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 F:nioT0RI6 FflRflLLEU 
 
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 BEING A 
 
 n COMPILATION AND ARRANGEMENT OF HISTORIC 
 - FACTS, TO DEMONSTRATE THAT THE 
 
 POLITICAL HISTORY 
 
 '1 OF THE 
 
 UNITED STATES IS MOVING IN A CYCLE OF FORTY 
 YEARS, SO THAT DEDUCTIONS MAY BE MADE 
 THEREFROM, TO DETERMINE THE FU- 
 TURE CONTINUATION OF THE 
 PARALLEL, UNTIL THE 
 
 TERn OF THE CYCLE EXPIRES, 
 
 MEIVJRY IM. ROUSI 
 
 1861 MIH 1901 
 
 F»RICE, Single Copy, TEN CENTS. 
 
 'J TOLEDO, O: 
 
 Batch & Harris, Book and Job Printers, 
 rv 1893. Uj 
 
HISTORIC PflRflLLEU 
 
 BEING A 
 
 COMPILATION AND ARRANGEMENT OF HISTORIC 
 FACTS, TO DEMONSTRATE THAT THE 
 
 POLITICAL HISTORY 
 
 UNITED STATES IS MOVING IN A CYCLE OF FORTY 
 
 YEARS, SO THAT DEDUCTIONS MAY BE MADE 
 
 THEREFROM, TO DETERMINE THE FU- 
 
 ^ TURE CONTINUATION OF THE 
 
 PARALLEL, UNTIL THE 
 
 TERH OF THE CYCLE EXPIRES, 
 
 >v7v-ry 
 
 PRICE, Single Copy, XEIM CENTS. 
 
 TOLEDO, O: 
 
 Batch <fe Harris, Book and Job Printers, 
 
 1893. 
 
 I 
 
■6' 
 
 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1893, 
 By. Henry N. Rouse, 
 In the office of the Librarian of Congress, at 
 Washington, D. O. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Immutability of the laws of nature. — Man's intellectual 
 being subject to the same. — INIan's freedom to think, to act, 
 a subject of doubt. — Our political history moving- in perfect 
 a3cord with a previous Cycle of 40 years. — Parallels exist- 
 ing in the life and death of Clay and Blaine — in the Presi- 
 dential succession — in the issue of Slavery and Romanism — 
 in their claims to divine Authority — in the all absorbing de- 
 sire to rule — in the means used to extend its rule — the ob- 
 jects aimed at — in the necessity for such action — in line sep- 
 arating church and state and that of the Missouri com- 
 promise — in the attitude of political parties. — The labor 
 question discussed, its importance. The tariff no longer a 
 dominant issue. — Another democratic administration to fol- 
 low Cleveland's — civil war inevitable in 1901. 
 
THE HISTORIC PflRflLL&L 
 
 One equivalent of sulphur, combines with three equival- 
 ents of oxyg"en, to form sulphuric acid, and it matters not 
 when or where this combination takes place, the result is 
 invariably the same. We shall offer an array of historic 
 facts, which we think undisputably prove, that the political 
 concerns of this republic are controlled by laws equally in 
 variable in their results. The only necessary qualification 
 being-, that conditions in each and every case shall be posi- 
 tively similar. There are many reasons for believing- that 
 man's intellectual, as well as his physical being", acts only 
 in consonance with fixed immutable principles of nature. 
 We feel that we are wholly free to think, to act; but are we, 
 reallj^ doing- more than obeying- the impulses of nature's un- 
 iversal law of attraction and repulsion. Certain it is, that 
 one is attracted by the very thing- that may repel another, 
 one may be induced to do what another is equally decided 
 not to do. It is evident, if conditions were similar, that is, 
 if we were of one mould in quality and quantity, we would 
 all act and think alike. Our aim in this lecture is to dis- 
 cover those conditions in our past history which have par- 
 ailed each other, by the aid of which we may gain a g-limps 
 into the future, for such is by no means improbable, as yon 
 may see. 
 
 Take for instance the public life and services of Henry 
 Clay, whether in parliamentary debates where the position 
 of parties, and the fate of measures were concerned, or 
 whether occupied in those matchless efforts when listening* 
 Senators were swayed, and multitudes moved, or in advanc- 
 ing- the doctrine ef protection, or of internal improvements, 
 we find him foremost as a leader and an idol oi his party. 
 All these in each and every essential particular, which as a 
 force, affects the onward march of this g-overnment. finds its 
 counterpart in James G. Blaine: not only this, but as if to 
 furnish a clue to the number of years constituting- our cycle, 
 we find that precisely' -40 j-ears elapse before the environ- 
 ment is such as to produce a corresponding- result. Thus the 
 Alabama letter of Clay, proper enough in and of itself, and 
 
