MESSA-GE 
 
 IN WHICH THE 
 
 CONSTITUTIONAL PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC, 
 
 Gen'l J. Rufino -Barrios, 
 
 IlENDEUS AN ACCOUNT TO THE 
 
 NATIONAL ASSEMBLY 
 
 Sdtltmtnt of l^t S^raitM ^oimkij ^ucslion. 
 
 ^^''C<g: 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 
 Press of "Las Novedades,' 
 
 23 LiBEEir Street. 
 . 1883. 
 
V 
 
MESSAGE 
 
 IN WHICH THE 
 
 CONSTITUTIONAL PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC, 
 
 Gen'l J. Rufino Barrios, 
 
 BENDERS AN ACCOUNT TO THE 
 
 NATIONAL ASSEMBLY 
 
 Settlement of i\t Pentan ^ounbarj ^nestion. 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 
 Press of "Las Novedades," 
 
 23 Liberty Street. 
 1883. 
 
-M 1 i 
 
GENTLEMEN OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY 
 
 On the 24th of April last I had the honor of address- 
 ing the Representatives of the Nation, pointing out the very 
 grave evils that were being brought upon the country by the 
 indefiniteness of the boundaries of its territory with that of 
 the United States of Mexico, and in order to solve this inveter- 
 ate question which had so greatly occupied the attention and 
 so seriously compromised the position of the Republic, I resolv- 
 ed to leave no means untried. While doing so I practically and 
 Conscientously consulted the interests of our country, feeling pur- 
 suaded that by so doing I should render it a most inestimable 
 service, and I requested, in the event of its being thought ex- 
 pedient, that very ample and especial authority, conferred by 
 decree, should be given to me, to put an end to the dispute, in 
 the manner I should deem most conducive to the welfare of the 
 Republic. I asked for this authority, in view of the importance 
 of the steps to be taken, and for this reason I did not wish to 
 proceed in the matter without the full knowledge and consent 
 of the Assembly, and only by virtue of the ordinary powers 
 conferred on the Executive by the Constitution ; and you, 
 Gentlemen, considered well founded the arrangements set forth 
 in the message I addressed to you for the purpose and on the 
 28th of the same month issued the decree conferring on me such 
 unlimited authority. Under provision of this decree, and avail- 
 ing myself, so as to be able to absent myself from the Territory 
 of Central America, of the leave of absence granted to me for 
 one year, in order to rest from the fatigues of the Presidency, 
 I started from this Capital for the United States of America at 
 the end of June, and having returned early in November last, after 
 settling the dispute, I now, in compliance with my promise, 
 come to render you account of the negotiation concluded, and 
 for this reason you have been convoked to an extraordinary ses- 
 sion. 
 
Official communications from the Ministers of Guatemala 
 accredited to the United States of America and to Mexico, con- 
 vinced me that grave complications would arise if the boundary 
 question were treated and became the subject of negotiations 
 in two places simultaneously, by two different persons and on 
 two distinct bases, apt to engender grave complications, and in 
 order to remove any such, and arrive at a satisfactory solution, 
 it seemed to me indispensable that there should be joint action, 
 by dealing myself direct with the matter, while listening at the 
 same time to both representatives of the Government. ^ I con- 
 sidered my personal intervention unavoidable, and the result has 
 clearly proved that I was not mistaken. I proceeded to the 
 United States, and at once became aware that the dispute had 
 run, and was running a serious risk of drifting into a real con- 
 flict ; that I had arrived at a critical moment, and that but for 
 my timely arrival, it would have been impossible later on, to 
 stem the torrent of difficulties and calamities in which the 
 country would have been involved. Whatever the incidents of 
 my trip may have been, I am glad that I left at the right mo- 
 ment, and without wishing to boast, I feel convinced that, with- 
 out my presence nothing would have been done, and that we 
 should now have to confront a chaos of discord and confusion. 
 
 The reports from the Minister of Guatemala at Wash- 
 ington stated that he had held conferences in that capital with 
 the Plenipotentiary from Mexico ; that they had already agreed 
 to a project for submitting the dispute to arbitration ; that in 
 accordance with this project the Government of the United 
 States was to act as umpire ; that the said Government accepted 
 such mediation, and all idea of a treaty in Mexico had to be 
 abandoned. The despatches from Dr. Manuel Herrera, repre- 
 sentative from this republic, to the United States of Mexico, 
 stated that the treaty proposed by him relinquishing the posses- 
 sion of Chiapas and Soconusco in consideration of an indem- 
 nity would be accepted by Mexico ; that this was the course 
 that ought to be adopted ; that the matter should be brought 
 to a conclusion in that place, and that arbitration was impossi- 
 ble. Things could not continue in this condition any longer, 
 and therefore on leaving for the Capital of the United States of 
 America, I telegraphed instructions to our Representative in 
 
5 
 
 Mexico, to meet me there, so that we might discuss the matter 
 and bring it to a termination. 
 
 In order to expedite matters, I held a conference as soon 
 as possible with the Secretary of State of the American Gov- 
 ernment, declaring to him that the Government of Guatemala 
 was anxious to put an end to the pending boundary question with 
 Mexico ; that in order to terminate the same, this Republic 
 relinquished its rights to the ownership of Chiapas and Soco- 
 nusco, the only point that so far had stood in the way of an ar- 
 rangement ; and that on this basis Guatemala desired the arbi- 
 tration of the President of the United States. As the Minister 
 of this Republic had given assurance that the arbitration had 
 already been proposed by him, and by the Representative of 
 Mexico, and accepted by the Government of the United States, 
 I was certainly somewhat surprised to ascertain that on behalf 
 of Mexico no such proposition had been made, nor had the pro- 
 ject been agreed to ; that consequently all had to be commenced 
 over again, in as much as it was indispensable that Mexico 
 should equally express a wish of arbitration, so that the Presi- 
 dent of the U. S. might take upon himself a responsibility, which 
 he was good enough to declare in deference to both countries he 
 would not decline, provided that both parties near to the dispute 
 gave him authority to that effect. As what I heard was not in 
 accord with the information furnished to me by our representa- 
 tive, I persistently dwelt on the idea that all Guatemala wanted 
 was that the Government of the United States should decide 
 the dispute as arbitrator, and that such was my proposition, 
 liable to being either accepted or decHned by Mexico, but that 
 in either case I should have fulfilled my duty by granting as 
 much as I possibly could. As it was decided in this conference 
 that the nature of the business called for written statements, 
 the offer was made that a note should be sent in the following 
 day embodying the ideas of the Government of Guatemala. 
 
 This note was written and signed by the Minister of 
 Guatemala on the 21st of July; in it was set forth the desire 
 of this Republic to bring to a termination the dispute respect- 
 ing the boundaries with Mexico, and for this purpose in futher- 
 ance of peace and friendship between the two countries, the 
 
claim to Chiapas and Soconusco, the only obstacle that had 
 hitherto stood in the way was waived ; that on this basis the 
 Government of Guatemala desired that the President of the 
 United States as arbitrator, and with such preHminary formaH- 
 ties as he might think fit to prescribe, should fix the line of di- 
 vision between the two countries, and that through the Minister 
 of Guatemala in Mexico the proposition of Guatemala should 
 be made known to that Government, a proposition which, if 
 acceded to, would put an end to the dispute, and if declined 
 would serve as evidence to all the world that we, on our side, 
 had spared no means of conciliation, and had made every pos- 
 sible concession. 
 
