nil; mm ^' ^^v-'^V^'^^ «r4S|?^\'\<^ ;^>!^<^%^ . "^^0^ : ;^ .^ <$^ V ^ ^ * « A ^ ,- ^ ^ » c. .^ v^*^ ■ ^^ '"/ ^ 6^ ■^*'> -'- '^ «-> -^ 0-, ^ .V ^ ^ ,nS^-. \^^ :S&r.'^^ =mk°' ^^ >Nlill! 3 ^ 7 %■ <. f * -ay o, ^-:^ /' ,/ % •^^M.f ./ ^ '-^^ '^ -^ ■^ '•''^^^" ■ ^ T^^" 0°.^ PC^,^ '^d< ^:^ C^^ ^---- 'i ^ A 0> ' ^ ' ' <^ ^ '^r^:-'^ \ V^^ .<{-" ^ Q^. "/ '■ \^^^ ^, ^^-^i^ ^ c .r^ .-^^ ^^ ^ \)5 Q. Src. 1. v, c. 19. f Aristot. de Mund. c. 3. Xii THE ABORIGINES. SEC. I. a vessel should be blown off the coast of Africa, and driven to this continent, is not surely impossible, — though the course of winds must have strangely shifted since that time: but, without chart, or compass, or much astronomical skill, how was she to get back, to carry the intelligence.'^ Our authors are not satisfied with this absurdity. They suppose the Phoenicians, not only to have made a voyage or two; but to have planted colonies here, and carried on a trade between the two continents. This would give us new ideas of their proficiency in the arts and sciences, which are subservient to navi- gation; but, without resorting to so invidious a topic, we may mention a single circumstance, which, it ap- pears to us, will equally refute all the stories of early European colonies. Making every allowance for modern degeneracy, we suppose it will hardly be con- tended, that the ancients were completely proof against the original climate of the New World; and, if only a half or a third as many of them perished in their at- tempts at colonization, as were lost in those of more modern times, the facts would have become so noto- rious as to have enabled their historians to give us authentic statements, instead of obscure fables. The Welsh are the next claimants to the original discovery of America. In the year 1 1 70, the sons of Owen Gwyneth are said to have contested the sue- SEC. I. THE ABORIGINES. Xlll cession to North Wales; the eldest being -00111110(1 ' unmeet to govern, because of the maim upon his ' face.^ Madoc, one of the brothers, seems to have thought, that his own prospect was hopeless, or that it was hardly worth while to quarrel for so trifling a stake; and he resolved to seek some other region, where it would not be necessary to establish his title by force, or to maintain it by oppression. Sailing westward, from the northernmost point of Ireland, he came, at length, to a country, where, though he ' saw *^many strange things,^ he found no inhabitants; and where, of course, he might rule, without the fear of competition or dethronement. He returned to pro- vide himself with subjects; and, setting sail again, with a number of ships, is supposed to have planted a colony in the New World.* This tale only exists in the traditional poetry of the Welsh; and, though it found converts during the last century, the expedi- tion of Lewis and Clarke has dissipated the fable of Welsh Indians up the Missouri. Sir John Mandeville, who wrote in the fourteenth century, has a still more extraordinary story, concern- ing an early British adventurer. He is endeavouring to prove, from his own experience, that the earth is round; and, since his speculations were published a * Poweil's Hist, of Wales. Ap. Hackiutt's Voyages, vol. iii. pp. 506-7. XIV THE ABORIGINES. SEC. 1. century before the voyages of Colnmbus, they must take from the latter the praise of originality, in sug- gesting the existence of new continents, or the cir- cumnavigability of the globe. As tiie people to the north, he observes, guide themselves by the 'lode sterre;' so those of the south are guided by a similar star, called the ' antartyke.' ' For whiche cause, (he adds,) men may vvel perceyve, that the lond and the see ben of rownde schapp and forme. For the partie of the firmament schewethc in o coiitree, that schevv- ethe not in another contree. And men may well preven by experience and sotyle compassement of wytt, that zif a man fond passages be schippes, hat v/olde go to serchen the vvoi'lde, men might go be schippe all aboute the worlde, and aboven and bene- then.' He then shows much ' experience and sotyle compassement of wytt,' in proof of tlie fact; and con- cludes, as he began, ' that men may envirowne alle the erthe of aile the world, as well under as aboven, and turn azeu to his contree, that hadde companye and schippynge and conduyt: and all weyes he scholde fynde men, londes, and yles, als vvel as in this contree.^ As an additional proof of his assertion, he sub- joins the story just alluded to. 'And therefore,' he says, ' hath it befallen many times of a thing, (we drop the old orthography,) that I have heard counted, SEC. I. THE ABORIGINES. XV when I was young: how a worthy man departed some time from our country, for to go to search the world. And so he passed India, and the islands beyond India^ where there are more than five thousand islands: and so long hC; went by sea and land, and so environed the world by many seasons, that he found an island, where he heard his own language spoken, calling on oxen in the plough, such words as men speak to beasts in his own country: whereof he had great marvel: for he knew not how it miglit be. But I say that he had gone so long, by land and by sea, that he was coming again environing; that is to say, going about to his own marches, ' zif he wold have passed forth, till he had founden his contree and his own know- leche.'*' The Chinese are, also, said to have visited Ame- rica, before its discovery by Columbus. It was in the year 1270, that China was overrun by the Tar- tars; and it is supposed, that a body of one hundred thousand inhabitants, refusing obedience to their new masters, set sail, in one thousand ships, to find a new country, or perish in the enterprise. The origin of Mexico is thus ascertained; and, that the account might be confirmed to demonstration, some authors tell us, that the wrecks of Chinese vessels have been * JoHxsoN-'s History of the English I-miguag'e, XVI THE ABORIGINES SEC. I. seen in Florida and Quivira.* We must question, whether this people were then sufficiently skilful in navigation to double Cape Horn; and we can find no good reason, why they should sail around the whole continent of South America, to arrive at a place, which might have been reached by so much shorter a route. Of all nations, the Chinese are the most obsti- nately attached to their own soil; and, when we add, that, though both they and the Tartars have historians for this period, no mention is made by either of so no- table an event,! little credit, we think, can be given to the story. Next come the Norwegians. We have not been enabled to investigate the evidence of their claims; and, indeed, nearly all we know on the subject, is contained in a letter from Dr. Franklin to Mr. Mather, dated London, July 7, 1773. 'You have,^ says he, ' made the most of your argument, to prove that Ame- rica was known to the ancients. There is another discovery of it claimed by the Norwegians, which you have not mentioned, unless it be under the words ' of old viewed and observed,' page 7. About twenty-five years since. Professor Kalm, a learned Swede, was with us in Pennsylvania. He contended, that Ame- rica was discovered by their northern people, long * Hoiix. ut sup. 1. iii. c. 4, 5 ; or Hahuis' Voyages, Introd. + Hist, of China. Anc. Univ. Hist. vol. :^:?, SEC. I. THE ABORIGINES. XVll before the time of Columbus; which I doubting, he drew up and gave me, some time after, a note of these discoveries which I send you inclosed/* We believe, this notion was first promulged by Grotius; who divides America into the Septentrional and Middle; and conjectures, that, while the former was settled by the Norwegians, the people of the latter came from China, ^Ethiopia, and other countries. The honour of discovering America was once claimed for the Normans; but their pretensions were founded upon an obscure passage in an obscure author; and, if they have not been abandoned by the nation itself, they find no supporters beyond the limits of its territor}\ The Germans may equally despair of success. It is said, upon what good authority, we know not, that one Martinus, a noble Bohemian, dis- covered the coast of Brazil and the Straits of Ma- gellan, long before the voyages of Columbus; and some German authors have stoutly laboured to per- suade the world, that the continent should be called Bohemia, instead of America. 'But, (it is gravely answered by a certain historian,) supposing that the particulars relating to Martinus' discoveries were much better supported than we really take them to * Fbank. Works, Amer. Edit. vol. vi. p. 77. We are ashamed to quote so vile an edition of our philosopher's works; but there is no other at hand. h XVni THE ABORIGINES. SEC. I. be, insomuch that there was not the least reason to doubt the certainty of them, yet as the name of Ame- rica has been so long used by the European nations, it would not be proper, at this time of day, to substi- tute another in its place.'* Some moderns have devised a new way of solving the riddle of Plato; and, as it seems absurd to sup- pose, that the early Europeans or Asiatics introduced themselves to America by long voyages, the later authors endeavour to obviate the necessity of any voyage at all. The Hindoos relate a fable concern- ing the destruction of an island, called Atcda: the Irish have a vague tradition about the loss of land by earth- quakes: the Giant's Causeway is supposed to have some connexion with the subject; and it is observed, that many of the islands, in the Atlantic and Pacific, either are, or have been, the seats of volcanos. From such data as these, we are called upon to believe, that an extent of territory, from the western coast of Europe to the eastern shore of Asia, has been sunk by a series of earthquakes; that the islands, just men- tioned, are merely the tops of its mountains; and that the inhabitants of those islands are the posterity of such as were left on dry land, in the general submer- sion.f As giants may be killed with pebble-stones, a * Anc. Univ. Hist. vol. xx. p. 194-5. f One of our own countrymen has thrown together many new facts iji support of this theory. See Researches in America, &c. By James SEC. I. THE ABORIGINES. XIX theory too monstrous is easily subverted by a single fact. Does an earthquake give men time to fly to the tops of mountains? Or were men, at that period, so different from what they are now, as to settle upon the hills, instead of the vales? By far the most numerous class of writers are of opinion, that America was peopled by wanderers from Asia, across Behring's Strait. The shortest distance between the two continents, at this place, is only forty miles: the strait is entirely frozen over in winter; and, as there are known to be inhabitants upon the two opposite shores, it seems easy to conclude, that they once belonged to the same people. The objection, that the Tchutchi, on the Asiatic, and the Esquimaux, on the American side, are very different from the other tribes of the respective continents, is by no means conclusive; for it still remains to be determined, whether peciiliarities of climate, and different modes of life, are not sufficient to account for all these diversities of feature, form, and habit. Perhaps, indeed, the only insurmountable objection to this hy- pothesis, is, that, to account for the emigration of men, will unveil but half of the mystery: — our ani- mals, too, must have come from Noah's ark; and the misfortune of the theory, is, that it supposes beasts li. M'CuLLocH, M. D. Bait. 1817- American authors have not yet the leisure to write with method, or with elegance ; and this book seems to have been composed and printed in the same spirit of haste and carelessness. JCX THE ABORTGLNES. SEC. I. and birds, which cannot exist beyond the tropical pa- rallels, to have crossed over at a place, where spirits of wine are almost congealed. The only remaijiing explanation, wliich will be likely to find supporters, is, that the aboriginal men and animals of America were not destroyed in the flood, and have been the progenitors of its present native inhabitants. Something may be urged, with plausibility, at least, to reconcile this hypothesis with scriptural history. As Moses was only acquainted with the Old World, he may be supposed to have spoken only of that: it was the sins of the Old World which required purification; and, though the flood might have covered every mountain, on the other con- tinent, it would not have reached the top of many, in this.*' Some of the Indian tribes are said to have a tradition, that their first parents were saved from an universal deluge, by flying to the summits of moun- tains; and it is acknowledged, that there are many genera of animals in America, which have no proto- type in the other hemisphere. * AVe liave not noticed the fact, that animal remains are found upon the summits of mountains. No person has yet surmounted tlie tops of the Andes. Similar remains are found in mines. Those who adduce the circumstance, to prove the absolute universality of the deluge, suppose, that the earth was then reduced to chaos ; but the globe could hardly be dissolved by an immersion in water for only forty days ; and, if the appear- ance of these remains may be accounted for, from a chaos at all, it is much anore rational to refer tliem io the original cliaos. SEC. I. THE ABORIGINES. XXX To all this, it may be answered, that the supposi- tion of Moses' ignorance is entirely gratuitous; that the words of our English Bible — 'it repented the Lord, that he had made man' — can hardly be recon- ciled with the idea of restricting his vengeance to the Old World; that the Indian traditions, besides being imperfectly ascertained, are obscure and contradic- tory; and that the topic of a difference in the kind of animals, while it is not founded upon absolute facts, would equally prove, that some parts of Europe, Asia, and Africa, escaped the waters of the flood. What should induce the sukotyro to keep within the bounds of Asia? Whence is it, that the hippopotamus and hyrax are only found in Africa.'^ Why will the dodo inhabit no other islands than those of France, Bour- bon, and Roderegues in the Indian Ocean .^ Or what reason can be found, for the attachment of the con- dor to the peaks of the Andes .^ This is taking it for granted, that the differences in question are undoubt- edly real; but the progress of discovery is daily prov- ing animals to be common to both hemispheres, which were formerly supposed to be peculiar to one; and it is not for the present generation to say, that half a century will not establish the universality of them all. It may, also, be urged against the latter theory, that, unless the nature of the globe has undergone some surprising change, it will ])e as difficult to con- XXii THE ABORIGINES. SEC. I. ceive how the antediluvian men and animals came hither, as to account for their emigration since the flood. It must be remembered, however, that the difficulty is not so much to ascertain the mode, in which the human race peopled this continent, as to explain that, in which beasts and birds effected their transit. There is a remarkable difference, not only in the scriptural history, — but in the specific qualities, of the two races. We are not told, that no more than one pair of each bird and beast was, at first, created; nor that they were only created in the vicinity of Paradise. The Lord commands the 'earth' to pro- duce animals, in nearly the same language as he com- mands the water to move with fish; and, while it is almost certain, that the various fish of the ocean,— ^ particularly the whale, — could not have lived in the rivers of Paradise, it is hardly possible, that animals, which can only exist in particular temperatures, should have been all produced in the Garden of Eden. Man, on the contrary, is capable of enduring any climate: and a nation is said to have been found as high as the sixty-sixth parallel; who suppose, that they own the whole earth, and are its sole inhabitants. It was not necessary, therefore, to create different pairs of the human race for the different portions of the globe. But, without such a provision in the case of animals, it will forever remain a mystery, how they ascertained SEC. I. THE ABORIGINES. XXlll the particular zones, to which their respective natures are adapted; nor will it be any easier to account for their dispersion over the old continent, than to de- vise the mode of their emigration to this. Here may be the proper place to notice an author, who denies the universality of the deluge; and thinks, he has found indubitable marks of antediluvian ex- istence, in the monumentsof Mexico and Peru.* We cannot follow him through five volumes of desultory speculation; and perhaps it will be enough to state, that he explains the fable of Plato by supposing, that, before the flood, the Old and New Worlds were united by a vast isthmus, now sunk in the Pacific. Incjeed, if we rightly comprehend him, he means, that the flood itself was no more than the submersion of the intermediate continent. The idea is not entirely original; for it was observed, of old, that Plato was only Moses speaking in Greek. Lord Bacon has still another version of the story. ' If you consider well,' says he, ' of the people of the West Indies, it is very probable, that they are a newer, or a younger people than the people of the Old W^orld; and it is much more likely, that the destruction that hath heretofore been there, was not by earthquakes, * Essai sur cette question : quand et comment rAmorique a-t-elle etc peiiplee d'Hommes et d'Animaux ? Par E. B. d'E. 5 tomes 12mo. Amsterdam, 1767. XXIV THE ABORIGINES. SfeC. L (as the ^Egyptian priest told Solon, concerning the Island of Atlantis, that it was swallowed by an earth- quake,) but rather that it was desolated by a particular deluge: for earthquakes are seldom in these parts: but on the other side, they have such pouring rivers, as the rivers of Asia and Africa and Europe, are but brooks to them. Their Andes likewise, or mountains, are far higher than those with us; whereby it seems, that the remnants of generations of men were in such a particular deluge, saved.'* Thus, no two authors can agree upon the same interpretation; and, while one makes the Indians the oldest, another proves them the newest, people on the globe. Turn which way we will, then, there appear to be contradictions, which it would be hard to recon- cile, and obstacles, which it is almost impossible to surmount. It may be, that the incompetency of the ^'W•iter is mistaken for the difficulty of the subject There may be a thread, by which he can rule his blind footsteps; but it will be confessed, at least, that, while the labyrinth is dark and intricate, our lights are few, dim, and unsteady. Were we obliged to make a choice, perhaps we should pitch upon the theory, which supposes the deluge to have been complete only in the Old World. It does not imply any re- volting absurdity: some modification of it has been * Bacos's Essay Of the Vicissitudes of Things. SEC. I. THE ABORIGINES. XXV supported by the ablest writers upon the subject;* and it will serve to explain more of the phenomena, than eit Natoni boman. Natouni bamen. The Great First Cause, I Yo hewa ) Jchova. Praise the First Cause, } Halleluwah, Hallelujah. Father, Abba, Abba. Now, , Na, Na. XXX THE ABORIGINES. SEC. I. JEnglish. Charibbee. Very hot, or bitter upon me, To pray, Murderer, One who kills a wandering enemy, Canaan, Wife, Winter, God, Do. Ararat, a high ^ mountain, ' MoHEGAN, Creeks, and Northern Hebrew. Languages. Heru, hara, or hala, Phale, Abe, Noabe, com- pounded ot Noah and Abe, Kenaai, AVah, Kora, Ale, Innois, Hara hara. Phalge. Abel. Canaan. EveorEweh. Cora. Ale,or Alohim. lannon. The same among the Indians of Penobscot. But by far the most elaborate treatise, on this sub- ject, has been written by another countryman of ours; who has undertaken to prove, that the languages spo- ken in both Americas are radically one, and the same with those of the various nations, which are known by the general name of Tartars.* It was impolitic in the author, to regret, that he could not make his tables more complete; for it seems to us, that they are already so full as to overturn the hypothesis, which they were designed to support. That a few plausible coincidences have been found, there can be no doubt; * Baiiton's New Views of the Originof the Tribes and Nations of America. Phil. 1797. SEC. I. THE ABORIGINES. XXXI but a mere glance of the eye will be sufficient to con- vince the reader, that, for one resemblance, there are ten disparities. The Tartar languages appear to have a great affinity to each other; but, though the author had the whole scope of Asia and America, it is seldom that any of their languages can furnish him with a parallel. The Indian languages, it is evident, differ more from each other than from those of Tartary; and the fact has been adduced as one proof, that the na- tives of America are of greater antiquity than those of Asia. This, however, is not the species of refutation, which we intend to adopt. We shall construct a list from the most perfect resemblances; and leave the reader to conclude, from our subsequent observations, whether it can have much weight in the decision of the controversy. American. Tartar. Nioh, Noob, Kisheh, Koor. Otah, Otsah. Anna, Anna. Namun, Nioma. Neesham, Neep. Nicanich, Nunaika. Weticks, Wasick. Weewoon, Newen, Kihtuckquaw, Kisseitschak, English. God, Heaven, Father, Mother, Son, Daughter, Brother, Sister, Wife, Girl, Boy, (no parallel). XXXll THE ABORIGINES. SEC. I. English. American. Tartar. Child, Papoos, Poompoo. Man, Kessona, Keesee. Head, Wihl, Olol. Nose, Peechten, Paschee. Eye, Dessa, Dus. Ear, Pilum, Pel. Forehead , Hackalu, Haka. Hair, Lissy, Lossee. Mouth, Madoon, Motoo. Tooth, Zebet, Zeboo. Tongue, Neelahnee, Naileem. Beard, H el) el in, Habbe. Fland, Enahkec, Enape. Belly, V/achtey, Watsee. Foot, Pi, Paa. Skin, Chcy, Cheg. Flesh, Wijaas, Wodge. Blood, Tagui, Toog. Heart, Micheone, Mervane. Love, Zargay, Warge. Life, (no parallel). Death, Do. Cold, Pvoig, Rohec. Sun, Keesis, Kitschc. Moon, Keshessu, Kuschtail Star, Alank, Alak. Rain, Kcnape, Kanie. Snow, (no parallel). Ice, Mucquam, Milk, Day, (no parallel). Night, Do. Morning, Do. SEC. I. THE ABORIGINES. XXXllI English. American. Tartar. Summer, Tome palle, Tamomji. Winter, Lowan, Garni . Earth or ground. Lacta, Latta. Water, Okka, OogooD- Fire, Tata, Tat. Wood, Mahia, Madge. Dog, Kura, Koura. There, Talli, Tala. I, Ni, Ne. There are a few other resemblances, scattered in various authors, which perhaps it would be hardly fair to omit. In the Japanese, tonus signifies sun^ moon, stars; or governors, kings, princes. The Mexicans call the sun tanalicus, and the moon, toiia; and, in Hispaniola, the name of taino is given to all persons of noble or princely blood. Motazaiuma is the general appellation of a Japanese monarch; and montezuma performs the same office in Mexico. Gin- seng, in both hemispheres, is said to be called by a name, which signifies 'the thighs of a man;' and it is asserted, that the Mexican teu and tepee, for God and a mountain, have the same meaning in the ancient Turkish. If, among the Tartars, the names of many places end in an, and the names of many princes, in ax, the Mexicans have their Teutillaw, Coatta??, Hazattau, Petulkm: their Stalderaa*, A\momx, Meu- hnx, Naguatr/.r. d XXXiV THE ABORIGlxNES. SEC. I. These, we believe, are all the coincidences of language, which can be seriously urged to show, that the New^ World was peopled from the Old. The mere fact, one would think, that, if such similarities have w^eight at all, they prove the American Indians to have descended from almost every nation in the other hemisphere, must be sufficient to convince the theorist, that little trust can be placed in this species of induction. But the experience of every day teaches us, that so general an answer is not sufficient. Books and papers still continue to appear upon the subject; and the authors still appear to imagine, that the strength of their theories must chielly depend upon the aptness of their etymologies. A few have abandoned so un- certain a mode of proof; but the rest do not seem to consider it as a good example; and, until their own particular etymologies are disturbed, by striking at the root of the fallacy, each, we fear, will persist in thinking the others mistaken, and himself right. One of the most fruitful sources of error, is, the difference between the idioms of our own languages and those of savage nations in general. Civihzation, while it augments the vocabulary, is sure to abridge the particular words, of a language. As the subjects of conversation multiply, the time for each becomes less; and, what a savage would have leisure to describe, a man in civilized society can only afford to define. SEC. r. THE ABORIGINES. XXXV The objects of attention are innumerable; each must have its separate name; and that name must be brief. In the savage state, the occasions of language are not numerous; nor need words be cut short for want of time. The Indians, while they have but a scanty vocabulary, are obliged to carry it all in their own heads. Request one to name an object, and he will enumerate its uses. The innocent inquirer takes down the whole answer as one word; and then smiles at the simplicity of an Indian, for using such endless appellatives. Thus, a New Zealander, being asked what he called a neighbouring inland, answered, Tavi poenamono. It was immediately recorded as the name of the island; but, when afterwards explained, turned out to mean, ^lake and hatchet-stone;' and the truth happened to be, that, in this island, there was a lake, from which the natives procured stone for their hatch- ets.* So kummoglwdonattooUiunmooetUeaonganun- nonash is said to be the Indian for our single word, • question;'! but there can be no doubt, that, though the expression may only amount to this, it is made up of more words than one. It is long enough, indeed, to contain all the parts of speech; and, by mistaking such combinations for single terms, it is impossible to calculate the errors, into which etymology may lead us. The Indians utter many sounds, for which we have * Cook's Voyages. f Matheh's Magnalia, b. iii. p. 193. XXXVi THE ABORIGINES. SEC, I. 110 appropriate letters; and, on the other hand, we have many letters, for which they have no correspondent sounds. The Cherokees cannot pronounce /; while we are obliged to use iv, for sounds, which are more like uch, than any other combination in the alphabet.* Nor does the evil stop here, Indian words are again liable to all the modifications, arising from the idioms of the different languages, in which they are express- ed; and not only become different, when heard by persons of different nations, — but when given by individuals of the same nation. Thus the French must use oil and que, where we have iv and/i:; — as Ouabash and Ouinnipeque, for Wabash and Winnipeck. The ears of different men are not alike; and their fancies are still farther apart. Captain Cook heard Yucuatl for Nootka;f and those tribes, which, in English, are Onidoes and Todericks, become Oneyonts and Tate- ras, in French. J By passing through different lan- guages, or by being frequently repeated in the same * Baiit. pp. ix. sllx. ■f Hujibblt's Polit. Essay, vol ii. p. 256. :^ Boudinot's star in the West, p. 99. ExsLisH. Fhexch. -^ Owinagunges, Abenaguies. Maques, Aniez. Odistastagheks, Mascoaties. Makiliaiuler, Maurigan. 0tawa\\;as, Outawle's. Salanas, Shaononons. SEC. I. THE ABORIGINES. XXXVU language, a word may lose nearly every letter of its original constitution ; and perhaps nothing will sooner dishearten an etymologist, than to present him with Newton's derivation of Jlrminon: — Menes, Mines, Mina^us, Minies, Enephes, Venephes, Phamenophis, Osymanthus, Osymandyas, Osiniandas, Isimandas, Imandes, Memnon, Arminon. These are the mistakes, to which the etymologist is liahle, at the outset of his business, — in procuring the very materials, upon which his ingenuity is to be employed. The process of analysing words, and ex- tracting derivations, is attended with still greater hazard of deception, and must have still less title to confidence. After all the changes have been rung upon our alphabet, it is confined to a few elementary sounds. The consonants, when left to themselves, arc mute; and, however they may be placed, or how many soever are employed, the stress of articulation must still rest upon the vowel. They may vary the sound, by their position, or soften it, by their number; but these alterations are so exile and evanescent as frequently to escape the most delicate ear; and may generally be made, or unmade, at the pleasure of the etymologist. Nothing can be constant in a living language. By one imperceptible shade of diflerence, after anothei*, words are sometimes divested of all their first characteristics; and any attempt to tj'ace the pro« XXXVm THE ABORIGINES. SEC. I. gress of these mutations, will, in most instances, be as hopeless, as it would be to think of finding the original timbers of the Argonautic ship. In a case, where the standard of trial is so variable as the ear, and the things to be tried, so fluctuating as sounds, too much confi- dence should never be placed in our results. The eye, too, is ever ready to see how one syllable or letter may be turned into another; and, in so difficult a matter, the very ease, with which we are generally convinced, ought to give us some distrust in the me- thod of proof The clearest evidence should be ex- acted at every step; and all etymologies, which depend merely upon their own intrinsic reasonableness, have just an equal chance of being right, or wrong. Authors, again, seldom agree in their etymologies; and more especially, if they are pursuing different w^alks of literature. Judge Blackstone, Judge Chris- tian, and Mr. Chalmers, for instance, have each given a different analysis of the word culpnt; and perhaps the reader will be perplexed to determine, which of the three is the most likely to be correct. The two first derive it from the forms of criminal pleading; but differ in respect to the words, of which they sumjose it to be compounded. All pleadings were formerly carried on in Latin. When the prisoner was brought to the bar, he an- swered the indictment, by saying, non culpahilis, — SFX'. r. THE ABORIGINES. XXXlX 'not guilty;' and this was entered upon the minutes, in the abbreviated form of non. cul. The clerk replied for the king, cidpabUis; et hoc jyciratiis est venficare: — 'He is guilty; and this the king is ready to prove.' The reply was set down in the same spirit of abbre- viation; and, as prit is often used ^or jmratus, in the old books, the entry upon the minutes w'ould be 'cif/. prit.' It was the custom to go through these forms in as few words as possible; and succeeding clerks would very naturally omit all but the two syllables cul. and jmt. As it was a mere form, the repetition of the words would seldom recall the signification ; and igno- rant clei'ks, when the pleadings were afterwards trans- acted in English, may have mistaken this entry for the technical word, and addressed the prisoner, ' culprit, how wilt thou be tried .^'* On the other hand. Judge Christian tells us, that, after the plea of non culjmhilis, the king's officer could only join issue, hy a fecit similiter, or, 'he doth the like.' The plea was entered upon the record in these words: J\on inde est culpabilis, ct pro bono cl malo ponit se super palriam. ' If then,' says he, ' I might be allowed to indulge in a conjecture of my own, I should think that prit was an easy, corruption of pnt. written for pordt, by the clerk, as a minute that issue was joined, or ponit se super pcdriam, or pnt se * BiACK. Comm. vol. iv. p. 339. Xl THE ABORIGINES. SEC. 1/ might have been converted into prist, or jyrest, as it is sometimes written. CiiL vt^as probably intended to denote the plea, and prit the issue; and these syllables being pronounced aloud by the clerk, to give the court and prisoner an opportunity of hearing the minute, and being immediately followed by the question, how wilt thou be tried. '^ naturally induced the ignorant part of the audience to suppose that cid prit was an appellation given to the prisoner. As a confirmation of the conjecture, that pret is a corruption o^ prit, the clerk of arraigns, at this day, immediately after the ar- raignment, writes upon the indictment, over the name of the prisoner, puis. And Roger North informs us, that, in ancient times, when pleadings in the courts were ore ienus, 'if a sergeant in the common pleas said judgment, that was a demurrer; ii^ prist, that was an issue to the country.'* Among lawyers, one of these two derivations is likely to be adopted; but, with the rest of mankind, perliaps Mr. Chalmers will bear away the palm. ^I have somewhere,' says he,f 'seen the French language * Christ. Black, Comm. vol. iv. p. 339, note. I English Poets, vol. i. p. 680. In confirmation of this remark, perhaps we ought in justice to subjoin the derivation, which he quotes, of the word coxvardice. ' As to the etymology of the adjective from which this has been formed,' says he, • I think the opinion of Twydsden and Somner, Gloss, ad X. Script, v. Fridwite, much the most probable; who derive it from the Barb. Lat. culum vertere, to turn tail, or run away. See Du Cange, in V. Cidvcrtn, and CvlverUigium, who rejects the opinion above mentioned; SEC. r. THE ABORIGINES. xU seriously charged with indehcacy for its frequent and wanton use of the word cul in composition; nor can the charge be said to be groundless. Beside the nu- merous instances which will occur to every body, I suspect that this monosyllable makes part of a com- mon and solemn term in our law; imported originally from France. Culprist seems to me to have been a vulgar name for prisoner; a person taken by that part which is most exposed in running away. Holinshed has expressed the same idea more delicately. Vol. iii. p. 842. 'The prentises were caught hy the hacks and had to prison.^ And so it is expressed in the ancient Scottish Poems, p. 182, ver. 15. ' Yet deid (death) sal take him to the bok.' All these derivations have the appearance of rea- son; and either, if seen by itself, would probably have been deemed correct. Many of those, which are usually resorted to, in the treatises upon our aboriginal population, have not even this circumstance to recom- mend them. In former times, for example, the Mo- hawks were the terror of all the eastern Indians; and no sooner did one make his appearance, than the cry of 'Mohawk! Mohawk!' resounded from hill to hill* but without suggesting any tiling so plausible. Culvert, as It is written in the oldest and best French MS. that I have seen, miglit easily be corrupted according to the French mode of pronunciation, into couartand cmarcl' * TnrMB. Hist. Conn. vol. i. p. 56. e Xlii THE ABORIGINES. SEC. 1. In the Hebrew, mhliokek signifies 'lawgiver:' but a lawgiver is a superior; and, as a superior is dreaded by his inferiors, can this name coine from any but a Hebrew root?* The etymologists have not been satis- fied to trace the origin of Indian names. Even the word Virginia has not escaped. ' Some imagine,' says an author, ' that its name is derived, that is, Vir- gini, from a king, whose name was Vigmna;f though it is perfectly well known, tliat Elizabeth bestowed the appellation upon this country, for a very different reason. Both the Hebrews and the Caribbees, we are told, gave the name of kaniche to the sugar-cane. Now, this is known to have been an eastern plant; nor was it introduced into Europe, till the middle of the twelfth century. It was first cultivated in Sicily; thence transported into the south of Spain ; from Spain to the Canary and Madeira islands; and from those islands to the New World, about the year fifteen hun- dred.| One of two conclusions is, therefore, inevita- ble; — either, that this plant has always been accompa- nied by its Hebrew appellation; or that the Caribbees have, for thousands of years, retained a name for which, as there was no object, there could be no use. * Boudinot's Slav, p. 104. f Hist, of New Sweedland. N. Y. Hist. Coll. vol. ii. p. 354 ^ Rob. Ch. v. Phil. Edit. Vol. i.p. 275. SEC. I. THE ABORIGINES. xHu Authors have observed, that it is easier to write rhyme, than blank verse, in the Hebrew; and can any trust be reposed in etymologies from a language, which has such a multitude of consonous words? In fine, these modes of proof always remind us of the scheme, de- vised by Psammiticus, to ascertain which, of all the nations on the globe, could claim the distinction of being the most ancient. The children, which he shut up, for the purpose, uttered the word beccos, when first permitted to see their keeper; and, as it was found, upon inquiry, that bread was so called by the Phrygians, they were pronounced to be the eldest na- tion. But becker, in High-Dutch, signifies ' a baker;' and Goropus Becanus, therefore, concludes, that the Germans, and not the Phrygians, were the first born people. Such are the triumphs of etymology! Indian traditions, too, seem to us equally unworthy of confidence. We learn from some authors, that the aborigines came from the east: others tell us, that they derive themselves from the west; and, indeed, they appear to have come from almost every point of the compass, according as each inquirer has set his par- ticular theory. Indians, it should be known, look upon white men with contempt. They think us a paltry race; and, sometimes through malice, but more frequently from indifference, will make any answer, or tell any story, which first enters their thoughts. :div THE ABORIGINES. SEC. I. A few leading questions, as Ihey are called, will com- monly extract just what is wanted; and perhaps no person was ever disappointed, in finding, among the various tribes, some traditional corroboration of a preconceived hypothesis. They amused one of our travellers, for instance, with the story, ' that they ori- ginally came from another country, inhabited by wicked people, and had traversed a great lake, which was narrow, shallow, and full of islands, where they had suffered great hardships and much misery, it being always winter, with ice and deep snows. At a place they called the Coppermine River, where they made llie first land, the ground was covered with copper, over which a body of earth had since been collected to the depth of a man's height. They believe, also, that, in ancient times, their ancestors had lived till their feet were worn out with walking, and their throats with eating. They described a deluge, when the waters spread over the whole earth, except the highest moun- tain, on the top of which they were preserved."* The natives of Cuba are said to have had a still more satisfactory account of the flood. They told the Spaniards, that an old man foresaw the intention of God, to punish the world with a deluge; and, build- ing a large canoe, he embarked with his family and a great number of animals. As soon as the waters had * M'Kensie's Hist, of Ihe Fur Trade, p. 113. SEC. I. THE ABORIGINES. Xlv subsided, he sent out a raven ; which found carrion, and did not return. A pigeon was then let loose; and it soon re-appeared with a sprig of hoba. At last the ground became dry. The old man quitted his canoe; and, making some wine of the wood-grape, drank till he was intoxicated, and fell asleep. One of his sons mocked him; but the other covered his body; and, when he awoke, he blessed the one, and cursed the other.* Had this account been more vague and ge- neral, we should have been very suspicious of its real existence; but, it is presuming much too far upon our credulity and prepossession, when travellers expect us to believe, that the Indians have preserved, by merely oral tradition, the particular details of an event, of which w^e should know nothing, had not the account been revealed by the Divinity, and recorded by Moses. If there are such liabilities to deception, in the attainment of knowledge from the aborigines, there are others, quite as great, in its communication to the world. Our language is not fitted for any stale of society, or of circumstances, but that, in which it had its origin, and has been customarily used. Our names stand for objects, — for combinations of ideas, — which are seldom found, in nations equally civihzed; and perhaps, never, in those, which are savage^ or bar- * Clatigf-ko's Hist. Mex Xlvi THE ABORIGINES. SEG. I. barous. Yet these names are necessarily given to analogous objects among the aborigines: persons at a distance can only receive the signification, which they ordinarily bear among themselves; and, unless they are accompanied with the most careful explana- tions, — a requisite not always found in books of travels, — we can never know the precise things, which they were intended to express. Some graves, for example, were, not long ago, discovered in the western coun- try; and we were told, in the account, that they con- tained bodies wrapt in 'linen shirts' and 'twilled blankets/ No further description was given of their texture; and, though the other furniture of corpses evidently proved them to be no Europeans, we are left to conclude, that they were enveloped in such linen and such blankets as are used by ourselves, in common with the people of Europe. Errors, from this source, will not only creep into the accounts of Indian traditions; but into those, also, which are given us, of their institutions, manners, and monuments. Even if the latter were correctly ascer- tained, and clearly described, there may be room to doubt, whether there is a sufficient number of resem- blances to warrant the conclusion, which is usually de- duced. No person, we believe, has ever undertaken to prove, from differences of institution and custom, that the Indians are not descended from the nations of the SEC. I. THE ABORIGINES. xlvil 01(1 World; but, if any antiquary should hereafter think it worth while to attempt the work, he will be able to find twenty dissimilarities, where those, in the affirmative, can point out one coincidence. This fact has either escaped consideration, or is deemed incon- clusive; for, in all the treatises, which continue to ap- pear, upon the subject of our aborigines, the similarity of their institutions, with those of Asiatics or Europe- ans, still constitutes the leading topic of argument. The emperors of China are the 'brothers of the sun and moon:' the kings of Ceylon are of solar ori- gin: the chiefs of the Natchez were called 'suns;' and the incas of Peru trace their descent from the same luminary. The Peruvians reckon by means of knotted cords; and something hke this has been discovered in China and Sumatra. The Mexicans rend their garments for grief; and so did the Jews. The Kamt- schatkians have no beards; neither have the American Indians. The scalp of an enemy was the most ho- nourable trapping of a Hunnish horse: the Indians had no horses;* but they were equally fond of scalps, * The natives of Kamtschatka were, also, destitute of this animal ; and the fact has been considered as a negative proof of their identity with our aborigines. The reason given for the absence of horses in this country, on its first discovery, is, that it was too cold for their passage by Behring's Straits. 'Si,' asks the author of the £.?««, *le froid etoit trop fort pour les chevaux et qu'il les ait fait pcrir dans le transport en Amerique, de quelle maniere y sont done vcnus les autres animaux, principalement ceuz qu'on netrouve qu'entre les tropiques .?' Yol.i. p. 10. Xlviii THE ABORIGINES. SEC. I Some tribes of Tartary and of America have a prac- tice of suspending dead bodies upon a tree, until their bones are dry; and, in Mexico, travellers have found pyramids of sculls, like those of Persia and other countries. The panther, the buffalo, the bear, the ra- coon, are emblems of national sovereignty among the Indians. The tribe of Judah was known by the lion; that of Dan, by the serpent; that of Issachar, by an ass; that of Benjamin, by a wolf Both the Hebrews and the Indians reckon time by nights and moons, instead of days and suns: both are said to begin their ecclesi- astical year with the new moon of the vernal equinox: the latter, like the former, have houses of refuge for criminals: some of the Indians fast before a war, as the Hebrews did; and even the ark of purification has been found among the southern tribes. Analogies have also been discovered between nearly all the Jewish and Indian rehgious ceremonies;* but the re- semblances are often so forced, and always so obscure, that we think it a waste of time to give them a parti- cular enumeration. One of the marriage ceremonies in Hindostan, as well as Mexico, is, to tie the skirt of the bridegroom's gown to that of the bride. The bones of a wolf have been found in a Mexican grave; and did not the Egyptians pay equal honours to many other animals.^ * BouBiNOT, ch. vii. Sec. r. the aborigines. xlix Egypt is not the only country, in which pyramids have been erected. Similar structures exist in Mexico, and in the islands of the Pacific: — nay, the mounds along the Mississippi are said to be formed upon the same general plan. Nor is it in Egypt alone, that collosal statues of stone have been discovered. There are monuments of the same kind in Peru, as well as in the Pacific Archipelago; and it is remarkable how nearly those in the latter coincide with those in the former. In the Peruvian city of Tiahuanac, there arc, it is said, two giants cut from stone, with bonnets upon their heads, and garments, which reach to the ground. ' We remark, besides these,' says a native commen- tator, '^ a very long wall, the stones of which are so great, that one is at a loss to conceive how they could have been transported by the hands of men ; and there is not, in the neighbourhood, any quarry from which such enormous masses could have been taken. In other places, there is a number of extraordinary build- ings, with doors cut out of a single rock; and, what seems to be still more remarkable, they are some of them based upon single stones, thirty feet long, fifteen broad, and six deep.'* From the following account of similar statues in the Pacific, the reader will observe, that what are * Garcihasso de la Vega, torn. i. pp. 21, 22, 23. 4to clit, / I THE ABORIGINES. SEC. I. here taken for single stones, may be composed of several: 'These statues, or at least many of them, are erected on platforms, which serve as foundations; the workmanship of them is rude, but not bad, nor are the features of the face ill formed, the nose and chin in particular, but the ears long beyond proportion, and as to the bodies, there is hardly any thing like a hu- man figure about them. The platforms, upon which these gigantic statues are raised, are of mason work, and some of them are thirty or forty feet long, twelve or sixteen broad, and from three to twelve in height. They are built, or rather faced, with stones of a very large size,' and the workmanship is not inferior to the best plain piece of masonry we have in England. They use no sort of cement; yet the joints are exceed- ingly close, and the stones morticed and tenanted one to another in a very artful manner. We could hardly conceive how these islanders, wholly unacquainted . with any mechanical power, could raise such stupen- dous figures, and afterwards place the large cylindrical stones (bonnets) upon their heads.'* There is one species of proof, to which authors and travellers have not sufficiently turned their atten- tion. It has been observed, that nations preserve no parts of their economy, with so much exactness, as their games, sports, and amusements. Being daily w * Cook's Voyages, vol. i, p. 294. SEC. I. THE ABORIGINES. U repeated, they can seldom be forgotten; and, as they are chiefly confined to the young, they have the best chance of making a permanent impression. Some- thing hke chess has been found both in Chili and Hindostan; but, if there are any other instances of similarity between the natives of the two hemispheres, they have either escaped our research, or have never been discovered. Perhaps the catalogue of savage amusements is rather limited; and there is one, at least, among the Tungusians of Asia, which, as it is hardly of a kind to be perpetuated, has not, we believe, been found in America. ' When they are inclined to divert themselves together,^ we are told, ' they form themselves into a ring; and one of them stands in the middle, having a long staff in his hand, with which, in turning around, he strikes at the legs of one of the company, who so nimbly lifts it up, and so dexterously avoids the blow, that it is very seldom that any is hit; but if any is touched, he is ducked till he is all over wet.'* We believe, we have now mentioned the most pointed resemblances between the nations of the Old and New Worlds; and, if they are stated in rather a desultory manner, it must be remembered, that, where there is $0 much variety, there can be little order. The reader must again be warned against too implicit a reliance upon the argument from sitpilarities. Of the various * Hahbis' Voyages, vol. i. p. 929, iii THE ABORIGINES. SEC. L customs, which are said to reflect each other, some have only heen observed in the outhne, and filled up by conjecture; while others, which may have been thoroughly ascertained, often differ in ten particulars, where they coincide in one. Travellers always know too much. Not content with merely recording what they see, they surmise its causes or its ends; and, if by some fortuitous association, what they see, in one place, brings to mind what has been seen, in another, a icw points of obscure resemblance must support the hasty inference of total similarity. Thus, in our first account of tobacco and its uses, the Indians are said to suck at the stem of the pipe, until their bodies get so full of smoke, that it puffs out from the mouth and nostrils;* and, because the smoke, in its ascent, curls like incense from an altar, a subsequent writer thinks the coincidence sufficient to prove the derivation of tobacco smoking from a well known ceremony of the Jewish ritual.f • Hack. Voy. vol. iii. p. 224. Carter's Second Voyage. 1535. ' There groweth also a certain kind of herbe, whereof in sommer they make great provision for p.ll the year, making great account of it, and only men use of it, and first they cause it to be dried in the sun, then wear it about their necks, wrapped in a little beast's skin made like a little bag, with a hollow piece ofwood like a pipe : then when they please they make powder of it, then put it in one of the ends of the said cornet or pipe, and laying a coal of fire upon it, at the other end sucking so long, thut they fill their bodies full of smoke, till that it cometh out of their mouth and nostrils, even as out of the tunnel of a chimney.' I BouBiNOT, pp. 173, 174. SEC. I. THE ABORIQINES. lui A group of pyramids, again, have been discovered in Mexico; and, though the natives have a tradition, that they were erected in honour of the sun, an emi- nent traveller says, ' it appears certain, however, that they served as burying places for the chiefs of tribes.'* The inference was deduced from the supposition, that the pyramids of Egypt were designed for the same purpose; and that supposition has recently suffered a shock of improbability, which it will not soon recover. After much expense of time and labour, one of the largest structures was penetrated to the base. In a central chamber, the traveller found a tomb; and, in the tomb, a bone. The precious relick was trans- ported to England; and, after puzzling the anatomists, for a considerable time, could, at last, be assigned to no animal but a cow. We have mentioned one particular, in which the nuptials of the Hindoos correspond with those of the Mexicans. We might enumerate many, in the Hin- doo ceremony, which arc not in the Mexican; and as many, in the Mexican, which are not in the Hin- doo. In Mexico, for instance, the bridegroom does not go in procession to the house of the bride's father: the couple are not there bound together with gi'ass: the bridegroom does not clothe the bride with the wed- ding garments; nor make oblations to fire, upon which * Hcmbolt's roHt. Essay, vol ii. p. 44. liv THE ABORIGINES. SEC. I. the bride drops rice; nor, in the evening, delicately suggest the value of constancy, by pointing at the pole star. Among the Hindoos, on the other hand, the young man's oldest female relations do not visit the parents of the girl at midnight: he is not infallibly rejected at the iirst suit: elderly women are not, at last, deputed to communicate the assent of the girl's father and mother: the bride is not conducted to the house of her father-in-law: the married couple do not, at the feast, give mouthfuls to each other; neither do they remain, fasting and praying, for four days, in the nuptial chamber. Writers, who attempt to deduce one nation from another, by similarities of political or social institu- tion, are not only prone to forget those customs, which distinguish the one from the other; but to overlook those particulars of difference, which are often found in customs partially coincident. Our objection, however, is not so much to the fidelity of their statements, as to the logic of their conclusions. Granting every i'act, which they suppose to be ascer- tained, we are yet so blind, or so bigotted, as not to see, that such data can sufficiently warrant any in- ference, either for or against their hypotheses. We do not believe it possible to trace the origin of any people merely by a similarity of customs. 'The barbarous nations, which overran Europe,' says an eminent his- SEC. I. THE ABORIGINES. Iv torian, 'settled in their new territories at different times; came from different countries; spoke various languages; and were under the command of separate leaders.'* Different sets of these heterogeneous clans, at length, became assimilated, and grew into distinct nations; which, though they must retain some traces of their elementary constituents, are yet as different from any one original member, as they are from each other. These facts we learn from the records of his- tory: but, were we destitute of such lights, and left to grope our way by the frail and mutable indicia of coincident manners, should we have ever detected the Goths and Vandals of the dark ages in the people of modern France, or modern Italy .^ Should we have ever known, indeed, that such nations as the Goths and Vandals once existed in the qfficina gentium, and afterwards, if we may so express ourselves, surround- ed and took the Roman empire ?f * IloB.Ch. V. vol.i.p. 10. f A great anulogy still subsists in the languages of tlie European na- tions; but nothing of this kind has been discovered among our aborigines. 'Imperfect as is our knowledge of the tongues spoken in America,' says Mr. Jefierson, ' it suffices to discover the remarkable fact, that, arranging them under the radical ones to which they may be palpably traced, ajid doing the same by the red men of Asia, there will be found probably twenty in America, for one in Asia, of those radical languages, so called, because, if they were ever the same, they have lost all resemblance to one another. A separation into dialects may be the work of a few ages only ; but for two dialects to recede from one another, till they have lost ail ves- tiges of their common origin, must require an immense course of time ; Ivi THE ABORIGINES. SEC. L There can be no doubt, we think, that the coin- cidences, which have been discovered, between the natives of the two hemispheres, estabhsh the identity of the human race; — not, however, by showing, that those of the one are descended from those of the other; but by proving, that both are descended from a common stock; are endowed with the same attri- butes; and will act in the same manner, under similar circumstances. Barbarism and civilization must mean essentially the same things, at all times and in all places; and, if the extremes are ahke, there can be no material difference in the intermediate terms. Were two nations created at the same time, and placed on opposite sides of the globe, we should na- turally expect, from the similarity of their constituent principles, that their advances to civilization would be parallel, at least, if the lines did not occasionally run into each other. Their habits and institutions must necessarily be modified by many differences of circumstance; but the progress of each must, at its several steps, bear the marks of coincident improve- ment. We have evidence enough to conclude, that the same emotions must be manifested in similar modes; that similar wants must require the same sup- perhaps not less than many people give to the age of the earth. A greater number of those radical changes of language having taken place among the red men of America, proves them of greater antiquity than those of Asia.' Jeff. Notes, Quer. xi. SjEC. t. THE ABORIGINES. IVJi plies; that similar tastes must be gratified in the same manner; that, in short, similar states of society must produce habits and institutions, which, in their great outlines, have a resemblance to each other. There are even many things common to us and the lower animals. We have never known either man or beast to adopt but one course, when struck with violent fear: — they uniformly run. Anger is generally accompanied by a disposition to revenge; and always vents itself upon the object, which occa- sions it, or upon the first thing, which it encounters. The miss chastises her perverse doll; and the grown person dashes his obstinate boot across the room. Grief, too, when excessive, is generally attended with a species of resentment; and, if the Mexicans, like the Jews, are found to rend their garments, in violent lamentation, it does not prove that the Mexicans are descended from the Jews, — but that both Jews and Mexicans are descended from Adam. The whole living creation, so far as they have any attributes in common, are observed to be affected in a similar man- ner by the same things; and, if man leaves other ani- mals behind, in the race of improvement, it is only because his capacities are more numerous, and his nature more noble. The development of faculties peculiar to himself, must, one would suppose, be re- gulated by the same principles as that of those, which IVjii THE ABORIGINES. SEC. I, he shares with meaner animals; and no accidental differences of situation can so vary or disguise the results as completely to destroy the evidence of iden- tical constitution. This remark may appear too metaphysical; but it is the only one, we think, which the facts sufficiently authorize us to make; and, perhaps, the consideration of a few examples will show, that it is neither hasty, nor fanciful. In Mexico and Hindostan, as we have seen, the garments of the bride and bridegroom are tied together, in token of union. What is a reality, among nations still somewhat rude, becomes a meta- phor with such as are more civilized; and, accord- ingly, in most countries of modern Europe, we believe, the knot is a figurative expression for marriage. Some nations in America, as well as in North Asia, are ob- served to build their houses by making a conical stack of rude poles. This is architecture in its most simple elements; and the fact does not prove,^ that the Ame- ricans have learnt it from the Asiatics; but that men, in their savage state, will devise the same means of protecting themselves from the weather. There are similarities of custom between nations, which no person can suppose to have been originally the same. The Patagons, for example, are by no means likely to have been a branch of the Arabs; and yet, like the Arabs, they have the custom of throwing 3EC. I. THE ABORIGINES. Wlf. sand into the air, upon the appearance of strangers.* Neither can it be seriously pretended, that the ancient inhabitants of Britain were ever the same people with our aborigines: yet the Druids, like some tribes of In- dians, computed time by moons and nights, instead of suns and days;t and, if the Highland clans are mus- tered by presenting the bloody cross, the Cherokees call their warriors together, by circulating the painted to- mahawk. Almost all savage nations have been known to daub themselves with paint; to devolve all work upon females; to place all virtue in strength and cou- rage; to employ bows and arrows in fighting; and to think nothing conquest, which is not extermination. The most distant races have some parallel institutions; and we remember to have observed the same custom among the Highlanders of Scotland and the natives of Central Asia. Nor are these resemblances found among savage nations alone. In our speculations concerning man- kind, we refer many things to chance, which subse- quent information, or sounder views, will trace to the natural progress of the human mind. The invention of printing, once admired as the creature of accident, is now seen to have been the necessary offspring of * Harbis' Voy. vol. i. p. 8.— Rilei's Narrative of the wreck of the brig Commerce, 1st edit. p. 27. t Hex. Hist, of Eng-. 4to edit. vol. i. p. 256, IX THE ABORIGINES. SEC. I. particular circumstances;* and, so predestined a step is it, indeed, in the march of civiHzation, that, what- ever credit we may give to Coster, or Geinsfleich, or Faust, the Chinese could boast of the same invention more than eight hundred years before these men were born.f Gunpowder is another improvement, which we have attributed to chance. Now, the earliest in- venter of such a composition, in Europe, was Roger Bacon,| who flourished in the thirteenth century: it was not until the sixteenth, that the invention was publish- ed and used; and we are told, that both gunpowder and bombs were both common in China, a hundred years before they were known in Europe,§ The first of these inventions, at least, could not have been made common by imitation: the other was probably original in both countries; and yet these are, perhaps, the last things, which we should attribute to the natural pro- gress of society. Those who derive our aborigines from the nations of the other hemisphere, speak with some triumph upon the subject of mounds, temples, and pyramids. Such things have been found in all parts of the globe; and, while those of the New World are traced to those of the Old, a connexion is discovered between the * SisMONDi Lit. Du Mid. t. ii. pp. 24-28. ■}• GiBB. Horn. Emp. 8vo. edit. Lond. vol. vii. p. 94. ^ Hen. Hist. Eng. 4to. vol. iv. p. 439. § GiBB. Rom. Emp. vol. vi. p. 123. SEC. I. THE ABORIGINES. Ixi shapeless piles of some Atlantic states, the more re- gular tumuli of the Mississippi, and the perfect pyra- mids of Mexico. What others take for proof of derivative knowledge, we consider as the mere evi- dence of similar constitution; — those principles of architecture, which our predecessors suppose man- kind to have learned at the Tower of Babel, and to have retained since their dispersion, we trace to those immutable laws of the human mind, which, while they direct the species to similar objects, lead them to adopt the same modes of accomplishment. We do not carry our philosophy so far as to think, for in- stance, that commerce had its origin in a ' propensity in human nature to truck and barter;' or that the extraordinary price, which we pay for certain com- modities, is occasioned by ' the esteem, which men have for dexterity and ingenuity:'* But that the ac- knowledged principles, which enter into the compo- sition of our race, should prompt men to take similar courses for the attainment of similar ends, does not appear to us so violent a conclusion, as that of sup- posing mankind to have retained, by tradition, certain notions of architecture, which they got from a tower, erected more than four thousand years ago. Perhaps it would be idle to think of tracing the progress of monuments from their rudest to their most * SiriTii's "Wealth of Nat. b. i. chh. ii. vl Ixii THE ABORIGINES. SEC. I. perfect state. Though we may have reason and ex- perience sufficient to draw the general conclusion, that similar occasions will produce a similarity of con- duct, we are not yet so much enlightened as to ana- lyse the motives of men, and explain each particular step, by which they severally arrive at the same re- sult. Without such data as, either in kind or number, are calculated to afford us much support, we deceive ourselves with false analogies; are betrayed into in- ferences, which the facts do not warrant; and tempted to supply the gaps of knowledge by the suggestions of imagination. If, therefore, we make an attempt to throw some light upon the history of pyramids, the reader is not to suppose, that we have satisfied our- selves, — much less, that we expect to satisfy him. There is no notion so universal, among mankind, as that of supposing themselves to have been created of earth. Many tribes of American Indians are known to believe, that they came out of the ground: the early Athenians wore golden grasshoppers in their hair, as an emblem of their terrestrial origin;* and, when Xenophon's Cyrus came to die, he said to his sons, ' Do not enclose my body in gold, or in silver, or in any such thing: but put it in the ground as speedily as possible. What can be a greater blessing than to be mixed with that earth, which brings forth and nour- " Tarcir, Hist. I J .