E 458 .2 .S492 Copy 1 Class Rnok ,b49£ SPEECH OF Hon. Horatio Seymour, BEFORE THE DEMOCRATIC UNION STATE CONVENTION, AT ALBANY, SEPTEMBER 10th, 1862, ON Receiving the Nomination for Governor; 1 ALSO, HIS SPEECH DELIVERED AT THE ALBANY CON- VENTION, JAN. 31ST, 1861. PRICE $1 00 PER HUNDRED. $10 Od PER THOUSAND. NEW YORK: VAN EVRIE, HORTON & CO., No. 162 NASSAU STREET. 1862. Sim HEXBHANQ SPEECH OP HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR Before the Democratic State Convention, at Albany, Sep- tember 10th, 1862, on receiving the Nomination for Governor. Mb. Tkesident— Having uniformly and de- cidedly expressed my unwillingness to hold any official position at this time, I did not expect my name would be brought before this Conven- tion. The nomination you have made subjects me to great inconvenience, whatever may be the result of this election. I came lo thii Con- vention expec'ing to aid in placing at the head of the ticket the name of one whom I feel to be more fit than myself for that honorable po- sition. Bat, sir, whatever may be the iDJary to myoelf, I cannot refuse a nomination made in a manner that touches my heart and filli me with a still stronger sense of my obligations to this great and patriotic party. In addition to my debt of gratitude to partial friends, I am im- pelled, by the condition of our country, to sa- crifice my personal wi-hes and iatereets to its good. Two years have not passed away since a Con- vention, remarkable for its numbers, patriotism and intelligence, assembled at this place to avert, if possible, the calamities which afflict our people. la respectful terms it impl red the leaders of the political party which had tri umphed at a recent election to submit to the people of this country some measure of conci- liation which would save them from civil war. It asked that before we ehould be involved in the evils and horrors of domestic bloodshed, those npon whom it wonld bring bankruptcy and ruin, and into whose homes it would carry desolation and death, should oe allowed to apeak. That prayer for the rights of our peo- ple was dericftd and denounced, and falee as- surances were given that there was no danger. The storm came upon us with all its fary, and the war eo constantly and clearly foretold, de- solated our land. It is said no compromises would have satisfied the South. If we had tried them it would not now be a matter of disiord- ant opinion. It these offers had not satisfied the South, they would have gratified loyal men at the North, and would have united as more perfectly. Animated by devotion to our Constitution and Union, our people rallied to the support of Gov- ernment, and one year einc3 showed an armed strength that astonished the world. We again appealed to those who wielded this mighty ma- terial power, to use it for the restoration of the Uoios. and to uphold the Constitution, and were told that, he who clamored for his constitution- al rights was a traitor ! Congress assembled. Inexperienced in the conduct of public affair.3, drunk with power, it began its course of agi'ation, outrage and wrong. The defeat of our arms at Manassas, for a time filled it with terror. Uader this in- flueaco it adopted the resolution of Mr. Critten- den, declaring " That the present deplorable Civil War has " been forced upon the country by the Disun- " ioniats of the Southern States, now in arm3 " against the Constitutional Goveramont and " In arms around the Capital. That in this Na- " tional emergency Congress, feanishiag all " feelings of mere passion or resentment, will " recollect only its duty to the whole country. " That this war is not waged, on their part, in " any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of " conquest or subjagation, or purpose of over- " throwing or interfering with the righta or es- " tablishtd institutions of those States, but to " defend and maintain the supremacy of the " Constitution and to preserve the Uaioc, with " all the dignity, equality and rights of the se- " veral Spates unimpaired, and that as soon as " these objects are accomplished the war ought " to cease." Again the people rallied around the flag of the Union. But no sooner were their fears al- layed than they began anew the factious in- trigues—the violent discussions and the uncon- stitutional legislation which ever brings defeat and disgrace upon Nations. In vain were they warned of the consequences of their follies. In vain did the President implore forbearance and moderation. No act was omitted which could give energy to the Secessionists, or which would humiliate and mortify the loyal men of the South. Every topic calculated to divide and distract the North was dragged into embitter- ed debates. Proclamations of emanc'pa'ion were urged upon the President, which could only confiscate the property of loyal citizens at the South, for none others could be reached by the powtr of the government. The confiscation act had already forfeited the legal rights of all who were engaged in or who aided and upheld the rebellion. These were excited to despera'e energy by laws which made their lives, their fortunes, the safety of their families and homes depend upon the success of their schemes.— From the Dragon'a teeth, sown broadcast by Congress, have sprung the armies which have driven back our forces, and which now beleag- ures the capital of our country. The ac l 3 of the National Legislature have given pleasure to the Abolitionists, victories to the Secessionists. But while treason rejoices and triumphs, defeat and disgrace have been brought upon the flag of our country and the defenders of our Consti- tution. Every man who visited Washington six months ago could see and feel we were upon * he verge of disaster. Discoid, jealousy, envy and strife pervaded its atmosphere I went to the camp of the eoldiers. Amid the hardships of an exhausting campaign— amid sufferings from exposure and want — amid those languishing upon beds of sickness, or those struck down by the casualties of war, I heard and saw only devotion to our Constitutioi?, and love for our country's flag. Each eye bright- ened as it looked upon the national e'andard, with its glorious emblazoniy of star a and stripes. From this scene of patriotic devotion I went into our national Capitol. I traversed its Mosaic pavements ; I gazed upon its walls of polished marble ; I saw upon its ceilings all that wealth, lavishly poured out, could do to make them suggestive of our ccuntrj 'a great- r ess and its wonderful wealth of varied produc- tions. Art had exhausted itself in painting and sculpture to make every aspect euggestive of high and noble thought and purpose. Full of the associations which cluster about this vast Temple which should be dedicated to patriot- ism and (ruth, I entered its Legislative Halls ; their gilded walls and gorgeous furniture did not contrast more strongly with the rude scenes of martial life than did the glistening putres- cence and thin lacquer of Congressional virtue conlrast with the sterling lojalty at d noble self- sacrifice of our counfry'a defenders. I listened to debates full of bitterness and strife. I saw in the camp a heartfelt homage to our national flag— a stern defiance of those who dared to touch its sacred folds with hostile hand. I heard in the Capitol threats of mutilaHon of its emblazonry— by striking down the life of S'ates. He who would rend our na'ional stan- dard by dividing cur Union is a traitor. He who would put cut one glittering star from its azure field, is a traitor too. THE PRESENT CONDITION OF OUR COUNTRY. Let us now confront the facts of our condi- tion, and they