June, 1863, Mr. Staxton telegraphed to Gov. S. as follows: "To bis Excellency, Gov. Seymour: •'The movements of the rebel forces in Vir- ginia are now sufficiently developed to show that General Lee, with his whole army, is moving forward to invade the states of Mary- land and Pennsylvania, and other states. "The President, to repel the invasion promptly, has called upon Ohio, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Western Virginia, for one hun- dred thousand militia for six months, unless sooner discharged. It is important to have the largest possible force in the least possible time, and if other states would furnish militia for a short time, to be credited in the draft, it would greatly advance the object. AVill you please inform me immediately, if, in answer to a special call of the President, you can raise and forward say twenty thousand militia as volunteers, without bounty, to be credited in the draft of your state, or what number you can possibly raise? E. M. STANTON, Sec'yofWar. Governor S. promptly sent an affirmative answer, and in a few hours several regiments were under marching orders. The "roads"' did "swarm." On the same day he received the following "thanks:" "Washington, June 1.5, ISGo. Governor Seymour : ■ "The President desires me to return his thanks, with those of the Department, for your prompt response. A strong movement of your city regiments to Philadelphia would be a very encouraging movement, and do great good in giving strength in that state. "EDWIN M. STAXTOX, "Secretary of War." The following telegrams, sent at different intervals, under all the circumstances of abuse on Governor S., is a better eulogy than our pen could frame: "Washington, June 19, 1S63. "To Adsctant General Spragce: "The President directs me to return his thanks to his Excellency Governor Seymour, and his staff, for their energetic and prompt action. Whether any further force is likely to be required will be communicated to you to- morrow, by which time it is expected the movements of the enemy will be more fully de- veloped. "EDWIN M. STANTON, "Secretary of War. "John T. Sprague, Adjutant General." War Department, Washington Ciiv, > June 27, 1863. J "Dear Sir: — I cannot forbear expressing to you the deep obligation I feel for the prompt and candid support you have given to the Gov- ernment in the present emergency. The ener- gy, activity, and patriotism you have exhibited I may be admitted personally and officially to acknowledge, without arrogating any personal claims on my part to such service, or to any service whatever. "I shall be happy always to be esteemed your friend, "EDWIN M. STANTON. "His Excellency, Horatio Setmour." What, a friend to the '•'•friend''^ of the New York rioters? Incredible! CHAPTER XXXVII. MISCELLANEOUS FACTS AND FIGURES. Political sine qua mm of Wisconsin Legielnture.,. Still re- fuse to yield an incli....N. Y. Round Table on Lincoln's Amnesty Proclamation. ..Two Millions in Men. ...Three Millions in Money. ..Is a National Debt a National Bless- ing.. .A Negro Nobility. ..Bffects of a High Tariff.. .Yicks- liurg Discipline. ..Will the Rebellion succeed. ..1,685,000 Democratic Votes in the Loyal States....Gross Outragehy Abolitionists at Boscobel, Wisconsin. MISCELLANEOUS. The following not having been convenient for use under their proper heads, we insert them here, without attempting to link them in argu- mentative form : WILL LITSEN TO NO PROPOSITION FOR PEACE. The following remarkable declaration intro- duced by a Mr. Starks in the Wisconsin As- sembly, Jan. 21, '64, and adopted by all the Republican votes of that body, shows to what extremes we are drifting : '•'■Resolved ly the Assembly., the Senate con- curring' That as our country, and the very ex- istence of tne best Government ever instituted by man, are imperilled by the most causeless and wicked rebellion the world has ever seen believing, as we do, that the only hope of sav- ing the country and preserving the government is in the power of the sword — we are for the most vigorous prosecution of the war, until the constitution and laws shall be enforced and obeyed in all parts of the United States, and to that end we oppose any armistice, interven- tion^i mediation or proposition for peace, from any source whatever, so long as the rebels are found in arms against the government, and we ignore all party lines, names and issues, and recognize but two parties, patriots and tritors. To show how they "ignored all par <^ lines," we copy the fourth and last of the series: '■^Resolved, That we recognize in Abraham 304 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. Lincoln, President of the United States, a statesman of liberal and enlarged views, great ability, and unswerving integrity and if the "wishes ot the people of Wisconsin are complied ■with by the 5fational Union Convention that assembles to nominate candidates for the Pres- idency Abraham Lincoln will again be nomi- nated." This is ignoring party ■with a vengeance. It shows that the supporters of Mr. Lincoln are pledged against any peace whatever — and of course against any Union. This is the logic of their conduct. ■WHAT LINCOLN'S PKOCLAMATION WILL DO. [From the New York Round Table. (Rep.) "Not only the overthrow of the rebellion as a military power, but the complete subjugation of the Sonthern peoi:)le, until they are so ut- terly crushed and humbled as to be willing to accept life on any terms, is the essential con- dition of the President's scheme. It may therefore prolong the war; and after the war is substantially ended, it may defer the day of reunion and each. It cannot be doubted that the President contemplates all this, and that in his mind, the removal of slavery being con- sidered the most essential condition of the most desirable and permanent peace, he felt justi- fied in incurring great evils for the sake of a greater ultimate good. "In plain English, we are informed, that in order to abolish slavery, the war is to be pro- longed, and the day of the restoration of the Union deferred." TWO MILLIONS IN MEN — THREE MILLIONS IN MONEY. Here are the several calls of the President for forces, not including naval: April 16, 1861 75,000 May 4, 1861 04,748 From Julv to December, 1861 500,000 July 1, 1862 300,000 August 4, 1862 300,000 Draft, summer of 1863 300,000 February 1, 1864 500,000 Total 2,030,748 The last call is supposed to include one of the previous calls.' The known cost of all this it is impossible fully to state, but the following figures show the loans and liabilities authorized by various acts of Congress, as given by the New York presses: Loan of 1842 S'242,621 loan of 1847 , 9,415,250 Loan of 1848 8,908,341 Texas indemnity loan of 1850 3,461,000 Loan of 1858 20,000,000 Loan of 1860 7,622,000 Loaftof 1861 18,415,000 Treasury notes, March, '61 512,900 Oregon war loan, 1861 1,016,000 Another loan of 1861 50,000,000 Three years treasury notes 139,679,000 Loan of August, 1861 320,000 Five-twenty loan 400,000,000 Temporary leans 104,933,103 Certificates of indebtedness 156,619,437 Unclnimed dividends 114,115 Demand treasury notes 500,000 Legal tenders, 1862 397,767,114 Legal tcu.le's, 1863 104,969,937 Pustd and fractional currency 50,000,000 Old treasury notes outstanding 118,000 Ten-forty bonds 900,000,000 Interest-bearing treasury notes 500,000,000 Total §2,774,912,818 The sums paid by states, cities, towns and individuals are not included in this record, and must r'jach many hundred millions more. IS A NATIONAL DEBT A BLSSSING. We have in a former portion of this work, shown that the early Federals, who were for a semi-monarchial government, advocated a na- tional debt, as the foundation of a national privileged aristocracy. A Washington corres- pondent of the Milwaukee Sentinel, January, 1864, thus shadows forth the predilections of the present monarchial party: "Great wars make nations rich as a people, although the government may be poor and in debt. A large national debt is a bond cf strength, especially if the evidences of that debt drawing interest, are held by the masses of the people. Such has been the result with England. From the day that she began to spend hundreds of millions among her people in carrying on her continental wars, did she begin todevelope her resources and increase in wealth and power. So it will be with the United States." And, to carry out the figure to its legitimate proportions, they writer should have added, that with his aristocratical millennium comes also the millions of paupers. A NEGRO NOBILITY. (From the Albany (N. Y.) Argus and Atlas.) " This country will have no true dignity^^^ said Fred Douglas in a recent speech to the Abolitionists, "till the negro is entitled to vote and hold office." The negroes, says Vandal Phillips, are our "nobility," and we must divide the lands of the South among them, as William the Con- queror partitioned England among the Norman Lords. All that is very fine — " dignity and nobili- ty" — but Sambo wants somothing jjractical, and the Administration proposes to give it to him. We quote an illustrative incident : "The colored people of Philadelphia are before the Vfai Department for contracts for Quartermaster's supplies, David Browser and Jacob C. White had an interview with Secretary Stanton on Friday, and offered to engage to de- liver in thirty, sixty and ninety days shirts, drawers, hav- ersacks and blouses, to the extent of 300,000 of either. SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 305 They receive! asiiirances that the colored people should be placed here:ifti-r upon the same footing with whites, in the matter of cuutracts." " 'Contracts' that is the word in which lies the real patent of nobility — then it is 'dignity!' "When the Haytian monarchy was formed, the black chiefs took the tittles ©f Duke of Lemonade, Count Marmalade and the Marquis of Molasses We see looming in the distance our new nobility — Sir Sambo Shoddy, Count CufFee Codfish and the Marquis of Mulemeat." EFFECTS OF A HIGH TARIFF. The New York News, in its money article, gives some statistics to show the effect of high prices upon the quantity of certain articles consumed. The following table shows the prices of coffee and the quantity taken for con- sumption in the last three years: Price. Lbs. Lbs pci" head 1861 14c 187.045,786 9ft)s. boz. '1862 2Ic 88,989,911 41t)s. 7oz. 1863 -'.Ic 79,719,041 3 lbs. 1.5 oz. Thus, the consumption per head, has declin- ed from 9 lbs 6oz. to 3 lb 15 oz. The 9 lbs. 6 oz. cost in 1861. §1 31, and the 3 lbs. 15 oz. in 1863, cosr .$1 22. Thus the consumer paid nearly as much money, greenbacks and stamps, as in 1861, but got 5 lbs. 7 oz less coffee for it. The same comparison is made as to molasses : i';ic". Gallons. Per bead. 1S62 29 cts 62,008,400 3 g.ils.,1 pints. 1803 44ct3 37,569,088 1 gall. ,7 pints. The cost of the three gallons and one pint per individual in 1862, was 92. and of the one gallon and seven pints in 1863, 82 cents. This is not the worst raid of high tariffs. VIiKSBURG DISCIPLINE. IlEADQCAr.-:i;ii^ 17th A. C, Dept. of the Te\x., | Vicksburg, Miss., Dec. 29, 1863./ General Oru'r.< So. 51. The following circular has been issued by the Major General Commanding, and is now published iu general orders for the informa- tion and guidance of all parties interested, who will make a note of it, and govern them- selves accordingly: Circular. IlELDliUARTERS 17t11 ARMY CoIlPS, ) Provost Marshal's Office. \- Vicksburg, Miss., Dec. 27'h, 1853. j The foliowibj; named persons, Mi,ss Kate Barnett, Miss Ella Parnett, Miss Laura Latham, .Miss Ella Ma'-Un and Mrs. Moore, having acted disrespectfully toward the Prcsi- ] ident and Government of the United States, and having insulted the officers, soldiers and loyal citizens of the llni- ; ted States who had assembled at the Episcopal Church in Vicksburg, on Christmas day, for Divine service, by ah- I rux>tly leavinij . s( '..leit. Hereafter all pe. suns, male or f -male, by word, d od or implication, do insult or b'uow disrespect to the President, Govoniment or flag of the United States, or to any officers or soldiers of the United States, upon matters of a nation- al character, shall be fined, banished or imprisoned, ac- conling to the grossness of the offense. By order of Major General McPherson. JAMKS WILSON, Lt. Col. and Pro. Mar, 17i.h A. C. W.T. Clap-K, A. a. G. If these female persons did really intend to show disrespect to Mr. Lincoln, that is one thing, but if it was really a "military neces- sity" that caused them to leave, why, that is another thing. The question is, how did the gallant Provost Marshal know the true cause of the necessity? WILL TEE REBELLION SUCCEED? yy what the Abolition disanionists say be true, no power on earth can prevent its suc- cess, and let us see why. They declare that all who vote the Demo- cratic ticket arc disloyal (o our Government — "sympathisers" with the rebellion, &c. If this be true, let us see how strong the rebels are. The vote of 1860 developed about seven inhabitants to every voter in the land. Now, there ara in the loyal states the fol- lowing numbers that vote the Democratic tick- et, which will not probably vary 5,000 either yfay — near enough quite, to meet the argument: Catifornia 50,(J0U Connecticut 40,000 Delaware 8,000 Illinois 145,000 Indiana 125,000 Iowa 50,000 Kentucky 88,000 Maine 61,000 Maryland 45,000 Massachusetts 40,000 Michigai 60,000 Minnesota 12,000 Missouii 100,000 New Hampshire 40,000 New Jersey ." 00,000 New Yori 285,000 Ohio 187,000 Oregon 8,000 Ponnsvlvania 254,000 Khode Island 8,000 Ve-mont 12,000 Wisconsin 65,000 SI, 685, 000 Here, then, right in the loyal states, are one million six hundred and eighty-five thousand votes that "sympathise with the rebellion," ac- cording to Abolition say-so. Multiply this by 7, and you have 11,795,000 persons here at the North who are in "open sympathy with the reb- els." Addthisvast number to the 10,000,000 in the rebel states, and it arives 21,795,000 "trai- tors," which, subtracted from the 30,000,000 of the entire whitepopulationof the whole Union, and it leaves only 8,205,000 "loyal" people to 306 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. contend against over twenty-one millions of "secesh." This argument is not ours. It is only the presentation of the Abolition '-argument," and the bare statement shows the malicious absur- dity of the Abolition asservation. Let the Administration once throw out the •'copperhead" element, and it will find itself in a wofully decimated dilemma. DISGRACEFUL OURTAGE. The following from our correspondent at Boscobel, gives evidence of another of those disgraceful scenes, of which the murder of poor Bellinger last fall was but a prelude. It is the direct fruits of those bloodthirsty sentiments uttered by bloodthirsty Wilson, in Maine — by bloodthirsty Stanton, to the New York meet- ing — by bloodthirsty Jim Lane, in his blood- thirsty speech in Washington, and of the blood- thirsty letters and resolutions which were manufactured " to order" in the army, and sent North to garnish the bloodthirsty columns of the bloodthirsty radical press. If such teachings, and the inevitable results of such teachings, which have disgraced our land, do not deluge the North in blood, we are mistak- en. It is re- enacting the bloody scenes that ushered in the French Reign of Terror. — Those who have set these diabolisms in mo- tion, aid and abet them, need not be surprised to see and feel their counterparts, when for- bearance ceases to be a virtue. It is not in human nature for human beings to stand eve- rything. But to the letter : Tovrs OF Hickory Grove, Grant Co., Feb. 11, IS&l. Editor of the Patriot, Madison, Wis. Dear Sir: — On last Satunlay, the 6th of February, one of the most disgraceful things occurred in the village of Boscobel, Grant county, that any civilized community ought to be ashamed of. Some returned soldiers, home on furlough, headed by the citizens, even a Justice of the Peace, went around tciwn and brought up peaceable citi- zens, made them take the oath of allegiance, and if they would not do it, they got a pounding. For what did they make them take the oatb :' For voting last fall the Dem- ocratic ticket, or having in their house the Chicago Times. The night.bofore they broke in windows and doors.pounded men and abused women when they could j^ot find their husbands, and even abused dumb beasts belongingto what they call "Copperheads," by beating them with clubs. A pretty pass things have come to that a man's hfe nor his property arej safe under the law that rules our land, and a man cannot vote as he chooses under the present Administration. If the Union party (as they call them- selves) is the majority or they cant speak, or even r»ad a paper the Administration allows to be printed and circu- lated, such works being countenanced by the citizens »f Boscobel. The loyal men of the town and country around feeUng indignant at such works will niit hereafter patron- ize them with their trade no more than they arc compell- ed toby actual necessity. The writer of this was an eye witness to a good deal of the proceedings, wliich can be testified to by a good many, if necessary. S. C. The Grant Co. Herald, received last evening, February 10, 1864, actually confirms all our correspondent has said, in nearly two columns of chuckling doggerel. AVe clip the following from that sheet, which shows that while no pretence is set up that any provocation was given by the Democrats of Boscobel, except their having voted the Democratic ticket, the editor indulges in a "flow of soul." at the "fun for the boys," but death to Democrats: Boscobel Scenery — A Spec of the Spectre. — The other daj' certain amusing scenes were acted at Boscobel, scenes that served well for sport, as in the fable of the boys and frogs, but which maj' be regretted at a soberer moment; for blossoms these are that promise no good fruit. And if fruits spring therefrom which make bitter the future joys of peace, well may we be cheered by the wise few at least for casting a frost that shall chill and hinder another crop. Boys of the army, the future masters of our country, see to it that in Boscobel all such work as that the other day shall now be held as finished, not to be resumed at any future time. And, in another column, the editor says : lIon..T. Allen Barber came home from Madison on fur- lough the last of the closing week, lie thinks the legis- lature will be- a pi ofitable one, and the work excellent, when the committees report. Mr. Barber was very much struck with the manner the laws and justice were being administered at Boscobel, while stopping there on Friday and Saturday, an account of which we have written OMt. Now, if this does not do great injustice to " Hon. J. Allen Barber," it makes him out as delighted {'•'■very much struck") with the "/wsiice" administered by the "boys" — that is, Mr. Hon. J. Allen Barber must have been delighted to see Democrats knocked down with clubs, for no crime but having voted the Democratic ticket. And then, suppose them to have committed the greatest of crimes, what right had these soldiers, led on by bloodthirs- ty Abolitionists, to take matters into their own hands? Does the " Hon. J. Allen Barber," who is now aspiring to a seat on the Bench, where he may administer the laws, delight in this ? Impossible ! We cannot believe it, but if it be true, with what grace (if he should be elected) can he sit on the bench and try the murdereous individuals for their crimes? We hesitate not to utter our belief that un- less the President of the United States shall cause stringent orders to be issued against such bloody raids on peaceable citizens, that we shall see bloody times in the North. For it cannot be expected that people will calmly submit to be murdered (as in the case of Bel- linger), and knocked down and beaten with clubs (as in Boscobel)— rode on rails (as in Green county, by the mobocrats there), and not rise up in self defense. If it be the pur- pose of the Powers that be to murder and ex- SCRAPS FROM MY"SCRAP.BOOK. 807 terminate Democrats, let them act honorable about it, at least. Let them give fair warning. 