 Later on, after returning to Mr. Matias Romero the 
 Plenipotentiary of Mexico, a visit he had paid me, I spoke to 
 him about the business in hand, and he expressed to me the 
 most favorable disposition to settle it on the terms I had sug- 
 gested. He at the same time declared however, that he was, so 
 far, without authority from his Government to treat ; that the 
 bases which had been under consideration on the 17th of April, 
 and which already stipulated the abandonment of Chiapas, had 
 been presented by him in a private capacity, and delivered con- 
 fidentially to the Minister of Guatemala without instructions, 
 and not in any ofificial manner, and he therefore would have to 
 ask for instructions and powers from his Government which he 
 would do by telegraph. On the 24th of July the Secretary of 
 State at Washington on his part, answered the note that had 
 been addressed to him, signed by the Plenipotentiary of Guate- 
 mala in the United States, stating in his reply that it would 
 afford the President great pleasure to accept the distinguished 
 mark of confidence reposed in him, whenever Guatemala and 
 Mexico, agreeing upon bases, should jointly solicit his interven- 
 tion as umpire, to decide the dispute concerning the boundaries, 
 a dispute which in his opinion, the claim to Chiapas and Soco- 
 nusco being disposed of, and reduced to the establishment of 
 boundaries, evidently led to a peaceful and harmonious solution. 
 
 It would be useless to go into the details of the conduct 
 observed a short time aftei"wards, by the diplomatic representa- 
 tive of Guatemala in Washington, and the attention of the As- 
 
7 
 
 sembly to such miserable trifles ; the country knows me, and al- 
 ready has judged and characterized his conduct ; and were I to 
 seek to justify myself, it would seem as though I thought my 
 own could be suspected. I must however, before stating to you 
 the conditions of the negotiation concluded about the import- 
 ant question of frontiers, make it publicly known on this solemn 
 occasion, that I received constantly at the hands of both the 
 the government and the people of the United States every 
 proof of esteem and consideration, the memory of which I pre- 
 serve with affectionate gratitude, in token of the sympathy and 
 respect I feel for that generous and noble nation. 
 
 Mr. Romero, the Plenipotentiary of Mexico in the United 
 States of America, received from his Government the necessary 
 powers for the discussion and signing of the convention respect- 
 ing the boundaries with this Republic, on the basis of consider- 
 ing Chiapas and Soconusco as an integral part of the Mexican 
 Confederation. Meanwhile Mr. Herrera, Minister of Guatema- 
 la to Mexico, arrived in New York ; so that, after several pro- 
 longed conferences the substantial bases of the arrangement for 
 putting an end to the dispute were agreed upon, and signed in 
 that city on the I2th of August. Therein it is declared that the 
 Governments of Guatemala and Mexico are desirous of bring- 
 ing to an amicable termination the difficulties that existed be- 
 tween the two Republics, and that it is their earnest wish to lay 
 down solid foundations for the relations that should bind them 
 to one another, and keeping these precedents in view, the pre- 
 liminary articles for a definitive boundary treaty on that part of 
 the frontier comprised by the State of Chiapas, were drawn up. 
 
 These articles read as follows : 
 
 I. — The Republic of Guatemala withdraws from the discussion 
 it has maintained relative to the rights it possesses to the 
 territory of the State of Chiapas and its department of So- 
 conusco, 
 
 II. — The definitive treaty of boundaries between Guatemala 
 and Mexico, is to be made on the basis of considering Chi- 
 apas and Soconusco integral parts of the United States of 
 Mexico. 
 
III. — The Republic of Guatemala, satisfied with the due appre- 
 ciation that Mexico entertains of its conduct, and with the 
 acknowledgment that the exalted motives which inspired 
 the agreement set forth in the preceding articles are worthy 
 and honorable, will not exact a pecuniary indemnity, nor 
 any other compensation on account of the foregoing stipu- 
 lations. 
 
 IV. — In case the two contracting parties should not be able to 
 agree, as to the partial or total demarcation of boundaries, 
 between the State of Chiapas and its department of Soco- 
 nusco on the part of Mexico, and the Republic of Guate- 
 mala on the other part, or the commissioners that each must 
 name to determine jointly the demarcation of the dividing 
 line, should differ on one or more points concerning said 
 demarcation, and it should become necessary to nominate 
 a third party to adjust the difficulties that might arise on 
 this head, both Governments agree to do so, and also to 
 request the President of the United States of America to 
 act as third party or umpire. 
 
 V. — In the demarcation of the dividing line, actual possession 
 shall serve as the basis of the general rule ; but this shall 
 not prevent such basis being departed from, by both parties, 
 conjointly, for the purpose of following natural lines, or on 
 any other account, and in this case the system of mutual 
 compensations shall be adopted, pending which drawing of 
 the dividing line each contracting party shall respect the 
 actual possession of the other. 
 
 VI. — The Governments of Guatemala and of the United States 
 of Mexico, solemnly engage to sign the definitive treaty of 
 boundaries, on the basis set forth in the present conven- 
 tion, in the City of Mexico, at the latest within six months 
 reckoned from this date. 
 
 By virtue of these conditions Guatemala can no longer 
 allege any right to the territory of the State of Chiapas and of 
 its department Soconusco, which, on the boundaries being es- 
 tablished, must be held to be an integral part of the United 
 
States of Mexico ; nor can Guatemala, by reason of this stipu- 
 lation exact pecuniary indemnity or other compensation. 
 
 I present to you, Gentlemen, in all its nakedness, with- 
 out any reserve, without any artifice, this point which consti- 
 tutes the concession made by Guatemala, for I do not wish to 
 conceal it nor to disguise it in any way, and because with the 
 consciousness of my actions, I am fully persuaded that in pro- 
 ceeding as I did, I have in no way impaired the rights of the 
 country, nor burdened the same with any sacrifice whatsoever, 
 but that on the contrary I have rendered it great service by re- 
 moving such a knotty and at the same time barren question ; 
 that cropping up at every step, and assuming threatening pro- 
 portions, was calculated to interfere with the tranquil progress 
 of the country. 
 
 You will excuse me, Gentlemen of the Assembly, if 
 though only in a rapid sketch, I recall to your recollection some 
 of the antecedents of that inveterate dispute which has render- 
 ed the territory of Chiapas and Soconusco so prominent as an ap- 
 ple of discord, flung between two peoples that should for so many 
 reasons unite in and embrace of the most cordial fraternity. 
 
