r 290 .ri2 Copy 1 EtJLOaY I PON THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF CHARLES J. Mf'DONALD, PRO-\OUNCED BY . FENRY R. JACKSON, At Marietta, April 20tli, 186L ATLANTA, GA. : WOOT), IIASI.F.ITEK, KKK complain 1' Kor the incinory of this friend, who was A young man of Ijnlliaiil (alciils and. in ihe main, tine qualities of heart, and will) died many years sime, Govciiior McDonald chi-rished an afiectionate regard. This incident has been selicied from his earlior lite as indicating the liicl that, even then, the moral courage of Ihc latter was sutiicienlly develo()ed to triumph over 1 lie public, opinion >il the •■ l.i,-t" lioys of a college, which, as all who have been in a college mu>t know lull well, is a very formidable a■^tagoni^t. EULOGY : CHARLES J. I\i'D0NALD. 11 had already learned the easier lesson of command- ing others. The former is the major, the latter is the minor proposition. And what wonder that, thus endowed hy nature, and thus disciplined by education, his career before the people of Georgia, wdiether in professional or political life, shoukl have been crowned with suc- cess and with honor. Admitted to the bar in 1817, Solicitor General of the Flint Circuit in 1823, Judgfe of the same circuit in 18*25, representing the county of Bibb in 1830, Senator from the same county in 1834 and 1837, Governor of the State from 1839 to 1843 inclusive. President of the Nashville Conven- tion in 1850, Judge of the Supreme Coiirt in 1857, for many years an active Trustee of the State Uni versity, and, when not engaged in the discharge of official duty, assiduously prosecuting a laborious and lucrative practice at the bar, in all positions, and at all times, he was not only equal to, but dis- tinguished, the place he filled. My auditors, 1 am sure, will concur with me that I shall seek in vain a fairer or more graphic sketch of his professional life and character than the one furnished by the pen of a contemporary, who knew him and wlio loved him well. '' To know him was to love him." •• Early alU-r eniffiiiif «(|n)ri his |ir upon the whole, more forensic than popular. Still his addresses to the jury were eflcclivc. because of iiis clear perception of the strong points in his case, and his persj>icuous handling of facts. No doubt, much of his succe.is as an advoi- ate. was attributable to hi> accurate knowledge of men — his ready insight into character. Coming into life without the advantages of fortune or numerous connections, he fought his way to professional and political distinction among the people, and in the midst of able competitors. It is in such a s'-hool, that, in our country, men 'earn to be great. It may not be forgotten, however, by those who would pro- fit by the example of this gentleman, that the Ibundaiions of his reputation were laid in sound principles^in scrupulous intejrrity and persevering indus- try. Conceding that something is due to natural gifts and much to education, yet it remains as an incontrovertible proposition, that no man ever vet became a great lawyer, without hard work. Xo one ever achieved judicial renown by inspiration, by clap trap pretension or even eloquence. He who would win the highest professional honors, and wear them by consent of his fellows, mu^l. like Judge McDonald, devote a life time to the enterprise. As a.Iudge. his im- partiality was never impugned, and his lirmness never que>tioned. Like other Judges, including Mansfield and Marshall, he may havi- committed errors, but the profession concede that he brounhi to his judgments ujirightness. and the best resources of a >trong and well trained intellect. lie was not an 'oft speaking" Judge but for the most part silent — patient and courteous. He abid- ed authority, believing th^it rights depend greatly upon the permanency and uniformity of the rules which guard them. He had not the vaniiy to believe that he was wiser than an hundred generations thai preceded him. or that u eulogy: CHARLES J. m'donald. 13 principle was erroneously sellied, because an ingenious man could give plau- sible reasons against it. Ilis recorded opinions whilst upon the Supreme Court i)enoh, are characierised l)y brevity, perspicuity, learning and pure Saxon Eng- lish. They are highly creditable to the Judicial literature of the State." It were idle to undertake, in a brief address, to do justico to tlie public services of Gov. McDon- ald Fortunately, they are of such recent date, and were themselves of so marked a character as to render the attempt from me a work of superero- gation. Political consistency has been pronouncer! a jewel by reason of its rarity, and yet who could deny to him the possession of that jewel ? Consistency, however, is but a pitiful counterfeit of paste, unless it be crystalized from the elements legitimately composing jewels. Gov. McDonald was a consis- tent because he was a philosophical statesman. No time-server, his opinions were the result of his own observation and meditation, not the suo-o-estions of an occasion, or of an engrossing attention to the wliimsical shiftings of the popular breeze. Labo- rious in all things, it was but natural for him to elaborate his political thought; his promptness aiid self-possession in action were not (indeed, can they ever be?) the