30 that Democrats may prepare to "sellout" as dearly as possible. If the threats that have been uttered by officials, from members of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet down to the lowest grade of political Roughs, are to be carried out, let the cotintry be prepared for it at once— let the worst come noiv. For us, in the language of the noble Patrick Henry, we say, "give us liberty or give us death." The liberty to think and vote as we please, is as sacred as life itself. These evidences of an approaching Reign of Terror, furnish the most gloomy aspect of all our troubles — and if the Administration does not desire to force a terrible bloody conflict here at the North, it should take immediate steps to check these certain causes. It can do it, and if it will not, then the country may as well make up its mind for the worst, and every Democrat prepare to avail himself of the first law of nature. We trust that Gov. Lewis will use his power to prevent these certain provocations to disor- der and anarchy. HENRY clay's PROPHECY FULFILLED. In speaking of the abolitionists. Mr. Clay said in the Senate: To the agency of their power of persuasion, they now propose to substitute the power of the ballot box; and he must be blind to what is passing before us, who does not perceive that the inevitable tendency of their proceedings is, if these should be found insufficient, to invoke, finally, the more potent powers of the bayonet. This prophecy has been fulfilled to the letter. CHAPTER XXXVIII. FRAUDS, PLUXDERIXG, SHODDY AND TAXES. Poetical applications. ..General Remarks on. ..Scions of the old Puritanical stock. ..New York Custom House Frauds ...Testimony and Facts. ..Conclusions of committee... Van Wyck's speech on the Development of Astounding Frauds. ..Colleotor Barney and his subs. ..John P. Hale on corruptions of the Departments. ..Cattle contracts... Cummings' Agency. ..Charter of the Catalino... General Mania for stealing. ..Horse contracts. ..Contract Broker- age. ..Treasury Department Frauds. ..Fire Arms Frauds ...George D. Morgan's Operations. ..Army Transporta- tion. ..Mr. Dawes on Frauds... A Refreshing Expose... A New York Paper on A'au Wyek's Report. ..The "Re- cord of Infamy" by the Ohio State Journal... Members of Congress take ahand in. ..Simmons, of Rhode Island, takes 550,000.. .Jack Hale takes a "fee". ..The Horse Swindle. ..Frauds in the Navy Yard. ..The Book Swindle. ..The Grimes Committee. ..Frauds, Rascality, and Perjury. ..The Vessel Charter Frauds. ..The Com- mittee's Conclusions. ..The Mileage Steal. ..Stupendous Frauds in New York. ..Swindling at Cairo.. .A Defaul- ter Caught. ..General Wilcox on Contractors. ..Mr. Dawes on Larcenies. ..Millions upon Millions Wasted... Beauties of Kepublican Retrenchment. ..Fremont'sFrauds ...Marshal T.aman .Mr. Lincoln's Right Bower. ..Honest Old Abe .ind Simon help their Friends... Jlrs.Grimsley, the President's .■-ister-in-Uw, figures in Fraud Investigations ...Letters from Old Abe'and Cameron to Major McKinstry ...Congress CensTires...thats all. ..The Holt and Owen In- vestigation. ..The Splendor of Fremont's operations... Frauds! Frauds! ! Frauds! ! ! on every hand. ..General Re- marks. ..Holy Ministers and Stolen I'ictures... Swindling the Soldiers. ..Hundreds of Millions Swindled. ..We are all Mortgaged ..Our National Debt. ..The Means to pay it... General Remarks. ..The Currency Question... Stand frosa Under. ..General Remarks on Republican Thieves and Plunderers. FRAI'DS — PUBLIC PLUXDERIXG — STEALINGS, SHODDY AND TAXES. "Corruption is a tree, whose branches are Of an immeasurable length — they spread Ev'ry where; and the dew that drops from Heaven- Hath infected some stools and chairs of State." {^Beaumont. "Hence, wretched nation! all thy woes arise, Avow'd corruption — licensed perjuries — Eternal taxes — tre.aties for a day — Despots that rule and people that obey." [Lord LyttUion — Ecvised.. ".■Vnd though bare merit might in Rome, appear The strongest plea for merit — not so here; The 'loyal' form their judgments in another way — And they will best succeed, who best C9.npay; Those who'd gain a place 'mong 'loyal' tribes, Must add to their petitions the force of hrihes.^' [Chu rehil — Pa raphrased. "Our supple tribes repress their patriot throats. And ask no questions huttheprice of votes>" [Vr. Johnson. "Common thieves must hang, but he that puts Into his overgorged and bloated puree. The nation's wealth: wrung by pinching war. Is a shoddy hero, and escapes." iCowper's Task — Jievised. " 'Tis pleasant, purchasing the 'loyal' creatures, And all are to be sold, if you consider Their passions, and aredext'rous — some by features Are bought up, others by cotton, or rather shoddy — Some by a place — all both soul and body — "The most by ready cash — each has his price From kicks to greenbacks, according to his vice." [Byron— Improved. * * * "Is there not some chosen curse. Some hidden thunders in the stores of Heaven, Red with uncommon wrath, to blast the man. Who owes his greatness to his country's ruin!'' " Honor among thieves," to use a phrase of the prevailing nomenclature, is " played out." It used to be considered dishonorable to com- mit a robbery at a funeral, but now, while at- tending the nation's funeral, the pall bearers — chaplains — grave diggers — mourners — all. have plied the art of theft and robbery on their disabled victim. From plebian to patrician, from beggar ta nabob — from the non-commis- sioned civilian to the generals, (to say nothing of other officers,) Representatives, Senators and Cabinet Ministers. Shoddy takes the lead, while contractors' pockets drip with the fat of honest toil. "Loyalty' is cheap, and is guaged by the rise and fall of Greenbacks ! Patriotism is founded on contracts, and the devotee of civil liberty chalks his entire creed on the margin of his commission. The con- 308 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. fidence man has turned his attention to pro- viding the government with horses, when some accomplice watches the moment they are "con- demned," to place them in some neighboring stall to undergo the process of " dojnnr/,'^ to be again sold for army use, at a round price, and so on to the end of that chapter. Officers who have met with the misfortune of not having their merits appreciated, take the stump to win their spui's, and spout radical nonsense as a quid pro quo for having their commissions renewed, or write "anti-Copper- head" letters to win promotion. Grave Sena- tors sell their votes, and call it legal fees — Cabinet Ministers heap upon the bending backs of their cousins, nephews, partizans and " friends," the two per cent. 's of contracts by the hundred millions, with the "margin" in the bargain. Even one of the household of His Excellency, the President, holds a letter of credence from that high functionary for traffic with army contractors and agents. Min- isters of the holy gospel have replenished their thin libraries from the well stocked reposito- ries of Secessia. Grooms, suttlers ana army hangers-on — all, have fattened among the plunder of the general riot. The wardrobes of Yankee land have been replenished from the georgious mansions of Dixie — Northern tables have groaned under the weight of silver plate and expensive wares from South- ern cupboards. The shoddy contractor — a mendicant of the past, now riots at the table of luxury, reposes on beds of ease, and rolls on wheels of splendor, while the needle woman, whose spouse is a knapsack carrier, and who is burdened with a large family ef little ones —is turned off with eighteen pence a day, j)lus threats and curses at the least complaint — collectors and surveyors receive in fees, fines and perquisites a cool hundred thousand dol- lars per annum, while those who make the garments ihey wear are pinched with want, and gi'im starvation knocks at every door. €ivil officers and contractors are rolling in wealth, while the poor soldier receives a pit- tance two small to divide with the sutler and keep the wolf away from the door of his dis- tant family. Tn short, "loyalty" pays. Whoever votes the radical ticket and "runs with the Adminis- tration machine" is on the high road to for- tune. He sees greenbacks in every bush, and "profits" echo from every "loyal" exclama- tion. All goes on swimmingly. Those whomak their money (?) easy and don't enlist, but in sist that everybody is disloyal but themselves, are but scions of that old Puritanical stock who in 1732: '■'■Resolved^ That the earth is the Lord's and the fullness thereof. '■'■Resolved., That the Lord hath given the in- heritance thereof to the saints. '■'■Resolved, That we are the saints!" TUG MONSTROSITY OF FRAUDS. The evidences of vast and flagrant frauds that we have been collecting for two years and a half, and that now lie before us, are so vo- luminous that it is appaling, and we hardly kaow where to begin, or what selections to make. The difficulty is not what we shall in- sert, but to determine what to exclude. We confess our inability to do justice to the sub- ject, without extending this chapter beyond the reasonable limits of this work, and we therefore shall content ourself, in many cases, with a citation of the facts, omitting the evi- dence, which, in most cases, is conclusive and damning. It would seem that a banditti of robbers, formidable in numbers, and insatiate in greed, had combined to precipitate war, as thieves conspire to fire cities, witli especial view to plunder; nor has the system of robbery been confined to the common thieves, and dabblers in petty contracts, but the evil permeates all classes of the ins, from Mule Agents, Shod- dy Contractors, up to members of Congress, and even Cabinet ministers — each has vied with the other in the race for the spoils, with a zeal and persistency worthy a better cause. NEW YORK CUSTOM HOUSE FRAUDS. The Abolition Congress of 1862 oppointed a committee to investigate the frauds of the Cus- tom House. The majority of the committee, Messrs. E. B. Washburne, R. E. Fenton, Wm. S. Holman, H. L. Dawes, and W. G. Steele, made a report on the subject, which was so tame, and intended to excuse the guilty in so many ways that Mr. Van Wyck (Rep.) submitted a minority report, setting forth the facts, which the Republioans endeavored to suppress. We take the following, however, frsm the majority report, which is bad enough in all conscience. Here are the final conclu- sions of the majority of the committee. ""F'nally, in regard to the general course of SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 309 business in these departments of the public service in New York city, into ■which the com- mittee were directed to make enquiry, they would say in conclusion, that there are more or less abuses of the administration of a system so vast and varied as that under consideration. Some of these abuses have probably crept in by a lapse of time, hy ci/piditij on the part of officials, and occasional lack of vigilance. But the committee deem it but just to add in this connection that these abuses ivere viore numer- ous now than they have been heretofore. E. B. WASHBURNE, Cbiilrman. K. E. FENTON. WM. S. HOLM AN, H. L.DAWES. W. Q. STEELE." TESTIMONY AND FACTS. The following, though but a small moity of the testimony and facts, will give some clue to thenatureof the patriotism of the office-holders Samuel G. Ogden sworn, says: The compeusation re- ceived from the goTernmeut by the three officers the col- lector, naval officer, and surveyor, is limited by law. The collector. $6,400; naval officer, §.5,000; surveyor, $4,900.— These officers also receive each one-third of the half of the not proceeds of all forfeitures, fine', penalties, &c. I have been acting in the capacity of auditor since 1842. In all such cases the money is paid to me, and I distribute it ac- cording to law. The collector, nav.al officer, and surveyor exercise the authority of adjusting the cases of seizures,&c. Question. "What is the object of that mode of adjust- ment? Answer. To save costs and delaj'. Q. Are not these violations of law sometimes adjusted or compromised for the purpose of avoiding the publicity of legal proceedings; and if so, through the intervention of what officer is such compromise etlected? What data are furnished to your office iu such a case, and by whom is the money paid to you? A. To avoid publicity may be an inducement to settle in that way. 1 have no data of such cases, and am not aware of any such compromises being made, beyond the mere fact of receiving Vie mowey, which ia always paid in the same way. Q. No sum of money, then, is ever paid to your office, except i'n one of two ways: either the money comes through aregular judgment of forfeiture, or through what would be called a compromise of the transaction, without the publicity of lejral proceedings? A. It comes in one of these two ways. Q. If property is seized, then, it is either condemned or released, or the value of the property is paid into your office? A. Yes, sir. Q. Will you furnish to the committee a statement of the moneys paid into your office, showing the amounts paid to the collector, naval officer and surveyor? A. I will furnish such a statement. From the statements subsequently furnished by the auditor, the following is compiled: From April 1, ISOl, to December, 1862— one year and eight months — the collector received for salary S^OjCCT 00 For distributive share of fines, penalties, and seizures 23,51-1 98 Through the hiiuds of the cr.shier the collector receives some .tJ300 per mouth for services rendered by virtue of his office to the state officers, which adds to the above twenty months 6,000 00 "In reference to which the following testi- mony was taken: Wm. D. Robinson sworn, says; lam known as the cashier of the Custom House. Q. What commission does the collector of this port re- ceive for the collection of those dues for the state officers? A. Five per cent, from the harbormasters, t' -o" per cent, from the health officers, and two aad a hal! . ..i the Seamen's Hospital. Q. What would be the average value of these comniis- missiouH? A. I should think about $300 a month. Q. Do you know whether the moneys so received are in any way accounted for by the collector to the government, or ari they simply regarded as a compensation from the officers of the State of New York for the services per- formed? A . It is simply a compensation from those particular of- ficers, and the general government has no connection with the matter. y. And therefore he makes no report of the money so leceived? A. None whatever. It will be seen by the foregoing statements, that the receipts of the collector for the first twenty months of his official career were ^45,- 571.08, to which let there be added the cotton agency commissions for eight months, amount- ing to §6,762.91, and the alleged profits real- ized by the "professional" services of one of his law partners, not less than §1,200 per month— although accounts already published place this profit as high as §2,500 per month. In addition to these amounts we find in the tes- timony of Mr Ogden the following : Q. Is the collector entitled to a share pending in case of seizure, FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. actions covered by the charges and specifica- tions before the court. "Major McKinstrj' said he offered these letters to justify the course pursued by the accused in buying horses and other suppHes for the army from Illinoisians, without first advertising fur proposals, and further to show that the President of the United States and the Secretary of War knew ot the course that was adopted by the accused, in making his purchases, and that the Secretary of War left the matter of fixing the price to the accused. [Court closed — reopened and decided that the letters should become a part of the record.] "Q. state who the parties were who made such ar- rangement. "A. It was between Mr. Lamb and myself. "Q. Were not other parties associated with Mr. Lamb and yourself in the contemplated arrangement? "A. Yes, sir, so Mr. Lamb informed me. "Q. Who were they? "A. Mv conversation with Mr. Lamb was of a confi- dential character, and I do not wish to state it. "The Judge Advocate objected to witness answering the question, on the ground that it would be hear say evi- dence. "Maj. McKinstry said he would withdraw the question, "The Judge Advocate said he did not object to the ques- tion, and wished to have it remain on the record as it stood. "Maj. McKinstr}' — The accused submit that the ques- tion the witness is asked to state, is not a privileged ques- tion, and that it is not for the witness to decide whether or not he will answer it. The evidence sought by the question is to show the position and interest of other wit- nesses in behalf of the prosecution, who are either named at the foot of the specification or may be called as witness- es for the prosecution . "[Court cleared — reopened. Objection not sustained.] '•Question repeated. — A. Mr. E. BIy, of Ilarrisburg, Pa., and Mr. Young, of Middleton, Pa. They were the parties. "Q. Was it not stated by Mr. Lamb in your presence, that Mrs. Grimsley was oneof the jjarties? "A. No, sir. "Q. In the course of the interview, you and Mr. Lamb had with Maj. McKinstry, was not Mrs. Grimsley's name introduced to you? "A. No, sir. "Q. Did you not state to Maj. McKinstry that Mrs. Grimsley was to share the profits of your contemplated ar- rengement? "A. I did not state so in words. "Q. What did you state? "A. I did not convey anything to him in words on that subject. "Q. Did you convey any meaning by writing or other- wise? "A. I did. Now I will explain. Mr. Lamb and my- self joined in an application to Maj. McKinstry as Quar- termaster, to supply the government with a large amount of goods. After we had perfected our application, we were discussing the probable amount of profit we would ^ make on the contract if we got it from Mafor McKinstry. After that we were telling over the gossip of our town, and this person's name was mentioned by me, and I pro- posed to Mr. Lamb to join him in presenting this person a sum of money. One day, while I was at Maj. McKin- Btry's oftice, trying to get a contract, (Mr. Lamb commit- ted to me the obtaining the contract, (Maj. McKinstry said to me : ' Before I give that order or contract, I want to know who are all the parties interested.' I wrote up- or a slip of paper all the parties interested, and handed it to him. I also wrote to Mr. Lamb and told him what Maj. McKinstry had said to me, and I said to him, ' You had better give to me all the letters you have. He did.