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jUlemotr of (general JWtontgomerp 
 
 Sfter tofjom iHontgomerp Hobge, Jlo. 19, 
 Jf. & 8. 4tt., $&tlabelpf)ta, $a., is; nameti 
 
 [Read before Clinton A. Sowers, Esq., W. M., and the 
 members of the Lodge on May 2, 191 2, by Captain 
 C. W. Allen, Canadian Infantry (retired), formerly of 
 The Globe Editorial Staff, Toronto, and later of the 
 Department of the Interior, Ottawa.] 
 
 Worshipful Master, Officers, and Brethren of Mont- 
 gomery Lodge : It is just twelve months since, being 
 desirous of enjoying Masonic status in Philadelphia, it 
 was suggested to me by Brother M. Henry Green, M.D., 
 a P. M., of Chester Lodge, No. 236, that the interesting 
 history of your Lodge, especially in its military relations, 
 would strongly appeal to one of my temperament. He 
 was good enough to vouch for me as a M. M. and to 
 introduce me to many of your members, his personal 
 popularity no doubt contributing greatly to the cordial- 
 ity of the welcome, as a visiting brother from afar, then 
 extended to me. My petition for affiliation having been 
 favorably reported, I was elected a member of Mont- 
 gomery Lodge last September, and have since had every 
 reason to feel grateful for admission to an organization 
 in which the exalted principles of the Craft find the fullest 
 exemplification in practice. 
 
 The interest which I found in studying the history 
 of the Lodge by our late Brother George Griscom, P. M., 
 
 Page Three 
 

 Jfflemotr of (general jHontgomerp 
 
 as briefly set forth in the appendix to its by-laws, and 
 more fully in the work by our late Bro. Alex. H. Morgan, 
 P. M., left me unsatisfied on one point — the very meagre 
 references to General Montgomery, whose name was pre- 
 fixed to "No. 19" in 1836 by authority of the R. W. Grand 
 Lodge. My researches in the library of the Masonic Tem- 
 ple, and in that of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 
 whetted my appetite to learn still more ; and I then drew 
 upon the resources of the Philadelphia Free Library and 
 those of its West Philadelphia branch. The material thus 
 collected from various authorities I now present to you 
 almost in the very words of the historians and biog- 
 raphers to whom I am thus indebted ; and here let me 
 state that I have been impressed with a strong sense of 
 the accuracy and impartiality of those standard works 
 by American writers which I consulted, though I regret 
 I cannot express an equally favorable opinion of the 
 results of the labors of the authors of the school text 
 books generally in use in the United States, from which 
 unhappily the majority of the citizens have acquired 
 such knowledge as most of them possess of the history 
 of this great country. 
 
 Major-General Richard Montgomery was born in 
 Swords, near Feltrim, County of Dublin, Ireland, 
 December 2, 1736, being third son of Thomas Mont- 
 gomery, M. P. for Ljff ord ; and it is an interesting fact 
 that Brother Jas. F. Montgomery, of this Lodge, has 
 
 Page Four 
 
 
Jfflemotr of General jflontgomerp 
 
 actually been in the bedroom where our hero first saw 
 the light. Richard was educated at St. Andrew's and 
 Trinity College, Dublin; and on September 21, 1756, 
 was appointed ensign in the 17th Regiment of Foot, in 
 which he became subsequently lieutenant and captain. 
 He served with his regiment under Colonel (afterwards 
 General) Haviland at the siege and capture from the 
 French by the British of Louisburg, Cape Breton, in 
 1757, and in the expedition against the French posts on 
 Lake Champlain in 1759. After the fall of Montreal he 
 was present with his regiment at the capture of 
 Martinique, in the West Indies, and later at the siege 
 and capture of Havana by the British forces. At the 
 peace of 1763 he went with his regiment to New York, 
 and in 1765 returned home with it. While at home he 
 appears to have made the acquaintance of Col. Isaac Barre, 
 Edmund Burke, Charles Fox, and other men of strong 
 Liberal views. He sold out of the army* in 1772, and 
 bought a farm of sixty-seven acres at King's Bridge, now 
 a part of the City of New York. Soon after he married 
 Jane, daughter of Judge R. R. Livingstone, of New York, 
 but left no issue. His widow survived "my soldier," 
 as she called him, fifty-three years, dying in 1828. 
 
 The events leading to Richard Montgomery's design 
 of settling in America have always been involved in some 
 
 [*Note — Under the system which prevailed then, and for over one hundred 
 years after, officers purchased their commissions.] 
 
