Pass E 54-0 Book . C 15 H ^ u / p t AN ORATION ON TIIK LIFE, CIIAllACTEll AND SERVICES -^^^i" or JOHN CALDAVELL CALHOUN: UELIVEKEU ON THE 21sT NOV., 1850, IN CHARLESTON, S. C, AT THE REQUEST OF THE CITY COUNCIL. J. n. HAMMOND. CHARLESTON, S. C: STEAM POWER-PRESS OF WALKER A JAMES. Noa. ini «nd 103 Etft-Biyi 1850 OOKUESPOXDENCE. Charleston, Ni.v. 23ti, 1850. Hon. James H. Hammond. Dear Sir: — As a special commitlco in behalf (if the City Council of Charleston, we have the honor to enclose you a copy of the followinjj resolutions, which were unanimously adopted at a nieetitit,' of the City Council, held on the 23d in^t., to wit : "ResolveJ, That the City Council of Charleston having been highly gratified at the very able culogiuni, delivered on the 21st inst., by the Hon. James H. Hammond, upon the life, character, and services, of the late Hon. John C. Cai.hoin, hereby tender this expression of their thanks for tho same, and respectfully request a copy thereof, for publication. JieMlval, That a committee on behalf of Council, be ajipointed, to carry out the objects of the above resolution." Earnestly hoping for your concurrence with this request of the City Council, and with assurances of the highest regard, We have the honor to be, Dear Sir, Very Rcspecthilly, Your obd't si.>rv'ts, WM. KIRKWOOD. W. ALSTON U A\NE A Cotmnittee. JA.ME.-5 M. EASON. ) Charleston Hotel, Nov. 23d, 18")0. Gentlemen: — I return my sincere thanks, through you to the City Council for the kind expression of their satisfaction with my oration, delivered on the 2l8t inst., at their request. I am, perhaps, better aware than they are of its numerous defects. But, such as it is, I surrender to their disposal, in the hope that they, and the public will view it as not pretending to be anything more than imperfect tribute to truth and to Mr. Calhoun. I have the honor to be. Most Respectfully, Your obd'l. serv't., J H HAMMOND. Mti>.<-, l)ut be at once con- 10 ORATION ON THE LIFE, CIIAEACTER AND ceded a place among tlie first, and draw to himself tlie admiration and tlie hopes of a people ? " What should it be that tlius their faith could bind 1 The power of Thought — the magic of the Mind !" Mr. Calhoun first took his seat in Congress at the commencement of the Session of 1811. From that pe- riod may be dated his career as a statesman. That career may be properly divided into several epochs, each of which are memorable in the history of our comitry, and were made memorable in no small degree by the parts Avhicli he performed. The fii'st embraces his services in the House of Representatives. The grea-t question of the Session of 1811-12, was that of war with England. All Europe was then, and had been for twenty years in arms, and that mighty con- flict which terminated not long after in the overthrow of Napoleon, and the estal^lishment of the Holy Alli- ance, was at its height. France and England were the two leading belligerents, and both of them, in ut- ter disregard of neutral rights, had perpetrated unex- ampled outrages upon us. We had in vain resorted to embargoes and non-importation acts, and at length it became indispensably necessary to our maintaining any position among nations, that v^e should declare war against one or both of these powers. The direct pe- cuniary interests of the South had been but slightly affected by these outrages. She had but little com- merce to be plundered — few seamen to be im23ressed. Her great interest involved — and that she felt in every fibre — was the honor of our common country. To vindicate that she went for war, and went for it al- most unanimously. South-Carolina took the lead. Her illustrious Representatives Lowndes, Cheves, Williams SERVICR"^ OF .loIIX (". CALHOUN. 1 1 and Calhoux, were the leaders of all t]i<»t' iinportjint Coiiiinittees, whose ])ro\'iiK-e it is to ])r()iK>sr war, and marslial the i-esoiirces for earryiiii^' it <»ii. And iioMy and irlorionslv did tliev all iKM'forni their duty. Mr. Calhoun, placed second on the C'onunittce <»f Foreii^n Relations, soon l)ecanie its head by the retirement of the rhainnan, and hefore the close of his first Session, lie reported and carried throUL^h the House, a hill le "aid and comfoi-t to the enemy" l>y loans oi' sj)ecie, and wen* consj)iring to withdraw from the Confederacy and make peace for themselves: — in that desi)onding hour, when all seemed hjst, he did not falter for an instant. " The great cause" h<; said " will never be yielded— no, never ! never I T hear the future audibly announced in the past, — in the s))lendid victories over the (MU-rriere, the Java, and the Maced(.nian. Opinion is p(.wer. Tlie charm of liritish naval invincibility i- irone." 12 OEATION OlSr THE LIEE, CHAEACTER AND Mr. Calhoun's course tlirona'liout tlie war can never fail of tlie admiration and applause of future times ; and that war was a turning point in the history of the world. It established a competitor with England for the trident of the ocean, whose triumph is inevitable. And just and necessary as it was, and glorious as its result, it gave rise in the end to questions in this coun- try, which no human sagacity could have anticipated, whose solution, yet in the womb of time, may be of far greater import than the dominion of the seas. Mr. Calhoun entered Congress as a member of the Kepublican -Party, as distinguished from the Federal, and throughout his service in the House, acted with it in the main. But he- gave many and early proofs that his was a temperament w^hich could never " give up to party what was meant for mankind." Following his illustrious Colleague, — who yet survives to our love and veneration, with his powerful intellect unimpaired, and his devotion to his native sod. more ardent and self- sacriiicing, if possible, than ever, — he warmly advo- cated a large addition to the navy, at an early 23eriod of warlike preparations, and ever after consistently and earnestly sustained that most important arm of defence and supporter of t!ie State. The Republican. Party, under Mr. Jefferson, had with a narrow policy con- demned the navy. But amj^hibious man never attains half his national greatness, until his domain on the water equals that upon the land — until the terror of his prowess makes his home upon the deep as secure as on the mountains, and the products of his industry float undisturbed on every tide. At this early period also, Mr. Calhoun took his stand against the Restrictive System, which had been SERVICES OF JOITN 0. CALHOUN. 13 SO erreat a favourite with Mr. Jeti'ci-soii and Mr. Maili- soil, as a substitute for war. He deiiounceil it its un- sound in ]K)licy, and Avliolly unsuited to the ijcuius t>f our })e()ple ; and lie op})()sed it vigorously, until it fell beneath his Idows. But it may ^vell be questioned, whether at that time his opposition was at all eidiii^h- teued by those great ])rineii)les of Free Trade, then so little known, which it was the glory of his later life, to develope and sustain under such trying circumstances. He theii opposed the Restrictive System as a war mea- sure, and demonstrated that it was not only inetlicient, l)ut injurious. Neither then, nor when the import du- ties were re-adjusted at the close of the war, did he appear to have ])erceived the dangers which lurked under the protection which this system gave to manu- factures, nor those which followed such jH-otection Avhen specifically given by the direct action of the Govern- ment. For in the debate in 1814, while Mr. Webster, now the great champion of protection, declared '' he was an enemy to rearing manufactures, or any other interest in a hot l)ed, and never wished to see a Shef- field or a Birmingham in this country." Mr. Caliioux said"a.s to the manufacturing interest, in regard to which some fear has been expressed, the resolution vo- ted by the House yesterday was a strong pledge that it would not sutler manufactures to be unprotected in case of a repeal of the Restrictive System. He hojM'd that at all times, and under every ])olicy, they would be protected with due care." And, in IS IT), he advo- cated without any note of caution, the bill intrixluci'd by another distinguished Carolinian, long since snatch- ed from us by a ])reinature death, but whose genius and vii-tues — whose lofty chara«t cr and inestimulde 14 ORATION ON THE LIFE, CHARACTER AND services can never be forgotten; a bill which distinctly recognized the protective principle, and introduced perhaps its most oppressive feature. The truth is that at that day political economy was in its infancy. Free Trade was most commonly understood to mean merely the