— 6— 
 
 iu no way reflecting' upon him as a man, was a potent factor 
 in his defeat to the presidency in 1844, in as much as it 
 caused a division of his party. So too were the Mialleg-an 
 letters in the defeat of Elaine in 1S84. Clay was nominated 
 for President in 1844. but defeated. James G. Blaine was 
 nominated for President in 1884, just 40 years after, hut de- 
 feated. Clay sought the nomination again in 1848 but failed 
 to obtain it owing to rivalry in his party. So again Blaine 
 seeks it in 1888 but fails owing to a similar cause. Clay 
 died in 1852, Blaine in 1893. One of the distinctive forces of 
 which Clay was an embodiment was the principal of protec- 
 tion to our industries. This issue has plaj-ed a more or less 
 import part as a force, since the foundation of the Republic, 
 but it is interesting to observe its coiirse, corresponding 
 with other forces common to a general condition of peace: 
 as during Clay's career, it quickly glides to a secondary 
 place on the assembling of forces in preparation for war. 
 Thus in 1863 we observe it quietly hying to the back- 
 ground, to come forth again only after the war has made its 
 peaceful services needful in raising- revenue. So too, we 
 we may look for his 40th year retreat in JS03, only to come 
 forth after 1900. It may be our theosophical friends are 
 right after all, and that it, with the other combination of 
 forces, operating in their several spheres, merely retire to 
 Nirvana, to be reincarnated after the period of 40 j^ears: 
 and observe the same principle operating' in the protest 
 against the extension of slaver3\ Its first check, in a na- 
 tional sense, was effected in the compromise measure of 
 1820 which forever forbade slavery and involuntary servi- 
 tude North of latitude 3Go 30'. So, not only the further ex- 
 tension of slavery, but the institution itself found its perpet- 
 ual repose just 40 j^ears afterward in 1860. 
 
 And still again, the first protest, in a national sense, 
 against tl^c encrouchments of Rome, was in 1856 and 1860. 
 You maj'^ confidently expect her to reach an alarming prox- 
 imity' to defeat in 1896, owing to the ominous reduction of the 
 democratic majority, as compared with that of 1892, while 
 in 1900 the scale is turned and complete defeat follows. 
 But we have been firing, as it were, at long range, from 
 birth to dissolution. We will now examine with more 
 specific detail this ever changing' impulse of evolution. Be- 
 fore doing so however, we promise 3'ou, dear reader not to 
 
task yonr patience in a bewildering- analytical dig-est, but 
 shall continue as we have thus for gone, by confining' our- 
 selves to g'eneral, rather than specific analysis. 
 
 In the year 1840 ^Yilliam Henry Harrison ("Whig) was 
 elected President, dying in olfice a few months after his in- 
 auguration. History informs us. his death was hastened no 
 doubt, by the annoyances of office seekers. Having no con- 
 test with history we give it the benefit of the doubt and 
 allow the cause as stated to stand. There were many how- 
 ever, who were active in political affairs at that time who 
 believed there was a cause more potent than mere importun- 
 ity from would-be oftice holders. Fortj^ years from this 
 time, or in ISSO James A. Garfield was elected President, 
 djdng in office a few months after his inaugeration. from 
 the effect of a XDistol shot in the hand of one who thus 
 thoug'ht to produce harmony between rival factors of his 
 own party. 
 
 In 1544 the conditions change and Jas. K. Polk (Dem.) 
 is elected to the same office. 40 years elapse, and we have in 
 1884 a Democrat again filling' the office in the person of 
 Grover Cleveland (first term.) In 1848, Gen'l Zach Taylor 
 (Whig-) is called to preside. Following the 40 year idea, the 
 conditions and environment again become similar and Gen'l 
 Benj. Harrison becomes President. Gen'l Taylor like Wm. 
 Henry Harrison died in office, and to complete the parallel 
 Ge'l Harrison would have met a similar fate. But since the 
 law governing' in these cases is no respecter of persons, we 
 are forced to conclude that the aim of the law was better 
 subserved in the death of Mrs. Harrison than in that of her 
 husband. 
 
 In 18.52 Franklin Pierce (Dem.) was elected by a very 
 large majority-, carrying- 27 out of 31 states and receiving- 254 
 electoral votes to 42 for his competitor Gen'l Scott. In 1892, 
 just 40 years after, Grover Cleveland (Dem.) is elected by a 
 majority singularly paralleling that of Pierce. Now in each 
 and every instance named, not only the Presidential nomi- 
 nees were parallel, but the majorities in the Congressional 
 delegations ke,pt company with them, and there are so many 
 minor incidents siirrounding- the many contests, each keep- 
 ing exact pace in the march of its predecessor, that the con- 
 clusion is forced upon us that this is not chance at least, 
 whatever it may be. 
 
"We now ask your attention for a few moments, to an 
 examination of the conditions present, and surrounding- the 
 issues which appear t© so closely and positively parallel 
 each other. And if we succeed in finding* the conditions, 
 (by which we mean the objects, motives, aims and means 
 used to promote these ends and aims, as also its opposite or 
 the means used to resist the consumnation or enforcement 
 of the former) to be positively similar, the results must be 
 as inevitably similar as in the chemical formula named in 
 our opening-. Now we shall endeavor to show you, by an 
 array of facts which are common property, known to all, 
 and which require no hair splitting- distinction to render 
 them easily understood. We first take up the general char- 
 acteristics of the two systems, Romanism and American 
 Slavery. 
 
 The first and foremost feature of the Slave Olig-archy 
 was its intense desire for power: to rule was her accepted 
 motto, and it must be confessed they succeeded in doing- so 
 for a g-reat-many years, but at last staked their all and lost. 
 Have w^e a parallel in the Roman Hierarchy? at first g-lance 
 we are let to exclaim, there appears to be little of it but 
 power, robbed of its power, and it is verj- doubtful if it 
 could hold its own with protestant demoninations. Will it, 
 like the slave power risk all and lose? 
 