-- I took them and showed thorn to Maj. McKinstry. "Q. Was not Mrs. Grimsley's name on the paper? "A. It was; and I want to say, I take the whole res- ponsibility of her name being on that paper. Mr. Lamb knew nothing of it. " Q. Who were the writers of those letters? " A. The President of the United States and the Sec- retary of War, Mr. Cameron, and Judge David Davis, of Bloomfield.Ill. "Here the cross examination was concluded, and witness obtained leave to go home, T^ith the understanding that he return on Monday und submit to a renewal of the direct exami- nation. " Court adjourned." Thus it will be seen, that the President had in view the helping his sister-in-law to a good profitable contract, while honest Simmon, had an eye to the partner of his son. Can we won- der at the brazen impudence of shoddy? CONGRESS CENSURES — THAT's ALL. The House of Representatives passed the fol- lowing resolve, which had no more effect than the baying of dogs at the moon: '■'■Resolved, That the practice of employing irresponsible parties, having no official connec- tion with the Government — the performance of public duties which may be properly performed by regular officers of the Government and of purchasing by private contract, supplies for the different departments, whsn open and for com- petition might be properly invited by reason- able advertisements for proper proposals, is in- jurious to the public service, and meets the manifest disapprobation of this House." ONE OF THE COOLEST FRAUDS. The Holt and Owen Investigation devel- oped some extraordinary frauds, from which expose a monster quarto volume could be filled. We have only room for the Fremont carbine fraud, which, for coolness and audacity, is without a parallel in the criminal police courts of any country. Fremont was cognizant of the fact that the Government had condemned 5,000 carbines, in New York, as worthless, and ordered them to be sold at ^3.50 each. He telegraphs from St. Louis to one Simon Ste- vens, in New York, on the 5th of August, 1861, for 5,000 carbines— just the number the Government had condemned. Stevens was poor and worthless, and telegraphed back that he had 5,000 carbin<5s, but for some excuse, he could not forward them without an advance of some §17,486 — just the amount required to purchase them of the Government — that he would sell them and immediately forward them to Fremont, at St. Louis, if the Govern- ment would advance this amount, which was accordingly done, when Stevens goes to the officer in charge of the carbines, pays for them at $3 50 each, and immediately bills them to the Government, p&r Gen. J. C. Fre- mont, at §22 each. For further particulars, we will let the committee speak of this trans- action in their own way. SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 323 ''Thus, the praposal actually was to sell to the Government, at $22 each, 5,000 of its own arms, the inteation being, if the offei* was ac- cepted, to obtain those arms hj purchase from the Government at $3 50 each! That intention was carried out [lacking four carbines only] the day after Gen. Fremont accepted the offer. It is evident, also, that the very fundf with which this purchase was affected ivere borrowed on the faith of the previous agreement to sell; so that if the purchase made by Gen. Fremont is to be regarded as a valid purchase by the United States, the Government sold one day for $17,486, arms which it had agreed the day before to repurchase for $109, 9 12, making a loss to the United States on the transaction of $92,426 — but virtually furnished the money to pay itself the §17,486, ivhich it re- ceived! " frauds! frauds!! frauds!!! Go where you .will — look which way you may — among the high and low — the learned and the illiterate —from the highest olScer of the Government down to the lowest scullion, who cries "Copperhead" for the small pickings that drip from officials kid gloved fingers, and you hear the cry of frauds, peculations and l)lunderings. Governors of states, state, coun- ty, town and ward officials — wherever the army worm goes, there will be fraud. It is but a short time since the Legislature of Kansas, intensely Republican — was forced to impeach their Republican Governor (Robinson) for gross frauds and other offences, together with the Secretary of State (J. W. Robinson) and State Auditor (Geo. S. Hillyer) for like affen- ces. In the name of an outraged and plundered people, where and when are these things to stop, and if not soon stopped, who can see a possibility oi sOiymgihG Republic? A fid how can the people expect to see the smaller thieves choked off, when they see so many glaring ex- amples by the highest in office? The President in answering the Congression- *al censure of Simon Cameron, declared he was responable for what his subordinates do. It needed not this declaration to show the peo- ple this fact, but the question is, how can his party, if they love honesty, as they pretend, favor the re-election of a man who has so much responsibility on his shoulders? HOLT ministers and STOLEN LIBRARIES. If the old apothegm is as correct as it used to be, making the "partaker as bad as the thief," what must we think of the New Eng- land clergymen, who are thus alluded to by the New York Christian Enquirer: "In several libraries of New England cler- gymen, we have seen choice volumes of great cost, bearing the names of Southern ministers to whom they still belong^ although they have been sent North as gifts from Yankee soldiers, who had appropriated them!" It might be "copperhead" impiety to com- ment on this fact, yet it is by no means an un- common affair. SWINDLING! SOLDIERS. The following from the N. Y. Tribune^ of April 1863, requires no comment : "A paymaster's clerk recently made this proposition to a capitalist of this city : "Lend me $20,000; I can make 15 per cent, a month on that amount, in this way: In our office we pay $200,000 a month to soldiers. The funds are not always on hand when the pay falls due. When they are not, I can generally pur- chase the soldiers' claims at 15 per cent, dis- count. In order to do it. I must resign my clerkship; but I have a brother in the office, and through him I can always learn when and how to invest. There is no risk of capital; the profits are sure! and I will share them with you." " We have this account from the person to whom the offer was made. He indignantly de- clined it as a swindle of the baseft kind — a proposition to cheat the government and de- fraud tiie soldiers. Other.s, however, were less scrupulous, and the clerk speedily affect- ed an arrangement with a firm considered res- pectable, and their joint operations are proba- bly in full tide of success." The question naturally arises, why did the Tribune suppress the name? Was it for fear it would hurt the party 9 HUNDREDS OF MILLIONS SWINDLED. The New Hampshire Courier^ a reliable " Government" paper, says : " Contractors have carried on the war. The blood of the men, the groans of our wounded, the tears of the orphan and widow, have been coined into MONEY. They have swindled the government out of hundreds of millions. They have piled fortune upon fortune. As a distin- guished officer at AVashington said, ' All the operations of the war are managed by swin- dlers!'" Says the N. Y. Tribune., in speaking of the war: " It has saddled us with a debt that will take bread from the mouth of every laboring man's child for generations, and send millions hungry to bed." 324 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. WE ABE ALL MORTGAGED. Mr. Spauldino, a Republican member of Congress from the Erie, N. Y., district, made a speech in Congress, in which he said: "Debt and taxation are the inevitable neces- sities of war. Every day that the vrar is pro- longed the debt is increased. The daily in- creasing debt of $2,500,000 must all be raised by taxation in some form, or the debt' will not be paid. The Government is spending at a fearful rate, the accumulations of former years of prosperity. Every dollar of debt contract- ed becomes a first mortgage upon the entire productive property of the country. It affects the farmer, laborer, mechanic, manufacturer, merchant, banker, commission merchant, pro- fessional man and retired capitalist. Every pound of tea, coffee, and sugar used, is taxed to pay the expenses of the war, and the per- sons using these articles of daily consumption pay the tax in the increased price. Every per- son that uses wine, brandy, whisky, beer, ci- gars, or tobacco, pays a portion of the war tax. "All necessary articles of dress, such as shoes, boots, hats and wearing apparel, are taxed in like manner, and all superfluous and unnecessary articles, such as silk, lace, dia- monds, and jewelry, are heavily taxed, and I would be glad to see the tax still further in- creased on them, in order to prevent, if possi- ble, their use at this time. Every person that rides upon the rail-roads, - reads newspapers, draws a check, or sends a telegraphic message is taxed for war purposes, but I need not furth- er enumerate the different modes in which eve- rybody is taxed every day to pay the expenses of the war. "This war debt is a mortgage alike on all the productive industry and property of Re- publicans, Democrats, Old-line Whigs. Con- servatives and Abolitionists." OUR national debt THE MEANS TO PAY IT. No true patriot would think the price too great, if a virtuous and economical use of every dollar in the nation, was required to save the old Union of our fathers, but in view of the foregoing blistering, damning facts of frauds by the hundreds of millions, the follow- ing prediction from the New York Tribune of January, 1864, is anything but pleasant to con- template. Some one in Washington had writ- ten t«' that sheet presenting the necessities of increasing the salaries of clerks, whereupon the editor remarks: "Now look here: "Our country is involved in a terrible civil war, which has plunged her into debt about fifteen hundred millions of dollars, and is n;w rolling up at least seven hundred and fifty mil- lions more per annum. We are likely to owe more rather than less than two thousand mil- lions 'when this cruel war is over,' and to be required to pay at least one hundred millions per annum as interest thereon. Add to this the inevitably enhanced military and naval armaments and expenses of our government, caused by this atrocious rebellion, and our current expenditures can hardly be brought below two hundred millions per annum, in- stead of the fifty to seventy millions that form- erly sufficed. This involves high taxes on ev- erything that will bear taxation — on the lux- ury and income of the rich, and on the cheap and humble enjoyments of the poor. We have hitherto been among the most lightly taxed people on earth; we shall hereafter rank next highest after Great Britain and perhaps France. "Such is the permanent prospect. For the present we are fighting for our nation's life, and the strain upon our resources and credit is fearful. We get on, and that is about all. We hope to get through; but blind confidence will not carry us through; it must be supplemented and justified by the most rigid economy. Yet we see men who should be foremost in thrift and providence contriving to plunge the gov- ernment into all manner of canal, railroad and other outlays for objects not indispensable to national triumph in our great struggle, pre- cisely as if we were at peace, with a full treas- ury and no debt! Are they stark mad? "But to the clerkships: "The present struggle imposes burdens on and exacts sacrifices from nearly every Amer- ican. If this war shall cost twenty-five hun- dred millions, somebody has to pay it. Yet almost everybody acts as though he ought not to shoulder a portion of the load! Manufac- turers say three per cent, on their products, with another dig at their incomes, is too much. Capitalists think it hard that, after paying tax- es on all their property and business, they should be called on tor three to five per cent, on their incomes in addition. Rum, tobacco and lager beer think the excise too hard on them. Business grumbles at stamps, license-fees, and all sorts of bit-by-bit exactions. And labor thinks it should have its wages raised to bal- ance the enhanced prices of nearly every thing that it buys for consumption. In short, every- body thinks the cost of this gigantic war ought to be borne by somebody else." According to Wendell Phillips, our pub- lic debt must be now quite three thousand miU lions, including amounts ascertained and un- ascertained. Indeed, we think when all the bills are settled, this amount will be enlarged, immensely. This is a monstrous sum, almost beyond the power of man to contemplate in detail. It would require one man, if the whole were in silver dollars, counting sixty per minute, and making ten hours per day, Sundays included, about 2,286 years (should he live so long) to count the whole sum. If the Government was required to pay it in monthly installments, it SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 325 would require $250,000,000 to be paid every thirty days, or $8,333,333,33 each day. If the amount should be divided equally, acoording to population, among the Northern states, it would be $150 to every man, woman and child, and to ascertain the amount that would, on this hypothesis, be assigned to each state, county, town, &c., let the reader multiply the number of inhabitants in any given district by 150. and he would have the probable sum which that district is mortgaged for — not whol- ly to sustain and save the Union — but largely to fill the pockets of thieves and public plun- derers. THE NEW CURRENCY — STAND FROM UNDER. Old salts say that when the gulls flock about and utter plaintive cries, that a storm is brew- ing. We see evidences of a storm in the mon- etary affairs ot the country in the plaintive cries of the bankers who are petitioning the Legislatures for "relief." When all is going smoothly, the bankers are quiet, but they are the first to snuflf danger from afiir, and when they invoke Legislative aid, then look out for squalls. We tell our readers to stand from under, for this bank barometer bodes a storm of dreadful fierceness. Already we see that greenbacks are to go "up to a premium, when all know that it takes just about $1 60 in in greenbacks to buy one in gold. Still greenbacks are to be quoted at a pre- mium, and why? Simply because of the rotten system of Mr. Chase, by which a por- tion of the greenbacks are to be withdrawn, and the government wild cat banking currency put afloat. This stuff will.be so low, that greenbacks in comparison will be at a premi- um. Call it what you like, and the result is the same, and to be correct, the matter should, and . probably soon will be, stated something like this: Greenbacks below jiar,.'^ 60 per cent. Common bank paper below Greenbacks, 10 " '• National Currency below common bank paper 25 '• " Mr. Chase, in his splendid "system" will soon have the counti-y in a pretty fix, because his "system" is nothing but an air bubble, and a very poor one at that, and it must burst the moment it is fairly blown up — simply because its "representative value" has been so unmer- cifully watered. Gold is but a representative of values — government bonds are but a represent- ative (and just now a remote one) of gold, The Banking Bonds are but a representative of Gi'feenbacks, while this new Ur''-' States currency is to be but a representative olg"vern- ment bonds. Thus, these new issues are only to be fourth cousins to a representative, which in fact, is just no security at all, for the nation- al debt is so ponderous now, that if the makers of this new currency should fail to redeem (and not one of them can) their notes would be value- less, because it would be out of the power of the government to redeem, by keeping their Bonds at par. Let us see how easy it will be to make a currency no better than unwashed paper rags, because it will stand on no available basis. A desires to start a bank'with the prefix "U. S." to it. He has just enough money to pay for tjje dies and to put up the "margin" [brokers understand this.] He goes to New York and offers the "per cent." to a Wall street broker to loan him greenbacks, with which to purchase $50,000 in 5-20's. This done, he issues the $50,000 minus the " margin," pays the same over to the broker, and is the proprietor of a bank of $50, 000, and so he may keep on till he has a bank of a miL lion circulation. But when called on to re- deem — what then? Why, he canH do it, for his capital is nothing but air buhbles, and the bonds are then upon the market. The first batch will beget the second, and so on, till the whole shall crumble beneath the ruins and the basis will become worthless for use, because it will be brokerized at the lowest figiire, and the result will be that the people will, in the end, suffer the loss. And all this to make a false popularity for Mr. Chase, who expects to have the credit of keeping up Greenbacks by bank- rupting the people on their second-rate repre- sentatives. To this are we coming, depend up- on it. ^ A HIGH official's TESTIMONY. Mr. McCulioch, the official Comptroler of the currency at Washington, has addressed a cir- cular to the officers of the new national banks, in which he cautions them to beware of the crash, as follows : ^^ Bear constantly in mind, although the layal states ap- pear supejicially to be in a prosperous condition, that such is not the fyct. That while the government is engaged in the su|ipression ot a rebellion of unexampled fierceness and magnitude, and is constantly draining the country of its lalioring and producing population, and diverting its me- chanical industry from works of permanent value to the construction of implements of warfare; while cities are crowded, and the country is to the same extent depleted,and waste and extravagance prevails as they never before pre- vailed in the United States, the nation, whatever may be the external indication, is not prospering. 