freedom of the seas. The most sagacious intellects of our country— Mr. Webster perhaps excepted, had apparently no apprehensions of the evils of the false theory of protection as applied to us ; and that abom- inable system, since called " the American," it had en- tered into no man's imagination to conceive. Mr. Calhoun, at a later period, so far in advance of his age, was at that epoch, the embodiment of the spirit of the times, and among its most able and effective expounders. At the crisis of the war, when the credit of the go- vernment was prostrate, an United States Bank was proposed by the administration, and supported by the Republican Party. This Mr. Calhoun opposed and defeated ; though in a modified form, it would ihially have passed the House, but for the casting vote of Mr. Cheves. It was, however, on account of the extraordi- nary character of the proposed Bank, that Mr. Cal- houn resisted it, and not apparently from any doubt of the policy or constitutionality of a Bank chartered by Congress. In fact, he had himself previously pro- posed a Bank to be established in the District of Co- lumbia, with the express view of getting rid of cer- tain constitutional scruples felt by others ; and he was the responsible author of the Bank of 1816, whose powerful efforts to prolong its own existence, so fiercely agitated the whole union twenty years later, and ended in consequences so disastrous not only to its own stock- SERVICES OF JOHN C. CALHOrN. IT) holdei*s, hut to the country. From Mr. C'ai.iku'n's suli- sequent declarations, it is certain tliat in liis niaturest years, he reganU'd tlie whole Hankinic system as at present organized as a stupendous evil, and he em])hat- ically declared, that its ])ower, " if not diminished, must terminate in its own destruction, or an entire revo- lution in our social and })olitical system :" And that of all Banks, he reirarded a mere Government Bank as the most dancrerous, may he safely inferred from the fact, that nei- ther the ties of party, nor the entreaties of the adminis- tration, nor the exigencies of the most critical period • 'f the war, could prevent him from vigorously o])posing such a Bank, though not then hostile to an U. States Bank, lie advocated the Bank of 1810, as indisj)en- sahly necessary for the restoration of the currency, and to the last he helieved that no other expedient could have effected that great olgect. lie avoided the con- stitutional question, hy assuming that so long as the Government received Bank notes at all as money, it was hound to "regulate their value," and for that })ur- pose a Bank Avas ''necessary and proper." lie said however, even then, that " as a question de novo^ he would he decidedly against a Bank ;" and when in 1, arose another <>f those great (piestions, which may he said to have had their origin in the war, and which have since so divided ami agitated our country. Mr. Jelft ison had recognized the power of Congre.ss to apj»ropriate money for Inter- nal Im])rovem(aits in the cjisc c)f the Cundx-rland Hoad, and in IsnS Mr. Gallatin, his Secretary of war, had 16 OEATION ON THE LIFE, CHAEACTEE AOT) made a report, recommending a stupendous system. It was not until after the war, the expenses of which had been enormously increased by the costs of transportation, that the subject attracted the serious attention of the whole country. Mr. Calhoun brought forward and carried in 1816, a bill appropriating the bonus and di- vidends of the United Bank to Internal Improvements. This bill was vetoed as unconstitutional by Mr. Madi- son, to the surprise of all, and most especially of its author, who believed he was carrying out the views entertained by Madison, and suggested in his annual Message. In 1818, Mr. Calhoun, as Secretary of War, made a Report on Roads and Canals, embracing views and recommending measures fully as extensive as those of Mr. Gallatin. On none of these occasions, did Mr. Calhoun express his opinion as to the constitutional power of the Federal Grovernment to carry on Internal Improvements. But if his 023inious may be inferred from those of his most intimate and confidential friends— from the celebrated Message of Mr. Monroe in 1823, and the equally celebrated S23eech of Mr. McDuifie shortly after, it must be conceded that, at that time, he beheved the power of the Government to lay taxes, and aj)23ropriate the proceeds, was limited only by the injunction that they should be applied to the " com- mon defence and general welfare." This doctrine in every way so fatal in our political system, has since received its severest blows from his hands ; and, in 1838, Mr. Calhoun declared that one of the most es- sential steps to be taken, in order to restore our go- vernment to its original purity — then the great and sole object of his political life — was to " put a final stop to Internal Improvements by Congress." SEIIVICKS OF JOHN C". CAIJIol X. 1 »T With the Sesr^iou of 1810-17 closed Mr. Caijioi-n's services in the House of Kcjjrcscutatives; aiul here also terininatcd an cporli in his i-aiver as a Statesman, lie had Jiioic than fulfilled the hii,di exi)ectatioiis en- tertained of him wlu'U he entered Conij^ress. His repu- tation for talent had increased with every intellectual ert'ort he had made. And his aliility, — now univeisally admitted to be of tlie very hii^^hest order, his u cll-tried l)atriotism, his unflinching moral courage, the loftiness and liberality of all his views and sentiments, and the immaculate purity of his life, gave liiiu a ])osition in the ]iublic councils and in tlie opinion of the country, second to no one of that illustrious band whom the greatest crisis in affairs since the revolution — '' the sec- ond war of Independence" — had brought uj)on the stage. In revnewing Mr. Calhoun's political course up to this period, if witli the sternness of the historian, we brush aside the splendid lialo that surrounds it, and call to our aid the experience of a third of a century of rapid progress: above all, if we examine it by the effulgent light which lie himself, mt)re than all otiier men, Iuls since shed upon the Federal Constitution, and judge it by those rigid and severe tests wliich he has taught us, we cannot fail to i)ereeive that brilliant, useful and glorious, a.s it was to his country and him- self, liis views in many most im])ortant j)articulars were essentially erroneous; and tliat lie assisted ])owerlully ill giving currency to opinions and liuilding uj) systems that have })roved seriously injurious to the South, and j)rol»ably tt) the stability <»f the existing linioii. 'I'hese I have not hesitateroniinent in the de- bates ol' the Convention that framed the Constitution, had been hdh'd to sk-ej): and a hiri,a' j)ro|)ortion of the al»le.st Southern men were Fedei-alist.s. The great ques- tions uliieli did airitate tlie country, on w hicli tdections turned, and parties really, tliough not altogether, nomi- nally divided oil* wen^ external, not internal questions. Our Colonial habits still predominated, and \ve l<>okc(l abroad for our dangei*s: for our enemies and our friends. English, French and Spanish neg(>ciation<: Jay's Treaty: the squabble ^vith the Directory: the acquisition of Louisiana: the terrible \vars of Euroj)e: the aggressions on our neutral rights : and finally the eml)ai'go — non-im])ortatiou — non-intercourse Lnvs and war with England : — these were the great and deeply interesting subjects which a1)sorbed men's minds and colored all their political opinions. The Constitution was overlooked and violated by both parties; and I believe it may be said that on no (juestion of a consti- tutional character were party lines stringently drawn after the election of ^Iv. Jetl'erson. ]Mr. ^fonroe de- clared on his accession, that we were "all Federalists — all Kepublicans." It was under these circumstances aneriod when, above all others, an ardent and patriotic mind would be least disposed to contemplate sectional inter- ests or stickle about constitutional scruples, that Mr. Caliioux entered Congress. It \Vix<, indeed, th*- impe- rative duty (»f the patriot then to discard all mere sec- tional considerations; and, })erhaj>s, t(j give the most liberal construction to the Constitution, to enable the slii]) of State to meet and ride out the storms which threatened to engid])h it. The dillicultics were im- 20 OEATIO]^ ON THE LIFE, CHAEACTER AISTD mense. Mr. Calhoun, placed at once in a liigli and responsible position, and taking, as was said at tlie time, the war npon his shoulders, was absorbed during his first three Sessions in devisino; measures to