 It w^as claimed by the advocate of slavery that it w-as a 
 divine institution, that the rig-ht to hold, to sell, to dictate 
 to the blackman what he should and should not do, was a 
 rig-ht so sacred, that the power to circumscribe it did not 
 lie in human hands, and they arrog-antly demanded laws for 
 the protection of that rig-ht, w^here ever the}^ chose to g-o with 
 their human chattels. They were met by a general denial 
 from their oj)ponents, not onlj^ did they deny that the insti- 
 tution was of divine orig-in, but claimed on the other hand 
 that it was simply a creature of legislative enactment, that 
 the normal condition was freedom, and to have a condition 
 of slavery it must be made such, by positive enactment. 
 How near to this, do we find a parallel in the claims of the 
 Roman Heirarch3\ We are comparativelj- safe in saying 
 she claims to be of divine origin. Is this denied by her op- 
 penants? We shall see. Shorn of her claim that the Pope 
 is Christ's Vicar General, and is the true and only head of 
 the universal church throughout the earth, and that by vir- 
 
tue of the keys of binding and loosing", given to his holiness 
 by Jesus Christ, he has power to depose Heretical Kings, 
 Princes, States, Commonwealths and Governments. All be- 
 ing illegal without his sacred confirmation and may safely 
 be destroj^ed. All of which is denied by her opponents, as 
 being of divine authorship, shorn of her claim for authority, 
 to pronounce jiidgment upon Protestantism as being damn- 
 able, and those to be damned who will not forsake the same, 
 the divine authorship of which is denied bj^ her opponents. 
 Shorn of her claiin as having- a monoply on the teaching- of 
 morality, the divine authorship of which is denied by her 
 opponents. Shorn of her claim to possess the power to 
 bind and loose the soul of man (which is slavery in the con- 
 crete) the divine authorship of w^hich is denied by her oppon- 
 ents, and we have left a mere fragment of Protestantism. But 
 since Rome herself, pronounces that damnable, we have 
 simply left what the opponents of the institution of slavery 
 claimed it to be, merely a creature of leg'islative enactments, 
 in otRer words the result of Pontificial decrees and political 
 conventions, called Councils. 
 
 We next invite your attention to another singular par- 
 allel. We refer to the line so definitely outlined by the 
 Constitution and Declaration of Independence as an impas- 
 sible barrier between ecclesiasticism and the civil power of 
 this Republic, and the barrier between slave and free ter- 
 ritory known as the INIissouri compromise line, running 
 West but South of the then territories of Kansas and Ne- 
 braska, the repeal of which was effected by the Congress of 
 1853 (corresponding' with the coming Congress of 1893,) 
 and which was the direct cause of the agitation which fol- 
 lowed, ending" in war in 1861. 
 
 Here was a compact, as sacred as a compact could be 
 formed between man and man, settling as was supposed for 
 all time, the question of the extension of slavery, and the 
 same had been looked upon by a very large majoritj^ of the 
 people as an exceedingly wise piece of legislation. But un- 
 known to the people at large, there had been an element 
 at work for years, but so cunningly did they cover their 
 tracks and designs, the people were perfecth' astonished, 
 when within 30 daj's of the convening of Cong'ress in 1853, a 
 bill was introduced to break down this ancient barrier, 
 which had been the means of bringing" so much peace and 
 
—10— 
 
 contentment for more than a g-eneration. But it was far 
 from contentment that the friends of slavery has been view- 
 ing- it for a long- time. They had been accustomed to wield- 
 ing- a controlling- power in this country for a great many 
 years. But what they were unconscious of in 1820. they 
 now saw in all its intensity, that thej^ were g-radually, but 
 surely losing- their grasp. That this bill which forbade the 
 introduction of slavery North of that line, was positively 
 working- to their disadvantage. That owing- to the rapid 
 development of the co^^ntry North of the line, there was 
 growing in Congress a representation adverse to their ideas. 
 So, true to the instincts of such a power, they find the means 
 to compass its defeat: and then their Jesuitical cunning and 
 meanness come in by the cry, don't agitate, don't agitate, 
 thereby seeking, and to quite an extent succeeding in throw- 
 ing the odium of the crime on those, who seeing the danger 
 our vast unoccupied territory was now subject to. set up a 
 vigorous appeal in defense of these rights, which were now 
 being ruthlessly trampled upon. 
 
 We now pass to an examination of the other line — 
 strange, isn't it, that there should be a line at all ? its only 
 an evidence of our position, that like conditions, like en- 
 vironments, bring forth like results every time. The line 
 which we are about to examine differs, however, from the 
 former in one particular. The former was an imaginary 
 line drawn on a given parallel of latitude, while the latter 
 is one of barbed wire, and our friends of mugwumpian ten- 
 dencies will find little consolation in loitering upon it. We 
 confess to having a good deal of respect for one who has the 
 courag-e of his convictions. We have ever felt to extend the 
 hand of fellowship to those who go forth to battle for what 
 they believe to be right, but for him who loiters in the rear, 
 keeping out of harms reach and fearing to reveal his con- 
 victions that he may add a few miserable dollars to his al- 
 ready plethoric purse, we have nothing but supreme con- 
 tempt. 
 
