5<8 I E 458 .2 .J94 Copy 1 r SB AND CURB OF OUR NATIONAL TROUBLES. .J 2 SPEECH OF HON. GEO. W. JULIAN OF INDIANA, Delivered in the House of Representatives, Tuesday, January 14, 1862. WASHINGTON, D. C. TERS, COB. OF SECOND & INDIANA AVENUE, THIRD FLOOR. 1862. 4w ^ ■:- *\< % and the principles declared in the case of Dred Scott, if practically recognised and accepted, would as perfectly accomplish the overthrow of the Government of our fathers as it would be possible to do by the most extravagant theory of the right of individual States to secede from the Union. It was not jealousy of the Federal power that prompted the cotton States to secede, but their inability loDger to rule the national Govern- ment in the interest of slavery. It was not jealousy of the aggressions of the State govern- ments that gave birth to the Dred Scott de- cision, but the influence of that same slave power, sitting like a throned monarch on the supreme bench, in perverting the powers of the Government. Whether the Constitution has been made to dip towards centralization or State rights, the disturbing element has uni- formly been slavery. This is the unclean spirit that from the beginning has needed ex- orcism. Without it there were not defects enough in the system of Government which our fathers left us to endanger its suocess, or seriously to disturb its equilibrium. To charge this rebellion upon secession, and not slavery, is like charging the domination of slavery itself upon the invention of the cotton-gin. Without the previous existence of slavery in the South- ern States, cotton would not have been king. Instead of one all-engrossing pursuit, there would have been a healthy variety of enter- prises, multiplied objects of interest, all con- ducted by educated labor, and stimulated by remuneration and the influence of competition. Slavery founded the kingdom of cotton, and secured its present ascendency under the mo- tive power of fresh lands and new labor-saving machinery, which it employed as the occasion for putting forth new life ; and slavery is now seeking to found an empire of rebel sovereign- ties, in the name of State rights, which it uses as the convenient but perverted instrument of its purpose. Mr. Chairman, when I say that this rebellion has its source and life in slavery, I only repeat a simple truism. No fact is better understood throughout the country, both by loyal and dis- loyal men. It is accepted by the people as if it were an intuition. And the germ of our troubles, it must be confessed, is in the Consti- tution itself. These may seem ungracious ; words, and will certainly win no applause; | but it is best to face the truth, however unwel- I come, and, if possible, profit by its lesson. I i think it was Granville Sharpe who said that i "God, in founding the universe, made it cer- tain that every bargain with the devil should weaken the man who makes it." Sir, had our fathers, in the beginning, seen this truth in the light of the terrible facts which bear witness ; to it to day, this horrid legacy of civil war would not have been entailed upon their chil- dren. On this subject I am not without very high authority, and I prefer to quote it: " In the Articles of Confederation there was ! ' no guarantee for the property of the slave- 1 holder; no double representation of him in ' the Federal councils; no power of taxation; ' no stipulation for the recovery of fugitive ' slaves. But when the powers of government 1 came to be delegated to the Union, the 'South — that, is, South Carolina and Georgia — j The first fatal concession to this rebel power ' refused their subscription to the parchment | prepared the way for a second, and the history ' till it should be saturated with the infection of ' slavery, which no fumigation could purify, no 1 quarantine could extinguish. The freemen ' of the North gave way, and the deadly venom ' of slavery was infused into the Constitution of ' freedom." So said John Quincy Adams, and he pro- nounced the bargain thus made by our fathers '"irjrally and politically vicious."' This bar- gain is the fountain of all our disasters. South Carolina and Georgia loved slavery better than they loved the Union, and hence our union with them has proved ill-matched, unn, l ural, and calamitous. The Constitution received its life in concessions which slavery demanded as conditions of union, and slavery, from that mo- ment, has assumed to deal with the Constitution as its master. The rebels today in arms against the Government are the fit representa- tives of the rebels whom our fathers sought in vain to make loyal by concessions in the be- ginning. I do not say tl at tie founders of our Gov- verument are to be judged in the light of the terrible evils which have been the offspring of their mistake. We must view their action from their own point of vision, taking into the account their known opinions, wishes, and expectations. They regarded slavery with abhorrence. They would not allow the word slave, slavery, or even servitude, to be named in the Constitution. They believed the evil to be in the course of speedy decay and death. They forbid its introduction into all territory under national control. They took measures to cut off the foreign supply, the great artery of its life. Private emancipations were rapidly going on in all the States, under the influence of the Declaration of Independence, and the struggle for their own liberty. The conces- sions which they made, so emphatically con- demned by Mr. Adams, must be interpreted by these facts of history, which must ever vindi- cate their good intentions, and separate them from the compromisers of a later day. They thought they were simply yielding to slavery a transient sufferance, a brief hospitality, so that it might die and pass away ' ; decently and in order;'' and they did not dream that the evil thus abetted would treacherously demand perpetuity, and bid freedom to serve at its biack altar. It is not possible to believe that their bargain with slavery would ever have been made, had they foreseen the curses it has entailed upon the nation. Perfidiously laying hold of concessions generously made in its favor in the beginning, and too liberally re- peated afterwards, and unwilling at length to share even a divided empire with freedom, to whom it has turn' . a deaf ear and an averted face, it has systematically trampled the Consti- tution under its feet in its ruthless march to- wards absolute dominion over these States. prepared the way lor a second, and the history of its relations to the Government is a history of persistent but unavailing endeavors to pla cate its spirit, aud make it possible for the nation to live with it in peace. We gave it three large States, carved out of the Territory of Louisiana. The purchase of Florida was in obedience to its demands, and so was the prosecution of the Seminole and Florida wars. We assisted in expelling the red man from seven or eight States of the South, and forcing him into slavery, at the cost of many millions to the Government, so that the white man could enter with his peculiar in- stitution, where otherwise it was forbibden. In order to "save the Union" and propitiate men who subordinated it to negro slavery, we aban- doned the early policy of the fathers in 1820. In the same spirit, we consented to add an em- pire to slavery in the Southwest, in the annex- ation of Texas. We united in the prosecution of the Mexican war, well knowing that the ex- tension of slavery was its object. Under the threat of disunion in 1850, we abandoned the Wilmot proviso, and entered into a covenant that the Territories of Utah and New Mexico ^should be received into the Union, with or with- out slavery as their people might determine ; thus tempting the South to apply this principle, which was done in 1854, to the territory saved by the Missouri restriction ; and by way of good measure, we furnished our rebel brethren with a fugitive slave act, which they had not seriously demanded as a condition of their loy- alty. The Missouri