mere inspirations of the moment. " Consul/o, et ubi consulueris, mature facto, opus estr He preferred the fame that endures, generally secured m free countries by warring against error, when error is popular, to the effervescent reputation .14 EULOGY : CHARLES J. m'doNALD. born of flatterino- the popular vanity at the sacrifice of truth and of manhood. Lookint^ beyond tlie moment, the triumph of the moment did not (rreatly elate him on the one hand, nor the defeat of the moment greatly depress him on the other. He con- fided in the power of true principle to vindicate itself, ere the race should be run ; and his personal promotion, save as a fair sequence from the triumph of the truth, vras something- he neither expected nor desired. Hence, he carried into politics no acrimo- ny of feeling. If he warred against a political op- ponent, he warred for what he deemed to be the' right ; it was a political and not a personal warfare ; he warred in public, not in private ; it wms a prin- ciple of his life to say nothing against a political antagonist in private — nay, not even to the partner of his bosom — which he was not prepare'^ to sav in public and before the world. At every stage ot his life he was emphatically a man of the people ; he was beloved by the masses ; not, however, because he either tolerated the vices, flattered the follies, or toadied to the caprices usu- ally ascribed to the masses by shallow politicians. He knew the great heart of the people better. Even had he been himself capable of enacting a truthless part, his own honest instincts taught him that llio people are keen to detect assumacy of any kind, be it the assumacy of pompous pretension, or the as- sumacy of self-debasing demagoguism. Neither in deportment, nor in dress, nor in language, was he EULOGY : CHARLES J. m' DONALD. 15 ever aught else than Charles J. McDonald, tlie man incapable of a lie, pursuincr the even tenor of his way^ respecting humanity, whenever and when-ver humanity was self-respecting and there- fore respectable, but nowhere else ; meeting every man (until the reverse should be made to appear,) upon the ennobling assumption that, like liimseif, every free American realized the sovereignty of his own position, was prepared to succumb neither to individual dictation nor to popular clamor, and, when the knee was to l>e bended, knelt alone to his God! To each one of you, my auditors, I appeal, to recall from the shadowy past the imposing form which at one time was wont to grace your streets ; the warm grasp of the hand, mute eloquence of the sympathetic heart ; the fascinating smile that lit up the noblest of features ; the frank, kindly tone that questioned you of your own welfare, and that of your family, and designate, if you can, one solitary occasion when he departed from the simple dignity of the true gentleman of nature, for the purpose of producing a dishonest effect, or pandering to a vul- gar instinct ; or debased, by word or act of his, the standard of thought, of morals, or of deportment befitting a man, or a people, undertaking to be free ! Was not his contact with the masses, as with indi- viduals, always elevating to them, never depressing to himself; winning their warmest regard, without detracting from their profoundest respect? Let us 16 eulogy: CHARLES J. m'donald. learn, then, from this dignified life that a true hu- manity, a generous sympathy with the people, has but little in common with the demagogue ! An uncompromising adherence to the Constitu- tion was the distinguishing feature of his political life, from its commencement, in the dead calm which followed the last war with Great Britain, to its re- cent close, amid the oratherino; clouds and the mut- tering thunders of the storm which has just dashed the old Union in twain. In his theory of republi- can government, as the abstract law had been sub- stituted for the more material rule of the elder po- litical civilizations, the abstract law had been made to speak like a tyrant, and, like a tyrant, must be obeyed. No European monarch had subject more loyal to his person than was he loyally devoted to this vital principle of republican civilization — obe- dience, implicit obedience to the law; — the crowned, the sceptred, the sovereign, the constitutional law ! The following sentences, extracted from a letter addressed by himself, in March, 1840, to Messrs. Alford, Dawson and others, enunciate in emphatic language the cogent philosopliy of his thought : "The Slate, ill her s(iv(jreih ample provision for the public necessities, had been withdrawn and given loilie coun- ties, and the Treasury was euipty. it is, therefore, apparent thai his ndiiiuii- siralion started under inost iiiaus()icious circumstances. It is ihe crowning glory of that administration that it exirii-ated the Si ate ("rom her embarras>inciiis. (Jovernor McDonald a<-hieved this inumph by a manly and persisiciii demaml, that Ihe wants of the Government should be supplied by taxation. Discanling expedients, and confronting the exigency with iinliinching cour- age, he exposed the true condition of the liiiances. and counselled the p nple, and the legislature to restore the taxes to ihe Treasury. Iji> a|)peals to the pride and honor of the country were not in vain, alilioiigh tiiidily and sonit'whal reluctanlly met. They however were met. aiul the crcili ol the Stale restored, ller great work of internal improvemeui atlvaiiced. and his suci-essors had little to do, but to Jbllow out the line of policy wliieh lie had in- augurated.' Tc) illustrate the simple, Spartan view which he took of the discharge of duty when opposed to par- tizan expediency, or to popular clamor, the follow- eulogy: CHARLES J. m'donald. 