shall be stated in the language of those who brought this administrat ion into power, and who are now politically opposed to the members of this Convention. Af.er the ex- penditure of nearly one thousand millions ®f dollars, and the sacrifice of more than onehun. dred theusacd northern livep, in the language of the Evening Post : What has been the result ? Our armies of the Weft, the noble victors of Fort Donelson and Shiloh, are scattered so that no man kaowa their whereabout, while the foe they were sent to disperse is a hundred miles in their rear, threatening the cities of Tennessee and Ken- tucky, and even advancing toward one of the principal commercial cities of the free States. — There is no leadership, no unity of command, apparently no plan or cot c-rt of action ia the enure region we have undertaksn to holel and defend. At the same time, our >rmy of the Eas f , numbering 250,000 troops, folly armed and equipped and admirably ditciplined, after in- vesting the capital of the enemy, has been dri- ven back to its original position on the Po'om- ac, decimated ia numbers an(3 unprepared to make a eingle vigorous movement in advance. And it adds : — Now it is useless to shut our eyes to the fact that this is a failure, disgraceful, humiliating aid awful. The Evening Journal, the accredited organ of the Secretary of S ate, now admits the truths uttered in this Hall when we assembled here in February, 1861, -rulbs then derided and de- nounced a3 absut d and treasonable. It says : The war has been a stern schoolmaster to the People of the Lojal States. We have learned the folly of underrating our enemies. We have learned that they are equally brave, equally hardy, equally quick witted, equally endowed wiih martial qualities will oureelves. We have learned ihey are terribly in earnest in their efforts to achieve their ends. The New York Tribune declares that " The Country is in peril. Viewed from the standpoint of the public estimate of the ' situ- atiori,' it is in extreme peril The rebels seem to be pushing forward their forces along the border line from the Atlantic to tbe Missouri. They are threatening the Potomac and the Ohio. They are sulking at Washington, Cin- cinnati and Louisville). The simultaneous movement is both alarming and encouraging. It is alarming because, through the timidity, despondency or folly of the Federal Govern- ment, it may become temporarily successful, giving to the foe a lodgment in some portion of the Free States which may require weeks to break up." But it is admitted by those who were oppos- ed to u«, that debt and defeat are not the hea- viest calamities which weigh us down. A vir- tuous people and a pure government can bear up against any amount of outward pressure or physical calamity, but when rottenness and corruption pervade the legislative hall or exe- cutive department, the heart of the patriot faints, and his arm withers. The organ of the Secretary of State admits : "There have been mistakes There have been speculations. Weak men have disgraced, and bad men have betrajedthe government. Contractors have fattened on fat jobs. Adven- turers have found the war a source of private gain. Moral desperadoes have nocked about the National Capital and lain in wait for prey. The scum of the land has ga'hered about tbe sources of power and defiled them by its rank and offensive odor. There h^s been misman- agement in the departments ; mismanagement wherever great labur has been performed and great responsibilities devolving. Men— even Presidents and Cabinet officers and Command- ing Generals— have erred beciuse they could not grasp the full significance of the drama, and because they were compelled to strike out on untrodden paths."— {Eve. Journal. Tae New York World exclaims in an agony of remorse : It is with dismay and unspeakable shame that we, who have supported the administration from the beginning, observe its abuse of its power of arrest. There is no such thing as either jus- tifying or ex'enutting its conduct in thio parti- cular. Every principle of American liberty, every regard for the loyal cause, every senti in! of justice, every impulse of manhood, cries out against it. The man who thinks at all is absolutely staggered that these thii.gs can be. They seem like some hideous dream One can almost faBcy that Mephistophilea him- self had got access into the councils of the gov- ernment, and by some device, fr^sh from the pit, had diverted its energies from the suppres- sion of rebellion to the suppression of liberty. The New York Times demands a change in tbe Adminis'ratioD, and in the conduct of af- fairs. I have thus carefully set forth the declara- tions and named the witnesses to this awful indictment againsb our rulers, for we mean to proceed with all the care and candor, a.nd all the eolemnitj of a Judicial Tribunal. It is with a sorrowful heart I point to thee dark pic'uree, not drawn by journals of the De- mocratic party. God knows that as a membtr of that patriotic organization, as an American citizen, I would gladly efface them if I could. But alas, they are grounded upon truths that cannot be gainsaid. Once more, then, our Re- publican fellow citizens, in this day of oar com- mon humiliation and disgrace, we implore you as respectfully as in the hour of your political triumph listen to our suggestions. We do not come with reproachee, but wion entreaties, Follow the pathway marked out by the Consti- tution, and we shall be ex'ricated from our perilous position. On the other hand, if you will still be governed by those who brought us into our present conlition, you will learn too late that there are yet deeptr depths of degra- dation before us, and greater miseries to be borne than those which now oppress us. Nay more, the President of the United States ap- peals to us all, in his communica'ion with the loyal men of the border States, when he says he is pressed to violate his duty, his oath of office, and the Constitution of the land— pressed by cowardly and heartless men, living far away from the ecenes of war, fattening uptrn the wealth coined from the blood and misery of the land, and living in those localities where official invest gations show that this people and government have been robbed by fraudulent contracts. Such men demand that those who have suffered most in this contest, who have shewn the highest and purest patriotism un- der the terrible trials of divided families, of desolated homes, of ruined fortunes and of blood stained fields, should have a new and fur- ther evil infhVcd upon them by the hands of a government they are struggling to uphold. By tbe help of God and the people we will relieve the President from that pressure. NECESSITY FOE PARTY OBGANIZATI )K8. An attempt is made to close the ears o. our Republican friends to our appeals, beciuse we act as a political organization. Can we do otherwise ? Would not the dispersion of this ancient pariy, identified as it is with the growth, greatness and glory of our land, be looked upon as a calamity, even by our opponents? Did not a shadow fall upon our country when it was torn apart at Charleston ; and do not men of all parties point to its disruption as one of the causes of this unnatural war? Is it not just we should have a representation jm the State and National government proportioned to our con- tributions to our armies and the treasury ? If we elect all of our ticket at this time, we shall have no more than our proportional share of political power. It may be said we should meet without regard to political orginizitione, and nominate officers. Let the two great parlies be honest and honorable