 Before deciding to ask the Assembly for the very ample 
 authority I solicited, and which was granted to me, I had very 
 seriously and thoroughly reflected on the bearings of this Chi- 
 apas and Soconusco question. Two solutions suggested them- 
 selves ; either to go on in a head-strong manner and cling to the 
 rights of Guatemala to that province, which would render im- 
 possible all arrangement, as Mexico on its side had declared a 
 thousand times, that it would not relinquish its claim to the 
 same, nor even submit it to arbitration, and that consequently 
 whatever the treaty it must distinctly state as a basis that these 
 provinces constituted part of its territory ; or abandon Chiapas 
 and Soconusco, and, giving up the dispute about it fix clear and 
 sure boundaries between Mexico and Guatemala. The first 
 would stumble upon the determined refusal of the United 
 States of Mexico, the material impossibility of Guatemala con- 
 quering by force of arms that territory, and it must be said upon 
 opinions that reckoned in their favor arguments neither few 
 
lO 
 
 nor contemptible. The changes of fortune through which our 
 history has passed since 1821, are famihar to you, and you are all 
 well aware that whenever Guatemala has most exerted itself to 
 make good its rights to Chiapas and Soconusco, it has been met 
 by an answer replete with facts and based on many grounds. 
 
 Mexican writers tell us, that Chiapas proclaimed its inde- 
 pendence from Spain, and its incorporation with Mexico on the 
 3d of September, 182 1, taking the oath thereto on the 8th of 
 the same month, before the independence of Guatemala was 
 proclaimed ; that not only did Chiapas do this, but Guatemala, 
 induced by the intrigues of the servile party to maintain our 
 country annexed to an empire, a few days later, in conformity 
 with the resolution of the Assembly of the 5th of January, 1822, 
 did unite with Mexico ; that on account of this last resolution, 
 there took place a meeting of the authorities and people of 
 Chiapas, in order to make it publicly known that they remained 
 independent from the former kingdom of Guatemala, and that 
 in accordance with their wish and oath, Chiapas formed part 
 and parcel of the Mexican Empire, passing to that intent the 
 act of the 29th of September, 1822, in which it was declared 
 that it did not wish to belong to Guatemala, but to Mexico, and 
 a Commissioner was appointed to convey this expression of 
 opinion to the President of the latter Republic. 
 
 They dispute our claims calling to mind that, when a 
 popular vote was taken as to whether Chiapas should belong to 
 Mexico or Guatemala, there resulted, as is attested by the act 
 of the 1 2th of September, 1824, that on examination being 
 made, 96,829 votes were cast for Mexico, and only 60,400 for 
 Guatemala, from which cause arose the new act of Declaration 
 of Federation of the 14th of December, 1824. 
 
 They tell us that all the Constitutions of Mexico have 
 included Chiapas as part of its territory ; the first Federal Con- 
 stitution of 1824; the one promulgated in 1843 denominated 
 organic bases, and the article43 of the one of 1857 ; that during 
 the Central Republic, and the promulgation of the seven Con- 
 stitutive laws, by which the Mexican States were converted 
 into departments, Chiapas was one of them, nominating its Dep- 
 
II 
 
 iities to the General Congress and its Senators ; that in the fol- 
 lowing years, when the Legislative authority was exercised by 
 popular assemblies, Chiapas elected its Deputies, who were its 
 representatives in the Congress, and that when the Dictatorship 
 iield rule it was submitted thereto. They tell us that the inde- 
 pendence from Spain being established, the provinces of the 
 Captaincy General of Guatemala, to which jurisdiction, accord- 
 ing to the laws of the Ondies, Chiapas and Soconusco had cer- 
 tainly appertained, remained independent of one another, and 
 that whilst some could, and wished to form by themselves Sov- 
 ereign Republics,, others wished to, and could unite with other 
 nationalities, as was done by Chiapas, and as was done by Gua- 
 temala itself ; that the- incorporation of Chiapas and Soconusco 
 was prior to that of Guatemala and independent of it, and there- 
 fore if the latter, on account of the abdication and absence from 
 Mexico of the Eraperor Agustin Iturbide, chose and was at lib- 
 erty to separate itself, Chiapas might continue irrevocably 
 united to Mexico ; and as the first co-operated in forming a 
 new Confederacy with the other provinces of Central America, 
 so could Chiapas form part of the Mexican Federation. 
 
 They tell us that Chiapas has always possessed its polit- 
 ical constitution as part of Mexico, the last one being that of 
 the 4th of January, i85'8, and that on the contrary the Federa- 
 tion of Central America itself, by decree of 2ist of July, 1823, 
 declared that if Chiapas desired to unite with them, it would be 
 received with the greatest pleasure, which implies the acknowl- 
 edgment of the legality of separation. They call our attention 
 to the fact that, since the year 1824 Chiapas has obeyed the 
 laws of Mexico, and has had recourse to its tribunals ; that it 
 has always shared the destinies of that nation, participating in 
 its misfortunes, and contributing with its money and with its 
 soldiers to the support of the wars it has carried on ; that it has 
 at all times been subject to its rule, be it the rule of Liberty or 
 the rule of Dictatorship, and that never, however fraught with 
 danger the times may have been, not even in the days of an- 
 archy, nor during the war with the United States, nor during 
 the last war waged against the French intervention, has Chiapas 
 endeavored to separate from Mexico, notwithstanding the fact 
 that its position and remoteness would have facilitated with 
 
12 
 
 separation, for the latter could have been affected with greater 
 ease and less risk and liability than that of any of the remaining 
 States ; and that recently in the very days when the boundary 
 question was being discussed on all sides, and by the press with 
 the greatest warmth, Chiapas had made the most energetic pro- 
 tests against the idea of belonging to Guatemala, and had put 
 forth the most explicit and decided declarations of its wish to 
 continue forming part of the Mexican Republic. They bring 
 to our notice that the utmost that can be pretended is, that 
 Chiapas had been one of the States of the Federation of Central 
 America ; but that Guatemala alone and for itself could not lay 
 claim to that right, whilst the Federation lasted from 1823, be- 
 cause it possessed no sovereignty nor international representa- 
 tion ; and that, although the alliance was dissolved in April, 
 1839, ^^^ th^ dissolution was confirmed by the decree of 1847, 
 in which Guatemala declared itself a Sovereign Republic, the 
 rights held by the Federation were not transmitted to it. They 
 answer us that there are no conclusive proofs that the Junta of 
 Chiapas did not act of its own free will ; that Mexico was not 
 to blame because Guatemala did not send in proper time the 
 Commissioner who on its behalf was to have been present at 
 the voting ; and that whatever compulsion, whatever pressure 
 might have been brought to bear, their influence would have 
 been evanescent, ceasing as soon as they disappeared ; whilst 
 Chiapas, constantly and under every circumstance, has perse- 
 vered in its determination of not forming a part of Guatemala, 
 but of Mexico. 
 