19 ing sentences, extracted from a letter to Col. Gard- ner, dated in 1847, and referring to tlie same inci- dents, are presented : ••Whoii I went into ofl'u-e I found «he State credit proslrated by the proie^i of a delit of §300.000, due the Pha?nix Bank of New York, not one dollar com- ing into the Treasury from taxeti, nnd'ilie only reliance the notes of the i)ro- lested BaiiL 1 he Legislature of IbSO required one half o( the meagre tax levied by it to he paid into the Treasury. The Legislature o( ISIO voted it bai;'i to the counties, and ordered the small amount paid into the Treasury to he paid back to the Tax Collectors. The pretext was that the Act of 1S39, direct- ing the taxes to Imj paid into the Treasury, was unconstitutional. The position was not tenable, and J should have vetoed it. had it not been that the Collec- tors, who had no*, settled at the Treasury, would not have paid, with the ex- pressed views of ihe Legislature that the Act was unconstituiional. and the expir-nse and trouble of coercing them would have cost more than it was wonh. In 1S40, I recommended the Legislature to resume the whole amount of the ta.K, whii h they did. and for which they are entitled to just the amount of (TetKl that any body of men are entitled to wlio do their duty."' Surely the following high eiilogium, pronounced upon him by one of his distinguished colleagues of the Supreme Bench, was well deserved ! '•Need I speak of his indexible integrity — that moral and physical courage which were the prominent traits of his character? Such was his bravery — that, like Luther, when summoned to the diet of Worms— he would fearless'y have repaired to tlie post of duty, though he knew there were as many devils there as tiles on the house, ilis conduct while Governor, during the years 1811 and 1S12, aflords striking proofs of the truth of this assertion." The grand events, which have recently passed with such startling rapidit}'' into the history of this continent, cannot fail to direct the attention of the just and the thoughtful — especially of those most conversant with the opinions of Gov. McDonald — to the positions which, for long years, he so con- sistently held in regard to the Federal relations of ths United States. To some, who remember his words, 20 EULOGY : CHARLES J. m'dONALD. both in public and private, when speaking upon this momentous subject, he will now seem to have been endowed with a vision almost prophetic. And, as- suredly, next to the gift of prophecy comes that ol a ])atient, laborious logic, purified by a heroic de- votion to principle, which elevates the mind far above the mist-ridden realms of passion, prejudice, and short-sighted expediency, enabling it to follow, by the simple rule of cause and effect, the springs of public mischief to their streams, their rivers, their lakes, their seas, their ocean, and thus to map out the speculative future with the full faith and precis- ion of practical observation. In proof of the possession by Gov. McDonald, in an eminent degree, of this, the very highest power of the statesman, I might quote indefinitely from his speeches and writings upon what, in his day, were known as national politics. This task, though pleasing and instructive in itself, is rendered wholly unnecessary by a document which I hold in my hand, addressed to a committee of gentlemen in Charleston, under date of the 26th December, 1848 ; a letter never published to the world, of which it is no exaggeration to say that it had foreshadowed the subsequent progress of Federal events down to the very moment in which we breathe, with an accu- racy absolutely marvellous. Nay, farther, in this one letter are grouped to- gether the most striking evidences of his profound devotion to the old system and union of States as EULOGY : CHARLES J. AI'dONALD. 21 contemplated and created by the fathers; of his firm trust and reliance in the calm justice of a su- perintending Providence ; and of the possession by him of a lofty tone of political ethics, worthy of the exalted civilization commended to the world by the grand example of Washington. I feel most sensi- bly that its perusal, before an appreciative audience, were the highest political eulogium which I could pronounce upon its author. The letter is enough to establish any man's fame. Time fails me, how- ever, to do more than to quote at random from it„ How calmly, and yet how forcihly, does the fol- lowing paragraph describe the political condition of the United States during the epoch commencing just at the time he wrote, upon the conclusion of the Mexican War ; the gathering clouds, the mut- tering thunder, the close, hot atmosphere, pres- aging the tremendous tempest which might be ap- proaching, unless the Supreme Ruler of events, to wdiom, not alone the timorous, but the good, look