 Since the constitution of our country is more particular- 
 h' the outward, expi-essions of those invaluable and price- 
 less principles enunciated in our Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence we shall consider more especially, the latter and be- 
 fore commencing that pleasing task I wish to refer to a 
 single fact which, when properly understood, will enable us 
 
all, I think to more fully appreciate the beauty and grand- 
 ure of that peerless instrument. There are many very 
 worthjT' protestant people, who feel that it does not suflfiei- 
 ently recog-nize the providence of God, and in greatest kind- 
 ness wish it was more expressive in that direction: to all 
 such we would recall the letter of St. Paul to the Corinth- 
 ians wherein he instructs them as follows: For there are 
 celestial bodies, and bodies terrestrial, but the glory of the 
 celestial is one, and the g'lory of the terrestrial is another. 
 \Yhile this was given as having reference to the resurrection 
 of the spiritual bodj^ as distinct from the earthy or physical 
 body, it is equally pertinent, in as much as the civil govern- 
 ment is a complete counterpart of the physicial body, as is 
 ecclesiasticism to the spiritual body, the parallel is com- 
 plete in all its parts. So we can readily understand why so 
 little prominence is given to the spiritual or ecclesiastical, 
 from the fact, that the tenement they were building was for 
 the earthly and not in any manner connected with the 
 spiritual, for each has its separate and distinct g-lory. Tne 
 first idea which particularly attracts us, on reading" this 
 priceless instrument is its directness, terse in its style, as if 
 those old patriot heroes meant business: and we are rather 
 inclined to believe they did. "We hold these truths to be 
 self evident.'" no chance for argument there: "that all men 
 are created equal" — what a thought 1 from men too who had 
 lived all their lives under that form of government when 
 the mere accident of birth makes of one fish, of the other 
 fowl, and were bold and brave enough to utter a truth so 
 grand, so just, even in the teeth of the power exercising- 
 such vexatious restraint over them. "That they are en- 
 dowed with certain unalienable rig-hts: that to secure these 
 rights governments are instituted among men ihriviiuj their 
 just powers from the consent of the goverened." Here we 
 have an unequivical statement, devoid of all ambiguity as to 
 the sorce of authority in instituting this g'overnment by the 
 patriot heroes of 177G. A sentiment more pregnant with 
 possibilities and blessing-s to mankind, or more in sympathy 
 with the divine order of nature was never uttered bj' man. 
 And yet there are those who say, thafs illusory: such a gov- 
 ernment as that is heretical, it has never received the holy 
 confirmation of the Pope, and consequently may be destroy- 
 ed; may safely be destroyed, and that too without sin to the 
 
—13— 
 
 destroyer, though thousands upon thousands may be slain. 
 See Canon No. 24: '"We do not esteem those homicides, to 
 whom it may have happened in their zeal for their mother 
 church against the excommunicated to kill some of them."' 
 Does it not cause one to feel the blush of shame, that a cul- 
 tivated person can be found, any where who entertains a 
 thought so monstrous. 
 
 We have now given you something of an idea of the 
 theories of government as held by the contending parties. 
 The one holding steadfastly to the view that the civil gov- 
 ernment is and should be, separate and distinct from the 
 ecclesiastical power. That the Public Schools belong to, 
 and are a part of the civil government, and are so held by 
 the courts all over the land. The other contending that the 
 Church shall have a representative in their management, 
 and that in matters secular as well as spiritual, she holds 
 supremacy. We will now enter into an examinatioji of the 
 forces and conditions surrounding the school question, to 
 discover how closely these conditions parallel those of the 
 extension of slaver3^ First of all. the compromise line of 
 1820 was to be destroyed, in order to strengthen the already 
 declining institution of slavery- as a power or force in the 
 government, as they had become satisfied that it was work- 
 ing more to the advantage of the free, than to the slave 
 states, although they were freely welcome, as were all oth- 
 ers, no matter what their views, or their nationality, to oc- 
 cupy the territorj^ North of that line, provided, only, that 
 they leave the slave behind, for. to allow them to bring him 
 would be to permit a trespass, as well as to become a party 
 to the violation of a sacred compact. H dw easy to trace 
 this parallel. The compact is in full force on the part of 
 our Catholic friends, in the fact that they accept citizenship 
 while this compact is in full force and effect, it being the 
 organic law of the land; but viewing, with bated breath, 
 the powerful aid the Public School is, in nuturing devotion 
 to our civil institutions (which they^ utterly detest being 
 heretical) they are determined to cross the line. Very well, 
 we say come along, as we said to the slave-holders, j^ou, and 
 all, of every race and condition are welcome, but you must 
 leave your slavery behind: you can't practice that on this 
 side the line, you are free to come, but only on condition 
 you accept the laws ancl regulations now governing. We 
 
—13— 
 
 ask no assistance and will tolerate no interference from the 
 ecclesiastical side of the line, come from whatever source it 
 may. Ag'ain, how can we enter into any compromise what- 
 ever, reg-arding- the management of the Public Schools, with- 
 out becoming- ourselves a party, to the violation of a sacred 
 compact. 
 