— -Anc. Un. Hist. vo]. vi. art. Athexians. SEC. I. THE ABORIGINES. IxUl ishes every thing, that is either beautiful or beneficial? I have been a philanthropist in all other respects; and nothing can better please me, now, than to share the common lot of all good men.'* The custom of min- gling dead bodies with earth, is common to our whole race. The most obvious mode of effecting the object is, not by digging graves, — to which the skill and in- struments of a savage are unequal; but by placing the body upon the ground, and covering it with such loose earth and stones as can be readily procured. Another natural propensity of the mind has given rise to the general custom of burying the dead in the neighbourhood of each other; and more particularly, when they have died by the same pestilence, or in the same battle. A number of corpses, buried by the side of each other, in the mode just alluded to, must, of itself, make something of a mound; and, when in- creased by additional layers, would ultimately rise to such a tumulus as may be seen among every bar- barous nation. Nor is this altogether a fancy. We know, that some Indians are in the habit of collecting the bones of those who have fallen in battle, to depo- sit them 'in their friendly magazines of mortality;'! and by penetrating one of the mounds, which formerly existed in Virginia, it has been discovered, that, on a level with the circumjacent plain, there was a stratum * Xf.v. Cyrop. 1, viii. | At> ur's Hist, of the Amcr. Ind, IxiV THE ABORIGINES. SEC. I. of bones, covered with stones and earth; which was succeeded by ' another stratum of bones, and so on.'* The mound once erected, we should be sorry theorists, if we could find no use for it. And perhaps the most obvious, is that of religious worship. The solemnity of the tomb would be apt to suggest such a purpose; and the idea, which savages have been known to entertain of the Great Spirit, would render the top of a mound the fit place to proffer their devotions. The ancient Germans supposed, that any attempt to circumscribe the presence of Deity, was an impious profanation: his only temple, in their view, was the universe; and, whenever an edifice, erected for his worship, fell into their hands, they never failed to rase it to the ground-! The emotions, which w^e expe- rience, on the summit of any high place, are con- genial with such ideas of divinity; and, that we may not want facts to support us at every step, we are as- sured, that altars were anciently erected on mounds,j and that the Mexicans perform their religious rites upon the top of the Great Temple, of which our tu- muli are supposed to be the elementary models.§ We might even attempt to account for the fact, that this Great Temple is composed of five distinct • Jeff. Notes. Quer. xi. fRoB. Ch, V. vol.i. p. 213. ^ Butast's Analysis of Anc. Mythology. ^Clu'ig. Hist. Mex. — IIcjib. Rcsc.irch, SEC. r. THE ABORIGINES. Ix? parts or stories, decreasing in regular progression, from the lowest to the highest. In the erection of a mound, the consistence of the pile, as well as the fa- cility of ascent, would require, that each succeeding stratum should be less than that on which it is laid; and thus, what is considered as sufficiently mysterious to demand an appeal to the temple of Belus, or the Tower of Babel, may have been the natural result of necessity and convenience. From the temple, we may easily pass to tlie pyramid. Indeed, the temple itself is but a truncated pyramid; and, as the same symbols of worship have been found on the summits of both, there is no occasion of wonder, iii deriving the one from the other. These successive improvements were not the off- spring of stationary barbarism: they are the evidences of improvement in society itself; and perhaps, indeed, the progress of a nation, from rudeness to refinement, may be traced, step by step, from the amorphous hil- lock to the finished pyramid. The same peace, which, by inspiring security, induces us to construct edifices of durable materials, brings with it a taste for luxury, and adds to the disposition of making things perma- nent, the desire of rendering them beautiful. First,' we have a shapeless barrow of earth and stones; next, a more regular pile of loose stones alone; then, a still h Ixvi THE ABORIGINES. SEC. I. more perfect structure of stones, fitted to each other by the hand of art; — a temple, of stones squared and cemented together; and, lastly, the temple elongated to a pyramid. Structures, in all these states, have been found in various parts of the globe; and the most striking analogies are sometimes discovered between the earthy mounds and the stone pyramids. On a plain, near St. Louis, there is, we are' told, *a group of mounds, mostly of a circular shape, and, at a distance, resembling enormous hay cocks, scat- tered in a meadow.^ One of the largest is, at the bottom, about two hundred paces in circumference: the form is square; and the top level. From this, may be seen ' twenty other mounds or pyramids, be- sides a great number of small artificial elevations;' which are all disposed in a semicircle of about a mile in extent.* 'It is remarkable,' say another traveller, ' (especially if we call to mind the assertions of Po- cocke, as to the symmetrical position of the lesser pyramids of Egypt,) that, around the temples of the sun and moon at Theotihuacan, (in Mexico,) we find a group, I may say a system of pyramids, of scarcely nine or ten metres, (twenty-nine or thirty feel). These monuments, of which there are several hundreds, are disposed in very 4arge streets, which follow exactly the direction of the parallels, and of the * Bbackesridoe's Views of Louisiana, p. 173. SEC. I. THE ABORIGINES. IxVU meridians, and wiiicli terminate in the fom' faces of^ the two great pyramids.'* These coincidences are, at first, sufficiently won- derful; and wonder is apt to take refuge in the first conclusion, which presents itself Men are formed for society; and, being endowed with reason, do many things by concert, which the lower animals, guided only by instinct, must perform individually. Instinct, so far as it goes, is, perhaps, a more steady guide than reason. But we know not, why the results of the one should appear more marvellous than those of the other; and, while philosophers are exclaiming upon the analogies between the monuments of the Old and New Worlds,! we would ask them to explain the simple fact, that the birds of the other hemisphere construct their nests in precisely the same manner with the birds of this? If, then, there be any truth in the foregoing ob- servations, the coincidences which have been discov- ered between the inhabitants of the two worlds, neither prove that they are, — nor, that they are not, — branches of the same national stock; and, until the question is decided by some new topic of evidence, * HcMB. Polit. Essay, vol ii. p. 44. f Ibid. ' What analogies with the monuments of the old continent ! — and this people, who, on arriving in the seventh century on the Mexican soil, constructed on an uniform plan, several of those colossal monuments, and truncated pyramids divided by layers, like the temple of Belus or Babylon :— Whence did they take the model of these edifices." lixviii THE ABORIGINES. SEC. I- ^r some indubitable statement of history, either sacrecl or profane^ we shall continue to think, that authors have not yet detected the origin of our aborigines. What profane history may hereafter come to light, we know not; and, though the scriptural is sufficiently familiar, our'ignorance of the original language, and slender skill in theology, forbid us to attempt an in- terpretation of its words. That Moses knew, little of astronomy, perhaps no person will think it worth while to deny; and, that he might, in like manner, have been ignorant of the New World, there may be equal rea- son to conclude. Yet this is a mystery, which may never be unravelled ; and, if any new light is to be thrown upon the subject, w6 must expect it from other sources. One of our own philosophers has suggested an organ of proof, which, notwithstanding what we have said, upon the inconclusiveness of etymologies, may still be entitled to consideration. ' Language,' he says, *is the best proof of the affinity of nations;' and, 'were vocabularies formed of all the languages spoken in North and South America, preserving their appella- tions of the most common objects in nature, of those which must be present to every nation, barbarous or civilized, with the inflections of their nouns and verjbs, their principles of regimen and concord, and these deposited in all the public libraries, it would furnish opportunities to those skilled in the languages of the SEC. J. THE ABORIGINES. Ixl^ world, to compare with these, now, or at any future time, and hence to construct the best evidence of the derivation of this part of the human race.* Were it possible to achieve so vast a work, — could vocabularies and grammars be carefully formed of all the American tongues, and persons be found sufficiently skilful in all the dead and hving languages of the Old World, to make such a comparison as is here recommended, — the result might decide the ques- tion, in one way or the other. It would, however, require a very formidable catalogue of similar words to convince us, that the languages of this continent were derived from those of the other; and no analogies of regimen, concord, or inflection, could, in our opi- nion, have much weight in the scale. Philosophical grammar is equally applicable to all languages. It would, indeed, be almost an absurdity, in terms, to say, that two tongues may be formed upon principles, which materially differ from each other. Agreement, regimen, and inflection, are as essential to language, as cords and weights to a pully; and, though the modes of arrangement may, in both cases, be considerably varied, the principles must always remain the same. It would be illiberal to prejudge the efficacy of the suggested experiment; but it appears to us, tliat the prospect of discovery is hardly sufficient to counter- balance the difficulty of the enterprise. ' JiSTF, Notes. Qner. xi. fxX THE ABORIGINES. SEC. II. SECTION II. Doubtful History. — Whether the United Stales have been hiha- bited by two distinct Races of Indians?— Verazan's Voyage — De Soto's Expedition — Riband's — Laudoniere's — Differ- ences between the former and present Indians — Statement of the Reasons for and against the Supposition of two distinct Races. It is a relief to escape from the dark and thorny questions, with which we have hitherto perplexed ourselves; even though we can only fly to such as are still involved in considerable obscurity. Some authors have supposed, that the territory, which now belongs to the United States, was originally inhabited by a half civilized people, W'ho have been exterminated by the savages; and it must be confessed, that the differ- ences, which may be found, between the aborigines of iifteen hundred and those of the present day, either prove, that the first were a distinct race from the last, — or that, if the last are the posterity of the first, they have suffered a process of 'degeneration, almost un- exampled in the history of mankind. Our earliest accounts of the aborigines are de- rived from the voyage of Verazan, and the travels SEC. II. THE ABORIGINES. Ixxi of De Soto; the first of which was set on foot by the French, in 1524; and the last, by the Spanish, 1538. Verazan started in the beginning of 1524; and, about the middle of March, touched the American continent, near the twenty-eighth degree of north latitude.* His first sight was a ' great store of people;' '^many of them well favoured, having black and great eyes, with a cheerful and steady look, not strong of body, yet sharp-witted, nimble, and exceeding great runners.'f Sailing to the north, he every where discovered ' mul- titudes of inhabitants;' and he generally uses the same language in the description of their appearance and character: — they were 'of mean (middle) stature, handsome visage, and delicate limbs, and of very little strength, but of prompt vvit.'| In one place, he finds them *^ courteous and gentle;' and, in another, 'of sweet and pleasant countenance, imitating much the old fashion.' 'The women,' he says, ' were very hand- some and well favoured, of pleasant countenance, and comely to behold;' ' as well mannered and continent as any women, and of good education. '§ The men, moreover, were 'very jealous' of tlieir-wives; and would never suffer them to come within two hundred paces of the shore. II * Hacklutt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 295. f Ibid. p. 296. Ibid.p. 29r. Hbid. p.298. !| Ibid. p. 299. Ixxii THE ABORIGINES. SEC. IJ, A traveller of the present day would find scarcely any of these traits in the character of our Indians. They are by no means remarkable for sweetness of countenance, delicacy of limbs, or gentleness of man- ners. They are a tall, muscular, fierce looking peo- ple; who put all their drudgery upon their squaws; and, holding them in little estimation, never think it worth while to guard against their infidelity. Jealousy, indeed, is the offspring of civilization. When men begin to have some pleasures besides war and the chase, and other standards of excellence than strength and courage, female virtue finds its proper level, and women, from servants, become wives.' Nor are these the only particulars, in which the accounts of a modern traveller would differ from those of Verazan. The natives, according to the latter, were, in part, an agricultural people. Their principal food consisted of beans and corn; though, for a change, they occasionally took beasts, birds, and fish.* They prepared the ground, by digging it up with a sort of wooden spade; and ' observed in their sowing,^ we are told, ' the course of the moon and the rising of certain stars.'! They even might be said to cultivate the vine. 'Having oftentimes seen the fruit thereof dried,' says * Hacklutt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 290. According to Laudoniere, their hunting months were January, February, and March. Ibid. p. 341. t Ibid. pp. 224. 299. SEC. II. THE ABORiaiNES. IxXli'l Verazan, 'which was sweet and pleasant, and not differing from ours, we think that they esteem the same, because that in every place where they grow, they take away the under branches growing round about, that tlie fruit thereof may ripen the better.* This navigator followed nearly the whole coast of the present United States 5 but he stayed at no place long enough to explore the interior; and his accounts of the natives are necessarily brief and imperfect. De Soto, on the contrary, spent more than four years in making a progress through his dominions, as pre- sident of Florida;! and the history of his enterprise contains, perhaps, the only notices, in any detail, of the character, habits, and general economy of the earlier aborigines.| The book appears to be little * Hacklutt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 297. f Tliis name, — derived from Pascli.a Florida, or Palm-Sunday, because the land was discovered on that day, — then included an indefinite extent of territory, north and west of the present Floridas. Hack. vol. iii. p. ^05. \ We have never seen tliis iiook in the original; and we have heard, that no great pains were taken to make it generally known. In 1609, when the English began to think of planting colonies here, Hackluyt pro- cured a copy, and turned it into English, under the title of ' Virginia richly valued, by the description of the maine land ofFlorida,hernext neighbour: out of the four yeeres continuall travell and discouerie for above one thousand miles east and west, of Don Ferdinando De Soto, and six hun- dred able men in his companie. Wherein are truly observed the riches and fertilitie of those parts, abounding with things necessarie, pleasant, and profitable for the life of man : with the natures and dispositions of the inhabitants. Written by a Portugall gentleman of Eluas, emploied in all" % Ixxiv THE ABORIGINES. SEC. II. known in this country; and we shall exhibit its con- tents to the reader, by following the course of the ex- pedition. Ferdinand De Soto was the son of a squire of Xerez, near Bajadoz, in Spain. He adventured to the West Indies, as a soldier of fortune, under Gover- nor Arias; who soon rewarded his courage, by giving him a troop of horse; and still further promoted his views, by assigning him a post under Pizarro. As he displayed more gallantry than the other captains, he obtained a greater portion of the booty ; and, when he returned to Spain, he had exchanged his sword and target for one hundred and eighty thousand ducats. He married Donna Isabella, the daughter of Arias; and the emperor made him governor of Cuba, presi- dent of Florida, and marquis of a part of the lands, which he might conquer. He was. joined by many rich persons from various parts of Spain: six hundred men were disposed in seven ships; and, in the month of April, 1538, the expedition left the harbour of Seville. On Whit-Sunday, they reached Cuba. St. Jago, Baragoa, Bayamo, Puerto de Principes, St. Esperito, and Havanna, were then the only towns in the island; and the first, which now contains forty thousand in- tlie action, and translated out of the Portugese by Richard HACKLUtT. Lond. Felix Kyngstan for Mathew Lownes.' SmalHto, p. 180. SEC. II. THE ABORIGINES. IxXV habitants, was a village of eighty houses, composed, for the most part, of boards and thatch. Among the other native productions, we find 'a fruit, whereby many people are sustained, and chiefly the slaves, which are called batatas. These grow now in the island of Ter9era, belonging to the kingdom of Por- tugal, and they grow within the earth, and are like a fruit called iname; they have almost the taste of the chesnut.'* . * We have been tluis particular in copying; this ilescription, becauae, in the systematic hostility, which some English journals pursue, to every thing American, it has recently been suggested, in the shape of a wonder, that the New World was not the original country of tlie potatoe. ' It is a singular fact,' we are told, 'that, in all the extent of territory traversed by- Messrs. Humbolt and Bonpland, they neither met with, nor could hear of, the potatoe growing in its native wildness ; nor had it been discovered in any part of America till very recently, when the authors of the Flora Pe- ruvia7in are said to have found the common species (soMmtm ttiberosiini) growing in a wild state in the mountains of Chili, with a new and edible species larger than the common one.' Quarterly Review, No. xxxv. p. 141. Here are a mis-statement, a mistake, and a prevarication, ^he Flora Pe- j'UT'eana was not composed by* authors i' but by a single individual : and, while the text refutes the assertion, that the potatoe was not, 'till very recently, discovered in any part of America,' another journal, published under the same roof with the one just quoted, will enable us to remove all the doubts, which are veiled under the words ' are said.' ' Don Joze Pa- Ton,' we are informed, ' the celebrated author of the Flora Peruviana,. who resided many yea^s in South America, says, 'the solanwn tuberomm grows wild in the environs of Lima, in Peru, and fourteen leagues from Lima, on the coast. I have, also, found it wild in the kingdom of Chili.' The Indians cultivate it in great abundance in Peru and Chili, and call it papas. It is said, also, to have been found in the forest near Santa Fe de Bagola.' Journal of Science and the Arts, vol. v. p. 198> IxXVi THE ABORIGmES. SEC. II. From St. Jago the soldiers went by land to Ha- vanua; whence they set sail, on the 18tli of May, 1539; and, after a prosperous voyage of seven days,, landed on the coast of Florida. The Indians of that day, it would seem, had a mode of transmitting intel- ligence by a rude kind of telegraph. The town, which Do Soto first entered, was empty; and, 'he saw, along the coast,' we are told, 'many smokes, which the Indians had made, to give advice the one to the other.' Such fires were discovered by all the early voyagers; but, whether they were designed to communicate information, or merely to cook victuals, may not be perfectly certain. ' The towne,' says the historian, ' was of seven or eight houses. The Lorde's house stoode neere the shore, upon a verie hie mount, made by hand for strength. At another end of the town stood the church, and on the top of it stood a fowle, made of wood, with gilded eies.' Travellers are so prone to bestow the same name upon things, which have little in common, that we are at a loss to know what is here meant by the word church. As it is mentioned in conjunction with the Lord's house, it gives us the idea of a modern place of worship; but the mound, upon which the Lord's house stood, might have been the reason of associating the two things together; and this church, like the temple of Mexico, would thus be nothing more SEC. II. THE ABORIGINES. Ixxvil than a structure of earth, or wood, or stone, with the symbols of worship upon the top. Soon after De Soto's arrival, one of his foraging parties encountered a body of the natives, w ith a Spa- niard, by the name of Ortez, who had been a captive among them, for more than nine years.* According to liim, the Indians had a custom of depositing their dead in a sort of vault. When Ucita, upon the en- treaty of his daughter, granted the life of his prisoner, he appointed him ' keeper of the temple: because that, by night, the wolves did carry the dead corpses out of the same." What species of building this ' temple' was, we know not; but it seems, at any rate, to imply an improvement in tombs, of which our present In- dians have no idea. Ucita had, at length, determined to make a sacra- fice of his captive; and it was only by the exertions of his daughter, that tlie design was frustrated. Ortez escaped to M0C090, the king of another nation; who received him with joy, and had always treated him with kindness. It is considered, we think, as some- thing of a refinement in the English law, that heathen witnesses are made to swear according to their own principles of religious faith. Savages, in their rudest state, arc seldom known to use oaths at all: and yet, if Ortez is to be believed, M0C090 ^ caused him pre- *■ See postes, p. 26? Ixxviii THE ABORIGINES. SEC. 11. sently to sweare according to the custom of the Chris- tians, that he would not run away from him to any other lord.' The country seems, at this time, to have heen occupied by confederacies of twenty or thirty tribes; which, while they had their own particular phylarchs, owed allegiance to some supreme lord. Ortez told De Soto, that, thirty ICiDgues from the town of Ucita, where his army first encamped, there was a sovereign, or ' paracossi,' to whom all the kings along the coast paid tribute. Laudoniere, also, speaks of a chief, who presided over a confederacy, and who was called, he says, 'Paracoussy Satouriou,' that is ' King Satouriou.'* An officer, with fifty horse and tliirty or forty foot, were despatched to hold an interview with the para- cossi; but he sent word, by a deputation of thirty In- dians, that he was ill, and could not leave his town. The Indians were asked, whether gold and silver might be found in any part of the country; and, when they answered, that, in a western province, called Cale, these precious metals were so abundant, that the in- habitants wore head-pieces made of gold, the officer rewarded their condescension, by putting them all in chains.f * Hacki,. Voy. vol. iii. p. 321. f This is what used to be termed ' the exercise of a just and pious violence against pag^ans and heathens;' — a doctrine, which interest once SEC. IL THE ABORIGINES. Ixxix De Soto is said to have '^ received great comfort/ at the news of this achievement; and, stimulated by the prospect of a golden fleece, he left one hundred men at Spirito Santo, where he had first landed, and took his way, with the remainder, for the province of Cale. Passing through several smaller towns, he came, -at length, to the land of promise; but, so little is hope ever realized by fruition, that, instead of loading them- selves with bags of gold, our adventurers could not find maize enough to satisfy their hunger. They de- voured the stalks, while yet too young to bear the cob; and, whenever any old corn was discovered, they were obliged to triterate it, in rude mortars of wood, and sift the meal through their coats of mail. On the 11th of August, 1539, the governor started from Cale; marched, that day, to Ytara; the 12th, to Potano; the 13th, to Utinama; the 14th, to a place, of which the name is not given; the 15th, to Cholupaha; rendered so fasliionable in Spain. In 1550, the question was disputed between the universities of Salamanca and Alcala, in a convention held at Valladolid. Lascasas was the champion of the Indians ; and Sepulveda, of the Spaniards. A learned friar, of the name of Soto, presided as umpire ; and gave his decision in favour of the former. But the doctrine of ' pious violence' was not confined to Spain. Even Hackiuyt, an English preben- dary, thus speaks of the mode, whicli should be adopted to convert the Indians. 'To handle them gently, while gentle courses may be found to serve, it will be without comparison the best : but if gentle polishing will not serve, then we shall not want hiimmerours and rough masons enow; I mean our old soldiours trained up in theNetherL-uids, to square and pre- pare them to our preachers' h^nds.' Epist. Ded. to Soto's Exped. IXXX . THE ABOIUGINES. SEC. il. and the ITtli, to Caliquen. As the last was the resi- dence of a confederate chief, he made a stay until the 10th of September; when he set out for Apalache, another golden region; and, after a journey of five days, arrived at a place called Napetuca. The king of Caliquen had been seized for practising a trick upon our travellers; and, when he made his escape from his keepers, the governor caught him with a grey-hound. His subjects flocked from all quarters to obtain his release; and, instead of bringing such rude drums as are used by the present Indians, they came playing upon an instrument, which is here called a flute. Finding, that music and entreaty made little impression, they determined to try the efficacy of bows and arrows. But these proved equally unsuccessful. The natives fled at the first onset; and such as were not killed, plunged into two large lakes, and swam beyond the reach of the cross- bow. Men were stationed around the shore; and, in the course of the night, they detected the Indians swimming softly towards the bank, with water lillies upon their heads. No water lilly, therefore, was suf- fered to come near shore; and, as their last device had failed, the Indians now appealed to the commissera- tiou of John Ortez. They were taken; divided among the company; and put in irons. Some broke loose nnd killed their masters; and De Soto, to cut short SEC. II. THE ABORIGINES. IxXXl the possibility of future annoyance, ordered the greater part to be tied up and shot. On the 23d of September, he left Napetuca; and, passing through the great town of Hapaluya, lodged, on the 24th, at Uzachil. Supplying himself with maize, which was here found in great quantities, he^ started for Apalache, on the 27th. Two days brought him to Axille; and, on St. Francis' day, he entered Vitachuco. The inhabitants now began to grow nu- merous; and the maize abundant. On the 23d of Oc- tober, the governor lodged in Uzela; and, in two days, arrived at Apalache. This was the residence of a supreme chief; and overlooked many small- er towns, filled with maize, pompions, beans, and plums. The soldiers found sumptuous fare; and, in one of their predatory excursions, they encountered some of the natives, who displayed more gallantry than is conmionly found in a modern Indian. They were gathering French beans, with a woman; and '■ though they might have fled, yet because they would not leave the woman, who was one of their wives, they resolved to die fighting.' The governor now sent back a party to Spirito Santo; and was obliged to wait nearly four months, for its return. He had been twice disappointed in the expectation of finding countries replete with gold and silver; but, where there is avarice, there can be Ixxxii THE ABORIGINES. SEC. II, no incredulity; and the tale of one of the captives^, who described the whole process of working mines, and refining the ores, induced De Soto to start on the 3d of March, 1 540, for the rich country of Uupaha. On the 9th, he came to Capachiqui; and, on the 21st, to Toalli. ' From thence forward,' says the historian, ' there was a difference in the houses. For those which were behind us were thatched with straw; and those of Toalli were covered with reeds, in manner of tiles. These houses were very cleanly.* Some of them had walls daubed with clay, which showed like a mud wall. In all the cold countries, the Indians have every one a house for the winter, daubed with clay within and without, and the doore is very little: they shut it by night, and make fire within; so that they are in it as warme as in a stoue: and so it continueth all night, that they need not clothes: and besides these, they have others for summer; and their kitchens near them, where they make their fire and bake their bread: and they have barbacoas wherein they keep their maize ; * The whole of this account bespeaks a state of improvement, much beyond that of the present Indians ; and perhaps the difference will be remarked in nothing more than in the article of cleanliness. Riband, who sailed in 1562, has also mentioned a precaution, in this respect, which the lords of the forest would now disdain to take. He was invited to witness the feast of Toya ; and, when he came to the spot, in which it was to be celebrated, he 'saw many women round about, which laboured by a! meanes to make the place clean and neat.' Hack. Vqy. vol. iii, p. 315. SEG. II. THE ABORIGINES. IxXXiii which is an house set vp in the aire vpon four stakes, boorded hke a chamber, and the flooreof itis of cane hurdles. The difference which lords or principall mens houses have from the rest, besides they be great- er, is, that they have great galleries in their fronts, and under them seates made of canes in manner of benches: and round about them they have many lofts, wherein they lay vp that which the Indians doe giue them for tribute, which is maiz, deeres skins, and mantles of the country, which are like blankets: they make them of the inner rinde of the barkes of trees, and some of kind of grasse like unto nettles, which, being beaten, is like unto flaxe.* The women couer themselves with these mantles; — they put one about them from the wast downward; and another ouer their shoulder, with their right arme out, like unto the Egyptians.! The men weare but one mantle upon their shoulders, after the same manner; and haue their secrets hid with deere's skin, made like a linen breech, which was wont to be vsed in Spain. The skins are * This account will serve to explain the mystery of the linen sheets and twilled blankets, which were found about the bodies dug' up in the western country. f One of Ribaud's kings had carried the luxuries of dress and furniture to a still greater extent. * His house was hanged about with tapistrie of feathers of divers colours, the hight of a pike. Moreouer, the place where the king tooke his seat, was couered with couerlettes, embroydered with deuises of very wittie and fine workmanship, and fringed round about with a fringe dyed in the colour of scarlet.' Hack. p. 316. IxXXiv fHE ABORIGINES. SEC. II. well corried, and tiiey giue them what colour they hst, so perfect, that, if it be red, it seemeth a very fine clothe in graine, and the black is most fine: and of the same leather they make shooes; and they die their mantles in tl)e same colours. '*^ The governor left Toalli on the 24th of March; and, passing, among other towns, Achese and Alta- maca, arrived at Ocute, on the 10th of April The king sent him two thousand Indians with a present of *^many conies, and partridges, bread of maize, two hens, and many dogs.' The latter animal seems to have been very common; and, unless the historian misapplied the name, or the translator mistakes the original, we have here another particular, in which the earlier aborigines differed from those, who were found by the first English colonists.f * If we may rely upon the taste of MM. Ribaud and Laudoniere, the early aborigmes had acquired a skill in the pictoral art, of which there is no parallel among the present Indians. The former received, from one of the kings, *a great skin, painted and drawn throughout with the pic- tures of divers wilde beastes, so liuely drawn and purtiayed, that nothing 'lacked but life.' Hack. Voy. vol. ili. p. 308. M. Laudoniere speaks, in the most rapturous language, of the figures upon a skin worn by 'Paracoussy Satourioua.' He says, 'it was painted with deuices of strange and diners colours, but of so liuely a portraiture, and representing antiquity, with rules so justly compossed, that there is no painter so exquisite that could find fault therewith : the natural disposition of this strange people is so perfect and well guided, that without any ayd and favour of artes, they are able by the help of nature only to content the eye of artizans, yea, even of those which, by their industry, are able to aspire unto things most absolute.* Ibid. p. 321. t Harris' Voyages, vol. i. p. 232. SEC, 11. THE ABORIGINES, IxXXV From Ocute, the governor went to Cofaqui; and from Cofaqui to Patofa. He had now chased the rainbow for about three hundred and fifty leagues. The inhabitants of Patofa assured him, that the cap- tive, who told the story of gold mines, was leading his soldiers into a wilderness: but De Soto ' was a stern man;' and, taking seven hundred Indians to carry the baggage, he set out, once more, for Uupaha. A jour- ney of nine days, through a path, w hich became gra- dually more narrow, and was at length entirely lost, brought the party into a forest of pines. The captive had promised them the gold of Uupaha, in four days; and, if John Ortez could have understood any other Indian, the traitor would now have been cast to tlie dogs. Detachments were sent, in all directions, to find some human abode; and, though the parties came in, the first night, driving their disabled horses with sticks, and bringing no news of any habitation, they 7. Clvi THE ABORIGINES. SEC. HI. nois. Vincennes was the ancient residence of the Piankashaws; who now live upon the Wabash. In 1759, they had three hundred warriors; and, at the close of our revolution, about two hundred and fifty. The Ouiatonons and Shakies live upon the same river, and may be branches of the same people. In 1768, the warriors of the latter amounted to two hundred; and, in 1779, the former counted three hundred.* We now return to Maryland, according to our division; which, like most divisions of the same kind, has little foundation but caprice. Lord Baltimore's land was held by what is called petit sergeanty: — he was to render yearly a certain number of Indian ar- rows. When his first governor landed, in 1634, he gave an entertainment to the kings, or werowances, of the aborigines; and the two leading tribes, at that time, appear to have been the Petuxents and the Yoama- coes.f The Eastern Shore was occupied by the Nanticockes; who, about the middle of the last cen- tury, removed to Wyoming, on the Delaware. Joining the British in the revolutionary war, they went into Canada. When the contest had terminated, they assembled upon the Huron River; and, finding them- selves dwindled to fifty souls, they united their fortunes with the Shawanese.J * Cahv. Trav. p. 39;— M'Aff. Hist, p, 43, — Thumb. Ind. War. — Jeff. Q. xi, I BozMAs's Hist. Maryl. pp. 27' 5-6. t Heckew. pp. 73-77. SEC. ni. THE ABORIGINES. clvii The first settlers of Virginia found the territory occupied by three extensive confederacies, — the Povv- hatans, the Mannahoacs, and the Monacans; who spoke languages so radically different, that it was ne- cessary to employ interpreters in the transaction of their business. Pains were early taken to preserve some account of these tribes; and, as a specimen of the mode in which the whole continent was originally peopled, w^e copy from the Notes on Virginia, the subjoined table of the Powhatans: TRIBES. COUNTRY. WARRIORS, i 1607 1 1669 Tauxenents Fairfax 40 Patowomekes Stafford. King George 100 Cuttatawomans King George 20 > 60 Pissasecs King Geo. Richmond Onaumanients Westmoreland 100 Rappahanocs Richmond county 1.00 30 Moraughtacunds Lancaster. Richmond 80 40 Secacaonies Northumberland 30 Werowocomicos Northumberland 130 70 Cuttatawomans Lancaster 30 Nantaughtacunds Essex. Cai'oline 150 60 Mattapoments Mattapony River 30 20 Pamunkies King William 300 50 Werowocomicos Gloucester 40 Payankatonks Piankstank River 55 :lviH THE ABORIGINES. SEC. Ill, TRIBES. COUNTRY. WARRIORS. ( 1607 1669 Youghtanunds Pamunkey River 60 Chickahominies Chickahominy River 250 60 Powhatans Henrico 40 10 Arrohatocks Henrico 30 Weanocs Charles city 100 15 Paspaheghes Charles city. James city 40 Chiskiacs York 45 15 Kecoughtans Elizabeth city 20 Appamattocs Chesterfield 60 50 Quiocohanoes Surry 25 3 Follies Warrasqueaks Isle of Wight ^ Nasamonds Nansamond i 200 45 Chesapeaks Princess Anne | 100 Accohanocks Accom. Northampton 40 1 Accomacks Northampton 80 1 Eight hundred square miles, thirty-two tribes, and two thousand four hundred warriors, most probably constituted the ratio in all our aboriginal nations. The tribes of the Mannahaacs were thus distributed: v/ in Fauquier county, the Whonkenties and Tauxitan- tians; in Culpepper, the Tegninaties and Hassi- nunga3s; in Orange, the Ontponies and Stakerakies: in Stafford and Spotsylvania, the Shackakonies and Manahoakes. Of the Monacans, the tribe, which gave name to the confederacy, resided on James River, above the falls; the Monassiecapanoes, in Louisa and Fluviana; the Mnahassanoes, in Bed- ford and Buckingham; the Massicanaes, in Cum- SEC. III. THE ABORIGINES. cHs berland; and the Mobemeiiclioes, in Povvhatan. It was the Monacans, who, under the name of Tus- caroras, or Tuskeruroes* were beaten by the Caro- linians, in 1712; and have since formed the 'youngest son' in the family of the Six Nations. Besides these three confederacies, there were the three tribes of the Nottoways, on tlie river of that name; and the Meherrins and Tutelocs, on the Me- herrin River, Of the Nottoways, not a male was left in 1781. The Melierrins and Tuteloes were the friends of the Tuscaroras; and, when the Susque- hannocks had disappeared, the Five Nations per- mitted them to occupy the vacant territory.f Beyond the mountains, in the territory, which is now the state of Kentucky, there was a very warlike nation, by the name of the Massawomees.| They were very numerous; and seem to have been equally hostile to the red-men, and the whites. Kentucky was settled in 1770; and the adventures of tho family, who first trusted themselves in the wilderness^, form a romantic tale in her early history.§ Some nations of Indians were common to Vir- ginia and North Corolina. In 1 700, there were still * Bart. p. xl. t Jeff. Notes, Q. xi. — Proud's Fennsylv. vol. ii. p. 295. i .Ieff. Q. xi § MAnsHAT.i's Hist. Kentv clx THE ABORIGINES. SEC. III. reniaiiiiiig, in the latter, thirteen trihes, twenty-eight towns, and fifteen hundred and eighty-two warriors.* TRIBES. TOWNS. WARKIORS. RESIDENCE. Tuscaroras 15 1200 Bertie county Waccons 2 120 Halifax on the Roanoke Mackapomgas 1 .",0 Hyde county Bear-Rivers I 50 Bear River Meherrin 1 50 Meherrin River Chowans 1 15 Chowan county Pasquotanks 1 10 Pasquotank county Poteskoits 1 30 Cursituck county Hatteras I 16 Hatteras Banks Connanons 25 Neus 2 15 Neus River Pamlicos, or ^ 1 15 Pamlico Sound Pampticaughs 3 Jaupims 1 6 Jaupim River The remaining territory of the United States, on this side of the Mississippi, was occupied by the Natchees, the Cherakes or Cherokees, the Katahbas, the Chikkasahs, the Muskoghes or Creeks, aud the Choktahs. The Natchees, who have long since become extinct, were seated in the western parts of Tennessee. They were once very numerous; and, as late as the middle of the eighteenth century, with' stood, for a long time, two thousand French regulars, and a great body of Choktah warriors. Being, at last, * Lawsos's Hist. N. f SEC. III. THE ABORIGINES. CUCl totally defeated, a part was burnt by the Choktahs; and a part sent as slaves to the West Indies.* In 1775, the Cherokees dwelt chiefly upon the head waters of the Savannah, the Catahoochee, the Alabama, the Tennessee, and Cumberland Rivers. They have a tradition, that they came from the west, and exterminated a certain 'moon-eyed people.'f Their territory was about one hundred and forty' miles broad, from east to west; and extended from the thirty-fourth to nearly the thirty-sixth degree of north latitude. They divided it into Lower and Upper. About the beginning of the last century, they had sixty-four populous towns; and could command more than six thousand warriors. Fifty years afterwards, their towns were probably reduced to thirty; for their warriors did not exceed three thousand. J Two thou- sand two hundred hunters were counted, in 1769; and, in 1793, they were estimated at fifteen hundred.§ In 1775, the towns west of the Appalachian moun- tains were Tennase, Cho^te, Great-Telliko, and Hewhase.|| Those, in the other parts, were 'Ish- tatohe, Echia, Toogala, &c.'1T The Cherakes, too, * Adair's Hist. Amer. Ind. pp. 355-6. ^ Adaik, pp. 226-7. t Ibid. p. 226. (I Ibid. p. 252. + Baiit. p. xliii. t Such is the mode, in which Mr. Adair gives us a history of the In- dians. He has written four hundred and sixty-four finely printed pages, in quarto ; and we might safely undertake to compress, in less than a Clxii THE ABORIGINES. SEC. III. imagine themselves superior to all other men; and their name is accordingly derived from Clieera, the divine fire.* The Katahbas resided upon the river of the same name. In 1765, their territory was bounded 'north and north-east, by North Carolina; east and south, by South Carolina; and about west-south-west, by the Cheerake nation. 'f When South Carolina was first settled, the Katahba warriors amounted to fifteen hundred. In 1743, they were reduced to four hun- dred; and, twenty years after, there were but a few above one hundred.J The province originally con- tained twenty-eight tribes, of different nations ;§ and we are favoured with the ' mention of a few^ of the Katahbas: — the Waterees; 'Enowahs, Charahs, Cang- "^ garees, Nachees, Yamasees, Coosahs, &c.^|| They for- merly cultivated a great extent of ground; and one of their fields is said to have been seven miles in length. H dozen, all the definite information, which they contain. He seems to have been a very bigotted man; and to have had a good opinion of no mea- sures, but his own, and of nobody, but himself. From a resident of forty years among the Indians, we expected some precise account of their names, numbers, and situation : but, instead of such details, Mr. Adair writes chapter after chapter, about what the French have attempted, what the English might do, and what he did. Tiie historians of particular states are, for the most, equally delinquent. They often give us accurate enumerations of the plants and animals; but of man, they seldom think it worth while to say any thing. * Bart, p. xliv. § Ramsey's Hist. S. C. f Adair, p. 223. || Abair, p. 224. ^ Ibid. p. 224 1 Ibid. p. 225. SEC. III. THE ABORIGINES. clxiii The Muskohges, or Creeks^ are the most powerful v confederacy in the southern states. They point to the west, as the place of their origin; and tell a story of men, who had hair all over their bodies, and carried thunder and liglitning in their hands.* Their English name is derived from the multiplicity of streams, which supply them with food: it is a part of their po- licy to incorporate with themselves, such nations as have been driven from their paternal seats: they have been prompted to spend a great part of their time in the cultivation of their grounds; and, as a remarkable exception to the common progress of the tribes in the United States, their numbers are said to have doubled between 1730 and 1760.t The territory,, claimed by the original tribe, extends from the Tom- bigbee to the Atlantic; and from Florida to the thirty- fourth degree of north latitude. In 1775, their grounds were one hundred and eighty miles in length; and they were 'situated,' says their historian, 'be- tween the Cheerake, Georgia, East and West Florida, and the Choktah and Chickkasah nations, the one two hundred, and the other three hundred miles up the Mississippi.'! They are divided into Upper and Lower; and the latter have acquired the name of Se- minoles. In 1775, the former could assemble three thousand five hundred warriors; and, in 1791, both * Bart, p, xlvii + Adaib, p. ?59 i Ibid. p. 257, Clxiv THE ABOllIGINES. SEC. HI together had live thousand liunters. Their towns were stated at fifty, in 1775; and at sixty, in 1791.* J The names of the principal tribes were the Apalaches, the Alabamas, the Abecas, the Cawittaws, the Con- shachsL the Coosas, the Coosactees, the Chacsihoomas, the Natd^ees, the Oakmulgees, Oconees, Okohoys, Pakanas, Taensas, Talepoosas, and Weektumkas. The Chikkasahs and Choktahs are said to have crossed the Mississippi as one family; and to have been able, at their first settlement on this side, to summon ten thousand fighting men. The towns of the former are upon the head branches of the Mobile and Yazoo rivers. In 1729, they had, we are told, 'four large contiguous settlements, which lay nearly in the form of three parts of a square, only that the eastern side was five times shorter than the western, with the open part toward the Choktah. One was called Yaneha. about a mile wide, and six miles long, at the distance of twelve miles from their present towns. Another was ten computed miles long, at the like distance from their present settlements, and from one to two miles broad. The towns were called Shatara, Chookhee- reso, Hykehah, Tuskawillao, and Phalacheho. The other square was single, began three miles from their present place of residence, and ran four miles in length, and one mile in breadth. This was called Chookka Pha- raah, or the Long House. It was more populous than * AnAiH, p. 257. — Baet. p. xlvii. SEC. III. THE ABORIGINES. clxV their whole nation contains at present. The remains of this once formidable people, make up the northern angle of that broken square."* In 1764, their warriors amounted to seven hundred and lifty; but, four years afterwards, they were reduced to five hundred;! and, in 1775, they are slated at four hundred and fifty.f In 1775, the territory of the Choktahs lay in the form of an oblong square; and it w^as only upon the sides, which faced the Creeks and Chikkasahs, that they had numerous or extensive settlements. Their lower towns were two hundred miles north of New Orleans; the upper, one hundred and fifty to the south of Chikkasah^ and at the same distance north of Mo- bile.§ The French once estimated their warriors at nine thousand. In 1759, they were stated to be only two thousand: in 1764 and 1775, they were calculated at four thousand live hundred; but, in 1793, their hunters are said to have dwindled to five or six hun- dred. || It was formerly a custom among the Choktahs. to flatten their skulls, by imposing a bag of sand upon the top, while infants; but, it is said, they have long ceased to think, that there is either beauty or virtue in a flat head, II * Adaih, p]). 352-3. The reader ulll infer, from (his passage, that, if our sketch of Indian history is obscure and unsatisfactory, the fault is not always to be laid at our own door. t Jeff. Q. xi. || Jeff. Q. xi.— An.p. 282.~BART.p.x]viJ!. i Adaih, p. 353. "I Bart. p. 1 § Ibid. p. 282. clxvi THE ABORIGINES. SEC. Ill The liidiaiis ol' Louisiana are still iinpcifectly known, l list of their names and numbers was constructed in 1764f bii the following table is the latest, and probably the most accu ratc.f NAMKS. .^1 PLACES OF RESIDENCE. Osas^cs Big Osage "] Little Osage t 1500 5500 The Osage, Missouri, and Arkansas. Big Track J Kansas 300 1500 Kansas River. Panis r Loup 400 2000 Platte and Kansas. < Republican 350 1600|Kansas. (^ Loup 300 1500 Wolf River. Mahas 250 800 80 leagues above the Platte. Poncas 80 450 Missouri at the Qui Courre. Ottos and Missouries 80 450 Platte, near the Elk Horn. Chienncs 500 1600 Chienne, at its head. Arikaras 800 3000 1400 miles? ^1 t\/i- r^r^ -1 r up the Missouri. 600 mdes 3 ^ Mandans 350 2000 Awahaways 50 300 Above the Mandans, three miles. Mimtares 600 2500 Knife River, six miles from Mandan. Watcpanetocs and ^ Ryuwas 3 Padoncas 200 300 yoo 1000 Padoncas Fork. Padoncas. Kanenawish 1500 5000jYellow Stone, p,t its head. Pastannownas 400 1500 Between Pado/ftas Fork and Platte. Crow Indians 2000 7000 C Scattered about the heads of Yellow \ Stone and Missouri. Paunch Indians 800 2500 Missouri, near the head. Asseneboin 900 3500 Three tribes, near the Missouri. Black Loot 2500 5500 Missouri, near the head. Gros Ventres of the Prairie Ayutans or Camanchcs 500 2000 2000 8000 S w ( ^^'^^ of the Missouri, ^ Bousii'et's Acc. of his West. Exped f Brackexruiob's Views, pp. 85-88. EC. HI. THE ABORIGINES. clxvii fc. 1 = '^■- ^ » XAMES. i\ i\ I'l.ACES OF RESIDENCE. nake Indians 900 5500 Heads of the Ark. Ycl. Stone, and Platte. lue Mud, and Long? Head of the Columbia. Haired Indians 5 i lat Heads West side of the Rocky Mountains. .nistenoos 300, 1000 Asscnebon, and along the lakes. Igonquins 1000 5000 ^ Red River of Winnipeck and heads hippo ways 90jO 4000 \ of the Mississippi. aukees 500 2500 Mississippi, below St. Anthony's Falls. oxes 300 2000 With the Saukecs. hawanese 300 800 Mississippi and St. Francis. yuas 200 600 Riv. de Moines. liikkasahs and Che- > 500 2000 White River. rokecs 5 rkaimn<4 200 Arkansas. odoqucs andakoes 1 10 Red River, above Natchitoches. 40 180 Sabine. ddaize 20 100 40 miles from Natchitoches. lishes eyeshces 25 200 Near Natchitoches. 60 Trinity, E. Branch. achees 80 250 Branch of the Sabine. abedoches 80 250 S. W. ofthe Sabine. edecs 100 320 Trinity. cokesas 80 280 W\of the Colorado of St. Bernard. [ayees 200 Guadaloupe, near the mouth. arankoas 500 1800 Peninsula of Bernard Bay, ances 2000 5000 From St. Bcrnai'd to Vera Creek. 'anks 200 700 Colerado and Trinity. 'awakenoes 200 700 200 miles N. of Nacogdoches. 'awakeneos, or Panis 500 2500 S. of Red River, above the Caddoques. atchitochcs oluxas ^p^vlv pvtinrt 25 100 60 miles below Natchitoclics. .ppalaches 14 50 Boyou Rapide. labanias onchatees acanas .tlakapas > 400 Scattered over Louisiana State. ppelousas umcas ensas V'ashas J hactaws 2000 5500 Ditto. 1 clxviii THE aborigines. sec. hi. Besides these, there are, along the shores of the Pacific, a number of tribes, which must fall within our empire. The Klaizzarts, who amount to three thousand souls, reside about three hundred miles southward of Nootka. They pluck out their eye- .brows, and flatten their heads'. The Wickinninish are about two thousand two hundred in number; and live at the distance of one hundred miles north of the Klaizzarts. Instead of flattening the top of the head, like the latter, they compress its sides, and make it resemble a sugar-loaf. The Klaooquates, who are the next tribe, on the north, consist of about twelve hundred. The Esquates have the same num- ber. The Nootkians count fifteen hundred; and are considered as the leading tribe. About forty miles north of them, are the Aitizzarts, who have but nine hundred souls. The next tribe is the Cayuquet; which may contain two thousand. There are many intervening tribes; but we have not been enabled to ascertain their names or numbers.* Distant observers are apt to represent the Indians, like the Cyclops, as totally destitute of policy or go- vernment;! vvhile those, who have too near a view, * Jewitt's Narr. of his Captivity in Nootka. f A savage kind. Nor tani'd by manners, nor by laws confin'd : Untaught to plant, to tarn the glebe and sow ; 7'hoy all their products to fr(»e nature ov.t. . that what the latter teaches, for one thing, the former receives, as another; or, if the doctrine penetrates him at all, it is only to be debased by an association with his own peculiar ideas. He mistakes the purpose of the simplest objects. When Sir Francis Drake put manicles upon a Patagon, in order to carry him away, the unsophisticated being supposed them a most magni- ficent decoration, and could only express his delight in an obstreperous roar.* The Dutch, on their arrival at New York, supplied the Indians with axes, hoes, stockings, and other articles. They went their way: but returned, in the following season, with the axes and hoes suspended from their necks, as ornaments, and the stockings turned into tobacco-pouches.f loss to know what to do. A dance, however, commenced in great confu- sion. While in this situation fresh runners arrive, declaring it to be a large house of various colours, and crowded with living creatures. It appears now to be certain that it is the great Manitto, bringing them some kind of game, such as he had not given them before,' &c. This passage is taken from the s;ime book, in which, we are told, the Indians have such exalted ideas of divinity. Heckew. p. 55. * Harhis, vol. i. p. 8. f Heckew. pp. 57, 58. y Clxxviii THE ABORIGINES. SEC. III. Their notions of Christianity seem to be equally irrational. One of the Jesuits took great pains to convert an Indian chief; and, to all external appear- ances, he had completely succeeded. ' The French,' (at Montreal,) says our author, * gave him Christian burial in a pompous manner; the priest, that attended him at his death, having declared that he died a true Christian; for, said the priest, while I explained to him the passion of our Saviour, whom the Jews cru- cified, he cried out: Oh! had I been there, I would have revenged his death, and brought away their scalps.'* In their marriages, too, the Indians have nothing in common with civilized men. The contract gene- rally begins, and ends, in mere convenience; or, if the parties are sometimes swayed by a more refined motive, there is so little in their habits to keep it alive, that one or two years are generally sufficient to dis- sipate the charm. The chief duties of the husband are, to provide a cabin, game, and utensils for cook- ing. The squaw tills their ground; fetches all their wood; and, when on a journey, transports all their baggage. It is considered as a privilege, that she can change husbands, when she pleases; but this is only the privilege of leaving one master, who has ill- treated her, for another, who will treat her in the » Cold. p. 198. SEC. m. THE ABORIGINES. clxxix same manner. It is a privilege, however, that, when she quits her husband, the childre i follow her; for, as each person, whether old or young, receives an equal dividend of national property, the more nu- merous the family, the more easy are their circum- stances. Some authors represent the Indians as little su- perior to beasts of prey; while others make them the most innocent beings, on this side of Paradise. The former only look at their treatment of enemies; and the latter have an eye merely to their conduct towards friends, strangers, and each other. There is some truth on both sides of the picture. The Indians are as extreme in their benevolence, as they are extravagant in their cruelty. They can neither do too much for a friend; nor too much against an enemy. Many of the tribes were accus- tomed to set apart houses for the sole use of stran- gers; and, upon the arrival of a guest, a whole village contributed their efforts to give him fit entertain- ment.* Experience has taught each tribe, too, that * 'The.'« is in every village of the Susquehanna Indians,' says Dr. frankhw, 'a vacant dwelling called the Stranger's House. When a tra- veller arrives within hearing of a village, he stops and halloos, for it is deemed uncivil to enter abruptly. Two old men lead him to the house, and then go round to the inhabitants, telling them a stranger has arrived fatigued and hungry. They send him all they can spare, bring tobacco after they are refreshed, and then ask questions whence they came and whither they go?' cixXX THE ABORIGINES. SEC. III. nothing but the most perfect harmony among them- selves, will enable them to maintain their station, in the Indian commonwealth; and we have it from a white, who has been an Onondaga chief, for about forty years, that, during all that time, he has never seen one Indian give another an ill-natured word, — much less, a blow. We are apt to forget, that, by the very nature of their society, they can have few occasions to quarrel. Whatever ferocity may be ascribed to their cha- racter, they must, at least, be acquitted of personal selfishness. There has been but one account of their liberality to those of their own kindred or tribe, since the continent was first discovered. *I have always seen these people,' says Columbus, ' impart to each other whatever they had;'* and one, who lives near a tribe, may daily witness the corroboration of his statement. Not only does their way of life create no necessity, — ^but it is so liable to change, and so little calculated for repose, that it produces no motive, — for the accumulation of private wealth. They are not ambitious of improvement; and know not what is meant by luxury. Their wants are few and simple; and, beyond the gratification of these, they can see no use in property. An Indian, it is said, was told, in answer to his question, that ' covetousness,' among See post. p. 261. 5EC. III. THE ABORIGINES. clxxxi white people, means, ' a desire for more than one has need of." 'That's strange!' he rephed, with a look that accorded with his language.* Such ideas of property are Httle fitted to create disputes; for men, who can boast of civilization, may bear to be told, that the greater part of their own quarrels arise from disagreements concerning mine and thine.\ • Smith's Hist. N. Y. p. 35, note. f It was once said, and has recently been repeated, that some of the aborigines were once cannibals. The Indians of New England used to call all the western tribes, ' Mohawks ; which signifies cannibals,' we ai-e told, 'from the Indian word moho, to eat' Hutch. Mass. vol. i. p. 457, note. In a manuscript book of a Mr. Pyrlseus, who resided among the Mohawks, as a missionary, between 1742 and 1748, there is the following memorandum: 'The Five Nations did formerly eat human flesli, they at one time ate up a whole body of the French king's soldiers, they say Eto ?iiocht achquari ; which is: Human flesh tastes like bear's meat. They, also say, that the hands are not good eating, they are yozgaraf, bitter.' Heckew. p. 37, note. Some French Canadians told the latter author, that he ' had frequently seen the Iroquois devour the bodies of men slain in the French war of 1756. Id. ibid. And, as a further con- firmation, a passage is quoted from Coiuen; who informs us, that, in the treaty held at Philadelphia, in 1742, the absence of the Seneca chiefs was excused, because ' there was a famine in their country, and that a father had been obliged to kill two of his children, to preserve the lives of the remainder of the family.' App. p. 54. AVe can furnish two more testimonies from the same book. 'It is true,' says the author, 'the Eng- lish were in great want of provisions at that time. The Indians ate the dead bodies of the French that they found,' Ft. i. p. 147. Upon another occasion, after having tortured an enemy, in all their modes of cruelty, 'they cut slices from his body to conclude the tragedy with a feast.' Pt ii. p. 186. If it be cannibalism, to eat a piece of an enemy, in a transient fit '>f revenge, we do not think the act sufficiently monstrous to create so dxXXii THE ABORIGINES. SEC. III. Indian games are not numerous; and seem chiefly designed to render the combatants athletic and swift of foot. Some of the western tribes formerly had a play, which, for want of the appropriate name, we must call a scramble. A billet of wood, about eighteen inches long, made round, and polished very smooth, was sent to a grea4; distance, by one of the chiefs: the younger lads of the tribe immediately started in pursuit of it: the fleetest runner was not always the stoutest wrestler: to get the billet was some merit; but to keep it, was a greater; and it was so slippery, that it changed hands, perhaps a thousand times, before the strongest proclaimed his victory.