326 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL, TEXTS '•The war in which wi; are involved is a stern n^-essity, | and must bo prosecuted for the preservation of tlie covorn- ment, nomatter whatm.iy be its cost; but theconntri/ will imqnestionably he the poorer everyday it iscoidiimerl. The seeming prosperity of the loyal states is owing mainly to the large expenditures of the government and the redund- ant currency which these expenditures seem to render ne- cessary . "Keep these facts constantly in mind, asd manage the affairs of your respective banks with a perfect conscious- ness that the apparent prosperity of the country will be proved to be unreal when the war is closed, if not before; and be prepared, by careful management of the trust commit- ted to you, to help to save the nation from a financial col- lapse, instead ot lending your influence to make it more certain and more severe." To a shrewd, practiced banker's eye, the true meaning of these hints is simply this: be careful and save youi-selves when the crash comes — for come it will — for the basis of your currency will be of no avail. In what other light can this be read? Let the people be warned in time. The common "pet banks'' already see the storm, and are preparing to take in sail. Keep a constant eye to the shore, and let no ignus fatuus lead you on to the breakers of destruction. A currency that can- not fall back on a substantial basis is good for nothing. This move of Mr. Chase is only shifting the onus of the forthcoming crash from his greenback system to a personal, and infinitely worse one— keep an eye on the alti- tude of gold. The tornado is not far distant. EEPUBLICAN THIEVES AND PLUNDERERS- Mr. CovoDE and his Kepublican Congres- sional Investigating Committee uttered a terri- ble wailing — almost equal to one of the old- time Kansas shrieks — over • the lamentable fact, that there were so many of their political brethren fattening by means of steals and dis- honest contracts, upon the griefs and miseries of their country. Even the President himself could write to Gen. Fremont, when in com- mand at St. Louis, begging him to give a Gov- ernment contract to a hungry and clamorous expectant. Cameron and Stanton could make supply contracts, and suffer the country to be swindled out of millions of the public treasure; the Secretary of the Navy could al- low his brother-in-law a high per centage for the purchase of vessels for the use of the gov- ernment, and thus enable him to pocket hun- dreds of thousands of dollars. Chase had his Jot Cooke and other favorites, who are pocketing their hundreds of thousands, if not millions of dollars a year; and so it goes, throughout all the departments of the public service. Such is the general understanding everywhere, that government contracts are al- most universally of the "shoddy" character, that even novels and poems, not to speak of the thousand of newspaper and magazine squibs and protests are devoted to the ridicule of the shoddy contracts and shoddy cheats, so alarm- ingly prevalent in the country. The big bugs are getting rich, and the smaller fry are fast following suit, in imitation of their heartless and pampered superiors. And the Covodes shed crocodile tears over this stupendous fat- tening process on the sufferings and miseries of the country. The New York Custom House, under the sole management of the most rabid sect of modern Republicans, has become so much a stench and by-word of reeking corruptian — even to supplying, by connivance, the rebels with much-needed supplies, that even the cor- rupt Republican congressional leaders have felt constrained to appoint an investigating committee, which has already discovered some 'big leads' of Republican rascality; while another investigating committee, devoted to more general and miscellaneous Republican robberies and rascalities, has also been ap- pointed by Congress. Two or three years ago, a batch of Republi- can Congressmen, Matteson, of New York, among them, who had accepted bribes, and had failed to keep their guilt as well concealed as their fellows, were expelled; and now the hy- pocritical Senator Hale, of New Hampshire, acknowledges to having received a rich bribe — he softens the thing down to a "/te" — and the Senate had his case on the tapis. Restive under their development, and as misery loves company, Hale concludes to pitch into the Secretary of the Navy, and dig out some rich rascalities in that festering Department of cor- ruption, as we learn from the following extract from the New York York Tribune of the 26th of January, 1864: "On motion of Mr. Hale, his resolution, asking for an investigation of the affairs of the Navy Department, was referred to a special committee of three, consisting of Senators Hale, Grimes and Buckalew, with power to send for persons and papers. Mr. Hale gave the statistics of the annual expenditures of the naval powers of Europe, excluding Italy and Denmark. They amounted last year to §139,- 000,000; so that we are now called upon to spend this year more than the combined world, with the exception of Italy and Denmark. The naval expenses of England and France during the Crimean war amounted to $350,000,000, for a period of three years and five months. SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 327 We are called upon to spend $40,000,000 more per annum than this." Whether Hale will really make a thorough investigation, and lay bare the schemes to plunder the treasury and impoverish the peo- ple, or whether some of the men having mam- moth contracts, and already gorged with green- backs as the result of past rich plunderings, will quiet him with "a fee," remains to be seen. Verily, we live in great times — great shoddy contracts — great pampered and rotten ofScials and great ' 'fees'* to propitiate the men of easy virtue who can, by nods and winks and favors, secure the ear of the corrupt dispensers of power and patronage under the present admin- istration. Such wholesale, unblushing rascal- ities are unparalleled in the history of the world. 5? Reader, the chapter of frauds is before you, compressed into the closest possible dimen- sions. AVe are not responsible for the facts, neither have we originated the testimony — it is all from Republican sources — the crime and the proof are theirs. Fiead then, and determine whether the country is safe in such hands. CHAPTER XXXIX. WARNINGS AND ADYICE OF AMEIIICAN STATES- MEN, Ac. From Washington's Farewell Address. ..Jackson's Fare- well Address. ..By Daniel Webster. ..By Henry Clay... By Patrick Henry... From Webster's Great Oration... Further from Jaclcson's Farewell Addresses. ..Miidisou on the Liberty of the Press. ..Mr. Seward on Free Speech ...Jefferson on the Plea of Necessity. ..John Adams on Arbitrary Power. ..Ex-President Filmore on the Negro Question. ..Gov. Seymour's Patriotic Letter. ..Senator Harris of New York, on the Despotism of Conscriptions ...Rob't J. Walker on State Suicide. ..Sen. Trumbull on the Tyrant's Plea. ..Gen. McClellan on Constitution and Christian Civilization. ..Sen. Crittenden on the cause of our Troubles... President Harrison on the Rights of the States. ..Montesquieu and Jefferson on Preservation of Liberty. ..James Madison on same. ..Gen. Harrison at Ft. Meigs....J. Q. Adams on the "Link of Union". ..The Father of the Constitution on Confiscation. ..List of Mem- bers and Delegates in Congress, &c. SOLEMN WARNINGS AND ADVICE OF AMERI- CAN STATESMEN, &C. We are aware that the warnings of those great and illustrious men whose joint sacrifices secured to us the blessings of liberty, are now ignored by the pampered shoddyites; still, as there is yet a noble few who have not lost all regard for the teachings and wisdom of the past, we insert this last chapter, to stand as the "moral," or warning to that which pro- ceeds it. Read, and reflect. [From Washington's Farewell Address.] " It is important that the habit of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to con- fine ourselves within their respective constitu- tional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism." [From Jefferson's Works, by H. A. Washington, Vol. 7 pp. 223, 293. "I see with the deepest affliction the rapid strides with which the federal branch of our government is advancing toward usurpation of all the rights reserved to the states, and the consolidation in itself of all power, foreign and domestic, and that, too, by constructions which, if legitimate, leave no limits to their power." [From Jackson's Farewell Address, March 3, 1837.] "Each state has the unquestionable right to regulate its own internal concerns according to its own pleasure; and while it does not in- terfere witn the rights of the people of other States, or the rights of the Union, every state must be the sole judge of the measures proper to secure the safety of its citizens and promote their happiness; and all efforts on the part of the people of the state to cast odium on their institutions, and all measures calculated to disturb their rights of property, or to put in jeopardy their peace and internal ti-anquility, are in direct opposition to the spii-it in which the Union was founded, and must endanger its safety. Motives of philanthropy may be as- signed to their unwarrantable interference, and weak men may persuade themselves for a mo- ment that they are laboring in the cause of hu- manity, and asserting the rights of the human race; but every one, upon sober reflection, will see that nothing but mischief can come from these improper assaults upon the feelings and rights of others. Rest assured that the men found busy in the work of discord are not worthy of confidence, and deserve the strong- est reprobation." [From Daniel Webster's Works, vol. 7, p. l:i4.J "Through all the history of the contest for liberty, executive power has been considered a lion which must be caged. So far from being the object of enlightened popular trust — so far from being considered the natural protector of popular right — it has been dreaded as the great source of its danger." [From the great Speech of Henry Clay against the insidi- ous policy of Abolitionists.] ' 'Abolitionism! With Abolitionists the rights of property are nothing; the deficiency of the powers of the General Government is nothing; the acknowledged and incontestable powers of the states are nothing; a dissolution of the Union and the overthrow of a government in which are concentrated the hopes of the civi- lized world, are nothing; a single idea has taken possession of their minds, and onward f 328 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. they pursue it, overlooking all barriers, reck- less and regardless of all consequences. [From the great Speech of Piitrick Henry on the Consti- tution.] "Is the relinquishment of the trial by jury and the liberty of the press necessary for your liberty? Will the abandonment of the most sacred rights tend to the security of your lib- erty? Liberty, the greatest of all earthly blessings! Give us that precious jewel, and you may take everything else. rFrom the great Oration of Paniel Webster on free speech in 1814. J "Free speech is a home-bred right, a fire- side privilege. It has ever been enjoyid in every house, cottage and cabin in the nation. It is not to be drawn into controversy. It is as undoubted as the right of breathing the air and walking on the earth. It is a right to be maintained in peace and in war. It is a right which cannot be invaded without destroying constitutional liberty. Hence this right should be guarded and protected by the freemen of this country with a jealous care unless they are prepared for chains and anarchy." [From Jackson's Farewell Address, lSo7.] "The legitimate authority of the govern- ment is abundantly sufficient for all the pur- poses for which it was created; and its powers being expressly enumerated there can be no justification for claiming anything beyond them. Every attempt to exercise power be- yond these limits should be promptly and firm- ly opposed; for one evil example will lead to other measures still more mischievous; and if the principle of constructive powers, or sup- posed advantages, or temporary circumstances, shall ever be permitted to justify the assump- tion of power not given by the Constitution, the General Government will, before long, ab- sorb all the powers of legislation, and you will have, in effect, but one consolidated govern- ment." MR. MADISON ON THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS. "The last remark will not be understood as claiming for the State Governments an immu- nity greater than they have heretofore enjoyed. Some degree of abuse is inseparable from a pro- per use of everything, and in no instance is this more true than that of the press. It has accordingly been decided by the practice of the states, that it is better to leave a few of its noxious branches to their luxuriant growth, than by pruning them away, to injure the vigor of those yielding the proper fruits, and can the wisdom of this policy be doubted by any one who reflects, that to the press alone, cheq- uered as it is with abuses, the world is indebt- ed for all the triumphs which have been gained by reasoh and humanity over error and oppres- sion; who reflects that to the same benificent source the United States owe much of the lights which conduct them to the rank of a free and independent nation! and which have im- proved their political system into a shape so auspicious to their oppressors! Had sedition acts forbidden every publication that might bring the constituted agents of the Govern- ment into contempt, or "DISREPUTE,' or that might excite the hatred of the people against the authors of unjust or pernicious measures been uniformly enforced against the press, might not the United States been lan- guishing at this day under the infirmities of a sickly confederation — might they not possibly been miserable colonies, groaning under a for- eign yoke. — Elliott^ s Debates, Vol. 4, p. 571. MR. SEWARD ON FREE SPEECH. On the 7th of August, 1856, Mr. Seward, in a speech in the U. S. Senate, used the fol- lowing language : " Where on earth is there a free government where the press is shackled and speech is strangled ? " When the Republic of France was subver- ted by the First Consul, what else did he do but shackle the press and stifle speech ? "When the second Napoleon restored the Empire on the ruins of the Republic of France what else did he do than to shackle the press and strangle debate? " When Santa Anna seized the Government of Mexico, and converted it into a dictator- ship, what more had he to do than to shackle the press and stifle political debate?" JEFFERSON OK THE PLEA OF ■' NBCESSIT Y." " Those to whom power is delegated should be held lo a strict accountability to their con- stitutional oath of office. The pleaof neces«t7y is no excuse for a violation of them." JOHN ADAMS ON ARBITRARY POWER. "Nip the shoots of arbitrary power in the bud, is the only maxim which can ever pre- serve the liberties of any people. Wheii the peojile give way , their deceivers, betrayers and destroyers press upon them so fast that there is no resisting afterwards. The nature of the en- croachments is to grow every day more en- croaching; like a cancer, it eats faster and faster every hour." EX-PRESIDENT FILMORE ON THE NEGHO QUES- TION. "I am heart and soul with you in the object you have in view. Enough of treasure and blood have already been spent upon the negro question I am fully persuaded that the un- wise and untimely agitation of this subject gives strength to the rebellion, and will cost millions of treasure and thousands of lives; and that there is no hope for anything else, but to restore the Union as it was, and the Constitution as it is. That all efforts for any- thing else must end in abortion, anarchy and dissolution." — Letter to Connecticut meeting, 1862. SCRAPS FROM MY SCRAP-BOOK. 329 LETTER PROM GOV. SEYMOUR TO AN IMMENSE DEMOCRATIC MEETING IN ORANGE COUNTY, NEW YORK. "Executive Department, ] Albaxt, June 29, ISGo. j" "Gentlemen: I regret that I cannot attend the meeting to be held at Middletown. Orange county, on the 2d of July; my engagements are such, that I cannot gratify myself by being present on that occasion. "Our motto must be at this time, that we will do our duty and demand our rights, we will do every duty demanded by the/"^"stituted au- thorities acting within the lini' —-'"«*'', ja .1 risdiction, whether we like oi' policy. We will demand all ou^Tf" authorities, whether they like or dlglike such demands. "It is now apparent to all, that our country can only be saved by harmonious action among the people of the North. v^It is equally clear that harmonious action can only be had upon one platform; and that platform is — the Union, the Constitution and respect for the laws. Harmony can never be made by threats, de nunciations, or unconstitutional arrests of per- sons or seizure of property. It is easier for the Government to impose such illegal practices, than it is for a free people to submit to them. "God grant that the afflictions of our coun- try may teach our rulers this simple truth, and that these same afflictions may rouse in the hearts of our people the same patriotism and firmness in the defense of our liberty, which animated our fathers in the Revolutionary struggle. " yours truly. UORATIO SEYMOUR . " 8ENAT0E HARRIS, OF NEW YORK, ON THE DES- POTISM OF CONSCRIPTIONS. "England with her many wars, and often scarcity of men, never resorted to this despotic measure. It was a mode of raising armies only used by despots, but never by republican governments, and the principle, if adopted, would provide large standing armies, which almost inevitably lead to despotism. In a gov- ernment of delegated power, and which rested upon the consent of the governed, it was inex- pedient and unnecessary. "Congress had not the power under the con- stitution, thus to destroy the militia of the states, which the constitution provided for as a reserved force of the Union. If this measure were adopted, there would be centralized pow- er." — Speech in Senate on Conscription Bill. ROBERT J. WALKER ON STATE SUICIDE. " Will civil civil war preserve or restore the Union ? * * Can a vanquished state, even if she can be vanquished, ever again be- come a member of the Federal