up to avert great national calamities, should once again intervene for our protection. ■'The lime has arrived when the subject to which your circular relates, must command the deliberate consideration oflhe American people. Disappointed ambition, coml)ining with a mad fanaticism, have marshaled their united (orces to assail the Constitutional rights ofa large portion of the citizens of this, hith- erto, happy country; and the assault is made in the halls of Legislation. If they succeed there, the Constitution and the Union are buried in a common grave, unless the Judiciary, which 1 have considered the bulwarlc of Liberty, standing firmly between a reckless or corrupt Congress having the cooperation ol'a weak, arbitrary or perverse Executive, and the people, shall come to the rescue. My forbodings may be too gloomy. I trust they are. Angry clouds have heretofore arisen in our political liorizon, which seemed to menace the 22 EULOGY : CHARLES J. m'donald. fair fabric which God has c-onstriicled for us; hut they passed away and lefl a beHiitil'iii calm. The same Great Being. U'ho proteeled us in liiose limes, m.iy spread His mantle over us now, and sliield us fVom the threatening evil." How completely do the next sentences refute the charge, at one time made against him by his op- ponents, of cherishing purely revolutionary senti- ments. " It has always been my creed that the people ought to await the action of all the coa>titiited aiithorilies of the conntry, before tiiey resort to revolutionary measures. If one ol'the Departments of' Government meditate an evil, another may arrest jt. ( 'ur political system is most admirable, and perhaps no case has Occurred since the organization of the Government", which so strikingly illustrates its value, us that which is now likely to present iiself An immen>e territory has been acquired by the Government. It is the property of no State, but of all the Slates. It is proposed to organize Governments in this Territory, and it is insisted by .sectional Representatives, that the GovermiieiU shall be so organized; as to exclude slavery from them, while it is contended by the Hepreseiitatives of otiier .>iectioiis, that Congress has no |)Ower to enact this e.xclusion. If" Con- gress should enact it. the President may arrest it; and i(" he approve it, the Judiciary may annul it. As nnpromising as the prospect is, it may, perhaj)*, not yet come to this." That "the prospect" was indeed, '■'unpromising ;'' that his '■'■f(i7'iihodi7ig.<' were not 'Hoo glnomy''' the subsequent history of this continent has demonstrat- ed ; more especially as regards the action of the Federal Congress. There corrupt demagoguism, and rampant fanaticism, left but a handful of men from the North who (to use his language,) had "pat- riotism enough to desire the happiness of the people, and the prosperity of the country." Failing patriotism in the Congress, a corrupt dem- agoguism and sectionalism triumphing over the prin- ciples of justice, and the sovereignty of the Consti- EULOGY : CHARLES J. I\l"l)aNALD. 23 tution, hear how nobly he invokes the national Ex- ecutive to the dischari^e of duty ! •ir.-ci'tional power be .^iidk'ieiitly strong, it may l)e exerted for the most op- pressive purposes. Rut the President represents not sections— exeep: as piiils ine.liided in a wiiole. He is the servant and iinniediate representative ol ihe .whole people, and iThebean ii|)ri;;lu magistrate, and loves justice and will maintain right, lie will not permit a wrong to be done to a single one ot Ins eonstiluen's. by an unjustilKible exercise of power. The objeet ofall Govern- ment is the , attainment and eriroreefneiit of justice, and he is an indiHerciit minister who does not use his power to accomplish its ends. It was one of the wise men olGreece, I believe, who said that -that Government is best, in which an injury to the meanest citizen is an insult upon the whole community"' — ;i seatii'.ient as worthy ofa christian, as a chivalric people."' Failing both Congress and Executive, then he invokes the judiciary to the rescue, and enters into a logical argument to prove that, if "a modebe pro- vided for carrying a case before the Supreme Court," any law impairing the rights of the slave-holder in the common territories must be pronounced un- constitutional. — When it is remembered that this argument was written years before the decision of the Dred Scott case, Gov. McDonald's letter will be regarded, not only as a prediction of what tliat decision must be, but as suggesting in advance the very grounds upon which it was eventually made to rest. It is due to his memory that the argument should be given in whole. •'But what are the grounds lor supposing the Supreme Court will decide the law unconstitutional ? Congress has no power over the subject ; nor can it dele- gate a power which it does not possess, to the people o( a territory. It is said, however, that Congress has already exercised the power, and it has l)een ap- proved by the President. But it has never been ratitied by the Supreme .Ju- diciary. The usurpation o( the power, cannot establish the authority. Re. peated usurpations can confer no power. Our Constitution is written. Ji is noi made up of usages, and usurpations, and old charters, like