E GTO / ^•^- (jUty^Jt.'^^^^r.AJLAyJl /8%^ A CAMPAIGN DOCUMENT FOR 1868. By J. A. STEWART, of Rome, Ga. TO m PEOPLE P THE UNITED STATES. CAN'T YE SEE WHERE YE ARE DRIFTING ? 3fust ye ever be the Accomplice, or ike Victim of Political Charlatans, Knaves, and Demagogues? "There is but one great danger to our country, and that is m ourselves; it is a want of fidelity to truth; a want of effort for its propagation ; a want of confidence in its power to bless." If reputed great men, and leaders, would take as much pains to en- lighten the people as they do to deceive them, there would be no wars — no tented fields, no jargon of fifes and drums, no clash of arms," nc mangling of limbs, no heaps, of dead, nor groans of dying. Ther« would be no fields laid waste, no people impoverished, no turmoil, Rf> strife, no Radicals, no Democrats, and no cause to disturb the general welfjire, or mar the enjoyment of domestic tranquility. Plain, practical common sense, combined with honesty, is the avenue to success in all laudable pursuits ;. an.d.i t. i s a s essential in the elucidation of political truths as it is in conducting oirf various industrial vocations. Frauklio PriotiDg House, Atlanta'— J. J. Tood, Proprietor. . ^ QUO » CAMPAIQJT DOCUMENT. The ingenious mechanic must necessarily be governed by a correct knowledge of mechanism in constructing the endless variety of machinery so essential to our wants. He needs no mass meetings, nor excited gatherings, nor stump orators ; no fiery declaimers, nor sub- sidized presses to enable him to acquire a knowledge of his vocation. In making out his plans or ^' platforms, ^^ he calls around him no frothing, foaming, whisky-drinking partizans. He prefers clear-headed, common sense advisers. He chooses men of science — men of truth — men of integrity; and thus avoids the grievous failures and mishaps which usually befall a people led by heated partizans, visionary theorists, political mountebanks, and impulsive fools. It is a lamentable fact though, that reputed wise men, or so-called great men, and professed reformers, legislators and statesmen, are everlastingly playing the fool. Fool, did I say ? Yes, fool. I say it, and mean it, as nothing but the most extretfie folly could have taken our individual and political affairs as they were in 1860, and placed ^x% where we are now. The whole Radical programme, now upon us, like the gasconading experiment of secession, is nothing but folly and madness, from beginning to end. The higher-law men North, and the fire-eatex's South, have done it. The indomitable perseverance of disunion abolitionists succeeded ia 1860, in furnishing a pretext to the disunionists ^er se of the South, to get up a rebellion against the old government. The pretext was a poor one, but it served the purpose of those who were then seeking a pretext to break up the Union ; and right glad were they when the news reached them of the election of Mr. Lincoln, for now, said they, " we can dissolve the Union." Into it thej plunged — rash and precipitate, regardless of the appeals of our old steady business men — men of property, and men of prudence, to consider consequences. Headlong into rebellion went our rash men of South Carolina, followed by hot heads all over the South : union men everywhere protesting against the criminality and madness of the experiment; whilst ^^higher- law " men North, fearful that Union men South might check secessionists in their mad career, told them to " go- in peace " — that they couldn't live in harmony, and separation was best. CAMPAIGN DOCUMENT. 3 But no sooner had secession got in good headway dissolving the Union, than a great cry was raised against rebels, and a. great army was raised to whip them. The war commenced and the war ended. The rebels were whipped, after four years' waste of blood and treasure. Then commenced in good earnest the work of Northern fanatics and demagogues. The reconstruction measures were enacted, placing over us military governments, freedmen's bureaus, provisional Governors, military courts, disfranchisement of white men, the enfranchisement of ne- groes ; and not only this — they have disregarded their own acts and promises, paying no regard to the result of elections, under their measures, which failed to support the Radical party. Articles of impeachment, too, against a constitutional President were gotten up — the Supreme Court paralyzed, and higher-law theories practically carried into execution. The consummate folly and wickedness of these measures are producing fruit. Our old disunionists per se, who drove us into rebellion, and wasted the lives and the substance of our people, are beginning to come from their hiding places, and to pick up courage. These men, when they got their people whipped and subjugated, retired, not to the last ditch, but to some dark hole or corner, trying to escape, if possible, the recollection how they dragooned the poor, honest, unsuspecting people of the South into rebellion ; how they promised to drink all the blood that would flow from the result of secession ; how they pledged themselves to die in the last ditch, rather than ever, under any circum- stances, return to the Union, and how they didn't die there. These and a thousand other painful reflections, brought their once boastful lips to the dust. They were humiliated ; they were subdued. And all that was then needed was simply the recognition of the rights of all the States as they were prior to the rebellion, the insurrectionists held to account according to the constitution and laws of our country, and the government to move on as before. This, alone, was sufficient, to put bad men where they could do no more harm, and to protect all that wished to respect and obey the national government. This was the legal and constitutional mode uf 4 CAMPAIGN DOCUMENT. dealing with insurgents. This was the common-sense way. It was the only practicable lyay to restore the harmonious working of the Union. But this is not in accordance with the Radical programme. Their fool experiment has been tried. Harmony has not been restored ; the Union is yet dissevered. Secessionists, some of them, have joined the Radicals, and are helping them to support measures to defeat the restoration of the government, whilst others, still clinging to the " lost cause,''^ seeing that the enormities committed by the higher-law Radicals eclipse even their own great monstrosities, are beginning to pick up courage. Rising from the dust and ashes, and wiping the mud from the corners of their eyes and mouths, we hear them say : " Here is a