Union ? No, my countrymen; let us learn, ere it be too late, that this never can be a Union of victor and vanquished, of sovereign and subject states, but must be a Union of equals, which is the Union of th: ''institution. It must be a cordial and fraternal Union, founded on inter- est, and cemented by affection. This was the Union founded by Washington and Franklin, and the patriots and statesmen of the Revolu- tion; and that is the only Union that can be preserved and perpetuated. You might, per- haps, by superior forccj drench in blood the fields of a sister state. You might, perhaps, wrap her villages in flames; but you could never afterwai-ds restore such a state to the Union established by the Constitution. No, fellow citizens; when the star of the statb IS extinguished in BLOOD, IT CAN NEVER £:*TN IN THE BANNER OF THE UnION, '^■"ie an equal, a sovereign^ -Sjpeech in 1850. ■ of SU'J/ or a 4...,(^,„t.itfjt^t.t -- SENATOR TRUMBTLL ON THE TTRANT's PLEA. "Necessity is the plea of tyrants, and if our Constitution ceases to operate the moment a person charged with its observance thinks there is a necessity to violate it, it is of little value. * * We are fighting to maintain the Consti- tution, and it especially becomes us in appeal- to the people to come to its rescue, not to vio- late it ourselves. Ilotv are wc letter than the rebels if both alike set at naught the Constitu- tion. — Speech at Chicago, June, 1863. GEN. MC'CLELLAN ON CONSTITUTION AND CHRISTIAN CIVILIZATION. "The General commanding takes this occa- sion to remind the officers and soldiers of the army that we are engaged in supporting the constitution and laws of the United States, and in suppressing rebellion against their authori- ty; that we are not engaged in a war of rapine revenge or subjugation; that this is not a con- test agaipst populations, but a war against armed forces; that it is a struggle carried on within the State, and should be conducted by us upon the highest principles known to chris- tian civilization." — Address to the Army. SENATOR CRITTENDEN ON THE CaUSE OF CUB, TROUBLES. ' ' What has brought this mighty change ? — What has done it, Mr. Speaker ? Do not we all know ? Can there be any doubt on the subject ? It has been our infidelity to the pledges made to the people. It has been be- cause of the reckless course of the dominant party. * * * * * " If we want to get back the Union how must we do it ? We must change our policy. ***** " Why do not the people have the same en- thusiasm in the war, that they had at first ? — Then they put a million of men in the field. — The country is still in peril, more than at first, and why is not our army of two millioa men now put into the fild? It is only because of the bad policy by which you have established the dogmas of the abolitionists. '^ — From his last Speech. S30 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. SaESlDENT HAREISON ON THE RIGHT3 OF THE STATES. *'The citizens of each state unite in their persons all the privileges which that character eonfers, and all they may claim as citizens of the United States; but in no case can the same person act as citizen of two separate states, and he is therefore positively precluded from any iaterference with the reserved powers of any state but that of which he is for Ihe time being a citizen. *'Our confederacy is perfectly illustrated by tlie terms and principles governing a copart- nership. There a fund of power is to be exer- cised under the direction of the joint counsels of the allied members, but that which has been reversed by the individual members is intangi- ble by the common government or the individ- sal members comprising it. Experience has abundantly taught us that the agitation by cit- izens of one part of the Union of a subject not confided to the general governmen is product- ive of no other consequences than bitterness, alienation, discord, and injury to the very cause which is intended to be advanced. — See his Inaugural. " copperhead" sayings. "The enjoyment of liberty, and even its sup- port and preservation, consists in every man's being allowed to speak his thoughts, and lay open his sentiments." — Montesquieu. "The supremacy of the civil over the mili- tary authority; economy iu the public expense, that labor may be lightly burthened; the hon- est payment of our debts, and sacred preser- vation of the public faith; the encouragement of agriculture and commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information and arrangement of all abuses at the bar of public reason. "Freedom of religion; freedom of the press; freedom of the person under the protection of the habeas corpus; and trial by juries impar- tially* selected. These principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us, and guided cur steps through an age of revolu- tion and reformation. The wisdom of our sages, and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment; they should be the creed of onr political faith, the text of civic instruction; the loadstone by which we try the services of those we trust, and should we wander from them in moments of error and alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps, and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty and safety." — Thos. Jtffasori ''^ To support the constitution which is the cement of ihe Union, as well in its limitations as in its authorities; to respect the rights and authorities reserved to the states, and to the people, as equally incorporated with, and es- sential to the success of the general system, to avoid the slightest interference with the rights of conscience, or the functions of religion, so ■wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction; to preserve in their full energy, the other salu- tary provisions in behalf of private and per- sonal rights, and the freedom of the press." — James Madison. GEKEKAL HARRISON ON ENCROACHMENTS OP POWER. " The old-fashioned republican rule is to watch the government. See that the govern- ernmeut does not acquire too much power. — Keep a check upon your rulers. Do this, and your liberty is safe. And if your efforts should result successfully, and I should be placed in the presidential chair, I shall invite a recur- rence to the old republican rule, to watch the administration, and to condemn all its acts which are not iu accordance with the strictest mode of republicanism. Our rulers, fellow- citizens, must be watched. Power is insinuat- ing. Few men are satisfied with less power than they can obtain. If the ladies whom I see around me were near enough to hear me, and of sufiScient age to give an experimental answer, they would tell you that no lever is satisfied with the first smile of his mistress. " It is necessary, therefore, to watch, not the political opponents of an administration, but the administration itself, and to see that it keeps within the bounds of the Constitution and the laws ,of the land." — Speech at Fort Meigs., 1840. JOHN Q. ADAMS ON THE "LINK OF UNION." [Adams before the New York Historical Society, 1839.] "But the indissoluble link of Union between the people of the several states of this confed- erated nation is, after all, not in the right, but in the heart. If the day should ever come (may heaven avert it) when the affections of the people of these states shall be alienated from each other, when the fraternal spirit shall give way to cold indifferenje, or collisions of interest shall fester into hatred, the bands of political association will not long hold togeth- er parties no longer attracted by the magnet- ism of concilliated interests and kindly sym- pathies; and far better will it be for the peo- ple of the disunited states to part in friend- ship from each other, than to be held together by constraint." THE FATHER OF THE CONSTITUTION ON CON- FISCATION. "I was struck with surprise when I heard him (Mr Wythe) express himself alarmed with respect to the emancipation of slaves. — Let me ask, if they (the North) should even attempt it, if it will not be a usurpation of power. There is no power to warrant it in that paper (the Constitution.) If there be I know it not. But why should it be done? — Says the Honorable gentleman, for the gene- ral welfare: it will infuse strength into our system. Can any member of this Committee suppose that it (emancipation) will increase our strength? Can any one believe that the American Councils will come into a measure which will strip them of their property, and SCRAPS FROM UY SCRAP-BOOK. 331 discourage and alienate the affections of five- | thirtenths of tlie Union? Why was nothing of this sort arrived at before? I believe such fHa idea never entered into any American heart, norfdo I believe it ever will enter into the heads of those gentlemen who substitute un- supported suspicions for reasons. — Mr. 3Iadi- son in the Convention — Elliott's Delates, v 3, p. 621. xxxviiith congress. THE SEXATE. Politics . — R . — laiHcal . C . — conservat i vu . CONNECTICUT. Term, Expire-. L. S. Foster R 1867 James Dixon C 1S09 CALIFOENIA J. A.McDougal C 1867 John Ctonness C 1869 DELAWARE. TV. Saulsbury C 180.5 *Jas. A. Bayard C 1SG9 INDIANA. Henry S. Lane R 1807 T. A. Hendricks C 1869 ILLINOIS . W. A. Kichardson...C 1865 L.Trumbull R 1867 IOWA. Jas. W. Grimes R 186.5 Jas. Harlan V 1S67 KENTUCTT. L. W. Powell C 186.5 Garrett Davis 1867 KANSAS. S.C. Pomeroy R 18C5 Jas. H. Lane R 1867 MARYLAND. Th09. H. Hicks C 1867 Keverdy Johnson C 1869 MAINE. W. P. Fessenden R 1865 L. M. Morrill R 1869 MASSACHUSETTS. Henry Wilson R 1865 Chas. Sumner R 1809 MICHIGAN. J. M. Howard .R 1865 Z. Chandler R 1869 MINNESOTA. B. S. Wilkinson R ISO- Alex. Ramsay R 1869 Kadical Conservative . — peece. MISSOURI. Terni expires. B. G. Brown R 1867 J. B. Henderson C 1S69 NEW HAMPSHIRE. John P. Hale R 1805 Daniel Clark R 1867 NEW YORK. Ira Harris R 1867 E.D. Morgan C 1869 NEW JERSEY. J.C. TenEyck C 1867 Wm. Wright C 1869 OHIO. Benj. F. Wade R 1865 John Sherman R 1867 OREGON. Benj. F. Harding C 1365 Jas. W. Nosmith C 1867 PENNSYLVANIA. Edgar Cowan C 1867 C. K. Buekalew C 1869 RHODE ISLAND. H. B. Anthony R 1S65 Wra. Sprague R 1869 VERMONT. Jacob CoUamer R 1S67 Solomon Foot .8 1869 VIRGINIA. J. S. Carlile 1865 fL. J. Bowden C 1809 WISCONSI.V. T, O.Howe R 1867 J. R. Doolittle R 1869 WEST VIRGINIA. W. T. Willey R 1865 P. G. Van Winkle. ../J 1869 Total. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. CONNECTICUT , 1 Henry C. Peming R 2 James E. English C 3 Aug. Brandegee R 4 JohnH. Hubbard C CALIFORNIA. (Elected at large.) Thos. B. Shannon R Wm. Iligby R Cornelius Cole -R DELAWARE. 1 N. B. Smithers R ILLINOIS. 1 Isaac N. Arnold R 2 John P. Farnsworth...iS 3 Elihu B. Washburne..ie 4 Chas. M. Harris C 5 Owen Lovijoy R 6 Jessie 0. Norton R 7 JohnR. Eden C * Resigned, ILLINOIS — (concluded.) John T. Stuart C Lewis W. Ross C Anthony L. Knapp C James C. Robinson C Wm. R. Morrison C Wm. J. Allen C Jas. C. Allen(at large).. C INDIANA. John Law C James A. Craven.s C a. W. Harrington C Wm. S. Holmes C George W. Juliau R Ebenezer Dumont R Daniel W. Voorhees C Goodlove S. Orth R Schuyler Colfax R Joseph K. Edgerton....C James V. McDowell C jDeceased. IOWA. 1 James F. Wilson R 2 Hiram'Price R 3 William B. Allison R 4 James B. Grinnell R NEW YORK — continued 25 Daniel Morris R 26 Giles M. Hotchkiss R 27 R. B. Van Valkenburg.iZ 28 Fretuiandlark R 5 John A. Kasson R 29 Aug. Frank. 6 A. W. Hubbard R " "" ~ KENTUCKY. 1 Lucien Anderson C 2 Geo. H. Teaman '' 3 Henry Grider V i Aaron Harding C Robert Mallory C 6 Green Clay Smith R 7 Bi-utus J. Clay C 8 Wm. H. Randall C 9 Wm. H. Wadswoith...C KANSAS. 1 A. C. Wilder R MAINE. 1 Lorenzo D. Sweat C 2 Sidney Perham R 3 James G. Blaine R 4 John H. Rice R 4 Frederick A. Pike R MASSACHUSETTS. 1 Thomas D. Eliot R 2 Oakes Ames R 30 John Ganson C 1 Ruben E. Fenton R NEW JERSEY. 1 JohnF. Starr R 2 Geo. Middleton C 3 Wm. G. Steele C 4 Andrew J. Rogers C 5 Nehemiah Perry C NEW HAMPSHIRE. 1 Daniel Marcey C 2 Edward H. Rollins R 3 Jas. W. P.'itterson R OHIO. 1 Geo. H. Pendleton C 2 Alexander Long C 3 Roberto. Schenck R 4 J. F. McKinney C 5 Frank C. LeBlond C 6 Chilton A. White C 7 Samuels. Cox C 8 William Johnson C 9 Warren P. Noble C Alexander H. Rice R 10 James M. Ashley., .R 4 Samuel Hooper R 5 JohnB. Alley R 6 Dan'l W. Gooch R 1 Geo. S. Boutwell R 8 John D. Baldwin R 9 Wm. B. Washburn. ..ii 11 Wells A. Hutchins C 12 Wm. E. Fink C 13 John O'Neill C 14 George Bliss C 15 James R. Morrisa C 16 Joseph W. White C 10 Henry L. Dawes R 17 Eph. R. Eckley R MARYLAND. 1 John A. J. Creswell C 2 Edwin H. Webster C H. W.Davis R Francis Thomas C B. G. Harris P MISSOURI. F. P. Blair, jr R 18 Ruf. P. Spaulding R 19 John A. Garfield R OREGON 1 John B. McBride C PENNSYLVANIA 1 Samuel J. Ranaall—.C ;2 Charles O'Neill ...R '3 Leonard Myers R Henry T. Blow R ;4 W"m. D. Kelley R 3 JohnG. Scott C 4 J. W. McCIerg R 5 S. H. Boyd R 6 A. A. King C 7 Benjamin Loaa R 8 W. A. Hall C 9 James S. RoUins C MICHIGAN. 1 F. C. Be.aman R 5 M. Russell Thayer R 6 John G. Stiles G 7 JohuM. Broomall R 8 Syd'm E. Aucona C 9 Thad. Stevens R 10 Myer Strouse G 11 Philip Johnson G 12 Charles Denison ....C 13 Henry M. Tracy R 2 Charles Upson R 14 Wm. H. Miller G 3 J. W. Longyear R 4 F. W. Kellogg R 5 A. C. Baldwin C 6 John F. Driggs R MINNESOTA. 15 Jcseph Bailey G 10 A. II Coftroth C IT Archd. McAlister G 18 James T. Hale R 19 G. W. Scofield R 1 William Windom R 20 Amos Myers R 2 I. L. Donnelly R 21 John L. Dawson G NEW YORK. 1 H. G. Stebbins C 2 M. Kalbfleisch C 3 Moses F. Odoll C 4 Benjamine Wood P 5 Fernando Wood P 6 Elijah Ward C 7 JohnW. Chandler C 8 James Brooks P 9 Anson Herrick P 10 Wm. Radford C 11 Chas. H. Winfield G 12 Homar A. Nelson C 13 John B. Steele C 14 J. L. V. Piuyn C 15 JolmA. Griswold C 16 Orlando Kellogg R 17 CalvenT. Hulburd C 18 James M. Marvin C 22 J. K. Moorhead R 23 Thos. Williams R 24 Jesse Lazear G RHODE ISLAND. 1 T. A. Jenkes R 2 N. F. Dixon R VERMONT. 1 F. E. Woodbridge R 2 Justin S. Morrill R 3 Portus Baxter R WISCONSIN. 1 James S. Brown C •2 I. C. Sloan R 3 Amasa Cobb R 4 C. A. Eldridge G 5 Ezra Wheeler O 6 W. D. Mclndoe R VIRGINIA, 1 L. H. Chandler C 19 Saml. F. Miller R ip2 Joseph Segar C 20 Ambrose W. Clark R 21 Francis Kernan C 22 De W. C. Littlejohn....if 23 Thos. F. Davis R 24 Theo. M. Pomeroy R 3 B. M. Kitchen C WEST VIRGINIA. 1 Wm. G. Brown S 2 Jacob B. Blair R 3 K. V. Whaley G 832 FIVE HUNDRED POLITICAL TEXTS. Radical 92 Conservative 89 Unconditional peace 5 Total 186 DELEGATES. NEW MEXICO. NEBRASKA. F. Pfrea Samuel G. Daily. UTAH. John F. Kenny. ■WASHINGTON. George E. Cole. COLORADO. Hiram P. Bennett. IDAHO. William H. Walace The foregoing classification i3 not ours. It is in the main correct, bnt will bear sundry changes. It will tlo for refference. THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT, (BEGINNING OF THE END,) OR, THE RISE, PROGRESS AND DECLINE OF "ONE IDEA," INCLUDING THE PRINCIPAL ACT3 If THE LIFE OF AJJRAHAM THE FIRST. IN ELEVEN ACTS. PnOLOQUE. The laugh comes in here — things now Doth wear a weighty and a serious brow! Sad, foul and bloody — full of crime and woe — Such mournful scenes as cause the eye to flow, I'll anon present. Those with hearts, may here, If they fell that way inclined, let drop a tearl My subject will deserve it. Such as give Me money, out of hope that they may live To see the end of war and tradgedy'a alarm — Rejoice in Peace — fearing naught of harm; And read my "drama," how soon they'll see That might and folly hunt in pairs for misery 1 And if you can bo "merry" then I fear, A son may dance upon his mother's bier! ACT I. Scene — In the Cfiicago Wigwam. lEnter Politicians, Cormorants and others. \st Pol. — Hoc consideraiioni tux est, my Lords, We this day convene for most holy purpose, To name a ruler that shall much improve On the sorry ill-haps of King James, the Fourth. Our choice must be an hermafrodite; Who hath a mealey mouth for utterance Of sweet things, concerning sable Knights Of yam, hoe cake and cruel cat-o'-nine-tails! The leader of our tribe must have no taint Of ill omen, or Fuss and Feathers 'tout him ! With all the points ol most honorable ignorance, He must be fit for any point of compass — And for treason, stratagem and spoils; One that in town and ranche conservative. May 'list the rabble, with no ill precedent To'pearin judgment 'gainst his sure success! And who, in districts radical, at once. May carry all before him, as the embodiment Of the most rabid, redundant dogmas ! We must the deepest current follow. For that doth the proper channel indicate, To the sea, where fishes do most school, And wheie our nets, if cast within aright, May, in fruition, become our_/I«ished hopes. We must our flaunting banners fitly garnish With emblems and mottoes the public nerves to tickle, Sach as Retrenchment, Freedom and Reform! These will careless eyes amuse, and then. The public ear to charm, send out our Ciceroes, To mount the rostrum, and this catch-vote trinity Expound, and condemn with horror's holy unction, The rascally counterparts that doth aflSict us, Under King James, the Fourth? Such, my Lords, la, in short, my plan, success to master; What say you to"t ! 24 Pol.— For one, I'm most charmingly delighted, faith. With all the noble Lord hath uttered! My osly fault-finding in this doth lie: — That sundry details hath His Grace omitted Which alone can vouchsafe success ! 'Tis known to all, the Western Little Giant Stands at this time, like a wall of fire Betwixt us and our goal of hope. A Voice— (Interruptingly)— We must dispatch him. 2d Pol. — (Continuing) — Yea, that we must! But how? That's the most important question. [Scratchts his head, exclaiming: I have it, by Jupiter! — at last I have it. The Democratic Sachems are in quarrel! I would encourage their Charleston split By a lever and entering wedge, at Baltimore. The enemies of the famous Little Giant Are bent on revolt — yea, secession. And if we give but one grain of 'couragement They will secede, and thus so weaken The Democratic hosts, that we'll be sure To win— not by our strength, but their weakness! I've had a word with their great Benjamin, The Senatorial Jow from Molasses town. He hath a most ferocious speech agreed To utter in the forum of the "Pantheon," Which, in return, did I stipulate, To print and circulate two million copies, As seed for Northern fallow fields. Thus, may we use our foeman's steel To conquer, though dragons follow after. Office Seeker— Bravo! bravol! The plan will office and the spoils secure us — A most welcome dish to stomachs long in fast! For, outside the crib so long we've anxious stood, Like the fifth calf, our turn still waiting. That any means to reach the pap, I welcome! And mock all fear of consequences ! Compunction.