compromise, made to pacify slavery, was overthrown at its bidding, by the help of Northern votes, while the Dred Scott decision was the work, in part, of North- ern judges. Our hatred of the negro has cropped out in black codes in the free States which rival in villainy the worst features of the slave laws of the South. We have allowed sla- very to expurgate our literature and mutilate the school-books of our children, while even the grand instrumentalities of the Church — its Tract and Bible and Missionary and Sunday School associations — have submitted to its un- hallowed surveillance. We have consented to the suspension of the Constitution in the free States, through the fugitive-slave act of 1850, so far as the rights of trial by jury and habeas corpus are concerned ; and in the slave States, so far as the rights of locomotion and free speech relate to our own citizens, whom we meekly permit to be driven out by mobs, tarred and feathered, or hung like criminals, without cause. We have permitted both Houses of Congress, the Executive and Judicial Depart- ments of the Government, the Army and Navy, and our Foreign Diplomacy, to be controlled by this rebel interest, with the power all the while in our own hands to have done otherwise. Sir, it has ruled the Republic from the begin- ning. To pet and please it seems to have been 6 the work of our lives, and upon its rebel altar our public men, through long years of devil- worship, have offered their sacrifices. Nor has the Republican party, Mr. Chair- man, been wanting in tokens of forbearance towards the slave interest. While emphatically avowii-g an anti-slavery policy, to a certain ex- tent, it has been still more emphatic in disa vowing any purpose to go beyond its self-im posed limits. Nothing could exceed the per- sistency, emphasis, and fervor with which its editors, orators, and leaders have disowned the intention to interfere with slavery in the States of the South. They have protested, perpetually, and with uplifted hands, agaiust "abolition- ism," as if slavery had the stamp of divinity upon its brow. Denials, disclaimers, depreca- tions, virtual apologies to slavery, have been the order of the day with very many of our leaders; and so perfectly have we understood the art of prophesying smooth things, that mul- titudes have joined our organization, less through its known anti-slavery purpose, than the disavowal of any such purpose by those who have assumed to speak in its name. Great forbearance, moderation, and a studious defer- ence to the constitutional rights of slavery, have uniformly marked the policy of the Republican party, and would have prevented this rebellion, had it been possible through the spirit of con- ciliation. Its chosen President is a cool, cau- tious politician, of conservative antecedents and most kindly disposition. No fact was better known to the leaders of this rebellion than that their constitutional rights were perfectly safe in his hands. He so assured them, solemnly, in his inaugural address. He declared him- self in favor ofi enforcing the fugitive-slave act. He expressed his willingness to see the Consti- tution so amended as to tie up the hands of the people, forever, against the right to interfere with slavery in the States of the South ; and this proposition to incorporate the Leconipton Constitution into the Constitution of the United States was adopted by bath Houses of Congress, and submitted to them by the Peace Congress of last winter, inaugurated under Republican auspices, for the purpose of settling our nation- al troubles without a resort to war. When all these friendly overtures were defiantly spurned by the rebels, the President still clung to the hope of rescuing them from their madness. He still thought it his duty to Strive with them, through much forbearance, patient waiting, cautious diplomacy, and fatherly solicitude write their deep brand upon slavery as a Christ So systematically did he seem to go down into less outlaw, ami plead with us to smite it in the the valley of humiliation, that Bome of hie own Bame of God I Fort Sumter for no better reason than the send- ing of provisions to prevent our garrison from starvation, which he kindly assured them was the sole purpose of the expedition. Sir, this rebellion is a bloody and frightful demonstration of the fact that slavery and free- dom cannot dwell together in peace. The ex- periment has been tried, thoroughly, persever- ingly, and with a patience which defied despair, and has ( culminated in civil war. We have pursued the spirit of conciliation to the very gates of death, and yet the "irrepressible con- flict" is upon us, and must work out its needed lesson. I do not refer to our uniform forbear- ance towards slavery as a virtue. On the con- trary, this has only maddened and emboldened its spirit, and hastened an event which was sim- ply a question of time. We, in the free States, are not wholly guiltless, but I charge to the ac- count of slavery that very timidity and lack of manhood in the North through which it has managed to rule the nation. It has prepared itself for its work of treason by feeding upon the virtue of our public men and demoralizing the spirit of our people. As an argument against slavery, this rebellion is absolutely over- whelming. Nothing could possibly add to its irresistible force. Other arguments, however convincing to men of reflection, have not thus far been able to rouse the mass of our people to any very earnest opposition to slavery upon principle; but this argument must prevail with every man who is not a rebel at heart. This black conspiracy against the life of the Repub- lic, which has armed half a million of men in its work of treason, piracy and murder — this magnificent spectacle of total depravity made easy in real life, is the crowning flower and fruit of our partnership with the " sum of all villainies." All the crimes and horrors of this struggle for national existence cry out against it, and demand its utter political damnation. In the fires of the revolution which it has kin- dled, it has painted its own character with a pencil dipped in hell. The lives sacrificed in the war it has waged, the agonies of the battle- field, the bodies and limbs mangled and maimed for life, the widows and orphans made to mourn, the moral ravages of war, the waste of prop- erty, the burning of bridges, the robbery of forts, arsenals, navy-yards, and mints, the public .sanction and practice of piracy, a'.id the immi- nent peril to which the cause of free govern- ment throughout 'the world is subjected, all party friends, yielding to their impatience, pro nounced the first six weeks of his administra- tion simply a continuation of the policy of bis predecei Bor. livery conceivable expedient was ted to, to preserve the public pence, and with such ingenuity and steadfastness did the Executive pursue his policy in this direction. that tie rebels were at last obliged to fixe upon. Can 1 be mistaken, Mr. Chairman, in hold- ing slavery to this fearful reckoning? If so, why has there been no rebellion in any non- Blaveholding State? Why is it, that in the ; centres of slavery treason is most ram- pant, while, as we recede into regions in which the Blaves are few and scattered, as in Western y ir; Mi.!, D la i:nd other border States, -we find the people loyally disposed towards the Union? These facts admit of hut one expla- nation. Kindred to them is the known charac- ter of the men who are conducting this rebel- lion. They tell us, as Vice President Stephens has done, that slavery is to be the corner-stonfi of the Southern Confederacy. Its leaders and their associates denounce Jefferson as a soph- ist, and the Declaration of Independence as "Red-Republican doctrine." They speak of the laboring millions of the free States as the " mud-sills of society," as a " pauper banditti," as "greasy mechanics and filthy operatives." They declare that "slavery, black or white, is right and necessary;" and this doctrine has been advocated by the Southern pulpit, and