the boasted Com- 24 EULOGY : CHARLES J. m'doNALD. siiiiition of England. It is written, and the government and its several depart- ments are limited by the writing, to tlie powers granted. It is a grain ; and a grant, too, which is not to lie conMrued most strongly against the grantors_ i)iit in their favor, by the terms of the instrument itself: for the powers not lii'Icgated, are reserved to the Slates, or to the j>eople. The power to legislate for territories is not to be found in the Constitution, while the power of legislation over the District embracing the seat of gov- eniineiit. is expressly granted. It could never have been within the contem- philion of ihe framers oflhe Cons' itinion, ihat the power of exchisive legisla- tion conferred on Congress, should authorize that body, so to e.xercise it, as to cflect the interest of the States making the cession ; or to adopt, and fix, on an unrc|iresented people, any political regulations whatever. The power of mak- 'iig all needful rules and regulations, respecting the territory and other proper- ty ot'tlie United States, is not a grant o( legislation over the people inhabiting ierritorie.s. Before the adoption of the amendment of the Constitution, restric- tive of the power of Congress, a greater latitude of construction might have been contended for, with more propriety. But that restriction is positive, ab- sollute; and when Congress attempts the enactment of a law, the (irst thing to be looked to is its power. It it cannot be found, there is an end of it. It ex- cludes all considerations of expediency. The great mind of Chief Justice jMar.-liall could not determine satisfactorily the source of the power, while he declared the possession of it by Congress unquestioned. He declared that Florida was governed by that clause in the Constitution, which empowers Congress to make all needdil rules anult necessarily from the fact, that it is not within the jurisdiction of any particular State, and is within the power and juri.-diction of the United Siiites. The right to govern may be the inevitable consequence of the right to acquire territory. Whichever may be the source, whence the power is deriv- ed, the possession of it is unquestioned." The very dilhculty of so powerful a mind, to establish its source, is evidence of its nonexi.-tence. 1 he power was, doubtless, assumed from the neces>iiy of the case, that the people might have lau' for their protei-tion, until they were capable of selt'-goverument. It was a p-nver usurped, (the least exceptionable kind of usurpation.) to prevent an- archy, and the people would not object, because it was exercised for their be- nelit. But how far did the exercise o( this ex uecexxitate power extend, and how far can it extend, supposing the asstiinption of it, in the first instance, to have been legitimate for the purpose intended ? Not beyond the portion of the inhabitants in the enjoyment ol' their civil rights. Congress cannot enact a political law for the territories of the Union, nor have the people of the terri- tory any such authority prior to their organization into a State. Such a law is not necessary to the protei^lion of the life, liberty, health, reputation or proper, ly of the people ; and it affects the people of the States. The law that prohi- EULOGY : CHARLES J. M DONALD. 25 l>ils the condition ofslavery is political, not municipal; and when enacted for a territory belonging to the United States, the rightis oCthe people oC the Stale;', who have the right of removal there, with their property, are afl'ec'.ed by it. The.ower over it; but was intended merely to adapt the Ordinance to the Con>titution. Hence, neither that Ordi- nance, nor the action o( Congress on it. can be referred to as a precedent for its action on the other territories. In what light is the Missouri Compromise to be regarded ? It grew out of agitation which i)receded the admission of iliiit State into the Union. iSew States may be admitted by the Congress into the Union. Its action on the application of a State for admission into the Uiuon is arbitraiy, and a tuajoriiy of the members may reject the applicant at its plea- sure. It was insisted that the Slate ol' Missouri should not be admiiteil with a Constitution tolerating slavery. It was contended on the other hand that i (in- gress should impose no siicl terms, and the contest between tlie parlies on each side of this question was heated and violent, and menaced the integrity of the Union. Great, wi>c and patriotic men, co-operated in an eflbrt to adjii>l the ditiiculiy, and it resulted in the well-known Missouri Compromise. 'J he language used by Congress in its resolution on that occasion, is strong; viz: that ''slavery and involuntary servitude oti'erwise, &■(^, shall be and is hereby lorever prohibited," and was applied to that part of the United Stales Territory which lay North of thir|y-six degrees, and thirty minutes of North latitude. — But this language, strong as it is, could not have prevented the |)eople re.