— Be cautious, friends, I chide, There may in this tub lie concealed, a cat. Or acid, that may cramp us with the bellyache! Honesty may, e'en in poUtics be virtue; And as Harry Clay did on occasion utter, "I would rather be right than President!" Therefore, mock I these villainous propositions. Voices in the IKt. — Hustle him out! He's got a conscience, a quite conclusive fact, That he to our tribe belongeth not! Voices from the Rostrum. — Away with him! [£xii Comp. in a shower of histeS- Delegate. — Come, come my Lords, to business. With the platform, and campaign role I'm pleaa'd. But who shall be the Patriarch to lead Our forces thro' the ploomy valley 'fore ns? Our aching bones do need a goodly med'cine! We hate the south, and the south hate us! No shock of earth shall sunder our two hates! The question is, who'll so lead us o'er Charybdl*, That we may 'scape dark, yawning Scilla? As a fit beginning, will I name Abraham, the tall, and jocose Sucker Barrister; Who, though a lion in a Western bar-room. Will a juvenile sheep become— at court! So docile, as to mould like Burgundy wax, And as King Henry to Exeter remarked. 334 THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT. True, when the lion fawns upon the lamb, The lamb will never cease to fDilow him. Give me a flexible prince — mnles I "bomin,^te. iVeiu Yorker — Most noble Lords, If I am permitted here ray mouth to ope, I will suggest the n6bie Dulce ot York, Who hath too oft boeu shelvM by expediency. If we his claims now do overlook, We dry the fount from which the se^ of thought SuckB its everlasting fill. ' Give us brains, And less expediency, in alopathic doses — A mind that greatness blends with actions — An intellect above rail or hair-splitting quacks— A something better than mere nose of wax. Above all others, 'tis my oft expressed belief That William, the Conquerer, is the man To lead our conquering hosts. Contractor. —I agree, in part, with the noble wight Who hath regaled our ears with brains and sense, And that bo urgently the Duke of York doth press. I, too like him, am a devotee of brains! But I confess, my faith is somewhat shattered In the insinuation that all the brains extant Are by the Duke of York monopolized. All admit that where graces challenge grace And brains oppress tke skulls that hold them. That our Simon hath no proud party peer! Brains and money are his strongest holt! These are graces, that when once combined Will sweep the board, and let us into clover! I therefore propose that Simon be Our candidate and nominee! J3e would lead us to the vast public larder. Where, we'd fill our pich'd and billious stomachs! iVew Torlitr.— {Aside.)— [Provided alw.ays, That Simon himself, had. /iwt been gorged!] [Laughter and hisses in thepit. Sir Puke.— Since thus your favorites are urg'd I offer Edward, the nable Barron von St. Louis; He will great Border strength conciliate. And our platform fringe would soil the least. I warn you, sUght not his stronger claims. Sucker.— Talk not of Edward's "claims!" Bear to the slaughter-house his mangled corse! Away with such bloody-bones pretenders; for, Honest Abraham shall, of our victorious tribe, Become the Patriarch, de jure. I move the previous question! Put out the lights — each one take care of self- Clear thepit, and let the vote be quickly taken! The motion's carried — now to honest ballot! One — twice— yea to twenty rounds, at least — All hail to honest Abe, our gallant chief! [Exitomnes, after a short "collection." ACT 11. Saiss.... After Ekciion...Springfdd Eermiiage. A MEDLEY: DBSCKIPTIVE... PATHETIC. ..POETIC. ..PROPHETIC ASD NATtJBAL. {Enter numerous Cormorants. 1st Cor.... How now, my liege Lord, The returns do indicate thou art chosen King. Egad, I knew the Wide Awakes would save you ! 'Twasmy influence that carried tilings in our parts! In fact, no one did e'er such forces muster! At great expense, did I sweat and work for thee, And of all the jokes thou hast e'er perpetrated. The joke of thy success doth the climax cap, And, as your Grace is mighty fond of jokes, 'Tis safe to guess you this do extra relish! By the way, your Grace, how about the offices? lemy sight good for the Tumbuctoo Charge? I see you hesitate. I'll not o'erpress my suit Now, since I fear the news hath o'ercome you. What, your Grace, are you ill. ..displeased,... &i, what's the matter? I ne'er did see you Put on so solemn aiis, 'pon honor. ..never! Alraham... Nay, away, good bore, I'm neither ill nor sore displeased, withall. 'Tis only a modest fear that I may meet With troubles worse than Liliput encountereJ! I'm no Jackson, as the world will see anon! Troubles are thick'ning in the southern zone. Like unto steaming mush o'er the peasant's fire! Our late allies who did assist to kill off "Dug," And thus to the Imperial Throne lift me, Hath at my success snufiTd great offence And now do threaten dissolution, which if it come, Will force me to sue for Democratic succor! For, our Wide Awakes, I fear, tho' good to burn Their midnight He, and to vocalize the streets With nocturnal music, harsh to ears polite. Will hardly prove efficient in the tug *f war! [Enter the Dauphin {Bob) with the latest newspaper.'] Dauphin. ..Good sire, from the post am I come, amain, To signify that the rebels' backs are up. Who, many loyal victims do put to sword ! Send succor quick, and stop the rage, betime, Before the wounds do grow incurable, For, being fresh, there is yet much hope of help. ^!/rfi?iam...AsIfeared,thissparkwill prove aragingfire, If wind and fuel be bro't to feed and fan it! But, Dauphin, I'm neither King or Regent yet, And if I were, I might well question AVhether I could roll back the flaming tide, With more success than hath King James. Tho' rather than jeopard .all, as he hath. Would I have lost my life betimes, Than bring a burden of dishonor home. For as Julius Ca^ar, am I chivalric. But, like the ostrich, that in S.ahara's sands Doth hide its head, and thinks nobody sees Its form, because it sees nobody, I must, from vulgar eyes conceal my purpose! 'Twill be time enough for secondary matters. When I've toss'd to friends the bones of office. 2d Cor... Most noble Sucker, Thou dost wisdom almost divine betray! The loaves and fishes! Ah, most gracious Sire! Ttiem's of our edifice the corner-stone... The alpha and omega of our Chicago Platform! I do most freely applaud your Grace's views, And I trust your Grace will, in due time. Heed my claims for the mission to St. Cloud! Here's my papers, which my faith will prove. In the irrepressible conflict, I love. 3d Cor... -4ye, yes, my friend hath fitly spoken; Thou art theherofor these dreadful times! I pray your Grace, my claims to also note. But little do /care, your Grace, for pelf and place. But then my friends do urge with grave concern That as 'Charge to Quito I'm most fit to serve. What says your Gr.ice? Can I count upon The gratification of my most urgent friends? Abraham... Most valued friends, Y'ou presume much and do squeeze my honor, . As old Mrs. Battles said when being hugged ■ By the ungallant bear, in wanton mood! I fain would to you all, serve pottage. Yea, as ye h.ave served myself, of late; ' But, yet, 'tis meet young eagles should not feed Outside the natal crib. Therefore, wait I pray. Until my advent to the Fed'r.al Mecca, And when ensconced within the palace kitchen, I may cogitate upon your several "claims," Until then, my tritiuds... adieu! [Exit Abraham and the Dauphin.] ith Cor... Well, my waiting friends, In the language of our old joker icc-gerent, I think this devlish cool! Yes, and I may add, The North Pole is a monster red-hot poker. Compared with this frigid, gruff "Adieu!" Why, his Grace dismissed us so curtly. That my recommendations lie congealed To the nether end of my untouch'd pocket I The great altitude his Grace hath reached. Reminds me of the monkey up the pole ! bth Cor... Ha! ha! So! so! Must we not take such as our betters give. And ask no questions? Our Honest Abraham, Will soon become tte Government. ..all-in-all, And who that lispeth aught 'gainst him Will against the Government inveigh.,. That will be treason. THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT. 3B5 Uh Cor... True. ..it may be true, But tlien what "comes of the great corner-stone Of our most Boleuin \\ta.uy ...freedom! "ith Cor... 0, ye worse than geeso, To be thus hissing out comphiints. Let's return and wait srentBl \^E^eunt Omnes, meeting at the door another swarm of Cormorants.] ACT III. SczSE...On the Road to Washington. [Enter (the cars) Abraham, Q. Margaret, the Dau- phin and Suit.] Abraham... (in a soliloquizing and musing mood). ..[Aside . [Ah, who'd have tho't some thirty j-ears ago, When on the turbid, roaring Wabash I did a sea-worthy Hat boat command. Or, when among the Ilousiers, mauling rails,... Or jokes in some country grocery cracking, That I, alone, of all this mighty people, Should thus have been found most worthy To rule as monarch . Verily, How little man doth know his mental powers. Until by circumstance they luminate! i'rom small beginnings to lofty heights Uave I ascended by the ladder Douglas made. Until I'm the observed of all observers! And my name upon all tongues is hing'd. I'm to that Mecca on my winding way. Where politicians most do congregate! With garlands hither my path is garnish'd. And at each station will I meet acclaims Of curiosity-seeking multitudes. Yet, Alas! I fear, that in the sequel of that path, There lies concealed, a bed of thorns. And, envenomed di-agon's teeth, by acres.] The air feels chilly. ..the ague threatens! Dauphin, pass the bottle! [Here the train arrives at I s Station... Mu'.ti- tudes Jlock around and clamor for a speech.] Abraham — My generous frieuds, I am rejoiced to see you, and should judge that you Are right smart glad to welcome me. [Loud huzzas and cries of ^'Tell us what lyou're going to (to. "J Abraham — Well, my friends, my mood is none too amiable. Yet, since you ask it, I've not the least objection To 'quaint you that to yonder Mecca do I haste, And what I there do, depends upon the fates, And what the good Duke of York may urge. The horizon with vast events o'erhangs, And womanish minds with fear are wrung, ]'ut, as "nobody's Jiurt," I'll pass— adieu! [Tremeiidons cheering— as the train start$.] Scene 2d — Hotel at Harrishurg — Midnight.] [Enter Messenger in great hoite.] Mess... How, now sir Boniface, Is Father Abraham thy guest? I would see him. I am son of the Duks of York, and Have I business of the most pressing moment With His Highness, oiir beloved Abraham. I woald see him instanter. The occasion presses. Boniface... Abraham is now my honor'd guest; Some two hours post did he and suit retire, To woo Nature's sweet restorer, for He's journy'd long, and needs repose. He bad me to his slumbering presence Admit no mortal wight. Thou must disturb him not. For on his health depends the nation's life. Mess... I must, and will disturb him. For on his instant knowledge of my mission Depends his own most precious life! I ask an instant audience. ..yea, demand it, With His^Highnes6, for I possess a fearful secret. Sent dy the Duke of York, in lightning haste! On which may'st depend our weal or woe. Come, this instant, point out the way To Abraham's apartments, or by St. George, I'll grind your bones to fertilizing plaster. Betwixt yon ceiling and my sledge hammer fists. Boniface. ..(Aside)... [jjy hokeyt This fellow's either crazy, drunk or earnest. There's something in his eye that tokens resolntita* I'll to the chamber of my guest announce him. But should he prove to be a fiendish regicide, And should His Highness slay while he's my gaeat, I'm busted as a Boniface, foiever.] Well, stranger, since your demand doth seem So urgent, honest, and of so vast concern, I will at once comply; but mind you, sir. The least attempt at harm w ill 'rouse All slumbering Harrisburg, and'pon my word. The Susquehanna fishes shall sate their greed ' And dine upon your carcass. Come, sir, as I lead the way, follow thou. With steps as light as un wrought cotton. [Boniface and Messenger dtpartfor No. 1, btarim each a flambeau.] SCENB... They arrive at No. 1 , and give heavy rapt^ Abraham (within, half loaking.) What's up^my, spouse? Heard you not that racket? Strike a light ! The Dauphin out of bed hath fallen! [The visitors rap again.J The Dauphin hath his neck quite broken— and There goes the j—n. Fire! Thieves! [More and louder rapping.. Who'se at my chamber this late hour o' night? Speak without, or my Derringer I'll level ; And wo be to him that my nocturnal sanctum Doth invade at this unseasonable hour! Boniface. ..(without.) Fear not, your Highness, No enemy doth thee confront ! 'Tis thy friends !; I am pressed by no common necessity To thus arouse thee. 'Pon the sacred honor Of thy most honored, loyal guest, I do assure thee, it pains me sorely, To thus disturb thy soothing slumber: But a Messenger from the noble Duke of Yorfc Doth await your Highness' instant pleasure. He entreats thee, as thou life doth value, To grant him instant audience. Abraham... (soto voce,) [Some office seeker, I dare say, who plays this clever ruse To press his selfish suit. However, As there may be danger of some fell garrote, I'll grant him ingress, and probe the 'larum.] [ Unlocks the door^l Walk in, knight errants^ And be quiet, while I the gas do luminate. [Lighlt the ffor.J Mess... I beg your Highness' gracious pardon. For this most unseasonable interruption, but. My noble sire, and thy friend, the Duke of York, Having great concern for your Highness' Ufe, Hath me despatched to warn you of a plot, The most diabolical, and... Abraham. ..(interrupting.) What plot, pray? Mean you to say soma arch fiend is|plottln(j Harm against my person? Speak! Mess... Tea, that do I, your Highness. List, and ye shall learn the upshot on't. My noble Sire, who awaits your Highness, At the palace gate, hath, like a dashing rocket. Sent me to warn you of the fatal danger; That the vile Plugs of the Monumental City Hath a hatching for your swift destruction. A trusty friend, who had the secret gained. Did, on the wings of extra pressure steam, fly To 'quaint my father of the plot and plotters. By the information, the story runneth tbil8;_ To-morrow, as the Programme's gazetted, You are through seething Baltimore to pass. The Rebels hath their machinations well arrangec To give yourself and suit a fitting welcome, And as you the leading thoroughfare do pMS, The Plugs, in dissembling curiosity, Will iu vast array press upon you; 836 THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT. And, at the concerted signal from their chief, A row and tumult will commence, amain, And waxing hotter 'till it doth culminate Into a riot of fearful motive power! Bowie knives, rifles and revolving shooters, In that melee are all to play their purpose; And, when the seed of this infernal plot be ripe, A "chance shot". ..perhaps ado7.en... will pierce yon. ^ And yet, no one aimed it. ..'twas random "accident," And accidents, you know, are seldom honored By compunctions that at the death go weeping. Such, your Highness, is the full programme. And such your danger, most imminent. Here is a note from the Duke's own hand. With particulars full. Read, and at once fly Hence, by other routes, incng. [Abraham talcs letter and treraUingly read}.\ Abraham... But what, pray, can I do? This note doth post me of your father's fears, That on all the highways to the Palace There may assassins lie concealed. Has... For such contingency Have we made provision, ample! I have raised the Curtin from his couch, The noble ruler of this Commonwealth, Who hath arranged to cut the wires, go they give no tongue that's contraband; And thus announce, as a la Mahomed, Your flight by night to Mecca. The track is clear, and a special train Awaits your Highness at the depot. [Prestntt a large bundle to Abraham.] Tvke this Scotch cap and monkish cloak. And, when disguised therein, you've naught to fear, For, by my soul, you'll cut such grostesque figure, That e'en jour spouse won't know jou. Abraham... Alas, I feel the pressure Of your most kind regards. My inward fear Doth move me your lead to follow; But what of the morrow? What fresh excuse Can our friends invent, to reconcile the crowd, That will by thousands flock to see me? What will say the press, when in the wind Of such a dodge. ..so very ludicrous? Will they not po.stme as an arrant coward, When as brave as Ca;sar I should appear? I must summon counsel, e'er I start On such a steeple chase, incognito. Hail the Gov'uor and his trusty friends, That I may with him and them divide This vast responsibility. [Rings the bell. [Enter Boniface in great concern . ] Boniface... I am your most obsequious servant... What will'st your Highness? Abraham... I would you the Gov'nor .summon. I would confer with His Excellency, instantly. Boniface... Aye, your Highness! His Excellency is e'en now in waiting, just below. I will announce him at once. [Enter Governor and friends:] Abraham... Welcome to my perturbed chamber, Moat excellent Gov'nor. I did thee summon For counsel in this perplexing throe of fear! Hast thou learned the story? If yea, at once Proffer me advice, most just and honorable. Gov... That I will, your Highness. I know it all, and have contrived a mode Which, though it will provoke much criticism. Will save you, harmless as a suckling dove! By all means, depart at once, in this disguise... Tea, before your route with prying eyes Shall be astir. 1 will explain Yonr absence on the morrow ; so now depart... Yea, go at once, for time is precious. Abraham... As you will; but 0, That I were a god, to shoot forth thunder Upon those Baltimorean, abject "Uglies!" Small things make base men proud. Those villains Being captains of a gang, threaten more Than Bargulus, the dread Illyrian Pirate! But they shall yet pay interest on their folly! Drones suck not eagles' blood, but rob bees! It seems, indeed, impos.nble that I should die By such dastard vassals as these Plug Uglies, Whose vice move rage, but not remorse, in me; I go, of message from the Duke of York, but I charge ye, take nie swiftly to the Palace! By vile Bezonians great men have died. It was a Rom I n sworder and bandito slave That great TuUy murdered. Brutus' bastard hand Stabbed Julius Caesar,... savage Islanders Pompey the Great, and Suffolk died by pirates... But Abraham the First shall never fall By Baltimore Plug assassins! go, don my guise And hence I post, a monkish refugee. [Exeuntomnes, in great haste and secrecy.] ACT IV. Sczye....4:th of March. [Abraham ehoseth his counsellors, consisting of the Duke of York, Simon, the Leper, Gideon, the Fogy, Ed- ward, the Barrister, Salmon, the Foxey, Caleb, of the family of Smiths, and Montgomery, the paragon. The time arrives for Abraham to doff the Scotch cap,&c., and put on the robes of power, and at 12 o'clock he, with his counsellors aud soothsayers, leads a dashing pageantry for the Capitol to do some "tall swearing." The East por- tico, surrounded by thousands bayonets and civilians.] [Enter King James, sundry Lords, Noblet, dc] Abraham. ..