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THE 
 
 ADMINISTRATION, 
 
 AND THE 
 
 a^^^m^i^^mnii 
 
 ADDRESSED TO THE CITIZENS OF NEW-HAMPSKIRE. 
 
 
 CONCORD : 
 
 PRINTED BY JACOB B« MOOPF 
 1826. 
 
4 
 
 that have elapsed since the formation of the Constitution. Gen. 
 Jackson received also some support in the western, and more in 
 the middle States. Mr. Clay was the favorite candidate of the 
 ■west; and Mr. Adams received the undivided vote of New- 
 England. 
 
 It is evident, therefore, that in the late election, local had much 
 more influence than party considerations. And this was natu- 
 ral. Political excitement having subsided, free operation was 
 given to the strongest of all the noble passions which can actu- 
 ate man, love of the place of his birth. This passion is inherent 
 in the hearts of us all. The town in which we were born has, 
 and deserves, the first place in our affections. The honor of 
 our own State is most dear to us, and justly; next, that 
 section in which our State is placed; and he whose attachment 
 to these is ardent and devoted, will not feel the less attachment 
 to his whole country. Naj^ the latter springs from the former 
 as its source, and could not exist without it. 
 
 Of these candidates, no one had a majority of the electoral 
 votes, and the election devolved upon the House of Representa- 
 tives, by whom BIr. Adams was elected. The friends of Mr. 
 Crawford have asserted, that the Representatives were bound to 
 choose him, because he was the candidate nominated by a Con- 
 gressional caucus. The friends of Gen. Jackson have asserted, 
 that they were bound to choose him, because, having received the 
 highest number of electoral votes, he was of course the favorite 
 of the people. Bound to choose^ is a contradiction in terms. It 
 IS an absurditj'^, which no sensible freeman would utter, and no 
 spirited freeman could understand. No, the House is, by the 
 Constitution, left free to choose, limited only as to the number 
 of candidates. 
 
 The reason assigned why Mr. Crawford should have been 
 elected will not be allowed to have much weight, when it is re- 
 collected of how small a number that caucus was composed. 
 The reason assigned in favor of Gen. Jackson would be entitled 
 to consideration, were it founded in truth. But, from the fact 
 that Gen. Jackson had a greater number of electoral votes than 
 any other candidate, it does not follow, that he was the favorite 
 of the people. By no mode of calculation whatever could he be 
 considered the favorite of a majoritxj of the people. Admitting 
 the electoral votes to furnish a correct criterion of their senti- 
 ments, he was a favorite of less than two fifths — only 99 being 
 in his favor, while 162 were against him. Had he been elected 
 hy the House, the appellation of " minority President" could 
 have been as justly applied to him, as it has been to Mr. Adams. 
 
 But it is denied that the electoral votes are a correct criterion 
 of the sentiments of the people. That every vote must count 
 
one IS admitted, for so the constitution ordains : but that every 
 vote represents an equal number of citizens is by no moans true. 
 That every vote, when the Representaiives vote by States, must 
 count one, whether that vote be given by Delaware or New- 
 York, is also admitted ; but neither is it true, in this case, that 
 each vote represents an equal number of citizens. Both are 
 constituiional modes of electing a President ; but neither is a 
 correct mode of ascertaining public sentiment. 
 
 No means exist for ascertaining with exactness the sentiments 
 of the people, in regard to the Presidential candidates, at the 
 late election. The vote by States, as I have already said, is not 
 a correct criterion, for some States contain msinj more citizens 
 than others. The vote by electors is a much better cri'erion, 
 but not a correct one, for these reasons : three fifths of the 
 slaves, who do not vote, are added to the number of citizens to 
 determine the number of electors, to which the State is entitled ; 
 the State containing the smallest number of citizens has two 
 electors in addition to the number of its Representatives, while 
 the State containing the greatest number is entitled to no more; 
 and in some States electors were chosen almost unaniraouslj^, 
 while in others there were large minorities for the electoral tick- 
 ets, that did not prevail. By collecting all the votes given by 
 the friends of the respective candidates throughout the Union, it 
 has been ascertained that, had the electoral votes been given 
 according to the votes of the people, and of their Representatives 
 in the State Legislatures, omitting fractions, 
 
 Mr. Adams would have received 98, 
 General Jackson 86, 
 
 Mr. Crawford 47, 
 
 Mr. Clay 28. 
 
 Mr. Adams was, therefore, in preference to any other candi- 
 date, the choice of the people of this republic. He received 
 the votes of a majority of the States, and of a greater number 
 of Representatives than any other candidate. He was elected 
 President according to all the forms prescribed by the constitu- 
 tion. He was therefore entitled, in advance, to the confidence 
 and support of his fellow citizens ; and that confidence and sup- 
 port should continue to be generously afforded until, by his con- 
 duct, he has shcAvn himself unworthy. 
 