* But the most universal and most manly game, is that of ball. This is frequently played by seve- ral hundreds; and different tribes will sometimes much astonishment; and, if it is to devour human flesh, when there is nothing else to devour, some of our early settlers were as much cannibals as the Mohawks. What has rendered this practice so horrible an outrage to our own feelings, was the circumstance, that man could make the flesh of man, an article of his ordinary food; — that, in the language of Pitt, he could ' roast and eat the mangled victims of his barbarous battles.' The evidences, here adduced, by no means prove, that the Iroquois have eaten human flesh, except it was for the sake of revenge, or in cases of necessity. We place no reliance upon the new derivation of JVToha-ivk. We have already seen another equally plausible ; and, if, indeed, the Indians are to be pronounced cannibals, by making ' to eat' signify 'to eat human flesh,' we know not what etymologists may not demonstrate them to be. * Jf»v. Journ. Hist SEC. III. THE ABORIGINES. clxxxiii i play against each other. The ball is made of deer- skin, stuffed with hair, and sewed with sinews. The sticks are from three to four feet long; and, being curved at the end, a web is made of thongs, for the purpose of catching the ball. The goals are two stakes, set in the ground, about six hundred yards apart. The ball is tossed into the air, at an equal dis- tance from each ; and the object is to throw it beyond the one, or the other. The parties enter upon the com- bat with great eagerness: the velocity of their move- ments is scarcely credible: the ball seldom touches the ground; but is seen constantly shooting into the air; and, while one is upon the point of hurling it in one direction, an antagonist strikes down his club, — catches the ball in his web, and sends it in another. ' They play with so much vehemence,^ says a tra- veller, ' that they frequently wound each other, and sometimes a bone is broken; but notwithstanding these accidents, there never appears to be any spite or wanton exertions of strength to affect them, nor do any disputes ever happen between the parties.'* No two authors can agree upon the subject of Indian languages. We have many formal theses upon the radical tongues. One makes this division; and another, that. Some, again, are of opinion, that they are rich, sonorous, and smooth; others tell us, *C\BT. p. 365. Clxxxiv THE ABORIGINES. »EC. III. that they are poor, guttural, and harsh. It seems perfectly idle to speculate upon languages, of which the grammatical construction has not yet been ascer- tained. We must know their parts of speech, and their rules of declension, conjugation, and syntax. The specimens, usually exhibited, appear to be mere strings of letters and syllables; and the progress, as yet made, in the analysis of these languages, is only enough to teach us, tjiat they are still rude and irre- gular. They are encumbered with a multiplicity of consonants; and their modes of government and con- cord appear to be so few and imperfect, that the words lie together without much connection. In a civilized state, for example, gachtingetsch would lose four or five of its consonants;* and instead of saying ' God — I fear him,^ as the Delawares do,t we omit the superfluous pronoun, and say ' I fear God.' In the Lenape, again, there are no words to distinguish gender. The male of birds is called 'man bird; and the female, ' woman bird.'| Pronouns are used in the conjugation of verbs; but there seems to be no distinjction of person, case, or number.§ So, there appears to be forms of expression, which answer to our moods and tenses; but we can discover nothing like a principle, upon which they are constituted. * Heckew. p. 382. ^ Heckew. p, 368. t Ibid. p. 380. § Ibid. pp. 378, 379. S'EC. III. THE ABORIGINES. dxxxV Perhaps there is, among all nations, some one com- modity, which will purchase every other; and imm- pum is said to be the money of the Indians.* The beads, of which it is composed, are of two sorts,— the white, and the purple. The former are manufactured from the inside of great conchs, and strung upon thongs of leather. The latter are worked from the interior coating of the muscle shell; and woven into belts, about three inches broad, and two feet long. Each bead has its particular value; and, when a belt does not contain the requisite number, the balance is attached by a string.f Wampum is said to be the Iroquois for ' a marine shell. '| The writers,§ who have hitherto speculated upon the decrease of the Indians, are prone to lay great stress upon the destructive operation of ardent spirits; attributing extravagant effects to what, in its imme- diate effects, is comparatively a trifling cause; and passing over those acknowledged principles, by which the population of every country must be regulated. The ravages of drunkenness must, we admit, be greater among the Indians than among ourselves; and for this extremely plain reason, that the practice is * Cold. Introd. p. 3, note. -^ Heckew. p. 414. t Heckew. pp. 378, 379. § The substance of the remarks, which follow, have been previously published, in an anonymous form ; but we will settle the account of pla- ffiarism with the author. dxXXVi THE ABORIGINES. SEC. III. more universal. But, if their disappearance is not the effect of something more radical than an attachment to strong drink, why are they running in a continual stream to the west, — abandoning the land of their forefathers, to live in hopeless temperance^ beyond the reach of civilization ? According to the writers on political economy, the two great causes of all depopulation, are, Jirst, a dimi- nution in the quantity of that kind of provision, which has been customarily used; and, secondly, an increase in the expensiveness of livitig, occasioned by the in- troduction of more costly food. The Chinese, (if it be necessary to take examples,) subsist chiefly upon fish; and the Persians upon melons: but, should the fish no longer continue to swim in the rivers of China, or the melon be no longer able to extract nourish- ment from the soil of Persia, it is obvious, that the inhabitants of each of these countries must suffer a very serious numerical diminution. As the common- alty are by far the most numerous class of population, and as they are barely able to support themselves, by the ordinary supply of that kind of provision, to which they have been accustomed, the moment that such a supply is unattainable, the prospect of marriage is re- moved from their view; for, with few exceptions, it may be laid down as a truth, that no man will burden himself with the weight of a family, until he knows. that he shall be able to sustain it. SEC. III. THE ABORIGINES. clxXXVil The same observations may be applied to the other division of the subject. Should any revolution in the manners of the Chinese, or of the Persians, make animal food a necessary constituent of their diet, a decrease of population would be the inevitable effect: for, although the supply of ordinary food may still continue to be afforded, yet flesh has become an article of domestic necessity; and no man will be likely to marry, unless he has a prospect of being able to sup- port a family, in the use of this new species of susten- ation. It is in vain to allege, tliat the old kind of diet is sufficient for all the purposes of actual necessity. The laws of fashion, though mutable, are imperious. 'Men will not marry,' says a philosopher, 'to sink their place or condition in society, or to forego those indulgences, which their own habits, or what they observe among their equals, have rendered necessary to their satisfaction.'* We have confined our view to the article of food; but it is evident, that the same reasoning is applicable to dress, to drink, to houses, to furniture, and, in short, to every thing connected with the economy of life. If our present Indians are the same race with those described by the historian of De Soto, who is called ^ a faithful recorder of facts,'! they once derived their chief subsistence from vegetable food. Their planted * Paley's Mor. Philos. b. vi. ch, xi. f Bart. New Views, p. xlix. clxXXviii THE ABORIGINES. SEC. IH. fields were numerous and extensive; and they some- times stored up maize, in such quantities, that the old was discarded to admit the new. When the English first invaded their territory, they were frequently de- spoiled of their stores: and, in the wars, which, in many different ways, were soon provoked between them and the new-comers, the latter could depend so httle upon the enjoyment of their own crops, that they betook themselves, for the most part, to fish and game.* Here was, not only an immense diminution of their ordinary food, — but a great increase in the expensive- ness of living. Perhaps the labour expended in run- ning down a single deer, would, if employed in tillage, be able to support one man for two months. But this was not the termination of the evil. * A passage from the history of De Soto's expedition, will sliow liow •much they depended upon veg-etable food, and what they probably suffered in the first stages of their change from agriculturalists to hunters. 'The Indians of Minoya, during the time that they were there, came to serue ftiem, (being driven therevnto by necessity) that of the maiz that they had taken from them, they would bestow some crummes vpon them. And because the countrie was fertill, and the people vsed to feed of maiz, and the Christians had gotten all from them that they had, and the people were many, they were not able to sustain themselves. Those which came to the towne were so weake and feeble, that they had no flesh on their bones : and many came and died neere the towne for pure hungo-r and weakenesse. The gouernor commanded, vpon grievous punishment, to giue them no maiz. Yet, when they saw that the hogges wanted it not, and that they had yielded themselues to serue them, and considering their miserie and wretchedness, having pity of them, they gaue them part of tbe maiz which they Isad.' Pp, 154-5. SEC. III. THE ABORIGINES. elxxxix Hunted by the red men, and deprived of tlieir coverts by the whites, the beasts soon began to fly from their old haunts. The Indians, thus gradually losing their last stay, had no other resource, than to sell parts of their grounds, to supply the absence of their ordinary food and clothing, by such as were used among the new-comers. Game continued to disappear immense tracts were sold for trifling sums; and the i'ew tribes, which remain on this side of the Mississippi, are at length penned up in reservations, which, for their animals, can scarcely be worth the possession. In this manner, they have lost their ordinary resource of subsistence; and, at the same time, have been obliged to adopt the more expensive diet, clothing, and fur- niture, of the whites.* Had they adopted all our modes of life, they might have still supported their numbers But they adhered *W^hen the Indians were selling the western half of Delaware, *We are sensible,' said they, 'that the land is everlasting, and the few goods we receive for it are soon worn out and gone.' ' Besides, we are not well used with respect to the lands still unsold hy us. Your people daily settle on these lands, and spoil our hunting.' Coli). App. p. 64. So, in another place, • Our deer are killed,' say they, • in such quantities, and our hunting countries grown less every day, by the settlement of white people, that game is now difficult to find, and we must go away in quest of it.' Ibid. p. 81. The same idea was always present to their minds. ' It is ciistomaiy with us,' sad the Onondaga chief, 'to make a present of skins, whcnevei- we renew our treaties. We are ashamed to offer our brethren so few, but your horses and cows have eat the grass our deer \ised to f(ied on.' Ibid, p. 64. CX-C THE ABORIGINES. SEC. III. to their old habits, as long as they had any grounds to spare; and, when, at length, they had stripped them- selves of nearly all, it was necessary to pass, by a single leap, from the savage to the civilized state. So sudden a change was impossible. The Indians were unable to understand our modes of agriculture: their numbers daily grew less, by deaths or emigration: few mar- riages took place to supply the vacuity: their spirits sunk: their pride was gone; and, instead of labouring to procure subsistence, they only exerted themselves to obtain what might purchase a dram, and make them forget their ruin. A part of the time they spent in senseless intoxication ; and the lucid interlapse of so- briety was occupied only in mourning over the recol- lection of past importance, and trembling at the pros- pect of speedy annihilation. They become weak, idle, and improvident; and, destitute alike of ability and dis- position to labour, they either sit down and welcome death, or quit their paternal seats for more congenial abodes. Nearly all the land, which is now owned by the United States, or by the states separately, has been fairly purchased from the aborigines; and some of it has been purchased several times over. To civilized men, perfidy appears to be a leading trait in the cha- racter of the Indians; but they are certainly faithful, so far as their principles go; and perhaps it would be difficult to find the people, that can boast of doing SEC. III. THE ABORIGINES. CXCl more. They consider no treaty as binding, unless it is begun and concluded, on their part, in the most unconstrained and voluntary manner. A lack of food, or a superiority of force, has often compelled them to treat of peace; and they never suppose such treaties obligatory, any longer than their new supplies con- tinue, or their numbers appear too small. The whites have a different opinion; and questions of this kind can only be decided by arms. But, while we are enforcing our rights, let us not torget our magnanimity. The Indians are not equal to us, in any respect; and, whatever may have been the justice of treating them with severity, while we were yet a cluster of feeble and distracted colonies, it is now our duty to take care of beings, who are no longer competent to take care of themselves. It is the genius of our government, to be humane; and cases have often occurred, in which it has voluntarily parted two nations, who would otherwise have exterminated each other.* But the Indians seldom come within * M'Aff. Hist. West. War, p. 43. 'It was long since discovered, by the Indians themselves,' says a correspondent of the secretary at war, in a letter dated at Cincinnati, March 22, 1814, ' and but for the humane policy, which has been pursued by our government, the Delawares, Kickapocs, and Shawanoese, would long since have been out of our way. The country claimed by the Osages abounds with every thing that is desirable to a savage. The Indians of the tribes above mentioned have occasionally in- truded upon them, — a war was the consequence, which would have given a sufficient opening for emigration. But our government interfered and obliged the hostile tribes to make peace.' CXCil THE ABOHIGINES. SEC. IIL the sphere of its immediate influence. It is ahuosf impossible to obtain true information, or disinterested advice; and the government is obhged to commit such affairs to its representatives, who do not always par- take of its humanity. Hard bargains, and still harder treaties, are sometimes made with the aborigines. Such they have continued to fly from, or to violate: but it has seldom happened, we believe, that they have evaded a contract, or infringed a treaty, which was perfectly equitable on their side. In most of our negotiations, they have laboured under many dis- advantages; and one of the greatest, is, their abject humility, when subdued by force. With the ex- ception of a wolf, taken in the toils, there is scarcely any being so prostrate and spiritless as a conquered Indian. It is a part of their system to consider them- selves as at the absolute disposal of the victor. They do not feel as if they could claim any rights: they pro- pose nothing, and object to nothing; but submit, like things inanimate, to the dictation of their masters. They sign any thing, if it will only set them at liberty; and their conduct soon demonstrates, that the signa- ture was made for no other purpose. THE UNITED STATES. CHAPTER I. Voyages of Columbus — of the Cabots — of L'Escarbot — Spirit of Discovery damped in England — Sir Humphrey Gilbert's two Voyages—Sir Walter Raleigh's Enterprises — Failure of his first Colony — of the Second — Bartholomew Gosnald's Expedition— First Settlement of Virginia under Newport, Gosnald, and Ratcliffe— Adventures of Captain John Smith — New Charter obtained — Expedition of Newport, Gates, and Somers — Administration of Lord Delawar — A third Charter obtained — Marriage of Pocahontas with Mr. Rolfe — Expedition against Port Royal — Administration of Mr. Yeardly— of Captain Argal— Female Emigrants — Tyranny of Governor Sir John Harvey— Moderation of his successor, Sir William Berkeley — Increase of the Colony during the Civil Wai' — Settlement of Maryland— Prosecution of Clay- borne — Revolutions in Maryland — Appointment of Gover- nor Philip Calvert, by the Proprietor, Lord Baltimore — Po- pulation. It is stated, by the English historians, that, while Christopher Columbus was soliciting the Spanish court to embark in his project of discovery, Bartho- lomew was secretly despatched, to gain over their Henry VII.; but, being captured by pirates, on the way, he did not reach England, and obtain an audi- ence, until his brother had already given the New World to Castile and Leon.* Bartholomew, hovv- '' See Note (A.) at the end of the voiuni'? A 2 THE UNITED STATES CHAP, L ever, was very favourably received; and the English monarch, though superseded in the honour of the dis- covery, was resolved, at all events, to participate in the profits. Accordingly, in 1495, three years after the discovery of Columbus, he entered into a sort of fellowship with John Cabot and his three sons; com- missioning them to seize, in his name, all the lands they could discover in the east, the north, or the west; but stipulating, that the voyage should be undertaken at their own expense, and that, of the trade, which they might drive with the inhabitants, they should re- turn their royal partner his due fifth of the clear gains. This scheme was never carried into execution; but, three years afterwards, in May, 1498, the elder Cabot and his second son, Sebastian, set sail from Bristol^ with one ship and four barks; intending, if practica- ble, to reach the East Indies, through the short pass- age pointed out by Columbus. They held nearly a due west course, till they discovered the new conti- nent; and, after following the coast, from the fifty- sixth to the thirty-eighth degree of north latitude, they steered homeward again, to carry the unwelcome in- telligence, that India was not to be attained in the west. It does not appear, that they ever landed: and it is only upon this cursory traverse of the coast, that the English primarily found their claim to the whole continent of North America. GHAP. I. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 3 The French have their claims, also, to the original discovery of this continent. L'Escarbot thinks, the fact is conclusively established, from the circum- stance, that, when he visited America, in 1606, the language spoken at Newfoundland and the Great Bank was half Biscayan; and it seems, indeed, to be well established, that, more than a century before this, (in 1504,) the Biscayans frequented and fished, not only in these two places, — but in the whole Gulf of St. Lawrence. The latter fact, however, suffi- ciently explains the former; and, that the Biscayans visited these waters, in 1504, cannot certainly be ad- mitted as conclusive proof of their having been there anterior to 1498, Of the two titles, therefore, that of England seems to be rather the best supported. For a long time, however, after the discovery of Cabot, no pains were taken to corroborate this title. By a bull of the Pope, dated the 7th of May, 1493, Spain was alone to have all the lands which she had discovered, or should discover, to the west of an ima- ginary line drawn from pole to pole, one hundred leagues westward of the Azores. Henry VII. was not celebrated for a contempt of papal authority; though, in this instance, his respect for the Roman pontiff was very powerfully seconded by his fear of the Spanish monarch. A negotiation was on foot, for the marri- age of his eldest son to the princess Catharine; and i THE UNITED STATES CHAP. I. he was not likely, therefore, to cut himself short of the influence, which such a connexion would then have given him in Europe, by doing any thing to offend his brother Ferdinand. When we add to this, that Henry was naturally cautious, and that his em- pire was then peculiarly in need of his caution, we can hardly wonder at the neglect which Sebastian Cabot met with in England; and on account of which he was obliged to enter into the service of Spain. During tlie reign of Philip and Mary, things took a different turn. A knowledge of the Spanish lan- guage and of Spanish history had become fashionable in England: the power of Spain was seen to be ra- pidly increasing, by the riches which she derived from America: men of rank and influence felt the spirit of colonization ; and, under Ehzabeth, the general dispo- sition at length ripened into a project for the esta- blishment of a new empire in the west. The execu- tion was entrusted to Sir Humphrey Gilbert; who, on the 11th of June, 1578, obtained letters patent, con- taining full powers to settle all the lands, which he should discover, and to govern all the settlements, which he might make. The expedition sailed from England, and landed on the coast of Cape Breton; where, owing partly to the inadequacy of its supplies, ' — but chiefly to the inhospitableness of the climate and of the inhabitants, wliat little was done towards CHAP. I. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 5 a settlement soon came to a disastrous end. Sir Hum- phrey tried a second time; but lost his own life in the attempt; having done little more than to take solemn possession of Newfoundland in the name of the queen, and in the presence of some fishermen and merchants assembled for the purpose. The disasters of Sir Humphrey Gilbert did not discourage his chivalrous half-brother, Sir Walter Raleigh; who, on the 26th of March, 1584, obtained similar letters patent from Elizabeth; and, on the 27th of April, despatched captains Amidas and Barlow, with two small ships, in order to explore the coast, on which he intended to plant a colony. In avoiding the error of Gilbert, they ran into the opposite extreme, and steered too far to the south. On the 2d of July, they landed on an island in Pamplicoe Sound, — which they called Wokocon (Ocakoke), and which they found to be a complete vineyard of grapes. They visited what is now Roanoke; obtained some vague knowledge of the continent; spent some weeks in a profitable trade with the natives; and, taking two of them on board of the vessels, set sail again for Eng- land, and arrived there on the 15th of September. Their splendid accounts of the country so delighted Elizabeth, that she called it Virginia, in allusion to her own character; and they so much encouraged Sir Walter Raleigh, that, early in the spring of 1585, he 6 THE UNITED STATES ©HAP. I. placed Sir Richard Grenville, a relation of his, at the head of an expedition, consisting of seven small ships, laden with all the requisites of colonization. Sir Richard touched at the islands discovered by Amidas and Barlow, in the latter end of June 5 made some excursions into the neighbouring continent; establish- ed a colony of one hundred and eight persons in the island of Roanoke; and, placing it under the govern- ment of Mr. Ralph Lane, embarked for England, on the 28th of August. Instead of obtaining information about the coun- try, or taking measures for their future subsistence, these colonists misspent their time in digging after gold; and, when Sir Francis Drake found them, on the 1st of June, 1586, they were at war with the abo- rigines, and reduced to the wretched necessity of de- pending for their support upon the woods and waters. Drake promised to leave them one hundred men, with a small vessel, and four months^ provisions; but, before he could complete the arrangement, he was driven off by a violent storm; and, when he returned, the disheartened settlers resolved to go home with him to England. They started on the 19th of June; a few days after which, a small vessel, despatched by Raleigh, came to their relief; and, a little later still, three ships, with ample supphes, under the command of Sir Ricliard Grenville. The latter left fifteen men. CHAP. I. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 7 with provisions for two years: but the Indians soon put them beyond the necessity of being so much be- forehand. And thus terminated the second enterprise of the Enghsh to gain a footing in the New World. But Sir Walter Raleigh was not so easily discou- raged. He fitted out another expedition, under the command of captain John White; who, with twelve others, obtained a charter of incorporation, under the name of the '^ Governor and Assistants of the City of Raleigh, in Virginia.^ They started from England with three ships; and landed at Roanoke, about the close of July, 1587. Some women accompanied this colony; and, not long after their arrival, one Ananias Dare boasted of having the first Anglo-American child; which, in commemoration of her birth-place* was called Virginia. About the same time, also, one ©f the natives, taken over to England by Amidas and Barlow, was christened Lord of Dessa Monpeake; after a tribe of aborigines, who lived in the neighbour- hood, and whose friendship the new settlers were de- sirous of conciliating. Governor White returned to England for additional supplies; but he found Sir Walter Raleigh exclusively occupied with arrange- ments to repel the Invincible Armada; and, though, early in 1588, Sir Richard Grenville was placed at the head of a small fleet, for the relief of the colony, Uie queen defeated the enterprise, by forbidding Sir 8 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. I. Richard to go out of Cornwall; nor was it till the 22d of April, that, amidst the general exigency of naval preparations, Mr. White could obtain two small barks to bring him back to America. Even the command- ers of these could not cross the Atlantic, without seek- ing a quarrel with the Spaniards. They undertook to beat a superior force; were beaten themselves, and obliged to give over the voyage. In 1589, Sir Walter Raleigh assigned his patent to Sir Thomas Smith, and a company of merchants; who, in March, 1590, despatched three ships for the rehef of the new colony. The voyage was turned into a cruise against the Spaniards; and the fleet did not reach Hatteras till as late as August. Not a ves- tige remained of the settlers, who had been left there three years before; and, though a party of nineteen men scoured the whole island of Roanoke, no traces of their residence or emigration could be found. Be- fore the departure of Mr. White, it had been stipu- lated, that, if they should change their residence, the name of the place, to which they might remove, to- gether with a cross, if they were in distress, should be carved upon some tree or post, about the spot; where they at first settled. The word, CROATAN; was found upon one of the chief posts; but, as the sign of distress was not over it, the newcomers were encouraged to hope, that their countrymen might still CHAP. I. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 9 be in existence. Croatan was an Indian town, on the north side of Cape Lookout: they set sail for it the next day; but, meeting with a storm, they returned to the West Indies; and when, or where, or how the colonists had perished, remains, to this day, undisco- vered. The English made no more essays at colonization, for twelve years; when Bartholomew Gosnald sailed from Falmouth, in a small bark, with thirty-two men: and, steering directly westward, touched America near the forty-third degree of north latitude, on the nth of May, IfaOg. He sailed thence to the south, in quest of some good harbour; and, the next day, gave names to Cape Cod, Martha's Vineyard, and Ehzabeth's Island. He traded some time with the natives; set sail again; and saw England in less than four months from the time of his first departure. The rapidity of his voyage, the temperateness of the climate, and the fertility of the islands, which he had discovered, were soon reported through England; and, although his countrymen, from having heard similar accounts, before, were so suspicious of his accuracy, as to despatch two ships, for the purpose of ascertaining the facts, they both returned with a full confirmation of all he had related. A pretty extensive scheme of colonization was now set on foot. Richard Hackluyt, prebendary of 10 THE UNITED SfATES CHAP. L Westminster, is said to have been the chief promoter of the enterprise; though the petition for letters pa- tent was headed with the name of Sir Thomas Gates. James I. w:as much pleased with the proposal: the great seal was put to the patent;, on the 10th of April. 1606; and, while the petitioners were making prepa- ration for the voyage, the king was gi'atifying his va- nity with constructing a code of laws for their govern- ment. The chief provisions of the charter were, — that the colonists should have all the lands on the sea- coast of America, between the thirty-fourth and forty-fifth degrees of north latitude; that they should be divided into two companies, — the first consisting of adventurers from London, and elsewhere, who were to establish themselves between the thirty-fourth and forty-first degrees of north latitude, — the second, of adventurers from Bristol, Exeter, Plymouth, and elsewhere, who were, in like manner, to settle be- tween the thirty-eighth and forty-fifth degrees of north latitude; that each company should be guided by a council of thirteen, among themselves, and a si- milar council, in England; that they might open mines and mint a currency, — being always sure to give the king one-fifth of the gold and silver, and one-fifteenth of the copper, which they should find; and that, finally, the president and council might apprehend all persons, who should attempt to force a settlement CHAP. I. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 11 within their territories, and compel them to pay a duty of two and a half per cent, ad valorem, if sub- jects, and live per cent, if foreigners. By the 20th of November, James had finished their code of laws; according to which the two colonies were to be under the general supervision of a council in England; to preach and practise the rites and doctrines of the English church; to make no laws which should be inconsonant to those of the mother country, or extend to the destruction of life or member; and, though, in fine, under the immediate government of their own president and council, to be ultimately subject to the crown of England. Before the expedition sailed, three sealed packets, containing the names of the council, were put respectively into the hands of Cap- tains Newport, Gosnald, and Ratcliffe; who were not to break the seals, until they should reach America. After all this preparation, the first division of the colony consisted of only one small vessel and two barks, with one hundred and five men. It was put under Captain Newport; who sailed from the Thames on the 19th of December, 1606; but, having taken the West Indian route, he did not reach America in four months; and, instead of landing at Roanoke, the place of his destination, he was driven by a storm into the mouth of Chesapeake Bay. In the latter end of April, 1607, he discovered Capes Henry and Charles; 12 TftE UNITED STATES CHAP. I. and, on the 13th of May, he lauded his colony on a beautiful j3eninsula, formed by a river, which the na- tives called Powhatan, — the peninsula of Jamestown, on James River. They immediately broke open the sealed packets, which contained the names of the council; and, on proceeding to choose a president, Mr. Wingfield was found to have the majority of votes. They were soon involved in a war with the Indians; who, though they annoyed the colonists con- siderably, by attacking them while at work, were ge- nerally dispersed by firing a gun, or letting loose a bull-dog. The other adventurers so much envied the courage and talents of Captain John Smith, that they not only imprisoned him, during the voyage, under the frivolous pretence of his having intended to make himself king of Virginia, — but would not sutTer him to be one of the council, when, on opening the pack- ets, they found his name among the rest. "When it became necessary, also, that Newport should retiA^n to England, they proposed, with affected humanity, that Smith should go with him, and have his trial in his native country: but he demanded a hearing on the spot; was honourably acquitted; and took his seat among the council. Newport started about the 15th of June; leaving behind him, one bark, and about one hundred persons. The number was soon abridged. Wasting with CHAP. I. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 13 improvidence the stores, whicli they aheady possess- ed, and careless to seek others, when those should be exhausted, each man became reduced to the daily allowance of only a pint of worm-eaten wheat and barley: the climate, at all times hot, was now humid; and, before the month of September, the colonists had buried one half of their number; among the rest Bar- tholomew Gosnald, whose good or ill fortune it was, to have originated and pushed forward the undertak- ing. These miseries were the natural parent of disor- der. The colonists quarrelled with themselves; and, charging their president with having embezzled the choicest of their stores, — such as beef, bread, and brandy, — they drove him from the office, and put Rat- cliffe in his place. But a sense of external danger soon quieted, in a measure, their internal dissensions. The exigency was such as naturally devolved all the real authority upon a man like Captain Smith; who erect- ed a rude fort to keep off the natives; assisted his comrades in fabricating houses to shelter them from the weather; and, when it w^as the season for gather- ing Indian corn, put himself at the head of small par- ties, and, sometimes by presents, sometimes by force, continued to obtain an abundant share of the harvest. The influence, which he acquired by such conduct, drew upon him, of course, the enmity of the president and his fellow-counsellors: but he defeated all their 14 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. 1. machinations; and continued to deserve the gratitude of his countrymen, by the address and courage, with which he defended them against their enemies, and kept them from starvation. In an excursion to discover the head of Chiccako- mini River, he was attacked by an overpowering force of Indians; and, while fighting and retreating before them, suddenly found himself plunged to his neck in a swamp, and could defend himself no longer. His captors, at first, intended to kill him outright; but he had presence of mind enough to amuse them with a pocket-compass; and, taking him for some being of a supernatural order, they finally resolved upon carry- ing him to the palace of their king. Powhatan, it seems, was not accessible to superstitious terror. He ordered, that Smith's head should be laid on a stone, and his brains beaten out with clubs; but, when they had got him arranged for the purpose, Pocahontas, the king's daughter, threw herself between him and the executioner; folded his head in her arms, and offered her own in its stead. Powhatan was so much affected with the circumstance, that he not only spar- ed Smith's life, — but, after the requisite ceremonies, let him go back to Jamestown.* He had been absent seven weeks. He found the colony reduced to thirty-eight persons; and he returned ' See Note (B). CHAP. I. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 15 just in season to prevent them from leaving the country. He dissuaded them from adopting so cow- ardly a measure; and the influence, which he had gained over the natives, enabled him to keep his com- rades in provisions, till the arrival of a supply under Newport; who brought with him one hundred and twenty more individuals, and a quantity of agricultural tools. The exultation of the colonists carried them « beyond all the bounds of discipline and precaution: an indiscriminate commerce was allowed with the Indians; and it was not long before they were cheated into the most revengeful animosity. About the same time, the discovery of some glittering dust, in a rivulet near Jamestown, excited a delirious thirst for gold; and, to use the spirited language of Mr. Stith, the historian of Virginia, ' there was no thought, no dis- ^ course, no hope, and no work, but to dig gold, wash 'gold, refine gold, and load gold.' Newport's two vessels returned, the one in the spring, the other on the 2d of June, 1608; and the first remittance ever made by an Anglo-American colony, consisted of one ship-load of cedar, and another of an earth, which, because it shined, the colonists vainly imagined to be gold.* Leaving his countrymen to rue the inevitable effects of their delusion, Captain Smith, with Doctor * See Note fCV 16 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. I. Russell and thirty men, undertook, in an open boat of tliree tons, to take a general survey of the Chesa- peake. He started on the 2d of June; and, beginning at Cape Charles, explored every creek and inlet, on both sides of the bay, as far up as the mouth of Rap- pahannock river; where, for the want of provisions, he was reluctantly compelled to abandon the enter- prise. He reached Jamestown on the 21st of July. • The colony was in the utmost disorder: the last rein- forcement were all sick; and the remainder were in open hostility with the governor. The accounts which Smith gave of his discoveries, — particularly the story, which he had of the Indians, that the Chesapeake communicated with the South Sea, — contributed to revive their spirits; and, after refusing an offer of the presidentship, and making arrangements to obtain more regular supplies, he left them again, on the 24th of the same month. He penetrated, this time, as far as the Susquehannah ; and surveyed, with the most diligent attention, every part of the surrounding coun- try. He returned on the 7th of September; and it is remarkable, that, notwithstanding the progress of subsequent discovery, his map of the countries adja- cent to the bay continues still to be the ground-work of all others. On the 10th of September, Smith was prevailed upon to accept the presidentship. Shortly after. New- CHAP. I. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 17 i^ pOFt arrived with another detachment of settlers; and, though he brought no provisions with them, the vigour and perseverance of the new president soon put the whole colony in the way of supplying themselves. In the mean time, the proprietors in England were en- deavouring to make something of their enterprise, by obtaining a new charter, with more enlarged powers, and for a greater extent of territory. It was dated the 23d of May, 1609; and, under the title of ^The Treasurer and Company of Adventurers of the Citj' of London, for the first Colony in Virginia,' granted to the petitioners the absolute property of all the land, from sea to sea, lying between two parallel lines, drawn each at the distance of two hundred miles, north and south, from Point Comfort; together with all the islands, in both seas, which were situated within one hundred miles of the respective coasts. The colony was, in future, to be under the deputies of a council in England: Lord Delawar was appointed governor and captain-general, for life; and five hun- dred emigrants set sail, in nine ships, to carry the new project into execution. Powers had been severally given to Captain Newport, Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Somers, to set aside the old government; but, as they could not settle the precedence between them, they all agreed to sail in the same ship; and perhaps it saved them some unpleasant altercation, that a 18 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. I. storm drove them on the island of Bermuda. The>«*t 'fp arrived in due season; consisting, according to Stith, of ' unruly sparks, poor gentlemen, broken tradesmen, 'rakes, libertines, footmen' — of such persons, in short, as very soon demonstrated, that they 'were much ' fitter to spoil and ruin a commonwealth, than to help ' to raise or maintain one.^ Smith had need of all his energy to keep them in any sort of order; and an accident soon occurred, which prevented even that energy from being long exerted. In returning from a detachment stationed at the falls of James River, his powder-bag took fire, while he was asleep; and the explosion wounded him so severely, that he was under the necessity of going to England for surgical aid. He started about the beginning of October; leaving with the colony, three ships and seven boats; commo- dities ready for trade; provisions for ten weeks; a horse and six mares; a large stock of hogs and poul- try; some sheep and goats; agricultural utensils and fishing nets; one hundred well trained soldiers, twenty pieces of ordnance, and three hundred muskets. The government now devolved upon Captain Percy; whose talents were never adequate to such a task; and whose energy a long course of sickness had by no means contributed to increase. Disorder en- sued: the Indians invaded the settlement on all sides: the provisions of the colonists were soon exhausted: CHAP. I. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 19 and they were, at last, reduced to the necessity of feed- ing on the carcases, not only of their horses, — but of their enemies, and even of their own companions. The whole five hundred were, in six months, reduced to sixty; and, had not Newport arrived from Bermuda, on the 24th of May. 1610, these sixty could not have held out ten days longer. They unanimously deter- mined to go home; and actually set sail in Newport's vessels; but they fortunately met Lord Delawar on the way; and, by means of his influence, were settled in Jamestown again, by the 10th of June. The whole colony now consisted of about two hundred ; who, by the wisdom and the application of Lord Delawar, soon became prosperous and peaceful. But ill health oblig- ed his lordship to sail for Nevis, in the West Indies^ on the 28th of March, 1611: the reins of government again grew lax in the hands of Mr. Percy; and, when Sir Thomas Dale, the new governor, arrived, on the 10th of May, he was under the necessity of restoring order, by proclaiming martial law. Sir Thomas Dale was succeeded by Sir Thomas Gates; who arrived, in the beginning of August, with six ships, and a consi derable addition of men and supplies. As Bermuda was represented to be a very fertile island, the proprietors were anxious to get possession of it, as a place of supply; and accordingly, in March, 1612, they obtained a new charter, which, besides 20 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. I. remodelling some parts of their colonial polity, grant- ed to the treasurer and company all the islands within three hundred leagues of the Atlantic sea-coast. They obtained twenty-nine thousand pounds, also, by the first lotteries ever hcensed to be drawn in England. And, while these encouraging events were taking place in the mother country, a circumstance occurred in the colony, which was equally propitious to its con- cerns. In a voyage round the Potowmac, for a cargo of corn, Captain Argal learned, that Pocahontas had fled from her father, and lay concealed in his neigh- bourhood. He bribed her confidants; got her on board of his vessel; and carried her to Jamestown. Mr. Rolfe was captivated with her; she with Mr. Rolfe; and their marriage not only secured the stable and sincere friendship of King Powhatan, — but led to a treaty with the Chiccahominies, which ended in their becoming tributary to the English. About the same time, too, (1613,) Sir Thomas Dale augmented the industry of the colony about sevenfold, by giving to each individual the absolute property of three acres of ground, and suffering every one to work for him- self, instead of all labouring in common. Early in the year 1614, Sir Thomas Gates left the government in the hands of Sir Thomas Dale; who, along with Captain Argal, contrived and executed an enterprise, which, though almost unnoticed at the CTHAP. I. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 2\ time, was afterwards remembered with just indigna- tion. By a series of persevering efforts, from 1535 to 1605, the French had succeeded in making estabHsh- ments on the coast, near the river St. Croix, as well as on the more northern part of the Bay of Fundy. They had no idea, that the whole New World belonged to the Enghsh: it was in a time of profound peace; and, when Argal appeared before Fort Royal, there was hardly the least appearance of defensive prepara- tion. The French took shelter among the Indians; and Argal, after seizing a ship and bark, which had just arrived with supplies, left them to take quiet pos- session of their town again. The Dutch, too, it seems, had no business at New York: Captain Hudson first discovered it, in 1609; and Argal could not, therefore, return to Jamestown, without making the governor a tributary to Virginia. In the year 1615, lots of fifty acres were laid oiT, and distributed among the colonists. And, about the same time, they began the cultivation of tobacco; which, in spite, or in consequence, of the strenuous opposition of the king, the parliament, and the com- pany, soon grew into such general use, as to become the staple commodity of Virginia.* In the spring of 1616, Sir Thomas Dale was obliged to leave the government in the hands of Mr. Yeardly; who, after ' See Note (D). 22 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. L exercising, or rather enjoying, the office for a year, was superseded by Captain Argal. He ruled the co- lony with a high hand. Martial law was kept up; the pubhc office was turned to his private account; and, though he enacted some wise regulations, — such, among others, as that goods, at an advance of twenty- five per cent, should be exchanged for tobacco at three shillings the pound; and that there should be no private trading with the Indians, or teaching them the use of fire-arms; yet the general despotism of his administration was so loudly complained of, by the Virginians, that, on the death of Lord Delawar, Mr. Yeardiy was nominated to the captain-generalship. He arrived in April, 1619; and, on the 19th of the fol- lowing June, convoked an assembly of deputies from the several boroughs, into which the colony was now divided. They met, with the governor and council, in the same apartment; were very popular; and enact- ed many laws, which, it is said, were judiciously formed. They were called the house of burgesses; and the name was retained till America asserted her independence. As very few females had heretofore adventured to the New World, those of the planters, who grew wealthy, were desirous of returning to England. The natural consequences of this very natural inclination were soon perceived; and, in 1620, ninety virgins. CHAP. I. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 23 and, in the following year, sixty more, were trans- ported to the colony. They were eagerly sought after, by the young planters; and were all readily disposed of, at the rate of one hundred and fifty pounds of tobacco a piece.* About the same time, the company were ordered, by the king, to send among the colony the first convicts ever transported < to America. They consisted of one hundred per- sons; and it was soon manifest, that, being removed from temptation to vice and disorder, they were going to form a considerable addition to the industry, no less than the number, of the settlement. But, about the same time, also, the abolition of a monopoly, which, till then, had been enjoyed by the company, was succeeded by such a competition for trade, and demand for labour, that an ill-fated Dutch ship im- ported from Africa, and sold in the colonies, twenty individuals of a different description, and perhaps, in the end, of very doubtful utility. In July, 1621, the colony established a constitu- tion; by which their legislative concerns were, in future, to be transacted by two supreme councils; the council of state, deputed by the company to advise the governor on executive subjects; and the general assembly, consisting of the governor, the councils, and the two burgesses from eveiy town. The governor had a negative on the acts of the assembly; and nei- * See Note CE). 24 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. I. ther the general court, in England, nor the legislature, in the colony, could carry its ordinances into execu- tion, without the mutual assent of each other. The population of the colony had, also, so much expanded itself, that it became inconvenient to try all causes at Jamestown; and justice was, therefore, rendered •cheaper and more accessible, by establishing inferior courts at other suitable places. In addition to these signs of prosperity, the long opposition of the king to the importation of tobacco was, in a great measure, terminated, in 162:2, by reducing all the former enor- mous charges to the single duty of nine pence in the pound. But the prospect did not long remain bright. Powhatan died in 1618; and was succeeded by Ope- chancanough, — a chief, who was equally distinguish- ed for the malignity, with which he could plan, and the capacity, with which he could execute, the most sanguinary designs. He continued to make a show of friendship: his people fed and lodged, as usual, among the white men; and, though the king was, all this time, conspiring the utter extirpation of the colony, and even borrowed their own boats, to cross the river and make his ai*i"angements; yet the whole plot was covered over, from the beginning to the end, with the most artful dissimulation, and kept in the most pro- found secrecy. The 22d of the fatal month of March CHAP. I. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 23 was to be the day of execution. The Indians mixed with the settlers, as formerly; smiled and smiled, till the very instant of the appointed time; rose at once upon their victims; and, almost at the same moment, laid three hundred and forty-seven at their feet. The few that escaped, were indebted for their lives to one of the conspirators, who had been domesticated in the house of a Mr. Pace; and who disclosed the plot to that gentleman, in time to spread the alarm into the borders of Jamestown. This massacre was fol- lowed by a vindictive war of extermination: a famine ensued; and the number of settlements was, in no great length of time, reduced from eighty to eight. In the mean while, the company, at home, had grown so factious and imbecile, that, in April, 1623, the privy council ordered an inquisition into their affairs. The report attributed the slow progress of the settlement to the mal-administration of the company; and king James immediately acquainted them with his resolution of recalling their charter, and of putting the govern- ment into fewer hands. But, as they refused to give it up, he was obliged to try a writ of quo ivarranto; and it is almost needless to add, that, in June, 1624, the corporation was dissolved. They had expended one hundred and fifty thousand pounds; and had sent over nine thousand persons: — taeir annual imports T) iity X'HE U^'1TED STATES CHAP. I. were only twenty thousand pounds; and the numbers of their colony did not exceed eighteen hundred! Even this remnant, however, was enabled almost entirely to exterminate the aboriginal tribes in their neighbourhood. In February, 16:24, there was a ses- sion of the general assembly. Many wise and patri- otic laws were enacted; and, among the rest, ' that the ^ governor should not impose any taxes on the colony, ^ otherwise than by the authority of the general assem- ^bly; and that he should not withdraw the inhabitants ' from their private labour to any service of his own.' But, as Virginia had now fallen into royal hands, James took an early occasion to supersede the powers of this assembly, by sending over a governor and twelve counsellors, with powers to superintend the whole legislative and executive concerns of the esta- blisliment. Chnrles I. his son and successor, carried the tyranny still farther. James had given to Virginia and the Somer Isles, a monopoly of the tobacco-trade: Charles took it to himself; and appointed special agents to receive and manage all the imports of that article. On the death of Sir George Yeardly, too, the governorship was given to Sir John Harvey; who exercised his office in so oppressive and cruel a man- ner, that, in 1636, the Virginians seized and sent him to England. Charles sent him back, early in 1637: and, had there not already existed sufficient misun- CHAP. I, BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 27 (lerstanding between himself and his parliament, he would doubtless have continued him permanently in the office. He was set aside, however, by the appoint- ment of Sir William Berkeley; a gentleman, who was every way calculated to please the colonists; and who could not have pleased them more than by showing, as he very soon did, that he was empowered to revive their general assembly. The administration of Sir William made the Vir- ginians incorrigibly loyal; and, accordingly, in Octo- ber, 1650, when Cromwell had got the upper hand in England, they were chastised with an ordinance, which dissolved their government; deposed their go- vernor; and interdicted all intercourse with foreign nations. In 1651, Sir George Ayscue arrived in the Chesapeake, to carry this measure into execution. Berkeley made a gallant resistance; and, though, at last, overpowered by numbers, he did not yield with- out stipulating for the indemnity of the colonists. As there was not, however, a market in England for all their produce, the interdiction of foreign commerce became so intolerably oppressive, that, on the sudden death of Governor Mathews, the settlers threw off their allegiance to the Commonwealth, and put the government again into the hands of Sir Wilham Berkeley. Fortunately, the intelligence did not reach England till after the death of Cromwell: when so THE UNITED STATES CHAP. I. Charles II. was restored, it was, of course, a very meritorious act; and the Virginians long continued to boast of the fidelity, with which they had adhered to the royal cause. They were gi'eatly stirred up and assisted, all this time, by the emigrant cavaliers ; who, in con- sequence of the persecution, which they experienced at home, and of the facihty, with which the dissolution of the old government enabled them to purchase land in the colony, came over to America in such numbers, that, between the commencement and termination of the civil war, the population of Virginia had increased, chiefly by them alone, from about twenty to about thirty thousand souls. One of the must obnoxious occurrences, which took place, during Harvey's administration, was Charles the First's grant to Lord Baltimore, dated June, 1632, of ' that region bounded by a line drawn from Wat- * kin's Point, on Chesapeake Bay, to the ocean, on the ^ east; thence, to that part of the estuary of Delaware ' on the north, which lielh under the fortieth degree, 'where New England is terminated; thence' — in a word, Maryland. In November, of the same year, Calvert, the brother of Lord Baltimore, made a settle- ment, at St. Mary's, with about two hundred gentle- men, consisting chiefly of Roman Catholics. The Virginians petitioned against the proprietor's grant, in July, 1633: the privy council turned both parties CHAP. I. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 29 over to the law; and the subject was never prosecuted any further. In February, 1634-5, the first Maryland assembly was convened. Their acts most probably displeased Lord Baltimore; who transmitted them, in turn, a code of laws, which were prepared by himself; and which were rejected by them, as soon as the as- sembly met, in January, 1637-8. During the same session, an act of attainder was passed against William Clayborne; who, in 1631, had obtained a grant from Charles, '^to traffic in those parts of America, for 'which there was already no patent granted for sole 'trade;' and who, as he had taken possession of Kent Island, near Annapolis, was determined to resist, in every way, the authority of the new comers. He was convicted of murder, piracy, and sedition; escaped justice by flight; petitioned the sovereign to interfere in his behalf; and, in 1639, had the mortification to hear the lords commissioners decide, th^t the lands in question were absolutely and solely the property of Lord Baltimore. Maryland became the asylum of the Roman Ca- tholics from Old England, — of those, whom puritanisni drove out of New England, and of the Puritans, who. in retaliation, had been proscribed by the Virginians. The increase of population, from these and other sources, soon made it inconvenient for all the freemen to attend the legislature: and. in 1639, it was resolved. 30 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. I. that, for the future, there should be a council sum- moned, by special writ, and a house of burgesses, by general writ. The colony flourished; and there was the most perfect harmony between the proprietor and the people. But, as the government was attached to the royalists, Clayborne, who was of the republican side, found means, in the beginning of 1641, to excite an insurrection among the settlers. Calvert, their governor, was driven to Virginia; nor was it till Au- gust, 1642, that the revolt was suppressed, and the old government reinstated. The settlement began to prosper again; when, in September, 1651, commis- sioners were appointed by parliament, for ' reducing '^ and governing the colonies within the Bay of Chesa- ' peake.' The proprietor had submitted to the autho- rity of parhament: the factions of the mother country extended their influence to the colonies: a civil war broke out; and Clayborne had his revenge, in the de- feat of the governor and the Roman Catholics. The victorious party would tolerate no popery, or prelacy, or quakerism: peace was out of the question; and it was not until the English restoration, when Lord Bal- timore appointed Philip Calvert governor, that any thing like order was re-established. The population of the colony was then computed at twelve thousand persons. OHAP. n. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 31 CHAPTER II. First Efforts of the Plymouth Company — New England settled by the Puritans — New Patent granted to the Plymouth Company— Endicot's Expedition — Charter of the Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay — Great Influx of Emi- grants — Religious Intolerance of the Colonists — Ineffectual Efforts to stop it— Disputes with the French Colonies — Massachusetts divided into Two Religious Parties — A Quo Warranto issued against its Charter^ — Settlement of Rhode Island — And of Connecticut — Wars with the Piquods — Set- tlement of Maine — And of Ncav Hampshire — Unwarrant- able Claims of Massachusetts' — Union of the New England Colonies against the Dutch and Indians — Dissensions in Massachusetts — Peace with the French Colonies — Effects of Religious Intolerance — Disputes between Massachusetts and Connecticut — Conspiracy of the Dutch and Indians — Foun- dation of Cambridge College — Rise of the Quakers. The first ship fitted out by the Plymouth Company^ in 1606, was captured by the Spaniards. In the fol- lowing year, however, Raleigh Gilbert set sail, with two other ships, and about one hundred persons; landed safely in America; and proceeded to build fort St. George, near the Sagahadoc. The severity of the winter carried off many of their numbers, — among the rest, Gilbert, their admiral, and George Popham, their president; and, in the spring, when they learned, by a vessel, which brought them supplies, that their patron. dS the united states chap. II. Sir John Popliam, was dead, they determined at once to abandon the country. Their terrific accounts of it, when they reached England, for a long time deterred the company from making any further attempts to co- lonize it. Some fur and fishing voyages were under- taken; one of which, in 1614, was under the com- mand of Captain John Smith; who explored the country from Penobscot to Cape Cod; and presented Charles, prince of Wales, with such a flattering map of its coast, that he was induced to give it the name of JVeio England. The first effectual settlement of New England was almost entirely accidental. The obscure sect of the Brownists had been driven from England to Holland; where, for the want of persecution, they found them- selves in danger of becoming utterly extinct; and, as the only means, therefore, of continuing their existence as a body, they resolved upon emigrating to America. In 1618, they petitioned the London company for a grant of lands, and their ' sovereign Lord King James' for a license to worship God in their own way. The former they were enabled to obtain; but, as the king had already established the English church in Virgi- nia, he could not openly and expressly assent to the latter. He made a verbal promise, however, to over- look their nonconformity: the dilapidating state of their affairs necessitated them to take up with that ; UHAP. 11. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 33 and, in September, 1620, one hundred and twenty set sail from England, in a single ship. They intended to have settled on Hudson's River; but their Dutch pilot had been bribed by his countrymen to carry them somewhere else ; and the first land they came in sight of, was what Gosnald had called Cape Cod. The coast was explored for a convenient place of settle- ment; and the colony landed dit JVew Plymouth, on the nth of November; after having entered into a solemn covenant to erect themselves into a body poli- tic, and to frame a constitution of just and equal laws. They chose a governor; gave him one assistant imme- diately, and three more, in 1624. At first the supreme power was exercised by the whole body of freemen ; but, in 1639, they constituted a house of assembly, and adopted the law of England as their general rule of conduct. The season, in which they landed, was by no means favourable to their health: such a sect very naturally fell into the improvident scheme of labouring in com- mon ; and, before the return of spring, about fifty of their number were swept off by sickness and fatigue. The remainder were called away from their work, by the necessity of fighting the savages; and, had it not been for a pestilence, which swept off great numbers of their warriors, the history of this settlement would have ended here. But the Indians were soon reduced to 34 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. H equitable terms. The insignificance of tlie colony secured them from the oppression of government : and they struggled on, peacefully and unnoticed, till 1630 ; when, by a petition to the New Plymouth company, they changed their naked title of occupancy into that of a formal and substantial grant. They now amounted to no more than three hundred persons ; and it was not till their union with a younger and more powerful colony, at Boston, that they were considered as of much importance. On the 3d of November, 1626, the original Ply- mouth company obtained from James a new patent : which, under the title of the ' Council established at Plymouth, for planting and governing that country called New England/ granted to the Duke of Lenox, the Marquis of Buckingham, and several others, the absolute property of the land lying between the fortieth and forty-eighth degrees of north latitude. Like the south and north Virginia colonies, they were em- powered to exclude all persons whatsoever from trad- ing and fishing within their boundaries; but this pro- vision so greatly exasperated the fur and fishing merchants, that parhament soon compelled the com- pany to relinquish it. They, in turn, resolved to make no more efforts to increase or improve their settle- ment; and New England would, for a long time, have remained unoccupied, had not the Puritans been vi- gorously persecuted in the mother country. They CHAP. II. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 35 came over, and settled, in small parties, about Massa- chusetts Bay, — so called from an Indian Sachem: in March, 1627, the council of Plymouth granted to Sir Henry Rosvvell and others, all the lands between lines drawn to the South Sea, from three miles north of Merrimack, and three miles south of Charles, River; and, in September of the same year, a number of planters and servants, under Endicot, laid the founda- tion of Salem, the first permanent town in the colony. It was soon apparent, that, without more opulent partners, the settlement would never come to any thing. Such partners were easily found; but they would only embark in the enterprise, upon the condi- tion, that the grant to the council of Plymouth should be confirmed by a royal charter. Such a charter was accordingly issued on the 4t]i of March, 1 628. The name was changed to ' The Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay in New England:^ the legisla- tive power was to be exercised by the whole body of proprietors; the executive, by a governor, a deputy governor, and eighteen assistants; but, notwithstanding all the experience of Virginia with her councils in London, the supreme control was vested in a body of men three thousand miles distant from the scene of government. The scheme was promoted by granting two hundred acres of land, for the first dividend, to pvery person who subscribed fifty pounds; and, in 36 THE UMTED STATES OHAP. IL June, of the same year, two hundred emigrants, in five vessels, disembarked at Salem. The colony now amounted to three hundred persons; one-third of whom removed to Charlestown. As Brownism was the great end of the undertaking, the settlers proceed- ed to frame a system of polity conformable to its doc- trines, — and to refuse all others that toleration, for which they had themselves been the zealous advocates. The ' rising glories of the faithful' were somewhat ob- scured by the loss of half their number, in the follow- ing winter; but the survivors were not disheartened; and the same cause which drove their brethren to perish, in a new and inhospitable world;, continued to fill p the gaps, which their deaths had occasioned. The powers of government were, soon after, trans- ferred to New England, at the instance of several opulent persons, who would emigrate on no other terms; and, in July, 1630, seventeen ships arrived at Salem, with fifteen hundred more persons; a part of whom laid the foundation of Boston. But an ordinance of the general court, passed early in 1630, which ex- cluded all nonconformists from a participation in the only valuable privileges of freemen, — such, for in- stance, as the rights of suffrage, — and the intolerable persecution directed against every person, who did not live, according to the strictest principles of the sect, a Brownist, — induced Charles, on the 21st of CHAP. II. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 37 February, to issue an order for stopping all ships, that were ready to sail with passengers for New England. The order does not appear to have been rigidly exe- cuted: emigration went on apace; and, in 1634, the numbers of the colony had increased so greatly, thai it became necessary to change their democratical meetings into a representative assembly. But such sturdy independents, both in religion and politics, soon attracted the wakeful jealousy of the English adminis- tration; who, in April, 1635, gave the archbishop of Canterbury the absolute power to re-model their con- stitutions; to support the clergy with tithes and obla- tions : to punish the refractory ; to revoke charters, and depose governors ; to pull down and raise up, in short, till the civil and ecclesiastical affairs of the co- lony should be in a more loyal and catholic way. In June, of the same year, the council of Plymouth sur- rendered their charter to the king; having tried, in vain, to make him confirm them in the separate pos- session of their several portions of the country. Nor was it in their internal relations alone, that the colonists now began to experience trouble. In 1603, Henry IV. of France had commissioned De Mont to colonize all that part of America, which lies between the fortieth and forty-sixth degrees of north latitude. The same territory w^as included in the grant of 1620 to the Plymouth company, by James I.; who. 38 THE UiMTED STATES CHAP. 11, as king of Scotland, also, had, in 1621, given to Sir William Alexander, the country which is now called Nova Scotia. Under these conflicting grants, actual settlements had been made, — by the French, as far as St. Croix, and by the English, as far as Penobscot. The respectives colonies were, of course, drawn into the war, which soon after broke out, between France and England. The French possessions were subdued by Captain Kirk, in 1639; but restored to France, in the treaty of St. Germains; and the two colonies would probably have long remained at peace, had not a French party committed a robbery on the* trading house, which the people of New Plymouth had esta- blished at Penobscot, in 1627. This outrage was followed by a more formidable assault, under Rossil- lon, in 1635; when the New Plymouth colony fitted out an expedition, under Girling, the commander of an English ship of war, in order to retake and main- tain their invaded possessions. Girling expended all his ammunition, without effecting any thing: neither New Plymouth nor Massachusetts Bay could send him any supplies of importance; and the only beneficial result of the undertaking was, to make the two colo- nies see the necessity of keeping firmly united. The MassacJiusctis settlement had the most to fear from divisions within itself. Mr. Henry Vane, son of .Sir Henry Vane, one of the king's favourite privy CHAP. II. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. DSf counsellors, landed in Boston, some time in 1635. With the age of twenty-five, he had the gravity of three score; and he so far outdid all others in reli- gious mortification and puritanical enthusiasm, that, as we should anticipate, he was, soon after, una- nimously appointed governor. Under his fostering administration, hardly any thing was done, but to attend public and private meetings, — stated and occa- sional lectures. All ranks were equally engaged in religious affairs; and, as the female sex were excluded from the private conferences, Mrs. Hutchinson, who had been flattered by the notice of Mr. Vane, con- cluded to set up for herself, and to institute a meeting of the sisters. By her persevering efforts, the colony was found to consist of two orders; one of which was under the Covenant of Grace, and the other, under the Covenant of Wor^ks. Herself, Governor Vane, the Rev. Mr. Cotton, and a few others, belonged to the former; Lieutenant Governor Winthrop, and the crowd without name, to the latter; and the two par- ties contended against each other, till Mrs. Hutchin- son was banished, and Mr. Vane quitted the country. We have seen, before, how little King Charles I, was obeyed, in his attempt to prevent emigration. In 1637, he issued a second order, to the same effect: but the tide was too strong against him: crowds of discontents and puritans continued to seek the 'New 40 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. II. ' Jerusalem f even Pymm, Hampden, Ilazlerig, and Cromwell were once embarked for the purpose; and perhaps it would have been well for the king, if he had made tliem an exception to his edict. The com- missioners, ' for the regulation and government of the 'plantations/ issued a quo ivarranto against the char- ter; but none of the corporation were served with it; and it was not until September, 1638, that an order of the privy council to send home their patent, brought the colonists to any thing like submission. They now prayed, that they might be ' heard before condemna- ' tion, and that they might be suffered to live in the 'wilderness;' and, fortunately for them, the king and the commissioners began to have sufficient business^ at home, to occupy the whole of their attention. The same cause, which drove the settlers of Mas- sachusetts from England, drove those of Rhode Island ii'om ?vlassachusetts. In 1634, Roger Williams, a popular preacher at Salem, was banished from the colony, for maintaining, among other ' damnable here- 'sies,' that, so long as the peace of society is undis- turbed, no man should be punished for a matter of conscience. He crossed the line of Massachusetts, with many of his disciples; and, in 1635, founded the town of Providence, on a tract of land, which he pur- chased of the Narraghansetts. Thi^ happened before the controversy about the two ' Covenants:' and, €HAP, II. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 41 when the Antinomian or Hutchinsonian party were overcome, their leader, with a train of disciples, fol- lowed the example of WilHams, and made a settlement in his neighbourhood. Both colonies proclaimed the most unbounded toleration; both cultivated the friend- ship of the aborigines; and both soon grew so popu- lous as to become, in turn, the parents of other co- lonies. During the same year, in which Williams was banished, Mr. Hooker, with several others, applied to the general court for permission to seek a new place of settlement. They were, at first, refused; but, in the following year, the court gave them a commission to go where they pleased, provided, that, wheresoever they settled, they should still acknowledge the juris- diction of Massachusetts. A few persons had already wintered in huts, on the west side of the Connecticut; about sixty others were added to the number, in the fall of 1635; and, in the following year, one hundred more, under Pynchon, Hooker, and Haynes, founded Hartford, Springfield, and Weathersfield. Roger Lud- low was intrusted, by the parent colony, with all their legislative and judicial concerns; though it was not pretended, that the new settlements were within the boundaries of Massachusetts. Indeed, they soon found themselves involved in a dispute about their title. ♦The Dutch at Manhadoes claimed the country, by the p 4>2 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. II. right of discovery; and a fort had been built at Say- brooke, by the direction of Lords Brooke, Say-and- Seal, and others, who were preparing a place of shelter from the inclemency of the times in England. The rights of the latter were bought up: the former were too feeble to maintain theirs by force; and the newcomers were, in a short time, left in the undis- puted possession of their lands. Undisputed, we mean, by any rival colony; for they soon had to contend with a much more formida- ble claimant than the Dutch of Manhadoes. The Piquod nation of Indians were so justly and so greatly alarmed at the encroachments of the settlers, that they even courted an alliance with their ancient ene- mies, the Narraghansetts; who, instead of acceding to the proposition, most impoliticly communicated it to the Massachusetts colony, and agreed to join them in a war against the Piquods. Sarracus, therefore, the chief sachem of the latter, now found himself obliged to fight, single-handed, against the united forces of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and Narra- ghansett. The Connecticut troops were soon in mo- tion: those of Massachusetts had first to terminate a quarrel, among themselves, about the ' Covenants;' and they did not reach the Piquod country, till the former had already reduced a very strong position at the head of Mystic River. Sarracus was posted^ CHAP. II. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 43 about eight miles off: it was resolved to follow up the advantage, which had been already gained: the Piquods were beaten in every engagement; and so vigorously, indeed, did their enemies prosecute the war, that be- fore its termination, they ceased to exist as a people. Immediately after peace was restored, the colony of New Haven was settled by Eaton and Davenport; who landed at Boston, in June, 1G38; but determined to seek some other place, where the power and influence might be in their own hands. Their system of govern- ment, according to Dr. Stiles, was ' one of the wisest 'ever devised by man;' the ' embryo of a perfect re- 'pubhc;' the 'miniature' of our present constitu- tion. Each town took care of its own particular concerns; and, for the superintendence of the common interest, sent delegates to a general court, which ex- ercised both the legislative and judicial powers of ad- ministration. The court was divided into two branches; the deputies, who composed the legislature, and were elected twice a year; and the magistrates, or the go- vernor, deputy-governor, and two or three assistants, who formed the judiciary, and were chosen annually. As the settlement was headed by clergymen, it was natural to find some part for them to act. One of the ministers was, accordingly, appointed to dehver a ser- mon upon the day of election: but 'it was originally designed/ says president Stiles, ' that, however Moses 44 THE UNITED STAPES CHAP. IL ^ and Aaron should walk together in co-operative har- ' mony, yet the ministers should not be eligible to the ^ magistracy/ Nor was it in the south of New England alone, that new colonies were rising up. After some inef- fectual attempts to establish settlements at the mouth of the Piscataqua, and along the coast between the Merrimack and Sagadahock, a small colony, under Mr. Williams, sent over by Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Mr. John Mason, laid the foundation of Portsmouth, in 1632. When the members of the Plymouth com- pany took each his separate share of New England, Mason and Gorges succeeded in obtaining grants for the two countries, respectively, which we now call New Hampshire and Maine. In 1639, Sir Ferdinando obtained a patent, with the most ample powers of con- trol over his own district: he formed a code of laws for its government ; but no system of laws could arrest its progress to utter insignificance ; and the only way in which it preserved any existence at all, was, by sur- rendering itself to Massachusetts, in the course of 1651 and 1652. The colony of New Hampshire succeeded but little better; till a number of Antinomians followed thither their banished niinister, Mr. Wheelriglit, a brother-in-law of Mrs. Hutchinson. Exeter was found- ed by them, in 1637; and Dover, by a fewpersons CHAP. II. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 45 from England, in 1640. The two settlements were soon violently embroiled in the dispute about Cove- nants: words were, at length, exchanged foi* more substantial weapons; and, as the weaker party readily discovered, that their antagonists were getting the bet- ter of the argument, they sent to Portsmouth for Mr. Williams; who came to their aid with a small military force, and speedily settled the question, by the complete discomfiture of the Antinomians. Massachusetts, in the mean time, was fast becom- ing rich and populous. From the time of its first settlement, to the year 1639, it was computed, that twenty-one thousand two hundred emigrants had land- ed on its shores ; and, although all new-comers were straightway involved in the religious quarrels, which distracted the colony ; yet they found time and mo- tives enough to supply the perpetual demand for agri- cultural produce, which was kept up by the successive bodies of settlers, — and to obtain from England what manufactured articles they stood in need of, by their trade in fish, fur, and lumber. These prosperous cir- cumstances naturally made the colonies anxious to ascertain and define their real boundaries. It naturally led them, also, to hold the land in higher estimation than they had formerly done; and, when they came to construe that part of their charter, which directs the northern line to be drawn three miles north of the It) THE UiNITED STATES CHAP. II, Merrimack, they made it include the whole of New Hampshire, and a part of Maine, by running it east- ward, at the distance of three miles from the head of that river. We have already seen, that Maine acceded to the claim; and have only to add, that New Hamp- shire surrendered in like manner, in October, 1641. The times could not long continue so prosperous. The success of the republican cause, in England, put a stop to that influx of puritan emigration, which had so much contributed to promote the agriculture of the colony; and, indeed, the demand was so greatly and so suddenly lessened, that a milch-cow, for example, which would formerly have sold for twenty-five or thirty pounds, would not now bring more than from five to six. This change of circumstances but poor- ly fitted the colonists for carrying on a war; and yet, in May, 1643, Massachusetts, Plymouth, Con- necticut, and New Haven, were obliged to form an offensive and defensive union against the neighbouring Indians, and the Dutch at Manhadoes. The chief articles of the confederacy were, — that each colony should retain its separate jurisdiction; that the ex- pence of all wars should be borne proportionally by the whole; that each should furnish its quota of troops, on notice of invasion by three magistrates, — Massa- chusetts one hundred, and the three others, forty-five a piece; and that two commissioners should meet, on CHAP. II. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 47 the first Monday of every September; choose them- selves a president, and proceed to the enactment of such laws as should relate to the general concerns of the union. Rhode Island was not originally admitted as a member: her petition to be received was rejected, in 1648; and she had no other way of securing herself against the hostility of the Indians, than that of assi- duously courting their friendship. In 1644, she ob- tained from the Narraghansetts a formal surrender of the country; and, in May, 1647, constituted a system of government like those of the other colonies. When Mr. Hooker applied to the general court of Massachusetts, for permission to establish himself and his friends on Connecticut River, a circumstance occurred, in the vote upon the question, which led to the separation of the different branches of the govern- ment. A majority of the assistants voted against the petition; a majority of the representatives, for it; and, as neither party would yield to the other, a day of hu- miliation and prayer was appointed; nor was it till the opening of the next session, that a sermon by Mr. Cot- ton induced the representatives to relinquish the point for the present. The dispute was revived, in 1643; when it was agreed, that the future deliberations of the two bodies should be held in separate chambers. But their controversies did not stop here. The re- presentatives disliked the exclusive power of the ma- 48 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. II. gistrates, during the recess; and they sent up a bill, for adding some of their own number to the commission. The bill was rejected: they requested the magistrates to suspend their authority till the next session: the re- quest was refused: ' Then/ said the speaker, ^ you will ^ not be obeyed;' and thus the assembly was dissolved. But, at the next session, the ministers of the gospel decided — and the deputies thought it a sin to contra- dict the decision, — that the governor, deputy-governor, and assistants, were alone invested with the executive part of the administration. Both parties only ceased to quarrel with each other, to involve themselves in the quarrel of the English parliament. They were, of course, in favour of the commons; wdio, in March, 1642, exempted the colonies, till further orders, from the payment of du- ties or other customs; and they, in return, passed an ordinance, some time in 1644, by which the royal cause was effectually prevented from gaining ground in the commonwealth. So bigotted were they, indeed, in the cause of puritanism and democracy, that, when, in 1643, the Earl of Warwick was vested, by parlia- ment, with the absolute and sovereign control over all New England, their dislike of the measure was not manifested even in a petition or remonstrance. In 1644, however, some amends were made, by renewing the exemption from taxes, till the two houses should. CHAP. II. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 49 otherwise direct; and, two years afterwards, the remu- neration was made still more complete, by exempting the colonies, during three years, from every tallage, except the excise. As fortune, also, seemed to be once more on their side, the controversy with the French colonies was terminated in a treaty of peace, dated in October, 1644. External peace was followed, as usual, by internal dissension. Several very respectable characters, — who, according to the original principle of the colonial government, had been excluded from the common rights of men, because they did not belong to the esta- blished church, — laid a petition before the general court; praying, that, as they were not permitted to enjoy the privileges, so they might be released from the burthens, of civil society. This was a new thing under the sun: the petitioners were, by no means, sparing of censure upon the proceedings of the colony; and it was deemed proper, that they should be brought before the bar of the general court. Securities for their good behaviour were required: they would not give them: the court fined them discretionally: they claimed an appeal; were refused; and had, finally, to seek redress, by sending deputies to parliament Mr. Cotton predicted in the pulpit, '^that if any should * carry writings or complaints against the people of * God. in that countrv. to Ensfland, it sJiould be as 50 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. II. *^ Jonas in the ship.' The sailors had heard of the pro- phesy; and, as it was next to impossible, that a voyage of three thousand miles should be performed, without some boisterous weather, they pretty soon had an op- portunity of casting the ill-fated credentials into the sea. Thomas Wild, Hugh Peters, and William Hib- bins, the three fit agents of the colony, had learned the nature of the expedition; and, when the deputies of the malcontents arrived in England, they found parliament in no mood for listening to their represen- tations. About the same time, Mr. Winthrop, a very worthy magistrate, was charged with tyrannical con- duct, in the execution of his official duties. He defended himself at the bar; obtained an honourable acquittal; and was ever after, during his life, chosen governor of the colony. But the most important event of this period, was the settlement of a dispute between Massachusetts and Connecticut, concerning a tax, which the latter had imposed upon the inhabitants of Springfield, for keeping the fort at Saybrooke in repair. The parties were heard before the commis- sioners of the union, in 1646. Massachusetts insisted, that Connecticut had no right to tax another colony: Connecticut answered, that the fort at Saybrooke, as it protected the whole river, was as advantageous to Springfield as to itself: Massachusetts denied, that it CHAP. 11. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 51 could resist a vessel of force; and the commissioners adjourned the meeting, without deciding which was in the right. They convened again, in 1648; and, without coming to any final determination, recom- mended, that a line should be run, in order to ascer- tain whether Springfield was, in fact, a part of Mas- sachusetts. The deputies of that colony immediately produced an ordinance of their general court; by which their collectors were directed to exact a duty upon all goods, exported or imported by Plymouth, Connecticut, or New Haven. The three latter re- commended Massachusetts to consider, whether this proceeding were conformable to the Maw of love;' begging, at the same time, that they might have no ^further agitations about Springfield.' Fort Say- brooke, in the mean while, was consumed by fire; and, as Connecticut took no pains to rebuild it, Massachu- setts terminated the controversy, in 1649, by repeal- ing the oflfensive ordinance of taxation. The English administration were so exclusively occupied with domestic affairs, that they had no time to make their distant possessions feel the ties of de- pendence. The united colonies acted very much as they pleased. They had traded freely with all the world; had made peace with the French in Canada, and with the Dutch at Manhadoes; and, when, in 16.51, the parliament called on Massachusetts to 52 THE UNITED STATES OHA?. 11, accept a new patent^ and to cany on all proceedings in its name, the colony professed the most entire sub- mission to parliament, — and paid no farther regard to its demands. In the war, too, between England and Holland, the colonists did not think themselves bound to fall upon the Dutch at Manhadoes; and, had not the latter been detected in a conspiracy with the Indians, for the extirpation of their neighbours, there would probably have been no rupture of the peace, which already subsisted between them. When the existence of this conspiracy was proved to the satis- faction of the elders, a majority of the commissioners declared for immediate war; but the general court of Massachusetts refused to be bound by the vote; and the two colonies, which were the most in danger, Connecticut and New Haven, were obliged to send over an application to the Protector Cromwell. He promptly despatched a small naval and military force; and, at the same time, sent a recommendation to Mas- sachusetts, that she should lend her assistance. This advice was not to be slighted. The general court authorized the officers of Cromwell to raise five hun- dred volunteers within their dominions: Connecticut and New Haven were busy with preparation; and, perhaps, nothing but the peace of 1651 could have saved the Dutch colony from total annihilation. The troops already raised were now turned against the CHAP. II. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 53 French possessions; which very promptly surrendered; and, though redenianded at the treaty of Westminster, were left to the result of future discussion ; and were soon after granted, for ever, to St. Etienne, Crown, and Temple. It was during the protectorate, that the colony of Massachusetts saw its most prosperous days. Its ex- emption from all commercial duties could not but cause it to grow rich: riches naturally introduced the refinements of more pohshed society; and, among the other beneficial results, four hundred pounds were bestowed by the general court, upon a public school at Newtown, (now Cambridge,) so early as 1636. The endowment was soon after greatly increased by Mr. John Harvard; in 1642, the school was exalted to a college; and, in 1650, obtained a charter of incor- poration. For these, and for a variety of other acts, the colony is entitled to our warmest praise; though, at the same time, there was such a spirit of canting and intolerant bigotry in all they did, that our praise must be taken with many grains of qualification. Their conduct towards other sects appears the more unpardonable, because it was an apostacy from theii" former professions, and added impohcy to intolerance. They punished others for exercising those religious rights, which they so strenuously asserted in the mo- ther country: and were so weak as to suppose, that 54 THE UNIl'ED STATES CHAP. 11. new denominations of Christians might be kept down^ by the scourge and the gallows. The event proved how httle they knew of human nature, and how little they had learnt from experience. The quakers grew under their auspices, and were established by their persecutions. Indeed, it is chiefly to religious intolerance that we must attribute the comparative rapidity, with which New England was colonized. Its first planters were bigots and enthusiasts. Every individual was more or less occupied with rehgious topics; and, as it was impossible, that all should think alike, different persons frequently hit upon principles, or found au- thorities in Scripture, which militated against the general doctrines of the sect. An attempt to sup- press such principles, or to controvert these autho- rities, was considered as an infringement of that reli- gious liberty, which they had all quitted their native country to enjoy. The disputant grew stubborn by opposition; was denounced as a heretic; and, gaining followers as a persecuted man, became the leader of a new sect, and, like the parent colony, departed, to exercise freedom of conscience in another land. New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut were thus settled; and, no sooner had they become somewhat numerous, than intolerance produced new sects, and new sects founded new settlements. Many CHAP. 11. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 55 of the towns in Connecticut were settled in this man- ner; and some could not have been settled in any other. Nothing but motives of religious enthusiasm could have induced these successive swarm.s to bear the hardships, which they were compelled to undergo. Placed in the midst of the hostile aborigines, they durst not sow their fields, for they knew not, that they should reap the harvest; and, such were the famines, which sometimes occurred, that they were reduced almost to a state of nature, and obliged to subsist upon acorns. The Indians were paid for their lands j but, as soon as the purchase-money was gone, they violated their treaties; and, knowing themselves to be the strongest party, continued to exact contributions, make and break treaties, until the settlers grew pow- erful enough to defend themselves, and, at last, to extirpate their enemies. Sectarian fanaticism was able to keep up those settlements, which the mere hopes of gain would never have continued; and it is worthy of remark, that, though Virginia was founded more than a dozen years before New England, the population of the latter, in 1673, was three times as great as that of the former. 5& THE UNITED STATES CHAP. III. CHAPTER III. Different Effects of the Restoration upon New England and Virginici — Disputes between Massachusetts and New Ha- ven — Disloyal Proceedings in Massachusetts — Effects of the Navigation-Act — Grant of the Duke of York — Appoint- ment of Commissioners to govern the Colonies — Expedi- tion against Manhadoes — Disputes between the Commis- sioners and Massachusetts — Carolina settled — Locke's Con-> stitution — Internal Dissensions in Carolina — Poverty of that Colony — Bacon's Insurrection in Virginia — Change in her Judiciary — Population and Military Force — Population and Military Force of New England— War with Philip — Boun- dary settled between Massachusetts and New Hampshire— The latter erected into a Royal Government — A Quo War- ranto issued against the Charter of Massachusetts — Project of Consolidating the Colony- — Dissensions in New York — Disputes between that Colony and New Jersey'^Overthrow of the Royal Government in New York — Settlement of Pennsylvania — New Charter for Massachusetts — Restora- tion of the Royal Government in New York — War with the French and Indians — Fort Pamaquid built — Comparative Force of the Colonies in 1695 — War with Canada — With the Spanish Colonies — Between Carolina and the Indians- Dissensions in New York — Boundary settled between Mas- sachusetts and Connecticut — Yale College. As it cannot have been forgotten, that Virginia took part with the royalists, daring the civil war in Eng- land, — and as we have just seen how zealously New England espoused the other side of the quarrel, — it scarcely needs to be added, that the restoration of Charles II. was attended with very different conse- quences to these respective portions of his empire. (JHAP. Ilf. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. » 57 The five per cent, duty was extended to the latter: the navigation act was revived: all English commerce was to be carried on by Enghsh seamen, in English ships; and, under the title of Enume^^ated Commodi- ties, all sugar, tobacco, ginger, fustic, or other dye- woods, indigo, cotton, and, afterwards, rice, molasses, and copper ore, were to be transported from the re- spective countries of production, directly to some place belonging to the crown of England. Virginia was, of course, subjected to these restrictions: but she was compensated, in a measure, by obtaining a monopoly of the tobacco-tj'ade; and the king showed her still further marks of his favour, by re-appointing Sir William Berkeley to the governorship, and by pro- claiming a general pardon to all those, who had been misled into the opposition of his cause. On the other hand, however, his majesty demand- ed a repeal of all the offensive acts, which had been passed during the late rebellion; and it was in March, 1661, that the assembly met, for the purpose of ex- punging 'air that were "^ unnecessary;' 'and chiefly ' such as might keep in memory their forced deviation "^from his majesty's obedience.' Some other neces- sary legislative business was transacted: an ineffectual attempt was made to encourage the growth of silk; but the only act of much consequence, was that of imposing duties, for the first time, upon the exporta- n 58 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. liL tioii of tobacco. In Maryland, nothing took place, worthy of particular mention. Rhode Island promptly acknowledged King Charles II.; and, in July, 1683, obtained, in return, a charter of incorporation; which placed the ' Governor and Company of the Enghsh Colony of Rhode Island and Providence^ upon the same footing with the other English colonies. Con- necticut manifested neither joy, nor sorrow; but, in April, 1662, Mr. Winthrop, who had been delegated to govern it, obtained a charter, similar to that of Rhode Island and of the other colonies. The boundaries, as defined in this charter, were very nearly those of the present state; and it could hardly have been expected, therefore, that New Haven, which was an independent colony, would quietly submit to its authority. She adhered, with determined perseverance, to her right of separate government; and Mr. Winthrop was induced to pro- mise, that a junction should not take place, without her consent: but the assembly proceeded to exercise the 'unbrotherly and unrighteous' powers of jurisdic- tion over her towns; and she was, at last, under the necessity of laying her case before the commissioners of the united colonies. They decided in favour of New Haven: Connecticut paid no regard to the deci- sion; and both parties were proceeding to very serious extremes, — when the news of the king's grant of CHAP. III. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 59 Manliadoes to the Duke of York, and of the appoint- ment of commissioners for the settlement of colonial disputes, first suspended, and finally extinguished the quarrel. The commissioners of the colonies, as well as those of the crown, were now in favour of the union; and, after a long process of negotiation, the compact was at last established; and representatives sent from both provinces to the general assembly. As the news of Charles the Second's restoration was somewhat equivocal, Massachusetts not only took no measures to recognise his authority, — but demon- strated very clearly, that she was opposed to his cause, by giving an affectionate welcome to Goffe and Whal- ley, two of the judges, who signed the death-warrant of his father.* In October, 1660, indeed, an address to the king was moved; but, as England was yet un- settled, the general court thought fit to decline the measure; and the only remarkable occurrence of the session, was the proscription of a book, entitled The Christian Commonwealth, which they found ' full of ^seditious principles.' On the SOth of November, however, a ship from Bristol brought positive intelli- gence of the restoration. The address could be no longer postponed; but, in the quaint instrument, which they indited for the occasion, very good care was taken to mix up, with their expressions of loyalty, an * See Note (E). (30 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. IIT. abundance of cant phrases concerning the preserva- tion of their own civil and reh'gious hberty. Reports were soon after abroad, that their commerce with Vir- ginia was to be interdicted; and that three frigates were bringing over a governor general for all the co- lonies. The sincere disposition of Massachusetts was soon manifest, in a series of solemn resolves, — that her patent was her constitution; that it empowered the governor and company to make freemen; that the freemen have a right to choose the officers of govern- ment; and that, saving the laws of England, this go- vernment is alone invested with the legislative and executive powers of the colony. ' As in duty bound/ they did, indeed, ' own and acknowledge' the king; but, to show how little cordiality there was in the ac- knowledgment, all disorderly behaviour, and drinking of his majesty's health, was strictly prohibited. These proceedings did not fail to reach the ears of the king; and so diligent were the enemies of the colony in ex- aggerating her disloyalty, that the general ct)urt was, at length, under the necessity of sending over agents, to remove unfavourable impressions, and to obtain a confirmation of their charter. Their prayer was, in- deed, granted; but the agents returned with a letter, which required an almost total revolution in their church and state. The agents were treated with con- tempt; and the requisitions very little attended to. CHAP. III. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 61 In 1663, England drew the finishing stroke to her Gommercial monopoly, by enacting, that no European commodity should be transported to her distant pos- sessions, without having first touched at her own shores, and without being on board of English ships, manned with English sailors. There were some un- important exceptions; and the measure was partially counterbalanced, by enforcing the prohibition to culti- vate tobacco in England, and by laying duties upon all salt and fish, imported by foreigners. New England paid little regard to these restrictions; and they very soon soured the good humour, which Virginia had dis- played at the restoration of the king. The dissatisfac- tion of the latter colony was greatly increased, by the continual fall in the price of tobacco. Several acts were made, to arrest its progress, or to remedy its effects; but their framers showed very little knowledge of political economy, or of human nature, when they undertook to do the one, by prohibiting, for a time, the culture of tobacco at all, — or to effect the other, by giving a priority of payment to those debts, which were contracted in the colony. They forgot, that tobacco might be raised in other places besides Virginia; that the prohibition of its culture there, would only shut the mouths of one set of complainants, to open those of another; and that foreigners must soon cease to trade i)2 THE UiVITED STATES CHAP. HI, with a colony, which could thus deliberately resolve to cheat them out of their debts. It was in March, 1664, that the king granted to the Duke of York an indefinite extent of territory, in- cluding, besides Manhadoes, the whole of New Jer- sey, and a great part of the present states of Connec- ticut and New York, as well as the islands of Mar- tha's Vineyard and Nantucket. Colonel Nichols, and four commissioners, sailed in four frigates, to take possession of the territory; and to assume a general power of superintending all the civil, criminal, and military affairs of New England. When the news reached this country, Massachusetts set apart a day for fasting and prayer; and appointed a committee to repair on board of the ships, as soon as they should arrive, and request the commanders to let but a few men go on shore at a time, and to give them particu- lar caution against doing any thing disorderly or offen- sive. Colonel Nichols, and the other commissioners, landed in July, and proceeded to lay before the coun- cil a letter from the king; which required, that prompt assistance should be given to the project of subduing New Netherlands. The general court resolved to 'bear faith and true allegiance to his majesty;' to ' adhere to their patent, so dearly obtained, and so long ' enjoyed, by undoubted right in the sight of God and 'man;' — and to raise two hundred soldiers. Nichols OHAP. III. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 63 proceeded immediately to Manhadoes; and the sur- render of the Dutch governor rendered the co-opera- tion of the Massachusetts troops unnecessary. Notwithstanding the submission, which the Dutch had paid to Captain Argal, in 1614, they returned to their former allegiance in the following year. In 1621, the states general granted their lands to the West India company; who built fort Nassau^ on the east side of Delaware Bay, — and fort Good Hope, on the west side of Connecticut, or, as they called it. Fresh River. The encroachments of New England obliged the Dutch to look to the south. Fort Casimir (Newcastle). on the Delaware, was built in 1651; captured, soon after, by the Swedes; and retaken, along with the Swedish town of Christiana, in 1655, In the follow- ing year, the Dutch made a settlement at Henlopen. Lord Baltimore sent an order for its removal: the order was disregarded; and the intruders held posses- sion, till the place was conquered by Nichols. When the latter gentleman first appeared before New Am- sterdam, Governor Stuyvesant was determined to hold out against him; but, as his people chose the promise of the English king's protection, in preference to that, which he was likely to afford them, he, at last, found himself obliged to subscribe a capitulation. The town was thenceforward called New York; and the island, York Island. Mr. Carteret subdued fort Oransre 0"^ The united states chap, hi, (Albany), on the 24tli of September, 1664; and Sir Robert Carr had conquered the country on the Dela- ware, by about the first of October. Nichols took possession of the whole territory; but, in November, 1665, he surrendered what is now New Jersey to Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret; who had obtained a conveyance from the Duke of York, as early as June, 1661. After the conquest of New Netherlands, the commissioners proceeded to exercise their powers of control over the provinces of New England. In Plymouth and Rhode Island, they met with no opposi- tion: but the people of Massachusetts considered them as legalized usurpers of authority, and drew up an earnest and energetic address to their master; ending with this remarkable sentence: — ' Let our government ' live, our patent live, our magistrates live, our reli- ^gious enjoyments live, so shall we all have further ^ cause to say, from our hearts, let the king live for 'ever.' The correspondence between the general court and the commissioners began in April, 1665. It soon degenerated into altercation; and, when the commissioners had vainly exhausted their patience, in reasoning and menace, they thought of bringing the subject to a close, by summoning the governor and company before them. The general court announced their disapprobation of the step, by the sound of the C«AP. III. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 65 trumpet; and they solemnly declared, that their duty to God and his majesty forbade them to countenance such tyrannical proceedings. It was easy to see, that submission, here, was out of the question; and the. commissioners proceeded to New Hampshire and Maine; where they established the claims of Mason and Gorges, and put the country under a system of royal government. The general court of Massachu- setts protested, that these transactions tended to dis- turb the public peace; and, though the commissioners refused all conference on the subject, New Hampshire and Maine were soon afterwards brought again under the protection of their old mistress. When Charles heard of these things, he ordered, that agents should be sent to England by the general court, to explain and clear up their conduct. They first doubted the authenticity, and never complied with the requisitions, of the letter. In the mean time, new colonies were rising up in the south. As early as 1514, Ponce de Leon, a Spanish navigator, gave the name of Florida to the northern coast of the Mexican Gulf; and the whole continent was thence called Florida, till Elizabeth bestowed upon it the title of Virginia. In 1523-4-5, the coast was accurately explored by Varazan, an Italian: in 1562, a French colony, under one Ribaud, built fort Charles, on the Edisto; and, two years af- I 6G THE UNITED STATES ^HAP. IK. tenvards, a more numerous body of emigrants, under one Laudoniere, made a settlement on May, now Si Matheo River. The emigrants were all piassacred by the Spanish; and, though they were revenged by Chevaher Gourgues, no permanent settlement was ever effectuated. Fifteen years afterwards. Sir Wal- ter Raleigh commenced his abortive attempts at colo- nization; and, in 1630, Sir Robert Heath obtained a grant of the country; but never carried it into execu- tion. Some emigrants from Massachusetts had set- tled about Cape Fear; but it was not until 1663, — when the land from the River St. Matheo to the 36th degree of north latitude, was, under the name of Ca- rolina, granted in absolute property to Lord Clarendon, and a number of others, — that any effectual steps were taken towards a permanent colony. The proprietors immediately adopted measures to encourage emigra- tion; establishing a constitution, by which the governor was to be chosen by thirteen electors, nominated by the people; proclaiming the utmost toleration of reli- gion; and allowing every freeman one hundred, and every servant fifty, acres of land, at the trifling rate of half a penny the acre. A settlement, which had been made by some Vir- ginians, around Albemarle Sound, was put under the ^-supervision of Sir William Berkeley; who was em- powered to make grants of land, and to appoint a go- OHAP. III. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 67 vernor and council. The proprietors next proceeded to erect the territory, extending from Cape Fear to St. Matheo River, into a county under the name of Claren- don; which, in 1665, was put under the government of Mr. John Yeamans, an emigrant from Barbadoes. Another settlement was made south of Cape Romain; and, in June, the company obtained a new charter, which comprehended all the land extending north- eastward to Carahtuke Inlet; thence to Wyonok, in 36° 30' north latitude; south-westward to the twenty- ninth parallel; and from the Atlantic to the South Sea, The inhabitants of Albemarle cultivated Indian corn and tobacco: they received their supplies from New England; and, in order to encourage emigration, their legislature enacted, that, for five years, no person should be sued for a debt contracted abroad. But they were destined, soon after, to receive a system of laws from a more exalted source. The proprietors applied to Mr. Locke; who, because he was an acute and profound reasoner, both in abstract politics and in metaphysics, would, they imagined, be able to frame an admirable body of practical constitu- tions. The outlines of his system were these: — One of the proprietors, chosen palatine for life, was to be the president of a palatine court, composed of all those, who were entrusted with the execution of the charter: and, for the mobility, th^re was to be a set 68 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. lil- of landgraves and caciques; the former having, each four hereditary baronies, of four thousand acres each; the latter, half of the number, of half the extent. These, with the proprietors, or their deputies, and the representatives of the freeholders, were to constitute a parliament, and to vote, as a single body, in the same apartment. All bills were to originate, and to be prefaced, in a grand council of the governor, the nobility, and the deputies of the proprietors; and, at the end of every century, all laws were to be void, without any formal repeal. The Duke of Albemarle was chosen first palatine; but his death, soon after, gave place to Lord Berkeley. Mr. Locke became a landgrave; and all the proprietors had high offices. In January, 1670, William Sargle made a settle- jnent at Port Royal; which, before 1679, had cost the proprietors eighteen thousand pounds. It was govern- ed by the founder, till August 1676; when he fell a victim to the climate, and was succeeded, in the go- vernment, by Sir John Yeamans. Old CharUsloini was founded in the same year. But, w^hile these events were taking place in the south, some less pro- pitious circumstances occurred in the Albemarle co- lony. In 1670, the inhabitants were exasperated, by an attempt of Governor Stephens to introduce Mr. Locke's constitution: their ill temper was increased by a report^ that the proprietors meditated a dismember- CHAP. III. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. <}9 ment of the colony; nor was it at all assuaged, by the endeavours of the company to cut off their trade with New England. In 1677, the malcontents found a leader in Culpeper, the surveyor-general of Carolina; and they composed so great a portion of the people, that it was not long before they had completely revo- lutionized the government. The tithables of the co- lony, namely, all white men, together with negro and Indian women, between sixteen and sixty, — were ascertained to be only fourteen hundred; and the whole exports, exclusive of cattle and corn, were not more than eight hundred thousand pounds of tobacco. Culpeper continued governor till 1683; when Seth Sothel arrived. He had bought Lord Clarendon's interest; was appointed governor in 1680; and was banished the country, for twelve months, in 1688. The five years of his administration had been little else than a series of bribery, extortion, breach of trust, and disobedience of orders. A considerable period elapsed, before the occur- rence of any other important event in Carolina. As an evidence of her poverty, we may mention, that, when Mr. Joseph West, the mercantile agent of the proprietors, succeeded to the governorship, in the place of Sir John Yeamans, he was obliged to receive his salary in plantation and mercantile stock. In April, 1679, Charles made an abortive attempt to 70 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. HI. cultivate wine, oil, silk, and other southern produc- tions; and, about the same period, the present city of Charleston was founded, and made the seat of govern- ment. For a long time, the colony was at enmity with the Spanish settlement of St. Augustine. But nothing of much consequence occurred, till the year 1693; when, after having struggled, in vain, to sup- port a constitution, which was no way adapted to their cii'cumstances, the colony renounced the system of Mr. Locke, and resumed their old form of govern- ment. In the mean time, the colony of Virginia was labouring under new difficulties. The price of to- bacco would still decrease, in spite of every exertion to stop it: the Indians were hostile: the king made large grants of land to his favourites; and, in 1676, just as the agents of the colony were about to obtain a compliance with its wishes on this head, a formidable rebelhon, under Colonel Nathaniel Bacon, — a bold, ambitious, and fluent young man, who had been no- minated to the council, — threatened to involve the country in still greater calamities. He harangued the people upon their manifold grievances; — and when did the people ever turn a deaf ear to such harangues? He was appointed their general; and, entering James- town, at the head of six hundred armed followers, applied to the governor for a commission. It was be- CHAP. III. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 71 stowed, of course; but, as soon as Bacon was beyond the capital, the governor caused him to be proclaimed a rebel. He immediately returned; and the governor fled to Accomack. The insurgents held a convention; inveighed against the governor for fomenting civil war, and abdicating his office; declared, that it be- hoved them to suppress all disturbances, till the colony was rightly represented to the king, by the deputies of Nathaniel Bacon; and concluded their manifesto, by recommending an oath, to join their general against the common enemy, and to assist in apprehending all evil-disposed persons. The governor collected a small band of followers: a civil war ensued: Jamestown was burnt by the insurgents; and the colony was suf- fering under all the evils of such a war, — when, in January, 1677, the death of Bacon brought them to a close. Sir William Berkeley resumed the govern- ment; but returned to England soon after; and was succeeded by Hubert Jeffreys; who, soon after his arrival, effectuated a peace with the Indians. Until 1680, the general court of Virginia was composed of the counsellors; the supreme appellate jurisdiction being exercised by the whole assembly. In that year, Governor Culpeper instituted a question, whether the counsellors could lawfully sit in an assembly, who heard appeals from their own deci- sions^ The burgesses claimed the exclusive right o( 12 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. III. judging in the last resort; and the controversy ended, as Lord Culpeper probably expected it would, by making the judgments of the general court final, in cases of less value than three hundred pounds; with a right of appeal, in those of greater amount, to the king in council. From this time to the revolution of 1688, the history of Virginia is barren of all interest. Tobacco continued at a low price; and several per sons were executed for endeavouring to enhance it, by destroying the plant in the bed, when it w^as too late to sow the seed again. In June, 1671, Sir Wil- liam Berkeley estimated the population at forty thou- sand souls; and, by an official return of General Smith, in 1680, it appears, that the military force of the colony consisted of seven thousand two hundred and sixty-eight infantry, and thirteen hundred cavalry. About the same time, New England is said to have contained four times as many inhabitants, and double the number of militia. This difference is a sufficient indication of prosperity; and prosperity re- sulted chiefly from a neglect of all commercial restric- tions, — and from the quiet, in which the plague, the fire of London, and the discontents of the English people, necessitated the mother-country to leave her distant possessions. But, in 1670, a plan was laid, in another quarter, for the interruption of this prosper- ous repose. Philip, second son of Massassoet, pro- CHAP. III. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 7S jected, and, by 1675, his activity had brought about, a general combination of all the Indian tribes, in New England, against the white invaders of their territory. No intimation of the plan transpired, till it was effec- tually ripe; when the Indians fell suddenly upon the^ white inhabitants; and scarcely a family escaped, without the loss of a relative or friend. But Philip, at length, lost his own family and counsellors; was killed himself, by one of his own people, in August, 1676; and the want of another adequate leader ne- cessitated his followers to submit. The warriors under his own immediate command had never ex- ceeded five hundred; but his whole force, exclusive of the eastern Indians, was estimated at three thou- sartd. In the midst of the Indian war, Massachusetts had to renew the discussion of the claims, set up by Mason and Gorges, to New Hampshire and Maine. As the general court had evaded the frequent efforts of Charles to bring them before his council, he de- puted Edward Randolph, in 1676, to advertise them of his resolution to give judgment on the other side, unless an appearance should be entered within six months. The appearance, however, was of httle avail; for, although representatives were promptly despatched by the court, it was decided by the king, in council, that the boundary of xVlassachusetts should K 74 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. Ill, not be consti'ued to rim more than three miles north of the Merrimack. A royal government was consti- tuted for New Hampshire, in 1676; and Massachu- setts was obliged to give Gorges twelve hundred pounds for the recovery of Maine. Nothing but the poverty of Charles had prevented him from buying both of these provinces, for his favourite son, the Duke of Monmouth. The purchase of Massachusetts, therefore, was a great aggravation of her manifold delinquencies; and they were again rendered more flagrant by the ill success of Mr. Randolph, in en- forcing obedience to the navigation laws. In 1681, complaints, from all sides, had become so formidable, that the general court saw the necessity of appointing agents, to represent the colony in England; thougli special caution was given to those agents, against con- senting to any measure, which would infringe the liberties secured by the charter. Their powers were declared insufficient; and they were told, that a quo ■warranto would immediately issue against the colony, unless more satisfactory ones should be obtained. Some efforts were made to render the colony submis- sive; but the people determined, throughout, 'that it '^ was better to die by other hands than their own;' and they, accordingly, died by the hands of the high court of chancery, in the Trinity Term of 1684. Charles did not long survive this decree; but the CHAP. III. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 7$ colonists had no reason to presage any better things from his successor, James II.; who, in 1686, consti- tuted a president and council, for the absolute, though temporary, government of New England. The presi- dentship was given to Mr. Dudley; but he, as a native of Massachusetts, was, by no means, inclined to be so strict and tyrannical as the king had intended; and it was found necessary to put the office into the more ready and vigorous hands of Sir Edmund Andros, who had been the governor of New York. Imme- diately after his arrival, he proceeded to break the seal, and to dissolve the government of Rhode Island: treated Connecticut in the same manner; annexed both to Massachusetts; and called together a grand legislative council, of persons selected by the crown, throughout the united colonies. The acts of this body w^ere so oppressive, or so offensive, at any rate, that the colonists saw fit to depute Mr. Mather, an eminent politician and divine, to lay their grievances before the king. Mr. Mather was graciously received; but James was not to be turned from a project he had conceived, of consolidating all the colonies, as far as the Delaware, in order to resist the encroachments of the French; and, instead of restoring the provinces of New England, each to its own separate govern- ment, he annexed to the union, already formed, the two additional colonies of New York and New Jersey. 70 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. HI. The people of New England continued an ostensible obedience to the grand council; but they secretly cursed all its proceedings, both good and bad; and only awaited some convenient occasion, to show their real feelings, in an open manner. A vague report, concerning the proceedings of the Prince of Orange, w^as sufficient to set the materials of rebellion on fire. The people of Boston rose, without any apparent concert, on the 18th of April, 1689; seized and im- prisoned the governor; restored the old order of things ; and were, shortly after, relieved from all fears about the consequences of their precipitancy, by hav- ing to celebrate the coronation of William and Mary. The other colonies of New England did not fail to follow the good example of Massachusetts. New York, in the mean while, was, also, under- going its revolutions. In July, 1673, when England and Holland were, once more, at war, it was taken, without opposition, by a small Dutch squadron, under Binkies and Evertzen; was restored by the treaty of Westminster, in the following year; and, along with New Jersey, was, soon after, put under the govern- ment of Sir Edmund Andros. The claim to a part of Connecticut was renewed; but met vi^ith such reso- lute opposition, that Sir Edmund was obliged to rehn- quisli it. He dissatisfied his own people, too, by continuing the taxes imposed by the Dutch, and by CHAP. III. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 77 imposing some new duties, on the sole authority of the proprietor. He was accused to the king; and acquitted. The collector was next seized, and sent to England; but was never prosecuted. And it was not till 1683, when the revenue laws were about to expire, that the complaints of the colonists, and the doubts of many in the mother country, as to the duke^s legislative powers, induced him to appoint a new governor, with instruptions to summon an as- sembly. In 1674, William Penn obtained an assignment of Lord Berkeley's interest in the Jerseys; and, in 1676, he released East Jersey to Carteret. About 1680, after settling a controversy with the Duke of York, he, with eleven others, obtained a transfer of Carteret's part; and immediately conveyed one half of their interest to the Earl of Perth, and others. Continual efforts were made, in the mean time, for re-annexing the Jerseys to New York. Carteret estabhshed a port of entry at Amboy. Andros seized and condemned the vessels which traded there. New York then claimed the right of taxing the Jerseys; but, when her collector ventured to prosecute a ves- sel, judgment was, almost invariably, given against him. A quo ivarranto issued against East Jersey: the proprietors surrendered their patent: and it was 78 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. IIL not long after, that, as we have seen above, both Jer- seys were annexed to New England. A Mr. Dongan was tJie governor, who succeeded Andros, in 1683. The French had undertaken to exclude the people of New York from the fur trade in Canada; and, as the Five Nations were then at war with the tribes of that country, Dongan sought revenge, by obtaining permission to assist them. The permission was recalled, in 1686; and, under Andros, New York was, shortly after, annexed to New Eng- land. James II. had ordered the discontinuance of assemblies: the colonists were greatly exasperated at the proceeding; and, as soon as they heard of the revolution at Boston, they took possession of the fort, in King William's name, and drove the heutenant- governor out of the country. Captain Jacob Leisler, who was the leader of the insurrection, conducted afterwards with so little prudence or moderation, that the province was divided into two factions, and for a long time suffered much inconvenience from their mutual animosities. In 1681, William Penn obtained a charter for the territory of Pennsylvania: in April, 1682, he formed a code of laws for his intended colony; in August, he obtained from the Duke of York a grant of Newcas- tle, with the country southward, to Cape Henlopen,' and, in October of the same year, he landed on the GHAP. III. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. ^9 banks of the Delawai^, with two thousand emigrants. Philadelphia was immediately founded; and, within twelve months, nearly one hundred houses demonstrat- ed the rapidity of its growth. The proprietor, though appointed 'captain-general' of his territory;, and in- vested with power to raise, equip, and lead his forceSj whenever it should be necessary, did not come to the country as a conqueror;* and, instead of exaspe- rating the natives, by forcing them to quit their lands, conciliated their good will, by paying them a satisfac- tory equivalent. He experienced considerable diffi- culty, however, in settling a dispute with Lord Bahi- more, about the boundaries of his grant; and, after some fruitless altercation, the question was submitted to the committee of plantations; who decided, that the peninsula formed by the Bays of Chesapeake and Delaware should be equally divided between the two claimants, by a meridional line, drawn from the for- tieth degree of north latitude to Cape Henlopen. Penn's code of laws was founded on the enlightened principle, that liberty, without obedience, is confu- 'sion; and obedience, without hberty, is slavery:' but its complicated provisions were much better in theory than in practice; and, after many unsuccessful at- tempts to make it fit the circumstances of the colony, it was finally abandoned for a more simple form of government. Pennsylvania was dilatory in acknow- * See Note (G). 80 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. Ill, lodging the Prince of Orange. The government was administered in the name of James, for some time after his abdication; and, when, at last, the proprietor was obliged to recognise Wilham and Mary, he did not lack address to make satisfactory apologies for his delay. Nor did Massachusetts derive so much benefit from the revolution as she had, at first, anticipated. In June, 1689, the assembly met at Boston; and, until orders were received from England, the council were requested to administer the government according to the original charter. The king sent for Sir Admond Andros, and the other prisoners: the general court deputed two assistants, Mr. Cooke and Mr. Oakes, to aid the other agents in procuring a confirmation of their beloved charter: but a new one was issued, in 1691; and the colony found, with no little dissatisfac- tion, that, in future, the king was to appoint their governor, deputy-governor, and secretary; and that the governor was to have the calling, adjoiu'nment, proro- gation, and dissolution of the assembly, — as well as the sole appointment of all military, and, with the council, of all judicial, officers. By another provision, Ply- mouth and Nova Scotia were annexed to Massachu- setts; while, contrary to the wishes of both parties, New Hampshire was left to a separate government. In May, 1692, Sir William Phipps, the first governor. CHAP. III. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. Bl arrived with the new charter; which, after all, was, in the following June, joyfully accepted by the general assembly. New York was reduced to its former allegiance, in March, 1691. The conduct and character of Leis- ler had determined some of the most respectable men in the colony to settle at Albany; where a convention of the people resolved to retain the fort and country for the king and queen. Liesler sent against it a small force, under his worthy lieutenant, one Jacob Mel- bourne; who, though, on his Qrst attack, he found the garrison impregnable to his sermons against James and popery, was enabled to subdue them on the se- cond, by the co-operation of the Indians. Their property was confiscated; and Leisler's authority re- established. But both himself and his authority were short-lived. He had the folly to resist the new go- vernor. Colonel Flenry Slaughter; who soon obtained possession of the fort, and ordered Leisler and Mel- bourne to be executed for high treason. Nor was it with internal enemies alone that New York had, at this time, to contend. In 1688, Louis XIV. despatched some ships of war, under one Caffiniere, in order to assist Count Frontignac, general of the land forces, in a project for the conquest of that province. Count Frontignac was indefatigable in his efforts to gain over the Five Nations; who had made two attacks upon I, 82 THE UNITED STATES CHAF. IIL Montreal, and murdered a great number of inhabitants- He held a great council with them at Onondaga; and^ as they seemed to be somewhat inclined to peace, he resolved to give their favourable disposition no time for change, and, at the same time, to inspirit his own drooping countrymen, by finding them immediate employment against the English colonies. On the 19th of January, a party of about two hundred French, and some Cahnuaga Indians, set out, in the deep snow, for Schenectady: they arrived on the 8th of Februaiy, eleven o'clock at night, and the first intimation the inhabitants had of their design, was conveyed in the noise of their own bursting doors. The village was burnt: sixty persons were butchered; twenty-seven suffered the worse fate of captivity; and the rest made their way naked through the snow to Albany, A party of young men, and some Mohawk Indians, set out from the latter place; pursued the enemy: and killed and captured twenty-five. In the spring and summer of 1680, New Hampshire and Maine were subject to similar inroads. Massachusetts fitted out seven small vessels, with about eight hundred men; who, under Sir William Phipps, had the poor revenge of taking Fort Royal, and returned on the 30th of May, with hardly plunder enough to pay the expense of equipment. About the same time. Count Frontignac made an attack upon Salmon Falls and CHAP. IIT. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 83 Fort Casco; where he killed and captured about one hundred and eighty persons. New York, Connecticut, and Massachusetts now resolved to join in an united attack upon the common enemy. The troops of the former set out, by land, for Montreal. Those of the latter, consisting of about two thousand, set sail from Nantucket, on the 9th of August, in a fleet of forty vessels, some of which car- ried forty-four guns. The land forces did not receive the aid they expected from the Five Nations: their provisions fell short; and they were obliged to return. The naval expedition did not reach (Quebec till Octo- ber: the energy of Sir William Phipps was by no means calculated to counterbalance the inclemency of the season; and, after holding several councils of war, and parading about the place for two or three days, it was deemed most expedient to return; and the fleet arrived safely at Boston, on the LSth of November. The colony being unable to pay off" the troops, they threat- ened to mutiny; and, as a last resource, the general court issued bills of credit, and, at the same time, im- posed a tax, payable in those bills, at five per cent, above par. The paper, for a time, was worth only fourteen shillings in the pound: but it rose above par, when the tax was about to be collected. The Indians now renewed their hostihties. Sir William Phipps went to England for aid; but re- 84 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. Ill, turned, without effecting his purpose. A fort was built at Pamaquid. Iberville and Villebone appeared before it with two ships of war, and some French and Indians; but, to the no small dissatisfaction of the latter, the liteness of the season, and the want of a pilot, necessitated them to return. In the summer of 1693, King William at length despatched two thou- sand one hundred sailors, and two thousand four hundred soldiers, for the reduction of Q,uebec; but they were first to capture Martinique; and, before they reached Boston, a contagious fever had carried off more than half of their numbers. The rest were inca- pable of service; and the expedition was abandoned. In 1696, the conquests which Massachusetts had made in the French territory, refused their obedience: Pa- maquid was taken by Iberville; and New Hampshire was obliged to secure herself from attack, by putting a body of five hundred men under the command of Colonel Church. But Iberville retired; and, though Church made, in turn, a successful inroad upon the French territory, nothing of consequence took place on either side. In the course of the same year, a plan was matured at the court of Versailles, for laying waste all the English possessions in America; and it is said, that the plan would probably have succeeded, had not the forces, appropriated for the purpose, been employ- ed in other service, till the season of operation was past. CHAP. Ill- BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. bo The peace of Riswick put an end to hostilities between the French and Enghsh on both sides of the Atlantic. All the New England colonies had suffered severely from the Indians during the war. New York was protected by the Five Nations: and yet, so little did the English ministry know of the respective situa- tions of the colonies, or so partial w ere they to that of the Duke of York, that they formed a design, in 1695, of unitins; the forces of all the others for the defence of this. Massachusetts was to furnish three hundred and fifty men; Rhode Island, forty-eight; Connecticut, one hundred and twenty; New York, two hundred: Pennsylvania, eighty; Maryland, one hundred and sixty; Virginia, two hundred and fifty; in all, eleven hundred and ninety-eight. But the plan was never carried into execution. Such of the colonies as were attacked themselves, could not spare troops to defend others; and those that were still at peace, could not tell how long they should be. As Virginia was pecu- liarly peaceful, she furnishes little matter for the pen of the historian. The college of William and Mary obtained a charter, in 1692; had a liberal endowment, soon after; and was established at Williamsburg, in 1693. In 1698, the state-house at Jamestown was consumed by fire; and, in the following year, the seat of government was removed to Wilhamsburg. By the treaty of Riswick, there was to be a recipro- 86 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. HI. cal surrender of all conquests made during the war. But no specific arrangement was entered into, for as- certaining the respective boundaries of the English and French possessions in America. The subject furnish- ed ample room for controversy; and, when news was brought, that hostilities had been re-connnenced in Europe, it found the colonies in a fit disposition to wel- come the event. They mutually flew to arms; and, as New York had secured herself from danger, by assist- ing to conclude a treaty of neutrality, between the Five Nations and the governor of Canada, New Eng- land was obliged to endure the whole brunt of the war. Propositions were, indeed, made for a general neutrality; but Dudley, the governor of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, was in hopes of subduing Nova Scotia, and, perhaps, Canada; and, in the spring of 1707, he applied to Connecticut and Rhode Island to assist his own colonies in raising, for the purpose, a body of one thousand men. The former declined to contribute her quota: the troops were raised by the other three; and, on the 13th of May, the expedition set sail from Nantasket, in twenty-three transports, under the convoy of the Deptford man of war, and the Province galley. It arrived at Port Royal in a few days; but, as Colonel Mai'ch, though a brave man, was unfit to head so difficult an enterprise, little was done beyond the burning of some houses, and the killing of a few cattle. CHAP. in. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 87 The officers were jealous of each other: all were mis- taken as to the state of the fort; and it was soon con- cluded to re-embark the troops. They were led back again by the vicegerents of the governor; but, after spending ten days in fruitless parade about the fort, they again re-embarked and came home. The colonies were resolved not to give up the en- terprise so. In the fall of 1708, Massachusetts plied the queen with an address; which, with the assistance of the colony's friends in England, at length obtained from the ministry a promise of five regiments of regu- lar troops. These, with twelve hundred men, raised in Massachusetts and Rhode Island, were to sail from Boston and proceed to Quebec; while a second divi- sion of fifteen hundred men, from the colonies south of Rhode Island, were to march against Montreal, by the route of Lake Champlain. Pennsylvania did not raise her quota of troops; and those furnished by the other colonies did not penetrate beyond Wood Creek. The Boston troops waited for the English army from the ;20th of May to the 11th of October, 1709; when the news, that it had been ordered to Portugal, obliged the provinces to abandon the undertaking. But their patience was not yet exhausted. Another application was made to the queen; and, in July, 1710, Colonel Nicholson, who commanded the troops destined for Montreal, the year before, came over with five frigates 88 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. Hi. and a bomb-ketch, for the purpose of attacking Port Royal. He was joined by three regiments of New- England troops; sailed from Boston, the 18th of Sep- tember; and, on the 24th, was before Port Royal; which surrendered, on the 5th of October; and, being called Annapolis, in honour of the queen, was put under the government of Samuel Yech, a Nova Scotian trader. Nicholson returned to England; and, pleading the success of his first expedition, obtained from the new ministry an army of seven regiments, who had grovvn veteran under the Duke of Marlborough. The colonies, too, made every exertion to bear the ex- penses and burthens of the expedition. Troops were soon raised: Massachusetts issued forty thousand pounds in bills of credit: provisions were impressed: and, on the 30th of July, 1711, the whole armament left Boston harbour for Q,uebec. On the 23d of Au- gust, the wreck of ten transports on Egg Island, in the St. Lawrence, determined the squadron to put about A debate was held at Spanish River, in Cape Breton, upon the expediency of annoying the French at Pla- centia; but the whole expedition sailed for England, w^ithout annoying them there, or any where else. The frontiers of the colonies were again left exposed to depredation; nor was it till 1713, that the cession of Nova Scotia to England prevented the French from instigating the Indians to hostility. CHAP. III. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 89 While these things were taking place in the north, Carohna was alternately engaged in disputes with its proprietors, and in quarrels with its neighbours. A rumour of the war against France and Spain, in 1702^ induced Governor Moore to anticipate the event, by proposing an immediate attack upon St. Augustine. In vain did the more temperate incur the epithet of traitor, by protesting against the measure. There were six thousand white inhabitants of the colony: two thousand pounds were voted tQ defray all ex- penses; and, in September, of the same year, Mr. Moore sailed, with a part of six hundred militia and six hundred Indians; while Colonel Daniel set out by land with the remainder. The Spaniards, apprised of the undertaking, had stored the castle with four months' provisions; and, when their invaders arrived, they found it impossible to dislodge the garrison, with- out battering artillery. While Colonel Daniel was gone to Jamaica to procure it, the appearance of two small Spanish vessels at the mouth of the harbour so terrified the governor, that he abandoned his own ships, and fled precipitately to Carolina. Daniel escaped the enemy with great difficulty: and the only result of the enterprise was a debt of six thousand pounds; which the colony was obliged to discharge by bills of credit, redeemable in three years, out of a duty on liquors, skins, and furs. But the ignominy of this M 00 THE UNITED STATES GHAP. III. expedition, was shortly after wiped off^ by a success- ful war against the Appalachian Indians; who, after witnessing the conflagration of all their towns between the Altamaha and the Savannah, were fain to solicit peace, and to acknowledge the British government. Peace with external enemies was soon followed by a revival of the old dispute with the proprietors. They added new fuel to the controversy, by attempting to establish the episcopal church; and the flame, at length, mounted so high, that, had not another foreign war witlidrawn the attention of the colony, they must have shortly fallen under a writ of quo warranto, Spain, through the governor of Havanna, de- spatched M. Le Feboure, captain of a French fri- gate, with four other armed vessels, and eight hun- dred men, to make a practical assertion of her right, by first discovery, to all North America. The news was no sooner brought lo Charleston, than the appear- ance of the squadron was announced by signals from Sullivan's Fort. But the enemy consumed one day in sounding South Bar; and Sir Nathaniel Johnson, who had succeeded Mr. Moore, and who had well employed the military skill he acquired in Europe, in erecting works of defence about the harbour, made good use of the twenty-four hmirs, in calling out the militia, and procuring the aid of the Indians. The enemy landed three times: three times they were sue- CHAP. III. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 91 cessfully repulsed; and they weighed anchor for Ha- vanna, under new impressions of the strength of CaroHna. The invasion cost the colony about eight thousand pounds: no tax had ever yet been imposed on lands or persons; and a continuance of the duty on liquors, skins, and furs, was pledged to redeem an additional amount of bills of credit. Commodities immediately rose in price; and the paper currency soon fell thirty-three and a third per cent, below par. In 1707, the death of the palatine. Lord Granville, a bigoted churchman, gave place to Lord Cravan, a more liberal and tolerant member of the same sect. In 1712, the neighbouring Indians formed a secret plan for the extermination of the North Carolinians, They fell suddenly upon the inhabitants; and, in the single settlement of Roanoke, one hundred and se- venty-seven persons fell victims to their cruelty. Some fugitives carried the intelligence to Charleston. The assembly voted four thousand pounds, to raise troops for their defence; and a Colonel Barnwell was soon detached, with six hundred militia and about three hundred and sixty friendly Indians. In the first engagement, three hundred of the enemy fell, and one hundred were captured. The rest took shelter in a wooden breast-work at Tuscarora; but were so vigorously pressed, that they soon sued for peace; quitted the country; and, joining with the Iroquois., 9^ THE UNITED STATES CHAP. Ilf. formed what has since been called the Six, instead of the Five, Nations. The addition made by this war to the debt of the colony, induced the assembly to institute a bank; and to issue notes for forty thousand pounds; which should be lent on interest, and made a legal tender. In the first year, the exchange rose to one hundred and eighty; in the second, to two hundred, per cent. And, what was an additional vexation to the colonists, Q,ueen Anne made a despe- rate attempt to settle, by proclamation, the nominal value of their foreign coin. About the year 1702, a contagious fever was brought from the West Indies into several of the North American sea-ports. It raged violently in New York, and was mortal in almost every instance. To increase the calamities of the colony, it was, in the same year, put under the government of the needy and profligate Lord Cornbury; who joined the Anti-Leislerian party, because it was the strongest; flattered the assembly in a set speech; got them to raise fifteen hundred pounds, for erecting batteries at the Narrows; and appropriated the money to his own use. A quarrel ensued between himself and the legislature. But he continued to charge enormous fees, and to demand and misapply money, — till, in 1706, the united complaints of New York and Jersey induced the queen to recall him. One good conse- CHAP. III. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 93 quence attended his administration. The assembly passed a resohition, ' that the imposing and levying ' ol' any monies upon her majesty's subjects of this 'colony, under any pretence or colour whatsoever, 'without their consent in general assembly, is agriev- ' ance, and a violation of the people^s property.^ As early as 1692, it is worthy of observation, that Mas- sachusetts published a still stronger assertion of the same principle. 'No aid, tax, tallage, assessment, ' custom, loan, benevolence, or imposition whatsover, (says the act; and the words remind us of Mctgna Cliarta) 'shall be laid, assessed, imposed, or levied 'on any of their majesties' subjects, or their estates, ' on any pretence whatsoever, but by the act and con- ' sent of the governor, council, and representatives of 'the people, assembled in general court.' New York had entered with much zeal into the project of conquering Canada; which we have before mentioned as having failed, for the want of the pro- mised support from England. To defray the ex- penses of the army, under Colonel Nicholson, New York voted twenty thousand pounds, in bills of credit: New Jersey added three thousand pounds; and Con- necticut, eight thousand more. After the enterprise had failed. Colonel Schuyler, a gentleman of great influence in New York, undertook a voyage to Eng- land, at his own expense, in order to enlist the minis- 94 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. III. try once more in the cause. The presence of five Indian Sachems, who sailed with him, added consi- derably to the weight of his negotiation; and he has the merit of having been a chief promoter of the ex- pedition, which was so successful against Port Royal, in 1710. When Massachusetts undertook that, which terminated so differently, against Q,upbec, in 1712, New York issued ten thousand pounds in bills of credit, and incurred debts to still greater an amount, in order to co-operate with Connecticut and New Jersey, in putting Mr. Nicholson at the head of four thousand men, for a corresponding attack upon Mon- treal. But some of the ships, which had been sent to co-operate in the plan, were wrecked in the St. Lawrence; and the return of the fleet having left the French governor at liberty to direct his whole force against the army. Colonel Nicholson was apprehen- sive of discomfiture, and commenced a retreat. Here concludes the history, down to this period, of every important event in the colonies, if we except the order of Queen Anne, issued in 1712, to discontinue the presents, with which the inhabitants had been accustomed to conciliate their governors; and the ad- justment of boundaries between Rhode Island and Connecticut, and between Connecticut and Massa- chusetts. The two latter agreed, that the towns, which they had respectively settled, should still remain under GHAP. III. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 95 their former jurisdiction; and that, if either party should be found to have encroached on the territory of the other, the loss should be made good by an equal grant of lands, in some other place. Massachusetts had to give Connecticut one hundred and seven thou- sand seven hundred and ninety-three acres; which were sold by the latter, chiefly for the support of Yale College. As early as 1655, New Haven made an ap- propriation of three hundred, and Milford of one hundred pounds, for the support of a grammar- school and college. The former, soon after, added a donation of lands; and, in 1659, the legislature voted forty pounds annually, and one hundred pounds for the purchase of books. In 1660, a donation was received from Governor Hopkins. The general court agreed to establish both institutions at New Haven; and the project had just begun to show its fruits, when the troubles of the colony so impoverished their resources, that they could not pay for instructors, ^lien the New England colonies formed the union in 1665, the grammar-school was revived; and the funds, which had been raised for both institutions, being appropriated exclusively to this, it has been enabled to continue in existence to the present time. In 1698, the clergy began again to talk upon the subject of a college: in the following year, ten of their number were chosen to found, erect, and govern one: 96 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. III. and, in 1700, they met at Branford, each bringing three or four large books, and laying them upon the table, with ' I give these books for the founding of a ' college in this colony/ As it was doubtful whether they conkl hold property, it was agreed to petition for a charter. To promote the design, Mr. Fitch, of Norwich, gave six hundred acres of land, and ' all * the glass and nails which should be necessary to *buikl a college-house and hall' The charter was granted in Octot)er, 1701; and, on the 11th of No- vember, the trustees held a meeting; chose a rector; passed some rules, for the government of the institu- tion; and concluded to fix it at Saybrook. The first commencement was lield at that place on the 13th of September, 1 702. The college was originally designed for the education of ministers: the charter provided, that the trustees should be none but clergymen; and, of the forty-six graduates, between 1 102 and 1713, thirty-four became ministers. The growth of the school, though slow, at length rendered it inconvenient to accommodate all the stu- dents at Saybrook; and both they and their parents were dissatisfied to see a part transferred to Milford. The evil grew worse every day; and, as the trustees did not seem inclined to apply the proper remedy, by removing the institution to a more adequate place, the several towns of the colony undejtook to Ibrce the to^HAP. in. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 97 measure, by subscribing different sums for its esta- blishment in different situations. Seven hundred pounds sterHng were subscribed to fix it at New Haven; five hundred for its continuance at Saybrook; and less sums for its removal to other places. Still there was nmch difference of opinion among the trustees; nor was it till October, 1716, that they agreed to establish the college at New Haven. In 1714, Governor Yale had made it a present of forty volumes; and, in 1716, he added three hundred more. Two years afterwards, he gave the trustees goods to the value of two hundred pounds sterling, prime cost; and a similar donation of one hundred pounds, in 1721, induced them to call the institution after his name.* In 1717, the number of students was thirty- one. A century after, it had increased nearly ten- fold. ^ See Note (H). N 98 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. IV, CHAPTER ly. Paper-Money in Massachusetts — Quarrel between the Gover- nor and Representatives — Inroads of the Indians — Depu- tation to the French — Peace — Alterations in the Charter — Renewal of the Dispute between the Executive and Legis- lature — Mr. Burnet's Instructions for a Fixed Salary — Adjournment of the Court — Mr. Burnet's Death — Mr. Belcher renews the Discussion — Association for issuing more Bills of Credit — Mr. Shirley — Adjustment of the Dispute between New York and New Jersey concerning Boundaries — Controversy between New York and Canada — Prosperity of the Northern Colonies — The Parson's Cavise in Virginia — Proceedings in Carolina — Settleinent of Ya- massee Territory — Paper-Money — Disposition of the Pro- prietors — Disputes between the Governor and the Assembly — Dissolution of the Charter and Division of the Province — Settlement of Georgia — Mr. Oglethorpe — Quarrel with the Spaniards — Ineffectual Attack upon St. Augustme — Abortive attempt upon Georgia. The rise in exchange, produced by imprudent is- sues of paper-money in Massachusetts, was idly attri- buted to a decay in trade; and the colony was almost unanimously of opinion, that trade could only be re- vived, by an additional quantity of bank notes. A few saw the real evil, and were for calling in the bills, that were already abroad; but it was determined by the great majority, that, either by a private, or a public bank, the province should be supplied with more CHAP. IV. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 99 money, or rather, willi more paper. The general court at length resolved to place bills for fifty thousand pounds in the hands of trustees; who were to lend them at five per cent, interest, with a stipulation, that one-fifth of the principal should be repayed annually. Still, trade would not improve. Mr. Shute, who had just succeeded Mr. Dudley, attributed the fact to a scarcity of money; and recommended, that some effec- tual measures should be taken to make it more abun- dant. The specific was therefore doubled. But an additional emission of one hundred thousand pounds so greatly depreciated the value of the currency, that the general court were, at last, enabled to see the true cause of the difficulty: and the governor, too, when his salary came to be voted in the depreciated money, according to its nominal amount, began to be some- what sceptical of his policy. This was the small beginning of a long and rancor- ous quarrel between the governor and the general court. In 1719, (it was now 1720,) the former had incurred the censure of the ministry, by assenting to a bill for the imposition of duties upon English ton- nage, and upon English manufactures: when a similar bill was sent up, this year, it was negatived in the council: a warm altercation ensued; and it was not till the next session, that the act passed without the offensive clauses. In the same session, the governor 100 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. IV. claimed the right of negativing a choice, which the house had made, of a speaker; aj)d, when they refused to recognize the claim, he dissolved the court, and issued new writs of election. Nearly the same per- sons were re-elected; and the only effect of the mea- sure, was, to make them still less disposed to accom- modate Mr. Shute. They opposed him in every thing, whether it was right or wrong, insignificant or import- ant. They neglected to vote him his salary, as was usual, at the beginning of the session; and not only postponed the business till the day of adjournment, but reduced the amount from six to five hundred pounds. The depredations of some eastern Indians made it necessary to call the representatives together again, before the stated time. They immediately passed an act, which amounted to a declaration of war; and, when the governor accused them of usurping his prr ogative, they docked off another hundred pounds from his salary. He laid before them instructions from the crown, to give him a fixed and adequate sum: they 'desired the court might rise;' and it rose accordingly. The governor opened the next assembly with recommending many wise measures; which were to- tally neglected by the court; and little else, indeed, was done, during the session, but to continue the emission of bank bills, and to drive the gold and silver from the country, by ordering, that it should be passed CHAP. IVc BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. iOl at a higher rate, than that which had been established by an act of parhament. The next general court very early appointed a committee to vindicate their predecessors from the aspersions of the governor. The committee justified the house; and their report was ordered to be printed. The court postponed the vote for the governor's salary: he laid by their list of appointments: they deputed a committee to enquire into the matter: he told them, he should take his own time for it: the house resolved, to make no grants or allowances: the governor made an angry speech; and the court was dissolved. A new legislature soon manifested the same temper with the old. In spite of the governor's protest, that the charter had placed the militia solely at his own disposal, they proceeded to make regulations for carrying on the Indian war; leaving his excellency no other power, than that of approving the measures, which might be adopted by a committee of their appointment. He embarked sud- denly for England; and the representatives and council, though generally opposed on all other questions, were united in resolving to send after him instructions to their agent, to take the best measures for defending the interest of the colony against his representations. These internal dissensions gave the Indians a good opportmiity to make their inroads upon the frontiers. They were set on by the French in Canada; particu- 102 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. I?. larly by one father Ralle, a Jesuit missionary. Some troops were sent to capture this holy personage; but he received the intelhgence in time to escape; and the par- ty could only get possession of his papers; among which were letters of authorization from M. Vaudreuil, the governor of Canada. War was now formally declared against the Indians; and, as it was abundantly evident, that they were instigated by the French, a deputation was sent to M. Vaudreuil, in 1726, in order to remon- strate against a conduct so incompatible with the peace, which then subsisted between France and England. He first disclaimed all interference; but, when his let- ters to Ralle were produced, he could deny it no longer. He assured the deputation, that he would thenceforth exert himself to effectuate a peace; and a peace was accordingly soon after concluded at Boston. Farhament, in the mean time, was condemning, question after question, the whole proceedings of the general court in the case of Mr. Shute. It was thought expedient to issue a new charter for ' explaining' the old one, in the two points, which respected the powers of choosing a speaker, and of adjourning the court. The last was entirely 'explained' away from the house; and the former was so modified, as to leave the gover- nor his negative. Rather than have the whole subject again brought before parliament, which was the pe- nalty of refusal, the general court concluded it was CHAP. IV. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 103 most adviseable to adopt both of these alterations. Its attention was next turned to the loud complaints about the decay of trade and the scarcity of money. A bill passed both houses for issuing more notes; and, when it was negatived by the lieutenant-governor, they agreed to postpone the consideration of salaries. The lieutenant had said, that his instructions would not let him assent to such bills, except they were for the charges of government: a bill for issuing sixty thousand pounds was, therefore, headed, ^An act for ' defraying the necessary charges of government;' and the influence of an uncertain salary necessitated his excellency to give his assent. Mr. William Burnet, the new governor of Massa- chusetts and New Hampshire, had received express instructions from the king, to see that the general court settled upon him a fixed and certain salary. Soon after his arrival, the assembly voted seventeen hundred pounds for defraying the expenses of his voyage, and for supporting him in the discharge of his office. He said, he could not assent to such a vote. They then voted for the first purpose, three hundred pounds; which were accepted; and, for the last, fourteen hun- dred pounds; which were refused. The legislature asserted, that it was their privilege, as Englishmen, to raise and apply their own money; and, when the go- vernor answered, that he would never accept such a 104 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. IV. grant as had been made, the council were for esta- blishing a fixed salary, — but the representatives re- quested, that the court might rise. Mr. Burnet would not grant the request. It was again made; and again refused. The house then sent up a long message; in which they detailed their reasons for refusing to esta- bhsh a fixed salary; and once more reiterated their wishes, that they 'might not be kept sitting there,' to the manifest prejudice of their constituents. The governor answ^ered them promptly enough; but not at all to their satisfaction; and, after resolving to adhere to their old method of appropriating monies, they drew up a statement of the controversy, and transmitted it to the several towns. Many spirited messages were exchanged in quick succession between his excellency and the house. The latter again repeated a request, that the court might rise: he told them, they could not expect to have their own wishes gratified, when they paid so little attention to those of his majesty; and the altercation was waxing so high, that the council thought it best to interfere, — and to propose, that some certain sum should be fixed upon, as a salary for the governor. The representatives voted three thou- sand pounds in their own money, — equal to about one thousand pounds sterling: but, as the act contained no provision for the continuance of the same sum, Mr. Burnet refused his assent; and, apprehending, that CHAP. IV. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 103 the house was somewhat influenced by the people of Boston, who had unanimously voted against a fixed salary, he adjourned the Court to the town of Salem. At Salem it met, on the 30th of October, 1728. The. battle of messages re-commenced as briskly as ever. The representatives appointed agents to plead their cause in England: the council would not concur in the act, because they had not been consulted; and the project must have failed for want of money, had not the people of Boston subscribed for the necessary sums. The agents soon transmitted a report of the board of trade; in which the conduct of the house was entirely disapproved. They were told, also, that, un- less they fixed a salary, the parliament would: — 'It is ' better (they answered) that the liberties of the people 'should be taken from them, than given up by them- ' selves.' Both parts of the administration went all this time without pay; for, as the representatives would vote no salaries, the governor would assent to no drafts upon the treasury. At length there was a recess be- tween the 20th of December, 1 728, and the 2d of April, 1729; when the court assembled at Salem; and, after several fruitless meetings, were adjourned to Cambridge. They met there, on the 21st of August; and, a few days after, Mr. Burnet died of a fever at Boston. Mr. Belcher, his successor, came over, in the o 106 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. I\^; beginning of August, 1730, with a fresh packet of instructions to insist upon a fixed salary. The king said it was the ' last signification of the royal pleasure 'on this subject;' and he threatened to bring the whole history of the province before parliament, if it were not immediately complied with. The house voted one thousand pounds currency, to defray the charges of his excellency's voyage, and a sum equal to one thousand pounds sterling, to aid him in ma- naging public affairs. The council added an amend- ment, to make the appropriation annual. The amend- ment was rejected. The council modified it, by confining the yearly allowance to the duration of Mr. Belcher's government. The representatives again refused their assent; and the resolution was dropped. The controversy continued for some time longer; but the governor was at length wearied out; and leave was, in the end, obtained of the king, to let the legis- lature take its own way in the regulation of his salary. The termination of this dispute was only the be- ginning of another. An unusual scarcity of money was complained of, all over New England. The go- vernor of Massachusetts and New Hampshire had been instructed to suffer the emission of no more bills in those colonies. Connecticut was employed in agriculture; and did not stand in need of much money. But the commerce of Rhode Island de- eiiAP. IV. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 107 manded an abundant circulating medium; and one hundred thousand pounds, in bills of credit, were, accordingly, loaned to the inhabitants, for twenty years. An association of merchants, in Boston, un- dertook to prevent the circulation of this money, by issuing, themselves, one hundred and ten thousand pounds, of the same sort: but the bills of all the New England colonies soon became current: silver rose from nineteen to twenty-seven shillings the ounce; and the notes of the association entirely disappeared. Another company of eight hundred persons set on foot a plan for issuing one hundred and fifty thousand pounds, in bills of credit; which should be lent, on good security, at three per cent, interest; the princi- pal, as in all these schemes, being redeemable by annual instalments of a certain per cent. The au- thors of the project began, in season, to secure the good opinion of the next general court; and, so suc- cessful were they in the business, that the house was found to be chiefly composed of subscribers, and was, for a long time, distinguished by the name of the Land Bank House, Small traders, and small traders only, would accept the company's notes; but it conti- nued to issue them without end; and the governor was finally obliged to petition parliament for an act to suppress the institution. Mr. Shirley superseded Mr. Belcher, in 1740; and one of the first bills passed 108 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. IV under his administratioiij declared that all contracts should be considered as payable in siher, at six shil- lings and eight pence the ounce, or its equivalent in gold. Notes for so many ounces of silver were also issued, and made receivable in payment of debts; the debts being augmented as the notes should depre- ciate. A long peace had enabled New York and New Jersey to adjust, in some measure, an unpleasant dispute about boundaries. It gave the former an opportunity, also, to take advantage of her geographi- cal facilities for trading on the northern lakes; and, in \122, Mr. Burnet, the governor of that province, and of New Jersey, greatly excited the jealousy of the French, by building a store-house at Oswego. M. Longueil, the governor of Canada, retaliated by launching two vessels on Lake Ontario, and sending nlaterials to erect a trading-house, and to repair the fort, at Niagara. The Seneca Indians were greatly incensed at this measure; and Mr. Burnet remon- strated against it: but M. Longueil proceeded to com- plete his fort; and the former could only get revenge, by erecting, at his own expense, a like fort at Oswego. M. Bcauharnois, the successor of M. Longueil, sent the commander a written summons to evacuate it. The summons was disregarded. He warmly remon- strated against the proceeding to Mr. Burnet: Mr. CHAP. IV. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 109 Burnet as warmly remonstrated against the proceed- ing at Niagara; and here the dispute ended for the present. It was not long afterwards, that the French acquired the control over Lake Champlain, by seiz- ing and fortifying Crown Point. During the regency of the Duke d'Orleans, in France, and the administration of Sir Robert Wal- pole, in England, all the colonies, to Virginia, inclu- sive, had little to distract their attention from their own private affairs, and could scarcely help becoming prosperous. Land was cheap, and subsistence easily obtained. Marriages, of course, were early and fre- quent; and population soon began to extend itself over the vacant parts of the country. Such a process is attended with no eclat; and perhaps there is nothing to relieve the monotony of a long and felicitous period, in the internal economy of the colonies, if we except the dispute;, in Virginia, respecting ecclesiastical salaries. In 1696, when the price of tobacco was sixteen shillings and eight pence per hundred, an act of the assembly, — which was re-enacted, and assented to by tJie king, in 1748, — conferred upon each parish- minister an annual stipend of sixteen thousand pounds of tobacco. In 1755, the crop was scanty; and the legislature, by another act, which was to continue in force ten months, and not to wait for the royal assent, 1 10 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. IV. provided, that those, who owed debts in tobacco, might either pay them in the specific article, or in money, at the rate of sixteen shilhngs and eight pence per hundred. Though the price was then from fifty to sixty shilhngs, the measure created no disturbance; and, three years afterwards, when it was surmised, that the crop would again be short, the same expedi- ent was resorted to. But the ministers now began t« see its operation ; and one of them, in a pamphlet, entitled The Twopenny Act, convinced the legisla- ture, that he understood precisely, how they were de- frauding his order of its just dues. He was attacked by two colonels; whom he answ^ered with The Colo- nels Dismounted; and the war of pamphlets soon grew so hot, that the printers of Virginia were afraid to continue it. The subject was next taken up by the king in council; who declared, that the act of 1758 was a mere usurpation, and could have no force. Backed by such authority, the ministers brought the question before a county court; and, after a formal argument, it was decided in their favour. By the laxity of practice, the subject was permitted to be once more discussed; and, when all supposed, that the first Judgment could never be shaken, the unexpected eloquence of Mr. Patrick Henry is said to have changed the opinion of the court The clergy took CHAP, IV. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. Ill their revenge in an angry pamphlet; and here the controversy seems to have terminated.* Carolina, in the mean time, was rapily undergoing a revolution of government. In 1715, the colony had incurred considerable expenses, in a war with about six thousand Yamassee, Creek, and Appalachian Indians; who were met at a place called the Salt Catchers, by twelve hundred men, and so com- pletely routed, that they were obliged to make a new settlement in Florida. The proprietors not only ordered the reduction of the paper money, which the assembly saw fit to issue, on account of this expedi- tion; but, when applied to for assistance by the agents of the colony, they declared their inability to protect it, unless his majesty would interpose. The assembly had, also, undertaken to make a barrier against the Indians, by offering the Yamassee terri- tory to all persons, who would come over and settle in it. Five hundred Irishmen accepted the offer, and had actually taken up the ground; when the proprie- tors ordered the law to be repealed, and the lands to be laid out in baronies for themselves. It had been the custom to elect all the representatives of the colony in the single town of Charleston. The in- crease of population now rendered the practice ex- tremely inconvenient; and the legislature had enacted, * See Note (1). 112 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. iV tliat, for the future, each parish should assemble in its own church, and choose its own representatives. The })roprietors ordered the act to be repealed; and Go- vernor Johnson, son of the former governor of that name, had to use all his influence to keep the colo- nists from breaking into open rebellion, at this wanton and outrageous proceeding. But they were com- pelled to bear yet more insults. Some expeditions against a band of pirates, who had long infested the coast, necessitated the assembly, as they imagined, to issue another quantity of paper money; and the go- vernor carried an additional bill, for redeeming it, in three years, by a tax upon land and negroes. But the tax was oppressive to the planters; and they had influence enough to obtain another act for the emis- sion of more bills. As soon as the proprietors heard of these transactions, they sent the governor instruc- tions to approve of no legislative measure, until it had been laid before them. Another order soon after followed, to take off a duty, which the colony had laid, of five per cent, on British manufactures: and, as if these outrages were not sufficient, they deemed it meet to show another instance of their despotism, by giving an arrogant and abusive answer to a memorial, which the assembly had presented, against their right to revoke the laws of the province. The rupture between Spain and Great Britain, GHAP. IV. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 113 in 1719, afforded fresh opportunities for the prosecu- tion of this dispute. The rumour of an expedition, fitting out at Havanna, for the invasion of South Ca- rolina, induced Governor Johnson to attempt the reparation of the forts in the harbour of Charleston^ by the voluntary aid of the inhabitants. A subscrip- tion was set on foot; and he placed a liberal sum opposite to his own name. The assembly disap- proved of the measure; or, rather, asserted, that the receipts from the duties would render it unnecessary. The governor wanted to know, if the duties had not been taken off .^ They told him, they intended to pay no attention to the repeals, which they had been forced to make. A warm altercation followed; and, though nothing decisive took place, the representa- tives seem to have formed a determination to rid themselves of the proprietary government. Private meetings were held, to concert measures of resist- ance. The militia unanimously subscribed an instru- ment of association; and the people engaged to stand by each other, in the assertion of their rights and. privileges. At the first meeting of the new assembly, all former repeals were repealed: the proprietors were declared to have forfeited their rights of govern- ment; and the honourable Robert Johnson was de- sired to accept the office of governor, in the name of the king. A message from himself and the council p 114 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. IV. requested a conference with the house: they wuld receive no message ' from the governor, in concert ^with the gentlemen he was pleased to call his coiin- 'cil/ He sent them an expostulatory speech: — they would take notice of no ' paper, sent by the governor, 'in conjunction with the gentlemen' he called his council; and they informed him, in a second address^ that they intended to cast off the proprietary govern- ment, and to obey him no longer, unless he would consent to exercise his office, as vicegerent of the king. He proclaimed the dissolution of the assembly; and retired into the country. The proclamation was torn from the officer's hands: Colonel John Moore was elected chief magistrate; and the assembly agreed to inaugurate him, on the very day, which Mi". Johnson had set apart for a review of the militia. He had the review postponed: but, when he came into Charles- ton, on the appointed day, he found the militia pa- raded in the public square, in order to celebrate the proclamation of Mr. Moore. All his efforts to stop the proceeding were ineffectual. The assembly pro- claimed their own governor; chose their own council; .and went deliberately about the transaction of public affairs. The province was on their side; and their power was soon after corroborated and fixed, by the vigorous preparations, which they made to repel a contemplated attack from Havanna. Their agent in CHAP. IV. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 115 England obtained a decision in the council, that the proprietors had forfeited their charter: a scire facias issued against it: the proprietors surrendered their interests; and Mr. Francis jSicholson was soon after welcomed to the colony, as governor under the king. The security, which the province felt in the protec- tion of the crown, was greatly increased by a treaty, which was soon after concluded with the Cherokee Indians. Security made the colonists industrious; and industry soon raised them sufficiently above their former circumstances, to arrest the depreciation of their paper currency; which had fallen about eighty- six per cent, below par. Increase of wealth made boundaries a matter of importance; and, in 1732, the province found it convenient to divide itself into North and South Carolina. About the same time, the territory of Georgia was granted to twenty-one trustees, for the purpose of being parcelled out to such of the English poor as would consent to be carried over the Atlantic; and, early in 1733, Mr. James Oglethorpe, one of the trustees, arrived at Charleston with one hundred and sixty. He proceeded, soon afterwards, to the in- tended place of settlement; erected a small fort on the scite of Savanna; and obtained a cession of lands from the Creek tribe of Indians. The first company was followed by several others: — but the progress of 116 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. IV. the colony was greatly obstructed, by an attempt to put it under a feudal system. The lands were to be held in tail-male, by the tenure of knight-service; and to revert to the trustees, either if the male issue should become extinct, — or if the ground were not enclosed and cultivated within eighteen vears. To complete the policy, the importation of rum and of negroes was prohibited; and all conmierce with the Indians was restricted to those, who could obtain a license. The natural consequences soon followed. A great -many of the settlers emigrated to Carolina; where they could hold lands in fee simple; could trade freely with the West Indies; and be permitted to employ negro slaves in the cultivation of their lands. Those who staid behind, were perpetually complaining of their fetters: and, though Mr Ogle- thorpe erected a battery, to connnand the mouth of the Savanna, and built forts at Augusta and Frede- rica, the colony needed civil privileges more than military defences, and their general concerns were soon in a ruinous condition. Under a different sys- tem, Carolina was so prosperous as to double her exports in ten years; while it was with the greatest difficulty, that the inhabitants of Georgia obtained a scanty subsistence. When England and Spain began to prepare for war, in 173<, a l^iitish regiment of six hundred mea ©HAP. IV. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 117 was sent into Carolina; and Mr. Oglethorpe was ap- pointed inajor-general of that province and of Georgia. The Spaniards fortified East Florida; and made a vain attempt to gain over the Indians, who were in aUiance with the English. They succeeded better with the slaves; of whom enough were seduced to form a distinct regiment by themselves. Nor did the evil f?top here. A large number of negroes assembled at Stono; forced open a warehouse of arms and ammuni- tion; murdered all the white men, whom they met; and compelled the black, willing or unwilling, to come under their standard. But it was a brief triumph. After the first impulse of rage was exhausted, the in- surgents halted in an open field; and began their usual pastime of dancing. There happened to be a religious meeting in the neighbourhood; and the congregation, armed as usual, set upon the thoughtless rabble; killed great numbers on the spot; and so frightened the rest, that they never afterwards dreamed of insurrection. There were now about forty thousand slaves in Ca- rolina; and the occurrence just mentioned had the good effect of making the colonists keep vigilant watch over their conduct, during the approach of the war between England and Spain. When it actually broke out, in 1739, Admiral Vernon was detached to the West Indies, and General Oglethorpe was ordered to annoy the Floridas. He 118 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. IV. immediately communicated his instructions to the as- sembly of South Carolina: they voted one hundred and twenty thousand pounds for the service: a regiment of four hundred men was raised in Virginia and the Carolinas: a body of Indians enlisted; and Post Cap- tain Price promised his co-operation with four twenty- gun ships and two sloops of w^ir. On the 9th of May, 1740, the general entered Florida, with four hundred men and a party of Indians from his own province. He was joined, at the mouth of St. John's River, by the Virginia and Carolina regiment, and a company of Highlanders; and was enabled, shortly after, to appear before St. Augustine, with about two thousand effective men. A reconnoitre of the place induced him to abandon his original design of ta- ing it by storm. A regular investment was determined upon; and the troops were disposed in the most advantageous positions for beginning the approaches. The general himself undertook to bombard the town from the Island of Anastatia; but a few shots convinced him that a breach, at so great a distance, was impracticable. It was next resolved to attack the six half gallies then in the harbour, by one of the twenty-gun ships; but the bar was found to be so shallow that she could not get over it. In the mean time, the Spaniards had re- ceived supplies and reinforcements; and a party of the besiegers was surprised and cut in pieces. Other GIIAP. IV. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 119 misfortunes followed in quick succession. Captain Price witlidrevv his ships: the dispirited troops began to desert in large bodies; and General Oglethorpe was, at length, reluctantly compelled to abandon the enterprise. The colonists attributed the failure to the general; and the general laid it to the charge of the army. We think, neither was to blame. The force was too small at the outset; and, before a part of it reached the place of rendezvous, the arrival of sup- plies had greatly and unexpectedly increased the strength of the enemy. But, at any rate, the expenses entailed by the ex- pedition, joined to the still greater calamity of seeing their capital reduced to ashes, determined the people of Carolina to raise no forces in future, except for their own defence; and, v^'hen an expedition of thirty ships and three thousand men sailed against Georgia, in 1742, they imagined it would not be for their own defence, to aid .General Oglethorpe in preventing the enemy from getting possession of a province, which was so effectual a barrier to their own. About the end of June the enemy anchored off Simon's Bar: and General Oglethorpe found he had to oppose him with only seven hundred men, — consisting of the re- giment he led against St. Augustine, and of a few Highlanders, rangers, and Indians. But the thickets and morasses of the country stood him in the place of 120 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. lY. nmny soldiers; and, retiring to Frcdcrica, he resolved to act, as long as he could, upon the defensive. By an English prisoner, who had escaped fioni the Spa- niards, he learned, that the troops from Cuba, and those from St. Augustine, agreed so ill with each other, tlilit they had taken up their encampments apart. One of these, the general thought he might venture to attack. He sele^cted the flower of his little army; and, under the cover of the night, marched un- observed within two miles of the lines. The main body was halted; while he went forward, wath a small party, to reconnoitre the encampment. He had, with great circumspection, approached very near it; when the whole enterprise was supposed to be defeated, by the treachery of a French soldier, who fired his mus- ket, and ran over to the enemy. General Oglethorpe wrote a letter to the deserter; requesting him to tell the Spaniards how defenceless Frederica was; to urge an immediate attack; or, at any rate, to. persuade them to remain at Simon's Fort three days longer; when his expected reinforcement of two thousand men and six ships of war w^ould arrive. He particularly cautioned him against dropping even a hint about the contem- plated attack of Admiral Vernon upon St. Augustine. A Spanish prisoner, who had been taken in a skir- mish, was bribed to deliver the letter into the deserter's own hands: but he, of course, delivered it into the CHAP. IV. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 12\ hands of General Don Antonio Di Radondo. The lat- ter was, at first, not a little perplexed, whether to con- sider it as a mere stratagem, or as a real and serious letter of instruction: but the appearance of some ships, which had been despatched with supplies by the as- sembly of South Carolina, appeared to put the serious- ness of the paper beyond all doubt. The panic- struck army set fire to the fort, and hurried on board of their vessels; and thus a circumstance, which, at first, seemed to threaten the certain conquest of the province, served, in the hands of a skilful commander, as perhaps the only means of its preservation. 122 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. V. CHAPTER V. War between France and England and their Colonies — Pre- paration for an Attack upon Louisbourg — The Attack — Surrender — D'Anville's Expedition — Abortive Attempt upon Nova Scotia — Upon Crown Point — Peace — Paper Money in Massachusetts — Discovery of Louisiana and Foundation of New Orleans — Situation of the English and French Colonies— Origin of the Rupture between them — Colonel Washington's Embassy — Project of Union — Plan of the first Campaign — Capture of Nova Scotia — General Brad- dock's Defeat' — Expedition against Crown Point — That against Niagara — Second Campaign — Capture of Oswego —Third Campaign — Disputes between Lord Loudoun and IVIassachusetts — Fourth Campaign — Second Capture of Louisbourg — Unsuccessful attack upon Ticonderoga — Cap- ture of Fort Frontignac — Of Du Quesne — Fifth Campaign — Capture of Quebec — Death of Wolfe — Attempt to retake Quebec — Surrender of New France — General Peace. While France and England were engaged in aclua] war, under the pretence of supporting respectively the queen of Hungary and the elector of Bavaria, the co- lonies of the two nations preserved a sort of hostile peace; but, as soon as the news reached Cape Breton, that the controversy had become open and avowed in Europe, Duvivier attacked and took the English fish- ing settlement at Canseau; and, soon after, made a similar, though unsuccessful, attempt, upon Annapolis, Governor Shirley immediately formed the design of eHAP. V. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 123 taking Cape Breton. It was well situated for annoy- ing the English fisheries; and thirty millions of francs employed upon its fortifications, had made it the ' Dunkirk of America.' The governor requested the secrecy of the court, upon a project, which he was about to communicate. They readily promised it: and he surprised them with the proposal of sending four hundred men to take Louisbourg by storm. They condemned the undertaking as vastly too hazardous and expensive: but, unfortunately, or, perhaps, fortu- nately, one of the members happened to pray for blessings upon it, in the family devotions at his lodg- ings. The plan was soon known, all over Massachu- setts: the people were generally in favour of it; and an influx of petitions, from every quarter, induced the council to change their determination. They invited the co-operation of all the colonies as far as Pennsyl- vania; but none, except those of New England, would furnish their quotas of troops. There was no military character of note in the country; and the command of the expedition was given to one Colonel Pepperel; who had little other qualification than that of being a rich merchant and a popular man. A general embar- go was laid: more bills of credit were issued, not- withstanding the express prohibition of the crown: ' a ' variety of advice, (says Mr. Belknap,) was given from ' all quarters:' private property was impressed; and, by 124 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. V. the 4th of April, 1745, three thousand two hundred and fifty troops from Massachusetts arrived safely at Canseau. The quota of three hundred and four, from New Hampshire, had landed four days before; that of five hundred and sixteen, from Connecticut, came in, on the 25th of the same month; but the troops from Rhode Island did not arrive in time to be of any ser- vice to the expedition. Governor Shirley had written to England for as- sistance, some time before the disclosure of his project to the general court; and a detachment from Admiral Warren's fleet in the West Indies, appeared off Can- seau, the day before the arrival of the Massachusetts troops: the admiral himself soon followed, in the Su- perb, of sixty guns; and, every thing being now ready, the land forces embarked for Chapeaurouge; while the fleet, (in all, about one hundred sail,) manoeuvred before Louisbourg. The landing was effected with little difficulty; and, in the course of the ensuing night, a party of four hundred men marched around to the north-east part of the harbour; and set fire to some warehouses of spiritous liquors and naval stores. The smoke was blown directly into the grand battery; and it did such signal execution, that, when thirteen of the party were returning, next day, they saw, with surprise and joy, that the flagstaff was bare, and the chimnies without smoke. An Indian was hired, for CHAP. V. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 125 a bottle of rum, to crawl in at an embrasure, and open the gate; and, though a detachment of the enemy was then coming to retake the fort, the thiiteen retained possession, till the arrival of a reinforcement from the main body. Fourteen nights were the troops enpjaged in drawing the cannon over a morass to the place of encampment, a distance of about two miles; and, whrn the account of the expedition was sent to England, they were not a little indignant at seeing no mention of their having worked like oxen, with straps over their shoulders, and up to their knees in mud. As this expedition had been planned by a lawyer, and was to be executed by a merchant, at the head of hus- bandmen and mechanics, any thing like a regular siege was not to have been expected. The soldiers laughed at such words as zig-zag and epaulement; and thought, the most eligible mode of approaching, was that of a straight line. In execution of this new principle of tactics, four hundred men assaulted the island-bat- tery; were repulsed; and many of them taken prisoners. They all concurred in representing the besiegers as much more numerous than they were: though all was frolic in the rear of the army, the front did, indeed, look formidable; and the impression made by these reports and appearances, together with the intelli- gence, which w as conveyed into town, that the supply ship, the Vigilant, of sixty-four guns, had been taken. 12() THE UNITED STATES CHAP. V. induced Duchambon, the governor, to tender a ca- pitulation. This was the only advantage gained over France, during the whole war; and, when accounts of it reached England, the crown made baronets of Pepperel and Shirley, and the parliament readily un- dertook to defray the expenses. France and England now mutually resolved to make a complete conquest of each other's possessions in America; and, in the spring of 1746, circular letters were sent to the English colonies as far as Virginia, to have in readiness as many troops as each might be •able to spare. The plan of the campaign, was, to sail against (Quebec, with some ships of war and the New England troops; while those of the other colonies should be collected at Albany, and march against Crown Point and Montreal. The ships of war made seven vain attempts to leave England; and the first part of the scheme was necessarily abandoned. The colonists were diverted from the last, by a threatened attack of the enemy upon Annapolis; and, before they could despatch troops for the protection of that place, New England, in particular, was greatly alarmed by the intelligence, that a formidable armament, under the Duke D'Anville, had arrived in Nova Scotia. Every efibrt was made to put the country in a state of defence. The militia were joined to the troops al- ready raised; and, for six weeks, all stood in hourly CHAP. V. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 127 expectation of an attack; when some English prison- ers, who had been set at hberty, brought the welcome news, that the French soldiers were in too much dis- tress themselves to think of distressing others. The armament originally consisted of about forty ships of war, and about fifty-six transports; carrying three thousand troops, and forty thousand muskets for the Canadians and Indians. Many ships were lost and wrecked on the voyage; and a sweeping mortality prevailed on board of those, which had reached the place of destination. To increase their calamities, they learned, by an intercepted letter from Governor Shirley to the commander at Louisbourg, that their own squadron would probably be followed by an Eng- lish fleet. The admiral shortly died: the vice-admiral killed himself: and, when M. Le Jonquiere undertook to lead the fleet against Annapolis, a violent storm dis- persed the ships; and those, that did not suffer wreck, returned singly to France. Governor Shirley now resumed the project of dis- lodging the French and Indians from Nova Scotia. The troops of Rhode Island and New Hampshire were prevented from joining the expedition; and the enemy was not only more numerous than those of Massachusetts, — but had the advantage of being pro- vided with snow-shoes. The English were beaten at Minas; and promised not to bear arms for one year. 12S THE UNITED STATES CHAP. V. against the French in Nova Scotia. Governor Shirley- next directed his attention to Crown Point. Massa- chusetts and New York engaged to furnish their quotas of troops: the winter was no obstacle to the governor's enthusiasm; and the enterprise was only prevented by the discreet resolution of Connec- ticut, to withhold her co-operation. The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle was concluded in October, 1748; and New England deemed it but a poor return for the expenses, which she had incurred, that an article of status ante bellum compelled her to relinquish Louis- bourg. Massachusetts, in particular, had issued im- mense quantities of paper-money. Was there a call upon the treasury? Bills of credit must answer it. Was trade decaying? It could only be revived by bills of credit. Was there any disorder in the internal economy of the province? Bills of credit were the only remedy. And bills of credit were issued in such quan- tities, that they had sunk to eleven for one; when the arrival of the specie, which parliament had promised, was the means not only of staying the depreciation, — but of destroying paper-money altogether. After some opposition, the general court passed an act for re- deeming bills of credit, at their real value, or, in other words, for silver at fifty shillings the ounce. Not an evil, which had been predicted, was seen to attend the measure; and, on the contrary, it is said to have given commerce a very perceptible impulse for the better. CHAP. V. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 120 As the importance of America was daily increas- ing in the eyes of Europe, the question of boundaries between the colonies of (Hiferent nations began to be discussed more frequently, and in greater earnest. Spain had pretensions to the whole of Georgia; and England laid claim to a pait of Florida. By the treaty of Utrecht, Nova Scotia, or Acadia, was, in- deed, ceded to the English; but there was still room enough for controversy, in determining what were the boundaries of that country. The French assert- ed, that its eastern line was the Kennebec: the Enii- lish made it embrace the whole territory south of the St. Lawrence; and the commissioners appointed by the two nations, under the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. were equally laborious and equally obstinate in main- taining their respective claims. Nov was this the only conllict. As if these two nations were fated to cross each other's path, in every thing, while the English colonies were advancing indefinitely from east to west, the French began to extend their own settlements transversely from north to south. In 161 o, they ex- plored the Mississippi, as far as the thirty-third degree of north latitude; and, some time afterwards, its mouth was discovered by one La Salle, a Norman; who subsequently obtained the patronage of the French court, in an attempt to make a settlement on its banks. He set sail with a few followers, in four R 130 THE UiMTED STATES CHAP. V. small vessels; arrived one hundred leagues west of the river; was soon assassinated by his own men; and they, in turn, were murdered, or dispersed, by the Spanish and Indians. Several other expeditions were undertaken, for the same purpose; but none were fortunate enough to land at the wished for place; and it was not till 1122, that a joint removal of these scattered settlements to New Orleans laid the foundation of a flourishing colony. The country was called Louisiana; and, as settlements now began to extend up the Mississippi, a plan was formed to unite them with Canada, by a concatenation of forts. England claimed the country to the South Sea: France was resolved to bound her by the Alleghany mountains; and, as usual, the controversy soon ended in a reciprocal determination of fighting it out. There was a great disparity of numbers between the French and English colonies. Nova Scotia con- tained five thousand inhabitants: New Hampshire, thirty thousand: Massachusetts, two hundred and twenty thousand: Rhode Island, thirty -five thousand: Connecticut, one hundred thousand: New York, one hundred thousand: the Jerseys, sixty thousand: Penn- sylvania, including Delaware, two hundred and fifty thousand: Maryland, eighty-five thousand: Virginia, eighty-five thousand: the Carolinas, seventy-five thou- sand: Georgia, six thousand: — in all, one million fifty- CHAP. V. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 131 one thousand. Canada contained but forty-five thou- sand: Louisiana, but seven thousand: — total, fifty-two thousand. To compensate, in part, for this numeri- cal inferiority, the French had the advantage of being guided by one and the same hand; whereas the Eng- lish were divided into separate clans, and unaccus- tomed to act in concert. All the Indians, except the Five Nations, were on the side of France; and, what was of still greater service to her cause, the governors of Canada had all been military men; had employed the inhabitants in erecting fortifications to command Lake Champlain, and the River St. Lawrence; and were now proceeding to complete the chain, by ex- tending the links along the other western lakes, and down the Mississippi. The circumstance, which served to open the quarrel, was the alleged intrusion of the Ohio Com- pany; an association of influential men from Eng- land and Virginia, who had obtained a grant of six hundred thousand acres of land, in order to drive a fur trade with the Indians. The governor of Canada wrote to the governors of New York and Pennsylvania, that, unless these intruders were re- moved from the territory of his most Christian ma- jesty, he should be under the necessity of seizing them. The threat was disregarded; and the traders were seized. A communication was immediately opened, along French Creek and Alleghany River^ IS2 THE UNITED STATES VUAr. V. between the Ohio and Fort Presqii'Ile; and troops, stationed at convenient distances, were secured, by temporary works, against any attack of small arms. The Ohio company made loud complaints: Lieutenant- Governor Dinwiddie laid the subject before the assem- bly of Virginia; and despatched Major Washington, with a letter to the P^rench commander; in which he was required to quit the dominions of his Britannic majesty. M. Legardeur de St. Pierre ti'ansmitted the letter to the governor of Canada; whose orders, he said, he sliould implicitly follow. Early in the spring of 1755, Major Washington, on the death of his colo- nel, took the command of a regiment, raised in Vir- ginia, for the protection of the frontiers. He defeated a party of French and Indians, under Dijonville; and was proceeding to occupy the post, at the fork of the Alleghany and Monongahela Rivers, when he was met, at the Little Meadows, by a superior force; and, after a gallant defence, was compelled to surrender. The French had already erected the strong fort of Du Quesne, on the ground of which he had intended to take possession. The provincial governors received orders from the secretary of state, to repel force by force; and, if practicable, to form a Union among the several colo- nies. Delegates had already been appointed to meet at Albany, for the purpose of conferring with the CHAP. V. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. lOO Five Nations: and Governor Shirley recommended, that the subject of union should, also, be discussed at the convention. The commissioners from Massachu- setts had ample powers to co-operate in the formation of a plan: those from Maryland were instructed to observe what others did; and those from New Hamp- shire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, and New York, had no instructions at all on the subject. As soon, however, as the friendship of the Indians was thought to be secured by a distribution of pre- sents, the delegates appointed a committee, to devise some scheme for the proposed confederation; — and the committee recommended the adoption of a govern- ment analogous to that of the individual colonies. There was to be a grand council, composed of depu- ties from the several provinces, — and a president- general, appointed by the crown, v,ith the power of negativing the acts of the council. The Connecticut delegates alone dissented from this plan; because, as they said, it put too much power into the hands of the crown. It was rejected in England for the very op- posite reason; and, in lieu of it, the minister proposed, that the several governors, with one or two of their counsellors, should meet and adopt such measures as the common safety might demand. But this scheme was defeated by a provision, that they might draw upon the British treasury for all necessary sums; 1 34 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. V. vvhicli parliament would undertake to repay, by im- posing a general tax upon the colonies. It was now- resolved, therefore, to carry on the war with Bri- tish troops; and leave the provincial legislatures to supply such reinforcements as each was willing or able to afford. Early in 1755, General Braddock set sail from England, with a respectable body of troops; and, about the same time, Admiral Boscawen was de- spatched to this country, in order to intercept a French armament, which was then fitting out for Canada. The provincial governors met General Braddock, in Virginia, on the 14th of April; and it was resolved to divide the campaign into three sepa- rate expeditions; — the first against Du Q,uesne, with the British, Virginia, and Maryland forces, under General Braddock; — the second against Fort Fron- tignac, with the Massachusetts regulars, under Go- vernor Shirley; — the third against Crown Point, with New England and New York troops, under General William Johnson, one of the New York council. Massachusetts, in the mean time, undertook, singly, to drive the French from Nova Scotia; and, on the 20th of May, three thousand troops were despatched for the purpose, under Lieutenant-Colonel Winslow. They arrived at Annapolis Royal, on the 28th; an- chored, soon after, before Fort Lawrence, in Che- CHAP. V. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 135 necto, with a fleet of forty sail; and, being joined by three hundred British troops, with some artillery, marched immediately against Beau Sejour. A block house, with a few cannon, and a breast-work, with a few troops behind it, opposed the passage of the Mus- saguash; which, according to the French, was the Avestern limit of Nova Scotia. The passage was forced, with the loss of one man ; and entrenchments were immediately opened before Beau Sejour. The garrison surrendered on the fifth day: Fort Gaspe- reau soon followed the example; the appearance of three twenty-gun ships induced the enemy to set fire to his works at St. Johns; and thus, in tlic single month of June, with the loss of but three men, the English gained possession of Nova Scotia, according to their own definition of the term. As soon as the convention of governors was dissolved. General Braddock proceeded to the post at Wells' Creek; whence the army commenced its march, about the middle of June. Their progress was very much retarded by tlie necessity of cutting a road: and, lest the enemy should have time to collect in great force, the general concluded to set forward with twelve hundred select men; while Colonel Dun- bar should follow slowly in the rear, with the main body and the heavy baggage. Mr. Washington's regiment had been split into separate companies; and Ii5(i THE UNITED STATES CHAP. V. lie had ouly joined the army as aid to the general. The rouglmessof the country prevented the advanced coi'ps from reaching the Monongahela till the 8th of July. It was resolved to attack Du Quesne, the very next day; and Lieutenant-Colonel Gage was sent in front, with three hundred British regulars; while the ge- neral himself followed, at some distance, with the main body. lie had been cautioned to provide against an ambuscade, by sending forward some provincial com- panies to scour the woods; but he held the provincials and the eneu\y in equal contempt. The Monongahela was crossed the second time, about seven miles from Du Q,uesne; and the army was pressing forward in an open wood, tln-ough high and thick grass, — when the front was suddenly thrown into disorder, by a volley of small arms. The main body was formed three deep, and brought to its support: the commander in chief of the enemy fell; and a cessation of the fire led Ge- neral Braddock to suppose that the assailants had fled. But he was soon attacked, with redoubled fury. The van fell upon the main body: both were in utter con- fusion; and the general, instead of withdrawing them beyond the reach of the enemy's muskets, where their ranks might easily have been formed anew, under- took to rally them, on the very ground of attack, and in the midst of a most incessant and deadly fire. Every oificcr on horseback, excej)t Mr. Washington., was CHAP V. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 187 eitlier killed or wounded: the general himself received a mortal wound, alter losing three horses: the regu- lars fled: the provincials followed; and, had not the booty on the field arrested the pursuit of the Indians, hardly a single soldier could have escaped to carry home the intelligence. Sixty-four officers, out of eighty-five, and about half of the privates, were killed or wounded. General Braddock died in Dunbar's camp; and the army marched back to Philadelphia. The expedition against Crown Point did not turn out quite so disastrously. Much delay was occasioned by the distracted councils of so many different govern- ments; and it was not till the last of August, that Ge- neral Johnson, with three thousand seven hundred men, arrived at the fort of Lake George, on his way to Ticonderoga. The French squadron had eluded Admiral Boscawen; and, as soon as it arrived at Q,ue- bec, Baron Dieskau, the commander, resolved to march immediately against Oswego, with his own twelve hundred regulars, and about six hundred Ca- nadians and Indians. The news of General John- son's movement determined him to change his plan: and to lead his forces directly against the American camp. General Johnson called for reinforcements: eight hundred troops, raised as a corps of reserve by Massachusetts, vi^ere immediately ordered to his assist- ance; and the same colony undertook to raise an s 138 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. V. additional number of two thousand men. Colonel Williams was sent forward, with one thousand men, to amuse and reconnoitre the enemy. He met them, four miles from the camp; offered battle; and was de- feated. Another detachment shared the same fate: and the French were now within one hundred and fifty yards of the camp; when a halt for a short time enabled the Americans to recover their alarm, and to make good use of their artillery through the fallen trees, behind which they were posted. Dieskau ad- vanced to the charge; but he was so firmly received, that the Indians and militia gave way and fled: he was obliged to order a retreat of the regulars; and, in the ardent pursuit which ensued, he was himself mortally wounded, and made prisoner. A scouting party had, in the mean time, taken the enemy's baggage; and, when the retreating army came up, the same party attacked it so successfully from behind the trees, that the panic-struck soldiers dropped all their accoutre- ments, and fled, in the utmost confusion, for their posts on the lakes. This was called a great victory. The king made General Johnson a baronet, and the par- liament gave him five hundred pounds sterling. But the colonies derived no essential benefit from the ex- pedition. The soldiers were in want of clothes and provisions; and a council of war determined to em- ploy the remainder of the time in fortifying the camp. CHAP. V. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 139 Mossaciinsetts was, at first, very urgent for the prose- cution of the campaign; but, when its commissioners met those of Connecticut, and the Heutenant-governor and council of New York, it was determined to dis- charge all, except six hundred of General Johnson's army; and to employ those six hundred in garrisoning forts Edward and William Henry. The French oc- cupied themselves in fortifying Ticonderoga. The campaign against Niagara, and Frontignac, was still less fruitful of glory, or of gain. Governor Shirley did not reach Oswego till late in August; and a considerable time was afterwards spent in ascertain- ing the strength of the enemy, at the two posts, which he designed to attack. He had, in all, about fifteen hundred men: it was resolved, for the present, to pro- ceed against Niagara alone; and between six and seven hundred troops were detached for the purpose. Just as they were about to embark, however, the rains set in, and put an entire stop to the whole undertaking. Governor Shirley returned to Albany with about half of his men. And thus ended the campaign of 1755; which, from the decided superiority of the English forces, seemed, at first, to promise so very different a result. It had this good effect, that it made the colo- nists feel, more sensibly than ever, the want of some superintending general government. Each particular legislature had been left to furnish its own supplies of 140 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. \, troops and funds. Each colony imagined itself to have furnished more than its proportion: all, therefore, thought themselves abused by the mother country; and, with, perhaps, a single exception, none were dis- posed to engage, or to persevere, in the enterprise, with the requisite promptitude and cheerfulness. The consequence, as we have seen, was the total failure of the campaign; and the consequence of that, was the exposure of the whole frontier, as far as Carolina, to the ravages of the Indians. At the close of the campaign, Governor Shirley was appointed commander in chief of all the king's forces in North America. The governors of Con- necticut, New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, held a council of war at Albany: and it was resolved to employ, next year, ten thousand men against Crown Point; six thousand against Niagara, and three thou- sand against Du Q^uesne; while about two thousand more should ascend the Kennebec, and keep the east- ern part of Canada in alarm. It was a part of the plan, also, to make an attack upon Ticonderoga, as soon as the ice on the lake should be strong enough to sustain the transportation of stores. But, as the season proved unsually mild, this enterprise was relin- quished; and general Shirley gave himself exclusively to the preparations foi- the other parts of the campaign. Major-General Winslow was appointed to lead the CHAP. V. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 141 expedition against Crown Point. He was a popular officer; and the colonists felt a deep interest in the expedition: but, for the want of an established finan- cial system, (their only taxes were upon lands and polls,) the requisite funds were raised with difficulty, and the recruiting service made very slow progress. Only seven thousand men assembled at the posts on Lake George. General Winslow declared, that, with- out more forces, he could not undertake the expedition; and it would probably have been abandoned, had he not been reinforced by the timely arrival of some British troops. They came over with General Aber- crombie, who had supei'seded General Shirley; and who was soon after superseded by the Earl of Loudoun. These revolutions of office produced some unpleasant contests for priority of rank. General Winslow as- serted frankly, that the provincials would never be commanded by British officers: and the Earl of Lou- doun seriously propounded the question, whether the colonial troops, armed with his majesty's arms, would refuse obedience to his majesty's commands and to his majesty's commanders.^ He was answered in the affirmative; and, when he understood, that the New England troops, in particular, had enlisted under the condition of being led by their own officers, he agreed to let those troops act separately. While the English were adjusting these differences, 142 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. V. and debating whether it would be expedient to attack Fort Niagara, or Fort Du Ctuesne, Montcahn, the successor of Dieskau, marched against Oswego with about five thousand French, Canadians, and Indians. His artillery played, with such effect, upon the fort, that it was soon declared untenable; and, to avoid an assault, the garrison, who were sixteen hundred in number, and had stores for five months, surrendered themselves prisoners of war. The fort had been an object of considerable jealousy to the Five Nations; and Montcalm made a wise use of his conquest, by demolishing it in their presence. The English and American army was now thrown upon the defensive. Instead of attacking Ticonderoga, General Winslow was ordered to fortify his own camp: Major-General Webb, with fourteen hundred regulars, took post near Wood Creek; and Sir William Johnson, with one thousand militia, was stationed at the German Flats. The colonists were now called upon for reinforce- ments; and, as parliament had distiibuted* among them one hundred and fifteen thousand pounds for the last year's expenses, they were enabled to answer the call, with, perhaps, more promptitude than was an- * To Massachusetts, fifty-four thousand pounds; to Connecticut, twenty- six thousand ; to New York, fifteen thousand ; to New Hampshire, eight tliousand ; to Rhode Island, seven thousand ; to New Jersey, five thou- sand. CHAP. V. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 143 ticipated. The recruits were on their way to the camp, — when intelhgence of the small-pox at Albany frighted them all to their homes again. The other provincials were equally alarmed; and all, except a New York regiment, were dismissed. Thus termi- nated the second campaign. The expedition up the Kennebec had been abandoned; that against Niagara was not commenced; and not even a preparation had been made for the one against Du Qiiesne. In a council of the northern governors, held at Boston, about the middle of January, 1757, Lord Loudoun attributed the failure of the campaign to the remissness of the colonies. He said, that the pro- vincials had not realized his anticipations, either in numbers, or in quality; that his predecessor had not reported to him the actual state of the forts and gar- risons; that the legislatures had answered his requisi- tions of assistance with nothing but empty votes; and that, had it not been for the arrival of the Highland- ers, the country must have been overrun and sub- dued. He proposed, therefore, that four thousand men should be raised by New England; — eighteen hundred, by Massachusetts ; fourteen hundred, by Con- necticut; four hundred and fifty, by Rhode Island; and three hundred and fifty, by New Hampshire. Pro- portional requisitions were made upon New York and New Jersey; and, notwithstanding the disasters 144 THE U^■ITED STATES CHAP. V- of the two first campaigns, the colonists were still in hopes of making a successful attack upon Canada. About the first of July, Admiral Holbourn arrived at Halifax with a formidable squadron of ships, and a body of five thousand men, under George Viscount Howe; and, on the 6th, Lord Loudoun sailed from New York to join them, with his six thousand regu- lars. Instead of attempting, as formerly, to assail the whole frontier of Canada, the commanders had re- solved to concentrate their forces against the single point of Louisbourg; but, unfortunately, the arrival of a fleet from Brest added six thousand men, and seventeen line of battle ships, to the strength of that town. The enterprise was postponed till next year: the fleet and army arrived at New York in August* and the provincials were immediately dismissed. In the mean time, the Marquis de Montcalm had laid siege to Fort William Henry, with nine thousand men. The place was garrisoned with three thousand: its fortifications were strong; and General Webb was in the neighbourhood, at Fort Edward, with an army of four thousand men. With all these advantages on his side, Colonel Monroe held out but six days: and the arrival of the army at New York was, perhaps, the only thing which prevented General Webb from following the example. The army went into winter quarters: and Lord CHAP. V. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 145 Londoiin engaged in a quarrel with Massachusetts. The general court had provided barracks, on Castle Island, for a regiment of Highlanders, which had been expected at Boston. Some recruiting officers soon afterwards arrived from Nova Scotia; and, pro- testing, that their regiments would never be filled up, if the men must be lodged in these barracks, they required the justices of the peace to furnish quarters, according to the act of parliament. The justices denied, that the act of parliament extended to this country. Lord Loudoun wrote the court a letter; and asserted roundly, that it did; that, moreover, he had 'used gentleness and patience' long enough; and that, unless the requisitions were complied with, in forty- eight hours from the receipt of his letter, he should be ' under the necessity' of ordering ' into Boston the 'three battalions from New York, Long Island, and 'Connecticut; and, if more were wanting, he had two ' in the Jerseys at hand, beside those in Pennsylvania.' The general court now passed an act very similar to that of parliament, on the subject of recruits: but it did not fully answer Lord Loudoun's expectations; nor did he fail to let them know it, in a second epis- tle. The answer of the general court was merely a reiteration of what we have so often heard from the same body. They asserted their rights as English- men: said, they had conformed to the act of parlia- 146 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. \. merit, as nearly as the case would admit; and declared, that it was their misfortune, if a strict adherence to their duty should give offence to Lord Loudoun. He, in turn, applauded the zeal of the province in the ser- vice of his majesty; affected to rely on its compliance with his wishes; and countermanded his orders for the march of the troops. The general court sent his excellency a concluding message; in which they as- serted, that they were entirely dependent on parlia- ment; that its acts were the rule of all their judicial proceedings; that its authority had never been ques- tioned; and that, if they had not made this avowal 'in times past, it was because there had been no •^occasion for it.^ Judge Marshall seems to think, that this language was sincere; but Mr. Minot attributes it to the desire of the court to keep friends with par- liament, till they were reimbursed for the expenses, which they liad incurred during the war. The truth is probably between the two opinions. By retaining the possession of Du Q,uesne, the French still kept their ascendancy over the Indians; by destroying Fort Oswego, they had gained the do- minion of those waters, which connect Canada with Louisiana; and, by capturing Fort William Ilenry^ they had secured the gate, if we may so call it, be- tween Canada and the British provinces. The Eng- lish were strangely unsuccessful in Europe, as well as CflAP. V. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 147 in America; and there were not wanting those who imagined, that the nation had lost its character, and must soon lose its importance. It was a time, which called for all the vigorous powers, and the indefatiga- ble application, of such a man as Pitt; who, by show- ing himself the minister of the nation, and not the leader of a pai'ty, — and by steadily and skilfully di- recting the vast resources of the country to the single object of national aggrandizement, — was enabled to carry his sinking and desperate countrymen through all their accumulated difficulties. He was equally popular in both hemispheres; and so promptly did the governors of the northern colonies obey the requisi- tions of his circular letter, in 1757, that, by May, of the next year, Massachusetts had seven thousand^ Connecticut, five thousand, and New Hampshire, three thousand, troops, prepared to take the field. The zeal of ]Massachusetts was particularly ardent. The people of Boston supported taxes, which took away two-thirds of the income on real estate: one half of the effective men in the province were on some sort of military duty;* and, what is still more extraordinary, the transports for carrying the troops to Halifax were ready to sail, in fourteen days from the time of their engagement. The mother countiy * A great proportion of the seamen and artificers, as well as of the troops on the frontiers, were from this colony. 145 THE UNITED STATES t!HAP. V. was not less active. While her fleets blockaded or captured the French armaments, she despatched Ad- miral Boscawen to Halifax, with a formidable squad- ron of ships, and an army of twelve thousand men. Lord Loudoun was superseded by General Aber- crombie; who, early in the spring of 1758, was ready to enter upon the campaign with about fifty thousand men. It was resolved to direct one expedition against Du Q^uesne; a second against Crown Point; and the third against Louisbourg. By the 2d of June, Gene- ral Anjherst and Admiral Boscawen were before the latter place, with fourteen thousand troops, twenty ships of the line, and eighteen frigates. So success- fully had England employed her naval superiority, that Chevalier De Drucourt had received no reinforce- ments from France; and, besides five ships of the line^ one fifty-gun ship, and five frigates, three of which were sunk at the mouth of the harbour, he was obliged to oppose, or rather to await, this formidable arma- ment, with only twenty-five hundred -regulars, and about six hundred militia. The English and Ameri- can army landed at Cormoran Creek; and General Wolfe was immediately despatched, with two thou- snnd men, to seize Light-House Point, — an eminence, occupied by the enemy, which, in a measure, com- mands the ships in the harbour, and the fortifications CHAP. V. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 149 in the town. It was soon crowned with several strong batteries of heavy guns: other batteries were erected on the opposite side of the town; and, the approaches of the army being slow, a heavy and incessant can- nonade was kept up. A bomb, from Light-House Point, set fire to one of the enemy's ships; which conmiunicated the flames to two others; and all three were blown up, one after the other. Next a detach- ment of six hundred seamen, in boats, attacked the two remaining ships of the hne; destroyed one; and towed off the other. The English were now in com- plete possession of the harbour: several practical breaches had been made in the enemy's works; and the town was declared to be no longer tenable. The governor proposed a capitulation similar to the one made at Port Mahon; but the English insisted upon the surrender of the garrison as prisoners of war; and, though Drucourt at first rejected such humiliat- ing terms, a petition from the inhabitants induced him to yield his acceptance. Cape Breton was an im- portant conquest, not only as a strong naval and mili- tary position, — but as a sort of vantage-ground for a successful descent upon Q,uebec. The expedition against Ticonderoga was com- manded by General Abercrombie; who embarked on Lake George with fourteen thousand men, in one hundred and twenty- five whale-boats, and nine hun- I5i) THE UNITED STATES CHAP. V. (Ired batteaux. The advanced guard of the enemy, posted in a log-camp, on the west side of the lake, was soon forced to retreat; and, after exp.'Miencing considerable difficulties in marching through the woods, General Abercrombie arrived and encamped at the Saw-Mills, two miles distant from Ticonderoga. In front of the fort, the enemy had nearly five thousand men posted behind a breastwork, about nine feet in height, and rendered almost inapproachable by fallen trees. The fort itself was garrisoned witii the usual number of men; and possessed the natural advantage of having the water on three sides, and m morass on the fourth. General Abercrombie sent an engineer across the river, to ascertain the state of the works. He reported, that they were imperfect, and, of course, practicable; and the army was immediately marshalled for an assault; — the rangers, light infantry, and right wing of the provincials, in front; the regulars, who were chiefly relied on, in the rear. The troops marched to the storm with great intrepidity; but, fall- ing among the trees, they only became marks for the fire of the enemy; and, after seeing their courage in vain exerted for four hours, the general was under the necessity of calling them off. The loss of nearly two thousand men, in killed and wounded, was the fruits of this temerity. General Abercrombie immediately re-crossed Lake GHAP. V. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 1.51 George; and entirely abandoned the project of cap- turing Ticonderoga. Colonel Bradstreet proposed to finish the campaign with an expedition against Frontignac; a fort, which, by being placed on the north side of tlic St. Lawrence, just where it issues from Lake Ontario, was the key to the communication between Canada and Louisiana. It served, also, to keep the Indians in subjection; and was the general repository of stores for the enemy's western and south- ern posts. Late in the evening of the 25th of August, Colonel Bradstreet landed within a mile of the place, with three thousand men, eight pieces of cannon, and three mortars. The French had not anticipated an attack at this point; and the garrison consisted of only one hundred and ten men, with a few Indian auxili- aries. It was impossible to hold out long: Colonel Bradstreet posted his mortars so near the fort, that every shell took effect; and the commander was very soon obliged to surrender at discretion. The booty consisted of sixty pieces of cannon, great numbers of small arms, provisions, military stores, goods to a large amount, and nine armed vessels of from eight lo eigliteen guns. Colonel Bradstreet destroyed the fort and vessels; re-crossed the Ontario, and returned to the army. Had it not been for this fortunate enterprise, the unaccountable delay in preparing the expedition 152 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. V, against Du Q,iiesiie would, probably, have left that fort, a third time, in possession of the enemy. It was not until June, that the commander, General Forbes, set out from Philadelphia: it was Se[)tember, before Colonel Washington, with the Virginia regulars, was ordered to join the main body at Ray^s Town; and it was as late as November, when, owing to the difficul- ties of cutting a new road, the army appeared before Du Q,uesne. The garrison, deserted by the Indians, and without adequate means of defence, had escaped down the Ohio, the evening before the arrival of the British; who had only to take possession, therefore, in the king's name. The fort was supplied with a new garrison; and the name changed to Pittsburg The Indians, as usual, joined the strongest side. A peace was concluded with all the tribes between the Ohio and the lakes; and the frontier inhabitants of Penn- sylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, were once more relieved from the terrors of fire and scalping knives. The advantages of this campaign, though very important, had been purchased with almost the last eflfort of provincial strength; and, when a circular letter from Mr. Pitt to the several governors, in- duced the colonies to resolve upon making the most vigorous preparation for the next, they soon dis- covered, that their resources v/ere. by no means, commensurate with their zeal. Massachusetts^ the ©HAP. V. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 152 leading province, could only vote^ye, instead of seven, thousand men; and the other colonies followed the example, in a proportional diminution of their respec- tive quotas. By a letter of expostulation from Major- General Amherst, who had superseded Abercrombie, the legislature of Massachusetts were persuaded to raise an additional force of fifteen hundred men; though, from a decrease in the population of the co- lony, — occasioned partly, as they state, by the frequent resort of great numbers to the various branches of his majesty's service, partly by the deaths of the last cam- paign, and partly by the emigrations to provinces, where taxes were less onerous, — it was necessary to secure a voluntary enlistment of the new troops, by holding out the lure of a double bounty. Notwith- standing these embarrassments, the leaders of the British army were resolved to signalize the year 1759, by the complete conquest of all Canada. And, so as- sured were they of success, that they talked as if they were rather preparing to set out on a journey, than to enter upon a campaign. As soon as the St. Lawrence should be open in the spring, Brigadier-General Wolfe, escorted by a strong fleet, was to start from Louis- bourg, and lay siege to Quebec. Major-General Amherst, with the main army, was to march by the way of Crown Point, Ticonderoga, and Richelieu; descend the St. Lawrence; and form a junction with 154 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. V, General Wolfe: while General Prideaux, with the third division, was to capture Fort Niagara; sail thence for Montreal; and, after taking that place, join the grand army before Quebec. Had the ele- ments been laid, and the enemy spell-bound, the whole of this brilliant plan could not have helped succeeding; but, as it was, only the one-third could ever be carried into execution. Early in the winter, General Amherst set about the preparations for his part of the enterprise: but it was not till the last of May, that his troops were as- sembled at Albany; and it was as late as the 22d of July, when he appeared before Ticonderoga. As the naval superiority of Great Britain had prevented France from sending out reinforcements, none of the posts in this quarter were enabled to withstand so great a force as that of General Amherst. Ticonde- roga was inunediately abandoned: Crown Point fol- lowed the example; and the only way, in which the enemy seemed to think of preserving their province, was, by retarding the English army, with shows of resistance, till the season of operation should be past; or till, by the gradual concentration of their forces, they should become nmnerous enough to make an effectual stand. From Crown Point, they retreated to Ile-aux-Noix; where, General Amherst under- stood, there was a body of between three and four CHAP. V. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 155 thousand men, and a fleet of several armed vessels. The English made great exertions to secure a naval superiority; and, had it not been for a succession of adverse storms upon the lake, they might, perhaps, have wintered in Quebec, instead of being obliged to go into quarters at Crown Point. General Prideaux embarked at Os^ ego, early in July; landed, soon after, within three miles of Nia- gara; and immediately commenced a formal investment of the fort. The garrison was reinforced by detach- ments from Detroit, Venango, and Presqulle. But, as the enemy placed considerable dependence upon some Indian auxiliaries, and w^ell knew, that savages are little calculated for sedentary warfare, it was de- termined to risk an immediate battle. On the morning of the 24th, the garrison marched out; were promptly met by a body of the English; and, being deserted by the Indians, were driven back to the fort, and obliged to capitulate. General Prideaux had been killed dur- ing the siege; and General Gage was sent to supply his place. But, for some undiscovered reason, — per- haps, because the Marquis de Vaudreuil lay in the vicinity of Montreal, with a reported army of five thousand men, — it was deemed inexpedient to at- tempt the farther prosecution of this part of the cam- paign. The least promising part of the whole scheme was. 156 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. V. by far, the most successfully executed. Late in June, under convoy of Admirals Saunders and Holmes, G5 our reliance, notwithstanding former experience con- vinces us, if reason did not, that the French and Indians are watching the opportunity, when we shall be lulled into fatal security, and unprepared to resist an attack, to invade the country, and by ravaging one part, terrify another; that they retreat when our militia assemble, and repeat the stroke as soon as they are dispersed; that they send down parties in the inter- mediate time to discover our motions, procure intelli- gence, and sometimes to divert the troops.' At every ©ne of these incursions, some inhabitants were killed; many quit the country; and Colonel Washington de- clares, in one of his numerous letters on this subject, dated in 1756, that, unless the next campaign should be opened with offensive operations, the settlers be- yond the Blue Ridge, had taken an unalterable reso- lution of emigrating to some other colony. Almost all his letters to government teemed with arguments and solicitations, to make the war offensive on their part. His zeal for such a system, amounted almost to enthusiasm; and he repeated, with a perse- verance worthy of Cato, that Da Quesne inv.st be destroijed. The frequency and tiie earnestness, with which he dwelt upon the topic, s( em to have become extremely vexatious to Governor Dinwiddie; who was a weak, and, therefore, an obstinate man; and who appeared to take an envious pleasure in thwarting 2'i6 THE UxMTED STATES ©HAP. VHT. the hopes, and deranging the plans, of the commander In chief. 'Whence it arises, or why, I am truly ignorant, (the latter writes to a friend,) but my strongest representations of matters relative to the peace of the frontiers, are disregarded as idle and frivolous; my propositions and measures, as partial and selfish; and all my sincerest endeavours for the service of my country, perverted to the worst pur- poses. My orders arc dark, doubtful, and imcertain. To-day approved, to-morrow condemned; left to act and proceed at hazard; accountable for the conse- quences, and blamed without the benefit of defence.' 'However, (he subjoins,) I am determined to bear up under all these embarrassments, some time longer, in the hope of better regulations under Lord Loudoun.' This hope, like the rest, was utterly disappointed. With all his strong and eloquent representations to Lord Loudoun, whom he visited, at Philadelphia, he could not procure more than twelve hundred troops, for the service of all the middle and southern colonies. His own government, in the mean time, was obliged to furnish four hundred men for the defence of South Carolina. The regiment for its own protection, in- stead of being increased to two thousand, as he had again and again recommended, was improvidently reduced to one; and, of that one, not more than a third ever appeared in the field. CHAP. VIII BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 247 Nor were these all the mortifying circumstances, under which the commander in chief was obliged to *bear up.' In his busy application to the duties of his office, and the interests of the colony, he spoke, with sincerity and freedom, of every thing, which related to the conduct of the war. Mr. Dinwiddie's patience was, at length, exhausted; and he not only told Colonel Washington, that he was impertinent in his observations, — but accused him of being loose in his behaviour, and remiss in his duty. * It is with pleasure (he mildly answered) I receive reproof, when reproof is due; because no person can be readier to accuse me, than I am to acknowledge an error, when I have committed it; nor more desirous of atoning for a crime, when I am _ sensible of being guilty of one. But, on the other hand, it is with concern I remark, that my best endeavours lose their reward, and that my conduct, although I have uniformly stu- died to make it as unexceptionable as I could, does not appear to you in a favourable point of light. Otherwise your honour would not have accused me of /oose behaviour, and remissness of duly, in matters, where, I think, I have rather exceeded, than fallen short of it' In another letter, not long subsequent to this. Colonel Washington solicited permission to visit Williamsburg. Mr. Dinwiddie abruptly answered, that he had often been indulged, and ought not again 248 THE UNITED STATES eHAP. VIIL to ask for leave of absence. He patiently rejoined, that, ' to give a more succinct account of affairs (on the frontier) than I could in writing, was the principal, among many other reasons, that induced me to ask leave to come down. It was not to enjoy a party of pleasure, that I asked leave of absence: I have been indulged with few of those, winter or summer.^ It was not Mr. Dinwiddie alone, who attacked the character of Colonel Washington. His other ene- mies (for such a man, of course, had enemies) pre- termitted no opportunity to belie and traduce him; and, on one occasion, he received from the governor an envious and cowardly paper, which had been cir- culated at the seat of government; charging him with unskilfulness in the peiforniance of his military du- ties, and with wilful misrepresentation, in his ac- counts of affairs on the frontiers. That he had sounded no false alarms, on the latter subject, ap- peared from what was, as he says, a 'well known •^fact,' that the inhabitants had, almost to a man, for- saken their dwellings, and either fled to Carolina, or taken refuge in the neighbouring forts. 'And (he asks) did I ever send any alarming account, without sending, also, the original papers, or the copies, which gave rise to it.^' ' That I have foibles, (he continues,) and perhaps many of them, I shall not deny; I should esteem my- CHAP. Vlir. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 249 self, as the world also would, vain and empty, were I to arrogate perfection, ' Knowledge, in military matters, is to be acquired hy practice and experience only; and, if I have erred, great allowance should be made for my errors, for want of them; unless those errors should appear to be wilful; and then, I conceive, it would be more ge- nerous to charge me with my faults, and let me stand or fall, according to evidence, than to stigmatize me behind my back. ' It is uncertain in what light my services may have appeared to your honour: but this I know, and it is the highest consolation I am capable of feehng, that no man, that ever was employed in a public ca- pacity, has endeavoured to discharge the trust re- posed in him, with greater honesty, and more zeal for the country's interest, than I have done: and if there is any person living, who can say, with justice, that I have done any intentional wrong to the public, I will cheerfully submit to the most ignominious pu- nishment that an injured people ought to inflict. On the other hand, it is hard to have my character arraigned, and my actions condemned, without a Jiearing. ' I must, therefore, again beg, in more plain, and very earnest terms, to know if **** has taken the liberty of representing my conduct to your honour, 1 I 250 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. VIIL with such ungentlemanly freedom as the letter im- phes? Your condescension herein will be acknow- ledged as a singular favour.' Mr. Dinwiddle left the colony, a short time after this; and, along with him, went all that disagreement and calumniation, of which he, and men like him, — too indolent themselves to engage in active public service, and yet ambitious enough to envy those who do, — had ever been the ready promoters. Colonel Washington was gratified to find, that his friend, Mr. Blair, had succeeded to the office of governor: and he was, shortly after, still more pleased to learn, that an expedition was meditated against Fort Du (^uesne. He did not fail to urge the necessity of immediate operations; and he was the more anxious to prevent delay, because it would inevitably be the means of losing a body of seven hundred Indians, who had assembled at Winchester. But, like all his former advice, on the same subject, his present suggestions were not, perhaps they could not be, followed. The enemy had another opportunity to overrun and devas- tate the country. The Virginia regiment was, at length, ordered to assemble at Winchester; but it came destitute of every thing necessary for a cam- paign; and, in the mean time, the friendly Indians, as had been foretold, lost the little patience, which they possessed, and had departed for home. The Virginia CHAP. VIII. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 251 ti'oops were ordered to Fort Cumberland, in the be- ginning of July; and, late in the same month, Colonel Bouquet requested an interview with Colonel Wash- ington, on the subject of opening a new road from Raystown to Du Quesne. A wilder project could not have entered his thoughts. The road of General Braddock was originally selected, by the Indians: it had been opened by the Ohio Company, in 1753; was repaired, for a considerable distance, by Colonel Washington, in 1754; and had been widened, and still more improved, by General Braddock, in 1755. A new road would occupy nearly the whole cam- paign; and, even when finished, must be less commo- dious, though, perhaps, a little shorter, than the old. The colonies, besides, had nearly exhausted the re- sources of the Virginians, for this expedition: they looked upon it as the collected and final effort to rid themselves of their calamities; and, if the season should be wasted, without striking the meditated blow at Du Q,uesne, the only effect of their extraordinary exertions, would be, to render them still more de- fenceless and unprotected; at the same time, that the audacity of the French, and the contempt of the In- dians, would be proportion ably increased. Yet, in spite of all these obvious and conclusive objections. Colonel Washington writes to the aid o{ General Forbes, that he found Bouquet ^unalterably fixed' 252 THE UNITED STATES CHAP. MIL upon cutting the new road: and he adds, if the general accedes to the proposition, ' all is lost! all is lost indeed! our enterprise is ruined, and we shall be stopped at Laurel Hill, this winter — but not to gather laurels/ This prediction was, in a great measure, fulfilled. Although two hundred men were set to work on the road, about nine weeks were occupied in constructing thirty-five miles; and, notwithstanding the certain intelligence, which was at one time received, that there were only eight hundred French, and half as many Indians, at Fort Du (iuesne, the English com- mander still adhered to the resolution of delaying the attack, till the troops could march by his own way. * See, (says Colonel Washington, in a letter to the speaker of the assembly,) see how our time has been misspent — behold how the golden opportunity is lost— perhaps never more to be regained! How is it to be accounted for.-^ Can General Forbes have orders for this? Impossible. Will, then, our injured country pass by such abuses.^ I hope not: rather let a full representation of the matter go to his majesty: let him know how grossly his glory and interests, and the public money, have been prostituted.' In another part of the same letter, he eloquently depictures the efifect of this dilatoriness upon the spirits and disci- pline of the army. ' We are still encamped here, (at CHAP. VIII. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 253 Fort Cumberland^ says he,) very sickly, and dispirited at the prospect before us. That appearance of glory, V. hich we once had in view — that hope — that laud- able ambition of serving our country, and meriting its applause, are now no more; all is dwindled into ease, sloth, and inactivity. In a word, all is lost, if the Vv'ays of men in power, like certain ways of Providence, are not inscrutable. But we, who view the actions of great men at a distance, (he adds, in a strain of deli- cate irony,) can only form conjectures, agreeably to a limited perception; and, being ignorant of the com- prehensive schemes which may be in contemplation, might mistake egregiously, in judging of things from appearances, or by the lump. Yet every fool will have his notions — will prattle and talk away; and why may not I.'^ We seem, then, in my opinion, to act under the guidance of an evil genius. The conduct of our leaders, if not actuated by superior orders, is tempered with something — I do not care to give a name to. Nothing now but a miracle can bring this campaign to a happy issue.^ It ivas brought to a happy issue, without the inter- position of a miracle; though the English general had certainly done his best, to make it terminate in disas- ter. Late in October, Major Grant was sent forward with a body of eight hundred men. He succeeded in drawing the enemy from the fort; and, after an 264} THE UNITED STATES CHAP. VIII. obstinate engagement, was defeated, with the loss of two hundred and seventy-five killed, and forty-two wounded. The general called upon all the colonel*, to give him a plan for marching the whole army from Raystown. Whose plan he followed, we are not told; but it was the 5th of November, before the army reached Loyal Hanna, forty-five miles from Raystown; and it had been determined, in a council of war, to relinquish the further prosecution of the campaign; — when some deserters brought the intelligence, that the French had been abandoned by the Indians; and that, being cut off from reinforcements and supphes through Canada, by the success of the English fleet and ar- mies, in the north, they must fall an easy prey to any respectable force. Colonel Washington was entrusted with the arduous duty of opening the way for the main army: and we have already related, that the enemy did not await an attack. Colonel Washington returned to Williamsburg; and took his seat in the assembly, as a representative for the county of Frede- rick.* His commission was resigned; and he soon after married the widow of Mr. Custis, a lady to whom he had been long attached; and who possessed every qualification, both of fortune and of person, to ensure him the enjoyment of domestic felicity. We cannot better close this chapter, than by * Sec Note (T). CHAP. Vlir. BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 255 extracting a part of the address, which Colonel Wash- ington received from his officers, on the occasion of his resigning the connmand of the Virginia regiment. It has an air of truth and of affection, which distin- guishes it from all other papers of the same sort; and we have little doubt, that, as it was written by those who had lived and acted with him, daring all the trying events of the war, it contains the only faithful picture, which could be drawn, of his early character and habits. * In our earliest infancy (say they) you took us under your tuition, trained us up in the practice of that discipline, which alone can constitute good troops; from the punctual observance of which you never suffered the least deviation. ^ Your steady adherence to impartial justice, your quick discernment, and invariable regard to merit, wisely intended to inculcate those genuine sentiments of honour, and passion for glory, from which the greatest military achievements have been derived, first heightened our mutual emulation, and desire to excel. How much we improved, by those regulations, and your own example; with what alacrity we have hitherto discharged our duty; with what cheerfulness we have encountered the severest toils, especially while under your particular directions: we submit to 256 THE UNITED STATES;, SlC. CHAP. VHI. yourself, and flatter ourselves that we have, in a great measure, answered your expectations. 'Judge, then, how sensibly we must be affected, with the loss of such an excellent commander, such a sincere friend, and so aflable a companion. How rare is it to find those amiable qualifications blended together in one man! How great the loss of such a man! Adieu to that superiority, which the enemy have granted us over other troops, and which even the regulars and provincials have done us the honour publicly to acknowledge! Adieu to that strict disci- pline and order, which you have always maintained! Adieu to that happy union and harmony, which have been our principal cement! ' It gives us additional sorrow, when we reflect, to find our unhappy country will receive a loss, no less irreparable than our own. Where will it meet a man, so experienced in military affairs.^ One so re- nowned for patriotism, conduct, and courage? Who has so great a knowledge of the enemy we have to deal with? Who so well acquainted with their knowledge and strength? Who so much respected by the sol- diery? Who, in short, so able to support the military character of Virginia?' NOTES. NOTE (A). P. 1. 