chaiice for us again. These abolitionists will commit, and have com- mitted so many mean acts of oppression, the people won't stand it. Then will be our time. We'll take hold and again conduct the storm. Will ride back into the Union again — that is, if we can have all the c^ces and all the honors, and can see all the slink-hearted Union men and tories put down and disgraced. If we can't do this, then we will let the Radicals rip. We would rather see them in power than Union men." Thus we see what Radicalism has done for the South and for the country. Wicked and treasonable as the experiment of rebellion was, the Radical experiment of 7iegro supremacy, and tvhiie degradation, is a thousand times meaner, and calculated directly to involve us again in war, and to put leading secessionists where they can again have an opportunity to gratify their unholy ambition. And here arises the question, What is best for the people to do, under the circumstances, t<3 save the country 1 A brief reply to this inquiry is all that is needed. Let no man's prejudice against secessionists prevent him from casting his vote in November next for Seymour and Blair. Let no dislike *o any electoral candidate prevent us from voting for Seymour and Blair. Let no contumelious language drive you from the support of Seymour and Blair. They were true to the Union when Fort Pulaski was seized and Fort Sumter fired upon. They were true to the Union when the insurrectionary army of the South entered Pennsylvania, to carry out the programme of disunion. Not only this — they were true to the Constitution which made the Union ; and when our people of the CAMPAIGN DOCUMENT. O South laid down their arms, they were willing to be merciful, and to invite the South back speedily, and without the rigors of cruel or unnecessary punishment. This humane and patriotic policy for restoration was commenced by our esteemed President, Andrew Johnson, and supported by Seymour and Blair. But it has been defeated, so far, by the higher-law, uncon- stitutional measures of a dominant Radical party, as already set forth. The election of Seymour and Blair would give a quietus to higher- law men, everywhere, for a long term of years. I^-A WORD TO UNION MEN OF THE SOUTH. Don't be too hungry for office. Office is not the best thing for a living. It is generally the poorest. The requisite qualification for office is " honesty and capacity." Let us look for such men, rejecting such as have " been weighed in the balance and found wanting." Seymour and Blair were at their posts "in the day and hour of danger," trying to preserve our good old government when contending parties were rending it in pieces. They have the patriotism, the intellect, and the integrity to save us, and lo save our country ; and all that is necessary on our part in the South, is, to give them a cordial support, and thereby manifest our willingness to restore the Union under the Constitution. 1^^ Union men of the South, let me beseech you to sever all connection you may have with the " Unioji Leagxie^^ or with the Radical party. You are used only as instruments to keep bad men in power. Come out at once, and let us all do right. Let us be true, as of yore, to the Union, and the Constitution, and, my word for it, we will have as much control of political matters as we ought to have. Honest secessionists, (now true Union men,) will cooperate with us, and, if we act wisely, we can do a great deal towards restoring peace and order. Follow not the counsels of rash men, or those who have deceived us. They will deceive us again. Think for yourselves, and don't be led astray. Whatever you do, don't vote for Grant. He is an enemy to constitutional liberty, and if elected, we will see no more of the old Constitution. A despotism will be fastened upon usj and nothius short 6 CAMPAIGN DOCUMENT. of revolution can throw it off; and then the power necessary to over- throw Grant will necessarily fasten upon us another despotism. A peaceful restoration of the Union, at the ballot box, is the only chance now to reestablish constitutional liberty. Another war will complete our ruin. Let us avoid it if we can. If Confederate officers and soldiers are willing to help us restore the Union, by all means let them do it, and give them the right hand of fellowship. a^-TO DISUNIONISTS PER SE I would urge: Please stand aside. You have had your experiment. It was a great failure. Let us Union men try our programme awhile. Let the Seymour and Blair Union men try their hand in building up what you pulled down. We are really afraid of your powers for mischief. You can tear down, but, we fear, you can't build up. There are enough of us to do the work, and we will try and make a good job of it ; and can, if you will let us alone. If you were precipitators in 1860, you had better stand aside now ; you will do us harm. The great Union cause will suffer at your hands. The Constitutional Union men. North and South, are very numerous, and they can do without you. Just let us have our way this time, and we'll put down the Radicals, restore the Union, the Constitution, and the reserved rights of the States as they were ; and then, gentlemen, we will invite you to sit along with us, not in front of us, and enjoy again the blessings you so recklessly threw away. All we now ask is, just stand aside. Go to your farms, your law offices, or your sacred desks. Attend to your vocations, and when we get things right, we'll let you know. A NEW BOOK READY FOR THE PRESS. PROSI^EOTUS A COMMON SENSE YIEW OF THE L^TE "\^^R., BY J. A. STEWART. The above is the title of a Book written prior to, during, and since the late war between the States. The author — Mr. J. A. Stewart, now of Rome, Ga., formerly of Atlanta — was born and raised in the South ; but, habituated to great freedom of thought, and the exercise of common practical sense, he escaped the contagion of sectional and partizan animosities which culminated in our late deplorable war. His work is now ready for the press, amounting to about seven hundred pages of foolscap ; and, if encouraged by any decided manifestation of public favor, shall be forthcoming. The author, now fifty-six years of age, has from his earliest knowledge of our form of government, been a constitutional Union man, nationalized in fueling, and ever opposed to the wild schemes of Abolitionism on the one hand, and the old fire- eating disunionists on the other. The author thinks he has written the truth. Do the people want it? iiilf v^; :■::;,■';>;';>> LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 013 786 524 5