meet its pressing exigencies ; and during the last three in en- deavoring to dissipate its injurious effects upon the cur- rency, commerce and industry of the country. And considering the history of the past: the conduct of j)arties on internal constitutional questions: the habit- ual disregard of strict construction by the Republican leaders : the acquiescence of older and very able men of all sections in the constitutionality of the Bank, the Tariff and Internal Improvements, it is not at all to be wondered at, nor to be severely condemned, that in the universal confusion and the burning glow of his broad patriotism, so fanned by current events, he should fail to look at the sectional bearing of propositions, or even of constitutional constructions. No man — not one in our wide confederacy — North or South — fore- saw what was coming out of the convulsions of the war; and the measures adoj^ted to ease dowii the country to a state of peace, and prepare her for a prosperous career under circumstances so greatly differ- ent as were those of 1815-17, from any she had yet encountered. Carpings and croakings there were of course, and prophecies of e^'il in abundance. But the results baffled all predictions : or at least verified so little of what any had foretold, as to place the wisest seer on no higher tripod than that of a lucky fortune- teller. Mr. Calhoun never croaked or carped. And if he erred in straying from the narrow, but only true path of rigid constitutional construction, he may well be forgiven for following precedents that were almost SEKVICI-i^ OF JOHN C. CALIIOIX. 21 consecrated — the examples of nearly all with whom he acted — and tlic impulses of a generous, contidinu-, and wide extended love of country. Soon after Mr. Monroe's accession to the Presidency, ]\rr. Caliioux received the a))])ointment of Secretary of War, and took his seat in the Cal)inet in December, 1817, where he remained until March, 1825. Tliis ])eriod end>racc'e dated the third and last ej)ocli in liis career. I have already adverted to the fact, that the Rej)ub- lican i)arty had long strayed from th(» straight and narrow path of constitutional construction in which it first set out. The events of tlie war had so utterly l)rosti-ated and disgraced the Federal Party, that at its close that party was dissolved, and the very name of Federalist almost universally repudiated. The check of op})osition removed, the RepuMican Party — with l>ut few exceptions — fell headlong into the very slough in wliich their advei-saries had foundered. They had everything in their own hands, and "feeling power they forgot right." A new party in the mean time grew u}», which afterwards assumed the name of "National Republican," and more lately of "Wiiig," al)Sorbing most of the old Federalists, and a portion of the old Republicu ns. Of this party was jMr. Adams — a con- verted federalist — who was elected President in 1S2-4, by the House of Representatives, through the instru- mentality of Mr. Clay, who became his Secretary of State. The manner of ^Ir. Adams' election : the ex- treme federal doctrines of his Iirst ^lessage ; and, above all perhaps, the exigencies of opposition awakened the genuine repul>licans to some consciousness of tlieir great and \ouiC cherished errors. Thev united on (len. Jack- sou as their candidate f >r the Presidency. Their ma- 24 OEATION OF THE LIFE, CHAEACTER AND nifestoes breathed the true spirit of the republicanism of '98 ; and the Constitution became apparently the favourite study of those who had come into public life subsequently to that period. It is said Mr. Calhouis" avowed that until this time he had never fully ana- lyzed and understood the Constitution. This may be readily believed without referring to the instances al- ready mentioned, in which he had departed from it. He had always been, up to that time, in the majority. Majorities do not rely on Constitutions. Their reli- ance is on numbers and the strong arm. It is not to be expected of them to study, and it seems to l^e almost impossil)le for them to comprehend Constitutions, whose express purpose is to limit their power, and hedge in their 23rivileges. It is minorities who look closely into Constitutions, for they are their shield and tower of safety. Mr. Calhoun had, doubtless, read the Consti- tution attentively, and mastered its general principles. But there were parts he had not scrutinized, and a deep and vital spirit running through the whole, which he had never yet imbibed, nor had any of the younger men up to that period. In fact, a new style of con- stitutional questions now arose : or rather the progress of events had developed new and deeply important bearings in old questions. It now became manifest, for the first time since the Constitution had gone into operation, that it might be so construed as to oppress and ruin one section for the benefit of another. And it was also clearly seen that the South was the doomed section, and the chief instrument of destruction a pro- tective Tai'iff. It was well known that Mr. Hamilton, as early as 1791, had with great power advocated the j^rotection SERVICES OF JOIIX ('. CALIIOrX. 25 of niaiiiifiictiires, and that duties liad Ix't'ii iinpiKcd with that view; Init tliey were so extremely moderate as to be of little heiietit to that interest, and oansed no alarm in others. The dnties had heen increased nndcr every subsequent administration foi- the sake of reve- nue, and had been doubled during the w ai'. When in 181G it became necessary to reduce the war duties, the question arose to Avliat extent they were to be retained for the protection of manufactures, and some of them were adjusted for that purpose at a high comparative rate, as I have ah'eady stated. These (hities were in- creased in 1820; and, in 1 824, the manufacturers again came forward with exorl^itant demands, which were acceded to. Then, for the first time in thirtv years, and by but a few voices, the constitutional power to ]u-o- tect manufactures was questioned. It was now obvious that the protected interest had '' au appetite which grew on what it fed on ;" and that in this countr}', in eveiy period of about four yeare, for reasons which it is unnecessary to dwell on here, it required new and enormous impositions. Mr. Adams had warmly recommended the })rotective tarilf, and Mr. Clay giving it the ad captandum title of the " American svstem," claimed to be its first cham- pion, and made it the leading question in the Presiden- tial canvass, from 1825 to 182U. The South had oj)- posed it with great Aigour and nnu-h unanimity in 1824; because, on the ])rinciple of commmiism, it taxed tlie agricidtiiral inteiest to su|)])ort the manufac- tunng: and, inasmuch as we I'liniishcd two-thirds of the exj)orts that paid for the inq)orts on wiiich the du- ties were levied, it was fully believed aiul ])retty clearly demonstrated, that our small section ])aid neai- two- 26 OEATION OF THE LIFE, CHAEACTER AND thirds of tlie revenue of tlie Government, besides pay- ing the manufacturers an enhanced price on the pro- tected articles we consumed. Some of the Eastern States opposed it also, because it injured commerce and navigation, but they ultimately came in to its support. The Western and Middle States were decidedly for it. To secure their support, and yet retain the support of the South, Gen. Jackson gave the equivocal pledge that he would sustain a " Judicious Tariff," which in the South was construed to mean a constitutional Re- venue Tariff'; and, elsewhere, to mean a Protective Tariff y^ In 1828, at the end of four years, as was usual, a new tariff' bill was brought forward in Congress. It was blotched and bloated with the corrupt bids of a majority of the Jackson party itself for manufacturers votes, to be paid in gold wrung from the already over- burdened South. And so extravagant were these bids that the protective interests hesitated to accept a bribe so monstrous, lest they should over-shoot the mark, and fall under public odium. It was thought at one time that the vote in the Senate would be a tie, and the fate of the bill would depend on the casting vote of the presiding officer. Mr. Calhoun was then Vice President, and a candidate for re-election on the same ticket with Gen. Jackson, whose election depended entirely on the sup- port of Mr. Calhoun's friends. It was confidently be- lieved that save Gen. Jackson, there was no one so popu- lar throuo-hout the Union as Mr. Calhoun, and his accession to the Presidency, on the retirement of Gen. Jackson, was considered almost certain. It was known that he was op230sed to this bill, and he was now ap- pealed to as the supporter of Gen. Jackson, and can- SKUVICES OF JOIIX C. CALHOUN. 