enough to meet in fair and open discussion with well defined principles 6 and polities; Then each will serve our country as we'll out of power as in power. The vigilance kept alive by party contest guards against cor- ruption or oppression. This watchfulness is most needed when unusual expenditures of money present unusual temptations to the cor- rupt and selfish. For another reason we cannot disband our organization. The Union men of the border and more southern States, without distinction of party, implore us not to do so. They tell us a triumph of our party now would be worth more than victories upon the battle field. It would re-assure their friends, it would weaken their opponents. Every advantage gained over Abolitiomem puts down the rebellion. While they and we know there are many just and pa- triotic men in the Republican party, it is still true that its success gives power and influence to the violent and fanatical, and that their par- ty action always goes beyond their party plat- form. Every fair man admits there is no way of cor- recting abuses but by a change of political leaders. The Republican party demanded this when they charged abuses upon Democratic adminirrf itions. They should concede the prin- ciple now. Experience shows that frauds practiced by political friends are ^not punished by men in power. It is conceded that gross frauds have been committed in different departments of government ; that they have brought distress upon our soldiers, defeat upon our arms and disgrace upon our people. But not one man has beep punished, or made to feel the power of that prerogative which is claimed to be an in- cident of war — corruption that has done more to destroy National power than armed rebellion has gone unscathed. The bentinel who slept upon hie pos*, has been sentenced to death— the official who closed his eyes to frauds, which destiojed armies, is quietly removed, by and with the advice of the Senate, and represents the Nation's charac er at the Capital of a friend- ly power ! Citizens in loyal States who became the objects of suspicion or of malignant as- saults, hav6 been seized at their homes, drag- ged to distant prisons without trial and with- out redress, while each convicted plunderer walks fieely and boldly among the people he has robbed and* wronged. Maladministration demaiidd a change of administration. At this time issues should be fairly and bold- ly mitce. It is no dishonor to be mistaken, but is disgraceful not to be outspoken. Let tire war at least settle questions of principle. A few months will decide who is right and who is wrong row, as the past two years have shown who wtre right and wh® were wrong heretofore We are in favor of the rights of the State, as well as of the General Government ; we are ia favor of local self-government, as well as of the national jurisdiction within its proper sphere. While we thus meet as a political organiza- tion it is not for partisan purposes. We can best serve our country in this relationship. The President of the United States will bear witness that he has not been pressed or embarrassed by us. We have loyally responded to every call made on us by constituted authority. We have obeyed all orders to reinforce our armies. When we were in power we denounced the higher law doctrine— the principle that men might eet up their wills against the statutes of the land— as treasonable. We denounced it when uttered by northern men : we are combatting it now when it is asserted by the rebellious South. We re- pudiate it by submitting to every demand of our Government made within the limits of right- ful jurisdiction. This obedience has not been constrained, but cheerfully rendered, even in support of a party and policy to which we are opposed. We have struggled to sustain not on- ly the letter but the spirit of our laws. We feel that we have set an example of loyalty that will not be lost upon thone opposed to us. Haying done our duty, we now demand our rights, and we shall at this time sit in calm and fearless judgment upon the conduct of our rulers. Ours shall not be the language of discoid and vio- lence. We deplore the passionate and vindic- tive assaults of'loading Republican jouraals upon those holding civil or military stations. Above all, we protest in behalf of our country's honor and dignity, against their insubordina' e and disrespectful language towards the President of these United Spates. Such language wrecks the authority of Government and tends to anar- chy and public disorder. For another reason, we cannot disband our organiza'.ion. No other party can save this country. It alone has clearly defined purposes and well settled principles. It has been well said incur Congressional Address, that under i*s guidance, From five millions, the population increased to thirty millions. Tke Revolutionary debt was extinguished. Two foreign wars were success- fully prosecuted, with a modera e outlay and small army and navy, and wi hout the suspen- sion of the habeas corpus : without one infrac- tion of the Consti'ution ; without one usurpa- tion of pDwer ; without suppresting a single newspaper; without imprisoning a single edi- tor ; without limit to the freedom of the cress, , or of speech in or out of Congresp, but in the i midst of the grossest abuse of both ; and with- • out the arrest of a single " traitor," though the . Hartford Convention sat duriDg oi.eof the warp, aiid in the o'her Senators invited the eicemy to " Greet our Volunteers with bloody bands and welcome them to Hospitable Graves!" Durii g all this time wealth increased, buti- »«** of all kinds multiplied, prosperity smiled on every side, taxes were low, wages were high, the North and the South furnished a market for each other's products at good price*, public liberty was secure, private rights undisturbed ; every man's house was his castle ; the Courts were open to all ; no passports for travel, no secret police, no spies," no informers, no bas- tiles ; the right to assemble peaceably, the right to netition ; freedom of religion, freedom of speech, a free bahot, and a tree press ; and all this time the Constitution maintained and the Union of the States preserved. WHY THE BEPUELICAN PARTY CANNOT SAVE THE COTJNTBY. On the other hand, the V6ry character of the Republican organization, makes it incapable of «ouduc< iog the affairs of the Government. For a aeries of years, it has practised a system of eoaiitioas, with men differing in principle, until it can have no distinctive policy. In such cha- otic masses, the violent have most control — They have been educating their followers for year?, through the press, not to obey laws which did r.ot accord with their views. How e&a they demand submission from whole com- munities, while they contend that individuals may oppose laws opposed to their consciences ? Tkey are higher law men. They insist that the contest, in which we axe engaged, is an irre- pressible one, and that therefore the South could not avoid it, unless they were willing at the outset to surrender all that Abolitionists de- manded. To declare that this contest is irre- pressible, declares that our Fathers formed a government, which could not stand. Are such mea the proper guardians of this government ? Have not their speeches and acts given strength to the rebellion, and have they not also enabled its leaders to prove to their deluded followers that the contest was an iriepressible one ? Bat their leaders have not only asserted that this contest was irrepressible, unless the South would give up what extreme Republicans de- mand, (their local institutions,) but those in power