 Another thought presents itself, doubtless the reader 
 will recall the marauding- bands from Missouri who crossed 
 over the line into Kansas while yet a territory, for the pur- 
 pose of depredation, interfering with elections, etc.^ Hav- 
 ing no business whatever to call them there save their sym- 
 pathy for the institution of slavery and its extension. They 
 were commonly known as border )'uffians. Are you aware 
 that every Catholic militarj^ company admitted into the 
 state militia is a border ruffin in disguise. Why should they 
 wdsh to enter the service of a state deriving its powers from 
 the • -consent of the governed." Is it for a patriotic desire 
 to assist in the perpetuation of that which they proclaim 
 may safelv be destroyed? But says one. they are sw^orn to 
 defend the Constitution of the State and of the United 
 States. Yes, and they are sworn to protect the interests of 
 "mother church," and the latter is the only oath that has a 
 particle of binding- force. For proof of this, we refer you to 
 the 29th Canon, w^hich reads "no oath is to be kept toward 
 heretics, princes, lords or others." Also the 3c5rd, which 
 reads, --in every promissory oath, although absolutely 
 taken, there are certain conditions tacitly understood 
 amongst which are 1st, if I can; 2nd, to save the right and 
 authority of a superior." and the 31st reads, "the Pope can 
 absolve from all oaths." With the militia in such hands 
 what protection have we? 
 
 The historian informs us that the Ptoman Legions, un- 
 der the old Roman Empire, only 2.5 in number, made the 
 conquest of the world, and held it for centuries, and that 
 during those centuries, it was composed exclusively of Ro- 
 mans. And that up to the year B. C. 107, no one was per- 
 mitted to serve among the regular troops except those who 
 were regarded as possessing a strong personal interest in 
 the stability of the Republic. Marius admitted all orders 
 of citizens, and after B. C. ST the whole free propulation of 
 of Italy was allowed to serve in the regular army, with the 
 tests as to loyalty relaxed, discipline less vigorous, the 
 
-14— 
 
 spirit, which was the soul of the old Leg-ion departed. Is it 
 any wonder, the effectiveness of the army decreased? That 
 indifference took the place of patriotism. That decline had 
 already beg'un. which should ultimately end in absolute 
 disolution. Such is our condition to-day. Shall we like 
 Marius begin by admitting- certain orders not heretofore 
 received, or will we imitate the old Leg-ion, by insisting- up- 
 on rig-id tests of loyalty. We have now succeeded, in find- 
 ing- a complete parallel in the means and methods used 
 to break over the barrier named. 
 
 We will next examine the aims and objects sought. 
 That the extension of slavery was soag-ht to prevent the loss 
 of her prestige as a political force, is too well established to 
 require further arg-ument But why should Rome go to all 
 this trouble and run all the risk she is accused of undertak- 
 ing-, when at the rate she is increasing- she will shorth' have 
 all she covets, through the ballot alone? 
 
 That my friends is the very point we desire to discuse. 
 None knows better than Rome herself, that this is a mis- 
 taken notion. To be sure she is g-aining- somewhat through 
 immigration, but even this is only the transference of 
 catholics from one place to another, but as a whole, that she 
 is increasing, is a great mistake: and even in this country 
 which receives a greater number of immigrants than any 
 other country in the world, it is seriouslj^ doubted if she is 
 more than holding her own with the Protestant denomina- 
 tions. And Rome knows too well why this is so, to a very 
 great extent. Those Godless schools, are teaching the 
 young, patriotic ideas of government by the people, instead 
 of church discipline, and leaving- the idea of g-overnment to 
 be fixed by • -mother church." and their young, although 
 taught in Parochial Schools are contaminated; false notions 
 put into their heads, through communication and inter- 
 course with those from the Public Schools and their con- 
 templated compromise on the school question is a mere sub- 
 terfuge, trusting and believing that the end will be their 
 utter destruction, and as was the extension of slavery, its 
 sustaining- force, so too is the Parochial School looked up- 
 on by its supporters as the sustaining force of Catholicism. 
 But what is the picture presented to the view from abroad. 
 Under Leo the Great — the founder of the Papacy — the church 
 held s\yay over all the territory now occupied by united 
 