 As regards Soconusco in particular, they point out to 
 us that it has always been a district or department of Chiapas ; 
 that when the latter separated from Guatamala and united with 
 Mexico on the 3rd of September, 1821, Soconusco had to fol- 
 low the destinies of Chiapas, for it was in accordance with the 
 constitutive legislation of the Indies, one of its " Intendencias," 
 and was thus tied up with it ; and that if, on the meeting of the 
 Assembly, in 1824, it voted in favor of belonging to Guatemala, 
 it had, nevertheless, to accept and obey the resolution of the 
 majority, which was in favor of Mexico ; that the decree of the 
 Federal Congress of the United States of Central America of 
 the 1 8th of August, 1824, 'cannot be appealed to, for it only re- 
 
13 
 
 mained as a document, because Soconusco had the intention of 
 entering into the Federation as a State, and not of becoming a 
 department of Guatemala ; and that it would have regained its 
 independence on the dissolution of the Federation ; and that 
 against this declaration, which had no force of obligation for 
 Mexico, Chiapas protested in September, 1824, and the Federal 
 Government made a reclamation in March, 1825. To the pre- 
 liminaries of that year, and the occupation by General Santa 
 Anna in 1842, they urge in opposition that the Government of 
 Central America had sent troops in January, 1825, to take mili- 
 tary possession of the town of Tapachula ; that the possession 
 of Soconusco could not remain for an indefinite period in the 
 anomalous position in which it had, been left by the prelimina- 
 ries, merely under municipal rule, unless it were that there was 
 a prospect of arriving at a speedy arrangement, which was 
 counted upon at the time of agreeing to the preliminaries, for 
 Soconusco would only have served as a refuge for malefactors, 
 being so to say out of the pale of political authority; and lastly, 
 supposing even that there had been some irregularity in the 
 records of the Junta of Chiapas, or in the occupation of Soco- 
 nusco, all this would have been remedied, not only as being acts 
 committed long ago, but also by ratification founded on the ac- 
 quiescence of Chiapas, which during a period of 61 years has 
 not protested, and of Soconusco, which also has abstained from 
 doing so during a period of 40 years. 
 
 Whoever reflects coolly and dispassionately on this mat- 
 ter must come to the conclusion that, with all the antecedents 
 stated, and considered in all their aspects, it was not so easy as 
 any political visionary might suppose to make the rights of 
 Guatemala triumph in a well reasoned and calm discussion, and 
 prove that Chiapas and Soconusco ought to form part of its 
 territory and be restored to it. And not only was the right not 
 irrefutable and clear, but it was also impossible to think of con- 
 quering those provinces and wrenching them from Mexico by 
 force of arms. Had our right been unimpeachable and clear, 
 had Chiapas and Soconusco lifted their voices against Mexico, 
 asking the assistance of Guatemala, and protesting against the 
 former, it is evident that Guatemala would not have allowed so 
 many years to pass by since these events, shrouding them with 
 
14 
 
 a veil of authority and respect, but would long ago have made 
 an effort to rescue and retain its territory, however unequal the 
 struggle might have been in point of numbers and resources be- 
 tween Mexico and Central America, and still more so between 
 Mexico and Guatemala — one of those minute nationalities that 
 has sprung up in consequence of the shattering into fractions of 
 the Central American Fatherland, which took place in sad days 
 of mournful memory, and the reconstruction of which should 
 be the ideal longed for with a burning desire by all those who 
 feel within their breast the palpitations of true patriotism from 
 a heart unfeignedly liberal ; but that, relying on titles to which 
 most powerful arguments can be opposed, with reiterated mani- 
 festations of all kinds on the part of Chiapas and Soconusco 
 that they wish to appertain to Mexico, and do not wish, under 
 any condition whatsoever, to form a part of Guatemala, as they 
 only retain said recollections at the time of Spanish sway, and 
 of the dismal years when the servile party ruled the country ; a 
 party through whose machination was brought about this sepa- 
 ration, being one of so many evils they inflicted on the country, 
 and that now, after more than sixty years have transpired since 
 these events, Guatemala should arise and putting on mili- 
 tary array, should go forth with the din of war, v/ithout re- 
 sources and with numerically quite inferior forces, to conquer 
 Chiapas and Soconusco, would be — forgive me the expression, 
 gentlemen — a madness worthy of being ridiculed by the pen of 
 Cervantes, were it not that such ridicule would be heaped on 
 our native land — a country we ought to love with idolatry and 
 veneration, and that such an act of folly would cause the shed- 
 ding of rivers of blood of the people of Guatemala, to the sound 
 of the wailings over a most cruel desolation. No people can be 
 called too weak, no resources too limited, whenever a nation 
 rises in defence of a truly national cause, its own preservation 
 in a struggle for independence, and in order to resist an un- 
 warranted aggression and defend its territory and institutions. 
 In such a case nations are invincible, or will know how to fall with 
 glory ; they will allow themselves to be reduced to ruins and 
 hetacombs rather than yield and be humiliated ; and had such 
 a case arisen, or should it ever arise, I feel convinced that all 
 Guatemaltecans would rise Hke a man to fight with a will for 
 their native land, to drench with their blood the fields of battle, 
 
15 
 
 and rather perish with honor than see their flag disgraced or 
 brought to scorn. And I for my part, gentlemen, solemnly de- 
 clare that if such a day should come I would perish a thousand 
 times at my post, which is the post of danger, in front of my 
 soldiers and at the head of all my friends, before I would con- 
 sent to a disgrace ; that I would myself anticipate the calls of 
 the enemy by destroying all those whose cowardice should lead 
 them to refuse to sacrifice themselves in the struggle for their 
 native land ; and I would set fire to Guatemala with my own 
 hand, fanning the flames with my breath, so as to leave no 
 stone one upon another, before I consented to see it humili- 
 ated and conquered ; and before its territory could be trampled 
 on it would be necessary to pass over my body and the bodies 
 of all my faithful companions. But in such solemn moments 
 as these, when I must speak with all the frankness of my char- 
 acter, it is but due to acknowledge that a war for the acquisition 
 of Chiapas and Soconusco was very far from being looked upon 
 here as a national cause, as one of those popular wars that 
 awake an echo, and inspire with enthusiasm the hearts of the 
 multitude, a war in which the people at large, whose blood is 
 ever the first to be poured out, would take an interest, one of 
 those which are carried on and supported with vigor and un- 
 flinching determination. As Chiapas has never been in our 
 possession since our Independence was obtained, and the actual 
 generation there was born and has grown up under Mexican 
 sway, little or no interest could be elicited in favor of its acqui- 
 sition ; geographers and historians, not only foreign, but native, 
 figuring on the conservative side, did not speak of it as a part 
 of our territory, hence there could hardly be a cause which 
 would have provoked greater coolness, indifference, and unpop- 
 ularity than the struggle undertaken to regain a province that 
 that did not wish to belong to us, the reconquest of which would 
 have conferred on us no advantage, and which this Republic 
 never owned before. On the contrary, all the advantages were 
 on the side of Mexico, which not only is our superior in popu- 
 lation, in resources and in wealth, but against which we should 
 have had to undertake a war of aggression, Mexico being on 
 the defensive in a cause arousing the sympathies of its people, 
 and thus being popular, the cause of Chiapas calling on Mexico 
 for help, of Chiapas which, ever since the independence, has been 
 
i6 
 
 in the possession of Mexico, of Chiapas which in all its consti- 
 tutions figures as an integral part of Mexican territory ; and for 
 this reason all governments there looking upon its cession, or 
 even a consent to discuss the justice of possession, as an impos- 
 sibility, as an attack on the Constitution, and as treason to the 
 country. Chiapas has always shared the lot of Mexico, in the 
 days of glory and prosperity as well as in the days of misfortune 
 and calamity. Mexico could not abandon it, could not desert 
 it, nor appear to doubt its own rights, and would have had to 
 expend all its resources and power in the preservation and de- 
 fense of Chiapas ; any attempt to separate which, coming from 
 any quarter, would have been considered an irreparable insult* 
 Judge, then, if there would have been the remotest chance of 
 gaining a success by force of arms. It should be here repeated,, 
 and I wish that the Assembly would bestow particular attention 
 on this point, that Guatemala has never since its Independence 
 held possession of the territory in dispute, nor ever had the 
 slightest prospect or hope of possessing it, so that in reality, 
 for the country the cession has been purely one in name ; noth- 
 ing has been ceded in fact, for a cession pre-supposes a clear and 
 evident right and title to that which constitutes it, and pre-sup- 
 poses also the real and undisturbed possession of a property. 
 