 Page Five 
 
Jfflemotr of General Jllontgomerp 
 
 obscurity ; but the following letter written from England 
 to an intimate friend, printed in the New York Genea- 
 logical and Biographical Record in 1871, may give the 
 whole clue to his resolve to emigrate. He writes : — 
 
 ' ' You no doubt will be surprised when I tell you I 
 have taken the resolution of quitting the service and ded- 
 icating the rest of my life to husbandry, for which I 
 have of late conceived a violent passion — a passion I am 
 determined to indulge in quitting the career of glory for 
 the substantial comforts of independence. My frequent 
 disappointments in respect to preferment, the little pros- 
 pect of future advancement to a man who has no friends 
 able or willing to serve him, the mortification of seeing 
 those of more interest getting before one, the little chance 
 of having anything to do in the way of my profession, 
 and that time of life approaching when rambling has no 
 longer its charms have confirmed me in the indulgence 
 of my inclination. And, as a man with little money cuts 
 but a bad figure in this country among peers, nabobs, 
 etc., etc., I have cast my eyes on America, where my 
 pride and poverty will be much more at their ease. This 
 is an outline of my future plans." 
 
 The tenor of the foregoing is borne out and con- 
 firmed in another letter — one of the last he ever 
 penned — to his father-in-law, Judge Livingstone, dated 
 at " Headquarters before Quebec, December 16, 1775," 
 only two weeks before his tragic death as will hereafter 
 be related. Thus he wrote : 
 
 Page Six 
 
JWemotr of (general jHontgomerp 
 
 "Should my good fortune give ine success, I shall 
 return home as soon as possible. I have lost the 
 ambition which once sweetened a military life — a sense 
 of duty is the only spring of action. I must leave the 
 field to those who have a more powerful incentive. I 
 think our affairs at present are in so prosperous a 
 situation that I may venture to indulge myself in that 
 sort of life which alone gives me pleasure. Should the 
 scene change, I shall always be ready to contribute my 
 mite to the public safety." 
 
 In thus speaking of " our affairs," he must clearly 
 have been referring to the prosperous situation of the 
 revolutionary government rather than to any hopeful 
 prospect he may have perceived in his operations before 
 Quebec. Alas for him and his adopted country, what a 
 change a fortnight brought to those bright dreams of 
 release from duties ! Yet the concluding sentence in 
 this letter to his father-in-law betrays the principal 
 cause of his failure in the attack on Quebec, the force 
 of which, perhaps, his unflinching spirit underestimated. 
 Speaking of his small army, he writes : " The unhappy 
 passion for going home which prevails among the troops 
 has left me almost too weak to undertake the business I 
 am about." But this is anticipating an explanation of 
 causes which will come later on. 
 
 In 1775 Montgomery was sent as a delegate to the 
 first Provincial Congress at New York, and in June of 
 
 Page Seven 
 
Jfflemotr of General Jflontgomerp 
 
 the same year, "sadly and reluctantly," as he said, he 
 consented to be made a brigadier-general in the Conti- 
 nental army, ranking second among the eight appointed 
 and being the only one not a native of New England. 
 He consoled himself with the reflection that, as he ex- 
 pressed it, "the will of an oppressed people, compelled 
 to choose between liberty and slavery, must be re- 
 spected." He parted with his young wife at Saratoga, 
 and started as second in command of the expedition 
 under Major-General Philip Schuyler, which was in- 
 structed " to take possession of St. John's and Montreal, 
 and pursue any other measures in Canada to promote the 
 furtherance and safety of the American cause. ' ' 
 
 Meantime Schuyler, though confined to his bed on 
 account of serious illness, had sent out on the ioth day 
 of September, 1775, a party of five hundred; they re- 
 turned on the eleventh, as his report says, "disgraced 
 by unbecoming behavior." Upon this Montgomery, 
 having discerned in the men a rising spirit more consonant 
 with his own, entreated permission to retrieve the late 
 disasters, and Schuyler, who was put into a covered boat 
 for Ticonderoga, turned his back on the scene with 
 regret, but not with envy, and relinquished to the gallant 
 Irishman the conduct, the danger, and the glory of the 
 campaign. Montgomery's chief difficulties grew out of 
 the badness of the troops. Schuyler had already com- 
 plained of the Connecticut soldiers, announcing even to 
 
 Page Eight 
 
JWemotr of General jHontgomerp 
 
 Congress : " If Job had been a general in my situation, 
 his memory had not been so famous for patience." 
 " The New Englanders," wrote Montgomery, " are the 
 worst stuff possible for soldiers. They are homesick ; 
 their regiments are melted away, and yet not a man 
 dead of any distemper. There is such an equality 
 among them that the officers have no authority, and 
 there are very few among them in whose spirit I have 
 confidence. The privates are all generals, but not 
 soldiers, and so jealous that it is impossible, though a 
 man risk his person, to escape the imputation of 
 treachery." 
 