by the leading newspapers of Charleston, Rich- mond, and New Orleaus. They believe with Calhoun, that slavery is "the most safe and stable basis for free institutions in the world." They agree with Governor Hammond, that "slavery supersedes the necessity of an order of nobility, and the other appendages of a he- reditary system of government." They teach that "capital should own labor," and that "some men are born with saddles on their backs, and others booted and spurred to ride them by the grace of God." In the language of a distinguished rebel Senator, they " would spread the blessings of slavery, like the religion of our divine Master, to the uttermost ends of the earth." By these atrocious sentiments they are animated in their revolt against the Gov- ernment. Sir, does any man doubt that, should the rebels triumph over us, they will establish slavery in every free State ? Was not the im- J mediate cause of the revolt their inability to dif- fuse this curse under the Constitution ? They 1 do not disguise the fact that they are fighting j for slavery. They tender us that special issue, i and have staked the existence of their idol upon the success of their arms against us. If we ; meet them at all, we necessarily meet them on j the issue they tender. If we fight at all, we i must fight slavery as the grand rebel. Do you tell me that the question involved in , this war is simply one of Government or no ! Government? I admit it; but I say the pre- vious question is slavery or freedom; or rather, it is the same question stated in different words. Slavery and treason, in this struggle, are identi- cal. It is slavery which to-day has the Gov- ernment by the throat, and thus thrusts upon us the issue of its life or death. Do you say that the preservation of the Union must be kept in view as the grand purpose of the war on our part? I admit it; but I say that noth- ing but slavery has brought the Union into peril. Its whole career, as I have shown, has been a perpetual conspiracy against the Con- stitution, crowned at last by a deadly stab at its life. Am I told that this is a war for the life and liberty of a nation belonging chiefly to the white race, and not a war for the eman- cipation of black men ? I frankly agree to it ; but I insist that our national life and liberty can only be saved by giving freedom to all, and that all loyal men, therefore, should favor emancipation. Shall the nation be sacrificed rather than break the chains of the slave? Shall we madly attempt to carry on the war as if slavery had no existence? Shall we delude ourselves by mere phrases, and pretend igno- rance of what every one knows and feels to be veritable truth ? Shall we prosecute this war on false pretences? Shall we even shrink from the discussion of slavery, or talk about it in circumlocutions, lest we give offence to rebels and their sympathizers ? I know it was not the purpose of this Admin- istration, at first, to abolish slavery, but only to save the Union, and maintain the old order of things. Neither was it the purpose of our fathers, in the beginning of the Revolution, to insist on independence. Before the first bat- tles were fought, a reconciliation could have been secured simply by removing the grievance which led to arms. But events soon prepared the people to demand absolute separation. Similar facts may tell the story ot the present struggle. In its beginning, neither the Ad- ministration nor the people foresaw its magni- tude, nor the extraordinary means it would employ in prosecuting its designs. The crisis has assumed new features as the war has pro- gressed. The policy of emancipation has been born of the circumstances of the rebel- lion, which every hour more and more plead for it. " Time makes more converts than reason." I believe the popular demand now is, or soon will be, the total extirpation of sla- very as the righteous purpose of the war, and the only means of a lasting peace. We should not agree, if it were proposed, to restore slavery to its ancient rights under the Constitution, and allow it a new cycle of rebellion and crime. The rebels have demanded a "reconstruc- tion " on the basis of slavery ; let us give them a " reconstruction " on the basis of freedom. Let us convert the rebel States into conquered provinces, remanding them to the status of mere Territories, and governing them as such in our discretion. Under no circumstances should we consent to end this struggle on terms that would leave us where we began it. To conclude the war by restoring slavery to the constitutional rights it has forfeited by treason, would be as unreasonable as putting out the fire, and turning loose the incendiary with torch in hand. It would be like re- instating the devil in Paradise, to re-enact his rebellion against the Most High. Sir, let us see to it, that out of this war shall come a per- manent peace to these States. Let us demand " indemnity for the past, and security for the future." The mere suppression of the rebel- lion will be an empty mockery of our suffer- ings and sacrifices, if slavery shall be spared to canker the heart of the nation anew, and repeat its diabolical deeds. No, sir. The old dispensation is past. It served us as a school- master, to bring us into a new and higher one, and we are now done with it forever. We determined, in 1860, that the domination of slavery should come to an end. The Govern- ment had long been drifting into its vortex, but we resolved, at whatever cost, to rescue it. Had we been satisfied with the rule of slavery, as it existed prior to the rebellion, we might have had peace to-day. We might have agreed to the election of Breckinridge. We might have avoided war, even after the election of Mr. Lincoln, by calling into his Cabinet the chief rebel conspirators, who would have been pacified by the spoils, while serving the behests of slavery. Having chosen a different course by the election of a man committed to a spe- cific anti-slavery policy, and having undertaken to execute that policy against all opposition, we are now shut up to the single duty of crush- in the rebellion at all hazards, and blasting, forever, the power that has called it into life. Mr. Chairman, our poicer to destroy slavery now, I believe, is not questioned. The law of nations applicable to a state of war takes from this rebel power every constitutional refuge it could claim in a time of peace. The principle is thus declared by the illustrious statesman whose authority I have already quoted respect- ing another topic : " I lay this down as the law of nations. I ' say that the military authority takes, for the ' time, the place of all municipal institutions, ' slavery among the rest. Under that state of 1 things, so far from its being true that the ' States where slavery exists have the exclusive ' management of the subject, not only the ' President of the United States, but the Com- ' mander of the army, has power to order the ' universal emancipation of the slaves." And again : "From the instaut that your slaveholding ' States become the theatre of war, civil, servile, ' or foreign, from that instant the war powers ' of Congress extend to interference with the 1 institution of slavery, in every way in which ' it can be interfered with, from a claim of in- ' demnity for slaves taken or destroyed, to the ' cestion of a Slate burdened with slavery to a ' foreign Power." This, sir, is the grand weapon which the rebels have; placed in our hands, and we should use it as a matter of clear ami unhesitating duty. Not. that the Constitution is so absolutely perfect, or so entirely sacred, that we can in no event disregard it. The nation is greater than the Constitution} because it made the Constitu tion. We bad a country before we had a Con- stitution, and at all bazardf we musl .save it. The Con m i ade for the people, not the ]" opli [i - i be Constitution. < !ai i a tnaj arise in which patriotism itself me that we trample under our feet some ol the most vital principles of the Constitution, and this baa 1 ■■ .' i. done