27 (lidate of the Repnl)ll<;iii Party foi- tlic Vice Prcsicleii- cy, and out of regard to lii> own future j)rosp(.'ftH, not to give Iii< easting vote against it, Imt to 1ea\f t1u3 eliair, as was not at all uiiu-^ual, and allow the Mil to take tile elianees of the Senate. Mi-. Caliioin knew tlh' full import of his re])ly to this a])])eal. If lie not only refused to })ledge himself to a "Judieious Tai'itf," l)Ut openly and uik ([uixocally took his stand against the whole ])rotective system, now overwhelmingly j)o- pular, he surrendered, in all human ])i'()l>al)ility, every prospect of the Presidency, and must ])assthe remain- der of his life in comhatting with a small, and almost hopeless minority, not for power, not for glory, hut for justice, and, in a measure, for the existence of the South. He was tlnis, in a critical moment, called on to make at once, and forevei-, a decision which was to shape his destiny, and j)erliai)s the destiny of a whole people. He did not hesitate. He had now mastered the Con- stitution ; he also saw clearly the fatal tendency of the prominent measures brought forwai-d at the close of the war: and casting behind him all the glorious la- bours of the j)ast, and all the brilliant prospects of the future — holding in one hand the Constitution, and in the other truth, justice, and the violated rights of his native l;uir modern annals furnish a nobler exam])le of hei'oic sacrifice of self, i^'el yielded to populai- demands, and exchanged l)arty for j)ublic gra- tituile and iuHueiice. Burke gave up friends, ]»ut])ower sinileil upon him. Self-l)anished Aristides had satiated his aml)ition. Cato and Ibnt us, p«'i'islied in the sjiock 28 ORATION OF THE LIFE, CHARACTER AND But ill tlie early prime of life, midway his yet unclieck- ed career — ^witli tlie greatest of ambition's ]^rizes but one bound aliead, Mr. CALHOUisr stopped and turned aside, to lift from the dust the Constitution of his coun- try, trampled, soiled and rent ; and bearing it aloft, consecrated himself, his life, his talents, his hopes, to the arduous, but sacred task, of handing it down to other ages as pure as it was received from the Fathers of the Revolution. Glorious and not bootless struggle. The Constitution has not been purified. It never will be ; but its principles have been made immortal, and will survive and flourish, though it shall itself be torn • to atoms and given to the winds. / The magnitude of Mr. Calhoun's sacrifice may be more readily appreciated than the difiiculties of his undertaking. The diseases of the body politic had not only become deeply seated, but were complicated and peculiar. At the bottom was the now established doctrine that the majority had the unquestionable and the indefeasible right to place its own construction on the Constitution. On this arose not only the Tarift", but the Internal Improvement System, which had completely triumphed. Immense sums, the proceeds of high duties, were annually appropriated for the benefit of the Tariff States ; while the United States Bank, l;)y its control over the government funds, con- centrated the exchanges at the North, and made the protected section the heart of the financial system of the Union. Thus was formed a combination of sec- tional interests, sustained by a sectional majority under a corrupted Constitution, all bearing with fatal and relentless aim on the devoted South, while behind them another question, purely sectional and ha\4ng SERViri^S OF .KiTIX C. CAT.TTOT'X, '29 nearly the same p^eograpliioal liiir-i, \va> «'a>;lly to lie discerned rearing its monstrous c'rest, and i)ortending danirei*s, in comi>arison to which all others sunk to in- significance. Among a liom(\geneous people, majorities and minorities fre(piently change places. Indeed it is natural, and where discussion and free action are allow- ed, it is inevitaljle that they should. But where they are sectional, even more than Avhere they are founded on classes, vital and antagonistic interests make the change a R(n-()lution, such as rarely happens without l)loodslied. A sectional majority remote, arrogant, and fatally l)ent on maintaining its supremacy and promoting its peculiar interests, never listens to warn- ing or to reason ; and the minority, if it has not the courajTfe or the strensrth to tender an issue of force, is soon corrupted, divided and necessarily enslaved. Mr. Calhoun could not have failed to perceive all these difficulties, and in abandoning under such cii'cumstan- ces his high position in the majority, to unite his for- tunes irrevocably with the weaker section, he exhibited an example, almost without a parallel, of disinterested patriotism and lion-hearted courage ; and of that " un- shaken confidence in the Pro\'idence of God," which, in his latest moments, lie declared to be his consolation and sui)port. / Henceforth he is no longer to be viewed as the fa- vorite child of genius and of fortune. His ])atli is no longer strewed with garland^; and his footstei)s greeted with apjdause. Toiling in the deepest anxiety, yet hai)j)ily for himself, with the unfailing liojx'fulness of his nature, to accom})lisli his Ib'rculean task, he en- counters at every step the deadliest hostility. He is assailed on all sides and from every section — evenli'om 30 OEATIOW 0^ THE LIFE, CHAEACTER AND his own. Envy and malice slioot tlieir long poisoned arrows, and ignorance and corruption shower every missile on him ; and it yet remains to be decided, and depends in no small degree upon the issue of the great struggle now approaching its crisis, whether he shall go down to posterity pourtrayed in the colors of the Gracchi of the Patricians, or the Gracchi of the People. The Tariff Bill of 1828 passed the Senate by a ma- jority of one vote, and became a law. So exorbitant were its exactions, that out of an import of $04,000,000 it carried $32,000,000 into the Treasury. Mr. Cal-' HOUN, who had announced his intention to vote against it, was loud in his denunciations of it and of the protec- tive system ; and at the next succeeding Session of our State Legislature, an exposition was presented by the Committee of Federal Relations, drawn up by himself, in which the whole sul)ject was elaborately discussed. And he then suggested as the ultimate remedy, a re- sort to the State Veto — or Nullification as It is com- monly called. It was not, however, Mr. Calhoun's opinion that the remedy should be immediately ap- plied. It was certain that Gen. Jackson and himself would be elected President and Vice President in a few months, for as yet war had not been openly de- clared against him, his support being essential to the success of the Jackson Party. He thought it prudent to await a full explanation of Gen. Jackson's "judi- cious tariff;" and was not without hope that through his influence the protective system might be broken up. Besides, the period was near at hand when the Public Debt would be discharged, and no shadow of reason would remain for imposing high duties for reve- nue purposes. But the first message of Gen. Jackson SERVICES OF JOHN C. CALllol X. M removed every doubt as to Ills jtoliiy, and shewed clearly that he meant to sustain tlic Taritt' interest. He also produced a breach between himself and Mr, Caliioux as soon as the pi-oniincnt Executive ajjpoint- ments were contirmed, by revivini;- an dhl controvei'sy supposed to have been settle^ OF .TOTTX C. rALlIOT'N. 33 even tleiuiiiiT:, for tlu' tir.