 1 
 
—15— 
 
 Italy. Germany, France and Spain, also the Spanish main. 
 And the account she has to render to day for this sacred 
 trust is something- like this. The most humiliating of all is, 
 that God is a prisoner in the Vatican, (and it is with no 
 irreverence to the God of Heaven, we say this, we speak as 
 we are assured by the 8th Canon, we may speak.) "That 
 the Pontiff was called God by the pious Prince Constantine, 
 and that as God he can not be judged by man." Our beloved 
 Jesuit Fathers, are expelled from Germany, and the Godless 
 Public Schools have taken the place of the Parochial School. 
 And even our beloved France is very restless, and trouble 
 may be looked for in the near future, and what, oh I what, 
 shall we say of our once sunny Italy. Now in heretical 
 hands, second only is this, to the humiliating thought of 
 our Lord the Pope: held as a common mortal in prison. And 
 as we look westward, what a sight meets our gaze. Our 
 once humble and obedient Mexico, also in the hands of the 
 heretic, with our schools shut out. our property confiscated, 
 and those hated Public Schools made compulsory. Not only 
 this, but the Republic of Central and South America — the 
 Argentine Republic. Chili, Uraguay, Venezufa and Brazil, 
 have adopted the same, or what is equally as bad, the non- 
 sectarian system, therebj^ cutting off our very food supply, 
 for without the Parochial system we caunot thrive, and this 
 too by the countries from whom we had expected so much. 
 A veritable report would certainlj^ be no less. Can you dis- 
 cover now, why they, like the slave Oligarchy, are looking 
 for an extended field of operations? It has reached that 
 point when something must be done, or their opportunity to 
 save their prestige will have forever passed. With the con- 
 trol of this powerful country they would not be slow to find 
 ways and means to liberate their Lord, and restore to them- 
 selves the many small republics in Central and South Amer- 
 ica. And why all this, merely that the ecclesiastical may 
 prove its supremacy over the civil function. There was a 
 time when it took all the physical courage possessed by man 
 to even declare that the civil function was not supreme and 
 should no longer be obeyed in matters pertaining to the 
 church. So to day. matters are reversed and we are cour- 
 ageously declairing that the ecclesiastical is not supreme 
 save in its own sphere, and we shall no longer obey her be- 
 hests in matters pertaining to the civil function. Ambrose, 
 
—16— 
 
 Arch Bishop of Milan, in the latter part of the 4th century, 
 shares the distinction of being- the first to disobey his sover- 
 eign, and to declare that in church mattei's the church, not 
 the sovereign is supreme. 
 
 Had he gone one step further and declared that in mat- 
 ters of state the sovereign and not the church is supreme, he 
 would have stated specifically, what is only to be implied in 
 the first proposition. But wh^' contend over a matter so 
 just and equitable, it appears very much like the rights de- 
 clared in our declaration, as being "self evident.'* We nev- 
 er think of disputing the equality of the forces of attraction 
 and repulsion or of the centrifugal and centripital. 
 
 The equilibrium of these forces remind me of a beauti- 
 ful thought regarding our co-ordinate branches of govern- 
 ment. Are you aware notwithstanding the claim of our 
 Catholic friends that ours is a hei-etical government, that 
 we approach, in form, nearer to the fundamental doctrines 
 of the Church of Rome, than does she herself? This causes 
 lis to feel that Canon Xo. 30 is particularly severe on us, 
 which reads -'Heretics are to be deprived of all civil and 
 paternal rights." 
 
 We have three co-ordinate branches: The Legislative, 
 the Executive and the Judiciary, equal yet each supreme in 
 its sphere, all forming one central government, typical of 
 the Father, the !Son and the Holy Ghost, even more typical 
 in function also, The Legislative is the Law Giver, or the 
 Father. The Executive, furnishes a practical example in its 
 execution typical of Christ's life on earth: the Judiciary 
 analyzes interprets, directs its application, typical of the 
 Holy Spirit, who assists us to anal;^e, interpret, and render 
 effective. God's laws to our needs and necessities. Aye, 
 still more, tj'peiying the crucifixion of the Savior we have it 
 in the person of Abraham Lincoln 1 Think you these are re- 
 sults of design or mere chance, or are they the practical work- 
 ing of laws or principles governing the immaterial, similar 
 in their operation to those governing the material universe? 
 
 We have thus far traced with historic faithfulness the 
 parallel existing between the controlling element of the 
 institution of slavery known as the Slave Olig-archy, and 
 that of the controlling- element of the Church of Rome 
 known as the Roman Hiararchy: 1st, as to its authority: 
 2nd, its objects, motives, aims, and finally the necessity' for 
 
its encroachment. And we find in each and every act. mo- 
 tive, aim, as well as in the distinctive character of the insti- 
 tution itself a perfect and complete parallel existing". 
 
 You will remember we dropped the succession of Presi- 
 dents as between Pierce in 1853 and Cleveland in 1893. Be- 
 fore applying" the conditions existing- from 185"2 to 1860 in 
 order to determine what maj^ with certainty be looked for 
 from 1893 to 1900, I wish to call your attention to the fact 
 that the campaign of 18.")3 was the last Presidential carapaig-n 
 the Whig party participated in. Will that of 1893 prove the 
 last for the Republican party, her natural successor? per- 
 haps, but whether it does or does not, will not materially 
 affect our comparison, for it is not in names the potential 
 principle evolves, but in policies. While there is one tie 
 that binds the Republican party, in other words one link 
 that connects her as an organization as a living force in the 
 dominant issiie to be fought to a finish in the next two presi- 
 dential campaigns, it will be exceedingly well for her to 
 make a critical examination, with a view to streng-thening 
 her hold upon the people — with reference to the one tie 
 which is favorable to that party — i wish to call attention to 
 the fact that the Whig party being composed as it was of 
 slave holders and .non-slave holders, of pro-slavery and anti- 
 slavery sentiments, quite naturully enough had no anti- 
 slaverj' plank in the parly's platform. So when the issue 
 become fixed in 18.')3 which was to dominate all others, the 
 party found itself as an org-anization without conviction. 
 The result being a portion in the Southern States affliated 
 with the American party. Those of pro-slavery views most- 
 ly went with the Democratic, the anti-slavery element 
 which constituted a plurality of three mentioned joined 
 in the call for the new party which culminated in the form- 
 ation of the Republican party. The tie favorable to the 
 republican party .-*«idpya«i#iyi«i^retaining her organization is 
 the fact of her having one foot firmly planted in favor of 
 maintaining the Public Schools, while she ought to pro- 
 nounce more emphaticalU^ against the encroachment of 
 civil prerogatives by the ecclesiastical element. She must 
 understand the Tariff, however valuable as a practical 
 policy, must lay off her working robe, and take a rest until 
 wanted immediately after 1900. She mu»t also understand 
 that she must unhesitatingly take hold of the labor problem 
 