already by the present Ad- ministration, under the exigencies of the war. " Man is more than constitutions ; better rot beneath the sod, Than be true to Church and State, while we are doubly false to God. " But so far as emancipation is concerned, con- stitutional dificulties, if any existed, are no longer in the way, since the Constitution itself recognises the war power of the Government, which the rebels have compelled us to employ against them. They have sown the wind, now let them reap the whirlwind. We have leave to do what the great body of the people have hitherto excused themselves from doing, on the ground of impassable constitutional barriers, and our failure to act will be as criminal as the blessings of universal freedom would be price- less. " Man's liberty is God's opportunity." Not for all the wealth or honors of the universe should we now withhold our suffrage from the proposition to " proclaim liberty throughout all the land, to all the inhabitants thereof." Never, perhaps, in the history of any nation has so grand an occasion presented itself for serving the interests of humanity and freedom. And our responsibility, commensurate with our pow- er, canuot be evaded. As we are freed from all antecedent obligations, we should deal with this remorseless oligarchy as if we were now at the beginning of the nation's life, and about to lay the foundations of empire in these States for ages to come. Our failure to give freedom to four millions of slaves would be a crime only to be measured by that of putting them in chains if they were free. If we could fully grasp this idea, our duty would become at once plain and imperative. We wan;, not simply the military power to crush the rebellion, but the statesmanship that shall comprehend the crisis, and coin this " golden moment " into jewels of liberty aud peace, for the future glory of the Republic. Slavery, as I have already shown, has been the evil genius of the Government from its birth. It has frustrated the design of our fathers to form " a more perfect Union." It has made it impossible to "establish justice," or "to secure domestic tranquillity.'' It has weakened " the common defence" by inviting foreign attack. It has opposed the "general welfare" by its merciless aristocracy in human ilesh. It has denied us " the blessings of lib- erty," and given us its own innumerable curses instead. It has laid waste the fairest and most fertile half of the Republic, staying its progress in population, wealth, power, knowledge, civil- ization, the arts, and religion, thus heaping its burdens upon the whole nation, and costing us far more than the market value of all the mil- lions in bonds. It has made the establishment of free schools and a general system of educa- tion impossible. It has branded labor as dis- honorable and degrading. It has filled the ranks of infidelity, and brought religion itself into scorn, by bribing its professors to espouse 9 its revolting iniquity. It has laid its wizard hand upon the mightiest statesmen and most royal intellects of the land, and harnessed them, like beasts of burden, in its loathsome service. It has denounced the Declaration of Independ- ence as a political abomination, and dealt with our fathers as hypocrites, who affirmed its self- evident truths with a mental reservation, while appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of their intentions. While spreading licentiousness, concubinage, and crime where it rules, it has lifted up its rebel voice in the name of the United States, in pleading the cause of despotism in every part of the civilized world. And, as the fitting cli- max of its career of lawlessness, it has aimed its dagger at the Government that has fostered and guarded its life, and borne with its evil deeds, for more than seventy years. Sir, this mighty rebel against all law, human and divine, is now within ou'* grasp, and we should strangle it forever. " New occasions teach new duties," and we should employ every weapon which the laws of war place within our reach in scourg- ing it out of life. Not to do so, I repeat, would be the most Heaven daring recreancy to the grand trust which the circumstances of the hour have committed to our hands. God for- bid that we should throw away this sublime oc- casion for serving his cause on earth, leaving our children to deplore our failure, as we to-day have to deplore the slighted opportunities of the past. Mr. Chairman, I have not referred, directly, to the question of humanity involved in the policy of crushing slavery by the war power. That subject has been considerably discussed before the country, and I do not propose to en- ter upon it here, beyond the incidental bearings of my argument. I waive none of my humani- tarian grounds of opposition to slavery, but I prefer to deal with the practical issues of the crisis. I am for putting down slavery as a " military necessity," and as the dictate of the highest statesmanship. The immediate ques- tion before the country is the suppression of the rebellion, and the common laws which govern a war between nations apply to the conduct of a civil war. These laws are thus laid down by Vattel : " Since the object of a just war is to repress ' injustice and violence, and forcibly to cora- ' pel him who is deaf to the voice of justice, ' we have a right to put in practice against the ' enemy every measure that is necessary in or- ' der to weaken him, and disable him from re- ' sisting us and supporting his injustice ; and 4 we may choose such methods as are most effi- ' cacious, and best calculated to attaiu the end ' in view, provided they be not of an odious kind, ' nor unjustifiable in themselves, and prohibit- ' ed by the law of nature." Sir, I insist upon the application of this well- recognised principle of public law. That the overthrow of slavery " is necessary in order to weaken" the enemy, "and disable him from resisting us and supporting his injustice," will not be disputed. That it would be a measure " most efficacious and best calculated to attain the end in view," is equally clear. Nor would it be "odious" to restore four millions of slaves to their natural rights, or "unjustifiable" in it- self, or " prohibited by the law of nature." The friends of the Union need ask nothing more than the just application of the law of nations, and they certainly should be content with noth- ing less. A right to subdue the rebels carries with it a right to employ the means of doing it, and of doing it effectively, and with the least possible cost. If slavery had not been made a party question, and trained us to yield an unnatural deference to its assumptions, we should have laid violent hands upon it at once. The thought of tenderly sparing it would not have occurred to any loyal man. As the most vulnerable point of the rebels, we should naturally have aimed at it our first and hardest blows ; and I insist that we shall so far forget our party preju- dices, and the dread of "abolitionism," as to do what the dictates of common sense and a regard for our own safety so clearly demand. Facts, bloody and terrific, are every day prov- ing that slavery, or the Republic, must perish. As the animating principle of the rebellion, it stands between us and the Union, and we are compelled to smite it. To strike at it is to strike at treason ; and to favor it in any way, however unwittingly, is to take sides with the rebels. They cherish it as the most presious of all earthly blessings. They love it with all the force of a long-fostered community of feel- ing; and the assertion is well attested, that the loss of a slave by Northern agency excites more sudden and wide-spread indignation than would the murder of his master. Mr. Chairman, I need make no argument to prove that slavery is an element of positive strength to the rebels, unless we employ it in furthering our own cause. The slaves till the ground, and supply the rebel army with pro- visions. Those not fit to bear arms oversee the plantations. Multitudes can be spared for the army, since