 A cessioH has been made of a thing the Republic never 
 possessed, nor ever could hold ; a thing which could not even 
 conveniently be held ; an illusory and ephemeral right has been 
 surrendered, the right to dispute the ownership of Chiapas and 
 Soconusco, a right not only Utopian, but even mischievous, in- 
 as-much as it created a state of restlessness among us, under- 
 mining confidence abroad, and breeding ill-will between two 
 neighborly and fraternal countries ; and all this without ever 
 being able to produce any result favorable to Guatemala, only 
 jeoparding that which it actually possessed, merely for the sake 
 of the barren glory of keeping up the privilege of leaving open 
 an unprofitable discussion about a thing it never had owned and 
 never could become the owner of. 
 
 In order to form a correct judgment as to the justice of 
 these ideas, it is necessary to bear in mind that the territory of 
 Chiapas and Soconusco adjoins undisputed territory possessed 
 
17 
 
 by Guatemala. If the land in question had been situate in the 
 centre of Mexico, not adjoining territory possessed by Guate- 
 mala, it would have been of less importance to leave the ques- 
 tion in abeyance, for although such a state of uncertainty would 
 have produced other grave inconveniences, we should at least 
 not have been exposed to the risk of losing the certain in the 
 pursuit of the doubtful and impossible, nor of provoking con- 
 flicts that might have ended in ruin and disaster for Guatemala- 
 
 But the boundaries between this Republic and Mexico 
 were never settled, for whenever they were treated of, the dis- 
 pute about Chiapas and Soconusco sprang up ; Mexico insisting 
 that these should be considered as part of her territory, while 
 Guatemala invariably denied this ; hence it resulted that the 
 boundaries remained forever undecided ; that in consequence of 
 this undetermined state of affairs the limits of Soconusco con- 
 tinually made greater inroads on the territory of Guatemala* 
 and that districts and villages which, in 1821, and even in 1842, 
 were recognized as indisputably belonging to Guatemala now 
 are Mexican ; that at every moment some new dispute and 
 some new pretension arose, and that day by day the area rightly 
 belonging to Guatemala come to be curtailed, an area which 
 has been specially committed to the supervision of the Execu- 
 tive, whose duty it is to watch over it, preserve it in its integrity, 
 and of which it must render the strictest account. 
 
 Every act which Guatemala might look upon as an en- 
 croachment would have given rise to explanations and claims, 
 but these would not be taken into consideration, because it 
 would be contended that the territories involved in the discussion 
 belonged to Mexico, and in support of such affirmation appeal 
 would always be made to the uncertainty of the boundaries, to 
 the non-existence of a clear and decided line, and to the obscur- 
 ity arising therefrom, entangling matters in a most intricate 
 maze. And such claims and explanations would go on exciting 
 feelings of resentment ; they would br»eed animosity, would in- 
 volve eventually the greatest difficulties and conflicts, whose 
 'bearings not those w^ll best know how to measure and appre- 
 ciate who lead a theoretical life in imaginary spheres, exposed 
 like the ancient and learned King of Spain to lose his lands 
 
i8 
 
 while contemplating the movements of the stars of heaven, but 
 those who daily experience the toil and are brought in contact 
 with the practical dif^culties of government, those upon whom 
 all responsibility rests, and who in the hour of risk not only 
 have to be the first to face the danger of any situation, but have 
 also to answer for the property of the citizens, and the blood of 
 soldiers, which would fall upon the heads of those who should 
 rashly and inconsiderately provoke a struggle in support of a 
 doubtful cause, in which no advantage could be gained, even 
 should success attend it, and which would be hopeless in the 
 end. 
 
 It mattered nothing to Mexico that the question should 
 be prolonged to all eternity, in-as-much as that country was in 
 time-honored and peaceful possession of the territory in dispute ; 
 Mexico did not run the risk of having its possession curtailed, 
 but, on the contrary, there was the probability that it would 
 continue to increase. Guatemala not only did not hold posses- 
 sion, but was exposed every day to new losses, hence it became 
 a matter of vital importance to bring the dispute to a termina- 
 tion ; it was urgent and not to be put aside, and it behooved 
 us, therefore, to act, and work without rest with this object be- 
 fore us. 
 
 M}^ mind has often been disquieted by these considera- 
 tions, and I have been unable to listen with a smile of disdain 
 to those who intrenched themselves behind the national' honor 
 i» order to cr)^ out against the idea of giving up Chiapas and 
 Soconusco. 
 
 It was claimed that the national honor would not allow 
 us to give up the right to a strip of land which had never been 
 in our possession, but yet could consent to our contemplating 
 with indifference the loss of that which we actually held, a loss 
 which would continually increase, and which would have resulted 
 from and as a natural consequence of the indeterminateness of 
 the frontiers, and through the maintenance of an illusory, chi- 
 merical and ridiculous right ! 
 
 They who thus invoked the dignity of Guatemala, who 
 
19 
 
 in this manner are so jealous of its national honor, who make 
 this boast of patriotic pride, should, instead of clamoring sense- 
 lessly, have abandoned their homes and their families, take up 
 arms, and march to the frontier, commencing in the first place 
 by the conquest of all that which was in our positive possession, 
 and has been lost only through persisting in asserting a claim 
 that offered no advantage, and was impossible to justify. 
 
 But that false patriotism, fit only to give rise to diffi- 
 culties, never does anything for the good of the couhtry ; it 
 shirks all obligations, avoids all risks, abstains from all sacrifice, 
 and creating an atmosphere of uneasiness, only hampers the ac- 
 tion of those who can do good, of those who resolutely devote 
 themselves to the study of and promotion of the welfare of the 
 ■Republic, those finally who attaching more importance to prac- 
 tice and to deeds, than to words and formulas, consult consci- 
 entiously the true interests of the nation. 
 