-^t time, I believe, in tlie his- tory of the country, the right of a State to secede. Tn fact, his doctrines went the full lengtli of negativ- ing all State Rights, and consolidating despotic ])o\ver in the hands of the Federal Government. And this wa.s followed by a message to Congress, demanding to be clothed with almost unlimited power to carry his ^^ews mto effect by force of arms. The crisis wjvs j)eril- ous. We were apjiarently on the verge of civil war, for Sonth-Carolina on these hostile demonstrations flew to arms. It was expected generally that Mr. Calhoun and most of the South-Carolina Delegation would be arrested at Washington. But this was not done. A debate, however, arose in the Senate on the Bill em- bracing the recommendations of the President — com- monly called the Force Bill — wliicli \\\]\ go down to future times and live an imperishable monument of the patriotism and courage — the wisdom and foresight, the genius and eloquence of Mr. Calhoun. His speecli is not surj)assed by any recorded in modern or in an- cient times, not even by that of the great Athenian on the Crown. This debate can never l)e read without its being seen and felt that Mr. Webster, his only opponent woi-thy to be named, gifted as he is univei-sally ac- knowledged to be with talents of the higlicst order, and remarkable even more for his power of reasoning than for his lofty declamation, was on this iuemora])le occa'iion a dwarf in a giant's grasp. He was prostra- ted on every ground that he assumed. Ann was not c'h)secl when Mr. Polk came into office, who did not tender him the re-appointment as Secretary, l>ut ottered and urged on liini an Embassy to England, to continue that negociat ion. Hut ])elieving his post of duty was, if any Avhere, on this side of the Atlantic, he declined the Enil)assy and returned once more to liis Plantation. In the hands of j\Ir. Caliioi:n's successor, the Oregon negociations completely failiMl. The Pi-esident was pledged by his ])arty to chiim the wlK)le of the Terri- tory, and the fulfilment of that pledge was now de- manded. Should Compress sustain the claim war was inevital)le, and as the Kepublican Party had majorities in both Houses, there seemed to be no escape. The whole country became alarmed. In this exciting crisis, the eyes of all parties, all interests, all classes, were turned instinctively to Mr. Calhoun, the pilot who had weathered so many storms — the sagacious and ])atri()tic Statesman who had been found equal to every emer- gency. Ilis return to the Federal Councils was called for from ^very quarter, and his successor in the Senate, Judge linger, with a rare magnanimity, offered to give way for him. There was no resisting such aj)j)eals, and he returned to Washington" late in J)eceml)er, 184G. When he took his seat, it was so fully understood that the Executive, ])acked by a majorit\ in Congress, was resolved to {issert our right to the wjiole of Oregon, and to attempt to take immediate possession of it, tliat the opposition was paralyzed in des])air. He did not lose a moment in taking a clear, decided and o])en stand airainst the A(bninistration he liad contril)uted so largely to Ining into power, lb- lallied the dispir- 48 ORATION Oisr THE LIFE, CHARACTER AND ited opposition, composed cliiefly of Whigs, with whom he had lately been so violently contending. He ap- pealed to the country against the Republican Party. The sound common sense of the people sustained him : and the tide of public opinion set in so strongly in favour of a compromise with England, that negocia- tions were resumed with fresh vigour, and in a few months the whole question was adjusted to the entire satisfaction of the great body of every party in the two countries. In his whole public career, .Mr. Cal- houn had never rendered a more conspicuous — perhaps not a more substantial service to his country ; and it was appreciated and acknowledged throughout the Union. To him, and almost to him alone, was justly and universally accredited the distinguished merit of having saved the United States from a war with the most powerful nation in the world, about a matter so insignificant as to be almost frivolous, and in which neither the honor nor the interests of either were seri- ously involved. Thousands of such wars disfigure the pages of history, and have often been the most bloody and disastrous. But this affair had hardly been placed in a sure train of settlement before another difficulty arose, in appearance far less formidable, but in its results likely to prove much the most important in our annals, since the Revolution. A sudden, and to the great body of our people, most unexpected war broke out with Mexi- co. Pending negociations with that Republic concern- ing the western boundary of Texas, a portion of our Army had been, contrary to the usual courtesy of na- tions, marched into the disputed Territory. The Mexi- cans attacked it. Battles ensued, and a flame was riKUVlClJi OF JOlI.N t'. rALllOL'-N. 49 kindled, wlikli spn-ad iiistaiitaueously over Koth coun- tries. Congress was called on to declare, or rather tt) recognize the existence of war, and to make the most extensive provisions for its vigoroiH ])rosei'utii>n. Mr. Caliioi'X, without a moment's hesitation, took his stand auainst the war. lie condemned the invasion of dis- puted territory, hut lus it hani. And that great heart, which had never before felt fear, wjw stricken with terror — almost with despair. Hostilities were carried on with vigour. Victory crowned every effort of our arms; and an iniperishalth* wreatli <>f military glory was won for our flag — South-Carolina 50 ORATIOX OlSr THE LIFE, CHARACTER AND contributing some of the brightest and most unfading flowers. Mr. Calhoun steadily interposed on every opportune occasion to arrest the progress of the war, brilliant as it was ; and hailed with delight the Treaty of Peace, which was ratified early in 1848. The first important conseqiience of the war was an immense expenditure, — far exceeding the ordinary revenues, and entailing on the country a heavy debt, which has put an end to all prospect of an early re- duction of the Protective Duties. The next was the overthrow of the political party which conducted it, by the elevation of one of its successful Generals to the Presidency. An event not due so much to the errors committed by the one, or the wisdom and pat- riotism displayed by the other party, as to the disgust felt by a large portion of the people for both, and their desire to establish for once an administration that would not be governed by party considerations — a desire which has been altogether disappointed. The third great consequence of the war has been the unparalell- ed excitement occasioned by the attempt and failure to make a fair division betAv^een the Slaveholdiug and non-Slaveholding sections of this confederacy, of the immense territory acquired from Mexico — an excite- ment in the midst of which we now are, and the result of which it is not given us to foresee. I have omitted thus far to do more than incidentally allude to a question of the highest and most vital interest, which has long and deeply agitated our coun- try, in the conduct of which Mr. Calhoun has acted throughout a conspicuous and leading part. At the period of the Declaration of Independence, African Slavery was established in every Colony, and as late SERVICES OF JOHN C. CAUIOUN. 51 as the formation of tlie Constitution, Slaves were still held in every State. But it Wiw a decaying institution every where save iu the Plantation States, and great apprehensions existed among the Southern membei-s of the Convention that the otlicr States would combine to emancipate all the Slaves immediately, or gradually. They therefore refused absolutely to enter into any union with them without a distinct agreement on this essential matter. One great object in so constructing the Federal Government that it. should have no powei*s not clearly conferred upon it, reserving all others to the States, was to prevent legislation on this subject. But l)eyond this the Southern Delegates reipiired a Constitutional obligation from all the other States, to assist them in maintaining their authoi-ity over their Slaves, in case of necessity, by restoring fugitives and aiding to put down insurrections. They also demanded a recognition of Slaves as a j)ermanent element of ])0- litical power and a fixed caste, by assigning them a representation, though a restricted one, in Congress. From the adoption of the Constitution up to 1810, the harmony between the North and South was never for a moment seriously disturljed by the Slave question. At that period, when Missouri applied for admission into the Union, the North, where African Slavery wius uow almost wholly extinct, opposed her application, on the ground that Slaveholding was j)ermitted by her Constitution. A deeply exciting controversy immedi- ately arose, which was finally adjusted by the concess- ion from the South that thereafter no Slaveholdingr State should be admitted into the Union North of 36o 30' N. latitude. For many years nftei- that there was no o])en agita- 52 OEATION ON THE LIFE, CHAEACTER AND tion of this exciting topic, and public men in every section generally concurred in frowning upon all at- tempts to bring it forward. It was not until 1834 or '35, that it again made its appearance on the political stage, when petitions were poured in upon Congress to legislate uj^on it. It was then discovered that without attracting much attention, a great many Abolition Societies had been formed in the Northern States, who had set up presses and printed