 It seems that New England men were temperament- 
 ally disinclined to engagements which would take them 
 far from home on wages to be paid in a constantly 
 depreciating currency ; besides, the Continental bills 
 were remitted so tardily and in such inadequate amounts 
 that even those wages were not paid with regularity, 
 and this negligence threatened the " destruction of the 
 army." For want of funds to pay the accounts of the 
 commissary and quartermaster the troops were forced to 
 submit to reduced allowances. Washington himself 
 felt keenly the habitual inattention of Congress and its 
 agents, and the sense of suffering wrongfully and 
 needlessly engendered discontent in his camp. The 
 Connecticut soldiers, whose enlistment expired early in 
 December, were determined to leave the service. 
 
 Pagre Nine 
 
JHemotr of General Jfflontgomerp 
 
 Washington would have had Trumbull make an example 
 of the deserters, but Trumbull answered, " The pulse of 
 a New Kngland man beats high for liberty; his engage- 
 ment in the service he thinks purely voluntary. He 
 thinks himself not further holden. This is the genius 
 and spirit of our people." 
 
 Yet amid all his vexations Montgomery's reputation 
 steadily rose throughout the country, and he won the 
 affection of his army ; so that every sick soldier, officer, 
 or deserter who passed home agreed in praising him 
 wherever he stopped.* 
 
 Montgomery's expedition aroused great resentment 
 in Canada, as Congress a short time before had expressly 
 
 ['Note- The foregoing: criticisms are quoted, practically verbatim, from Ameri- 
 can historians in order that Montgomery's peculiar qualities may be duly 
 estimated. If I may here be pardoned a digression, I would like to venture an 
 opinion that the public generally have very little knowledge, and even less 
 appreciation, of the debt of gratitude owing to the patriotic services of the offi- 
 cers of the National Guard, that valuable organization which is at all times sub- 
 ject to call in support of the civil authorities in any emergency, and ever ready 
 to swell the thin ranks of the regular army should the United States unhappily 
 again be engaged in a foreign war. No one who has not had personal experience 
 can possibly imagine the effort required of company commanders in keeping the 
 ranks full and the men fairly efficient during " these piping times of peace " 
 — how much tact, forbearance, self-abnegation and control of temper, to say 
 nothing of pecuniary expenditure, is required on their part to attain these 
 objects. I know whereof I speak, for I soon found the difference, after serving 
 in the regular Canadian troops formerly composing the garrison at Winnipeg, 
 when, on their disbandment, I was appointed to command the first company of 
 infantry (Volunteer Militia) authorized for that city. I then realized that I could 
 no longer say with the Roman centurion (Matthew VIII, 9) " For I am a man 
 under authority, having soldiers under me; and I say to this man, Go, and he 
 goeth ; and to another, Come, and he cometh ; and to my servant, Do this, and 
 he doeth it," What then must have been Montgomery's feelings, after his 
 military experience of several years as an officer of regular troops, when he 
 accepted a command over the undisciplined raw levies put into the field by 
 Congress or individual States ! ] 
 
 Page Ten 
 
iRemotr of General Jfflontgomerp 
 
 disavowed any intention of such an invasion, and had 
 caused this disavowal to be widely circulated there. 
 The Americans took Isle aux Noir, but failed at 
 St. John's. Supplies were bad and desertion rife. 
 Nevertheless, Montgomery took Fort Chamblai, where 
 was a stock of ammunition of which the Americans were 
 in much need, and afterwards captured St. John's, a 
 more important conquest — where were taken, among 
 other spoil, the colors of the British Royal Fusiliers, the 
 first regimental colors taken in the war. " Till Quebec 
 is taken, Canada remains unconquered," Montgomery 
 wrote to Congress. In December, 1775, he effected a 
 junction with Colonel Benedict Arnold at Point aux 
 Trembles, and laid siege to Quebec. 
 * * * * * * 
 