-id- ing on ihat territory, from ado[)ting a Constiluiion tolerating slavery, w hen they organized themselves into a State Government ; nor did it impair the power of a future Congress to admit a State North of that parallel of iatiiute, w liich ad- mitted of the institution of slavery. One Congress could not tie the hands of another. It was simply what it purported to be — a Compromise, and a Coni- pron i>c loo. the observance of which depended entirely on the good faith of the peo|)le, who should remove to the territory, and the (mure Kepreseutaiives 26 EULOGY : CIIARLES J. M DONALD. ot'llie people in Coiigrfss; for there is no power Known to tiie Cunstitution i)y wliicli its execution could be enlbrt-ed. What did the Comprouiise amount to. then, if it was not authoritative and eould not lie enforced ? Simply to this : that it'lhe people oflhe territory should organize themselves into a Stale, and present themselves for admission into the Union, with a Constitution not prohibiting slavery, their api)lication sliuiiKI be rejected ; not because ol the operation of any consiraining power; but lor the respect due to the compromise ofa disturliing question. Suppose a new I'-tate, organized in the territory north ol'the parallel of latitude specified in the act ol' Congress, were admitted into the Union, iiaving a Constitniion proliibii- ing slavery, that State would certainly possess the power, in virtue of its sov- ereignty, to annul the clause containing the pruliibiiion there being noihing in the Constitution of the United Stales proiiibiting the exercise o( such a power. The act iui;;ht be regarded as a violation of the terms ol' adml~^ion, and perhaps a secession from the I'liion ; Inil nothing more. It wonic! not re- lapse into the condition ot'a dependeni or a colony. Suppose a Slate, organ- ized with a Constitniion without the prohibition and rejccled on an ap;)lication for admission into the Union, what would be its coiulilioii ': It would be a Slate out of tlie Union, capable olexeriiiig all the fuiutions of an iiidcpendcnl sovereiirnty ; for new Stales may be formed without the consent of Congress, provided they are not formed within the jurisdici ion of any other State, or by the junction of two or more Slates, or pans of Slates. The power to admit Slates into the Union, implies or pre supposes liie power of the people to erect themselves into States — and that without the consent ql Congress, exirept In the cases stated. Hence, it seems clear to me that Congress has no jurisdic- tion of the (juesiion of slavery, and can only exercise the arbitrary power of refusing to a State tolerating it admission into Ihe Union. The rejected Stale has to make its elei tion between an acquiescence in the demand of Congress, and the consequences of erecii'ng and mainlaining a sovereignty, on territory which had belonged to the United Stales. Entertaining the opinion, then, tliat Congress — however it may yield to the pressing necessity of establishing a (iovernmenl /or a people without law — can nol assume the anthorily. under the plea of that necessity, to make political regulations aifecting the rights ol the |)eo()le oflhe Stales ; and thai tl'.erc is a want of corii^iilutional aiKliority lor any kind of action on the subject. I cannot believe thai the Supreme Court will otherwise decide. Should the Supreme Court, however, sustain Congress in the usurpation of this power, and sanction the erroneous and dangerous principle ihal Congress may, by mere usage, acquire a power never delegated to it by the peojjle or the States, those .Stales whose political rights are inl'ring- ed by the uneonstitutional legislation, must convene and adoi)l such measures as their interest and safely demand. "Our glorious Uninon was built upon an (Equality among the Slates, and upon that foundation aloni; it can stand." Who can read this argument and deny to its au- thor the possession of the comprehensive thougljt EULOGY : CHARLES J. m'dONALD. 27 of the statesman with the clear kigic of the jurist ? And now listen to the !anfriia(]re of the whole-sonled patriot, rising far above the mere partizan character of the political era in which he lived ! For is it not true, o-cntlemen, is it not too true, that, for liilly a generation past, the politics of those who have been out of power has been vivified, controlled and poinl- ed vrith the belittling view of waging successful op- position to those who were in? •Hilt, gentlemen, iiulopendeiil of the consiilerations already stated, against tlie iiiiiiiediate call of a Convenlioii of Slates, it !^ee^ls to me that it would not lie treating General Taylor with the respeiit due to the Chief Magistrate elei-t, to adopt i-o important a step, on the assumption that he will tolerate the ag- gression on Southern rijjhts whicli we fear. I cast my vote for his very dis- tinguished opponent. Imt I am willing to 'let his Administration be judged iiy his arts.'' We must hope that he will n"t allow his .