—18— 
 
 with a view of doing full justice to the labor capitalist, 
 without doing- an injustice to the chattel capitalist, while it 
 is wanting" in the element to make it a dominant issue at this 
 time, it is one that neither party can afford to ignore. 
 "Whether justly or unjustly, there is a sentiment abroad, 
 which in some indefinable manner, places the g-reater re- 
 sponsibility for the unrest existing in the labor element up- 
 on the Republican part^^ this may in part be accounted for 
 in the fact that the Republican, represents a type of states- 
 manship founded by Hamilton, who contended for a more 
 centralized power, than did the Jeffersonian School. But 
 since the former carried to its utmost limit necessarily be- 
 comes arbitrary, tending to rob the individual of his person- 
 al freedom, the latter leads from personal freedom to per- 
 sonal lisence culminating in anarchy. Society, to be of much 
 value to the people as a whole necessarilj' requires of the 
 individual member a yielding, to a certain extent of his 
 personal desires for the good of others, hence that party 
 comes nearest to meeting the general good which advocates a 
 policy midway between the extremes named. The greater 
 trouble lies to-day. not so much from the encroachments of 
 the chattel capitalist, as in the failure, through lack of 
 proper organization of the labor capitalist, to set forth his 
 claims in a manner to win success. We use the terms chat- 
 tel capitalist and labor capitalist for the ptirpose of distinc- 
 tion only, for certainly the service of the laborer, is as much 
 his stock in trade, or his capital, as are the chattels, which 
 constitute the stock in trade of his neig'hbor. and is neces- 
 sarily entitled to at least an equal consideration. It must 
 be remembered that the judges of our courts do not go out 
 to solicit business, they merelj^ hear and decide what is 
 brought before them, so that whenever the labor- capitalist 
 will present his case in proper form he will g-ladly do his 
 duty in the matter. It is unnecea*ai-;^-t*-consume the space 
 to prove that there is normally no antag'onism between the 
 labor and the chattel capitalist, for without labor, surplus 
 capital would have no value as an investment, and without 
 such investment, labor coiild not exist. The decisions we 
 have recently had, should provoke no criticism, we believe 
 them to be within the law, but what a lesson should the 
 labor capitalist learn therefrom. To what perfection has 
 the law been utilized to enforce the rights of the chattel 
 
—19— 
 
 capitalist. Now with one accord, let the labor capitalist 
 resolve to g-o to work at once to secure the same protection 
 for his rights which are more sacred, for not only is his own 
 existence affected, but it may be that of a wife and child- 
 ren, so that in the scale of justice between the two, down 
 weig-ht should be g-iven him. To be more practical we be- 
 lieve all who are employed by others below the position of 
 general manager (who owing to the relation he sustains to 
 his emploj^er, will naturallj' be classified with him) should 
 unite in securing the passage of a law by the several legis- 
 latures, offering in some manner positive inducements for 
 classified org-anization, which should include incorporation, 
 to the end that the labor capitalist be put upon an equality, 
 before the courts with the chattel capitalist, also requiring an 
 agreement between the two, as to price and term, for which 
 service is to be rendered, varying to suit the several classes, 
 localities, etc. When an agreement can not be reached by 
 the representatives of the parties, an appeal to the court 
 having jurisdiction, should be taken there to be decided on 
 its merits. A division on the line indicaled would include 
 two-thirds, if not five sixths of the voting population, and 
 such a law ought not to be difficult to secure. Strikes will 
 then cease, for -there will be no occasion to resort to them to 
 obtain our rights, and the chattel capitalist will be power- 
 less to institute a Kill Karney fight, between competing 
 laborers. And we would go further, and make it a misde- 
 meanor to bid below the prevailing price of labor, on the 
 principle, and for the same reason that the court ruled that 
 an employe can not chose the time and j)lace he shall term- 
 inate his service, — it being ag'ainst the public welfare so to 
 do. Herein, then lies the opportunity of a life time, for the 
 Eepublican organization. If she seizes it she will be the 
 instrument to marshal and direct the patriot host in 1900 
 that she was in 1860. ^ 
 
 The status of the Democratic organization becomes much 
 less problematical. The conditions present being identical, 
 at this time, with those of 18.53. The apologers, and sup- 
 porters of the extension of slavery, we may with perfect 
 safety expect a similar course regarding the Public School 
 question, but already, as then, even before the issue has 
 been definitely defined, hundreds are declaring in favor of 
 defending the fundamental principles of country their first 
 