[Holding up his right hand and fixing his eyes on the nude Statuary before him.] I now before this vast array Of soldiers and civilians, am about to sweiir To protect and preserve the nation's Magna Char ta. Witne.ss, 0, people aud my God, that solemn oath. Judge Taney... Most elevated Abraham! Thou chosen ruler of the Jews and Gentiles Of this great, dissevered commonwealth! Know thou that I am the distinguished author Of that little-understood and misquoted tale, Dred Scott, And that by our great charter, am I empowered To exact of thee, before God, an oath, That thou, abjuring all other potentates. Powers, platforms, croeds and principalities. Will faithfully execute the statutes. Uphold the Constitution as I expound it, Aud place in trust or ofiice, none except The faithful of your creed and party. So help you, Simon and the "Balance.'" Ahrham... Most learn'd and ven'rable expounder Of the law's delays and constitutional perplexities, With profound delight have I heard thy speech. And in the presence of thy August Self, God and the people, do I offer solemn oath, To abjure all other Potentates and Powers, (Except Powers' Greek Slave and other Slaves,) And that I will most faithfully execute the laws, (And the rebels, if 1 can catch them,) . The Constitution in all things will I obey, (Providing with my wish it interferethnot,) And to office not a soul will I appoint, Except the purely "loyal" of my own party. So help me Simon and the "Balance." Gen. Scott {as Nestor) The deed is done, Abraham is now monarch of all he surveys ! Soldiers, break ranks, and to your rations... To your tents, 0, Israel! And thou. King James, Farewell. As Dupe of Lancaster, do I 'point thee, And may the evil of thy latter days By no means survive thy issue! King James... Thank God I I no loBger bear upon my galled back, The saddle of most perplexing oflice. And that politicians, spurred and booted. Shall no longer ride me legitimately. By the grace of God! Adieu, adieu. My late terror-stricken subjects. ..Adieu . [Exit King James, while Abraham seeks repose in the Palace,] t:ie irrepressible conflict. 337 ACT V. SOBlfE... Cabinet meeting — War and Jiumors if War. [Enter Abraham, Simon, Duke of i'orlc, a?id the Balance.] Abraham... Well, my faithful Dukes, To this solemn counsel I have you summoned. That I may draw your opinions Of our duty in this alarming crisis. The Seseshers have their ugly backs up, And are bent on early mischief ; The Palmetto state hath taken leave, And the Everglades are on the move; Georgia, Alabama and Texas threaten... The Mississippians are becoming hufl'y... The Old Dominion wavers, and I fear The whole caboodle will give us slip I What shall bo done, is now the question... What can be done, is still a harder one. Simon... I pray your Uighnesa Take little heed of these flying rumors. Rest at ease 'till the ofBces befill'dl OwT friends should be waited on Before we pay attention to our foes! Charity, your Highness, begins at home! Gideon... Simon hath most fitly spoken. 'Tis clear that charity should at home begin: And what greater charity than to give the spoils To our most needy (yea, and seedy) friends, Whohath'swarined around your Highness, As a protecting armor, in your late peril, And at the polls were most servicable? Salmon... Fr.om such a role I must dissent; Our country first, and afterwards the spoils. Would be my motto at such time as this. Simon... "Country" de d — dl I've too many friends aivaitiug army contracts, To trifle "bout the "country," yet awhile! [Enter Mesaengtr .] Mess... Mo.st mighty sovereign, On our Eastern coast, the puissant rebels Have attack'd and battered down Fort Sumter, And they seem bent on more despr'ate mischief. 'Tis said that Beauregard commands them ! I assure your most Excellent Highness, The very air is full of rumors. [Exit Messenger .] Abraham... Some light foot friend Post to old Nester Scott, instanter. Simon, thy self, or Catesby, where is he? Caleb... Catesby? He's among the rebel galleys! Simon... I prithee, be calm! 'Twill be but an hour's bubble, then .all is quiet; To-morrow will I post a platoon of Wide Awaken, Who'll Charleston reduce to shreds. ..yea. In six hours, by the watch ! Egad! I'll make short work of these coward rebels! Gideon... I pray your Highness, leave all to Simon, He'll punish these recusant subjects! [En er '2d Messenger, in haste.} Abraham... How, now, dolt! What news? Why com'st thou in such haste? 2d Mess... Why, my Lord! The rebels are in arms! Jeff. Davis is proclaimed vicegerent ruler Of one half ynur Highness' realms! Ha calls your Highness usurper, openly! He vsws to crown himself in Washington! His army is a vast, ragged multitude Of hinds and peasants, nude and merciless! Old Hickory's death and your success Hath given them heart and courage to proceed! All Republicans, Abolitionists and gentlemen They call false catterpillars, and intend their death! Abraham... 0, gracele.ss Rebels!... Fire-eating serfs... they know not what they do! .Nestor... My gracious Lord, Retire to Chicago, 'till I a f irce do raise To put them down. ^luen Margaret... Ah, wre the Little Giant King, These fiendish Rebels would be soou a^ipeased! I Enter anot/'T Messenger.] 'id Meu... Sad news, my Lonla! Stonewall's varlets hath near reached Long Bridge! The citizens fly and forsake their homes! The rascally people, thirsting after prey. Join with the traitors, and they jointly swear To spoil this city and your loyal court. Our legions that did yesternight go forth Into the Bull Run gorge to meet the Rebels, Hath been repulsed in most disastrous slaughter, and panic-struck, are flying hither; And your highness. Each soldiers wears a look of o'er-eihaustion; While curses long and loud do rend the air! All talk of treachery, and most atfirm That Patterson is a knave or fool ! Abraham... Merciful Heavens' Is it come to this? My very palace gates By a mob of ragged rebels threatened. Whom wo could boat by ballots, but not by swords! I'll go the oysteFB, there's treachery in camp! 5imon...Then linger not, my Lord? Away! take horse! Abraham. ..Come, my Queen, Scott and our platform Will, in this trying hour, succor us. Q. Mar....Mj hope is gone, now Douglas is deceased. Abraham... Farewell, my Lords, Beware the Kentish rebels. To my palace Will I retire, and note events. [Exeunt omnes.] ACT VI. Scene — Cabinet Convention . Abraham... How now, my Lord.s, Have you pondered well the fearful " situation ?" The ill mishaps on Manassa.s' gory plains Have wrought my mind to most nervous pitch. What think you of a change in commander Of our grand Potomac Army ? There's Achilles, The chivalrous West Virginia hero. Who can from Stonewall bring those honors off. Which alone can rid us of Jeff Davis, The centrifugal Hector of the South! What say you to Achilles, the young Napoleon? Yet, in the trial, much opinion dwells — For now, our party taste our dear repute, With their finest palates. They trust to m<>. And yet, thei/ choose, and only ask my sanction- Using me as a manikin, merely. It is supposed. That he who goes forth to meet the Southern Hector, Issues from our own well studied choice. And should disaster follow, wo betide us. Simon... Give pardon to my speech ; Therefore, 'tis meet that Achilles meet not Hector! Let us, like merchants, show our foulest wares, And think, perchance, they'll sell, if not The luster of the better shall exceed, By showing the baser lot at first ! Consent not that Achilles and Hector meet, For both our honor and our party interest Are dogg'd by two strange followers — I mean the radical and conservative pressin'e— Achilles is a chieftain of Democratic stock. He's valliant, and may win too many laurels! We must to our party interest have an eye! Abraham ...In thnt light, I don't exactly see it. Simon... What glory Achilles wins from Hector, Wore he of our party, we should all share. But success would make his party insolent, Anil we had better parch in Afric's sun, Than in the pride of Achilles' glory! No. let us make a lottery, And by device, let blockhead Ajax (h'aw The man to fight with Hector. Among ourselves, Give him allowance for the better man, For that will physic most, the proud Democracy, Who rail in loud applause, and make them fall Their crests, that prouder than blue iris bends! If the dull, brainless Ajax comes safe off, We'll dress him up in voices! Should he fail, Yet, go we under our good opinion still. That we have belti-.r men. But, hit or miss, 338 THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT. Oar plan one gooil shape of sense assumes-- Ajax employed, pltioks down Achilles' plumes! D. of Y.... My Lord Simo;i Hath woven a most ingenious web, which Might, and then it might not catch The silly summer flies that buzz around The purlieus of our royal palace. But I, Morefoxey, would web for guUinippers-- They do bite and stin^. No, we must not Our brave Achilles jump by any noodle; For should aught of ill betide our arms, 'Twill be to p;uty scheming charged ! The public is a tiger, which, when by degrees. Tamed and docillated to one's own will. Can by silken .strings of sophistry be led : But when frosh from jungles of the native herd, 'Tis no common plaything, and might, anon Prove dangerous. We must be cautious! [Enter Page.] Page... Please your Highness, I am press'd by a seeiy courtier, just arrived. With pale and livered face, and greasy wardrobe, To ask him audience with your Lordships. Shall I announce him? Abra}iam...Vf ho is he, and what his purpose? Page... Please your Highness, I know him not, and can but from his exterior jib Describe him . Simon... Well, well, what looks he like? Page... And, by the Powers that made me, 1 should be puzzled to daguerreotype him. He's crowned with a slouched hat, a la Mcse-- Coat and jacket drab as pale charity- - Pants of the same fabric, closely pack'd Inside his monstrous stogas. Such, your Lordship, Are his quaint externals, which to other eyes, More vulgar, 'pear as though once were clean, Tho' now with grease and ink befuddled! The sheepish looking stranger did flat refuse To send his card, and I would you caution, Sean him well, leFt some cannibal spy Shall for supper take your measure. Ahrahani (aside.)... [Oreely, by thunder! There's no mistaking that quaint description. Wonder what the cuss desires of me? Perhaps some contract, or foreign mission. - Or, to bore me about the duties of my oath, Or, in the contraband role impress me! Well, a few sugar plums must quiet him. J Admit the stranger, I know him well. Page... Your Highness, I haste to do your bidding. [Aside.] [His Highness "knows him well," egad! He seems familiar with all the greasy fellers? However, I'll keep a vigil eye on the gold spoons And silver plate, while that rustic stays.] [Exunt Page, and enter Gen. Greely.] Abraham... Welcome to our palace, ThOH most proficient mental engineer! Wait, betimes, while I do call the lacquey. To spunge thy dusty wardrobe. Gen. Greely... 0, trouble not, sweet Abraham, About my wardrobe, for on Jnly 4th, One year ago, it was quite renovated. But, good Abraham, I'm come not, I'll swear, All the way trom York, to shake my dust Into your royal court. I am come, commission'd To plead before your august Lordships, The bleeding cause of contrabands, in general! I do demand, that ignoring all other acts. The Confiscation Act you follow, to the letter. Issue the Proclamation, and "on to Richmond!" Then, by St. Paul, the rebels soon must yield. For I have nine hundred thousand warriors That to arms will spring, the very moment Ysu sound the Proclamation trump. D. of T. (aside.)... [As I have oft prognosticated, That Greely will yet ruin the House of Abraham. I would he were ten leagues in Dixie.] AVell, my honest friend. It doth n:.e honor to thus greet thee! I pray thee be thou quite at home. But, with aught valuable, meddle not - Touch nothing here, and I'll give the "pass" To enjoy the liberty of the palace yard! Adieu, kind General --adieu! Gen. Greely (aside.)... [Umph! Since these snobs Are dressed in a little brief authority. They put on airs, that cast the Bowery Thugs Quite in the shade. Faith, I'll tickle 'em With my trusty goese quill. J [EtH Gen. Greely.] D. (f r. ... Thank God fur that good riddance! [Enter Page.] Page... May it please your gracious Highness A delegation in the anti-room doth wait An audience with your Highness. Abraham... Admit them not. These interruptions doth spoil our purpose. jSa/mon.-.Tell them we are not at home to-day. Page... But, my Lords, they did me press Most urgent, and tsesides, they are your allies. Most potent in this crisis. Gideon... Speak, rat. What their wish? Come, make short tongue! Page [ My Lord, I can but say, "They're black as ace o'spades. and only talk About "Freedom" and His Highness' "policy." Simon... Ah ! I smell the rat These are our party proteges. I vow, We must not these turn off in grief. All voices... Admit them! Admit them! [Enter Delegation of Contrabands.] Abraham... Welcome, welcome! Most sable allies in freedom's cause! D. of J'... Welcome, thou motive power Of the conilict, irrepressible. Gideon... "What can we do to serve thee? Ist Contraband... We hab come, Massa Abraham. In behaf ob degemmen ob de purest blood. To enquire 'bout de collyzashun question. Abraham... Aye, aye, ye do flatter me. To thus take notice o' that important point, Which is the Alpha and Omega of my reign . [Enter Messenger.] Simon. ..y^hj this interruption, bastard? Mess... Pardon, your Lordships, But Achilles; failing of ample reinforcements, By Ajax, as he would, hath, by vast numbers. Been quite repulsed, by Hector's Rebel Chiefs, And hence, to Yorktown is retreating. Achilles did chide me. As I lov'd our country, to fly with speed That should distance the fleetest stag, To reach the palace, and beg your Lordships The send him succor, instantly, or As he bad me say, all may be lost. [Enter Edioin, Simmi having withdrawn.] Edivin... Begone, ye lousey interloper. And tell Achilles to give o'er Richmond— That Ajax to guard our royal palace Hath been directed . Tell Achilles to flee Or fight, for no succor shall he have from me. Sahnon... A vaunt! A vaunt! We've more important business now ! Our colored cousins await our pleasure! [Exit Messenger in grief.] 1st Con... As I war sayin', Massa-- Abraham... 0,--aye, I do remember. Thou wouldst learn my arch device To make you equals of the famed Aztecs. 2d Con... ^"i Massa, do, Tou won't 'mong dem alligators send us! We am told you makedis war on our 'count-- Dat you promise to make us "free" and -'equal," Just as r...For subjugation and extermina- tion Balance of i'oiw)-. ..Administratiou under ban of 105 Bigotry anci/H^oio-racc. .Borrowed from the Pilgrims IttS Bayonets... To defy the People. ..Chicago Tribune 113 Book .5>wui("e...By Kefoim Congress 317 c. Channing, Bcv. i)r...Proph6ies on Emancipation...... 18 Cuba aMrfVamaica... compared 20 Cause of the H'ar... Is slavery the 23 Cause and eft'ect illustrated 23 Beecher on the 23 \Vh.it is the 26 Ehett, Toombs, &c...its date 24 Constitution, i/ic.The three parties in forming 24 Early opposition to 25 A covenant with death, &c 88 Greeley on suspending 92 Thad. Stevens pronouuces an absurdity 116 Burnt by Garrison 118 Henkle "blows itaway" 118 Original plan of 126 Mr. Martin on, &c 127-8 Virginia arid Inirac«...Charter of theCataline 310-11 Ccm...ToRebel,Ma6on 95, 96 Rather Defeat than Union, &c 119 Conway, F.. 4. ..Treasonable Speech in Congress 96, 97 Letter to N. Y. Tribune 98, 99 Would not vote another dollar 91 Conway, Ji'cr... Higher standard than Starsand Stripes 89 1 CiDispm'cy... Abolition in New York 102-3 The "Round Head" 112 The Fremont... Boston Courier 114 I Soldier voting scheme ,. 115 Gov. Ramsey and Chicago Tribune on 115 The Altoona meeting 114 Northern, against the Union 29 The Pelham, inl798 29 Of New England, in 1814, &c 32 The great Northern. ..Douglas on 53 Sumner admits eacouragement of 64 Of WisconiinSRepublicans 73 to 85 Co«.s/>in(^or«... Against President, &c 115 Coercto)!... Lord Brougham on 144 Congress, Peace. ..Plan of Adjustment 144 Franklin's substitute 145 N. Y. Post on tie, in 145 Greeley Against 145 Chicago PZayw-??i...APlankfrom--LincoIn 153-175 Conservative Poitcy...Pledgedby C. B. Smith 17« Co«/!Sc^tton... Senator Cowan on 182 Doolittle on 186 Cotvan, Senator. ..See Confiscation 182 Colonization, &c... Senator Doolittle on 184 Calhomi's (Solution. ..Doolittle on 185 Caicse and P^ec^.. Efforts to Divide the North 191 Conquest... Vhillips' Barbarian 105 CoJicessjons... Greeley Opposes Ill Chandler, Z... On Compromise 60 Cause. ..Of Agitation- -Slavery the .*. 90 Cutler, W. P.. .On the "Cause" ^90 Currency, the iVeto... Stand from under 325 D. DtMoZirfion... Radicals and Rebels agree 291 Republicans Clamor for 117 Sen. Wadereadyfor oe 120 Seward's justification of. 122 No Terrors for J. P. Hale 123 Ropublicans Stimulate 146 Morrill Tariff to Aid 146 INDEX. 345 Dissolution. ..Swmn'jT opens the Ba!I, ISCO 153 N. y. Post and Wii. Journal on 158 Wis. Jourual — " No misfortune " SI N . y Tribune advocates s 86 Mr. Lincoln adrocates, in 1S48 87 A'allaDdigham's Union Kesolutions voted down S7-S Hale, Chase and Seward rote on Petitions for.... 91 Boston Liberator on Petitions for 92 Lowell Republicans for 92 Boston Free Soilers for 92 Erie Free American on 92 If . H. Gazette on Petitions for 92 R. 8. Spaulding for 92 Abolition Petitions for 92 Rev. Mr. Hodges for 94 Garrison on Growth of. 93 Banks "Let the Union Slide " 94 Oberlin Reicuers '. 103-4 Phillips labors Nineteen Years for 105 Greeley for letting Cotton States go Ill , Phillips Appeal for Ill J. Q. Adams --Petition for 26 Giddings... petition for 26 Factions of both sections desire 26 Know Nothingism to assist 26 Josiah Quincy proposes inlSll 28 Hartford convention... New England Conspiracy 28 Gov. Strong on "board of war" 28 Spurned by Democrats in 1814 29 Paving way for. ..Public debt, &c 45 Object of forming Republican party 45 S. J. Tilden on Agitation, for 45 Jefferson's prediction, of 46-7 F. P. Blair's testimony 54 Parson Browulow on 54 Thurlovv Weed and Mr. Seward 54 Aboliticnists in New York in 1859, for 55 Republicans of Massachusetts in 1851 and 1856 for 55 Ben Wade and Garrison 55 Republicans of Wisconsin 65 Burlingame...Wilmot...H. Mann 65 Phillips... Lowel Republicans 55 Bosten Liberator. ..J. W. Webb 55 Hampshire Gazette. ..Anli-Slavery society 66 Redmond. ..P. Pillsbury... Stephen Foster. ..Chas. Sumner 56-7 Of Northern growth. ..Boston Liberator. ..War brought on by North. ..Testimony of Wen- dell Phillips. ..'The Kansas imbroglio, part of the scheme, &c 61 Draft, ttc... vs. volunteering 291 In Massachusetts and Rhode Island.. .A myste- rious. ..Springfield Republican on 295 Results of in Massachusetts and New York... Thurlow Weed on sneaks 296 In time of the Revolution 296 Kept up for political purposes 296 See conscription bill 267 Democrats. ..Loyalty and patriotism of 297 Of New York. ..Iowa. ..Ohio. ..Wisconsin. ..Ken- tucky. ...Minnesota.. .Pennsylvania Connecti- cut. ..Indiana. ..of Columbus, Ohio. ..of Madison, Wis...The National Democracy. ..Gov. Seymour's Proclamation. ..His message of 1863. ..Gov. Per- kin's proclamation. ..H. L. Palmer's views. ..