(Administration to lie sig- nalized by the damning injustice, and its fatal consequences. The consequen- ces will follow, as certainly as day succeeds night; and consequences, loo. which must sadden the heart of every philanthropist and patriot. Is it too late to hope that the separation of the States may be prevented by the return of ••Wisdom, .Justice and Moderation" to our national councils.' If it is, those who have hitherto been united in the bonds of |>olilical brotherhood, will be converted into strangers and aliens; for amongst the first measures of a new Conlederacy, would lie the enforcement ot non-intercourse with the other American States, as the only measure of absolute security to the interest which they have so perseveringly assailed.'" Is it not difficult to decide which is transcendent ill the character of this (jreat man — the far-seeincr statesman, or the grand-hearted patriot? M' e thus perceive that, adhering strictly to the Con- stitution, Gov. McDonald belonged to the only school of logical, philosophical statesmen produced under the old system. Against the assumption by the Federal Government of any power not granted by 28 EULOGY : CHARLES J. M DONALD. the strictest letter of the Constitution, he energeti- cally warred ; and that with an eye, not so much to the immediate effects of such unanthorized leg- islation, as to ultimate, revolutionary laxity in all legislation, and the final substitution of the arbitrary will of a numerical majority for the sovereign law of the land. A wanton violation of the Constitu- tion, in itself, of itself, by itself, a rank revolution- ary movement, was, in his judgment, to be resijNted, resisted at once, resisted at all hazards, resisted to a disruption of the Union itself, nay, resisted even in a blaze, if need be, of internecine war. To this great end, calmly and philosophically, but none the less firmly and assiduously, did he labor to infuse into others the stern, Spartan element of his own manhood. It is well known to all that these were the prin- ciples upon which he planted himself in the mem- orable crisis of 1850, and which he proclaimed to the world as President of the Nashville Convention. Temporary quiet might indeed be restored to the country by a time-serving policy of compromise, but, in a recofj^nized violation of the Constitution, permanent security never ! The peel might be fresh and tempting to the lip, but the fruit was rot- tin"; at the core ! And these were the principles which he announc- ed in sustaining the course of the seceders from the Charleston Convention; wliich he would have pro- EULOGY : CHARLES J. m'dONALD. 29 mulgated everywhere in Georgia, iiad he possessed the physical strengtii to enter actively into the Inst Presidential canvass, and which it was among the most earnest desires of his closing daj^s to have re- duced to writing, but the disease-smitten frame declined responding to the patriotic purpose ! Ah ! my friends, is there not a profound patlios in the picture of this most excellent man, sickening and perishing by degrees, and as if in due ratio with the development into life and sunshine of the prin- ciples for which he had been contending through long and dreary years of doubt and of gloom ; now grasping his pen with feverish excitement, as the din of the distant canvass came to his ear — eaorer, once ag^ain, thouo;h it miofht be for the last time, to commune with the people whom he had been con- ducting through the desert, when the sands were parched and the waters scarce, but to behold it fall from a trembling hand ; led, as it were, to the Pis- gah height of inspiration, and pointed to the city of Palms, and the cedars of Lebanon, to the orcliards and vineyards, the green pastures and the still wa- ters of the land of promise, but to hear, in the pro- fundity of his soul, the organ tones, " I have caused thee to see it with thine eyes, but thou shalt not go over thither." It frequently occurs that men of decided charac- ter and eminent position, rousing, as they inevitably must, violent antagonism in the bosoms of others, fail to receive the meed of praise which is justly 30 EULOGY : CHARLES J. m'dONALD. their due, until the grave, closing above their mortal forms, presents the only impervious shield to the poisonous shafts of envy and of malice. No states- man, however, in Georgia, has been the recipient, during his life, of so many and such continued evi- dences of personal appreciation as Gov. McDonald. Before the people he wns rarely defeated for any office ; before his own party — never ! It must be fresh in the niemories of all that, when a candidate the second time for the Gubernatorial chair, although opposed by the most popular man of the then Whig- party — the Hon. Wm. C. Dawson — with the pres- tige in the preceding election of S,e or cure! Siill to our>elves in every pl-aee {•onsigned, Our own Celiiily we make or (ird. Willi secret ci)in>e, \\ huh no loud .'^torms annoy. Glides the snioolli cuireni ol domestic joy : The lilteoti. f'ailli and coii>cien<,'e all our own."' Does the young heart wish to know whether the loftiest triumphs of ambition, at the sacrifice of the home affections, ever conduct to happiness ? Bright 'shone the sun of Austerlitz, as if to reflect the glory of one transcendent man. The i^mis-officier of a French Company had become the armed dictator of a continent; and yet, with a continent at his feet, Avith a career already contided to history, in com- parison with which the proudest achievements of 32 EULOGY : CHARLES J. m'donald. the proudest of the Csesars had been made to pale, writino- from the retirement of his own soul to Jo- sephine — his reproachful wife ; Josephine, restless in her empire — woman's empire — the empire of the heart, which she would have had more boundless