 Since then this barren question had to be abandoned. 
 It was a thousand times better to at least avoid a pecuniary 
 indemnity. It should never be said that our silence had been 
 bought with money, nor that we had made an unworthy cession 
 in exchange for a handful of gold. If not right or honorable to 
 yield in the dispute, it certainly could not be made so by receiv- 
 ing in compensation any amount whatsoever, and if it was 
 sound policy, prudent, and necessary to the interests of Guate- 
 mala to put an end to the discussion, burying forever in oblivion 
 the pretensions we had hitherto advanced, it had to be done in 
 a manner entirely decorous, without anything that could be 
 looked on as a sale of territory, without anything that with a 
 semblance of truth might give rise to the senseless suspicion, 
 that they who bore part in the negotiation had stained their 
 hands by contact with coin, and finally without anything that 
 could detract from the merit of Guatemala, and could make it 
 appear as a salable commodity. 
 
 The Republic, and the government in its name, have 
 withdrawn from the dispute, because it behooved them to 
 withdraw ; no sale was made, for none could rightly be made ; 
 for, if to maintain the right to Chiapas and Soconusco, had beea 
 
20 
 
 really one of those questions of honor and dignity in which any 
 compromise is impossible, that honor and dignity would not 
 have been preserved by any payment, but it would rather have 
 been still more tarnished and degraded, and whether with or 
 without indemnity never should we have yielded. 
 
 I take no notice of, nor am I intimidated or in the least 
 influenced by what the systematic enemies of my administration 
 may say. They disapprove of my conduct, and by the use of 
 miserable intrigues have placed difficulties in my way, in order 
 that I might not be able to attain the solution I fortunately 
 have reached ; they will cry out that my conduct is dishonor- 
 able and wanting in patriotism. Their criticisms, instead of 
 disconcerting me, cause me the most lively satisfaction. If the 
 step I have taken had been damaging to the interests of Guate- 
 mala, if it had been dishonorable for the Government and for 
 myself, they would have endeavored to assist me, they would 
 have applauded me, and would have caused the greatest praises 
 to be showered upon me. They disapprove and vituperate because 
 they are aware that this step inaugurates an era of peace and 
 tranquility for Guatemala, because they are aware that it cre- 
 ates for me a claim to the gratitude and esteem of my fellow, 
 citizens, and that, thanks to it, our history may some day in- 
 scribe my name in the book in which are inscribed the names 
 of those who have served their country well. Let enemies, 
 then, censure and find fault with me ; it neither takes me by 
 surprise, nor do I deplore it ; on the contrary, I wished for it, 
 and am glad of it. It was but natural that they should disap- 
 prove of my conduct if it does away with the mad intrigues 
 they were concocting by taking advantage of the coolness of 
 our relations with Mexico, which resulted from the wretched 
 boundary dispute. Their rage is easily explained, for, under 
 cover of this dispute, and using it as a pretext, they were sow- 
 ing alarm and uneasiness in the Republic, spreading false 
 rumors of rupture and of war, disquieting commerce, causing 
 industry to flag, placing difficulties in the way of and rendering 
 almost impossible all business, and destroying credit and confi- 
 dence. No wonder they disapprove of acts that put an end to 
 a question, which they made use of because they saw in it an 
 obstacle to the Government's devoting its direct and exclusive 
 
21 
 
 attention to the progress and rise of the country. It was to be 
 expected that I should receive blame at their hands, for, from 
 the moment it became known that the difference was settled, 
 all doubts and fears have disappeared, credit has been re-estab- 
 lished, enterprise revives, capital has come forward, abandoning 
 the obscurity of the recesses where in the days of alarm it had 
 timidly hidden, in order to impart a new life and animation to 
 undertakings ; in fact great improvements are in preparation 
 for our country, thanks to the peace and tranquility which has 
 been established. Welcome, then, to their slanders ! Their 
 disapproval is one of my best titles of honor, and one of the 
 evidences that prove most clearly the opportuneness and neces- 
 sity of the measure I adopted, and it justifies my acts. 
 
 But though I do not fear the unjust and ill-intentioned 
 censures of my enemies, I do fear and hold in respect the cen- 
 sure and reprobation of my friends, of those men, of those 
 friends who, like myself, have taken upon their shoulders the 
 great work of the regeneration and improvement of the country. 
 
 And my friends might justly have blamed me, and would 
 have had cause for blaming me and cursing me, if I had put in 
 jeopardy the future and the destinies of the country, in a fool- 
 ish enterprise, and an unwarrantable war. They would have 
 had cause to curse me, if through a mistaken sentiment of 
 childish self-love and a false sense of dignity, I had clung to a 
 fantastic right, and thus brought upon the country real evils 
 and positive ruin ; if with the mad project of conquering what 
 we had never possessed, nor could possess, and which finally it 
 would not even have been in our interest to possess, I had 
 plunged the country into all the horrors of a struggle in which 
 all the advantages would have been against us. They, my 
 friends, would be justified in calling me to account for their 
 ruined fortunes, their properties destroyed ; they would call me 
 to account for the priceless blood of the sons of the country 
 uselessly shed ; they would call me to account to the widows 
 and orphans of an innumerable number of victims, and for the 
 desolation and mourning of the people, and then with right the 
 avenging image of our native land would rise above the ruins 
 to execrate my name and to curse my memory, if following the 
 
22 
 
 dictates of a foolish misconception, I had plunged it into an 
 abyss of disgrace whilst invoking its honor, — I had sacrificed the 
 lives and fortunes of its sons, watering its soil with wasted 
 blood, and nipping the first symptoms of wellbeing, that were 
 beginning to spring forth in luxuriance from the seeds of liberal 
 ideas. Now I have the satisfaction to feel that I am very far 
 from being censured by my friends ; I have had to make sacri- 
 fice, but this sacrifice meets with ample compensation in their 
 good opinion and esteem, and the good accruing from it to the 
 country I adore and to which I am thoroughly devoted. 
 
 I have just said that in order to solve this question I had 
 to make a sacrifice, and I must now add that it has been the 
 greatest sacrifice of my life, and that to make up my mind tO" 
 it, I had to use over myself an extraordinary amount of com- 
 mand and of resolute self-denial. No, after meditating on the 
 subject and putting aside all prepossession and prejudice, I 
 could not have the slightest doubt as to the necessity and 
 expediency of the measure I adopted, but yet there crowded 
 on my mind all the difHculties it might occasion me, all the 
 versions that might be put forward, and all the wretched 
 detractions that would be sure to follow me. Our politicians 
 had asserted that the right of Guatemala to Chiapas and Soco- 
 nusco was irrefutable ; that this right ought to be vindicated - 
 that national pride demanded that no concession should be 
 made on the subject, and that this right should never be given 
 up, nor the title arising therefrom. And this opinion was fil- 
 trating and spreading amongst the men of the country, who- 
 already, without examination, entertained it and communicated 
 it from one to another. A great majority, without being famil- 
 iar with the dispute, without studying its antecedents, without 
 taking into account all the circumstances connected with it,, 
 without a clear appreciation of the matter, without taking the 
 trouble to examine it from its origin, and to master all its de- 
 tails, endorsed such opinion, and in this manner a sort of tra- 
 dition was being formed, echoed by every one who busied him- 
 self about it ; a tradition from which even my administration 
 has not been exempt. With this antecedent before him, any 
 one who should speak of maintaining the rights of Guatemala 
 to a territory unknown to nearly all, and the history of which 
 
23 
 
 was completely foreign to him, would flatter public vanity by 
 appearing to sustain the honor of the nation ; while any one 
 who, on the contrary, looking at the dispute from its true as- 
 pect, should seek to put an end to it, giving up all discussion 
 about the ownership of Chiapas and Soconusco, would expose 
 himself to calumny, to the accusation of want of patriotism, 
 and why should I conceal it ? Be accused, perhaps, of weak- 
 ness or of treason. While, therefore, on the other hand, a con- 
 scientious appreciation of the real interests of the country was 
 well calculated to counsel the abandonment of this useless d is- 
 pute, and thereby securing the boundaries, as well as the tran- 
 quility and the prosperity of Guatemala, there would, on the 
 other, be raised, to stifle any action to that effect, the voice of 
 personal convenience and self-interest, and whosoever undertook 
 to present the matter in its true light, and patriotically dare to 
 carry out such a bold and decisive measure, would expose him- 
 self to the grave danger of losing his popularity. 
 