women overseers are as capable and trustworthy as men. Of the entire slave population of the South, according to the esti- mates of our last census returns, one million are males, capable of bearing arms. They can- not be neutral. As laborers, if not as soldiers, they will be the allies of the rebels, or of the Union. Count all the slaves on the side of treason, and we are eighteen millions against twelve millions. Count them on the loyal side, and we are twenty-two millions against eight. How shall this black power be wielded? A gentleman, occupying a very high official posi- tion, has said that it would be a disgrace to the people of the free States to call on four millions of blacks to aid in putting down eight millions of whites. Shall we then freely give the rebel- 10 lion four millions of allies, at the certain cost to us of many millions of money and many thousands of lives? And, if so, may we not as well reinforce the rebels with such portion of our own armies as will make the contest equal in numbers, and thus save our cause from "dis- grace?" )s the conduct of this war to be the only subject which requires men to discard reason and forget humanity? The rebels use their slaves in building forti- fications ; shall we not invite them to our lines, and employ them in the same business ? The rebels employ them in raising the provisions, without which their armies must perish ; shall we not entice them to join our standard, and thus compel the enemy to reinforce the planta- tion by weakening the army? The rebels em- ploy them as cooks, nurses, teamsters, and scouts ; shall we decline such services in order to spare slavery? The rebels organize regi- ments of black men, who shoot down our loyal white soldiers; shall we sacrifice our sons and brothers for the sake of slavery, refusing to put black men against black men, when the highest interests ot both white and black plead for it? In the battles of the Revolution, and in the war of 1812, slaves and free men of color fought with a valor unexcelled by white men. Are we afraid that a like honor to the colored man would be repeated, and thus testify against his enslavement ? I do not say that any gen- eral policy of arming the slaves should be avowed ; but that in some capacity, military or civil, according to the circumstances of each particular case, they should be used in the necessary and appropriate work of weakening the power of their owners. Under competent military commanders we may possibly be able to subdue the rebels without calling to our aid their slaves ; but have we a right to reject it, at the expense of prolonging the war, and augmenting its calamities? Is it a small thing to sacrifica unnecessarily the lives of our young and middle-aged men, the flower of the land, and rive with sorrow the hearts of friends and kindred? Can we afford a dollar of money, or a drop of blood, to spare the satanic power that has hatched this rebellion into life, and is now the sole barrier to our peace? Sir, when the history of this rebellion shall be written, its saddest pages will record the careful and studious tenderness of the Admin- istration towards American slavery. I say this with the sincerest regret. I do not doubt the good intentions of the President, nor would I forget the trying circumstances in which he and his advisers have been placed. Upon them, to a very great extent, must the hopes of our country rest in this crisis. To sustain their policy, wherever I can honestly do BO, us a Rep- resentative of the people, is my first duty; and my second is, frankly to point out its errors, whilst avoiding, if possible, the attitude ol an antagonist, instead of making slavery the special object of attack, as the weak point of the enemy, and the guilty cause of the war, the policy of the Administration has been that of perpetual deference to its claims. The Gov- ernment speaks of it with bated breath. It handles it with kid gloves. Very often has it spread its parental wing over it, as the object of its peculiar care. In dealing with the inter- ests of rebels, it singles out as its pet and fa- vorite, as the spared object of its love, the hideous monster that is at once the body, soul, and spirit of the movement we are endeavoring to subdue. While the rebels have trampled the Constitution under their feet, and pursued their purposes like Thugs and pirates, the Govern- ment has lost no opportunity of declaring that the constitutional rights of slavery shall be protected by loyal men. The Secretary of State, in his instructions to Mr. Adams, of the 10th of April last, says: " You will indulge in no expressions of harsh- ' ness or disrespect, or even impatience, con- ' cerning the seceded States, their agents, or ' their people." And he warns Mr. Adams to remember that these States are, and must ever continue to be, " equal and honored members of this Federal Union," a'nd that their citizens " still are, and and always must be, our kindred and country- men." In his letter to Mr. Dayton, of April, 22, he tells him that— '• The rights of the States, and the condition ' of every human beingiu them, will remain sub- ' ject to exactly the same laws and forms of ' administration, whether the revolution shall ' succeed or whether it shall fail ; their consti- ' tutions and laws, customs, habits, and institu- ' tions, in either case, will remain the same." In this he is followed by the President in his message of the 4th of July. In the letter just referred to, Mr. Seward even denies that any war exists between the loyal and disloyal States. Although in his letter to Mr. Clay, of May G, he admits that the object of this rebel- lion is to create a nation built upon the prin- ciple that African slavery is a blessing, to be extended over the continent at whatever cost or sacrifice, yet in his letter to Mr. Corwin, of April 6, he says : M The President does not expect that you will ' allude to the origin or causes of our domestic 'difficulties in your intercourse with the Gov- ' ernment of Mexico." The Secretary of War has taken pains to say, with emphasis and reiteration, that — " This is a war for the Union, for the preser- ' vatiou of all constitutional rights of States, ' and the citizens of all the States of the Union." I believe the Attorney General has been equally emphatic, and that he has even insist- ed upon the enforcem int of the fugitive-slave act in Missouri, without any reference to the rebellion. The Secretary or the Interior, in a public speech iu August last, declared that — " This is not a war upon the institution of ' slavery, but a war for the restoration of the 11 ' Union and the protection of all citizens, in the ' South as well as in the North, in their consti- ' tutic nat rights." And he affirmed that — "There could not be found in South Carolina ' a man more auxious, religiously and scrupu- ' lously, to observe all the features of the Con- ' stitution relating to slavery than Abraham ' Lincoln." Both Houses of Congress, in July, chimed in with this chorus of loyal voices on the side of the assumed constitutional rights of rebels, and our innocence of any hostile designs toward them; while the wretched legislative blurder known as the confiscation act is a fruit of the same fastidious and gingerly policy. No one, certainly, should condemn the Government for defining its position truly and cautiously as to its purpose and policy respecting the rebellion ; but these never-ending platitudes about our kind intentions, and the constitutional rights of the scoundrels who have abdicated the Con- stitution and ceased to have any rights under it, shows how fearfully the power of slavery continues to mesmerize the conscience and manhood of our public men. To this strange deference to slavery must be referred the fact that such swarms of disloyal men have been retained iu the several Depart- ments of the Government, and that the spirit and energy of the war have been paralyzed from the beginning. To the same cause must we attribute the recent proclamations of Gen- eral