than visible space, and more enduring than time ; complaining of how much she suffered on account of his absence in hot pursuit of her sole rival — Am- bition ! the soldier, the consul, the conqueror, the Emperor, Napoleon Bonaparte, penned these most significant words : " Thou and I have lived long enough to know that to live is to suffer." Ah ! won- derful man, and did it not occur to thy profound thought that a just God had made neither thyself nor Josephine to suffer ? that the same spirit of eternal law^ which guides, in the world of instinct, the burdened bee from the robbed flower to his six-sid- ed cell of wax — must, if implicitly obeyed, conduct the human soul to its final rest, "lone-wandering" at times, it may be, but not wholly " lost?" And it did not then require the barren rocks of St. Hel- ena, nor the monotonous roar of ocean, which saluted thy walk upon that desolate strand, as if chanting the funeral dirge of Hope herself, to teach thee that no triumphal march of Ambition, however gorgeous ;- no achievement of human genius, however God- like ; no terrestrial empire constructed by indomita- ble energy, massive block upon block, as the Egyp- tian architect reared the pyramid ; no " pomp and circumstance of glorious war;" no "starred and EULOGY ! CHARLES J. m'dONALD. 33 spangled court where low-born baseness wafts per- fume to pride," can compensate for the sacrifice of 07ie devoted woman's love ! Look first npon that picture, and then upon this ! We mourn the fall of no Bonaparte ; yet, thinli you, we grieve the less profoundly for that ? History shall prepare no garland of conqueror or emperor, to decorate the memory of him we deplore ; yet, think you, the fiowers which we have been gather- ing are less beauteous in tint, in fragrance less pure, to the angel in heaven less acceptable than they ? Unholy ambition has not as yet enacted — God grant that it may never enact ! — such tragedies upon this continent as have crimsoned the annals of the elder world. Yet, impure ambition has been the curse of American life ; the fever parching out the tenderer and holier emotions of the soul ; the cancer eating towards the heart of the noblest of political civilizations, and, if it be not exorcised or exalted by the influence of model lives like the one we con- template, must inevitably destroy it ! It is, at last, in the home circle — around the family altar — that the hot breathings and tempestuous palpitations of a morbid ambition are soothed into the natural flow of a dutiful and self-sacrificing patriotism. There- fore 1 say that, not simply the peculiar beauty, but the crowning glory in the character of him we have lost, was that, however exalted the statesman's aspi- rations to serve his country, he never immolated 34 EULOGY CHARLES J. M DONALD. upon the shrine of selfish ambition one of the home duties of the heart. In the picture of iiis life the statesman stands not in solitude, nor overshadowing ail. The Husband, the Father, the Brother, the Master, the Friend, behold the development into their natural proportions of all the social phases of the true man — each sustaining the other — no artis- tic grouping of earth's creation — grouping designed by God himself! I am admonished that here I tread upon ground which is holy, and my step must be light. I invoke ^once more to my aid the inimitable eloquence of his distinguished friend and associate : "Life's work Ijeiiig done and well done — this great and good man was gather- ed to his Fathers lull of vears and full of honors. I would not violate the delicacy which good breeding imposes, by invading the sanctity of social in- tercourse., I shall be pardoned, I trust, for stating that, in obedience to his earnest invitation, I paid a visit to my late associate not long before his de- mise. It was difficult to realize that the feeble and attenuated frame before me was all that was left of that once powerful and muscular man — who would have won prizes as a wrestler at the Olympic games; and who was a stranger to disease till within the last few years of his life. His wife, a fine specimen of a Virginia lady, was then on her sick-bed, never to rise again. Upon hear- ing of her death, I addressed a note of sympathy and condolence to my grief- stricken friend — in which I expressed the hope that "the self sacrificing spirit of his loved and lost companion had already received its appropriate rc^ward, lionor, glory and immortality at the right hand of God." To which he responded in language the most tender and touching — concluding with these words, "It a soul was ever prepared for peace and bliss in that hallowed mansion of rest hers was. May (lod enable me to bear my bereavement, and prepare me to meet her in His Holy Habitation." I trust that his prayer was answered, and that his sjJirit redeemed from death has found his friend again within the arms of God !'" So the last leaves in the book of his life were moistened by tears;, '' solvuntur Jletu tabular'' and EULOGY : CHARLES J. IM DONALD. 35 yet how precious were those tears ! Might not the "disconsolate Peri," beariiio; one of them to "Eden"s j garden gate,'' have claimed admission to the lost i Paradise ? LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 014 418 877 9