books, pamphlets, newspapers and engravings in immense numbers, and disseminated them North and South for the purpose of arousing the people to what were termed the horrors of African Slavery. Public lecturers were also em- ployed and sent every where. The excitement in- creased rapidly. The people of the non-Slaveholding States seemed ripe for it. But lately they had been apparently baffled in their attempt to make us the overseers of our Slaves for their benefit. No longer having it in prospect to reap the harvest of our fields and gather into their own granaries, by virtue of their legislation, one half of the nett produce of the labour of the Slaves, they were eager, in their rage and disap- pointment, to deprive us of the Slaves themselves*, and blast our prosperity forever. Both branches of Con- gress were soon flooded with petitions, full of the vilest abuse and slander of the South, and praying for the Abolition of Slavery and the Slave Trade in the Dis- trict of Columbia. Others followed asking the Abo- lition of Slavery in the Territories, Forts, Dockyards, &c., and of the trade between the States. Some de- manded the Abolition of Slavery in the States ; and finally it was petitioned that the Union should be dis- solved to save the North from the sin of Slaveholding. SERVICES OF JOHN C. CALHOUN. 53 Warm and at lenq-tli tlie most angry debates in Con- gress were brought aliout by these petitions. At first, few or none professed to be in favoui- of them, yet the non-Slavehohling majority never would jH-rniit tlie South to adopt any decisive measure to excbi(K' them from the Halls of Congress. In no long while, how- ever, there was a complete change. Tlie Abolitionists were soon strong enough to enter fully into the [)oliti- cal field. They nominated candidates for President and \' ice-President, and exhibited the startling fact, that in that election they held the balance of power between the ])arties in several of the largest States. From that moment they were courted openly or secret- ly by nearly every aspiring politician in the non-Slave- holdinij' States. They soon sent members to Contrress as their especial Kepresentatives, and struck down every public man iit the North who dared to defend the institutions of tlie South. Against this violent crusade on the South, ]Mr. Cal- houn took his stand at the very first and cond)atted it with all his powers, at every stej), and to the latest moment of his life. lie succeeded in arresting the circulation of Abolition publications through the mail, and for a long time lie kept their ]H'titions at the threshold of the Houses of Congress. In fact. Abolit- ion petitions were formally received in the Senate for the first time, on the last day that he aj)peared there. From the ])eginning he predicted the progress of this agitation through all its stages, and declared that it must ine vital )ly bring aljout a dissolution of the Union, if not put down early and forever. While the Al)olitionists have directetl theii- attacks against specific ])arts of the Slave system, they have 54 ORATION ON THE LIFE, CHARACTER AND never made any secret of what indeed was perfectly- apparent, that from the first their object was the entire emancipation of all the African race in the United States, without removal and without compensation to their owners, since removal or compensation are known to be utterly imj^ossible. They proclaimed that by the laws of nature all men ai'e free and equal ; and that African Slavery is a social and political evil, and a deadly sin against God. Mr. Calhoun contended that if our Slavery was a social evil and sin, we alone would be the sufferers and should be allowed to deal with it ourselves. Politically he claimed for it only the fulfilment of the solemn guarantees of the Consti- tution. But he thous^ht it could not be a sin since God had expressly ordained it, nor an e\'il since both the white and black races had improved in every point of view under the system. He scouted the idea of natural freedom and equality. Men were born help- less, and owed life, liberty and every thing to those who nurtured them. A state of complete natural liberty was inconceivable. Even the wildest savages placed severe restraints upon it. And so far from men being created equal, no two men, and in fact no two things, were ever yet created precisely equal. Ine- quality is the fundamental law of nature, and hence alone the harmony of the universe. But it was useless to attempt to reason with enthusiastic Abolitionists, or with the masses of the non-Slaveholders, equally bigot- ed in their abstract notions of morality, freedom and equality. It was still more useless to attempt to rea- son with politicians who existed only in the breath of such a people. A majority influenced by such ideas, and led on, some by a fanatical zeal to enforce what SERVIC1':S OF JOHN C. CALHOUN. 55 they believed to lie tnitli, others by tholitvc of power, aud all by the lioj)e ot" sj)oil, has never yet bcfii clt'ec- tiially checked except l)y force. It has not, however, yet l)ecome the ]>lan of tlie Abolitionists to carry their ])urj)oses by a direct and decisive exertion of the ])olitieal power they possess. They wish first to ac([uire a more overwhelniini!^ ])ower, both political and physical. And to effect this they have aimed steadily to enlarge their <>\vn domain and to narrow ing uj) their own connections with theii- i-esj)ective allies here. They have united in denounciny-, and have taught many to denounce a^s ultraists, disunionists and traitors, all those who have attempted to awaken the Soutliern })eo])le to a sense of the dangers that envi- roned them. And more denounced than all the rest was Mr. Calhoun, whose sagacity could not be delu- ded — whose virtue was incorru])tible, and wh(«e con- stant exposure of their designs and effective oj^position to them, was apparently the greatest obstacle to their success. Listening to no compromises, and sna])ping instantly every party tie where this transcendant ques- tion was involved, he Avaged mortal com)»at on every issue, ojien or concealed. The great ditliculty with the Abolitionists was to identify their cause with soim; of the great practical ])olitical ([uestions of the country. The pretended itifringement of the mueh abused right of petition could not ))e made to sei've them materially, 56 OEATIO]S ON THE LIFE, CHARACTEE AND for it was too absurd to contend tliat Congress was bound to receive and treat respectfully all sorts of pe- titions — petitions frivolous, unconstitutional and de- structive of law, order and society. ^Hien tlie an- nexation of Texas was brought forward, they fastened uj^on that and opposed it with great zeal and much effect, upon the ground that it extended the area of Slavery. But thei'e were too many interests even in the North in favour of annexation, and Mr. Calhoun was enabled to defeat them signally. But when the Mexican war was declared, a new and vast field was opened to them. It was certain that a large territory would be gained by that war: and it was scarcely begun before it was moved in Congress and carried in the House, and almost carried in the Senate, to pro- hibit Slavery in the domain that might be acquired. The alarm was immediately sounded, and the South appeared for once to be fully roused. A number of Southern States declared through their Legislatures that if this Prohibition was enacted they would not submit to it. While on the other hand a still larger number of Northern States made Legislative declara- tions in favour of it, and instructed their Senators to support it. And thus at length the Abolition question, always purely sectional, became again, as in the case of Missouri, but under far more ominous circumstances, the chief element in the most important practical po- litical issue of the day. From 1846 up to near the close of the late memorable Session of Congress, this contest was carried on in various forms with deepen- ing import, until at length it entirely absorbed the public mind, and occupied the Federal Government to the almost total exclusion of all other business. Early 8KR^^CKS OF JOHN ('. rALnouN. 