 The first duty which devolved on him, was the nomination of 
 persons to compose his cabinet. For the otfice of Secretary of 
 State, he selected Mr. Clay. This gentleman resided in a part 
 of the Union, whence a Secretary of State had never been se- 
 lected. He had long held a conspicuous station among his fel- 
 low citizens. Devoted to republican principles — the favorite of 
 'he repubUcan party — he had six limes been elected Speaker of 
 
6 
 
 the national House of Representatives; he had been deputed by 
 Mr. Madison to negociate a treat}'- ot peace with Great Britain ; 
 and so highly were his talents and patriotism appreciated by 
 those who knew him best, that they deemed him worthy ihe 
 highest office in the nation. In the eyes even of the opposition, 
 he had but one disqualification — he voted for Mr. Adams. They 
 may insinuate or assert — what cannot be asserted ? — that this 
 vote was not conscientiously given ; but not a particle of proof 
 has been or can be adduced to prove such an assertion. For 
 whom else could he consistently have voted? Not for Mr. Craw- 
 ford, for he had early, openly and decidedly opposed a nomina- 
 tion by a congressional caucus ; that gentleman's ill health 
 rendered it extremely improper to entrust the welfare of the na- 
 tion in his hands; and his friends were so few as to i"ender any 
 aid he could afford them unavailing. Not for Gen. Jackson, for 
 he had long been personally and politically opposed to him; he 
 had, as a member of the House of Representatives, charged 
 him, in a formal manner, with violating the constitution, the ark 
 of our political safety; and he saw in the elevation of such a 
 man to the office of chief magistrate, whose duty it is to admin- 
 ister the laws and support the constitution, an omen portentous 
 of evil to the country, and of destruction to the liberties of the 
 people. He could not have voted for either without sacrificing 
 his consistency of character, the brightest jewel a statesman can 
 wear. He therefore voted for Mr. Adams. And for this, was 
 Mr. Adams permitted or bound to deprive the country of his 
 services in the station which every consideration called him to 
 fill ? Must the President, in craven dread of misconstruction 
 and calumny, have forborne to appoint a man to an important 
 office, merely because that man had given him his vote ? Little 
 minds would have done so; and little minds would have applaud- 
 ed such a course, and called it proof of political integrity. But 
 Mr. Adams could not do so without acting contrary to his own na- 
 ture. He is too fearless to shrink from doing what is right, from 
 a dread of blame. He holds no communion with little minds, and 
 neither their censure nor their applause is the subject of his con- 
 templation. 
 
 For the other members of his cabinet, he selected men of tal- 
 ents and experience ; men who had long been known to the na- 
 tion, republicans in principle, and possessing the confidence of 
 the republican party. He was not pledged, as Gen. Jpickson 
 was virtually, to introduce a federalist into his cabinet, and he 
 did not. In this he acted properly and wisely; for however 
 true it may be that the federalists, as a party, are powerless, or 
 cxtmct— that many are honest and able men — yet the prejudice 
 agairjst them is still so strong, in some parts of the Union, that 
 
an administration not wholly republican, would not be cheerfully 
 and cordially supported by a majority of the people. Neither 
 he, nor his friends, gave any intimation, as did the friends of 
 Mr. Crawford, whether with or without his direction, is not 
 known, that, if elected, he would form a " broad bottomed ad- 
 ministration," with which all yjarties should be satisfied. He 
 held out no lures; he enticed no man from his party; he made 
 no promises, and of course was not placed in the dilemma of 
 weakening the government by observing, or of fixing a stigma 
 on his character by disregarding his word. Acting in the spirit 
 of the remark made by Vlr. Monroe, in his published corres- 
 pondence with Gen. Jackson, he determined that his administra- 
 tion should rest for support upon the great republican party. 
 
 Against a President so chosen, and against an administration 
 so formed, it was certainly to be expected, that no strenuous op- 
 position would be made, until something had transpired, to shew 
 that they were unworthy of confidence ; or, to use the words of 
 Mr. Crawford, that " they would be judged by their measures." 
 Ebullitions of passion from the disappointed would have been 
 natural; and, as human nature is constituted, even pardonable; 
 but these, it was supposed, would subside, when time had been 
 afforded for reflection. A sufficient time has elapsed, yet in- 
 temperate passion still bears swaj^, and an opposition has been 
 organized actuated by a bitterness of feeling, and a reckless- 
 ness of all considerations but success, which has had no parral- 
 lel since the first years of Mr. Jefferson's administration. 
 
 Of whom is this opposition composed? — It is composed of the 
 friends of Mr. Calhoun, whose youthful ambition to take the 
 highest seat in the synagogue, has been defeated ; of the friends 
 of Gen. Jackson, whose pardonable ambition to attain the same 
 situation, has also been defeated ; and of other ambitious politi- 
 cians who, conscious of their own demerits, have, upon the cal- 
 culation of chances, determined in favor of committing them- 
 selves to the stormy sea of opposition, in the hope of sharing in 
 the credit of aiding to bring the ship safely into port. 
 
 Understand me not to say, that all are actuated by chagrin 
 from disappointment, or selfish ambition. Far from it. Every 
 party embraces honest and honorable men. Boldness in accu- 
 sation, adroitness in sophistry, flattery addressed to the vain, 
 and skilful appeals to the prejudiced, mislead many good men, 
 and many who, if not altogether good, deserve not great severity 
 of reproach. 
 