 I have done. Gentlemen, what hitherto no Government 
 had the resolution to do ; I have withdrawn from a contest from 
 which neither Paron, nor Luis Batres, nor Aycinena before me 
 have dared to withdraw. I shall not allow myself to be com- 
 pared with any of the leaders of the servile party, who brought 
 so many misfortunes upon the country, who with their blunders 
 and their ill-deeds provoked the separation of Chiapas, and who, 
 by joining the Mexican empire, sanctioned such separation, 
 thereby making patent their own abasement and failing sense 
 of dignity. The servile party in 1854, in the conferences that 
 preceded the projected treaty with Don Juan N. de Pereda, 
 had already recognized the incorporation of Chiapas and Soco- 
 nusco ; if that treaty was not concluded, if the dispute was not 
 brought to an end, if the solution that I have now arrived at 
 was not reached then, if there was introduced, so as to set it on 
 one side, the claim for the payment of the debts of Chiapas, as 
 the necessary condition for the abandonment of the rights of 
 Guatemala, with the clear intention that the other stipulations 
 should not be accepted, it was not in compliance with a feeling 
 of national dehcacy, nor because this conduct arose from a gen- 
 erous impulse not to curtail the territory, nor to wound the 
 pride and self-respect of Guatemala. It was as though that 
 
24 
 
 party, being condemned to cause only misfortunes without hav- 
 ing the courage to repair them, and to be unable to render any 
 service to the country, or to do anything that should deserve 
 imperishable gratitude, the Government had become apprehen- 
 sive that by such a measure its unpopularity would reach its 
 climax, and the measure of public indignation would pass all 
 bounds. 
 
 I have not shrunk from facing these dangers, however 
 great the struggle within me may have been. Often has the 
 consciousness of my duty battled within me with the fear that 
 the people might misinterpret and not sanction my proceedings, 
 that it might withdraw from me, not power, for which I have no 
 ambition, and from which I have so often wished to retire, but 
 its esteem and confidence, and might look upon me, though 
 only for a m.oment, as disloyal to the interests of the country. 
 1 thought for one thing that the baseness of my enemies might 
 go so far as to cry out that I had been bought by Mexican gold, 
 and that I was capable of lowering myself to their level of ven- 
 ality and for money sell the soil, thereby depriving Guatemala 
 of a real and positive right. I reflected that they might tax 
 me with weakness, imagining as they have already imagined a 
 thousand absurd plans about selling the territory to the govern- 
 ment of the United States ; that there was on my side a weak 
 yielding, or that my resolution was the impulse of the moment, 
 due to imaginary refusals and fancied obstacles. I came to re- 
 flect that this step more than any other might be made use of 
 by malevolence and calumny, to spread inauspicious interpreta- 
 tions and senseless conjectures that would represent me as un- 
 true to the cause or the RepubHc, and as trampling under-foot 
 the rights of the people. I thought that perhaps an unjust 
 opinion might declare itself against me, tarnishing my name for 
 having done what I consider the most precious service ever ren- 
 dered to my country ; and I thought that this dishonor might 
 fall on the innocent heads of my children, sharers of my heart, 
 and the delight of my life, to whom I do not aspire to bequeath 
 either riches or power, but the precious heritage of a spotless 
 name and the gratitude of the country, earned by the conduct 
 of their father, ever patriotic and loyal. And I wish that they 
 may always be able to lift up their heads with the pride of in- 
 
25 
 
 nocence, that no one may be able to point at them on account 
 of afty infamous action of their father ; that on looking over 
 my history they may always find it worthy of respect and con- 
 sistent, so that they may respect my name and bless my mem- 
 ory as that of a faithful servant of Guatemala, and that they 
 may be able to take pride in being the sons of one who was a 
 good son of his country ! I did what neither Paron, nor Batres, 
 nor Aycinena did, because I believed that I ought to do it, and 
 because, having before my eyes the idea of duty, I always act 
 as I believe I should act, without paying attention to what 
 others did or left undone. 
 
 I do not propose to clear myself from the charge that 
 may arise, insinuating that I may have been bought, for there 
 are imputations so infamous that one fears contact with their 
 infamy while taking notice of them for a moment, were it but 
 to trample them in the dust, for, Hke the viper, they sting the 
 foot that crushes them. To those who may accuse me of weak- 
 ness aad may believe that I was prompted while in the United 
 States by some unforeseen incidents, I will answer with the tes- 
 timony of innumerable political and personal friends, some of 
 whom even belonged to the previous administration, who are 
 all of them fully aware of the resolve that I arrived at for some 
 time past, and who know that when I asked for special author- 
 ity at the hands of the Assembly, it was with the firm intention 
 of giving up Chiapas and Soconusco, and they will confirm that 
 I have debated the subject with them at length, adducing in 
 support of my resolution the same ideas, and the same argu- 
 ments I now have the honor of submitting to the Assembly. 
 I may furthermore reply to them that in ofificial notes from the 
 Secretary of Foreign Affairs, directed to the then Minister of 
 Guatemala in Washington, prior to my departure from this 
 country and by my instructions, it was stated that in conformity 
 with what was expressed in other dispatches, Guatemala had 
 always been, and still was most sincerely desirous that an end 
 should be put to the dispute pending about the boundary of its 
 territoiy with that of the United States of Mexico ; and if it 
 could be solved by arbitration, the earnest and long-entertained 
 wishes of the Government would be realized. It was there also 
 stated that the. Government did not feel the least uneasiness as 
 
26 
 
 to the conditions that might attach to the verdict to be given 
 by the umpire, for even though the same might move adverse, ' 
 there would at any rate have been obtained the great boon that, 
 while doing away with any accusations founded or not, for the 
 future the boundaries of the two countries would be clearly de- 
 fined, the continual difficulties to which their uncertainty gave 
 rise removed, and with it the constant encroachments would be 
 stopped that were taking place all the time upon that portion 
 of which Guatemala had held uninterrupted possession. By 
 this note which had been published improperly, since it was di- 
 rected to the Legation by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and 
 ought not to have seen the light without special orders and 
 instructions, it was clearly set forth what the leanings and in- 
 tentions of the government were, and it was made patent that 
 its conduct was consistent, and that what was stated publicly 
 was in perfect accord and harmony with these confidential 
 documents, intended to remain in the archives of the Legation, 
 where they were entrusted to the safe keeping of the Minister. 
 