 Now Quebec was the strongest fortress in America, 
 and at no time during the siege did the besiegers' number 
 exceed that of the garrison, which was eighteen hundred 
 strong, including five hundred and fifty Canadians, the 
 whole being under the command of the Governor, Sir 
 Guy Carleton, K. C. B. Colonel Arnold, so soon as 
 he was reinforced by Montgomery's corps, without 
 waiting for that general, who marched more slowly, 
 appeared before Quebec at the head of nine hundred 
 Provincials and some Canadians under Colonel Living- 
 ston, an American. The fidelity of the upper classes to 
 British interests left the latter headless, so that they 
 
 Pajje Eleven 
 
ilemoir of General Jfflontgomerp 
 
 were now led by alien chiefs. Montgomery's design was 
 not to besiege Quebec in the usual form, as he was 
 totally unprovided with engineers and siege artillery, 
 but rather to choose a favorable occasion for an un- 
 expected assault upon the most promising point of the 
 defences, feint attacks being delivered simultaneously 
 by columns led by Colonel Arnold and two other com- 
 manders against other parts. 
 
 It certainly was no easy matter to surprise a 
 strongly fortified place, defended by a vigilant garrison. 
 A desire to terminate by a crowning success the series 
 of fortunate hits he had been able to give the British since 
 he entered their colony perhaps blinded the perceptions 
 of Montgomery to the perils attending his present 
 enterprise. It has also been suggested that he desired to 
 emulate the astonishing exploit of Wolfe, in whose army 
 he had served. An auspicious moment for assaulting the 
 place successfully might arrive, but it had to be waited 
 for; and, besides his paucity of forces, he was not properly 
 supplied with money and was short of provisions. His 
 men, poorly clothed and unaccustomed to the severity 
 of a Lower Canadian winter, were already afflicted with 
 small pox, a disease which soon spread among them and 
 continued to decimate their ranks to the last. As if 
 these material wants and physical evils were not enough 
 to cause the hazardous enterprise to miscarry, an 
 additional source of weakness was opened up through 
 
 Page Twelve 
 
jflemotr of General Jfflontgomerp 
 
 dissensions between Colonel Arnold and his officers. 
 Again, the Canadians who had joined the American 
 ranks, or who favored the pretensions of Congress, 
 began to perceive that they would have to play a 
 secondary, even a subservient, part as the struggle 
 against British domination progressed. The Americans 
 now among them, to begin with, decided everything 
 without consulting the inhabitants ; they nominated 
 officials, convoked public meetings, etc., without asking 
 Canadian assent upon any occasion. The royalists were 
 not slow to profit by this turn in the tide of public 
 feeling. 
 
 The prudence of General Montgomery, so long as 
 he lived, much contributed to prevent an explosion of 
 hostile feeling against his people by the Canadians, who 
 began to express an opinion that it were better to obey 
 one's own chief, under whatever form of general 
 government, than to be indebted for political freedom to 
 aliens. Montgomery certainly manifested great address 
 in managing the different orders of men whom he dealt 
 with, being especially careful not to awaken fears of 
 change in the most sensitive of all — the privileged classes. 
 He enjoined on his men constant respect for the Catholic 
 religion and its ministers. He promised freedom of wor- 
 ship for all, and protection to the existing religious 
 foundations. To bring about a favourable reaction in 
 the Canadian mind Montgomery discerned no other 
 
 Pa*e Thirteen 
 
jflemotr of General Jfflontgomerp 
 
 means than to capture Quebec and annihilate the 
 royalism therein concentred. This feat he determined to 
 essay by nocturnal escalade, only waiting for a night of 
 uuusual darkness to plant his ladders unobserved by the 
 garrison . 
 
 Montgomery divided his scanty force into four 
 attacking columns, one of which was led by himself, 
 another by Colonel Arnold. At four o'clock, December 
 31st, two rockets ascended and immediately several 
 responsive signals, from the other corps, were perceived 
 by the sentinels on the ramparts, who forthwith gave 
 the alarm. When the Americans arrived at the ramparts 
 of the landward side of the city they were received with 
 a heavy fire of musketry, which they were not slow in 
 returning. Meanwhile Montgomery was moving onward 
 with his (the largest) column, which took much time to 
 defile, for the path along which it had to pass was very 
 narrow, in some places two men not being able to march 
 abreast between cliff and strand, besides the way being 
 encumbered with ice blocks and wreaths of newly-fallen 
 snow. He nevertheless cleared all obstructions and reached 
 the outer barrier of Pres de Ville, through which he 
 passed without difficulty ; but, on attaining the next, he 
 was confronted by a masked battery, mounted with 
 seven cannon and manned by a guard fifty strong under 
 a Captain Chabot. The artillerymen within stood beside 
 their guns with lighted matches, all ready to apply 
 
 Page Fourteen 
 
Jfflemotr of (general Jfflontgomerp 
 
 them and send a shower of grape so soon as the foe came 
 near. 
 