have done much to justify this rebellion in the eyes of the world. The guilt of rebellion is determined by the character of the govern- ment against which it is arrayed. The right of revolution, in the language of President Lin- cola, is a sacred right when exerted against a bad government. We charge that this rebellion is most vicked bccauee it is aga'nst the best Gavernment that ever existed. It is the excellence of our Gov eminent that makes resistance a crime. Rebel- lion is not ec cessarily wrong. I r , may be an act of the Ligkest virtue — it may be one of the deepest depravity. The rebellion of our Fa- thers is our proudest boast— the rebellion ot onr Brothers :'s tii e humiliation of our Nation, m our National disgrace. To reeist a bad Gov- ernment is patrietism— to re&iat a good one U the greatest guilt. The first is patriotism, ta« last is treason. Legal tribunals can only regard resistance of laws as a crime, but in the forum of public sentiment the character of the Govern- ment will decide if the act is treason or pa- triotism. Our Government and its administration aro different thiDgs ; but in the eyes of the civilized world, abuses, weakness or folly in the conduct of affairs go far to justify resistance. I have read to you the testimony of Messrs. Greeley, Weed, Bryant, Kaymond and Marble, charging fraud, corruption, outrage and incompetency upon those in power. Those who stand up to testify to the incompetency of these representa- tives of a discordant party to conduct the affairs of our Government are politically opposed to us. Bear in mind that the embarrassments of President Lincoln grow out of the conflicting views of his political friend?, and their habits and principles of insubordination. His hanls would be strengthened by a Democratic victory, and it his private prayers are answered, we will I relieve him from the pressure of philanthropists who thirst for blood, and who call for the exter- mination of the men, women and children of the South. The brutal and bloody language of partisan editors and political preachers have lost us the sympathy of the civilized world in a contest where all mar kind should be upon our side. Turning to the Legislative Departments of our government, what do we see ? In the his- tory of the decline and fall of Nations, there are no more striking displays of madness and folly. The assemblage of Congress throws gloom over the nation ; its continuance in session is more ] disastrous than defeat upon the battle field. It excites alike alarm and di?gU3t. ' The public are disappointed in the results of j the war. This is owing to the differing objects i of the people on the one hand, and fanatical agi- tators in and out of Congress on the other. In | the army, the Union men of the North and j South battle side by side, under one flag, to put 1 down rebellion and uphold the Union and Cou- j stitution. In Congress a fanatical majority make war on the Union men of the South and strengthen the hands of secessionists by words 1 and ac v s which enable them to keep alive the j flames of civil war. What is done on the battle I field by the blood and treasure of the people, is I und< ne by Senators. Half of the time is spent 1 in factious measures designed to destroy all j confidence in the government at the South, and the rest in annoying our army, in meddling j with its operations, embarrassing our generals acd in publishing undigested and unfounded | scandal. One party is aeeking to bring about 8 peace, the other to keep alire hatred and bit- ternese by interferences. They prove the wis- dom of Solomon, when he said : " It is an honor to a man to cease from strife, bnt every fool will be meddling." This war cannot be brought to a successful conclusion or our country restored to an hon- orable peace under the Republican leaders for another reason. Oar disasters are mainly due to the fact that they have not dared to tell the truth to the community. A system of misre- presentation had been practiced so long and so successfully that whsn the war burst upon us they feared to let the people know its full pro portions, and they persisted in assuring their friends it was but a passing excitement. They still asserted that the South was unable to maintain and carry on a war. They denounced as a traitor every man who tried to tell the truth and to warn our people of the magnitude of the contest. Now, my Republican friends, you know that the misapprehension of the North with regard to the South has drenched the land with blood. Was this ignorance accidental ? I appeal to you Republicans, if for years past, through the press and in publications which have been urged upon your attention by the leaders of your party, you have not been taught to de- spise the power and resources of the South ? I appeal to you to say, if this teaching has not been a part of the machinery by which power has been gained ? I appeal to you to answer it those who tried to teach truths now admitted have not been denounced ? I appeal to ;. ou if a book, beyond all others, false, bloody and treasonable, was not sent out with the endorse- ment of all your managers ; and is it not true that now, when men blush to own they believed its statements, that its author is honored by an official station ? It is now freely confessed by you all that you have been deceived with re- spect to the South. Who deceived you ? Who, by false teachings, instilled contempt and hate into the minds of our people ? Who stained our land with blood ? Who caused ruin and distress ? All these things are within your own knowledge.— Are their authors the leaders to rescue us from our calamities ? They shrink buck appalled at the mischief thy have wrought, and tell you it is an irrepressible contest. That reason is as good for Jefferson Davis as for them. They attempt to drown re- flections by new excitements and new appeals to our passions. Having already, in legisla- tion, gone far beyond the limits at which, by their resolutions, they were pledged to stop, they now ask to adopt measures which they have heretofore denounced as unjust and un- constitutional. For this reason they cannot save our country, As our national calamities thicken upon us an attempt is made by their authors to avoid' their responsibilities by insisting that our fail- ures are due to the fact that their measures are not carried out, although Government basal- ready gone far beyond its pledges. The de- mands of these men will never cease, simply because they hope to save themselves from condemnation by having unsatisfied demands. At the last session Congress not only abolished slavery in the District of Columbia, but, to quiet clamorous men, an act of Confiscation and Emancipation was passed, which, in the I opinion of leading Republicans, was unconsti- I tutional and unjust. By this act the rebels j have no property— not even their own lives — ! and they own no slaves. But to the astonish- I ment and disgust of those who believe in the ; policy of statutes and proclamations, these j rebels still live and fight and hold their slaves. | These measure3 seem to have reanimated them. | They have a careless and reckless way of ap- propriating their lives and property, which by act of Congress belong to us, in support of their cause. But these fanatical men have learned that it is necessary to win a victory before they divide the spoil— and what do they now propose ? As they cannot take the property of rebels beyond their reach, they will take the property of the loyal men of the Border States. The violent men of this party as you kaow from experience, my conservative Republican friend, iti