 Bu. not only is this opposition composed principally of disap- 
 pointed partizans ; it is also a local opposition. Our brethren 
 of the south have strong local and State attachments. That in- 
 bred love of home, which is the source of all patriotism, and 
 
whicli, properly regulated, is the noblest of human affections, is 
 their ruling passion. 3Juch good has it done them; much honor 
 has it gained them ; and hitherto the nation has had little cause 
 to complain, that it has operated injuriously. Their leading 
 men are trained and practised politicians. They are bound to- 
 gether by the strongest ties of interest and affection. No party 
 bickerings have divided them, set brother against brother, and 
 neutralized their influence. Their greatest men are sent to Con- 
 gress. They love power, and God forbid that it should be said 
 that, so long as they retained it, the nation did not prosper. But, 
 having retained it long, they have now lost it. They ought to 
 have submitted without a murmur. They ought willingly to 
 have conceded to others, what others have so long con- 
 ceded to them. They ought to have reflected, that there is a 
 spirit in other men, an honourable spirit, and similar to that by 
 which they are actuated, which will not permit one, however 
 worthy, forever to retain a privilege to which others, who are 
 equally worthy, have an equal right. They ought to have re- 
 membered and acted upon the republican principle of rotation. 
 But it is not surprising, that the possession of power should have 
 operated upon them, as it does upon all other men ; that the long 
 possession should make them love it the more ; that the loss of 
 it should excite unpleasant sensations, and impel them to pursue 
 a course which they would condemn others for pursuing. 
 
 I do not make these remarks for the purpose of exciting hos- 
 tile feelings against our southern brethren. I make them to ac- 
 count for the singular opposition, which is arrayed against the 
 present administration. And should the effect be to produce in 
 our bosoms a sufficient degree of the same spirit to counterbal- 
 ance that, which animates them — a greater degree I should sin- 
 cerely deprecate — the patriot will not say that I have made them 
 unprofitably. Certain I am that in that case, we should obtain, 
 as we should deserve, a much higher degree of their respect. 
 
 Does any one doubt this, or require a proof of these remarks ? 
 Let him recollect the caustic and contemptuous expressions ap- 
 plied to the seceders on the Missouri Question. Let him remem- 
 ber the sneers of Mr. Randolph, at our '■''puritan''' President. 
 Let him read the following remarks, boldly, but one would think, 
 incautiously, made, by the same prominent member of the oppo- 
 sition party. " We know what we are doing. We of the south 
 are united from the Ohio to Florida — and we can always unite ; 
 but you of the north are beginning to divide, and you will di- 
 vide. We have conquered you once, and wc can, and will, con- 
 quer you again. Aye, Sir, we will drive you to the wall, and 
 when we have you there once more, we mean to keep you there, 
 and will nail you down like base monejv' 
 
9 
 
 And what are the charges, which this opposition make against 
 our puritan President, and what arc the measures which they 
 have opposed? — Aware of the honest prejudices which exist, 
 they have " given him the bad name" of federalist. — Let us not, 
 my fellow citizens, be deprived of our reasoning faculties by 
 this appeal to our prejudices. Let us not arm ourselves with 
 stones and bludgeons the instant the cry reaches our ears. Let 
 us not, like a Salem jury, return a verdict of guilty, the instant, 
 and for the sole reason, that the charge is made. Let us de- 
 mand proof of the fact. 
 
 Mr. Adams, as all well know, was once considered a member 
 of the federal parly. While his father was President, he did 
 not place himself in opposition to his administration ; but he did 
 not, like Mr. Crawford, take an active part in supporting it. If 
 the error of Mr. Crawford, upon whom filial respect imposed 
 no restraint, can be forgiven, shall that of Mr. Adams be re- 
 membered and visited upon him at this late day ? 
 
 But in the long course of his political life, he has never advo- 
 cated those principles^ which were characteristic of the federal 
 party. His scrupulous reverence of the constitution is not sur- 
 passed by that of any republican. It is well known that the 
 journals of the Senate, of which he was long a member, have 
 been searched by his enemies, and that the most heinous charge 
 ^vhich has been brought against him was, that he voted against 
 the law which forbade the importation of slaves after the year 
 1807. The reason which he has assigned for that vote evinces 
 the regard he entertains for that sacred instrument. It was that, 
 although the law was not to take effect until the time permitted 
 by the constitution, it was yet on its passage before Congress had 
 power to act on the subject. With many, this reason would be 
 considered conclusive ; it must convince all that the constitution 
 may be entrusted to his care without the least hazard of viola- 
 tion. 
 
 Not a single vote of his can be brought forward, not a single 
 act of his can be adduced, which has contravened any of the 
 principles or doctrines of the republican parly ; which has tend- 
 ed to extend the power of rulers, or to abridge the rights of the 
 people. If in name, he has once been a federalist, in principle 
 and practice he has always been a republican. 
 
 In his manners too, and they are of principles a more sure cri- 
 terion than professions, he is simple, unaffected, unostentatious, 
 more closely resembling Mr. Jefferson than any other of his pre- 
 decessors. Mr. Randolph, in one of his speeches took occasion 
 to mention, in the same sarcastic manner that the federalists once 
 used in speaking of our first republican President, that formerly 
 he had often, when riding in a carriage, met him " trudging 
 through the mud, with an umbrella over his head." His con- 
 
 2 
 
10 
 
 slant and unwearied industry, in the performance of his public 
 duties, unequalled perhaps by that of any man in any station, 
 .may have given an outward coldness to his manner, less pleasing 
 perhaps than the manners of those who frequent the fashionable 
 circles of the metropolis, but certainly, when the cause is con- 
 sidered, much more to his honor. 
 