1 HE question of Columbus' birth place has been agitated more than three centuries; and it is but a few years, since the subject called forth one prolix volume from the academy of Turin, and another, from that of Genoa. Columbus himself seems to have studied to keep the place a secret; and it is somewhat remarkable, that his own son, who has written his life, and who was sixteen years old, at his death, should have been so negligent as not to ask the question, or so unsuccessful as to obtain no answer. Piedmont, Placentia, Genoa, Savoy, and Laguria, have all been ready to claim the discoverer of the New World; but, with the exception of Genoa, their claims have little to support them. In his will, dated in 1494, Columbus describes himself as a Genoese: and an expression in the life by his son, is supposed to prove, that, if any of these countries was the place, it must have been Genoa. ' Some persons,' says he, ' would have him essay to trace the admiral's descent from noble blood, but that he refrained therefrom, — believing that our Lord, who had elect- ed him for so great a work as the one he did accomplish, and appointed him his chosen apostle, whom he had called from the seas and rivers, and not from high places and palaces, to make known his name to the nations.' Kk ^58 rsOTES. It has been said, that Henry VII. gave no encouragement to Bartholomew Columbus; and that his discouraging answer was communicated to Christopher, before he applied to the court of Castile. But it appears from the life by Don Ferdinand, his son, that the king of England at once yielded to the proposal; and that the admiral did not hear from his brother, until after he had performed his second voyage. ' But to return to the king of England, I say, that after he had seen the map, and that which my father, Christopher Columbus, offered unto him, he accepted the offer with joyful countenance, and sent to call him into England. But because God had reserved the said offer for Castile, Columbus was gone in the mean space, and also re- turned with the performance of his enterprise.' This life of, Columbus is extremely scarce; and we have taken our translation from Hackluyt's Travels, pt. iii. p. 508. Just before Columbus arrived at Lisbon, on his return from the first voyage, he experienced a very dangerous storm; and, fearing that he might be cast away in such another, while sail- ing to Palos, the seat of the Spanish government, he addressed a letter to Don Raphael Sanzio, the king's treasurer; in which he gives a cursory account of his discoveries. Till within a short time, this precious document was very rare; and even Dr. Robertson, who is called ' the most diligent of mankind,' appears to have been ignorant of its existence. The English reader is indebted for it to the Edinburgh Review; the conductors of which have given us an account of the only copies, that are known to exist. The most ancient, — the one, from which they made a translation, — was printed in 1493, and is in the Brera library, at Milan. Three are in the French king's library, at Paris, dated 1494. Another is found in a volume published at Bazil, in 1533. NOTES. ^59 and it was next inserted in the Ilispania Illustrata^ published at Frankfort, in 1603. The seventh is in the Magleabechi library, at Florence; and the eighth, in the Casanata library, at Rome. It is of considerable length; and, instead of being filled with wild and incredible stories, contains a pertinent, business- like account of what had been discovered, and every where speaks the good sense, acuteness, and humanity of the writer. It is such an account as may be depended upon; and we shall make no apology for laying a part of it before our readers. ' Of this island, (Hispana says he,) and of all the others which I have seen or obtained any knowledge of, the inhabit- ants go naked, both sexes alike, just as they were born; except that some of the women have a leaf, or some sort of cotton -covering, which they themselves prepare for that pui-pose, about their middles. As I have already said, all these people are entirely without iron of any sort. They are also without arms, of which they know not the vise, and indeed would be ill adapted to make use of them ; not from any bodily defects, for they are well formed, but because they are so remarkably thnid and fearful. The only kind of arms they possess are canes parched in the sun, on the roots of which they fix a sort of spear-headof dry wood, sharpened into a point: yet these they do not often dare to use ; for it frequently happened when I had sent two or three of my men to some of the villages, that they might have communication with the inhabitants, a whole body of Indians would come out: but no sooner did they see our men approach, than off they set; parents deserting their children, and children their parents, without any scruple. Nor was this owing to any violence on my part, as I was particulai'Iy anxious that they should meet with no injury; — on the contra- ry, among whatever people I landed, or whom I could bring to 260 NOTES, a conference, I always imparted to them, in quantities, what- ever I happened to have, — such as clothes, and many other things, nor took any thing- from them in return. But they are by nature of a very timid disposition. Whenever they know themselves to be in safety, however, and get over their fears, they are an uncommonly simple and honest people; very liberal in bestowing whatever they possess. They never refuse a request ; nay, they themselves invited us to make demands of them. They have in truth the show of the greatest good will to all : they give things of great value for what is of scarce any; and are, indeed, content with very little or nothing in exchange. I however made a point that they should not be imposed upon by the very trifling and worthless articles which were apt to be given them,— such as broken bits of earthen ware, or of glass, — likewise nails; although the truth is, if tliey might but obtain these, they thought themselves possessed of the most beautiful ornaments in the world. A sailor, on one occasion, got for one nail as great a weight of gold as would have made three golden nobles : and in the same way for other articles of still less value, they gave whatever the purchaser was inclined to ask them. But because I felt this to be an unjust species of traffic, I forbid it ; and gave them many useful and beautiful articles which I had brought along Avitli me, Avithout any return being asked ; that I .might render them more friendly to me, — that I might gain them over to the Chi'istian faith. They have no idolatry amongst them ; but seem to have a firm persuasion, that all force, power, and all good things come from Heaven,— from whence, indeed, they imagined tliati had come down with my ships and sailors. ' In all these islands, according to my infonnation, no man has more than one wife, except the chiefs and kings, who may have as manv as twcntv. The women seem to work more thaji NOTES. 261 the men; and I have not been able to discover, whether there is any such thing as separate property ; for I have always seen these people impart to each other whatever they had, parti- cularly food, and things of that sort. I found no ministers among them, as some have imagined, but every where men of very estimable and benign aspect. Neither are they black like the Africans: their hair is smooth and long.' Edin. Rev. vol. xxvii. p. 505. et seq. NOTE (B). P. 14. Captain Smith was born in England, in 1597. At the age of thirteen, he sold his school books and sachel, to equip him- self for sea. His plot was discovered; and, instead of going before the mast, he was put behind the counter. He ran from his master at fifteen; and, after travelling for some time, on the continent, returned to England, and betook himself to the study of history and military tactics. Setting out again upon his tra- vels, he embarked, at Marseilles, for Italy; but a tempest obliged the ship to anchor off Nice; and Smith's companions, who were pilgrims, attributing the storm to his presence, cast him into the sea. He swam ashore; went to Alexandria; and, entering the Austrian service against the Turks, soon displayed himself to so piuch advantage, that the emperor put him at the head of two hundred and fifty horsemen. At the siege of Regal, Lord Thur- blsha sent a message to the army, that, for the diversion of the ladies, he would fight any Christian soldier, who might accept his challenge. Smith rode forth: the ladies stood on the battle- ments: the champions met; and Smith soon bore away the head 2i}2 iNOTES. of his antagonist. Another, and a third, challenge were sent; and Smith served all the three champions in the same manner. He was, at length, taken prisoner; but, killing his master, he escaped to Russia; whence he returned to England; and, hav- ing succeeded but ill in the Old World, determined to try his fortune in the New. He was not very fastidious in his means of forcing the Indians to pay tribute, or of keeping his own people in subjection. He stole 0/cee, the god of the aborigines; and, when they came to reclaim him, compelled them to bring his ransom, in large quantities of Indian corn. The great part of the settlers had emigrated, in the hope of making a fortune, without toil; and, as they now found themselves obliged to blister their hands with work, their impatience often exploded in an oath. Smith caused every oath to be noted; and, at night, a can of water, for each, was poured into the blasphemer's sleeve. In the history of De Soto's expedition, there is a parallel to the adventure with Pocahontas. John Ortez, of Seville, in Spain, having sailed with Pamphilio de Narvaez, in 1527, was afterwards sent back to this country in a brigantine. The abo- rigines enticed him and another to come on shore; and, with their usual good faith, seized them both, and killed the latter. ^ Veita (the king) commanded them to bind John Ortez, head and foot, upon four stakes, aloft upon a loft, and to make a fire under him, that there he might be burned: but a daughter of his desired him that he would not put him to death, alleging, that one only Christian could do him neither hurt or good; telling him, it was more for his honour to keep him as a captive. And Veita granted her request, and commanded him to be cured of liis wounds.' For a time, he was treated with great kind- NOTES. 263 ness; but, at length, losing the favour of the king, he was about to be sacrificed to the evil spirit, — when his good genius again contrived to save his life. ' John Ortez,' says the histo- rian, ' had notice, by the damsel that had delivered him from the fire, how her father was determined to sacrifice him, the day following, who willed him to flee to Macoco, (a neighbouring king,) for she knew that he would use him well: for she heard say, that he had asked for him, and said he would be glad to see him: and, because he knew not the way, she went with him a half a league out of town, by night, and set him in the way, and returned, because she would not be discovered.' De Soto, pp. 23, 23. NOTE (C). P. 15. There raged, at this period, and for a long time after, a sort of epidemic notion, that the whole hemisphere of America was pregnant with gold and silver. The infatuation extended even to the sober colonists of Connecticut. In 1712, two cop- per mines were discovered; one at Simsbury, the other at Wal- lingford; and, conceiving, that the copper ore might contain the. more precious metals, the proprietors obtained, from the general court, an act, which exempted the miners from military duty, for four years. Two other acts were subsequently passed, to promote the same object; but, after excavating the mine at Simsbury, for more than a dozen years, the proprietors despaired of finding gold or silver: the project was abandoned; and the immense cavity, which had been dug, was turned into a New- gate. We shall here extract a curious passage from Trum- 264 NOTES. bull's History of Connecticut; which, if true, may serve to cool the ardour of any such persons as still expect to amass for- tunes, by working mines in North America. ' Though mines of gold, silver, precious metals and mine- rals have been esteemed of great value, and sought after w^ith great pains and expectations, yet they are by no means s© enriching as is generally imagined. The rich mines of the south, vi^ere men hired to dig, refine, and go through the vari- ous operations necessary to produce gold and silver coins, at the Visages commonly given in this country, would not bear the expense. President Clap, (of Yale College,) w^ho w^ell un- derstood the history of this business, and v^^as an accurate computer of expenses, observed, that, if the king of Spain w^ere to give his workmen in the mining and refining business, the moderate wages of six pence sterling a day, it would break him. It was because the business was principally done by slaves and convicts, to whom he gave no wages, and whom he but miser- ably clothed and fed, that he made such profits by them. Mines of coarser metals than those of gold and silver, are often the most profitable, because they are much more abundant in the ores which they contain, and they are prepared for use at a far less expense. For these reasons, mines of copper, or lead, may yield as great or greater profits than those of gold and sil- ver.' Trumb. Hist. 1818. vol. i. pp. 45-6. NOTE (D). P. 21. It is still a qiuestio vexata, whether Sir Walter Raleigh, or Sir Francis Drake, first introduced tobacco into England. Iij France, we are told, it was named Nicotiana, after one John NOTES. 265 Nicotla, who was the French ambassador to Lusitanla, in 1559^ and enjoys the undisputed distinction of having brought it thence into his master's dominions. In England, it was gene- rally called by the name of the place where it grew. Trinidado was once the most celebrated; but it seems not to have equalled the produce of Tobago; and the name of that little island has, at length, swallowed up all others. Many grave treatises have been written upon the virtues of tobacco; and it was once supposed, that there is no disease incident to the human frame, for which it did not constitute a sovereign remedy. But it had its enemies, as well as its friends. In England, particularly, it was considered as the rankest of all poisons; and many seemed to think, that the fate of the kingdom depended upon its extirpation. Among its most determined enemies, was King James I.; who, forgetting that mankind have derived from their first parents an unconquerable appetite for a thing forbidden, undertook to stop the use of it, by a species of persecution. He could not even take a journey of pleasure, without waging war upon what he considered as the root of all evil; and, when at Oxford, in 1605, he seriously proposed the question, and sat as moderator while it was dis- cussed — Utrum frequens siiffitus J\^icotian(B exoticae, sit sards saliitaris'?*' Nor was this the end of his extravagance. He published a book upon the subject; and, of all the works, which his ambi- tion of literature induced him to write, perhaps the Counterblast * We believe, the only diseases, for which tobacco is now used as a remedy, are tetanus and incarcerated hernia. It has been tried in hydro- phobia; but did not prove a cure, I. I 266 NOTES. to Tobacco will gave him the best title to the name of author. He was a great zealot for the divine right of kings; but, what- ever might have been the sanctity of his character, he could use as sublunary language as almost any mere mortal. His introductory blast is as follows: — ' Tobacco being a common herb, which (though under di- vers names) grows almost every where, was fii'st found out by some of the barbarous Indians, to be a preservative or antidote against a filthy disease, whereunto these people are, as all men know, very subject, what through the uncleanly and adust con- stitution of their bodies, and what through the intemperate heat of their climate : so that as from them we first brought into Christendom, that most detestable disease, so from tliem also was brought this use of tobacco.' ' And now, good countrymen, let us (I pray you) consider what honour or policy can move us to imitate the barbarous and beastly manners, of the wild, godless, and slavish Indians, especially in so vile and stinking a custom ? Shall we that dis- dain to imitate the manners of our neighbour France, (having the style of the first christian kingdom,) and that cannot endure the spirit of the Spaniards, (their king being now comparable in largeness of dominions, to the great emperor of Turkey,) shall we, I say, that have been so long civil and wealthy in peace, famous and invincible in war, fortunate in both ; we that have been ever able to aid any of our neighbours, (but never deafened any of their ears with any of our supplications for as- sistance,) shall we, I say, without blushing abuse ourselves so far, as to imitate these beastly Indians, slaves to the Spaniards, refuse to the world, and as yet aliens from the holy covenant of God? Why do we not as well imitate them in walking naked as they do ? in preferring glasses, feathers, and such toys, to NOTES. 261 gold, and precious stones, as they do ? Why do we not deny God and adore the Devil, as they do?' Works o/KiNG James, pp. 214-215, After a few more denunciations, in the same strain, the divine author proceeds to disprove the reasoning of his antago- nists. ' First, it is thought by you, (says he,) a sure aphorism in physics, that the brains of all men, being naturally cold and wet, all dry and hot things should be good for them; of which nature this stinking suffumigation is.' To show the utter falsity of this notion, the king lays it down, as a postulate, that 'man is compounded of the four complexions, whose fathers are the four elements;' and, having reasoned over a page, from these premises, he enters upon the discussion of the main question, under four distinct heads: — ' two founded upon the theorick of a deceivable appearance of reason, and two of them upon the mis- taken practick of general experience.' We cannot pretend to follow the royal dialectician through all the developments of his subject. One or two passages must suffice: — ' Such,' says he, ' is the miraculous omnipotence of our strong tasted tobacco, as it cures all sorts of diseases in all per- sons, and at all times. It cures the gout in the feet, and in the very instant when the smoke thereof, as light, flies up into the head, the virtue thereof, as heavy, runs down into the little toe.* * There is scarcely an author of the age of James, who does not men- tion tobacco; and, in Every ^fan in his Humour, Ben Jonson introduces Bobadil and Cob as the respective champions for and against its remedial efficacy. ' Bob. Sir, believe me, upon my relation, for what I tell you this world shall not reprove. I have been in the Indies, where this herb grows, where with myself, nor a dozen gentlemen more of my knowledge have received the taste of any other nutriment in the world, for the space of 268 NOTES. O omnipotent tobacco ! And if it could by the smoke thereof chase out devils, as the smoke of Tobias' fish did, (which I am sure could be made no sti'onglier,) it would serve for a precious relick, both for the superstitious priests, the insolent puritans, to cast out devils withal.' Works, pp. 219-20. ' I read, indeed,' says the king, in another place, ' of a knavish courtier, who, for abusing the favour of the Emperor Alexander Severus, his master, by taking bribes to intercede, for sundry prisoners, in his majesty's ear, (for whom he never once open- ed his mouth,) Avas justly choked with smoke, with this doom, one and twenty weeks, but the fume of this simple only : therefore, it cannot be, but 'tis most divine. Further,. take it in the nature, in the true kind ; so, it makes an antidote, that, had you taken the most deadly poison- ous plant in all Italy, it should expel it, and clarify you with as much ease as I speak. And, for your green wound, — your balsam-urn and your St. John's wort, are all mere gulleries and trash to it, especially your Ti-inida- do : your Nicotian is good too. I could say what I know of the virtue of it for the expulsion of rheums, raw humours, crudities, obstructions, with a thousand of this kind : but I profess myself no quacksalver, only thus much ; by Hercules, I do hold it, and will affirm it before any prince in Europe, to be the most sovereign and precious weed that ever the earth tendered to the use of man.' « Cob. Odds me, I marvel what pleasure or felicity they have in taking this roguish tobacco. Its good for nothing but to choke a man, and fill him full of smoke and embers : there were four died out of one house last week with taking of it, and two more the bell went for yesternight : one of them, they say, will never scape it : he voided a bushel of soot yesterday, upward and downward. By the stocks, an there were no wiser men than I, I'd have it present whipping, man or woman, that should but deal with a to- bacco-pipe : why, it will stifle them all in the end, as many as use it ; its little better than ratsbane or rosaken. [JJobadil beats /lim.]' Giffobd's Ben Jonson, vol. i. pp. 88-91. The Counterblast contains a passage nearly as extravagant as the ana- thema of Cob. NOTES. 269 fiuno pereat, qui fumum vendidit: but of so many smoke buy- ers, as are at the pi'esent in this kingdom, I never read or heard.' Works, Y>- '221. It is almost impossible for a modern to conceive the extent, to which the use of tobacco prevailed, when it first came into fashion. 'No, (says King James,) it is become, in place of cure, a point of good fellowship; and he that will refuse to take a pipe of tobacco among his fellows,' is accounted a rude mis- anthrope. Again, 'in your persons, (says he,) you have, by this continual vile custom, been reduced to this shameful imbe- cility, that you are not able to ride or walk the journey of a Jew's sabbath, but you mwst have a reekie to be brought vuu from the next poor house, to kindle your tobacco with.' Even in the reign of Queen Anne, the misses took snuff, and the old ladies chewed or smoked tobacco. Swift, in his letters to Miss Johnson and Mrs. Dingley, often mentions the subject of theU' using snuff; and speaks of sending Brazil tobacco to the latter, as if, like tea or chocolate, it was a matter of course. ' I have (says he) the finest piece of Brazil tobacco for Dingley that ever was born;' and, again, 'I have made Delaval promise to send me some Brazil tobacco from Portugal, for you, Madam Dingley.'* King James winds up his Counterblast in the following words: — ' A custom loathsome to the eye, hateful to the nose, harm- Tul to the brain, dangerous to the lungs, and in the black stink- ing fume thereof, nearest resembling the horrible Stygian smoke of the pit that is bottomless.' Works, p. 222. ; Works, by Scott^ vol, ii. pp. 25. 96 ; and in other places. 270 NOTES. We know not, that any legislative measures were ever taken in England, to prevent the use of tobacco; but, in the colony of Connecticut, it was thought expedient to pass an express law upon the subject. 'As tobacco, about this time,' (1647,) says Mr. Trumbull, * was coming into use, a very curious law was made for its re- gulation or suppression. It Avas ordered that no person under twenty years of age, nor any other, who had not already accus- tomed himself to it, should take any tobacco, until he had ob- tained a certificate from under the hand of an approved physi- cian, that it was useful for him, and until he had also obtained a license from the court. All others, who had addicted them- selves to the use of it, were prohibited from taking it, in any company, or at their labours, or in travelling, unless ten miles, at least, from any company ; and, though not in company, not more than once a day, upon pain of a fine of six pence for every such offence. One substantial witness was to be a sufficient proof of the crime. The constables of the particular towns were to make presentment to the particular courts, and it was order- ed, that the fine should be paid without gainsaying.' Hist, of Conn. vol. i. p. 162. NOTE (E). P. 23. This account argues a state of society so difi'erent from that of our own day, as to make it appear almost incredible. There is, however, no doubt of the fact. V/ives were shipped with the same indifference as any other cargo; and some person in Vir- ginia has recently brought to light the letter of instructions, which accompanied one of the shipments. It is dated August 12th. 1621; and is in these words: — NOTES. ,271 ' We send you in this ship one widow and eleven maids for wives for the people of Virginia. There hath been especial care had in the choice of them, for there hath not any one of ihem been received, but upon good recommendations. * In case they cannot be presently married, Ave desire that they may be put in several householders that have wives, till they can be provided with husbands. There are near fifty more, which are shortly to come, are sent by our most honourable lord and treasurer, the Earl of Southampton, and certain worthy gentlemen, who taking into consideration that the plantation can never flourish till families be planted, and the respects of wives and children fix these people on the soil, therefore have given this fair beginning for the reimbursing those charges. It is ordered, that every man that marries them give one hundred and twenty pounds of the best leaf tobacco for each of them. ' Though we are desirous that the marriage be free accord- ing to the law of nature, yet we would not have these maids deceived and married to servants, but only to such freentien or tenants as have means to maintain them. We pray you, there- fore, to be as fathers of them in this business, not enforcing them to marry against their wills.' The Earl of Southampton, menlioned in this letter, is distin- guished in literary history, as the only known patron of Shak- speare. He was ready on all occasions to foster genius, and promote improvement; and it is, perhaps, chiefly to his exertionSj that we owe the original settlement of this country. His life, which was as romantic as his spirit was liberal, may be found in the second volume of Drake's Shakspeare andhw Timrr o>7i> i-i NOTEls. NOTE I.F). P. 29. The history of Goffe and Whalley is almost romance. It was first given by Mr. Hutchinson,* from a diary kept by Goffe; and this brief outline was afterwards the basis of a separate vo- lume, by Dr. Stiles, ofNewHaven.f William Goffe, the son of a puritan divine, was placed with Mr. Vaughan, a dry-salter, in London; but, disliking trade, at a time when trade was of little consequence, he entered the army; and, attracting the notice of Cromwell, was rapidly pro- moted from a soldier to a general.| He enjoyed Cromwell's utmost confidence; assisted White in purging the commons; was twice returned to parliament; and, at last, made one of the pro- tector's lords. Edward Whalley was, also, raised from the merchant's coun- ter to the highest station in the commonwealth. He was the cousin of Cromwell; was entrusted by him with the custody of * History of Mass. vol. i. p. 215. f History of Three of the Judges of King Charles I. &c. Hartford, 1794. 12mo. The mottos are from scripture. ' They wandered about — being desolate, afflicted, tormented — they wandered in deserts, and in mountains, and in dens and caves of the earth. 'Of whom the world was unworthy.' ' Be not forgetful to entertain strangers ; for thereby some have enter- tained angels unawares.' Heb. xi. 13. t The word grade has been ridiculed in England, as a barbarous Ameri- canism. President Stiles here quotes a passage from the Fasti Oxonien- scs, p. 79 ; which may teach the English first to pluck the mote from their own eyes. 'At length, through several military grades,' say the Fasti, ' he bcf nme a colonel.' Stiles, p. 17. NOTES. 273 the royal prisoner; and, having first sat with the representatives, was afterwards enrolled among the lords. It was on the 27th of July, 1660, that GofTe and Whalley landed at Boston. They made no secret of their names; appear- ed openly about the town; attended all prayer-meetings and oc- casional lectures; and were kindly received not only by Governor Endicot, — but by the great majority of the inhabitants. They are both said to have been expert swordsmen; and a story is still current in New England, whatever may be its title to credit, that one of them soon found occasion to display his dexterity. ' While at Boston,' says President Stiles, ' there appeared a gallant person there, some say a fencing master, vi^ho, on a stage erected for the purpose, walked it for several days, challenging and defying any to play v/ith him at swords : at length one of the judges, disguised in a rustic dress, holding in one hand a cheese wrapped in a napkin, for a shield, with a broomstick, whose mop he had besmeared with dirty puddle water as he passed along : thus equipped, he mounted the stage : — the fencing master railed at him for his impudence, asked what business he had there, and bid him begone. The judge stood his ground ; upon which the gladiator made a pass at him with his sword, to drive him off: a rencounter ensued: the judge received the sword into the cheese, and held it till he drew the mop of the broom over his mouth, and gave the gentleman a pair of whiskers. The gentleman made another pass, and plunging his sword a second time, it was caught and held in the cheese, till the broom was drav/n over his eyes. At a third lounge the sword was caught again, till the mop of the bi'oom was rubbed gently all over his face. Upon this the gentleman let fall or laid aside his small swovd, and took up the broad- sword, and came upon him with that: upon which the judge M m 274 NOTES. said, stop, sir, hitherto you see I have only played with you, and not attempted to hurt you; but, if you come at me now with the broad-sword, know, that I will certainly take your life. The firmness and dctcrminateness, with which he spake, struck the gentleman, who desisting, exclaimed, who can you be ? You are either Goffe, Whalley, or the Devil; for there was no other man in England that could beat me. And so the disguised judge retired into obscurity, leaving the spectators to enjoy the diversion of the scene, and the vanquishment of the boasting champion. Hence it is proverbial in some parts of New Eng- land, in speaking of a champion at athletic and other exercises, to say, that none can beat him but Goffe, Whalley, or the Devil.' Stiles, pp. 33-4. But the judges had soon the prospect of encountering a more dangerous antagonist. A cheese and a broomstick could not avail them against the warrant of the king's officer. They had left England, before Charles II. was proclaimed; and the Bosto- nians had received them with favour, because they supposed themselves safe. In November, 1660, a vessel from Barbadoes brought the intelligence of the coronation. Many of those, who had kindly protected the judges, now began to tremble for their own safety; and, though others still resolved to stand by men, whom they considered rather as unfortunate than criminal, the colony was not yet ripe for avowed opposition to the king; and our exiles deemed it best to abscond. They vanished from Cambridge, on the 26th of February; and appeared at New Haven, on the 7th of Marcli, 1661. The day after their arrival, the king's proclamation against them was received at Boston; and, on the 27th of the same month, was brought to New Haven. The Bostonians made a NOTES. 215 fictitious search through their province; and the people of New Haven contrived to render a search in earnest ineffectual. Goffe and Whalley were received as brothers by Mr. Davenport; and it was doubtless by his advice, that they appeared openly at New Milford, on the 27th, and returned at night to his house in New Haven. In the latter end of April, the governor of Massachusetts received a royal mandate for their apprehension; and, as the affair could no longer be trifled with, he commissioned Thomas Kellond and Thomas Kirk to make a search through the colonies as far as Manhadoes. The people of New Haven received the news of this com- mission; and, to prepare them for the reception of the pursuers, Mr. Davenport preached from Isaiah xvi. 3, 4. ' Take council, execute judgment, make thy shadow as the night in the midst of the noon- day; hide the out-casts, bewry not him that wandereth. Let mine out-casts dwell with thee; Moab, be thou a covert to them from the face of the spoiler.' No royal mandate could prevail against a sermon from such a text; and it so happened, that on the very llth of May, when Kellond and Kirk arrived at Governor Leet's, the two judges took up their abode in a mill about two miles from New Haven. Governor Leet resided at Guilford, about eighteen miles distant. He detained the pur- suers at his house the whole of the 12th; and, while Magistrate GJilbert, in obedience to his instructions, was taking the advice of the town deputies on the subject of apprehending the judges, they had time to secrete themselves in the woods. On the 13th the pursuers arrived in New Haven. To give his conduct an appearance of activity, Magistrate Gilbert put a warrant into the hands of the sheriff; and he was fortunate enough to encounter the judges near what is called Break Neck Bridge, 276 NOTES. over which the pursuers were to pass. They stood manfully upon their defence; kept offlhe sheriff with clubs; and, while he was gone for help, ran and hid under the bridge. Now, no per- son could secrete himself under this bridge at high water; and, lest some future historian should take advantage of the circum- stance to invalidate the story, Dr. Stiles thinks it prudent to enter into some calculations, which prove, beyond all question, that, when the judges are said to have been there, the water was low. The commissioners slept at Guilford on the 12th; and, as it was eighteen miles to New Haven, they must have arrived about noon the next day. ' From the astronomical or lunar tables, we find, says the doctor, that, on the I3th of May, 1661, the sun was in the second degree of Gemini, and the moon in the first of Aries, or about sixty degrees apart, and so about two days and a half after the last quarter; when it is always high water at New Haven about, or a little after six o'clock, and low water about noon.' As soon as it was supposed, that the search in New Haven was finished, and the commissioners would begin to prowl in the neighbourhood, the judges most probably came from their lurk- ing-place into the town. They were secreted for the most part in the houses of Mr. Davenport, Mr. Jones, and Mrs. Eyers; ' a small, plump, round woman, a worthy character;' who used to hide them in a large wainscotted closet, which, when the door was shut, could not be distinguished from the ceiling. It is probable, that the commissioners re-commenced their search in town on the 14th. When Mrs. Eyers saw their red coats ap- proaching her house, she devised an expedient to get rid of them, which, while she supposed it might screen her from the guilt of prevarication, would effectually ensure the safety of her guests. NOTES. 211 If she hid them in the closet, how could she say, they were not in her house? But, if she told them to go out of the back door, and return, after a few steps, could she not safely an- swer, that they had been there, — but had gone away? This reasoning was, at any rate, sufficient to satisfy Mrs. Eyers; and, when the officers entered her house, ' she put them upon a false scent, and secured her friends.' New Haven, at this time, contained only one hundred or one hundred and twenty houses: the environs were a complete wil- derness; and, with the exception of Derby or Paugasset, there were but two houses between what is called West Rock and Hud- son's River. West Rock, so called to distinguish it from East Rock, is a perpendicular bluff, about three hundred feet high, at the distance of two miles and a half north-west of the town. It is the abrupt termination of a chain of hills, running nearly north and south. A Mr. Sperry owned a farm upon its western base; and it was at his house, that the judges were secreted, after the adventure at Mrs. Eyers'. Persuaded, however, that they could not escape the commissioners, even here, they resolved to bury themselves in a cave, on the west side of the rock. ' There is a notch,' says our author, ' in the mountain against Joseph (Sperry)'s house, through which I ascended along a very steep acclivity up to the cave. From the south side of the mountain for three or four miles northward, there is no possible ascent or descent on the west side, but at this notch, so deep is the precipice of the rock. I found the cave to be foi'med, on a base of perhaps forty feet square, by an irregular clump or pile of rocks, or huge broad pillars of stone, fifteen and twenty feet high, standing erect and elevated above the surrounding superficies of the mountain ; and enve- loped with trees and forest. The<=e rocks coalescing or con- j278 NOTES. tiguous at top, furnished hollows or vacuities below big enough to contain bedding and two or three persons. The apertures being closed with bows of trees, or otherwise there might be found a well-covered and convenient lodgment. Here, Mr. Sperry told me, was the first lodgment of the judges, and it has ever since gone and been known by the name of the Judges' Cave. Goffe's journal says they entered this cave on the 15th of May, and continued in it till the 11th of June following. Richard Sperry daily supplied their victuals from his house, about a mile off; sometimes carrying it himself, at other times sending it by one of his boys, tied up in a cloth, ordering him to lay it on a certain stump and leave it: and when the boy went for it at night, he always found the basins emptied of the provi- sions, and brought them home. The boy wondered at it, and used to ask his father the design of it, and he saw nobody. His father only told him there was somebody at work in the woods that wanted it. The son always remembered it, and often told it to persons now living, and to Mr. Joseph Sperry particularly.' Stiles, pp. 76-7. Here the judges supposed they must be perfectly safe from all harm; but it was not long before they were disturbed with visitors, even more terrible than Kellond and Kirk. This cave, it seems, had been appropriated by one of the panthers, which, at that time, infested the mountain. She came, on the night of the 10th of June, to reclaim her property; and 'one of the judges was so terrified by this grim and ferocious monster, her eyes and her squalling, that he took to his heels, and fled down the mountain.' Both were resolved not to dispute titles with a panther; and, for the present, there was no other resource than to shelter themselves at Mr. Sperry's. The pursuers were, by this time, returned from Manhadoes; and suspecting, or being NOTES. 279 informed, that the judges might be at the Sperry farm, they had got within sixty yards of the house, before they were discovered. The judges fled into the wood; and Mr. Sperry gave the officers to understand, that he knew not where they were. Poor Kellond and Kirk had been most wickedly duped, in .ill their attempts to ferret out the delinquents; and we can hardly w^onder, that they should, at length, get out of patience. That the judges were in the neighbourhood of New Haven, even the people of New Haven did not pretend to deny. It was not possible, therefore, that they should so frequently elude the grasp of their pursuers, without the collusion of the inhabitants; and Mr. Davenport was now threatened, that, unless he would sur- render up the regicides, he should suffer the pains and penalties of harbouring and comforting traitors. As soon as the judges heard of this menace, they went immediately to Governor Leet, and offered to surrender themselves. They were told, by their friends, however, that such a step would be unnecessary; and, having cleared Mr. Davenport from the suspicion of their con- cealment, by showing themselves in public, they bid a final adieu to the world, and retired to the house of a Mr. Tomkins, in Milford. They lodged in the lower room, which had been occupied as a store; and, so effectually did they keep themselves concealed, for more than two years, that even the family, over their heads, were never privy to the fact. ' While they so- journed in Milford, (says Dr. Stiles,) there came over from England a ludicrous cavalier ballad, satirizing Charles' judges, and Goffe and Whalley among the rest. A spinstress, at Mil- ford, had learned to sing it; and used sometimes to sing it over the judges; and the judges used to get Tomkins to set the girls to singing that song for their diversion, being humoured and 280 NOTES. pleased with it, though at their own expense, as they were the subjects of the ridicule. The girls knew nothing of the matter, being ignorant of the innocent device, and little thought that they were serenading angels.' In 1664, the king's commissioners arrived at Boston, with instructions to search ' for Colonel Whalley and Colonel GofTe.' A more secluded place than Milford was now thought neces- sary; and, on the 13th of October, the judges departed for Hadley, then the westernmost settlement of Massachusetts. They travelled only in the night; and secreted themselves in the woods during the day. The Rev. John Russel, the minister of Hadley, received them with great kindness; and his house was their protection for more than a dozen years. It was then the custom of the frontier settlers to attend church, with arms in their hands. On the 11th of September, 1675, the people of Hadley were assembled, to observe a fast, on the occasion of Pliilip's war, — when they were suddenly surrounded and sur- prised by a body of Indians. * Had Hadley been taken, the discovei^y of the judges would have been inevitable. Suddenly, and in the midst of the peo- ple there appeared a man of a venerable aspect, and different from the inhabitants in his apparel, who took the command, ar- ranged, and ordered them in the best military manner, and under his direction tbey repelled and routed the Indians, and the town was saved. He immediately vanished, and the inhabitants could not account for the phenomenon, but by considering that per- son as an angel sent of God upon that special occasion for their deliverance; and, for some time after, said and believed that they had been delivered and saved by an angel. Nor did they know or conceive olhenvise till fifteen or twenty years afterj NOTES. 281 when it at length became known at Hadley, that the two judges had been secreted there ; which probably they did not know till after Mr. Russel's death, in 1692.' Stiles, pp. 109-10. The last account we have of these poor men, is in an affec- tionate letter from Goffe to his wife; with whom he was accus- tomed to correspond, in the character of mother, and under the name of Goldsmith. This letter, which was dated on the 2d of April, 1679, and which contains the intelligence of Whal= ley's death, has not been given by Dr. Stiles; but, in another, written in 1674, which he has inserted, we have an affecting account of Whalley's decrepitude, with some curious specimens of GofTe's religious fervour. Among persons of his cast, the scriptures had become a sort of conventional language; and no one could express his own feelings, or his sympathy in the feel- ings of others, without quoting an authority for his joy or sorrow. ' The world's great things,' says Goffe, ' are indeed and in truth but poor little things, and the saints should look down upon them with contempt, and show themselves to be of high- raised spirits, seeking things truly great, as our Lord himself doth exhort us, Mat. vi. 33. But seek you first the kingdom of God and his righteousness ; as if he had said, for they are great things, worthy yovir affectionate endeavours ; and as for all these little things which Gentiles so earnestly pursue, they shall, be added unto you, so far as your Heavenly Father knoweth that you have need of them. My poor sister (his daughter) begins her house-keeping at a time when trade is low, and all provi- sions dear, and I cannot but pity her in that respect. I hope she will not be discouraged, nor her husband neither, but for pre- vention I desire them to consider seriously and to act faithfully upon that most excellent counsel of our Lord, delivered with 282 NOTES. authority in his sermon on the mount, Mat. vi. from the 24lh verse to the end of the chapter. I cannot but be full of longings to hear how the Lord hath dealt with her in her lying-in, but I doubt not you will take the first opportunity to inform us of it ; in the mean time I shall endeavour to stay myself on the pro- mise made to child-bearing women, 1 Tim. ii. 15.' Stiles, pp. 116, 117. ' Your old friend, Mr. R. (Whalley) is yet living, but continues in that weak condition of which I have formerly given you ac- count, and have not now much to add. He is scarce capable of any rational discourse, his understanding, memory, and speech doth so much fail him, and seems not to take much notice of any thing that is done or said, but patiently bears all things, and never complains of any thing, though I fear it is some troubla to him that he hath had no letter for along time from his cousin Rich, but speaks not one word concerning it, nor any thing you wrote of in your last; only after I had read your letters, he said it was none of his least comforts, and indeed he scarce ever speaks any thing, but in answer to questions when they are put to him, which are not of many kinds, because he is not capable to answer them ; the common and frequent question is to knovr how he doth, and his answer, for the most part, is, very well, I praise God, which he utters with a very low and weak voice; but sometimes he saith, not very well, or very ill, and then if it be further said, do you feel any pain any where, to that he always answers no ; Avhen he wants any thing, he cannot well speak for it, because he forgets the name of it, and sometimes he asks for one thing when he means another, so that his eye or his finger is oftentimes a better interpreter of his mind than his tongue; but his ordinary wants are so well known to us, that most of them are supplied without asking or making signs for them, and some help he stands in need of in every thing to which any motion is NOTES. 283 requii'ed, having not been able of a long lime, to dress or un- dress himself, nor to feed, Sec' Ibid. pp. 18, 19. The exact years, in which the judges died, or the place or places where they were buried, have not yet been satisfactorily determined. In the old burying-ground at New Haven, there is a pair of rudely-shaped stones, two feet high, and two wide, which bear the initials E. W., and a date, which may be read 1658, or 1678. The 5 on both is the most conspicuous; but the 7 is easily decyphered. Near these, there is another stone, about a foot broad, and ten inches high, with the initials M. G., and the figures 80. There is a third in the same neighbourhood, a little longer than the first, with the inscription, J. D. esq. deceased 3IARCH THE 18th, IN THE 82d YEAR OF HIS AGE, 1688-9. Tllis is known to be the tomb of John Dixwell, another of the judges, who visited Goffe and Whalley, while at Hadley; and who after- wards lived unmolested, at New Haven, under the name of John Davids. Now, it was natural, that these three judges should desire to be interred by the side of each other; and it was particularly necessary, that Goffe and Whalley, who were the most obnoxious, should be buried in some other place than that in which they last resided, and with circumstances of ob- scurity, which might prevent the detection of their graves. Dixwell lived long enough to remove both their bodies. The stones first mentioned, are the meanest in the ground. Whalley was alive in 1674, — but dead in 1679; and the figures on the stone were evidently cut with a design to have them mean either 1658, or 1678. The last we hear of Goffe was in 1679. The 80, on the second stone, may stand for 1680; and the M, which has a dash under it, might have been designed for an in- verted W. Tliere is a tradition at New Haven, that these are the graves of Goffe and Whalley. ^84 NOTES. NOTE (G). P. 79. Many of the persons, who obtained charters for land in the New World, were obliged to submit to some unpleasant com- pliances; and Penn, no doubt, must have been a little galled, when he found, (hat his charter was not only granted upon a military consideration, — but made him the military chief of his territory. SECTION I. ' Know ye, therefore, that we (favouring the petition and good purpose of the said William Penn, and having regard to the memory and merits of his late father, in divers services, and particularly to his conduct, courage, and discretion, under our dearest brother, James, Duke of York, in that signal battle and victory, fought and obtained against the Dutch fleet, command- ed by t,he Heer Van Opdam, in the year 1665: In consideration whereof, Sec. SECTION XVI. * And because in so remote a country, and situate near many barbarous nations, the incursions as well of the savages them- selves, as of other enemies, pirates and robbers, may probably be feared ; therefore we have given, and for us, our heirs and successors, do give power by these presents unto the said Wil- liam Penn, his heirs and assigns, by themselves or their cap- tains, or other their officers, to levy, muster, and train, all sorts of men, of what condition soever, or wheresoever born, in the said province of Pennsylvania, for the time being, and to make war, and to pursue the enemies and robbers aforesaid, as well by sea as by land, and yea even without the limits of the said province, and by God's assistance, to vanquish and take them, and being taken to put them to death by the law of war, or to NOTES. 285 save them, al iheir pleasure, and to do every otlier thing which unto the charge and office of a captain-general belongeth or hath accustomed to belong, as fully and freely as any captain- general hath ever had the same.' Dallas' State Laws, vol. i. App. i. pp. 1. 5. NOTE (H). P. 97. New Haven was then called a ' splendid' city, and a few hundred pounds seemed a magnificent donation. A modern reader would hardly suppose, that, in the following sentences, the trustees were talking of three hundred and forty books, and about three hundred pounds' worth of merchandise: — ' Generosissima, honoratissimi Domini Elihu Yale Armi- geri, donatione, vigilantes scholae academicae, in splendido novi Portus Connecticutensis oppido constitutae, Curatores, aedifi- cium coUegiale inceptum erectumque perficere capaces redditi, honorem tali tantoque Msecenati patronoque debitum animo gratissimo meditantes, memoriamque tanti beneficii in banc praecipue coloniam collati, in omne sevum modo optimo per- ducere studiosi : Nos Curatores, negotii tanti in commune prae- sertim hujus provinciae populi bonum momenti cura honorati, omothumadon consentimus, statuimus, et ordinamus, nostras sedes academicas patroni munificentissimi, nomine appellari, atque Yalense Collegium nominari: ut haec provincia diu- ternum viri adeo generosi, qui, tanta bcnevolentia tantaque nobilitate, in commodum illorum maseimum propriamque incolarum et in praesenti et futuris saeculis utilitatem conse- cluit, ijionumentum vetineat et conservit.' Trumb, vol. ij. p. 28. 286 NOTES. NOTE (I). P. 111. This account is taken from the Life of Patrick Henry, by Mr. Wirt; who has done for ' the Demosthenes of Virginia,' what we should be glad to see repeated of many other worthies in our early history. This, however, must not be taken for an unqualified approbation of the manner, in which Mr. Wirt's volume is composed. One is seldom induced to write the life of another, until he has wrought himself into an overweening admi- ration of his subject; and it is regularly the case, that, instead of making him the theme of history, he treats him as the hero of a romance. It may be the opinion of Mr. Jefferson, that Pa- trick Henry was 'the greatest orator that ever lived;' but no sober man will believe, that the effect of his eloquence, in the Parsons'' Cause, was such as it is here represented. See from p. 24 to p. 27, 3d edit. NOTE (J). P. 159. The stale of Wolfe's feelings will be best ascertained from the beginning and conclusion of his letter to Mr. Pitt, dated * Head Quarters, at Montmorency, ut the River St. Laivrence, Sclitember 2, 1759. 'Sir, ' I wish I could, upon this occasion, have the honouv of transmitting to you a more favourable account of the progress of his majesty's arms; but the obstacles we have met with, iu the operations of the campaign, are much greater than v/e had NOTES. 287 veason to expect, or could foresee; not so much from the nuni ber of the enemy, (though superior to us,) as from the natural strength of the country, which the IMarquis de Montcahn seems Avisely to depend upon. ' When I learned that succours of all kinds had been sent into Quebec; that five battalions of regular troops, completed from the best of the inhabitants of the country, and every Ca- nadian that was able to bear arms, besides several nations of savages, had taken the field in a very advantageous situation, I could not flatter myself that I should be able to reduce the place. I sought, however, an occasion to attack their anny, knowing well, that with these troops I was able to fight, and hoping that a victory might disperse them. ' ' By the list of disabled officers, (many of whom are of rank,) you may perceive, sir, that the army is much weakened. By the nature of the river, the most formidable part of this arma- ment is deprived of the power of acting; yet we have almost the whole force of Canada to oppose. In this situation, there is such a choice of difficulties, that I own myself at a loss how to determine. The affairs of Great Britain, I know, require the most vigorous measures; but then the courage of a handful of brave men should be exerted only when there is some hope of a ^vourable event. However, you may be assured, sir, that the small part of the campaign which remains shall be employ- ed, (as far as I am able,) for the honour of his majesty and the interest of the nation, in which I am sure of being well seconded by the admiral and by the generals. Happy if our efforts here can contribute to the success of his majesty's arms^ in any other parts of America. 'I have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, JAMES WOLFE.' 2SS NOTES, NOTE (K). P. 178. The Indians have no newspapers; and the historian ii, therefore, obliged to rely upon such statements as he finds in those of their enemies. The gazettes of this period abound in exaggerated accounts of Indian barbarities, with anxious apolo- gies for those committed by the English. ' Charlesto-wn, Feb. 16, 1760. 'The general assemblj' of this province, in order to protect the back settlers, to relieve Fort Prince George, and to chastise the perfidious (]herokees, for their atrocious breach of the late treaty, and most horrid cruelties and violences, have cheerfully resolved to continue the provin- cials in pay, to provide for seven troops of rangers, to be immediately raised, consisting of seventy-five men each, besides officers; to whom commissions are already issuing; and to raise, besides, a regiment of foot, to consist of ten companies, of one hundi'ed men each, exclusive of the officers: and likewise to give proper rewards for Indian scalps, and vest the property of Indian prisoners, as slaves, to those who shall take them.' Pennsylvania Gazette, March 6, 1760. « Charlestoiun, Jlpnl 22, 1760. ' The assembly have resolved that the sum of twenty-five pounds, for- merly ofTisred for Cherokee scalps, be augmented to thirty-five pounds, to such as do not receive pay.' Ibid. May 22, 1760. ' Charlestoiun. * If the stratagem, used to get the Indians into our hands, be scarcely justifiable by the law of nations, agreed upon and observed among civil- ized people, it ought to be considered whether such measures as are found most likely to reduce to reason those savages, who have no regard to civihzed nations, are not expedient, and may be allowed, and the present occurrence may and will, it is hoped, by proper management, greatly facilitate the success of future operations.' Ibid. June 19, 1760. It must not be understood, from these extracts, that the Ca- rolinians alone committed excesses, in the prosecution of Indian warfare. It was too general a practice, throughout the pro- vinces; and, though, at this distant period of safety, we may find reasons to condemn what appears so inhuman, most of us would, probably, hesitate to say, that, had we been in place of the colonists, we would not have adopted their conduct. It had NOTES. 289 Rot yet been determined, which side was the strongest; and, when men are fighting for their existence, they appeal to the first law of nature, to justify measures, which, under different circumstances, they would be the most forward to discounter nance. NOTE (^L). p. 183, We suppose, the longest letter ever written by Putnam, was during this expedition. He was conscious of being illiterate; and, as it was prudent to expose his ignorance as little as possi- ble, his notes, through life, were short and unfrequent. The following letter, addressed to Major Drake, of Norwich, in Connecticut, is copied from the Boston Gazette of December 24th, 1764. We have never seen it in any other place; and Colonel Humphreys, who has given a pretty minute account of Putnam's life, scarcely mentions the circumstance of his western expedition.* ' New London, Nov. 30. ' Camfi, Sandusky, near the Carrying Place, October 7, 1764. *Dear Sir, ' I can tell you, the land here is good enough, and suppose you will think it strange, if I should tell you, that, in many places in this country, there is ten or twenty thousand acres of land in a place, that has not a bush nor a twigg on it, but all- cbvered with grass so big and high, that it is very difficult to * Humphrey's Works, p. 242 ; et seg. O O ;^90 NOTES. travel — and all as good plough-land as you ever saw; any of it fit for hemp : but there is too many hemji birds among it, which will make it very unhealthy to live among. 'Detroit is a very beautiful place, and the country around it. We sent out an officer and 3 Indians to the Delawares and Shawanese from Priskeal, who returned and were illy used. We sent the like number from Sandusky, but all before any one returned. ' From Sandusky we sent Capt. Montieur and Capt. Peter ; from Mavime we sent Capt. Morris of the 17th and one Tho- mas King with 3 Indians. Capt. Morris returned some time ago, and was much abused and stript and whipt, and threatened to be tomahawk'd, but had his life spared in case he would return. Capt. Thomas King and 3 of the Conowawas pro- ceeded. — This Capt. King is one of the chiefs of the Oneida Castle; and about ten days ago King came into Detroit, and had left all the Conowawas, who gave out for want of provi- sions and could not travel : he supposed they all perished in the woods. And three days ago he arrived here, and yester- day he had a conference with the Indians; and when all assem- bled, he made'a speech to them: After some talk with them, he expressed himself in this manner: 'Friends and bro- thers, I am now about to acquaint you with facts, too obvious to deny : I have been since I left you to Monsieur Pontuck's camp, and waited on him to see if he was willing to come in, and make peace with our brothers the English. He asked me what I meant by all that ; saying you have always encouraged me to can'y on the war against the English : and said the only rea- son you did not join me last year was for want of ammunition : and as soon as you could get ammunition, you would join me.' — King said there was nothing in it: at which Pontuck produced six belts of wampum that he had had last year from the Six NOTES. 291 Nations; said, the English were so exhausted they could do no more; and that one year's war well pushed, would drive them into the sea. King then made a stop for some time- Brothers you know this to be true, and you have always de- ceived me. At which the Six Nations were all angry, and this day they are all packing up to go off; and what will be the event I don't know, nor don't care; for I have no faith in an Indian peace patch'd up by presents. ' Yesterday, Capt. Peters arrived, which is the last party we have out. Capt. Peters says the Wiandots are all coming in; but theDelawares and Shawanese are not coming, nor durst to come; for they are afraid that if they should come here, Col. Bouquet will be on their towns and castles; for he has sent to them to come and make peace ; and on the contrary, if they should go to him, we should be on them. And they intend to be still, until Bouquet first comes to them ; and then send out and make peace if possible; if not to fight him as long as they have a man left. But believe they wait to get some advantage of us before they try for peace: But Capt. Peters says. Bou- quet is within 30 miles of their towns; and believes is to make peace with them, for Col. Bradstreet had orders from general Gage eight days ago, to make no peace with them, and to march to meet Bouquet. But on calling a council of war and examining the Indians and Frenchmen that were acquainted with the road, found it to be 30 leagues to travel by land, and no- thing to carry any provisions but on men's backs, which allow- ing for hindrances must take 40 days to go and come; and four large rivers to pass, two of which must be crossed with rafts, and that very difficult ; and considering the season of the year, it was judg'd impracticable. And here we are, and for what I know not ; nor when we are to leave it. ' I am. Sec. 'ISRAEL PUTNAM.' 292 NOTES. It has been recently discovered, that ' Old Put' was a coward. So stupid a calumny could only have found place in the pages of a stupid journal; and a short review of that soldier's life, during the period, in which this new trait is said to have displayed itself, will show, at least, that, if he was a coward, he was a coward to some purpose. The news from Lexington found him work- ing at stone-fence, in his leathern frock and apron. He imme- diately mounted his horse, to spread the intelligence through the adjoining towns; and, when he returned to make a little prepa- ration for the march, a body of several hundreds of persons, already under arms, appointed him their commander. He or- dered them to march with a quick step; and, setting off himself, in his check-shirt, arrived at Concord by sun-rise next morning. Men, who were stationed at one particular spot, in the battle of Bunker's Hill, pretend to trace the movements of General Putnam; and have charged him with a fear of powder and ball, for being seen once in a particular situation, when, in fact, he was, at different times, in every part of the field. It may be true, that the army was not under any general, who had been regularly commissioned; but it is equally true, that Putnam dis- charged the duties, though he might not have held the diploma, of a commander in chief. ' General Warren joins the Massa- chusetts forces in one place,' says Hubley; and ' general Pomeroy in another, whilst General Putnam was busily engaged in aiding and encouraging here and there as required.'* Since he was * Hist, of the Amer. Rev. By Behnabd HtrBLET. Northumberland, Penn, 1805, p. 287. We quote this book with much confidence ; though it appears to be little known. Hubley was an officer in the revolution; and, besides his own papers, he obtained from his brother officers theii* journals and memorandunjs ; and from General Hand, the last adjutant- NOTES. 