 The charge of weakness on account of the arrangement 
 entered into is the most unjust charge that can be brought 
 against me, for, putting aside a modesty which in these circum- 
 stances would be impolitic and unbecoming, I must state that 
 few would have had the courage to take the step I have just 
 taken. I have compared many times the sensations that one 
 feels on the day of battle when going into action, and the im- 
 pressions that I experienced in going through all that I had to 
 go through, so as to arrive at the determination to sign this 
 convention, which, though so useful and indispensable for 
 Guatemala, might turn out for me a source of mortification and 
 disappointment, and I had to muster more energy and resolu- 
 tion in order to do so than I should have needed to take my 
 part in a battle amidst the deadly bullets of the enemy. There 
 is in battle a certain enthusiasm, a certain feverish excitement 
 that stimulates and leads one on, reducing all danger to insig- 
 nificant proportions ; there is the prospect of fame for him who 
 fights with valor ; the allurement of triumph, the flattering hope 
 of the honors and splendor of victory ; and even the idea of 
 falling under the fire of the enemy and perishing on the field of 
 battle, presents itself to the imagination as surrounded by a 
 
^7 
 
 glorious wealth of immortality ; one dies with honor and con- 
 quers the right to live in the memory of posterity, with the 
 renown which courage and heroism always confer. But to sign 
 in cold blood a convention which, however productive of good 
 to the country, may bring upon him who, following the dictates 
 of his conscience, determines to conclude it, calumnies of all 
 kinds, antipathy and public reprobation, and perhaps even the 
 stigma of disloyalty, of ingratitude, and of treason ; to him who 
 undertakes to do so, none of these attractions are held out — his 
 hand trembles, his heart itself may fail for a moment, and if at 
 last the step is taken, it is after suffering the effects of a violent 
 
 struggle of the strongest and most opposite feelings. 
 
 In this struggle. Gentlemen, the strength of my feeling 
 of duty triumphed finally over my wish for tranquility and per- 
 sonal comfort. To serve my country I had sacrificed my health 
 and repose, I did not shrink from a temporary separation from 
 my family, and I had without the slightest hesitation exposed 
 myself to the accidents of travel. To serve my country I have 
 also done that which it remained for me to do, the only thing 
 I had not done hitherto ; I have risked my honor and my name, 
 which I value all the more because they are the honor and the 
 name of my children, the priceless treasure that they must re- 
 ceive from me, and preserve with the greatest veneration ; and 
 I have risked the prestige and popularity with which this gener- 
 ous nation, whose happiness and progress are and always have 
 been the object of my most ardent aspirations, has constantly 
 honored me. 
 
 And I have not regretted for one single moment, nor do 
 I now regret what I did, but on the contrary I am proud of it, 
 and take credit to myself. I have the consciousness that I 
 have complied with my duty; that I have rendered a service to 
 my country, and on learning the enthusiasm with which the 
 news was received here of the convention agreed upon, and on 
 seeing the demonstrations with which this people, whom I so 
 dearly love, received me on my return from carrying out the 
 mission I had undertaken, as though it wished to testify that it 
 did full justice to my loyalty, and acknowledged the propriety 
 of my actions, I was deeply moved, and the sacrifice I had 
 
28 
 
 made appeared to me insignificant — I felt within me new strength 
 to repeat it a thousand times, were it necessary, and to make 
 for the people still greater ones, if required, in return for its 
 affection and faithfulness. 
 
 The dispute, which for such a long time has been a cause 
 of uneasiness to the people of Guatemala, has at length been 
 settled ; the treaty defining the boundaries such as laid down 
 on the 1 2th of August, stipulated that it should be concluded 
 in Mexico, and it has since been signed ; there has been marked 
 out in it, with perfect accord, and without any necessity for ar- 
 bitration, the line of division, and with a constant view to the 
 greatest clearness and security in the boundaries, we have suc- 
 ceeded in mutually establishing just compensations. It is now 
 to be submitted to your examination and judgment. We shall 
 henceforward have a safe, permanent and well determined line ; 
 two peoples of America — two contiguous and fraternal nations 
 are thus saved the danger of enmity, arising from a mere fron- 
 tier question, and the risk of staining their soil with blood in a 
 fratricidal struggle for a strip of land of comparatively little 
 importance to either of them. 
 
 When the time comes for me to deliver up the Presi. 
 dency, I shall be able to leave it in tranquility; I shall not 
 return Chiapas and Soconusco to the nation, for I did not 
 receive them when I came into power; what I did receive and 
 shall not return is the wretched legacy of the boundary dispute 
 with Mexico, a source of uneasiness and disturbance to the 
 country. If my not returning such a legacy of calamity be a 
 reproach, I shall bear the burden of it cheerfully. 
 
 Gentlemen, on submitting to you all the documents in 
 which the treaty entered into is set forth, allow me to entreat 
 you to examine them calmly, and to let the most entire liberty 
 preside over your deliberations, without partiality or considera- 
 tions of any kind. Do not be swayed by a wish to be agreeable 
 to me, for I may have been subject to an error of judgment 
 and may be swept away at any moment. Be solely guided by 
 the wish to serve your country disinterestedly and courageously, 
 for it may at any time demand of yourselves or of your sons an 
 account of the resolution that you may arrive at. 
 
29 
 
 There is committed to your decision the most important 
 business ever submitted to the Assembly. If, in representation 
 of the countiy, with your hands placed upon your hearts, you 
 in your consciences approve my conduct, I shall feel an inde- 
 scribable satisfaction ; but before doing so reflect that you will 
 share with me all responsibility inseparable from it, — that you 
 will identify yourselves with me before the tribunals of public 
 opinion and of history, which will judge this question in the 
 future, and inscribe therein either glorious lines of praise, or 
 lines of disgrace and of shame for all who shall have shared in 
 the transaction. There is time yet for reflection. Act with 
 firmness and loyalty, without considerations that later on could 
 only be alleged to cover you with reproach. 
 
 If, unfortunately, the step I have taken does not merit 
 your approval, — if you consider that it injures or dishonors the 
 country, — in my own name and in the name of Guatemala, I 
 entreat you to condemn it energetically and freely, so as not to 
 bear consequences it may entail and not to compromise your 
 reputations, through an act of foolish compliance or pusilani- 
 mous weakness, and not to allow the country to be dragged into 
 a thing involving shame or indignity which would bring on you 
 eternal self-reproach, and a tremendous responsibility. 
 
 If your votes are opposed to the negotiation, I will take 
 refuge in the rectitude of my conscience ; I shall raise my fore- 
 head without a blush, for my only motive has been the welfare 
 of Guatemala ; I shall be free from all reproach, for I have done 
 all that was in my power to avert the evils that may befall us 
 through leaving this dispute unsettled, and am resigned to 
 submit calmly the share I bore in this matter to the impartial 
 judgment of posterity and to the verdict of history. 
 
 J. RUFINO BARRIOS. 
 Guatemala, ist December, 1882.