 Is it always forgotten that at a time when the federal party, 
 encouraged by our foreign difficulties, made an effort, with a good 
 prospect of success, to regain the ground they had lost, r> r. Ad- 
 ams cheerfully, lent the aid of his powerful talents and high 
 character to support a republican administration ? Is it forgot- 
 ten that, for the course he took on this occasion, he incurred the 
 deep displeasure of the federalists of Massachusetts? Is it for- 
 gotten that he enjoyed, in the highest degree, the confidence of 
 Presidents Madison and IMonroe? and that the latter, avowing 
 and acting upon the principle, that his administration ought to 
 rest for support upon the republican party, selected him. with 
 the approbation of the Senate, to till the highest seat in his re- 
 publicf-n cabinet? 
 
 But it is said thaf Mr. Adams is supported by the federalists. 
 If such be the fact — if the federalists come upon the ground we 
 occupy Js that a sufficient reason why we should leave it? ftJis- 
 erably weak indeed must be that republican, who can thus be 
 driven from his post; who would thus sacrifice his reason, his 
 principles and his patriotism to his prejudices. Would he flee 
 around the horizon ? Rather let him stand, independent and 
 firm, on th^ ground he has chosen, and maintain it as his own. 
 
 The federalists in a body supported Mr. Monroe ; but it was 
 not then thought expedient, by the politicians of the south, to 
 proclaim among themselves, and to pass to their obsequious fol- 
 lowers amongst us, the cry of denunciation against him. 
 
 But how far true is this charge ogamsi Mr. A4ams, (singular 
 charge) that the federalists support him? It is believed that 
 every federalist in Congress, who lives south of the Hudson, 
 (with a solitary exception, and he lives near it) is opposed to Mr. 
 Adams. I do not make this assertion with perfect confidence, 
 for little is now known of the appellation which our politicians 
 bear. 1 believe it to be correct. It is well known also that ma- 
 ny federalists, who live north of the Hudson, are decidedly op- 
 posed to him. Of the former class are Berrien of Georgia, Row- 
 an of Kentucky, Tazewell of Virginia, M'Lane, Buchanan, 
 Hemphill, Mangum, M'Neil, Verplanck, Drayton, &c. &c. Of 
 the latter class are, Baylies, of Massachusetts, Timothy Picker- 
 ing, and the whole Essex junto. It is indisputably true, that the 
 only federal vote given for President, that of DelaAvarc, was 
 given against Mr. Adams ; it is true also, that fewer federalists 
 now support Mr. Adams than did before support Mr. Monroe; 
 
11 
 
 and th-Tt he is cordially supported by a majority of the rcpul3li- 
 can f^arty. 
 
 The opposition, composed thus in part of federalists, fuiiher- 
 more allege that Mr. Adams has appointed federalists to oflicc. 
 "When a specification is called foi-. the names of Mr. King, Mr. 
 Sergeant, and Mr. ^Villiams, of Vermont, arc mentioned. It is 
 not said that these men are not honest, not capable, not friendly 
 to the constitution, nor in any way unfitted to perform the du;ics 
 of the offices which they have been appointed to fill ; nor cxn it 
 be denied that Mr. King possesses the confidence of republicans, 
 he having been chosen Senator by a republican leuislature. 
 The full an)ount of this charge is, therefore, that of the two or 
 three hundred individuals appointed to office, three are iVderal- 
 ists; and this is the on 1}' charge yet made against Mr. Adams 
 that is supported by fact. 
 
 No man, actuated by the true spirit of republicanism, ever 
 censured Mr. Adams for these appointments, and no such man 
 will permit this charge to have any unfavorable influence on his 
 feelings. Among the prominent doctrines of the reputdican 
 party are, tolerance of opposite opinions in others; liltcrality of 
 sentiment; hostilit}'' to persecution; and the extension of equal 
 privileges to all, so far as may be com])atible with the security 
 of freedom. It was these doctrines which made republicanism 
 so lovely in the eyes of the people of this country. It was by 
 professing, applauding, and inculcating them, that the republican 
 parly were carried forward, from triumph to triumph, till e\ ery 
 State owned its sway, and the victory was rendered as decisive 
 and complete as any political victory ever gained. One of the 
 charges ma'e agairist the federal party, and powerfullj' efllcient 
 in accomplishing their overthrow, was that, disregarding the 
 merits of republicans, they appointed only federalists to office. 
 Intoleran-e thus displayed had the eflect which it always has 
 had, and always will have; it made converts to the persecuted 
 party, and excited popular indignation against their persecutors. 
 Mr. Jeflf'rson, more strongly imbued with republi'^an sentiments 
 than any man that ever ii\:i^|<iV\'ho well knew by what princi- 
 ples the republicans had a^squired powtM-, and by what errors 
 the federalists had lost it, bade us. in his inaugural address, to 
 "reflect that, having banished from our land that religious intol- 
 erance, under which mankind so long bled and sufl'ered, we have 
 yet gained little, if we countenance a political intolerance, as 
 despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and as bloody per- 
 secutions." 
 