the end have their way. They now demand that the President shall issue a proclamation of imme- diate and universal emancipa'ion ? Against whom is this to be directed ? Not against those in rebellion, for they came within the scope of the act of Congress. It cm only be applied to those who have been true to oar Union and our Flag. Tney are to be punished for their loyal- ty. When we consider their sufferings and their cruel wrongs at the hands of the seces- sionists, their reliance upon our faith, is not this proposal black wi'h ingratitude ? The scheme for an immediate emancipation and general arming of the slaves throughout the South is a proposal for the butc'oery of women aad children, for scenes of lust and ra- pine ; of arsen a ad murder unparalleled in the history of the world. The horrors of the French. Revolution would become tame in comparison. Its effect would not be confined to the walls of cities, but there would be a widespread scene of horror over the vast expanse of great States, involving auke the loyal and seditious. Sach malignity and cowardice would invoke the in- terference of civilized Europe. History tells of the fires kindled in the name of religion, of atrocities committed under the pretexts of or- der or liberty ; but it is now urged that scenes bloodier than the world has yet seen shall be eaacted in the r axe of philanthropy ! A proclamation of general and armed eman- cipation at this timt:, would be a cruel wrong to the African. It is no* officially declared in Presidential addresses, which are fortified by Congressional action, that the negro cannot live in the enjoyment ot the full privileges of life among the white race It is now admitted, after our loss of infinite blood and treasure, that the great problem we have to settle is no 1 the slavery, but the negro question. A terri- ble question, not springing from statutes or usages, but growing out o l the unchangable distinction of race. Is is discovered at this day, in Republican Illinois, that it is right to drive him from its soil. It is discovered by a Repudiation of our financial obligations would cause disorder and endless moral evil.-?. Pecu- niary rights will never be held mor6 sacred than personal righ s. Repudiation of the Constitu- tion involves repudiation of National debt*, ! I its guaranties of rights of property, of p 2 son, and of conscience. Tin moment wo sb * the world that we do not hold the C mstit i to be a sacred compact, we not only destrcj all sense of security, but we turn away from a u shores the vast tide of foreign immigration.— It comes here nov not because there are not o her skies as brig"at and other lands as pro- duc'iee as ours. It seeks here security for freedom— for rights of conscience— for immuni- ty from tyrannical interferences, and from meddling impertinence. Ttie home and fire- ide rights heretofore enjoyed by the American Republican Congress, aner convolving our j people— en j oj ed under protection of a written country with declarations in favor of his equal ! Consti'u'ioD, have made us grea 1 : and prosper- righte, and asserting that he was merely the j us. I entreat you again touch them not with sacrilegecus hands i We are threatened with the breaking up of our social system, with the overthrow of State and National Governments. If we begin a war upon the compromises of tae Constitution we must go through with it. It contains many restraints upon our natural rights. It may be asked by what right do the six small New EugUnd S:a*es, with a population less tiuan that of New York, have six times its power in the Senate, which has become the con'rolling branch of government? By what natural right do these S sates with their small united populations and limited territories ba- lance the power of New York, P^nns.-lvania, Ohio, Ulinoie, Indiana and Michigan ? The vast debt growing out of this war will give rise to new and angry discussions. It will be held almost exclusively in a few Atlantic States. Look upon the map of the Union and see how small is the territory in which it will be owned. We are to be divided into creditor and debtor States, and the last will have a vast preponder- ance of power and strength. Uofortunately there is no taxation upon ibis national debt, and its share is thrown off upon other property. It is held where many of the government coa» tracts have been executed, and where in some instances, gross frauds have been practiced. It is held largely where the Constitution gives a disproportional share of politic il power. With all these elements of discord, is it wise to as- sail c jiistitutional laws or bring authority into contempt. Is it safe to encourage the forma- tion of irrepressible eommbtees, made up of impertinent men, who thrust themselves into the conduct of public affairs and try to dictate to legal rulers ? or will you tolerate the enroll- ment of armies which are not constituted or or- ganized by proper authori'iee ? Are *«Ch victim of unjust laws, that he should be sent away from our land. The issue is now changed. The South holds that the Arican is fit to .ive here as a slave. Our Republic *n Government denies that he is fit to live here at all. The Republican party cannot save the coun try, because through its powerful Press it teaches contempt for the Laws, Consita'ion and constituted authorises. They are not only destroying the Union, but they are shaking and weakening the whole structures of State as well as National Government, by denunciations of every law and of all authority that stand in the way of their passions or their purposes. They have not only carried d scord into our churches and legislative hall J , but into our armies. Every General who agrees with them upon the Bubject of slavery is upheld in ev^ry act of in- subordination and sustained against the clear- est proofs of incompetence, if not of corruption. On the other hand, every commander who dif- fers from their views upon the single point of slavery, is denounced, not only for incompe tency, but constantly depreciated in every act. No man is allowed to be a Christian ; no man is regarded as a statesman ; no man is suffered unmolested to do his du f y as a soldier unless he supports measures which no one dared to urge eighteen months since. They insist that martial law is superior to constitutional law, that the wills of Generals in the field aie above all restraints ; but they demand for them- selves the right to direct and con'rol these Generals. They claim an influence h-gher than that they will allow 10 the laws of the land. — Are these displays of insubordination and vio- lence safe at this time ? The weight of annual taxation will test se- verely the loyalty of the people of the North. 