 Montgomery was astounded on finding such pre- 
 parations made for giving him a hot reception, being 
 unaware that his plans for an assault had been betrayed 
 to the Governor by deserters. Halting within fifty yards 
 of the battery, he turned round, seemingly to confer 
 hastily with the officers behind him, and then, followed 
 by the latter and their men, suddenly sprang towards 
 the battery, when Chabot gave orders to fire. The dis- 
 charge that followed proved destructive ; cries and 
 groans, which suddenly arose, proved its efficiency. 
 Montgomery himself, his two aides-de-camp, with several 
 other officers and a number of their men, lay on the 
 ground, some killed outright or writhing in agony from 
 mortal or other wounds. Colonel Campbell, upon whom 
 the chief command of Montgomery's column now 
 devolved, finding that his men were discouraged by the 
 loss of their general and so many of their comrades, 
 thought it would be useless to reform his disordered 
 ranks for a second attempt to force the perilous pass. 
 He turned heel, and fled with the utmost precipitation. 
 
 The other attacks, partly successful at first, ulti- 
 mately failed. All the survivors of Arnold's column 
 remained in the hands of the Governor, the commander 
 himself being badly wounded. The loss of the 
 Americans was great in prisoners, and the death of 
 
 Page Fifteen 
 
Jfflemotr of (general jHontgomerp 
 
 Montgomery was an irreparable calamity for their cause. 
 
 The corpse of that general, along with the bodies of 
 twelve others, was next day disengaged from snow heaps 
 at a little distance from the barrier which he had 
 attempted to enter. Some of the captured American 
 officers, unconscious of the fate of their chief, having 
 recognized his sword in the hands of an officer of the 
 garrison, were moved at sight of it and divined the loss 
 that had befallen them. The Governor, on his part, 
 showed sympathy for them and his own regard for the 
 memory of Montgomery by interring his remains with 
 military honors, the obsequies being attended by the 
 Governor and his staff and many of the officers cf the 
 garrison. 
 
 It is not necessary here to follow in detail the 
 further incidents of this American invasion of Canada, 
 which terminated unsuccessfully after numerous engage- 
 ments undecisive of the campaign. General Wooster 
 took chief command in place of Colonel Arnold, who 
 first succeeded to it on the death of Montgomery. 
 Wooster was superseded in May, 1776, by General 
 Thomas. Later General Sullivan arrived with reinforce- 
 ments and took command of the whole. It was under 
 General Sullivan that Colonel Thomas Procter, the first 
 W. M. of Lodge No. 19 of whom we have record, after- 
 
 Page Sixteen 
 
Jflemoir of General Jflontgomerp 
 
 wards fought at the Battle of Brandy wine, where 
 Lafayette received his first wound. 
 
 At the time of his death, General Montgomery was 
 in the first month of his fortieth year. He was tall and 
 slender, well limbed, of a graceful address, and had a 
 Strong and active frame. He could endure fatigue and 
 all changes and severities of climate. His judgment 
 was cool, though he kindled in action, imparting con- 
 fidence and sympathetic courage. Never himself negli- 
 gent of duty, never avoiding danger, discriminating and 
 energetic, he had the power of conducting freemen by 
 their voluntary love and esteem. An experienced 
 soldier, he was also well versed in letters, particularly 
 in natural science. In private life he was a good hus- 
 band, brother, and son, an amiable and faithful friend. 
 The rectitude of his heart shone forth in his actions, 
 which were habitually and unaffectedly directed by a 
 nice moral sense. He overcame difficulties which others 
 shunned to encounter. Foes and friends paid tribute to 
 his worth. 
 