 Here it may be said, but certainly not by a republican, that 
 these vvere words without meaning ; that, to ascertain what were 
 IVlr. Jefterson's principles, we must lock to his practice and not to 
 his professions ; and that, during the period of his administra- 
 
12 
 
 lion, he appointed few federalists, and removed many. It is well 
 known that with this inconsistency Mr. Jefferson was charged, 
 in the celebrated memorial from New-Haven. And how did he 
 repel the charge? After alluding to the intolerance of the fed- 
 eral party, he proceeds : " I lament sincerely that unessential 
 diflferences in opinion should have been deemed sufficient to in- 
 terdict half of the society from the right and the blessings of 
 self government ; to proscribe them as unworthy of every trust- 
 It would to me have been a circumstance of great relief, had I 
 found a moderate participation of office in the hands of the ma- 
 jority; I would gladly have left to time and accident to raise 
 them to their just share. But their total exclusion calls for 
 prompter correctives. I shall correct the procedure ; but that 
 done, return with joy to the state of things, when the only ques- 
 tions concerning a candidate shall be, Is he honest? Is he ca- 
 pable? Is he faithful to the constitution ?" 
 
 I do not quote the sentiments of this illustrious statesman for 
 the purpose of criminating the republican party. I am proud to 
 say, that that party are not obnoxious to the charge of acting con- 
 trary to those sentiments. RepubUcan presidents, and republi- 
 can governors of this state, have appointed federalists to office, 
 and for this they have been justified and applauded ; and they 
 were considered republicans as well afterwards as before. I 
 make the quotation, to remind my brethren, who have now been 
 twenty-five years a majority, of those first, fundamental princi- 
 ples which the primitive republicans adopted as a part of their 
 political creed. I make it for the consideration of that portion, 
 who, retaining all the animosity engendered by party contentions, 
 are in danger of forgetting what republicanism is, and of render- 
 ing it unlovely, by representing it like the federalism of ninety- 
 eight. I make it to indicate a course of conduct, which would 
 establish the republican party on the firmest foundations, and 
 save it from the fate, which all political parties mustsuff'er, which, 
 in this liberal age, feeling power, practice intolerance. 
 
 And the course I would indicate, is not, by any means, that 
 we should surrender into other hands the power we have happi- 
 ly gained ; not that we should incur the hazard of permitting the 
 cTovernment to be administered in a manner contrary to the 
 principles we profess. But it is, that, in the enjoyment of our 
 unexampled success, we should be mindful of our principles, and 
 of the lessons of experience ; that we should prove, by our con- 
 duct, that it was not the emoluments of office, for which we con- 
 tended 5 that we should display enough of magnanimity to pre- 
 vent those, whom we have deprived of power, from feeling as 
 though they were in their native land, " proscribed as unworthy 
 of every trust ;" that, in fine, we should continue to do as we 
 have done, and confiding in none but the able and patriotic, makr 
 
13 
 
 a distribution of oflices, at least, in the proportion of three in two 
 hundred. 
 
 Upon these principles, I defend and approve the nomination by 
 the president and the appointment by the senate, of Messrs. King, 
 Sargeant and Williams. He who condemns them must show 
 that these principles are unsound, or forfeit all claim to the ap- 
 pellation of republican. 
 
 Such are the charges made against the President, by the op- 
 position ; and such the answers which, in the spirit of republi- 
 canism, truth enables me to give. Permit me now, my fellow 
 citizens, to direct your attention more particularly to the charac- 
 ter and conduct of the opposition. 
 
 The first remark that occurs, is, that they are not contending 
 for any political principle. A part are federalists ; a part are 
 republicans. Some are in favor of the most liberal construction 
 of the constitution ; others in favour of the most strict construc- 
 tion. A portion are in favor of appropriating money for internal 
 improvements ; some deny that congress possess the power so to 
 do. Some are in favour of encouraging manufactures; others 
 believe that every species of industry ought to be ecjually favor- 
 ed. Some were the friends of Jackson, some of Calhoun, some 
 of Crawford. The most turbulent and ambitious of the disap- 
 pointed have congregated together. It is not identity of princi- 
 ple ; it is merely identi:y oi' /tilings that forms the bond of their 
 association; and of this feeling enough has been said to enable 
 you to judge of its purity. It remains to be seen how firmly such 
 a feeling will amalgamate so many elements universally heteio- 
 geneous and discordant. 
 
 The most important measure adopted at the late session of 
 congress, the mission to the Congress of Panama, was opposed 
 by this singular combmation of men. The measure was recom- 
 mended by the President, to whom the constitution has committed 
 the management of our intcrcoursf with other nations. As he is 
 obviously best acquainted with our foreign relations; as he can 
 have no possible motive for recommending a measure that would 
 be unfavorable to our interests this measure ought to have been 
 discussed with candour, and cheerfully adopted, unless decisive 
 objections coidd be urged against it. It was, on the contrary, 
 opposed with desperate and long continued pertinacity, occupy- 
 ing the time of congress to the exclusion of other business, and 
 occasioning an expense greater than our whole state expenditure 
 for three, or even for four years. 
 