10 bLi&gejast towards those who have placed their fortunes in the hinds of the government at this crisis ? We implore you do not be deceived again wi> h the ayren song of no danger. There ia danger, great ai.d imminent, of the destruction of all government of safety for life and property un- less the duty of obedience to law and respect for authorities and the honest support of those in the public service, both military and civil, are tanght and enforced, by all means, within our control. With us there is no excuse for revolutionary action. Oar system of government gives peace- ful remedies for all evils in legislation. WHAT THE DEMOCRATIC PABTY PBOPOSE TO DO. Mr. President : It will be asked what do we propose to c"o. We mean, with all our powers of mind and person to support the Constitution and uphold the Union ; to maintain the laws, to preserve the public faith. We insist upon obe- dience to laws and respect for Constitutional authority ; we wih defend the rights of citizens ; we mean that rulers and subjects thall respect the laws ; we will put down all revolui ionary committees ; we will lesist all unauthorised or- g&miz&tions of armed men; we will spurn offi- cious meddlers who are impudently pushing themselves into the councils of our Government. Politically opposed to those in authority, we de- mand they shall be treated with the respect dae to their positions as the representatives of the dignity and honor of the A.merican people. We do not try to save our country by aband ning its government. In these times of trial and danger we clhog more closely to the great prin- ■ ciplea of civil and religious liberty and of per- gonal right ; we will man the defences and bar riera which the Constitution throws around them ; we win revive the courtage and strecgbh en the arms of loyal men by showing them the] have a living government about which to rally ; we wil proclaim amidst the confusion and up roar of civil war, with louder tones and firmei voices the great maxims and principles of civil liberty, order and obedience. What has perpet- uated the grea f nes3 of that nation from which we derive so many of onr maxims ? Not its vic- tories upon land nor its triumphs upon the aeas, but its firm adherence to its traditional policy. The words of Coke, of Camden and Mansfield, have for long periods of time given sfrer-gth and vitality and honor to its social system, while battles have lost their signifi- cance. When Ei glatd was agitated by the throes of violence— when the person of the King was insulted ; when Parliament was besieged by mobs maddened by bigotry ; when the life of Lord Mansfield was sought by infariated fanat- ics, and his house was burned by incendiary fire?, ihen he uttered tho.ie words which checi . at once unlawful power and lawless violen He declared that every citizen was entitled his rights according to the known procsdm of the land. He showed to the world the ca and awful majesty of the law, unshaken amic convulsions. Self reliant in its strength a puri.y, it was driven to no aets which deatr the spirit of law. Violence wa3 rebuked, t heart of the nation was reassurei, a sense of i curity grew up, and the storm was stilled 1 L ten to his word : Miserable is the condition of individuals ; da geroua is The condition of the State where the is no certain liw, or what is the same thing, : certain adminiatra'ion of law by which indivi uals may be protected and the State made e cure. Thus, too, will we stand calmly uo amid present disasters. We have warned rha pub! that every act of disobedience weakened the claims to "protection. We have admonished 0' rulers that every violation of right destroyt sentiments of loyaby and duty. Tiiat ob dience and protection were reciprocal oblig tion-?. He who withholds his earnest and ohee ful support to any legal deojand of hia Gover. ment, invites oppression and usurpation on tt part of those in authority. The public servat who oversteps his jurisdiction or tramples upo the rights, persoD, property or procedure c the governed, ins igatea resistance and u voU. Under abuse and de*rac ( ion we have fftithve ly acted upon these precepts. If our ourposi were factious, the elements of disorder at everywhere within our reach. If we were i disobedient to this Government and as denui ciatory of its officials as those who pi iced the in po^er, we could Dsake them tremble in the seats of power. We have been obedient loy and patient. We shall continue to be so undi all circumstances. But let no man miatal this devotion to our country and its Gonstitt tion for unworthy fear. We have no great* stake in good order than other men. Our arm are as strocg, our endurance as great, our foi ti'ude as unwavering &l that of our politic) opponents. Bat we ee^ the blessings of peaot ojt law, of order. We a^k the public to mar our policy and onr position. Opposed to th election of Mr. Lincoln, we have loyally sus tained him. Differing wi'h the the Admioistrs tion as to the course and conduct of the wai we have cheerfully responded to every deman made upon us. To day we are putting fori our utmost efforts to n-inforee our armies i the field. Without condition or threats we ar exertic g our energies to strengthen the hand of government and to replace it in the'com manding position it held" in the eyes of th world before recent disasters. We are pourin out our blood, cur treasures, and our men, t rescue it (rom a position in which it can neithe propose peace nor conduct successful war. An tt>is support ia lreely and generously accorded We wit h to see our Union saved, oar laws vin dicited, and peace once more restored to on land. We do not claim more virtue or intelli gence than we award to our opponent?, but w nosv have the aad and bloody proof than we ac upon sounder principles of government. Anni mated by the motto we have placed upon on banner—" The Union, the Constitution and th Laws"— we go into the political contest confi dent of the support of a People who cannot 1m deaf or blind to the teachings of the last twi years. ii GOV. SEYMOUR'S SPEECH At the Convention held at Albany, January 31, 1861 Hon. Horatio Seymour appeared upon the stand, and waa received wi'h loud and long con- tinned applause. He said : It has been truly said by the President of this Convention that we do not meet for partiean purposes, although we are ascembled in pursu- ance of a call ii&ued by a political org ■xvz anion. There was no other mode by wbich we could act | as a representative body. The people of the State are divided into two great parties, one of which gave at the late Presidential contest more than three hundred and fifty thousand, and the other more than three hundred and ten thou- sand votes for their respective candidates. We have waited with patient expectation for some effort on the part of the responsible majority to avert the calamities which overhang our coun- ' try. We have hailed with joy every indication ; of a desire on their part to meet the duties of j their position. We have given a cordivl appro- 1 val to every patriotic expression coming from individuals of that party, whether uttered through his journal by the able Republican j leadtr of the Stale, by the distinguished Sena tor at Washington, or by a patriotic a.nd intelli- gent member of our Legislature. The hopes excited by those expressions have died away. ! Our country is on the verge of ruir, and now, ia behalf 01 the great organization we represent andof those who, since the late election, have, joined our ranks, we meet to confront the dan- , gera which menace na. I believe in our resolu- 1 IulioDS we shall utter the sentiments of a vast majority of the people of New York. We * hill > rise above political purposes. We shall i< dulge in no reproaches — patriotic purposes in the pant must be shosvn by pa*rio ic action now. The acts of this day will thro* light upon our mo- 1 tives in what we have done, and will influence our conduct ia the future. As I have been placed upon the committee j which is to frame resolutions for your col side- | ation, I wish to state my views of the policy which should guide us and the sentiments we should put forth to the world. Three score and iea 3 earn, the period allotted for the life of mart, have rolled away tince George Washington was inaugurated first Pres- ident, of the United States, in the city of New York. We were then among the feeblest people of the earth. Tee flag of Great Britain still waved over Oswego with insulting defiance of Mir national rights, and the trea'y rtccgt iziog our i 1 Jopendeuce, The powers of the world re- garded us with hdflvrer.ee or treated us with con'en, tuoua injustice. So swift has been our progress under the influence of our Union, that but yesterday we could defy the world in arni j , and none .lared to insult our fhg. When our Const itn io-.