Sherman and General Dix, and the humil- iating services of our armies in the capture and return of fugitive slaves. Again and aga : n have our commanders engaged in this execrable business, in disregard of the Consti- tution, and in defiance of all precedent. In numerous instances fugitives have been deliv- ered to rebel masters — an offence compounded of piracy and treason, which should have been punished with death. Our soldiers have not only been compelled to take upon them the du- ties specially and exclusively belonging to the officers of law, provided by the fugitive act of 1850, but have been required to return fugitives when they had not passed out of the State in which they belonged, and where, of course, the law itself would furnish no remedy. Sir, our treatment of these fugitives has not only been disgraceful, but infamous. For the rebels, the Constitution has ceased to exist; but were it otherwise, it is neither the right nor the duty of our army to return their slaves. The Con- stitution deals with them as persons, and knows them only as loyal or disloyal. If they are dis- loyal, they are simply belligerents, and if found among us should no more be allowed to return than other rebels. If as loyal men they come to our lines, tendering us their aid, our com- manders who return them to their rebel claim- ants should be summarily crowned witti the honors of the gallows. I cannot now go into the history of the numerous cases in which offi- cers of our army have driven from our lines, or restored to their claimants, the slaves who have come within our jurisdiction, and whose infor- mation, had it been accepted, would have avert- ed some of the blood'est tragedies of the war; but I trust some painstaking gentleman will undertake this task, and perform it honestly and thoroughly, however damning the record may be to the parties concerned. The conduct, of the Administration towards General Fremont forms a kindred topic of crit- icism. When he proclaimed freedom to the slaves of rebels in Missouri, it was greeted with almost universal joy throughout the free States. The popular instinct at once recognised it as a blow struck at the heart of the rebellion. The order that rebels should be shot did not carry with it half the significance of this proclama- tion of freedom to their slaves. But the Presi- dent at once modified it, so far as its anti-sla- very features went beyond the confiscation act of July. He had no objection to the shooting of rebels, though it was as unwarranted by the act of Congress as the emancipation of their slaves. Their slave property must be held as more sacred than any other property; more sa- cred than their live3 ; more sacred even than the life of the Republic. Could any policy be more utterly suicidal? Slavery burns our bridges; poisons our wells; destroys the lives of our people ; fires our hospitals; murders our wounded soldiers ; lays waste the country ; turns pirate on the'^sea; confiscates our property of every description ; arms with butcher-knives and tomahawks the savages of the Southwest as its allies; deals with our institutions with remorse- less fury; and, in short, inundates the land with the villainies and crimes born of its devil- ish rule over these States; but when General Fremont declares that the slaves of rebels in arms against us within his military jurisdiction shall be free, the President — no doubt with the best of motives, but as if determined to give all the aid in his power to the rebellion — counter- mands the proclamation. He says he does this " most cheerfully." The rebels may be shot, but while they keep up the fight against us their slaves shall sup- ply them with provisions, without which their armies must, perish and the lives of loyal men might be spared. The confiscation act bribes all the slaves of the South to murder our peo- ple, and the President refuses to allow the war power to go beyond it. The effect is, that if the slaves' engage in the war at all, they must do so as our enemies, while, if they remain at home on their plantations, in the business of feeding the rebel army, they will have the pro- tection both of the loyal and confederate gov- ernments. Sir, is not this a practical espousal of the rebellion by the Administration ? When both parties to this struggle agree in subordi- nating the Union to slavery, is it not time for the people to speak? When the country is pouring out its treasure in streams that threat- 12 en it with financial ruin, and periling the lives of hundreds of thousands of our picked men to save the Republic, can we endure a policy so fatal to our success and so merciless in its re- sults? It is known that General Fremont's proclamation was modified to accommodate the loyal slaveholders of Kentucky ; but what right, I ask, had the loyal men of that State to com- plain if the disloyal men of Missouri forfeited their slaves by treason ? If pretended loyal men in Kentucky or elsewhere value slavery above the Union, then they are not loyal, and the attempt to make them so by concessions will be vain. A conditional Union man is no Union man at all. Loyalty must be absolute. "If the Lord be God, serve him ; but if Baal, serve him." There can be no middle ground. This, as I have said, is a war between the Government and slavery, and no man can really serve these two masters at the same time. To this dread of offending slavery must be charged our loss of the sympathy and respect of the civilized world. We have no true battle- cry. We are fighting only for the Union, and taking pains to tell mankind that this does not mean liberty. We are the champions of " law and order," and by giving foreign nations to understand that we are making common cause with the rebels for slavery, or at least doing nothing to oppose it, we justify Lord John Rus- sell in saying that this is simply "a war for inde- pendence on the part of the South, and for power on the part of the North." On the other hand, by assuming the attitude of revo- lutionists, the rebels appeal successfully to the sympathy of the millions in the Old World who love liberty, and whose zealous espousal of our cause could be secured by writing Freedom on our bauner. Thus slavery mur- ders our cause at home and invites hostility from abroad. According to Mr. Grattau, late British consul at Boston, the demand for emancipation by our Government "would ring in the ears of all England like an alarm bell, and stir the depths of popular feeling with the fervor of the Reformation, or the fanaticism of the Crusades." This is probably overstated, but is by no means wholly wanting in truth. I believe it was Daniel Webster who declared that public opinion is the mightiest power on earth. '1 his power, to day, is against us, through the timid and feeble policy we have pursued in dialing with the slave-breed- ers of the South. England has insulted us, and we are still in imminent peril of a foreign war, because slavery lias palsied the arm of the Government, allowed it to otter no spirit-stirring word, balked tl . to of the people, be- littled the issue involved in our struggle, and held in fatal inactivity for months past our eager and bro i j, who would have brought tiiis i. bell ion to an end err to-day b hI they been i to march against the enemy under competent commanders. The Government, taking counsel of its fears, has not dared to adopt a just policy, for fear of aliena- ting its own pretended friends. The mistake of swerving the whole management of the war from its true course, in order to accommodate the equivocal loyalty of the border States, has brought the country to the very brink of ruin. It prevented, at first, the adoption of those bold and vigorous measures which might have strangled the rebellion before its birth, and is still protracting the struggle and sporting with our opportunities of success. Sir, our policy must be changed, radically and speedily, if we mean to be in earnest. We must let the world know that this is not a struggle for slavery in the border States, but for liberty