 And what is the nature or character of this Panama congress ? 
 On what ground has the mission been opposed? And what are 
 the benefits which may reasonably be anticipated from it ? 
 
 Four or five years ago, Gen. Bolivar, who has acquired the 
 fle\ttering and appropriate appelhtionof the Washington of South 
 
14 
 
 America, proposed that a meeting of commissioners, from all the 
 Spanish American republics, should be held, at some central 
 place, to deliberate upon subjects connected with their common 
 safety'' and common welfare. It is known, that most of these re- 
 publics have entered into treaty stipulations to send commission- 
 ers. From these treaties, it appears, that the purposes for which 
 the congress is to be held, are " to cement, in a more solid and 
 <lurablc manner, the intimate relations whirh ought to exist be- 
 tween these republics, to serve them as a council in sreat conflicts, 
 as a point of union in common dangers, as a faithful interpreter 
 of their public treaties, when difficulties shall arise, and as an ar- 
 bitrator and conciliator in thetr disputes and differences." 
 
 The assembling of a body of diplomatic agents so near us, 
 representing powers with which we have such frequent inter- 
 course, and such intimate political relations, must naturally 
 have been considered, by the administration, as an important 
 and interesting occurrence. No subject could be there discuss- 
 ed; no decision whatever could there be made, which might 
 not, in a greater or less degree, affect our interests. It must 
 therefore, frotn the first, have been highly desirable to them, 
 from regard to the interests of their country, to know what sub- 
 jects were there to be discussed, the opinions and views entertain- 
 ed' and expressed, and the conclusions agreed upon. Ought 
 they, in order to acquire this information, to have placed there a 
 secret unaccredited agent instructed to obtain it, in any way he 
 could, from unauthentic sources ? and who, by communicating 
 the title he might acquire, would do more injury than by com- 
 municating nothing. Fortunately, they were relieved from the 
 necessity of adopting this unpleasant and unsafe expedient. — 
 Ou" neighbors have spontaneously invited us to be present at 
 the meeting ; and have even offered us a seat at their council 
 board. And the manner of this invitation must be as gratifying 
 to us as it is honorable to them. Regarding us as the eldest of 
 the young family of republics, the minister from Colombia ob- 
 serves ; '^ It is presumed that the government of the United 
 States possess more light on the subject of international law, than 
 the other states of our hemisphere;" and "their voice will be 
 heard with the respect and deference which their early labors, 
 to fix some principles of that law, will merit." And the minis- 
 ter from the republic of Central America assigns " the impor- 
 tance and respectabiHty which would attach to the General 
 Congress of American republics from the presence of envoys 
 from the United States," as a motive of the invitation which he 
 was instructed to give. And he afterwards adds, that he is in- 
 structed distinctly to say, that the congress " will not require 
 that the representatives of the United States should, in the least, 
 compromit their present neutrahty, harmony, and good intelli- 
 gence with other nations." 
 
15 
 
 It was now placed in the power of the United States to have 
 puLHc and accredited ministers at i anania. wiio could he pres- 
 ent at the deliberations of the congress; who might recommend 
 the adoption of such measures as from our experience, we 
 siiould judge most advantageous to them ; and prrvtnt the adnp- 
 lion of measures which mis,ht proie injurious tons. That measures 
 of this last description might be adopted, there is certainly some 
 reason to apprehend. " Sometimes," observes the president, in 
 his message to the Senate, " the South American nations, in their 
 intercourse with the United States, have manifestcu dispositions 
 to reserve a right of granting special favors and privi'eges to 
 the Spanish nation as the price of their recognition ; at others, 
 they have actually established duties and impositions operating 
 unfavorably to the United States to the advantage of other Eu- 
 ropean powers; and sometimes they have appeared to consider 
 that they might interchange, among themselves, mutual conces- 
 sions of exclusive favor, to which neither European powers nor 
 the United States should be admitted. In most of these cases, 
 ih 'ir regulations, unfavorable to us, have yielded to friendly ex- 
 postulation and remonstrance ; but it is believed to be of infinite 
 moment, that principles of a liberal commercial intercourse 
 should be exhibited to them, and urged, with disinterested and 
 friendly persuasion upon them, when all assembled ibi' the avow- 
 ed purpose of consulting together upon the establishment of 
 such principles as may have an important bearing upon their fu- 
 ture welfare.^' 
 
 To the invitation, therefore, given in this friendly and respect- 
 ful manner, the secretary of state was instructed thus to reply : 
 " The president has determined, at once, to manifest the sen- 
 sibility of the United States, to whatever concerns the prosperi- 
 ty of the American hcmisphere,and to the friendly motives which 
 have actuated your government, in transmitting the invitation 
 which you have communicated, lie has therefore resolved, 
 should the Senate of the United Statos, now^ expected to assem- 
 ble in a few days, give their advice and const nt, to send com- 
 missioners to the congress at Panama. Whilst they will not he au- 
 thorised to enter upon any deliberations, or to concur in any acls^ in- 
 consistent with the present neutral position of the United States, and 
 its 'bliirations^ihcy will be lully empowered, and instructed upon 
 all questions likely to arise in the congress., on subjects in which 
 the nations of America have a common interest." 
 