- »a? inaugurated the utmost en- thu.-iisco pervaded our hnd. S'ern w wko had fought tie battles of the Rev< I wept for joy. Gi^d processions of men and wo men m irebed - ■• 1 h 'riumpbal pride alor.g the street ■• our ii its— holy men of God pray< d is ffls Temples that the spirit of fraternal love, which ii d shaped the compromises of the Con- atitnti'.n, might never fade away, and that sec- tional bigo'ry, hate and discord might never curse our lard. Amid this wild enthusiasm there was no imagination so excited, nor piety with faith so stror g that it foresaw the full in- fluence of the event then celebrated. Some je 1 live to see our numbers increased from four to thir'y millions, our territories quadrupled and extended from the Atlantic to the Pacific, our power and progress the wonder of the world. — Alas, sir, they also live to see the patriotism and fraternal love, which have wrought out thes6 marvellous reeul s, die our, and the rniguty fab- ric of our government about to ci umble and 1*11, because the virtues which reared and upheld it have departed from our councils. What spectacle do we present today? Al- ready six States have withdrawn from this Con- federacy. Revolution ha3 actually begun. The term " secetsion" divests it of none of its ter- rors, nor do arguments to prove secession in- consistent with our Constitution stay its pro- gress or mitigate its evils. All virtue, patriot- ism and intelligence seem to have fled from our national Capitol ; it has been weJl bkenedio the conflagration of an asylum for madmen— some look on with idiotic imbecility, some in sullen alhaLce, and some scatter the firebrands which consume the fabric aoove them, and bring upon all a common destruction, Is there one revolt- ng aspect in this scene which has not its paral- lel at the Capitol of your country V Do you not see there the senseless imbecility, the garrulous idiocy, the maddened rage displayed with re- gard to petty personal passions and party pur- poses, while the glory, the honor and the safety of the country are all forgotten. Tue same per- vading fanaticism has brought evil upon all the institutions of our land. Our churches are torn asunder and desecrated to partisan purposes, The wrongs of our local legislation, the growing burdens of debt aLd taxi'.ioD, the gradual de- struction of the AfricininthefreeSia es, which is marked by each recurring census, are all due J to the neglect of our own duies, caustd by the ; complete absorption of the public mind by a j senseless, unreasoning fanaticism. The agita- tion of the question of slavery has thus far bro oght greater social, moral and legislative evils upon the people of the free States than it 1 has upontheine'.ituioi8of tho«ei-g*inat whom , it has been excited. The wisdom of Franklin damped upon the first coin issued by our gov- ernment, the wise mot. c, '■ rnindyour business !" The violation of 'he hem ly proverb which lies at the foundation of the doc rices of local rights, has, thus far, proved more hurtful to the med- dlers in the affairs of o hers than to thote against whom tbis p>-3gma'ic action is directed. ; The particular sutjeot of controvtr.-y aft hi* ! moment is the territorial ques ion. When our j Constitution was formed, our government em- braced an area of 820,630 square mihs. Since that time it has been expanded b* different ac- I quititions to the mat extent of 2,936,166 square I miles. This expansion was no-, ooutem In e I i be the framers of our Constitution, and Mr. Jei- ! f-raon declared, at the time of the Louisiana purchase, that it ahou'd be mad;- ri^e sutjeot 1 1 a Constitutional amendment. Tbia wi e sug- gestion was unheeded, and we have attempted to govern our different acquisitions by princi- ples inferred, from a constitution which did r 00 contemplate such exigencies. It is not surpris- ing, therefore, that the opinions of men &md the policy of government feave been unsettled and coi flicting. 12 Thus far, the Nor >.h has had greatly the ad- vantage ia the division of thee acquisitions, and the political power wh ch emaiii'es froin ths creation o'S'a'ee, made i'rom their limits. Five free and fire slave States hive been erect- ed from territories gained since '.he adop ioi* of oir Constitution. The free States have the whole of the Prcific coast, and the largest of value and extent in the remaining territories, lie north of a line which bound-* the region where slavery can be employee*, and lie, too, up- 01 the pathway of European and northern iin- migration. Our acquisiiioas since 1773, have fare. Let as also see if successf al coercion by the Nor th its less revolutionary than successful secession oy rhe South. Shall we prevent revo- lutiou by being foremost in oversowing the prmc ; ples of our govern i.ent, and all that makee it valuable to oar people, and distin- guishes it among 'he nations of the earth ?— Ujjou wheni are we to wage war ? Oar own countrymen, whose white population is three- fold th*t of the whole country in time of the Revolution. Their courage has never been questioned in any contest in which we have b^en engaged. Tnev battled by our side with extended the Southern S aes and Territories to I equal valoi in the Rev /bojionary struggle, in 882,245 square miles, while the North has ex- i the last warwi'h Great Britain, and in the Mexi- panded to 1,204,204 square mile.'. A- that the Northwestern territory belonged to Yir ginia, and deducting tha" from the area of the South, it wiU be found that the South has in- creased less than fifty psr cent, atd the North nearly 1100 per cent, in extent, since the Revo- lution. The South has relinquished to the North. 251,671 square miles, constituting the present States of Oaio, Indians, Illinois, Michi- gan and Wisconsin. The North has never re- linquished one foot of the original territory, and in the divisions of tha - . which has been acquired, it has succeeded in gaining the largest propor- tion. This controversy does not grow oat of a claim by either party that the Constitution shall be changed, but with regard to the construction that should be given to that instrument. The South claim that they have a right to take their slaves into ah the territories, by virtue of the Constitutional compac', as construed by the Supreme Cour-.