57 in the last Session it came up <>ii tlic jji-oposition to admit California into the Union. A Kaiul of adven. tuivrs haviiii^ a>v an amendment to the Constitution, "which would icstore to the South in su])stance the power she possessed of protecting herself, before the equilibrium between the two sections was destroyed by the action of the Government." No speech ever pronounced in Congress produced a more profound sensation there and in the country than this did. The deep and incalculable importance of the questions in issue ; and the fact that this was generally regarded as the last eiibrt of an illustrious statesman, who had for almost half a century lead in the councils of the Confederacy, scarcely heightened the intensity of the interest created by the novel and startling, yet sound and pro})li<'tic views which had been developed with a force and clearness rarely ecpialled. Mr. Cal- houn himself intended it rather as a ])reliininary speech. He still hoped that he could, by his iron will, Laffle and repel the advances of disea.se, and that God would spare him to consummate this last task. He had only laid down his groundwork, and reserved am- ple materials for reply, after all had exhibited their positions, and his had been sulticiently attacked. He did not even announce Avhat amendments to the Con- stitution he intended to propose. Whatever tliey were — for he afterwards said that several were neces- sary — the suggestion of them manifested his undimin- ished anxiety for the preservation of a Constitutional Union ; and the latest offering of his life wjls laid upon that altar at which he had so long worshipi)ed. It is 60 ORATION^ ON THE LIFE, CHAEACTER AND scarcely to be regretted that he did not specify them, for nothing is more certain than that no amendments to the Constitution can ever be carried, that will give the South the express power of self-protection. They would not receive a single vote from that Northern majority, which wull ere long be large enough to amend the Constitution without the South, if it shall choose to regard forms in perpetrating its oppressions. But such amendments, if passed, would not avail the South, for her action under them would soon be denounced as revolutionary, as the clearly Constitutional right of Secession is now denounced. In fact, neither this Union nor any Union or Gov- ernment can exist long by virtue of mere paper stipu- lations. " Written Constitutions," said Anacharsis to Solon, " are but spiders webs, which hold only the poor and weak, while the rich and powerful easily break through." Solon thought otherwise, but lived to see the Government he established completely overthrown. Lycurgus, more wise, forbade written laws. His prin- ciples were durably impressed, by training from child- hood, on the minds and manners of his people, and interwoven with the whole social fabric. Ancj they governed the Spartans for six centuries or more. In modern France no enacted Constitution has survived five years ; while the Constitution of England, resting on traditions and occasional Acts and Charters, appears to bid defiance to time and progress. Those Govern- ments only can endure which naturally spring from the social system, and are habitually sustained by it. And written — artificial Constitutions ai'e indeed but " spiders webs" if they do not continually draw their vital breath from the same living source. For more SKRVIC1'>^ OF .ToIIX ('. (A I.IK UN. 61 than twenty years the Federal C'oiistitutioii \rA< liei-na dead letter, or a snare to the minority. It lias, for that length of time, had no material iiilhunco in main- taining the Union of these States. They have been held together by habit: l^y the recollections of tlie j)a.st and a common reverence for the patriots and heroes of the Revolntiut the events of these twenty yeai'S, and mainly the d('veloj)mentsof Abolitionism, have clearly revealed to us that we have at least two separate, distinct, and in some essential points, antagonistic social systems, whose differences can never be reconciled and subjected to one equal and just Government, unless our respective industrial inter- ests are left free from every shackle, and the fell sjiiiit of Abolitionism crushed and entirely eradicated. Many of the cords which once bound these two systems to- gether have been, as IMi-. Calhoun jjointed out in his last speech, already snapped asunder. The religious bonds have been nearly all rui)turt'd : j)arty tics are going fast : those of business are serit)usly endangered. It is vain to hope to preserve the Union ]>y any com- mon sentiment of reverence for the past, or even by amending the Constitution, unless these severed chains can Ije relinked tofcether, and that In-otherly love which mingled the blood of our fathers in the battle fields of the Kevolution can be restored, b\ Piovidential inter- position, to its ancient fervor. It is, however, the ])ro- \nnce and the sacred duty of the statesman, whatever may be the ultimate result, to ])oint out tlu^ diseases of the Constitution and the (iovernment, and to ]»rop()se the best remedies he can. This was the great object of Mr. Calhoun for the last two ani C»F .lUllN C. CALHOUN, G5 the faculties wliit-h Iciul tt) distinction in tlit-r lines. He julniired and valued lofty declamation on appio- priate occasions; and sometimes, tliouuh rarely, at- tenipted it himself, and not Avithout success. The force of his inuiiifination, his command of lanr declamation of the hii^hest order, and his themes were as well adapted to it as those of Demosthenes himself But the audience to which he commonly addressed himself could not hear his voice or see his action, or decide his cause uniler the spell of eloquence. It covered millions of square miles, and reached lar down the stream of time. And his keen judgment and deep earnestness would not often permit him to use weapons that could reach elfectively those only who were near at hand. The intellectual power of ]\Ir. Caijioux was due mainly to the facility and accuracy with which he resolved propi^sitions into their elementary ])rinciples; and the lustonishinu: ra- pidity with \\ hich he deduced from these i)rinci}>les all their just and necessary consequences. The moment a sophism was presented to him he })ierced it throui^h and through, and plunging into the labyrinth, brought truth from the remote recesses where it delights to dwell, and placed it before the eyes of men. It waa in these pre-eminent faculties that ]\[r, CALiunN'smind resembled the anticpie and ])artieularly the genuine Greek mind, which recoiled from ])lausibilities and looked with inetl'abh^ disgust on that mere gri»uping of associated ideas which so generally passes for i-easou- ing. It was ill conformity w ith these great intellectual endowments that he created all his s]>eeches and State paj)ers. It was commonly said of his j)roductious that 66 OKATION ON THE LIFE, CHARACTER AND they were characterized by extraordinary condensation. But Mr. Calhoun was often careless in his diction, and habitually so in the construction of his sentences. He sought only the words that most clearly expressed his meaning, and left their arrangement apparently to chance. What he did do was to go straight to the bot- tom of his subject, following the slender plummet line of truth until he reached it. Then he built up in a manner equally direct, discarding all extraneous mate- rials : and erected a structure, simple, uniform and con- sistent, decorated with no ornament for the sake of ornament, and occupying no more space than was ne- cessary fo]- the purj)oses in view. The faculty of Invention — which is the highest cha- racteristic of genius — is the necessary result of rapid and correct analysis and synthesis. To the possession of these powers then is also due the acknowledged originality of Mr. Calhoun, which gave such a peculiar charm to every one of his productions, as led the pub- lic invariably to pronounce his latest to be the best. The common mind never looks beneath the surface, and draws its conclusions from the facts and arguments that float around it. Even rather uncommon minds seldom penetrate very deep or very quickly. From whatever subject, therefore, such extraordinary powers of analysis and generalization were brought to bear upon, they would necessarily extract ideas lying far beyond the range of others, and so new and startling as to overwhelm ordinary intellects and obliterate their confused remembrances of past productions, in which he had carried them delighted through equally unac- customed regions. Hence also arose and was received the charge, worn SERVICES OF JOHN C. CALHOUN. 