 The acceptance of the invitation, even in this guarded manner, 
 has brrn condemned by the opposition. They have exerted all 
 . their faculties ; they have resorted to every expedient, lo pre- 
 vent the sending of commissioners. From the 2Gth of Decem- 
 ber to the 14th of March, the subject was detained in the Sen- 
 ate, and after that time, many weeks in the House : and, in ad- 
 
16 
 
 tlition to a long report from the pen of a federalist, many and 
 Ion'-'- speeches were made agamst the measure. It is certainly 
 proper, that all the important arguments urged by the opposition, 
 should be stated and examined before a decision is passed upon 
 their conduct. 
 
 And here I would caution you to control those feehngs, with 
 which, as friends of American liberty and as enemies ot Euro- 
 pean domination, you must all be animated. You would other- 
 wise be in danger of passing a harsh judgment upon the conduct 
 of the opposition. It is certainly unfortunate for them that they 
 are contending against a course, which those feelings would 
 prompt. It is mitter of history, that the republican party gave 
 their uncalculating sympathy to their brethren of France, in the 
 commencement of their struggle for freedom. The subsequent 
 conduct of that people forfeited our sympathy, as adherents of 
 republican piinciples. Perhaps we shall again be disappointed; 
 and we ma^' again be reminded of our folly by those who disre- 
 gard, if they feel, emotions of sympathy for brethren of the 
 same principle, inhabitants of the same hemisphere, struggling to 
 secure their liberty and independence; who may succeed if we 
 encourage, who may fail if we withhold our countenance and ad- 
 vice ; whose success would strencfhthen us and our cause, and 
 place it upon a foundation never to be shaken. 
 
 The principal argument, why we should not send commission- 
 ers to this Congress, is derived from its alleged character; it is 
 declared to be a belligerent congress ; a permanent congress ; 
 having legislative and judicial powers; and this argument is cal- 
 culated to have much more weight than it ought, from a miscon- 
 ception which naturally prevails in this country, of the meaning 
 of the word. Here it is applied to a body, whose numbers vote, 
 a majority of which conU-ols the minority, and which possesses 
 and exercises the power to pass laws. Before, it was never so 
 applied. Its primitive and general meaning, and the meaning 
 which, so far as we are cOi^cerned, it has, in this case, a collec- 
 tion of ministers met together to discuss ; to ascertain the opin- 
 ions, wishes, and views of the nations represented. As an as- 
 sembly, it possesses no authority. If all the ministers but one 
 concur in a measure, and that one dissents, the nation he repre- 
 sents remains as free as before. They can agree to no acts but 
 in the shape of treaties between nations, not with the congress 
 as a part}'; and these treaties arc not binding unless authorised 
 by instructions, and afterward ratified by the ratifying power.— 
 That treaties are often made at a congress, is certainly true ; 'it is 
 an exceedingly convenient mode of doing at once, and cheaply, 
 what might otherwise require a long time and much expense to 
 accomplish. 
 
17 
 
 It issaiil that this is a beHigprpnt congress ; and t-^ j)'*r»ve it, refer- 
 ence is nude to the treaties, uhicli pi )vi>le ihat it '-tiail Le I.eM. — 
 But to these tr!;aties we are tio: a part_),aiul vw are,in no sense, Itouiid 
 by them. It is indifferent to us Avhat tUey contain, or wtiat may he 
 the charcater of the cono^rcss. That chciractor, \vhatov(.'r it rnay be, 
 will not be communicaled to our minister?. Tlioy, untrummelted !>}' 
 treatie?, are sent tor spec'tir pnrpost'S The'^e purposes are anti- 
 beili^erent : to put an enfl lo tiie horrorf of war. or if that be not 
 possible, to moderate itji rigors and ciri.nnscribe .:♦* lioiit;). 
 
 Neither is it material to u«, in decidii'^i- «h<= qarsiion of appointing 
 commissioners, whether lht> congress is inur.ned to be per;,etual or 
 not. Tlie friends of liber*/ hope it «ill be perpitna! in its dumtion, 
 and in its beneficent effects, if h .liiS'-vers the de'-igns of it.s great 
 and patriotic proposer, it will Briny to a speedy close the contest with 
 the mother country ; it will prevent 'liose future wars amou-;; them- 
 selves which have often been predicted, and which might otherwise, 
 after the pressure from abro-id has been reraoved, arise amoiig nations 
 so unenlightened. But our ministers are not bound to remain there 
 longer than is thought proper ; and it has been exjiressly stated, by 
 the Secretary of State, that it is not expected they will remain there 
 longer than six months 
 
 Let it be granted, (which however is denied,) that the congress 
 possesses legislative and judicial powers. It is a sufficient an5wv>r, 
 that they can have no operation on us. And indeed it is hardly possi- 
 ble to suppose, tliat these reasons could have been thought, by these 
 who advanced them, to be entitled to consideration, 'j h-^y have beea 
 put tbrth as an experim.'nt upon the credulity and simplicity of the 
 people. In imagining and enforcing them, some little Jugi.muity has 
 been displayed ; but not enough to conced the determio;ition to op- 
 pose every, measure, which the presitlent nd^iit rcconimend, howev- 
 er wise in its conception or salutary in its teudencies. 
 