«i tu Yallandigham... Democrats rejoice at victo- ries. ..testimony of their opponents. ..Mr. Sew- ard and Judge Paine on. ..Stanton compliments Seymour 298-303 Threatened and punished for voting 286..7 Hated by Republicans. ..Richmond Examiner and Mobile Register on 290..1 Of 1814 protest against disunion 28 Of New Jersey, spurn thj treason 29 Democratic Vote.. .In the loyal States 305 i)e/au((^r... caught 320 Debt. ..The public. ..cost of the war. ..is a public, • na- tional blessing 304 Our National, Ac 324 XHsgraceful Outrage. ..At Boscobel 306 Discipline. ..At Vicksburg 306 Despotism... Seeks semblance of legality. ..Solicitor Whiting misconstrues law 234 Have we not a military 263 Adjutant Thomas punishing soldiers 265 Avowed by Boston Commonwealth 268 A leaf from French History 268 SeofQoT. Seymour," 1864, on 269 23 i)fty>o/('jm...?igie of approaching 274 Army voting to aid 276... Case of Lieut. Kdi;erly, 267 Capt. Sells punished forvoting 286 Webster on grasp <]f power 121 Seward can ring a bell and arrest 118 Confidence parent of.. .Jefferson. ..Webster on Free Speech...., 37 Of Conscription. ..Sen. Harrison 329 Datofs... Speech on Frauds 314 On Larcenies 320 Despotism Refined... A young lady fined for playing liano...Burnside arrests for wearing badges... 238 Wilson on shooting Copperhead's. ..Col. Gilbert breaks up Kentucky Convention. ..Janesville Gazette on unlimited power 240 Despotic Onler... Gen. RoUin to Alexandria Gazette... 236 Despotism, pett!/...ATTeEtB for wealing badges 27S Diabolical Sentiment.'!. ..HMeck to New Y^ork meeting 266 P. M. General Blair at same 267 Senator Wilson utters 268 Doolittle, S??i...v8. Doolittlc.on absolute power 261 Speech on Colonization 184 Charges U. S. Senate with want of sympathy... 186 Racine Journal on 188 On nullification and habeas corpus 85 District of Columbia. ..tiiVitSiry Governor. ..investiga- tion suppressed 262 Disloyal Republicans. ..Lift ot, $500 reward 242 Ditloi/alty... Ta.h\es turned on charge of—Disloyalty of Radicals-— Andrew Johnson on-— Mr. Lin- coln 148, 149 Opposition to the "government " 158-162 Of Radicals- -Various Extracts 164-168 Testimony of Sen. Browning, &c 165 Revolutionary Spirit of Republicans 86 And Treason--Variou8 Extracts 90-04 Of Federals and Whigs 37-45 Round Head Conspiracy 112 Hailing Extermination and Damnation 117 Sumner's Revolutionary Spirit 116 Declaration of Independetice- -Reviied 274 Douglas, S. J....T0 S. S. Hayes, J. Taylor and Mem- phis Appeal 138 On Cause of the War 24 On Compromise 49 On Northern Conspiracy 53 Disunionits... The other class 154 Duer, Jurf^c... On Martial Law 221 Discouraging Enlistme7its... Boston Liberator 90 Davis, Wm. 3/.. ..Radical views 90 Douglas, iy-ed...ToT Dissolution 93 Douvall, Rev. Wm. 0... Hopes for Civil War 94 E Emancipation... 'ESects of, in St. Domingo 13,14 Napoleon's Proclamation of. IS Agitation for, in England--Sudden--Paley'f Opinion 14 Canning on 14 Effects of, in West Indies- -In Ilayti 15 Statistical effects compared- -Barbarism, re- sults of- -Mr. Underbill's Testimony 16 London, Missionary Herald on. ..Unfavorable to Jamaica. ..Comparisons before and after... Plantations abandoned 17 Abolition prophesies 30 years ago. ..London Times on. ..Trollop on, &c 18 Capt. Hamilton's statement. ..Editor New York Post on. ..Mr. Baird's opinion. ..Ei-Gevernor Wood's Experience. ..Kingston, a God-forsaken place... American Missionary on. ..American 'Anti-Slavery Society on... Effect on marriage relation 19 Loss of labor. ..Decay of estates. ..Only to free negroes from labor. ..Mr. LincoU's testimony ...Mr. Underbill in Cuba. ..Cuba and Jamaica statistically compared^.. statistical comparison in the United States 20 And peonage in Mexico 21 Proclamation. ..New York Tribune on 155 Pope's bull against the comet. ..New York Tri- bune, Janesville Gazette, Waukesha Freeman, Boston Liberator, on....^ 156 Beward pronounces nnconstitutional „ 168 Lincoln's "greatest folly" -, 168 gpringfield-Utica letter, on 168 Wilberforce and English TiewB on 171 346 INDflX. JJwaneipo^i'on... Springfield Republican confesses a failure 173 tledg^s of Caleb B. Smith.... 174 Mr. Mailigonon..... 174 Lord Dunmore in Revolution. .....!.....„. 174 - Thurlow Weed's prediction. ..GraduW... Lincoln ' on. ..Chicago piriform.... 175 Senator Doolittle on...;...\.... 184 Lincoln vs. Lincoln 262 Beecher on God responsible for :... 99 Mr. Seward in 1858 „... 122 Beecher, God and the negro ...V 118 J. M. Ashley oii ....: 91 Gov. Dennisonon.silddea .:.'. 23 Meetions... MWitary interference in Kentucky. 281 Interference trith in Maryland ' 282 Frauds in PeiinsTlvauia and 'Ohio..l 285-6 Capt. Sells punished '.....' 286 Case of Lieut. Edgerly '. 267 Bribery. ..use of money in..... 287 Discharge of disabled Demorrat.s : 2S7 New York Independent boaSta of Administrii- tion interference in.'.. 290 Boston Commonwealth on ............' 268 Anti -copperhead" resolutiohs, '&c '... 265 Electionetriny ...HxpeuHcs saddlefl on th'e people... 278 Frauds, thieafn, &c...:..L: .....' :..'..'. 279 Contractors do their part........................... 280 Burnside's martial law in Kentucky.-. 280 ErAisiments.. .'WWiion and t'essendenon stopping 292 Thad. Stevens' on ruinous expenses 293 See also ....'. 191 .ExenipJr... See draft in Massachusetts, &c 295 Eifierson, li. TF... Radical extract..' .....' 92 ExUrmination and X'rtOTnailtcn:.. Wisconsin Kepubii- cans on ;..... 117 Executive power. ..Vi-AtiieX 'Webster oh......... 121 Everett, £diti«r!Z... On compromise .' 143 JJxtremes... Political, compared... ., 183 Excuses. .."Qy Administration organs for usurpations, &c.. :... :. 1...1 .............229-234 Edgerly, X!>Mf...Dismissedfor voting democratic'.. ...... 267 jEyaaZi'fy.. .Bet ween races... McKenzie 22 F. i?VaMdJ...Klectioiieoring expenses saddled on the peo- ple 278 On the elective frauchise 279-80 In New York quota 284 In i'enusj-lvania arid Ohio election :285-6 Chapter ou... poetical applications 307 Van Wyck's speech on..... 310-11 In Treasury department, &c 312 Geo. D. Morgan's operations 313 Jehn P. Hale on corruptions 314 Dawes' spech on 314 Record of infimy...Ohio Journal 316 ■ Stealing by Members of Congress. i. Senator Sim- mons $50,000... Honest JAck Hale. ..Middle men in Washington... Horse swindle. ..In Na- vy Yard. ..The book swindle, &c 317 In transports. ..Grimes committee. ..Vessel char- ters. ..Conclusions ...'.. ......,....'... 318 Mileage steal. ..New York frauds. '. 819 Swindle at Cairo. ..Defaulter caught. ..Gen. Wil- cox on ' Contractors. ..Larcenies ... Frempnt'i frauds. ..Beauties of Republican retrench- ment ....; 320 Millions upon millions wasted..... ....'. 320 McKinstry's developments.... ^.."321 Old Abe, Cameron, and their pets' 321 One of the coolest. ..Congress censures 322 Holy ministers and stolen libraries. ..Swindling soldiers... Hundreds of millions swindled. ..Im- peachment of Republican otticers for 323 J!remonf...See frauds...... 320 The conspiriicy...'BostbnCouiier 114 Proclamation. ..ludiatia'poKs Sentinel on. 150 Ftstui...VtM\ and the Roman Law... 253 Fixe iS>«c7t...RepuMicans mob Douglas 257 Green Co. (Wis.)mob : 257 Abolished...SeuatorHOweon...' 273 Jefferson and Webster on..... 37 Ftderalt. Whigs and Repuhlicans...l\i. jUxtapoiition 258 French History ...K\«9.rm:m 268 F(yrney,J 21S Crittenden on ,,.....,., ,,..,,.., 219 Erey, Ja/nes is... Order on ^aUeas cofpus.,,,,,...,, 2:34 ' ' ' ^ '(J. ■ .^ .: .^ Government. ..Hamilton's strong'..... >...•......,.....;.. :..... 24 Is the President the?. .;.,....„... .J .,... 100 Beecher on : ..■......>; 121 This. ..Mason's prediction of fate of. 130 Giddings, Joshua. ..Vetitioa for dissolution 26 Choked down in Chicago convention. ..EeasOng why 1 ;;.,... 152 Gerrit /S'»ji£/i...For revolution in Kansas 63 Garrison, ito3/rf...Constitution pro-slavery......' 78 Disunion and Republicanism grow together 93 No Union as it was 99 Nest egg of treason., 100 Burns the constitution , IIS Opinion of use of Republicans ..i.., 122 Greeley, Horace. ..(New Y'ork 7'ri6tt««.)... Advocates secession and peace ,.j 86-7 Superstition of the constitutien.- 93 "Better that the Capitol should blaze,'' Ac 93 Defiance to government .- 120 Opposes compromise , 145 Advocates secession 145 Abuse of Administration 164 On Ilalleck and cabbages ,......, ....; 167 On servile insurrection 173 On Vallandigham 220 On infaliability of government ..;... 274 On "Flaunting Lie" 68 Gilbert, Col. ..On Kentucky convention..-. 240 Grimes committee. ..GroBS frauds : 31S H. , History... Logic and application of 1... 9 Of slavery agitation in itome, &c. ,.. 9 A leaf from French. '. 268 77a2/h'... History of Emancipation in ,... 15 Hamilton, ^(?ox... Strong government..... 24 Hartford convention. ..J^evr England, Confederacy... Dehiocratic protest. ,....„,:....,... 2? A waif from ..i 35 Prom address to ..,.; '.... 41 And Wisconsin Republicans Compared 85 And conspiracies of '62 compared 113 JTc/pey's... Impending crisis. ..Extracts from 62 Seward endorses , 63 Zra6cajco>7;«s.. .For negroes'.. .Milwaukee Sentinel.'.... 79 Senator Doolittle on.' : , , S5 Act suspending, &c ; ..,.,„.l(J9'-l6 Vote on sanie 110 Solicitor Whiting's "opinion" 2-34 Magna Charts. ..Romtnisces 242-248 Suspension... General remarks on , 245-6 Blackstone on, in England 248 What our fathers thought of it. 248 Judge Geo. T. Curtis on 249 Proclamation iuspendiug 254 Vote in Congress. ..Magna charta 255 Supreme Court of Wisconsin on 256 Hutchings, v^oAn... On the "cause '.„■.,. ,...., 91 INDEX. 347 Hale, John P...On Petitions for dissolution 61 On (lissohition, "let it come" 123 Honest Jacks. ..takes a "fee" 316 Hopkins, £ras«... Dawes on Republican 320 Laman, Marshal. ..Lincoln'^ Right Bower 321 Liberty of the iVess... Patrick Henry on 328 James Madison on 328 Xi'tertj/... overthrow of. 88, 89 Lovejoy, Oiwtt... Radical views 90 Legal and Personal Rights. ..ViehsteT on 218 Livingston, i't/uiarrf... Great speech on Alien Bill, 1798 223 Who was he? 229 M. Montesquieu. ..on Free Speech 330 J/exrco... Emancipation and Peonage in -21 ilexican irar...A. Lincoln and C. B. Smith oppose 43 J. R. Giddings. .. Warren (0.) Chronicle. ..Xenia (0.) Torch Light. ..Lebanon (0.) Star. ..Cincin- nati Gazette. ..Kennebeck (Me.) Journal. ..N. n. Statesman. ..Haverhill Gazette. ..Boston Sentinel. ..Boston Atlas. ..Boston Cbronotype ...North American... Baltimore Patriot. ..Louis- ville Journal. ..Nashville Gazette. ..Mt. Car- mel Register and Tom Corwinin opposition. ..44-5 Massachusetts. ..TTeiLSon of. 27 Sets up for herself in 1814 28 For kicking Louisiana out the Union 29 Treasonable resolution.s inlS14 29 Various treasonsonable e.xtracts, 1813-14 38 Her treasonable Legislature in 1814 42 Stealing Negroes, &c 130 Gov. Andrew for proclamation... "buts," "ifs," &c... Forced Conscription 157 Her Bill of Rights 244 Draft in 296 Madison, James, and iincoj?!... compared 35 Madison, James. ..on Freedom 330 On Emancipation 330 On Liberty of the Press 328 Madison, Tfi's... Democracy of 300 Mann, Horace ...Disunion, Civil War, ic 91 Mason, J. ^...Rebel...to M. D. Conway 96 Disunion L»tterto Jeff. Davis 154 Military Gover7iment... Tinn^s predicts.in lSi6 122 "Modern Improvements'' . -Gen. Butler for 123 Martin, Luther. ..on Compromises of the Constitu- tion., 127 to 129 Mason, Geo...Predict3 fate of the Government 130 Missouri Compromise. ..Clay and ^Jackson on 131 Mob Inciters. ..Vi' ted on 151 Military lYecsssiiy... Proclamation predicated on 155 Ifeta^^ors... Abolitionists and Republicans the same,.. 183 Jl/a«Mmiss!07!... National Intelligencer on 184 Military Arrests. ..AThitr&Ty power. Banks on 190 Republican confessions... Remarks on 229 to 234 348 INDEX. Military Despotism ...H&ye we uot a 203 Military Interference. ..vrith electioQ iu Kentucky "281 In Maryland, &c 283 MartialLaw ..Judge Duer on 221 Burnrside declares in Kentucky 280 Monarchy. ..John Adams for 223 Mah(miy...His case... Remarks on 229 to 2;34 MaffnaCharta...\vTung from King John 246 Judge Curtis on 251 Vote in Congress on 265 Mobbing Democrats, rfc... Chapter on 256 Schenck's order Suppressing Papers... Ilascall to New York Express 256-V Republicans Mob Douglas. ..Green County, Wis- consin, Mob 257 Disgraceful r.utrage 306 Message. ..of Gov . Seymour on Rotten Boroughs 269 Maryland Election ...Qoy . Bradford's Proclamation 282 Milroy, Gen. ..on "Home Traitors" ; 288 Mobile Rei/ister... Agrees with Radicals 291 McClellan, G^)!... Denial of troops to 293 3/i'«Me.to<(!... Democracy of... 299 Miscellaneiiiis...f:fe chapter of. , 303 Morgan. Geo. Z>...IIis Agency operations 313 Mileage ,V/eaL.. "Reform" Congress S19 Millic»is...npan Millions wasted 320 McKinstry, >/«;.. .Trial of 321 Mortgaged. .."^ie are all...Spaulding on. ..our Kational Debt 324 McCtdloch... on new Currency 325 N. Kegroes, fj-ec... Won't work in Africa 18 Their character, by Lewis. ..Testimony of Sir H. Light. ..Capt. Hamilton's statement. ..Editor of N. y. Post on...Robt. Baird's Opinion. ..Ex Gov. Wood's experience. ..Sewell on Kingston ...American Missionary on. ..American Anti- Slavery Society on. ..The Marriage Relation among, &c 19 Kegro, the,and (?o(Z...Beecber's only hope 118 iVe^)'0.5oWt€rPo?/cy... Abolition the object, &c 170 Ae^'roiJi^r/i^s... Republican consistenc}'...Yote in Illi- nois and Wisconsin 262 Negro Nobility ...IWrntTntions .304 Negro ^j'Mfs^iori... Ex-President Filmore on 328 Negroes... ^o\<\ by Abolitionists for Cotton 263 Northern Confederacy...'^. E. clamors for 29 iVewJ^n^Zajtt/.. .Treason of.. .Various extracts in proof. 38 For the Slave Trade 129-30 Nullification ...i^nmner pledges Kujiublican party for... 57 Of Wisconsin. ..Chapter on 73 to 85 Sumner in fiivor of. 92 lnOhio...Wolcotton 117 Person.al Liberty bills 188 The animus admitted 1S9 Nest Eggsof Treasr)n...'By whom laid luO-1 National ITtrr Com7»jHpe... Roundhead con.'^piracy 114 New York Hi ot... Weed one inciters of 151 Netv Tori- y!('.^.f... Frauds in 284 Compared with otherstates 2S4 New York. ..Draft in Sth District 296 Democracy of 298 Frauds in Quota 2S4 Neicsjxqxrrs u';j/.,.Numeruu5 extracts fiom Federal Press, Ac 37 to 43 By Mr. Lincoln and others during Mexican war 43 Various similar extracts 43 to "*5 Orlem, Judge. ..llis letter on precipitating the war. .....51-2 Oberlin BciCifcrs... Treasonable extracts.... 103-4 Ohjectof the TTar... Congress. ..Crit. Res 150 Chase at New.York maeting , 267 0)-tfer3S... Real object of. 192 Compared with Alien act 223-4 Orlliodoxy and Heterodoxy. ..Th& dift'erence 268 Ohio and iuifu... Army vote compared 278 Opdyke. Mayor. ..VieM on "Sneaks" 296 Opposiiioniv Law... The jsine in Wisconsin ., 82 0/t JO. ..Democracy of. 298 Outrage, Disgraceful... at Ho^eohel 306 One /t?ca...Shaksperianand tragical illustration 333 P. Proclam.ati(m...f>l Napolean abolishing slavery 13 Fremont's... Indianapolis Sentinel,on 150 Of Emancipation. ..Remarks. ..New York Tri- bune on .' 155 Predictions of good tofollow 156 of Emancipation. ..Unconstitutional. ..How the Radicals opposed the "Government" before the 138 to 162 See false prophets 161-2 In a nut shell. ..a test of Loyalty. ..Sen. Wilson's Address. ..Remarks on, o?trf''on. .. Rebellion m Wisconsin.. .the four Rebel- lions 73 Complete chronological history of the Booth rebellion 74-77 U. S. Supreme Court on. ...Judge Paine 76-7 Wisconsin Republicans. ..the Rescue fund. ..rev- olutionary resolves, s... Washington warns against 48 Republican, declared to be 56 Sectional Agitation. ..3a.ck^o-K, Harrison and Clay on.. 48 Sumter, /•*... Reinforcing... N. Y. Times, Tribune, Charleston Mercury, and Judge Orton on... Who begun thE fight? 61 Sumner, C?ia.?...For muUifying law 57 And again 92 Revolutionary spirit of. 116 Opens ball of revolution in 18tJ0...N. Y. Post and Wis. .Tournal on 153 Toasted in Blair's speech at Rockville 178 Sedition idiy... Objects and purposes of. 36 No. 2. ..(Indemnity Act.") 109 Shanks, J. P. ,S'. ...Radical views of. 91 Stevens, 27iarf. ..Set negroes to shooting their ma.sters 91 Declares Constitution an absurdity 116 " Union as it was, God forbid" 151 No Union as it was 94 On enormous expenses 293 Scivard, W. //....Vote on petition for dissolution 91 Can arrest by ringiii'-' bell 116 Declares Proclamation unconstitutional 1.58 Geo. W. Jones w. .Jud^e Clerke 2.37 Ask no question who shall govern us 266 His testimony for the Democracy 302 On free speech 328 On emancipation and violence in 1S58 — his " last stage of conflict" — his justification for disunion 1"22 350 INDEX. Sedgwick, C. F. ...Irrepressibls ; 91 Strong Government. ..Fedej'als for, sedition law, &c 35-6 Spaulding, Rufus P.. .Fur diasolution 92 i^innnr, Francis E—'S eat eggoftrsason 101 Separation, ..VhiWipB would accept , 105 Superstition and Intolerance. ..UeiBa.rks on, &• 107 Soldiers Voiiiig ...See conspiracy , 115 Dr. Lieber on 28S Slate Bights... S. P. Chase on l;!0 jSecewiow... Senator Wade fpr — Southern responses thereto , 120 Milw;aukee Sentinel admits would not have oc- curred under Democratic success 143 Greeley advocates light of. 145 Slave Trarfe... New England for. i 129 •Schurz. CarJ... For Kevolution 122 Telejjr^m to "strengthen our side" 143 " Scaiteration Pofey"... Milwaukee Sentinel, Pitts-. burg Cfmmiclr, &c., on 166-7 Servile Insurrection ...Gre<j on 173 Smith, Cu?c6 i?... Pledges conservative policy..... „ 174 State Suicide... V . M. G. Blair's speech on 176 Robt. J. Walker on 329 Solutions of the Slavery Question. ..JeSerson'a, Cal- houn's, and John Brown's, &c 185 Spies. ..Sent out by Burnside 192 Silence. ..A crime by Lincoln's code 222 Star CAamter... Laws by Proclamation in England 235 Somers, Lord. ..See Star Chamber 235 Stone, Cen... His arbitrary arrest 236 Suppressing Xcxvspup'rs...Boheuck.'s order— Hascall to New York Express 256-7 Selling Negroes.. .'V or cotton 263 tSallust... Kis motto, &c 269 Seymour, Gov. I [or alio... On Rotten Boroughs 269 Patriotic Proclamation 300 Complimented by Stanton 303 His patriotic letter to meeting in Orang* Co.... 329 Stanton, S. ..V.... Boasts of electing Curtin 279 Compliments Gov. Seymour 303 Sdli, Cap*... Punished for voting Democratic ticket... 286 "iSn«av!'d... Blasphemous sentiments 91 Webb, Jas. TF«