 At the news of his death " the whole city of 
 Philadelphia was in tears ; every person seemed to have 
 lost his nearest relative or heart friend." In the British 
 Parliament the great defenders of liberty vied with each 
 other in his praise. Barre, his veteran fellow soldier in 
 the late war against France, Edmund Burke, and others 
 spoke in praise of " the movements " as the latter said, 
 
 Page Seventeen 
 
Jfflemotr of General jWcmtgomerp 
 
 ' ' of the hero who in a single campaign had conquered 
 two-thirds of Canada." "I" replied Lord North, 
 leader of the Government, "cannot join in lamenting 
 the death of Montgomery as a public loss. He was 
 brave, he was able, he was humane, he was generous ; 
 but still he was only a brave, humane, and generous 
 rebel. Curse on his virtues ; they've undone his coun- 
 try ! " " The term of rebel," retorted Fox, " is no cer- 
 tain mark of disgrace. All the great assertors of liberty, 
 the saviours of their country, the benefactors of mankind 
 in all ages, have been called rebels. We owe the consti- 
 tution which enables us to sit in this House (the House 
 of Commons) to a rebellion. ' ' So passed away the spirit 
 of Montgomery, with the love of all who knew him, the 
 grief of the nascent republic, and the eulogies of the 
 world ! 
 
 Congress, "desiring to transmit to future ages the 
 patriotic conduct, enterprise, and prowess of Mont- 
 gomery," voted that a memorial in marble should be 
 erected to him in the graveyard of St. Paul's Episcopal 
 Church, New York. The memorial was ordered in Paris 
 by Benjamin Franklin. In 1818 Congress passed an 
 "Act of Honor," by which permission of the Canadian 
 Government was obtained for the removal of Mont- 
 gomery's remains, which were then laid in St. Paul's 
 Church, New York. An inscription on the rocks at 
 Cape Diamond (Quebec) still shows the spot where he 
 fell. 
 
 Pare Eighteen 
 
jWemoir of (general jHontgomerp 
 
 I was for a while somewhat puzzled over an 
 apparent discrepancy, for Lodge No. 19 did not obtain 
 authority to take the name of " Montgomery " until 
 1836 — eighteen years after Congress had paid such 
 exceptional honors to the deceased hero. When, how- 
 ever, I happened to notice that 1836 was the one- 
 hundreth anniversary of his birth, the otherwise 
 unexplained delay seems satisfactorily accounted for. 
 
 As probably no really great man has ever altogether 
 escaped detractors, it is well to mention how Parkman, 
 the historian, states that some writers have confused 
 Richard Montgomery, ignorantly and most unjustly, 
 with Capt. Alexander Montgomery (his elder brother), 
 43d Regiment, who incurred the censure of his brother 
 officers for inhumanity to some prisoners that fell into 
 his hands when serving under Wolfe before Quebec. 
 
 Brethren, my task is done. I trust I have succeeded 
 in showing that the gallant and distinguished officer 
 after whom Lodge No. 19 is named was a soldier sans 
 peter et sans reproche, not unworthy indeed to be classed 
 with the famous Roman general Cincinnatus, who, when 
 called upon by a delegation of his fellow citizens to lead 
 their armies against savage hordes, was found by them 
 with his hands upon the plough ; or with that great man 
 of whom it has been said he was " first in war, first in 
 peace, and first in the hearts of his fellow-countrymen." 
 Nevertheless this effort would be incomplete if I failed 
 
 Page Nineteen 
 
jHemotr of General Jfflontgomerp 
 
 to mention how, at the Centennial Banquet of the Lodge 
 in 1887, R. W. Deputy Grand Master Bro. Clifford P. 
 MacCalla, responding to a toast, gave utterance to the 
 following impressive sentiments respecting the subject of 
 this Memoir, which furnish a highly appropriate con- 
 clusion thereto. He said : 
 
 ' ' In the British Parliament the eloquence of a Chat- 
 ham and of a Burke paid tribute to his valour and his 
 worth. Brethren, cherish the name of your Lodge, for 
 there is none nobler ! ' No. 19 ' is happily married to 
 1 Montgomery.' Patriotism and Masonry have been 
 conjoined, and what has thus been united let not Masons 
 ever put asunder ! " 
 
 [Note — The author of the above Memoir desires to make his grateful acknowl- 
 edgments to the following standard works of reference, as the chief sources of 
 the material he has presented in connected form, viz.: Bancroft's History of the 
 United States, Vol. VIII; Sparks' Library of American Biography; Dictionary 
 of National Biography. Vol, XXXVIII ; Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American 
 Biography, Vol. IV; History of Canada, Vol II. Second Edition, by Andrew 
 Bell, published by John I,ovell, Montreal, 1862. The narrative of the siege of 
 Quebec and of the tragic death of General Montgomery, as it appears between 
 the two lines of asterisks, is quoted almost verbatim from the last, 
 mentioned authority, as furnishing the most complete account of those 
 interesting incidents available.] 
 
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