293 the most experienced, and had not yet shown himself a coward, it was natural, that the other two generals should give him the precedence; and we know not, that the historian could have chosen language, more pointedly expressive of Stand on such hig-li pretensions to independence, on the supreme legiala- tive authority of Great Britain, there is no moderating any 'hing.' [The duties are, indeed, a terrible string; and, as the bill is contained in the same paper, we shall present its heads to our readers.] o(/. onall pleas in courts of law. Is. upon the same for more than 100 25. on bail-pieces and appearances and not exceeding 200. on them. Is. 6d. upon the same for above 200 Is. 6d. on all pleas, &c. in chancery. 3d. on every copy of such pleas. Is. on pleas, &c. in any ecclesiasti- cal court. 6d. on copies. 21. on all diplomas, certificates, &c. of colleges. Is. on picas, &c. in admiralty courts. 6d. on copies. 10s, upon certioraris, writs of error, &c. 5s. on fines, common recoveries, and attachments. 4s. on any record of nisi prius, as judgment, &c. Is. On all process, &c. not heretofore included. 10/. upon licenses to practise as at- tornies, &c. 4d. on all bills of lading. 20s. on all letters of marque, &c. 10s. upon all grants of offices, ex- and not exceeding 320. Is. 6d. upon all grants, &c. of 100 acres ; except leases up to 21 years. Ss. upon the same for above 100 and not exceeding 200. 2s. 6d. upon the same for above 200 and not exceeding320. These confined to the continent, its islands, Bermuda and Bahama. OS. on the same for lands above 100 in all other parts of British America. 4s. on above 100 and not exceeding 200. 5s. on above 200 and not exceeding 320. 41. upon all offices not before men- tioned ; except the army, navy, and justices of the peace. 6/. upon ail exemplifications of the same. cept of the navy, army, and of 2s. 6d. on all contracts, charters. the peace. 6/. upon all acts of incorporation. 20s. on retailing licenses to sell spi- rits. 4/. upon licenses to sell wine, to per- sons not taking out licenses to sell spirits, &c. 3/. upon those who do. bills of sale, &c. 5s. on warrants to audit accovmts, passports, policies of insur- ance, &c. 2s. 3d. on all bonds, letters of attor- ney, notarial acts, &c. 3d. on all registers of deeds, &c. before mentioned. 5s. upon guardianships, and letters 2s. on all registers of deeds, &c.not of adniinistvaiion, above 20/.; seamen and soldiers excepted; the duty extenduig t o the con- tinent of America, its islands, 8cc. Bermuda and Bahama. 10s. upon the same m other parts of i3ritish Anieiica. 6d. upon securities for 10/. Is. upon securities for above 10/. and not above 20/. before mentioned. Is. on playing cards. 10s on dice. 4J. onall pamphlets and newspapers. Id. if larger than a half sheet and under a whole sheet. 2s. not exceeding six sheets. 2s on all advertisements. 2d. on all almanancks, &c. on one side of one sheet. Is. 6(/. upon securities for above 20/, 4d. on all others. These for one and not above 40/. year. If for more years, to be 6d. upon warrants of survev for 100 multiplied by the number, acres. " 6d. on every 300, in sums not ex- 316 NOTES. ceeding 50/. as consideration Double duties \ipon all papers, &c. for apprenticeships. in other than the English Is. on 20, if the sum exceeds 50/. language. ' Boston, June 3. ' Our trade is in a most deplorable situation, not one fifth part of the vessels now employed jn the West India trade, as was before the late regulations; our cash almost gone before the stamp and post-office acts are to operate ; bankruptcies multiplied, our fears increased, and the friends of liberty in the greatest despondency. What these things will end in time only can discover.' ' BosTox, July 8. 'The house of representatives, in the last session, appointed the Hon. James Otis, Timothy Kuggles,and Oliver Patridge, Esquires, a com- mittee to meet the committees ot the assemblies of the whole continent, if they see cause, at New York, the 1st of October, to unite in a petition to his majesty and the parliament, for relief under the insupportable grievance of this Stamp Act, &c. It is hoped neither the governor of Vuginia, or any other governor on the continent, will think this so impro- per a step as to dissolve their assemblies to prevent it. For we cannot thuik any of their excellencies or honors altogether unacquainted with act of parliament made immediately after the glorious revolution, which declares, it is the right of the subject to petition the king — and — parlia- ment sits for the redress of grievances.' ' Boston, August 12. 'We hear from Providence, in the colony of Rhode Island, that the freemen of that town being lately called, to confer upon such measures as should appear to them necessary, relating to the Stamp Act, whereby the liberties, the darling boast of the North American subject, which were once indefeasible, must be greatly abridged, if not totally annihilated; — they accordingly met for the aforesaid purpose, and unanimously agreed to appoint a committee to prepare instructions suitable to be given to their representatives, for their conduct in the next general assembly, on this truly alarming occasion ; and that they are to be laid before the town, for their approbation, on the 13th of this instant, at which time those sons of liberty are to convene again, for the noblest of all causes, their country's good. ' Boston, August 19. * Last Wednesday morning, to the surprise and joy of the public, was exhibited on the Great Trees, in the High street of this town, the effigies of A BisTRiBUTOR OF THK STAMPS, pendant behind whom hung a boot, newly soaieil with a Greenville soal, out of which proceeded the Devil. This spectacle continued the whole day without the least opposition, though visited by multitudes. — About evening, a number of respectable people assembled, cut down the said effigies, placed it on a bier, and, covering it wiih a sheet, they pi'oceeded in a regular and solemn manner, amidst the acclamations of the populace, through the town, till they arrived at the court-house, which, after a short pause, they passed, and, proceeding down King street, soon reached a certain edifice, then build- ing for the reception of stamps, which they quickly levelled with the ground it stood on, and with the wooden remains thereof, marched to NOTES. 317 Fort Ilill, where, kindling a fire therewith, they made a burnt offering of the effigies, for the sins of the people, which had caused such heavy judgments as the Stamp Act to be laid upon them.' NOTE (R). P. 232. His letter, on the subject, to Mr. Richard Corbin, a mem- ber of the council, is worthy of preservation. It was obtained from Mr. Francis Corbin, a son of the former gentleman. ' Dear Sir, ' In conversation at Green Spring you gave me some room to hope for a commission above that of major, and to be ranked among the chief officers of the expedition. The command of the whole forces is what I neither look for, expect, or desire j for I must be impartial enough to confess it is a charge too great for my youth and inexperience to be entrusted with. Knowing this, I have too sincere a love to my country to un- dertake that which may tend to the prejudice of it. But if I could entertain hopes that you thought me worthy of the post of lieutenant-colonel, and would favour me so far as to mention it at the appointment of officers, I could not but entertain a true sense of the kindness. ' I flatter myself that under a skilful commander, or a man of sense (Avhich I most sincerely wish to serve under) with my own application and diligent study of my duty, I shall be able to conduct my steps without censure, and in time render my- self worthy the promotion that I shall be favoured with now.' ANSWER. • Dear George, ' I enclose you your commission. God pi-osper you with it. ' Your friend, 'RICHARD CORBIN.' Mahsh, Idfe, vol. ii. p. 5. note. 318 NOTES. NOTE (S). P. 234. We hardly know whether to consider their answer as serious or ironical: — ' We, the officers of the Virginia regiment, are highly sen- sible of the particular mark of distinction with which you have honoured us, in returning your thanks for our behaviour in the late action; and cannot help testifying our grateful acknowledge- ments, for your '•high sense' of what we shall always esteem a duty to our country and the best of kings. 'Favoured with your regard, we shall zealously endeavour to deserve your applause, and by our future actions, strive to convince the worshipful house of burgesses, how much we esteem their approbation, and as it ought to be, regard it as the voice of their country. ' Signed for the whole corps, 'GEO. WASHINGTON.' Marsh, vol. ii. p. 11. note. NOTE (T). P. 254.. The following anecdote is related on the authority of JNIr. Edmund Randolph: — ' When Colonel Washington had closed his career in the French and Indian war, and had become a member of the house of burgesses, the speaker, Robinson, was directed by a vote of the house, to return their thanks to that gentleman, on behalf of the colony, for the distinguished military services NOTES. 319 which he had rendered to his country. As soon as Colonel Washington took his seat, Mr. Robinson, in obedience to his order, and following the impulse* of his own generous and grateful heart, discharged the duty with great dignity; but with such warmth of colouring and strength of expression, as en- tirely confounded the young hero. He rose to express his acknowledgements for the honour; but such was his trepida- tion and confusion, that he could not give utterance to a single syllable. He blushed, stammered, and trembled for a second; when the speaker relieved him by a stroke of address, that would have done honour to Louis XIV. in his proudest and happiest moment. ' Sit down, Mr. Washington,' said he, with a conciliatory smile; 'your modesty is equal to your valour, and that surpasses the power of any language that I possess.' Wirt's Life o/Vxt. Hen. 3d ed. p. 45. * To 'follow an impulse' seems to be rather an inversion of the order; but Aristotle, the father of criticism, has a similar expression: — xx-oXahiv T7) o^fMft. Art. Rhet. 1. ii. c. 12. Properly speaking, however, we should think, an impulse could only be obeijed. INDEX. [N. B. The figures refer to the United States; and the numerals to the Aborigines.J ^BERCROMBIE, comma.naer in chiefof North America, 141 — goes against Canada, 148 — abortive attack upon Ticonderoga, 150. Aborigines. See Indians. Abraham, battle on the plains of, 161-3. Acadia, or Nova Scotia, 129. Adams, Mr. John, Mr. M'Kean's letters to, 295 — opinion concerning the first movers of the revolution, 310-11. Adirondack's, war of, with the Five Nations, cxxix. Albemarle Sound settled by Virginians, 66. , duke of, first palatine of Carolina, 68. Albany, Fort Orange, subdued, 6o — congress at, 132 — council of war at, 140. Alexander, Sir William, 38. America, Plato's Atlantis, ix-xii — claimants to the original discovery of, the Phoenicians, xi, xii — Welsh, xii — Mandeville's British advent'irer, xiii — the Chinese, xv — Norwegians, xvi — Normans, xvii — Germans, ib'd. — peopled by the descendants of persons left in a submersion of ground, xviii — by emigrants over Behring's Strait, xix — by a7itediluviar!s, xx- xxiii — comparison of the different theories, xxiv, xxv — similarities of lan- guage, manners, and monuments, xxv — names of places in the New World similar to those in the Old, xxvi, xxvii — names of things, xxvii-xxxiii — Welsh and American, xxvii, xxviii — Hebrew and American, xxviii-xxx — Tartar and American, xxx-xxxiii — Japanese and Mexican, xxxiii — remarks upon these similarities, xxxiv — liabilities to error in taking down Indian names, xxxiv-xxxvii — in extracting their etymology, xxxvii, xxxviii — instance in the word ' culprit,' xxxviii-xli — ' Mohawk,' xii ' Virginia,' xlii — ' kaniclie,' (sugar-cane), ib. — ' beccos,' xliii — Indian traditions unworthy of confidence, xliii-xlvi — similarities of custom, monuments, &c. between the natives of the Old and New Worlds, xlvii- li — whether they prove the latter to have come from the former, lii-lv — what the facts do prove, hi — mounds and pyramids, Ix, Lxi — history of, Ixi-lxv — no proof of imitation, lxi — native country of the potato, cxxv, note — not of the mosquito, cxi, cxii. American military character treated with contempt in England, 217-310. Amherst, general, 148 — commander in chief, 153 — purposes to overwhelm Canad:', 164 — sends succours to South Carolina, 176. Amidas and Barlow's voyage, 5. .^n, Mexican and Tartar words ending in, xxxiii. s s 322 INDEX. ^Indfos, Sir Edmund, governor of New England, 75 — of New York, 76 — claims Connecticut and oppresses his own people, ib. — removed, 77 — re-appointed, 78. Animals attached to particular spots, xxi — whether all created in Paradise, xxii. Annapolis, Port Royal, 88. Anne, queen, attempts to settle the value of coin in Carolina, 92 — orders the discontinuance of presents to the colonial governors, 94. Apalachi of Florida, whence derived, xxvi. Arcliitecture among the early aborigines, Ixxxii. , naval, among do. xcviii. Argal, capt. takes Pocahontas, 20 — goes against Port Royal, 20, 21 — makes Miahadoes tributary, 21 — governor of Virginia, 22. Aristotle, 319, note — xi. Anninon, Newton's derivation of, xxxvii. Associations against British trade and manufactures, 187 — of the Sons of Liberty, ib. — non-importation, origin, progress, and dissolution of, 194-5. Atala, Hindoo tradition of, xviii. ♦ Atlantis, Plato's, is — ideiitified with America, x — how interpreted by differ- ent authors, xviii-xxai. Atlas, the son of Neptune, ix — a Phoenician admiral, xi. Attakullakiilla, a Cherokee ch:ef, 170. Ax, Mexican and Tartar words ending in, xxxiii. Ayscue, Sir George, agent of Cromwell to Virginia, 27. Bacon's insurrection in Virginia, 70. , lord, interpretation of Plato's Altlantis, xxiii. Jialtimore, lord, patentee of Maryland, 28 — makes laws for his colony, 29. Harlow. See Amidas. Jiannvell, co), 91. Varto7i's New Views of the Indians, xxx — list of American and Tartar words from, xxx-xxxiii. Jieauhamois, M. governor of Canada, 108. Jierkely, Sir W. governor of Virginia, 27. , lord, grantee with Carteret, of New Jersey, 64. Bermuda, granted to the proprietors of Virginia, 19, 20. Becanus proves the Germans the firstborn people, xliii. Belcher, Mr., governor of Mass. 105. Belhnap, quoted, 123. Bernard, governor of Mass. 190. Bills of credit in Massachusetts, 83, 98, 100, 103, 107, 127. Carolina, 89, 91, 111, 112. New York, 93, 94. New Jersey, 93. ~ Connecticut, 93. Rhode Island, 107. Bijikies and Evertzen take New York, 76. Blackstone's derivation of ' culprit,' xxxviii, xxxix. Blair, Mr., governor of Virginia, 250. Boscaiven, admiral, 134-148. Boston, founded, 36 — insurrection of, (in 1689,) 76 — association to issue bills of credit, 107 — council of war at, 143 — taxes supported by the people INDEX. 323 of, 147 — riot at, 190 — sets on foot a convention at Fenuil Hall, 191 — provokes a quarrel with the soldiery, ] 92 — Capt. Preston c leared, 193 — harbour, tea emptied into, 202 — port bill, 202— 'league and co\enant,* 206 — Neck, guard stationed at, al^^vms the interior, 214 — Neck, fortifi- ed, 215 — people resolve to quit ihc peninsula, ib. — select men prevent the labourers from working at the barracks, 216. Jiosion Gazette, Putnam's letter in thC; 289 — the oracle of Mas. 305. JBoudiiiot's Star in the West, xxviii, note — lii. Bouquet, col. expedition against the Indians, 180 — defeats the Indians in their own way, 181 — design of cutting a new road, 251. Braddock, gen. sails to America, 134 — expedition and defeat of, 135, 136— death, 137. Bradstrtet, col takes Fort Frontignac, 151. Bretoti, Cape, the 'Dunkirkof America,' 123— project of taking, Ib. — advan- tages of, to the English colonies, 149. British, early, circumnavigator, xiv — essay to prove the old language the same with that spoken at Dariea, xxviii. Bro7vnists settle New England, 32. Brooke, lord, 42. Buckingham, marquis of, 34. Bull, governor of South Carolina, 174. Burke, 218. Bwmet, Mr. Wm., governor of Mass. 103 — death, 105. Mr., governor of New York, and New Jersey, 105. C. Cabots, voyages of the, 2. Cabot, Sebastian, enters the service of Spain, 4. Caffiniere, 81. Calvert, gov. of Maryland, 28 — is driven to "Virginia, 30. Cambridge coWe^e founded, 53. Campaign, plan of t)ie first colonial, against Canada, 134 — of the second, 140 —of the third, 148— of the fourth, 153. Canada, first expedition against, 85 — second, 86 — third, 87 — ^fourth, 88 — population, in 1747, 130. , derivation of, xxvi. Canterbury, archbishop of, empowered to govern New England, 37. Carolina granted to Lord Clarendon and others, 66, 67 — Locke's constitu- tion, 67 — Culpepper, 69 — tithables, ib. — poverty, ib. — abandon Mr. Locke's system, 70 — expedition against St. Augustine, 89 — against the App'alachian Indians, 90 — disputes with the proprietors, ib. — attacked by the Spaniards, ib. — disputes with the proprietors. 111, 112 — bills of credit, id. ibid — the proprietary government shaken off, 113-14 — divid- ed into North and South, 115 — population, in 1747, 130 — war with the Cherokees, 168 — South, defenceless state of, 176. ———, South, sends delegates to the N. Y. congress, 187 — history of the Indians in, clxii. North, insurrection against the fee-bill, 196 — history of the Indians in, clix, clx. Carpets among the early aborigines, citi. Cam66e^-like the Hebrew, xxviii- xxx. Cataiebas, history of, clxii. Carteret subdues Fort Albany, 63 — grantee of New Jersey, 64. 324 INDEX. Carthagenians, supposed voyages of, to America, xi. Catholics, Roman, first settlers of Maryland, 28. Cave, the Judges', 277. Ceremonies, marriage, simitar in Mexico and Hindostan, xlviii— dissimilarities, liii. Chalmers' derivation of ' culprit,' xl, xli. Champlain, lake, secured by the French, 109 — whence named, cxxix. Charles I. takes the monopoly of tobacco, 26 — attempts to prevent emigra- tion, 36-39 — ^judges of (Goffe and Whalley). See Judges. Charles II. restoration of, 28— difference of its effects on Virginia and New- England, 56, 65, 69, 73, 74. Charleston founded, 70 — attacked by the Spaniards, 90— burnt, 119. Charlestoim, Old, founded, 68. Clierokees, origin of the war with, (1760,) 168 — chiefs imprisoned, 169 — peace, 171 — broken by them, 173 — price of their scalps, 178 — peace, il . — history of the tribe, clxi. i Chesapeake explored by Smith, 15, 16. Chatham, lord, 217, 218. China overrun by the Tartars, xv. C'/iz>tesesupposedto have founded Mexico, xv-wrecksofvessels in Florida, xvi. , inventors of printing and gunpowder, Ix. ChickasuTvs, history of, clxiv. Chiapaneae of Nicaragua, whence derived, xxvii. Chippe-was, history of, civ — their prophet, clxx, note. Christian Commomvealth, a book proscribed in Mass. 57. , judge, derivation of ' culprit,' xxxix, xl. Church, English, established in Virginia, 11. , colonel, 84. Cho7isidi of Nicaragua, whence derived, xxvi. Clap, pi-esident's, opinion on the expense of working mines, 264. Clarendon, l(;rd, grantee of Carolina, 66. , county of, 67. Claybome, driven from Maryland, excites an insurrection and drives out ' Calvert, 29,30. Cleanliness among the early aborigines, Ixxxii. Cod, Cape, discovered, 9. Colonels Dismounted, a pamphlet, 110. Colony, Roanoke, settled by Raleigh, 6 — improvidence and misery of, ib. — return to England, ib. — second company, 7 — loss of, 8. , Jamestown. See Virginia. -, Maryland. See jVIaryland. — , New Plymouth. See J^fassachusetts. — , Salem. Sec Jl'Iassachusetts. —, New Haven. See Connecticut. — ,New Hampshire. See JVe^v Hampshire. -, Rhode Island. See Rhode Island. Colonies, peace concluded between the English and French, 102 — increase of, in population, 109 — plan to attack Canada, 126 — French and English cross each other, 129 — comparative strength of, 130 — occasion of their rupture, 131 — discontent of the English, 139— taxes of, 141 — remissness of, censured by Lord Loudoun, 143 — boundaries of the French and Enghsh, by the treaty of Paris, 167~all the English, except N. Hamp- shire, agree to the proposal of a general congress, 186 — associations against British trade and manufactures, 187 — ^joy at the repeal of the INDEX. 325 stamp-act, 188 — profess not to seek independence, 189 — southern and middle lukewarm (1770), 196 — plan to test the resolution of, 200— result of, 201 — s)'mpathy of the other provinces with Boston, 2J3 — day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, through America, 204 — indignation at the bill for quartering troops, 206— devotion to the Philadelphia con- gress, 213 — deprived of the fisheries, 218 — their choice sealed, 220 — how represented in Hutchinson and Oliver's letters, 300, et seq. Columbus, Christopher, 1 — his birth place, 257 — life by his son, ib. — letter from, 258 , Bartholomew, 1 — favourably received by Henry VII. 257- , Don Ferdinando's life of his father, Christopher, 257-8. Commissioners appointed to govern New England, 62 — success in Massachu- setts, 64. CoOT7w«ees of correspondence, 197 — of the Philadelphia congress, 210, note, 211, note, 213, note. Connecticut called Fresh River, 63. settled, 41 — disputes with the Dutch, ib. — war with the Piquods, 42 — disputes with Mass. 50, 51 — confederates with New Haven against the Dutch and Indians, 52 — charter, 58 — disputes with New Haven, ib. — the two united, 59 — part granted to the Duke of York, 62 — govern- ment dissolved, 75 — bills of credit, 91 — boundaries, 94 — population in 1747, 130 — number of troops for 1758, 167 — delegates to the N. Y. con- gress, 186 — alarm, 214 — history of the Indians in, cxli — former ortiio- graphy of the name, ib. note. Congress 2A Albany, 132. , general, recommended by Mass. 186 — meets at New York, 187 — anecdotes of, 295. — at Philadelphia, 207 — proceedings of, 207-213 — extracts of the ad- dresses to the English people, to the king, and to their constituents, 208-10-11. Convicts first brought to America, 23. Cooke and Oakes, 80. Cook's Voyages, xxx — extract from, upon the monuments in the Pacific, 1. Cornbury, lord, governor of New York, 92. Coton of Chili, derivation of, xxvii. Cotton, Rev. Mr., 39-47 — prediction of, 49. Cotymore, capt. 172. Council of war at Albany, 140 — at Boston, 143. Counterblast to Tobacco, extracts from, 266, 269. Covenants, controversy of the, 39. Coivardice, derivation of, xl, note. Creek words like the Hebrew, xxviii-xxx — Indians, history of, Cravan, lord, palatine of Carolina, 91. Croata?!, 8. Cro7n7vell chastises Virginia, 27 — sails for America, 40. Croivn Point, first expedition against, 137-139 — taken by the English, 154. Cuba, towns of, in 1538, Ixxiv. Culpepper revolutionizes Carolina, 69. , lord, governor of Virginia, 71. Culprit, diflTerent etymologies of, xxxviii — Blackstone's, ib. — Christian's, xxxix — Chalmers', xl. Cumberlaiid, fort, M'^ashington's letter from, 252-3. Custis, Mrs. marries Washington, 254. 326 INDEX. Custom^ similarities of, among the people of the Old and New Worlds, xlvii- li — r,o proof of their descent from each other, llv, Iv — but o; 'v of their descent n-om a common stock, Ivi-lx — such similarities between nations, whicb cannot be supposed to have been ever the same, Iviii-lix — not confined to savage nations, lix, Ix. B. Bale, Sir Thomas, governor of Virginia, 19, 20. DalyeU, capt. 179— deatli of, 180. Daniel, colonel, 89. D'JI.ville's fleet, destruction of, 126-7. Dare, Ananias, has the first American child, 7. Davenport, one ut the founders of New England, 43 — pi-epares his people for tlie reception of Goffe and Whalley, 275 — secrets them, 276 — threaten- ed with the pains of comforting traitors, 279. Dougherty, lieut. 172. Dekiijlaine's Repository, Franklin's life in, 299. Delawar, lord, governor of Virginia, 17, 19. Dela-aiare, colony of, settled, 63 — delegates to the congress of N. Y. 187 — history of the Indians in, cxlvii. Indians, their own account of their origin, emigration, &c. cxxiv- cxxvii — divisions and sub-divisions of the nation, cxxiv, cxxv — names of, cxxiv — made women, cxxvii. Delnge, whether universal or not, xx-xxiii — Indian traditions of the, xliv, xlv — known to us only by revelation, xlv. Demont, 37. Depopulation of the Indians, causes of the, clxxxv-clxxxix. Densa, Monpeake, lord of, 7. Detroit, battle of, 180. Dieskau, defeat of, 138. Dijonville beaten by Washington, 138. Dintviddie. governor of Virginia, sends a letter to the French post, 132, 222 thwart's Washington's plans, 246 — accuses him of misconduct, 247. Discipline and o|)en mode of fighting among the early aborigines, xcvii. Dixv>eU, one of Charles I.'s .ludges, 283. Dogs, among the early aborigines, Ixxxiv. Dongan, ;;overnor of New York, 78. Drake, SrF. 6. , Major, Putnam's letter to, 289. Dress andfu"niture among the early aborigines, Ixxxiii. ' Dntcourt, governor of Louisbonrg, 148 — capitulates, 149. Duchamhon surrenders Louisbourg to the Enghsh, 126. Dudley, governor of New England, 75 — of Massachusetts, 86, Dvribar, colonel, 135. Du Quesne built, 132 — taken by General Forbes, 152 — name changed to Pittsburg, 152. Dutch, the, at Manhadoes, made tributary to Virginia, 21— return to their former allegiance, 63 — confederate with the Indians, 46 — again, 52 — deprived of New York, 63-4 — recapture it, 76. , M^est India Company, 63. Duties, stamp, laid, 186— repealed, 187 — on tea, glass, &c. 188— results of stamp and tea, 194 — list of stamp, 315. Duvivier takes Canseau, 122. IXDEX. 327 E. East India Company, embarrassment of, 200 — send large quantities to the colonies, 201, Eaton and Davenport found New Haven, 43. • Edinburgh Reviev>, 258. Elizabeth, queen, names Virginia, 5. Elizabeth's Island, discovered, 9. Eloquence, specimen of Indian, cxx.xiv, note. Endicot, 35, 273. England. See Great Uritain. English claims to the discovery of America, 2. Enumerated commodities, 57. Etchoe, battle of, 175 — second battle of, 177 — burnt, ib. Etymologies, liabilities to error in, xxxvii — instance in the word ' culprit,' xxxviii — Blackstone's derivation, ib. — Christian's, x.^xix — Chalmers', xl Evertzen. See liinhies. Every Man in his Humour, extracts from, rehiting to tobacco, 267, note. £^ers, Mrs., secretes Goffe and Whalley, 276. F. Fairy Queen, stanzas from, relating to the mosquito, cxii, note. Fasti Oxtniensesuse the word grade, 272, note. Fear, Cape, settled by Mass 66. Feboure, Le, attacks Charleston, 90. Fetnales imported into Virginia, 22 — letter concerning one of the shipments, 270. Femdl Hall, convention :<.*, 191 — tumultuous meeting at, 201. Fields and meadows among the early aborigines, Ixxxix. Fighting, open mode of, among the early aborigines, xcvii, note. Fisheries, the colonies deprived of the, 21S. Five JVations, 81 — history of, according to the Dclawares, cxxiv-cxxviii — ac cording to themselves, cxxviii, cxxix — according to strangers, cxlii cxlv. Flood. See Deluge. Florida, discovered, 65 — attacked by Oglethorpe, 118 — why so named, Ixxiii, note. Forbes, general, takes Du Quesne, 152 — delays of, 252. Forts among the early aborigines, xcvii. Franklin, Dr. senJs over Hutchinsons and Oliver's ieiters, 197-8 — services to America, 198-9, 200— sketcli of his life in Delaphiine's Repository, 299 — his zeal, ib. — connection with the Hutchinson and Oliver letters fully explained, 300 — extracts from VVedderbunie's speech against, 805- 6-7-8 — letter to Mr. Mather on tlic discovery of America, xvi — American edition of the works of, xvii, note. Eraser Mr. John, 225, '^Sfi. French claims to the discovery of America, 3 — settlements at St. Croix and the Bay ofFundy, 21 — granted to St. Etlenne, Crown, and Temple, 53 — colony under Ribaud, 65 — acquire the controul over Lake Champlain, 108. Fvontignac, count, falls upon Schenectady, 8-^ , fort of, taken, 151. 328 INDEX. G. Gage, gen. 155 — gov. of Mass. 204 — proclamation disregarded, 206 — orders a guard on Boston Neck, 214 — fortifies it, 215 — seizes the provincial magazines, 21'6. Gallantry among the early aborigines, Ixxxi. Gates, Sir Thomas', charter, provisions of, 10 — governor of Virginia, 19. Geor§-/fl settled, 115 — a feudal government adopted, 116 — ruinous condition of, ib. — attacked by the Spaniards, 119 — population, in 1747, 130 — his- tory of the Indians in, clxiii. Germans pretend to be the original discoverers of America, and contend for calling it Bohe'uiu, xvii — the first born people, xUii — the ancient, their idea of the Deity, Ixiv. Gerrish, col. not the only person tried for cowardice at Bunker Hill, 293. Gianfs Causeivay, xviii. Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, disasters of, 4— death, 5. . , Raleigh, 31. Girling, 38. Gist, Mr., 229, 230, 231. Goffe, William, early life of, 272. See Judges. Gold, thirst for, among the colonists, 15, 263. Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, founds Maine, 44 — claim established, 65 — disputed, 73 — sells Maine to Mass. 74. GosnaUl, first voyage of, 9 — second, 11 — death, 13. Government, Indian, clxxiii-clxxv. Grade, an English word, 272, note. Grant, col. sent against the Cherokees, 176. , capt. 180. . , gen. boast of, in parliament, 217. Grenville, Sir Richard, 6, 7. Grotiiis^ opinion concerning the Aborigines of America, xvii. GwipoxL'der known in China before its invention in Europe, Ix. G-Mxjnelh, Owen, sons of, dispute the succession to N. Wales, xii, xiii — Madoc, xiii. H. Hackluyl, Richard, 9 — his mode of converting the Indians, Ixxix, note. Hackhiyt's voyiiges, extract from, the first account of tobacco, lii, note. Ha7icock's sloop, seizure of, 190. Harris' voyages, extract from, upon the sports of the Tungusians, li. Havard, Mr. John, 53. JfOfvey, Sir Jolin, governor of Virginia, seized, 20. Heath, Sir Robert, 66. Hebrew words, list of, resembling the Carribbee, &c. xxviii-xxx — multitude of consonants, xliii — customs like those of Mexico, xlvii, xlviii. Henlopen settled, 63. Henry VII. 1, 3 — receives Bartholomew Columbus with favour, 258. IV. of France, o7. , Patrick, 110 — Wirt's life of, 286 — whether he or Mr. Otis first com- menced the Revolution, 310-12 — anecdote from Wirt's life of, relating to Wasiiington, 318. Herodotus, nations mentioned by, found in America, xxvi, xxvii.. Uillsboruvgh, lord, circular letter of, 189-193. INDEX. 329 Hindoo marriage ceremony like the Mexican, xlviit — unlike, liij. Hooker founds Connecticut, 41. Holboiini, admiral, 144. Holmes, admiral, 156. Horse, why not found in America, xlvii, note. Houses. European, between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries, cliii, note. Horve, George, viscount, 144. , col. 160. Hitbley's History of the American Revolution, 292, note, Hudson, capt. 21. Humbolt's Political Essay, liii. Unmphreu'f, Life of Putnam, 289. Huns delighted in scalps, xlvii. Hjirons, whence derived, xxvi. Hutchinson, Mrs., 39 — banished from Mass. ib. and Oliver's letters, 197-8— account of, 300, 305 Hutchinsoji's history of Mass. 271, note. Iberville, 84- Illinois Indians, cliii. Indiana, Indians of, civ. Indians attack Roanoke settlement, 6 — Jamestown, 14 — take Snaith, ib. — at war with Virginii, 18 — massacre its inhabitants, 24, 25 — war with Connecticut, 42 — confederate w ith the Dutch, 46 — again, 5 , 70, 71 — Appalachian, beaten by Carolina, 90 — plan to exterminate the Carolini- ans, 91, xi — chiefs taken to London, 94 — instigated by the French, 101 — Appalachian, Cieek, and Yamassee, beaten. 111— all, except the Six Nations, on the side of Canada, 131 — peace concluded with the western, 152 — wars with the Cherokees, origin of, 168 — mode of warfare, 173, 177 — peace, 178— war wi^h the Deiawares, &c. 178-9 — peace, 183. , whether proved to be antediluvians, or descendants from the na- tions of the other hemisphere, ix. See America. whether the United States have been inhabited by two distinct races of, Ixx — earlier, how different from the later, Ixx — in appearance and character, Ixxi —jealousy of their wives, ib. — in their food, Ixxii — had telegrapfis, Ixxvi — temples, ib. — vaults, Ixxvii — oaths, Ixxviii — gal- lantry, Ixxxi — architecture, Ixxxii— cleanliness, ib. note — luxuries of dress and furniture, Ixxxiii — taste in painting, Ixxxiv, note — female rulers, Ixxxvi — agriculture, Ixxxix — hereditary sovereignty, xc — walled towns, xci, xcii, note — standards, xciii — umbrellas, ib. — dignity of man- ners, ib.— discipline and open mode of fighting, xcvii, note— forts, ib. — targets, xcviii — naval architecture, ib. — carpets, ciii — use of salt, ib. — lame kings, civ — how treated by De Soto, Ixxviii-lxxx — reasons for and against the supposition of two distinct races, cxiii-cxxi. , probable number of originally, cxxii — in the United States, cxxiii— division of, ib. — the Deiawares and Five Nations, historv of, according to the former, c.xxiv-cxxviii — history of the Five Nations according to their own account, cxxviii, cxxix — Indians in the district of Maine, cxxxvi — in New Hampshire, cxxxvii — in Vermont, cxxxviii — in Massa- chusetts, cxxxix — Rhode Island, cxl — Connecticut, cxli — New York, cxli-cxlv — NewJersey,cxlv — Delaware, cxlvii — Pennsylvania,ib. — Ohio cxlviii — Michigan, lUinois, and Indiana, cliii-clvi — Maryland, clvi — ^Vir^ Tt 330 INDEX. glnia, clvii — Kentucky, clix — North Carolina, ib. — Tennessee, clx — South Carolina, Georgia, and Mississippi, clx-clxv — Louisiana, clxvi. Indians, policy of, clxix — government, clxxiii — religion, clxxv — marriage, clxxviii — manners, clxxix — games, clxxxi — languages, clxxxiii — money, clxxxv — causes of their depopulation, clxxsv-cxc — policy of government towards them, cxc. Impulse, obeyed, notfolloived, 319, note. Iroquois, vi^hence derived, xxii. Islands, Pacific, mountains in, xlix. J. Jaines I 10, 32 — extravagance on the subject of tobacco, 265 — his Counter- blast, 265-269. ll. 75 — project to consolidate the colonies, ib. — 78. Jamesto-wn founded, 12. Jefferson, Mr., opinion concerning the first movers of the revolution, 312 — notes on Virginia, extract from, relating to the Indian languages, Iv, note. Jeffreys., Hubert, governor of Virginia, 71. Johnson, Sir Nathaniel, governor of Carolina, 90. , son of, governor of Carolina, 112. — — , William, general, goes against Crown Point, 137 — defeats Dleskau and is made a baronet, 138 — at the German Flats, 142. 's Dr., History of the English Language, xv, note. Joncaire, capt. 225. Jonson, Ben's, Every Man in his Humour, 267, note. Jovtei's History of. La Salle's Last Voyage, c, note. Journal of Science and the Arts, extract from, upon the native country of the potatoe, Ixxv, note. Judges of Charles I. (Goffe andWhalley) land at Boston, 29, 273 — adventure with the swordsman, ib. — arrival at New Haven, 274 — search for, 275 — Kellond and Kirk, their pursuers, ib. — adventure at Break Neck bridge, 275-6 - secreted by Mrs. Eyers, 276 — adventure at the cave, 277-8 — offer to surrender, 279 — secreted at Mr. Tomkins, ib. — retire to Hadley, 280 — sudden appearance of one of them, ib. — letter from Goffe, 281-2 — graves of the judges, 283 — Dixwell, ib. J^imonviile, M., Washington accused of assassinating, 234. K. Kalm, professor, on the discovery of America, xvi. Kellond and Kirk, the pursuers of Goffe and Whalley, 275-279. Kentucky Indians, clix. Kings, lame, among the early aborigines, civ. Kirk, capt. subdues the French colonies, 38. — — , commissioner, to search for Goffe and Whalley, 275. Kummogkodonattoottwnmooetiteaonganunnonash, meaning of, xxxv. i, the double of the Spanish, whence derived, xxvii — cannot be pronounced by the Cherokees, ib. note. Zame kings and people, among the early aborigines, civ. hand-BapJC'IlQiise, 107. INDEX. 513 Laiie, Mr. Ralph, governor of Roanoke colony, 6, Laudojiiere, 66. Lang^iages of civilized nations, how they differ from those of savage, xxxiv- XXXV — of our Indians differ from each other more than those of Europe, Iv, note. , Indian, clxxxiii. La Salle discovers the mouth of the Mississippi, 129— death of, 130— how occasioned, c, note. Le Baeuf, fort, taken by the Indians, 179. Leisier's insurrection in New York, 78 — death, 81. Leet, governor of New Haven, 275. Lenox, duke of, 34. Leon, Ponce de, discovers Florida, &5. L^Effcarbot's voyage to America, 3. V Estrange^ s Americans no Jews, xxviii, note. Levi, the successor of Montcalm, 163. -Letmand Clarke, xlii. Lexington, battle of, 219-20. Little Carpenter, Attakullakulla, 170-2-6-8. Littleton, governor of 3. Carolina, abuses the Cherokees, 169— proposes a peace, 170 — reception at Charleston, 171-2. Jyockt's oonstiution for Carolina, 67 — abandoned, 70. Longuil, M., governor of Canada, 108. Lord of Dessa Moupeake, 7. Loudoiin, earl of, commander in chief of N. America, 141 — censures the re.- missness of the colonies, 143 — threatens to march troops into Massachu- setts, 145. , fort, 169— taken by the Indians, 176. Louisiana named, 130 — population in 1747.. 131 — the Indians in, clxvi. Loidebourg attacked, 124— taken, 126 — restored to France, 128 — attacked again, 148 — taken, 149. Lovis IV. 81. Lndlov), Roger, gov. of Connecticut, 41. M. JUadoc, supposed voyage of, to America, xiii — Indian tradition concerning xxvii. Maine founded, 44 — united to Mass. ib. and 46 — separated from Mass. 65-^- history of the Indians in, cxxxvi — united to again, 65. Maize^ abundance of, among the early aborigines, Ixxxi-lxxxix. Man, how different from other animals, xxii. Manahoaci, account of, clvii. Mancit ox Peru, v hence derived, xxvii. Mandeville, Sir John, anticipates Columbus, in proving the rotundity of the earth, &c. xiii, xiv — account of an early British circumnavigator, xiii-xv, Manhadoes. See Dutch, the. granted to the Duke of York, 62 — taken by Nichols and called New York, 63. Manners. See Custom. , dignity of, among the early aborigines, xciii- Maple-siigar owing to the revolution, 308. Marblehead, generosity of the people of, 213 March, col., goes against Canada, 86. J32 INUEX. Mamage among the Indians, clxxviii. Marshall, judge, 166— Life of Washington, extracts from, (Putnam,) 294— (Washington,) 317-18. Martha's Viney^ird, discovered, 9. Murtimis supposed to hare discovered America before Columbus, xvii. Maryland scXxIqA, by Roman Catholics, 28 — increase of, 29 — revolutions in, 29, 30 — population of, (1747) 130— delegates to the N. Y. congress, 187 — history of the Indians in, clvi. Mason founds New Hampshire, 44— claim established, 65— disputed. 7'o. Massachusetts, colony of, settled by Puritans, 32, 33 — numbers of. 33 — mor- tality, ib. — Salem, 25 — charter, ib. — intolerance, 36— Boston, ib. -as- sembly, 37 — quarrel with the French, 38— religious dissensions, 38_9 — emigrants, 39 — quo warranto, 40 — prosperity, 45— exori)itant claims, 46 — adversity, ib — legislature divided into two branches, 47-8 — favour the English commons, 48 — dissensions, 49 — disputes with Conn. 50-1 — deference to Cromwell, 82 — conduct on the restoration of Charles II. 59 — disloyalty, 60-62 — quarrel with the commissioners, 64 — curious ad- dress, ib. — disputes the claims of Mason and Gorges, 73 — purchase of Maine, 74 — a quo ivarranto against the charter, ib. — new charter, 80 — bills of credit, 33 — expeditions against Canada, 8.5-6-7 — early resolution against being taxed without consent, 93 — boundaries, 94 -dispute be- tween the governor and general court, 99, 100, 101 — dispute concerning salaries, 103-4-5— terminated, 106 — population (1747,) 130 - drives the French from Nova Scotia, 134 — public spirit of. 137 -refusal to provide quarters for the British troops, 145 — avowal of dependence upon parliament, 146 — zeal of, 147— proportion of its inhabitants on dutv, ib. — the leading colony, 152 — troops for 1759, 153— recommends a general congress, 186 — delegates to N. Y congress, ib. — resolves to oppose a tax in any shape, 188 — Boston mob — 190 — Fenuil Hall con- vention, 191 — affray with the soldiers, 192 — obstinacy of the general court, ib. — resolution on the order to supercede the provincials in Boston with regulars, 197 — disagreement between the governor and general court, 205— recommends another congress, and the disuse of English merchandise, tea, &c. 205 — the door shut upon the governor's secretary, ib. , derivations of, xxvi, cxxiv, note. . . , Indians, cxxxix Massachusitce, whence derived, xxvi. MartJia's Vineyard discovered, 9— granted to the Duke of York, 62. Mathews, governor of Virginia, 27. Mather, Mr., deputed to England by Mass. 75— Dr. Franklin's letter to, on the discovery of America, xvi — Magnalia, xxxv. Mazatica of New Spain, whence derived, xxvi. M'CiiUoch's Researches on America, xviii, note. Metxhants, American, recommend provincial taxation, 185. Mexican words like Japanese and Tartar, xxxiii — customs like the Hebrew, xlvii, xlviii — like the Hindoo, xlviii — Egyptians, ib. — dissimilarities in the marriage ceremony, liii — temples, Ixiv. Mexico supposed to have been founded by Chinese, xv — improbability of the fact, xvi. Michigan Indians, cliii. Michilimackinack fort surrendered to the English, 165 — taken by the In dians, 179. J£amies, history of, cliji. ixDEX. 333 jWlboume, Jacob, 81. Mines, expense of working, 264. Minot, Mr., 146. Mississippi explored by the French, 129. teiTitory and state, history of the Indians in, clx, he. M'-Kean's letter to Mr. Adams, -on the N. Y. congress, 295. M'Keiisie^s history of the fur trade, extract from, xViv. Mogoles of S. America, whence derived, xxvii. Moldcaits, history of, cxli. Moha-wk, derivations of, xU — clxxxi, note. Mohaxuks, history of, cxxvi. Monacaiis, account of, clviii. Money distributed among- the colonies, 142, note — Indian, clxxxv. Monkton, gen. 160 — death of, 161. Monongahela, battle of, 136, Monopoly, English, 61. Monroe, col. taken by Montcalm, 144. Montcalm, governor of Canada, takes and destroys Oswego, 142 — takes Fori William Henry, 144 — defender of Quebec, 156 — attacked in his en- trenchments, 157 — death of, 162. Mnnfgo?nery, col. sent against the Cherokees, 174 — retreat, 175. J^fontreal, first expedition against, 83 — taken, 165. Monuments, Egyptian, Pacific, Mexican, and Peruvian, similar, xlix. Moore, governor of Carolina, 89. Moscoco succeeds De Soto, cvii — arrival at Minoya, cviii — constructs brigan- tines to descend the river, ib. — attacked by the Indians, cix — by the mosquitos, ex — arrival in New Spain, cxiii. Moses, whether ignorant or not of the New World, xx-xxvi. Mosquito not peculiar to America, cxi, cxii. Mounds, history of, Ixi-lxv — along the Mississippi, like the pyramids of Mex- ico, Ixvi. Murray, gen. 157 — stationed in Quebec, 163 — attacks Levi, 164. ■ N. JK'umes, similarities of, in the languages of the Old and New Worlds, xxvi- xxxiii — sources of error in obtaining Indian, xxxiv-xxxvi — differently spelt in different languages, xxxvi. , JVantucket granted to the Duke of York, 62. JVarragansetts, history of, cxlii. JVatchees, history of, clx. J\/'ecessity, fort, 233. JVegroes first brought to America, 23 — seduced by the Spaniards, 117 — mob of, at Stono, ib. JVepi of Trinidad, whence derived, xxvi. JVeplune, ix. JVew Amsterdam, or Manhadoes, surrendered to Nichols, 63 — called New York, ib. J\''exvcastle, (Casimir) founded, 63. cVew England, when named, 32 — settled by Puritans, ib. — new patent of, granted to the Plymouth company, 34 — colonics of, unite against the In- dians, 36 — except Rhode Island, 37 — comparison of, with Virginia in the progress of its population, 55 — how affected by the restoration of Charles IT., 56 — governed by commissioners, 62 — population and military force So 4 INDEX. in 1669, 72 — war with Philip, ib. — under James IV .'s council, 75— « throws it off, 76 — complaint of the scarcitj^ of money, 106 — preparation to attack Cape Breton, 123 — ciiaracter of the army, 125 — alarmed at the news of D'Anville's expedition, 126 — proportion of forces to be raised in 1757, 143 — furnishes troops for the Spanish and French war, (1761,) 166. JVew France, surrender of, 165. JVewgate, in Connecticut, 263. J\"e^v Hampshire founded, 44 — united to Mass. ib. and 46 — religious dissen- sions, 45 — divided from Mass. 65 — united to, again, ib. — made a royal government, 74-86 — population in 1747, 130 — number of troops for 1758, 137 — dechnes assent to a general congress, 186 — history of the Indians in, cxxxvii. JVev! Haveii founded, 43 — form of government, ib. — confederates with Conn against the Dutch and Indians, 52 — united to Connecticut, 59. JVew Jersey granted to the Duke of York, 62 — granted to Berkeley and Car- teret, 64 — united to New England, 75 — charter surrendered, 77-92 — bills of credit, 93 — population in 1747, 130 — delegates to the N. Y. con- gress, 186 — history of the Indians in, cxlv. JVevj JVetherlunds conquered, 63-4. JVew Orleans ioun^ed, 130. Jfeivport, captain, 11, 16, 17, 19. JYeivspapers, extracts from, Cherokee scalps, 288 — Mr. Otis, 297-8 — maple- sugar, 303 — the revolution, 313-316. JVewton's derivation oi Arminon, xxxvii. JVe-w York, part of, granted to the Duke of York, 62 — city, 63 — united to New England, 75 — taken by the Dutch, 76 — first assembly, 77-83 — plan for the defence of, 85 — sufferings by the West India fever and Lord Cornbury, 92 — early resolution against being taxed without consent, 93 — bills of credit, ib. 94 — disputes with Canada, 108 — population in, (1747,) 130 — delegates to the N. Y. congress, 186 — history of the In- dians in, cxli-cxlv. Xlagara store-house and fort built, 108 — first expedition against, 139 — taken, 155. , derivation of, xxvii. .Yichols, col. 62 — takes New Amsterdam, 63 — governor under the Duke of York, 64. Mcholson, 67 — takes Port Royal, 88. , Francis, governor of Carolina, 115. JVootka, heard Yucuatl by Cook, xxxvi. JVormans pretend to have discovered America before Columbus, xvii. J\i'orth, lord, 217 — attempt to divide America, 218. JVorwegians, supposed discovers of America, ivi. .Yotes, 257, &c. JYova-Scotia granted to Sir W. Alexander, 38 — annexeifl to Mass. 80 — expe- dition against, 86 — ceded to England, 88 — population of, (1747,) ISO- taken by Mass. 135. O. Oaths among the early aborigines, Ixxviii. Officers, disputes between the American and English, 14t Og-den's Mr., conduct at the N. Y. congress, 296. i:ndex. 335 Oglethorpe, the founder of Georgia, 115 — major geiieial of Geoigia and Ca- rolina, 117 — enters Florida, 118. Ohio Compmiy, 131 — traders seized, il). — — , state of, history of the Indians in the, cxlvili, he. Oil cultivated in Carolina, 20. Oliver. See Hutchivsoii. Olopali of Florida, whence derived, xxvi. Opechancanough, 24. Orleans, duke d', 109. Ortez, John, saved by the daughter of King Ucita, 262 — found by De Soto, cxxvii. Oswego, store-house and fort built, 108 — destroyed by Montcalm, 142. Olis, Mr. James, best speaker in the N. Y. congress, 295 — his advertisonx' - against the king's officers, 297 — assaulted in the British coffee-hoMs^, 298 — dies of his wounds, 299 — whether he or Patrick Henry commencf:: the revolution, 310-12. Ottawas, history of, cliv. Ouconnostota, Cherokee chief, 169-170 — stratagem to take Fort Prince George, 172. Face, Mr., 25. Pacific, continent sunk in the, xxiii — monuments in the islands of the, xlix. Paintings among the early aborigines, tasteful, Jxxxiv. Pama-quid fort, 84. Paper-monev. See Bills of Credit. Paria, in South America, derivation of, xxvi. Paris, treaty of, (1760,) 166. Parliament, proceedings of, on the subject of the disputes in Mass. 162 reproves Massachusetts and calls for the traitors, 193,-4 — orders the provincials to be superceded by regulars in Boston, 197 — plan to tax the colonies, 200 — result of, 201 — proceedings on hearing the intel- ligence, Boston port-bill, &c. 202 — additional measures of coersion, 217. Parsons' cavse, in Virginia, 109-111. Penguin, a Welsh name, xxvii. Penn, William, purchases a part of New Jersey, 77 — obtains the charter of Pennsylvania, 78— lands in America, 79— captain-general, 79— disputes with lord Baltimore, 79— code of laws, ib— charter of, granted upon a military consideration, &c. 281. Pennsylvania, settlement of, 79 — population of, (1747,) 130 — delegates to the New York congress, 186— history of the Indians in, cxlvii, &c. Gazette, extracts from, relating to maple sugar, 309— to the early progress of the revolution, 313-17. Penobscot Indians, cxxxvi. Philadelphia founded, 79— congress at, 207 — Indian name of, cxlviii. Philip's war, 72— death, 73. Phipps, Sir Wm. governor of Mass. 80-1— expedition against Port Royal, 82. Phoenicians, supposed voyages of to America, xi-xii. Peace, treaty of between England and France in 1760, 165— broken off, 166 — concluded, 167. Pepperel, co\. 123. Percy, capt. governor of Virginia, 18-19. Peru, monuments in, like those of Egypt, xlix. 336 INDEX. J*estilencc amoiifj the aborigines, account of tlie, cxxxvii, note- Peters, Hiigli 50. Pitcairn, major, 219. Pious violence, the Spanish doctrine of, Ixxviii, note. Pitt, his popularity in America, 147. Pittsburg, formerly Du Quesne, 152. Pignods, war with, 42 — extirpation of, 43 — history of, cxii. ^/(i^o's Atlantis, America, ix, xii, xviii, xxiii — Moses speaking in Greek, xxiii, Plymouth Company, first colony of, 31 — return to England, Z2 — second colo- ny, 33 — new patent, 34. — New, founded, 33 — troubles of the colony, ib. — charter, 34 — an- nexed to Mass. 80. Pocahontas saves Smith, 14 — marries Rolfe, 20 — parallel to Smith's adventure with, 266. Policy, Indian, clxix — of the Federal Government towards the Indians, cxc, &c. Poor English, first settlers of Georgia, 115. Popham, George, 31— Sir John, 32. Port Royal, seized by Argal, 21. in Carolina, 68. Potatoe, America the native country of Ixxv, note. Pota-waiimies, history of, cliv. Po-whatan, releases Smith, 14 — death of, 24. , CO: federacy, clvii, clviii. Presqu' Isle, taken by the Indians, 179. Prest07i, capt. trial of, 193. Price paid to the Indians for the Western half of Pennsylvania, cxxxlii, note. Prideaux, gen. takes Niasfara, 155 — killed, ib. Prince George fort, 169-172-174-175-177. Prince of Orange, 76-80. Printing known in China before its invention in Europe, Ix. among the early aborigines tasteful, Ixxxiv. Proprietors of Carolina, tyrannical proceedings of, 111-112 — surrender their interests, 113-14. Providence, in Rliode Island, founded, 40. Psammiticus^ mode of ascertaining the eldest nation, xliii. Puritans, first settlers of New England, 32-34. Pjitnam, 183— original letter from, i89-29l — accused of cowardice at Bunk- er's Hill, 292— folly of the charge, 292-294. Pyramids in Egypt, the Pacific, Mexico, and Peru, xlix — not designed as mo- numents for kings, hii — history of, Ixi-lxv. Q. Quakers, 54. QMrtrter/?/i?ev«'ew,extractfrom, on the nativecountry of the potatoe, Ixxv, note. Quebec, first expediion against, 83 — besieged by Wolfe, 156 — strength of, ib. — capture, 163. Queens, among the aborigines, Ixxxvi. Quo -warranto, against Virginia, 25 — Massachusetts, 74. R. Sadondo, general, 121. ' Ralle, Instigates the Indians to war upon the English colonies, 102. Randolph, Edward, 73-4. INDEX. 337 Randolph, Peyton, president of the Philadelphia congress, 207 — raises a company of volunteers, 241. Ratclijf'e. captain, 11 — president of Virginia, 13. Raleigh, sir Walter's first colony, 5 — returns to England, 6— second colony, 7 — loss of, 9. Heligion, Indian, clxxv. Tiemains, animal, on the tops of mountains, whether they prove the univer- sality of the deluge, xx, note. liez'olution, seeds of, 184 — who first began the, 310 — opinion of Mr. Adams, 311 — of Ml- Jeft'erson, 312 — newspaper paragrraphs showing the origin and progress of the, 3l3 .317. Rhode Island settled, 40 — refused admittance to the union of New England, 47— charter, 38-04 — government dissolved, 75 — boundaries, 91 —bills of credit. 107 — population, in 1747, 130 — delegates to the New York con- gress, 186 — history of the Indians in,cxl. Riband settles Florida, 65. Ris-ivick, treaty of, 85. RoadfTom Raystown to Du Quesne, 251. Roanoke, first colony of, 5 — returns to England,6 — second, 7 — loss of, 9. Ros-well, sir Henry, 35. Ruggles, Timothy, president of New York congress, 187 — his conduct there, 29.5 — refuses his assent to the Massschusetts resolutions to encourage domestic manufactures, 296. Rulers, female, among the early aborigines, cxxxvi. Russel, Dr., 16. , Rev. John, 280. Sacks, whence derived, xxvii. Salaiies, disputes concerning in, Massachusetts, 103-4-5, 197- Saiem founded, S5— made the port of entry, 202 — address to gov. Gage, 206, Salt, used among the early aborigines, ciii. Sargle, "Wil'iam, 68. Sarracus, the Pequod chief, 42. Saunders, admiral, 156. Savages, never ruled by women, Ixxxvii-lxc, Saybiook, founded, 42. Scalps, price of Cherokee, 178, 288. — , among the Huns, xlvii. Schuyler, col., 93. Scire facias against the charter of Carolina, 114. Skakies, town of the, in regular streets, cliii. Shirley, Mr., governor of Mass. 107 — plan to take Cape Briton, 123^ — abortive attempt upon Nova Scotia, 127 — goes against Niagara,l39. Shute, Mr., governor of Mass. 99 — disputes with the general court, 99-100. Silk, in Virginia, 57 — in Carolina, 70. Silk-ivomis, found in America, Ixxxvi, note. Sillery. battle of, 164. Silvei; prices of, 83-93-101-107-108-128. Six JVations, how formed, 91-2. Slaughter, Henry, governor of New York, 81. Slaves- See J\'egroes Small-pox, in the South Carolina army, 171. Smith, captain ^ohn, abuse of by the colonists, 12 — services of the colony, IS. u u 338 INDEX. Smith, cap. John, adventure with Pocahontas, 14~explores the Chesapeake, 15-16 — president of Virginia, ib. — returns to Fngland, 18. ' explores New England. 32 — early life of, 262. — — , sir II. assignee of sir W. Raleigh, 8. -, heut. col. 219-20. Solon, X. note, xxiv. Somers, George, 17. •Sons o/" iy«6er/?/, association of, 187. Sovereignty, hereditary among the early aborignes, xc. iSo^Ae^, Seth, proprietor of Albemarle. 69, Soto, De, history of his expedition, Ixxiii, note — early life of, Ixxiv — arrival at Cuba, ib. — in Florida, Ixxvi — finds Ortez, Ixxvii — ^journey to Cali- quen, Ixxix-'xxx — treatment of the Indians, Ixxx — arrival at Apalache, Ixxxi — at Toalli, Ixxxii — at Ocute, Ixxxiv — at Aymay, Ixxxv— treat- ment of queen Cutifachiqui, Ixxxix — arrival at Chiaha. ib. — reception from the king of Coga, xc — walled towns, xci-xcii — reception by the king of Tascaluca, xcii-xciii — arrival at Mavilla, xciv — battle with the Indians, xcv— battle of Chica^a, xcvi — arrival at the Mississippi, xcvii — conduct to king Aquixo. xcviii — arrival at Pachaha, xcix— journey to CoH^oa, cii— arrival at Tanico, ciii — at Tulla, civ — winters in Autlam- que. civ — journey down the Mississippi, cvi — death of, cvii — courses and distances of his expedition, cxiii, note. Southampto-'i., earl of, 271. Spam, grant of the New World to, by the Pope, 3 — wars with, 89, 116, 166. Spaniards, defeated in Carolina, 91 — in Georgia, 121. Sfjencer stanzas from, relating to the mosquito, cxii, note. Sperrv.Wc.,277. Stuwp-c-ct, passage of, 186 — repealed, 187. Stantp-ihities. first suggestion of, cried out against, 185 — laid, 186 — result of, 199 -list of. 315." Stnn-lo-da among the early aborigines, xciii. iS*. A->i:rvMine. expf f.Lt'on against, 118. Sit't'hffni, E^ov , of .\ibetoar)e, 68. Stflci, Dr. 43 • Histon of the Judges of Charles I. 272, note — extracts from, ^'73- :76-277-'^80-281. Stitri, q\'0te'', 15-18. Stcvo, nf^gi '■ nob at, 117. Sfvtnesant surrenders New- Amsterdam, 63. Svgar, maple, jOi->. _ cane, derivation of the Caribbee name, xlii. — history of the plant, xlii-x'iii Svf'.lk Jie&oluliom, 207. S-weths settle in Delaware, 63 — purchase the land of the Indians, cxlvii. S-wift, extracts from the letters of, relative to tobacco, 269. Tanqnir in Chili, derivation of, xxvii. Tiirgets among the early aborigines, xcviii. Tartar words resembling American, xxxi xxxiii. Taxation, provincial, recommended to parliament by American merchants, 185. Tax on the colonies, first suggestion of, 133-4, Taxes, colonial, 141. INDEX. 339 Tavipoenamono, meaning of, xxxv. Tea, duty on, 188 — result of, 200 — sent in large quantities to try the colonies, 200-1 — thrown into the sea at Boston, and into damp cellars at Charles- town, 201-2. Tecumseh, plans of, clxxi. Telegraphs among- the early aborigines, Ixxvi. Temple, Great, in Mtxico, Ixiv. Temples among the earl\ aborigines, Ixxvl. Tennessee Indians, clx. Thoro-wgood's Jews in America, and L'Estrange's answer, xxviii, note. Tiahuanac, monuments in the city of, xlix. Ticoncleroga, attack upon, by gen. Abercrombie, 150 — taken by gen. Amherst, 154. Tithabies in Carolina, 69. Tobacco first cultivated in Virginia, 21 — salaries paid in, 109 — prices of, 109- 111. by whom introduced into England, 264 — whence its name, 265 — ■ Icing .Tames' Conntevblnst to, ib. — what diseases now used for, ib. note — • extracts from the Co2int<-rbla>st,2S6-2&9~-fTom Ben Jonson, 267, note — prevalent use of tobacco, 269- -law against, in Connecticut, 270 — first account of, lii — smoking likened to the Jewish incense, ib. Tomkins, Mr., secretes Goffe and AVhalley, 279. Tomogali of S. America, whence derived, xxvii. Toivnshend, gen., 157-161-163. Mr., cliancellor of the exchequer, 188. To^vns, walled, among the early aborigines, xci-xcii. Traditions, Indian, entitled to little credit, xliii-xlvi. Troops, removed from Boston, 193 — regular substituted for provincial in Bos- ton, 197 — 2 regiments sent for to Boston, 214. Virginia, conduct of, 24 >-4. TrumbxdVs History of Connecticut, extract from, relating to mines, 264 — to tobacco, 270— to Yale College, 285. TimgiisiaTii, mode of diverting themselves, li, . Turtle Creek, battle of, 180. Tiiscarorus, history of, cllx. Two-penny Act, a pamphlet, 100. U. Uvibrellas among the early aborigines, xciii. United States, whether the territory of, has been occupied by two distinct races of Indians, Ixx. Union, first plan of, among the colonies, 132-3. Utrecht, treaty of, 129. Vane, Mr. Henry, governor of Massachusetts, 38-9. Tarazan, 65 — his account of the early aborigines, Ixxi-Ixxiii — of a savage tribe to the north, cxv. Vaudreidl, governor of Canada, 102, 164. Vaidts among the early aborigines, Ixxvii. Vega, extract from his commentaries, upon the Peruvian monuments, xlisr Venango fort taken by the Indians, 179 340 INDEX. Vermont, Indians of, cxxxviii. Fillier. M. defeats Washington, 233. Violeilce, pious, Ixxviii, note. Virginia, oTi^'m of the name. 5 — first American child so called, 7. , colony of, settled, 12 — war with the Indians, ib.— numbers, ib.— mortality, internal dissensions, 13 — reduced state, 13-14 — thirst for gold, 15 — first remittance, ib. — new charter, 17 — new settlers, 18 — un- der Percy, 18 — war with the natives, ib. — departure for England and return, 19 — prosperity, 20 — partitions of land, 20, 21 — culture of tobac- co, 21 — first assembly, 22 — female emigrants, ib. — convicts, 22 — consti- tution, ib. — Indian massacre, 25 — a quo ^varranto, ib. — numbers and profits, ib. — assembly superseded, 26 — Governor Harvey seized, ib. — assembly revived, 27 — chastisement by Cromwell, ib. — rebellion against him, ib. — emigrant cavaliers, 28 — quarrel with Lord Baltimore, ib. — favoured by Charles II. 57 — obedience to him, ib.— difficulties, 70 — acts respecting tobacco, 61 — Bacon's insurrection, ib. — change in judica- ture, 71 — population and military force in 16: 1 and 80, 72 — Parsons' cause, 1(J9 — population of, in 1747, 130 — abuse of the Cherokees, 168— resistance to the stamp-act, 186 —asserts the right of imposing her own taxes, 194 — appoints a day of fasting, &c. 204 — military laws, 241— in- competent legislation, 242 — unwise measures of defence, 242-3-4. , new derivation of, xlii — history of the Indians in, clvii. Vernon, admiral, 117. W,., Walpole, Sir Robert, 109. Warfare, Indian mode of, 173. Wtm^en, admiral, 124. , doctor, 219. Warwick, earl of, 48. TVashington, birth and early life of, 221-2 — mission to the French posts, 22o~ negotiations with the Indrans, 2.33-4 — Capt. Joncaire, 225 — difficulties in retaining the friendship with the Indians, 227 — perilous voyage down French Creek, 228-29-30 — visits Queen Aliiquipa, 231 — made lieutenant colonel, and defeats Jumonville, 232 — becomes colonel, 233 — defeated at Fort Necessity, ib. — accused of assassinating M. Jumonville, 234 — resigns, 235 — vohmteers as aid to Braddock, ib. — at the battle of Mo- nongahela, 236 — lays the defeat to the regulars, 237 — appointed com- mander in chief, 238 — distressed situation of, 239 — zeal for the de- struction of Du Quesne, 245 — plans thwarted by Governor Dinwiddie, 246 — accused of misconduct, 247 — traduced by his enemies, 248 — urges the necessity of'immediate operations, 250 — remonsti'ates against cutting a new road, 251 — resigns, is made a member of the legislature, and marries Mrs Custis, 254 — his character, 255 — letters from, 317-18 — an- ecdote of, 318. Webb, gen. at Wood Creek, 142— at Quebec, 160. Wedderburne's speech against Dr. Franklin, extracts from, 305-8. Welsh pretend to have discovered America before Columbus, xii — names among the aborigines, xxvii, xxviii. West, Mr. Joseph, governor of Carolina, 69. West-Rock, the Judge's Cave in, 277. Whalley, Edward, early life of, 272. See Judges- White, governor of Roanoke, 7, 8. INDEX. 141 Wild, Thomas, 50. Williams. Roger, founder of Rhode Island, 40. William and Mary, 76-80. — — , college of, 85. rFiVie cultivated in Carolina, 70. Wiiigfield, first president of Virginia, 12. Winnebagoes, accounts of, civ. Winslort), col. takes Nova Scotia, 135 — goes against Crown Point, 141. Winthrop, gov. of Mass. 50. Conn. 58. TVii-t's Life of Patrick Henry, 286 — extract from, relating to Washington, 318. Wives, letter concerning the shipment of, 270 — how treated among the early aborigines, ixxi-lxxxi — how, among the present Indians, Ixxxviii. Wolfe, general, 148-153 — besieges Quebec, 156 — attacks Montcalm in his entrenchments, 156 — second plan of attack, 158 — depressure of spirits and loss of health, 159 — third plan, 160 — battle on the plains of Abra- ham, 161-2— death of, 162— letter from, 286. Women. See Females and Wives. , peace-makers among the Indians, cxxvii. Wyandots, history of the, cxlix. Y. Vale College founded, 9^5 — fixed at Saybrook, 96 — removed to New Haven, 97 — number of students in 1717 and 1817, ib. — named after Governor Yale, 97, 285. Yale, governor, endows Yale College, 97. Yankee derivation of, cxxiv, note. Yeamans, governor of Clarendon county, 67- Yeardley, governor of Virginia, 21-22. York, grant to the duke of, 62. Island, 63. Z. Zipangn, of Hispaniela, whence derived, xxvii. ERRATA. THE ABORIGINES. Page xi, line 1, for factions read fictions. xxiv, — 6, from the bottom, for sixty-sixth read seventy-sixth. - xxxiv. 12. dele appear to. ^— . xliv. 13, after of insert the. Ivii. 6, fron. the bottom, after leaves, zn.fer« the. - Ix. 12, dele both, - xc, —— 13, from the bottom, for ever read never. ■ xcv. 6, — for which rend with. ci, 10, for his read the. cv. 12, for away, ?'carf way. — — cxxii. 5, from the bottom, for 400,000 read 4,000,000. cxxiii, last, for 9,000 read 90,000. clxxi. 8. dele his. clxxxv. 7. from the bottom, for effects, read consequences, - cixxxix. 1, of the note, for Delaware, read Pennsylvania. THE UNITED STATES. Page 56, line 15. for Colony i-ead Colonies. 59, last, for (E) read (F). - 88, 10, for who ri'ad which - 186, last, insert New York. 187, — — 3, (or Thomas read Timothy. _ 243, 19, for aljsent rend about. — — 262, 23, for Veiia read Ucita, —^ 311, — — 7, for with read large. ^ 9^'-/:ct^^>^ ^''-Trf^^^/ 9^'^^V ::;jr^ ^ % %^ ^f f ^^■^ ^ ?^ ^> ,«:^ ^. .s^ . CP^.^ H^^ ''^<^ % cP^ '%..<^^ oQ\^ <> o,^^ •vJi^ •* / » V, S ^ V^ 17'.-% % '^^ V '^■< " •> ^ -^ A o <- \<^^' .^^ "- 35 O^, ,..#" rO O. '"/ o^ «5 ^ '^■^^ <*f f (-~L