67 thread-l)are by reiteration, that ]\Ir. Calhoun's mind was too metaphysical and s])eeuh\tive for conducting the attairs of Government. A chari^e which, if it wils not absurd in it>elf, was si^rnallv refuted by his conduct of the AVar, l)y his organization of tlie AVar Dcjtaitnient, by his negociations jis Secretary of State, by liis fre- quent minute, and accurate, and ])owerful ehicidations of all the iinancial, connnercial, manufacturing and agri- cultural o})erations of the country — in sh<»rt, by his whole course from the commencement to tlu' close of his career. It was the remarka])le characteristic of the Greek mind, now too little a})preciated, to be at once practical and speculative, as in fact it ever has been of all really great minds. In the palmiest days of Greece her Philosophers were Statesmen, her Poets and His- torians were Warrioi's. The Astronomer who tii-st })re- dicted an ecli})se made his fortune by dealing in olives. To a successful Usur})er we owe the collection of the scattered songs of Homer. The mere practitioner is necessarily a quack in medicine, a pettifogger in law, and a charlatan in i)olitics. The colloquial powers of Mr. Calhoun have been hitrhlv lauded. But this is a mistake. Strictly si)eak- ino: he had no uncommon endowment in that line. It is true that he entered readily and easily into any convei-sation, and there were few subjects on which he did not throw new light, or at lea.st dissi]>ate some of the darkness that might surround them. But he ex- hibited no sparkling wit, no keen retort, none of that liveliness of fancy which so delightfully season and refine familiar conversation. Nor wjus he anything of a raconteur. All these things he occasionally enjoyed 68 ORATION ON THE LIFE, CIIARACTEE AND with much zest, but rarely attempted himself. The conversation in which he really shone was but a modi- fied species of Senatorial debate. And in that no one apj)roached to an equality with him. In the Senate, where time is given for preparation and the conflict of intellect is conducted for the most part like a cannon- ade by heavy dischai'ges at considerable intervals, his opponents might make a show of vigorous combat with him. But in the close encounter of informal colloquy, there ^vas no one who could stand before him. The astonishing rapidity of his intellectual operations en- abled him to anticipate every proposition before it was half stated, to resolve it into all its parts, and not only to answer his opponent without a moments hesitation, but to take up his whole train of argument, run through it in advance of him, and so turn all his points as to convince or at least to silence him. At these times there was a fascination about him which no one could resist. It was not merely his warmth, his earnestness, his deep sincerity that charmed, but his reasoning — commencing so far back, and disentangling the first elements, the facts and principles, — moved forward with such simplicity and ease ; such clearness and connec- tion : with a sweep so graceful, yet so broad and pow- erful that you felt as though you were listening rather to a narrative than to an argument. There were rarely any topes or figures, or learned illustrations, but your very passions were enlisted by the ardour and intense- ness of his logic, and you were carried unresistingly along, as well by the force of your imagination as by the conductions of your judgment. The power which Mr. Calhoun thus exercised was so transcendant that SEKVICKS OF .TOUV C. CALHOUN. 69 could hv luivo seen ami cuiivei'sed with every iiidividu- fil in the Union, he would have reiijfned sn])r('Tne over puhlic opinion. The fame of Mr. Calhoun' -will rest chit-lly un his character as a Statesman. Posterity, with a knowledpfe of events yet concealed from us, will analyse it closely. It is believed it will stand the most rii^id sci-utiny. So many qualiticatii^ns art* necessary to the formation of Statesmen, and so rare a combination o\' all the highest moral and mental ([ualities is recpiisite to constitute one of the first order, that they are usually rated rather by degrees of ability, than by the ])(»culiarities of talent. Such peculiarities, however, do exist, and so color their current opinions, that they are in all countries classed, at least temporarily, accordini,' to the domestic parties whose views they fav(»r for the time. In this countrv, wliere everv thinir is so new and variable: where not only our political institutions are experimen- tal, but our civilization has not attained a j>crmanent standard, there is great difficulty in a]t])ropriating dis- tinctive names to our Statesmen — a diHiculty «'nhanced by the fact that nearly or quite all of our eminent men have, in the coui*se of their careers, radically c-hanged Bome of their ojjinions: a change which indeed few of the great Statesmen of any country, in the hist eighty eventful }ears, have escaped. Coming into the public c(»unciN at a })eriod when twenty yeai-s of successful experiment had, it w;ts thought, fully tested our Federal Constitution, and established the j)ermanency of the Federal (Jovern- ment — when a vigorous effort to convert it into a cen- tral despotism had been signally defeated, and all sec- tional jealousies and ap]»rehensions had been lulled. 10 OEATION ON THE LIFE, CHAEACTER AND Mr. Calhoun devoted liimself wholly and enthusiasti- cally to the great purpose of developing all the mighty resources of his country, and raising her to the highest pitch of prosperity and grandeur. His views were large — far reaching — noble. And his measures were in full accordance with them. Whenever, in war or in peace, an exigency occurred, his active and inventive genius promptly suggested a provision for it, always ample, and usually the best that could be adopted. Whenever favouring circumstances invited a forward movement, or a wider exertion of energy, he was ever ready with plans thoroughly digested and fully adapt- ed to accomplish all the ends in view. While close in his calculations, and careful of details, there was noth- ing low or narrow in any thing he ever proposed. He had an ineffable scorn for whatever was mean or con- tracted in legislation; and having an abiding confi- dence, not only in truth and justice, but in the power of reason, and the capacity of the people to appreciate what was right and comprehend the arguments in favour of it, — he never for a moment yielded to the current jDopular opinion, when it diflered from his own. He expected to restrain it by his logic, and ultimately reverse it by the benefits his measures would confer. As a Progressive Statesman, leading ardently during the first part of his career the very van of Progress, Mr. Calhoun may be considered a perfect model When, however, a few years of peace had developed in this new and rapidly growing country, what it has taken thirty years to make manifest in older and more closely cemented social fabrics — that Governments and Constitutions are more severely tried by the conflicts of domestic than of foreign interests, and ambition ; and SERVICES OF .TOJTN C. CALTinrN. 71 it became evident that uiir Government was to Ijc piT- verted and our Constitution set aside, to enable one section of this Confederacy to despoil another — thon Ml'. Calhoun became a Conservative Statesman. He saw that in common witli the foundei's of the U(^j)ul)- lic, he had been deceived in his belief that the Consti- tution had been consecrated l)y a quarter of a century of successful operation, and that all danger of a central despotism had passed by. He saw what many — in all countries — have been too slow in seeing, — that there is a Progres-s whioli. like "vaulting ambition, overleaps itself." He recoiled from the operation of machinery he had liimself aided to })ut in motion ; and he now ardently devoted all liis talents and all his energy to arrest the march of usurpation and corruption : and to preserve tlio liberties and institutions iidierite«l from our fathei's. But merely negative and stolid conservatism did not at all suit the genius of ]Mr. Calhoun, which was essen- tially active and ever looking forward t(^ the improve- ment of mankind. lie sought, therefore, earnestly, to discover the i)rinciples and theory of Movement that might be onward and unfailing — yet regular and safe. In accomplishing this task, he sounded anew the dei)tlis of human nature : he re-viewed the whole science of politics : he analysed the Constitution word by word — its letter and its spirit: and he studied thoroughly the workings of our Government. The result wa.s tliat he lifted himself above all parties, and became a Philoso- phical Statesman — the only true anriefly reviewed his Statesman- ship. My task is executed, however feebly and iin])er- fectly. It would be vain to attempt to fathom the Divine Will, and seek to learn why, in this most event- ful period of our history, le, we should go forward in the performance of them with "unshaken confidence in the Providence of God." /" > Lb Uu u , f ./