and republi- canism, and thus enlist the millions in the Old World in our cause, by fighting their battle as well as our own. If we fail to do this, and continue to carry on the war on the principle of " how not to do it," our grand armies will continue idle, our means of carry- ing on the war will be exhausted, the spirit of the people will at last give way, the power of the rebels will increase, foreign wars will be inevitable, and the cause of free government throughout the world will find a common grave with the institutions of our fathers. Mr. Chairman, the time has come for us to deal with the actual and stern facts of our condition. We must cease to regard the rebels as misguided men, whose infatuation is to be deplored, whilst we still hope to bring them to their senses. We must cease our attacks upon the strong points only of the enemy, whilst we fail to strike at the weak ones, and madly hope to woo them back to a sense of their folly and crime. We must abandon, entirely, the delu- sion that rebels aad outlaws have any rights under the Constitution, and deal with them as rebels and outlaws. No men since the world was made were ever more in earnest. They hate us supremely. The rattlesnake is the fitly-chosen symbol of their black confederacy. Their wrath is a desolating lire. The felt con- sciousness that they are in the wrong, and that we have for so many long years been the vic- tims of their injustice, animates them with the fury of devils. They despise us all the more for every appeal we make to their sense of justice and fair play. They regard our free labor and free institutions with unutterable abhorrence. If they had the power they would exterminate us from the face of the earth. They have, turned loose to prey upon the Re- public the transmitted vices and diabolisms of two hundred years, and sooner than fail in their struggle they would light up Heaven itself with the red glare of the pit, and convert the earth into a carnival of devils. They have a mighty army, led by some of the ablest commanders in the world, and nerved for bloody deeds by all the power of desperation. Sir, in such a contest we can spare no pos- : Lble advantage. We want no war " conducted 13 on peace principles." Every weapon within our reach must be grasped. Every arrow in our quiver must be sped towards the heart of a rebel. Every obstacle in the path of our conquering hosts must be trodden down. War means ruin, destruction, death — and Joyal slave- holders, and loyal non-slaveholders must stand out of the way, in this tremendous encounter with the assassins of liberty and free govern- ment. All tenderness toward such a foe is treason to our cause, murder to our people, faithlessness to the grandest and holiest trust ever committed to a free people. The policy for which I plead, sooner or later, must be adopted, if the rebels are to be mastered, and every delay puts in peril the precious interests for which we fight. Let us act at once, putting forth all our power. Let the war be made just as terriffic to the rebels as possible, consistently with the laws of war. This will be at once a work of mercy, and the surest means of our triumph. Let us hot mock the Almighty by waiting till we are forced by needless calam- ities to do what shouldjjbe done at once, as the dictate alike of humanity and policy ; for it may happen, when this rebellion shall have hung crape on one hundred thousand doors in the free States, that a ruined country will tauut us with the victory which might have been ours, and leave us only the poor consolation of bitter and unavailing regrets. Mr. Chairman, the sweeping policy I would have the Government adopt towards slavery, will be objected to on the ground of its injus- tice towards the loyal slaveholders of the South. To this objection I have several replies to make. In the first place, I would pay to every loyal slave claimant, on due proof of loyalty, the fairly- assessed value of his slaves. I would not do this as compensation, for no man should receive pay for robbing another of his earnings, and plun- dering him of his humanity ; but as a means of facilitating a settlement of our troubles, and securing a lasting peace, I would tax the pub- lic Treasury to this extent. From the begin- ning, slavery has been an immense pecuniary burden, and we can well afford to pay the amount which this policy would impose, for the sake of getting rid of that burden forever. In the next place, I reply that the total ex- tirpation of slavery will be our only security against future trouble and discord. By any sacrifice, and by all possible means, should we now guard against a repetition of the scenes through which we have been called to pass. If we will heed the lesson of experience, we can- not go astray. Our fathers were very sure they had opened a vein that would speedily bleed slavery to death ; but this rebellion is the bloody witness of their mistake. Shall we not profit by the lesaon? It may be that, if the slaves of rebels are set free, slavery itself will fall. I do not believe it. The assertion has neither fact nor philosophy to sustain it. No man, at any rate, knows it to be true; and for this reason, having now the power, we should foreordain the blessed fact which else may never come to pass. We have no right, certainly, to expose the future glory and peace of our country even to remote hazard, if we hold in our hands ihe power to prevent it. I reply further: that, while loyal slaveholders may dislike exceedingly to part with their slaves, and still more to give up their cherished institution, yet the hardship of their case is not peculiar. This rebellion is placing heavy bur- dens upon all loyal men. At whatever cost, and at all hazards, it must be put down. This is the principle on which we must act. Ac- cordingly, the State which I, in part, represent, has not only done her full share in the way of means to carry on the war, but has placed in the field on e-twe«tieth part of her entire popula- tion. She will be ready to make still further sac- rifice3 when they shall be demanded. Neither our property nor the lives of our people will be counted too precious for an offering. If loyal slaveholders are as patriotic as ioyal non-slave- holders, they will be equally ready to make sacrifices. Education and habit have wedded them to the system of slavery, which, for three quarters of a century, has been preying upon the nation's life, and at last ha3 ripeued into the fruitage of civil war. They cannot demand of the millions of non-slaveholders, North and South, that this evil element shall be continued. As loyal men they cannot ask us to sacrifice the greater to the less, but in order to save the ship of State, should agree that slavery shall be thrown into the sea. I reply, finally, that if the war is to be con- ducted on the policy of fully accommodating the wishes of loyal slaveholders, that policy will be found impracticable, and therefore need not be attempted. Loyal slaveholders on this floor vote to give the rebels the benefit of the fugi' tive-slave act of 1850 in recapturing their slaves. They vote also that our loya,l soldiers shall volunteer as the slavehouuds of rebels in the same villainous employment. Loyal slave- holders in both ends of this Capitol oppose the emancipation of the slaves of rebels, and pub- licly declare that such a measure would con- solidate the people of the South as one man against the Union. They do not conceal the fact that they regard slavery as paramount to the Union. Sir, I shall most certainly refuse to go that length. On the contrary, the duty I learn from the position of these men ia that of demolishing every vestige of slavery in the land. Since I cannot possibly accommodate them, and must give offence, I prefer to divide with them on principle, and extricate my con- science and self-respect entirely from the thral- dom of a false position. I do not stop to in- quire how many will agree with me, because I am not willing "to put duty to the vote; " and while I am ready to support