-, aac? btciu?e slavery originally existed in t etn, with tne exception of tkoss gained from Mexico. They dmy that slavery was abolished when they were added to our Uniorj, and they deny the power of Congress to legislate against those rights of property which were recognized in our whele country at the time of the Revolution, and which were upheld by the laws of every S a'e, save one, when the Constitution was f nrmtd. The South does not ask to extend slavery. Tney say it exists in the Terri-ories. The Re- publicans assert that slavery shah no: be ex tended. They contend that it does not exist in the Territories, but not content with leaving this question to the decision of the appointed tribunals, they demand legislation in the form of provisos or declarations in the nature of that contained iu the ordinance reg*rdu;g the north- west, which assume the existence of slavery in the disputed regions, ia the absence of posi ive prohibi'iotis. They show a distrust m th^ir g I cm conn ct. iMexi- Virginia. cent her sons, under the command of Washington, to the relief of be- leaguered Boston. Alone, the Sou*h defea'ed the last and most desperate effort of British power to divide our couitry, at the battle of Ne v Orleautt. From the d <-ys of Washington to this time, they hiva furnished thfir full pro- portion of Boldiers for the field, of sta f esmen for the Cabinet, and of wise and patriotic Sena- tors for our legislative halls. It is only bigotted ignorance that denies the equality of their public men to those of the North, fo assume that our brethren in fifteen S ates lack the capacity to understand, and the ability iu protect their own iaterests, is to as- sume thit our government is a failure, and ought to be overturned. I", is to declare that nearly oae-halfof our people are incapable of self-government. They htvo avast extent of fer lie land, producing not only the cotton, rice and sugar cultivated in the TJ tiled States, but a grea- abundance of the cereals and of animal food. The census of 1850 shows that they pro- due i more than one-halt' of the Itidian corn and of the five stock raised in the UJ'ed States, and this they also manufactured one-six'h of tha cotton cloth, one-quarter of the raw and one sixth oi the wrought iron nude in our country. Ia addi'ion they have a vast abun- dance or coal, iron, copper and lead, and every element of wealth and strength. They .have availed themselves of these advantages to an ex eric far a ceding what ia understood by the people of the North. I beg thofce who have been misled by constant and designed mierepret.entation to study the statistics of our country, and they will see how gr jssly they have been deceived. A war upon them would lead to still greater development of their industry in cotnpe ition with oar own, as the kte war « i h Great Britain maue the United States her most formidable competitor in man- ufacturing and in the arts. When we compare own constitu'ioual constructions and historical ! our 1 ,cal legislation witn theirs, we have rea- statemente, by demanding Congressional inter- | son to blu=h. The united deots of the slave ffw 11 !? 8 , ^ r e?, tr * iQts > ^d under the cry of States, excepting Virginia and .i-souri, are not jno Jixteusion ! they are in fact agitating for ! equal to that of Pennsylvania, and their taxa- repeal and restrictions which are of no signifi- tioa le*s than that impos-d unon the ueoule TST i * Ty ha * the legal e * i8 '- eilC3 of the S' a'e of New York; and yet thev have an which they deny extend d and effecive system of internal im- Onr fathers disposed of the same cr similar provement, while thsy have avoided the ruin- difficulties, by compromises. Adjustments have I °' 2S competition growing out of an undue num- been made from time to time in "the progress of oar government. The condition ol oar affairs forces upon us the alternative of compromise or civil war. L.d religious libeity, might be annihilated.— Neither is it (rue that the late canvass shows peru'i ■ it io m»ke concessions. The error con- sists in confounding the ac ion of a few states wih the position of the whole South. We ad- mit that jos cannot offer constituional com- promises to the Sfa'es that de dare themselves outside of the pile of the Constitution. Bat is the attitude of Sou h Carolina to be urged against the appeals of patriotic men in Virgi- nia? Are we to drive the border States into concsrt of action with those w io defy the pow- er of your government ? Are we to give an impulse to revolution by ird ff-rence to the ap- peals of patrio ic men and by insulting threats of coercion, and by irri'atiigdisclaj'st.f power? Which cause was helped at the Sou'hbythe tender of arms by our own State,— that of Union or that of Seceseion ? All kuow that the future 'ate of our country depends upon the action of the border S-a^e", and while the beam trembles, New York throws its sword into the scale and inclines it in favor of revolution. This called from the conservative Govercor of Virginia the declaration that " Bo'hing tbat baa occurred in the progress of this controversy has been worse tti*t the popular will is opposed to compromise. | ' ,m * d ar,d l^s excusable. It New York desires Mr. Lincoln was made President bv a constitu- f ° preserve the Uuioo, a tender of men and tiomal vo'e, and is entitled to our loyal and money, under the promptixgs ot passion, pre- cbecrful support, and he shsll have it; but judtce and excitement, will not prcduce the re- fills is not the only result ot the lahemselves We do sot ask concessions for men in open in favor of the principles put forth by h ; s partv, resistance to government, but to tbo e wtno are thTee millions declared themselves opposed to struggling for ihe preservation of our Union, them ; if the Republicans triumphed in the Stall we have no sympa'by for those upon choice of the Executive, we triumphed io gab.- whom the whtlo weigh*, of ihis contest fain* ? ing Cougres?, which makes the laws he is bound Cam w« listen, mmumd, to \he entreaties of 15 ike Governor of Maryland, of the Senator of JEentuchv, or refuse to second the pa*no*ic ef- forts of Virginia ? Can we so entirely forged the past history of our country, that we caD Btatdupon the point of pride against States whose citizens battled with our fathers and poured out. with them their blood upon the soil of our State, amid the Highlands of the Hudson, and on the fields of Saratog* ? I ask the old men ititbin the sonud ot my voice, to wbat quarter did you look for sympathy during the last war with Great Britain, when New York waB assailed upon the shores of Erie and On- tario, and when the disciplined troops, who had successfully fought against Nap leon in the Peninsula, "invaded ns with co-operating fleets by the channel of Lake Chamolain V Was it not to the States of the South? Is it well that States which then refused to allow their militia to pass their own borders to combat a common enemy, should be so prompt to tender them now to battle against our own "country men ? But it is urged, as a further objection, that at the instance of the South, we once compro- mi ed this territorial question, aid that it has been untrue to the adjustment, although it was made at, its own request, and against the wishes of the North. Tbi* mtstatement has been most injurious in its influence upon the public mind The Governor of New York, in his late mee sage, says, this S'.ate strenuously opposed tfce establishment of the compromise line of 1820. lathis he is mistaken; it was voted' for by every rortbern Senator, and the only rppo^i- tion to this line came from the Sou h The New York Senators voted against the adniis sion of Mi-souri.even afterfhepaesspeoftheact establishing the lueai 36 degiees 30 minutes. The establi-bment of this line was a northern measure — every nonhern man voted for i f — the whole opposition to it is coming from the South. It is true that after the amend- ment "as ergraUed on the bill, many north' ern men voted against the act, but thai was opposition to the admission of Missouri, and not to tbe hue. The South was compelled to accede to it to secure the admission of Mis- souri ; but it, always fceld it to be an infringe- ment upon is rights, Even when this conces- sion wa-< made to the N<>nh, the Senators fiom this and other northern States, who- e votes en- grafted in the bill what is called 'be c mpremise line, voted against the act. The Souh did not eveB g»iu by this concession the votes of nor'h ern Sena'ois, except, two, one from New Hamp sbire and one from Rhode Inland. Mr. Lincoln admits that ibis opposition to the adoiission of Missouri was unjust ifittble, and that he w- s in favor of letting new S a