—20— 
 
 duty, that of partisanship being a secondary one. Having 
 shown with what astonishing faithfulness the events from 
 1S40 to^ 1853 have been parallea by those from 1880 to 1893 
 two-thirds of the time, which is to bring' us to the point cor- 
 responding with the civil war of 1860, has passed into his- 
 tory, and is positively known to be a fact: now. from anal- 
 ogy alone, not considering the law or immutable principles 
 cU imed in the outset as compelling a fiirther parallel, may 
 we not look for its fulfillment, as being extremely probable? 
 In 1856 James Buchanan was elected president, 40 years 
 from this date brings us to 1896. So my fellow Republicans 
 you see your "name is Dennis"' for another four years from 
 Mr. Cleveland's retirement. But if yoiir are faithfal: and 
 follow the line indicated, you may preserve you anotomy 
 and step in, in 1900, as did that old Republican Party with 
 Abraham Lincoln at its head. And is it possible that we 
 are so soon to have another Buchanan administration? 
 Another excecutive, w^ho can find no warrant in the consti- 
 tion to save the government from utter destruction, when 
 as school children we were taught that "self preservation is 
 the first law of nature?"' An executive too, who will allow 
 treasonable preparations to go on under his very eye for 
 long, long months without one word of protest? But says 
 the optomist, we shall have no war. Can you remember as 
 can the writer, how very, very distant war appeared to be in 
 1853,^ even up to 1858, it was only looked upon as a remote 
 possibility by no means probable, not even at the time 
 Abraham Lincoln gave voice to those prohetic words in 1858: 
 "I believe this Government cannot endure, permanently 
 half slave, half free. I do not expect the Union to be dis- 
 solved: I do not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it 
 will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all 
 the other: either the opponents of slavei-y will arrest the 
 farther spread of it. and place it where the public mind shall 
 rest in the belief that it is in the course of absolute extinc- 
 tion, or its advocates will push it forward till it shall be- 
 come alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, 
 north as well as south." Even in this, nothing more than 
 peaceful methods are implied. How applicable are the 
 words of the great Lincoln to the conditions surrounding us 
 to-day. To have our Public Schools half Catholic and half 
 non-sectarian, is a condition then, which can not be made 
 
—31— 
 
 permanent without destroying- the school systein, but to ap- 
 ply the expectation of Lincoln, it is not the system which is 
 to cease to endure, but it is to become all non-sectarian or 
 all Catholic, and when we contemplate the limitless g'ulf 
 between the theory of g-overnment held by the Roman Hir- 
 arcliy and that j)roclaimed by the declaration of independ- 
 ence and the constitution of the Republic, is it too much to 
 predict that the final result will show our school institutions 
 in much the same shape as before the disturbing- element 
 was introduced, with the additional fact that it can never 
 ag-ain become a menace, for as a force it has ceased to exist. 
 Every thoug-htful reader must have reached the conclusion 
 that all ecclesiastical questions which have in any manner 
 become dangerous to life and liberty, have had their orig-in 
 in the assumption that divine authority has been bestowed 
 vipon the one and not upon the other. This sing-le assump- 
 tion is the sourca of authority to destroy heretics and heret- 
 ical g-overnments. We would ask in all candor, by what 
 method you proceed to anal^-ise the hiunan mind to deter- 
 mine whence ideas come, and do they reach us as such, or 
 does the brain assort and select such as are suited to its par- 
 ticular desires; whence spring- our every day thoug-hts which 
 have no special relation to moral or religieus questions^. 
 Have we now, or lias man ever been in possession of a 
 method or system by which he can ascertain to a positive 
 certainty that a thoug-ht, for instance has reached him from 
 the planet Mars. Another from the planet Jupiter, etc. 
 Ag-ain if all our thoug-hts have a -iommon orig-in in divinity, 
 how are we to know to a certainty, which are correct and 
 which incorrect, for we are all liable to have both. Now 
 we submit, that until our Catholic friends can demonstrate 
 to a mathematical certainty that they are in possession of 
 authority for interfering- with liberty of conscience and the 
 policj'- and purposes of secular g-overnments, which protest- 
 ants are not, they have no moral right by force, to compel 
 submission to even the least of their dog-mas. And on the 
 other hand the civil function j)recludes any interference on 
 the part of the State with matters of faith, the church hav- 
 ing- exclusive jurisdiction. When these distinctions shall 
 have become firmly implanted in the hearts of the people, 
 then and not until then, will "'a g-overnment of the people, 
 for the people and by the people," have been placed upon 
 an enduring- basis. 
 
So we may expect an administration from 1806 to 1900 
 as being- one, noted more for its sins of omission than for 
 those of commission, one in point of patriotism, far below 
 that which we would have the rig-ht to expect from its 
 founder Gen'l Andrew Jackson. Nineteen hundred ushers 
 in the part^?^ representing- the dominant issue — that absolute 
 divorce of the civil and ecclesiastical function is essential to 
 the peace and perpetuity of this g-overnment. Th3 results 
 of the election, althoug-h constitutional, not being acquies- 
 ced In by the ecclesiastical party, war follows. The final 
 settlement of that of ISfil being quite magnankinous on the 
 part of the victors; that of 1901 will doubtless be equally so. 
 Hut with the additional fact that as an institution in this 
 republic, Catholicism like slavery will have been eliminated. 
 
 To determine the action of parties and the course of 
 measures from 1900 to 1920, this being the latter half of the 
 present cycle, refer to the history of the same from 1860 to 
 1880 that being the closing' half of the former C3''cle, for the 
 latter is simply a repetition of the former. 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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