any measure giv- ing freedom only to the slaves of rebels, I must 14 not fail to stand by my own convictions, while leaving the wisdom or the folly of my position to be tried by the ordeal of time. I must not conclude, Mr. Chairman, without noticing a further objection to the policy for which I contend. I refer to the alleged danger of this policy, and the disposition of the slaves after they shall be free. This objection, like the one just considered, invites several an- swers. First, if I am right in dealing with the rebel- lion as the child of slavery, and in arguing that the salvation of the Republic demands its over- throw, then my position is fully sustained. It will not do to talk about consequences, for no possible consequences of emancipation could be worse than destroying the Government and subverting our free institutions. Do you ask me if I would "turn the slaves loose?" I re- ply, that this rebellion, threatening to desolate our land with the grandest assemblage of hor- rors ever witnessed on earth, is not the conse- quence of " turning the slaves loose," hut of holding them in chains. Do you ask me what I would do with these liberated millions? I answer by asking what they will do with us if we insist on keeping them in bondage? Do you tell me that if the slaves are set free they will rise against their former masters, and pil- lage and lay waste the South ? I answer, that all that, should it happen, would be far less de- plorable than a struggle like this, involving the existence of a free nation of thirty millions of people, and the hope of the civilized world. If, therefore, our policy is to be determined by the question of consequences, the argument is clearly on the side of universal freedom. I reply, in the second place, that emancipa- tion will be wise, safe, and profitable, to both master and slave. In this assertion I am sus- tained by all history and experience relating to the question. Most triumphantly can I refer to the case of the British West Indies. There, by an act of legislation, nearly a million of slaves within those narrow islands, and greatly outnumbering the white population, were in an instant made free. No act of violence followed. No white man suffered in person or estate by reason of emancipation. In the island of Ja- maica thirty insurrections occurred in the cen- tury which preceded emancipation, but not one has occurred since. If experience has estab- lished any fact, it is, that violence and crime on the part of the negro race are not the con- comitants of freedom, but the offspring of sla- very, and that the chief difliculty in the way of emancipation has always been the unfitness of the master. The history of emancipation in the French dominions, in South America, in the Danish West Indies, in Mexico, and in the West India colonies of the Dutch, will furnish concurrent testimony with that of the British West Indies as to the safety and profitableness of emancipation. It has been followed by gen- eral prosperity, and in the English and Danish West Indies, especially, the slaves have become landholders, schools have been established, ex- ports have increased, happiness has been pro- moted, and progress has become a law. I answer, next, that if the slaves of the South are set free-they will not be pent up within the confines of a few small islands, like those sub- jected to the great British experiment referred to. They occupy a country stretching between two oceans, vast portions of which are yet a wilderness. There is not only abundant room for them, but abundant need of their labor. They are not unfamiliar with industrial pur- suits, and if compensated for their labor, and acted upon by the renovating power of kind- ness, they will not only take care of themselves, but become a mighty element of wealth in the latitudes of our country peculiarly suited to their constitution. Their local attachments are remarkable, and but for slavery they would not be found either in Canada or the Northern States. But I would give them freedom, and then leave them to the law of their condition. Let them work out their own destiny, and let them have fair play in fighting the battle of life. Colonization is one of the great tidal forces of modern civilization, and the enslaved races can scarcely escape the appeal it will make to their approving judgment. Hayti, near our shores, stretches forth her hands to welcome them to happy homes among a kindred people, where they can enjoy the blessing of equal rights. Remove slavery, and I believe the ne- gro race among us will naturally gravitate to- wards a centre of its own, and separate itself from the race of its former oppressors. Our prejudices, borrowed from slavery, and still continuing to hold their sway, may aid this re- sult; but if from any cause whatever these peo- ple should seek their welfare in other lands, I would, while leaving them perfectly free in this respect, encourage them by all the reasonable means in our power. Lastly, to the assumed danger and impracti- cability of emancipation, I reply in the words of Dr. Channing: " It is an impious error to suppose that injus- ' tice is a necessity under the government of ' the Most High. It is disloyalty to principle, ' treachery to virtue, to suppose that a righte- ' ous, generous work, conceived in a sense of ' duty, and carried on with deliberate fore- ' thought, can issue in misery, in ruin. To this ' want of faith in rectitude, society owes its ' woes ; owes the licensed crimes and frauds of ' statesmen; the licensed frauds of trade; the ' continuance of slavery. Once let men put ' faith in rectitude — let them feel that justice ' is strength — that disinterestedness is a sun 4 and a shield — that selfishness and crime are ' weak and miserable — and the face of the earth ' would be changed ; the groans of ages would ' cease." This, sir, is the impregnable ground on which I stand. God has not closed up the paths of 15 justice and mercy among men. He has not permitted a remediless evil. As I reject athe- ism, so do I believe it safe to restore to our en- slaved millions the title-deeds of their freedom ; safe to give them a fair day's wages for a fair day's work ; safe to recognise their rights of marriage and the sacredness of the family; safe to allow them the untrammeled use of their powers of mind and body in the pursuit of their own highest good. And, I add, that the most deplorable sign of our times is the fact that the denial of all this is made the basis of our policy, and the test of our statesmanship. Very many of our public men practically : disown the moral government of the world. Expediency is the law of their lives. They lack faith in the al- mightiness of truth and the profitableness of duty. With them diplomacy and crookedness seem to be innate qualities, and it soinetmes unfortunately happens that men are found in high places of power and trust while scoffing at virtue and wallowing in corruption. Sir, in this season of great national trial we can only hope for the smiles of our Maker, through the recognition of liberty, justice, and humanity by those who wield the great and re- sponsible powers of Government. " God give us men! A time like this demands Strong minds, great hearts, true faith, and ready hands ; Men whom the lust of office does not kill ; Men whom the spoils of office cannot buy ; Men who possess opinion and a will ; Men who have honor — men who -will not lie ; Men who can stand 'before a demagogue, And damn his treacherous liatteries without winking ; Tall men. sun-crowned, who live above the fog In public duty, and in private thinking. For while the ratole, with their thumb-screw creeds, Mingio in selfish strife, lo ! freedom weeps, Wrong rules the land, and waiting justice sleeps." I no le.« to nc aft thi sw lie th« thi wi) po be su m LIBRARY OF CONGRESS wl 012 046 807 8 of _^_^^_ WASHINGTON, D. C. SCAMMELL & CO., PRINTERS, COR. SECOND & IND. AVENUE, THIRD FLOOR. 1862, \ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 012 046 807 8 O pennulife* P H8.5