 Again, it is said that, if we se!id ministers to this meet'ng,-:;;*' may 
 cjfead old Spain, and ihr holy alliance ! Such dishoiicrable tears did 
 not prevent us from acknowledging the iodependr'nce of thes° re- 
 publics, nor from sendiog ministers to them. To send mini.-^ters 
 to this meeting is no more a cause of war, nor of offence to Spain, 
 than it would be, in ordinary ca«es. to one belligtjreni to send min- 
 isters to another. We kept ministers at France and at Great Britain, 
 when these nations were at war, and neither was so ignorant ot na- 
 tional law and immemorial usage, as to consider it cause of offf nee. 
 It is dilBcult to imagine what pretence any other nation liian Spain 
 can have to be offended. Let us, to use the noble language of the 
 President, her'^after as heretofore, take counsel from our rights and 
 duties, rather than our fears. 
 
 The advice of Washington has also, with a disingenuousne«;s upon 
 which he would frown, been pressed into the service of the opposi- 
 tion. In his invaluable Legacy, the textbook of all American poli* 
 ticians, he advises us, " in extending our commercial relations, to 
 have with foreign nations as little political connexion as possiKe."' 
 It is evident, that the nations he then had in view were eyi^ting 
 oations, European Datious ; for Le immediately adcis, m hla /casont 
 
 3 
 
18 
 
 for the advice, '• Europe has a set of primary interests,'' (legitimacy^ 
 family alliances, monarchy, &c.) " which to us have none or a very 
 remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controver- 
 sies, the causes of which are csscntialiy foreign lo our concerns. 
 Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate our-^eives, by 
 artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or tho or- 
 dinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. 
 Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a 
 different course." Advice applical)le, and confined, to one state of 
 things, cannot surely be applicable to another and totally different 
 state. Since the death of the great Father of his country, many re- 
 publican nations have sprung into existence. They are situated on 
 our very borders. They have no set of primary interests essentiall}' 
 distinct from ours ; but they have many wliich to us hnjc an intimaie 
 and close relation. In this reversed state of things, it is not unfair to 
 infer, that a contrarv advice wouhl be given. But no such inference 
 is made, for none such is necessary. To send ministers to Panama 
 no more implies that we must form with the nations there repre- 
 sented any political connexion, than sending Mr. Everett to Spain 
 implies that we must form a political contiexion with her. Whether 
 we shall, or shall not, form with them, or with Spain, an}' political 
 connexion, depends upon the opinion, which may hereafter be enter- 
 tained by the President and two thirds of the Senate. 
 
 The opposition compare the confederation entered into by the 
 South American republics to the holy alliance of Europe. This dis- 
 ingenuousness must remove all doubt, if any could exist, of the sen- 
 timents they entertain, and wish to produce in others, towards our 
 republican neighbours. It affords also another proof of their reliance 
 «poD the influence of names, whether properly or improperly be- 
 stowed. Can they suppose us so ignorant as to believe, tl at all alli- 
 ances, all leagues, all confederations, are unholy ? that it imports 
 nothing whether the intent, with which they are formed, be right- 
 eous or wicked ? If bad men unite to prostrate free institutions, may 
 not good men unite to uphold and preserve them ? 
 
 Thank God, the government have taken their stand on the conse- 
 crated ground of freedom. Grateful, indeed, am I that, in defending 
 them, I n«^:^ " \\y give tree utterance to feelings which animate a 
 heart devoted to liberty ; that I am not compelled to resort to the 
 insidious sophistry of Burke, nor to the malignant vituperations of 
 Johnson; that I have only to follow the suggestions of a magnanimous 
 policy, and to appeal to the best and the noblest feelings of human 
 nature. From this ground, I trust, the opposition will not drive 
 them. Let this combination of men but continue to occupy the posi- 
 tion, and contend with the arms they have chosen, and they must la- 
 bour to obtain their object, without any aid from the sympathy of 
 the people, or from the prayers of the votaries of liberty. 
 
 And what are the benefits that may reasonably be anticipated from 
 •ending ministers to the meeting at Panama ? 
 
 Vfe should prove to our sister republics, by accepting their invita- 
 tion, ^ven with such delicate regard to our feelings and declared 
 policy, that we take a lively interest in their success and future 
 
». / 
 
 19 
 
 prn«pcri(v. Wc should bind (licin (o us liy llic tics ofronfidpnCG and 
 s.'T.uitiulp, which y'lnr-f; nations in dislrc.-s, il'wo m;(j jiulge iVoin our 
 own l^.istorj, ars poculhirly disposed to ic-d. ii:;i?niu_ch as tliey have 
 solicited cur advice, wc m;i_y caution thcni :ig-.ii!i«t tlie errors to 
 wh'.ch ropiiblirs, in Iheir sitinition, are exposed. \Ve may [>Oint out 
 such modirtcations in their inf-'itulion.'', as may conduce to their per- 
 petuity, and may tend to the molinralion ol' the condition o! man. 
 We nsay recocimend the declaration ot those p'inciples of national 
 liiw in rfth.tion to the tVcedijfn of trade, and tlic safely of men on the 
 ccenn, iV-r wliich we h.ave r.iways contended, and iVum the violation 
 of which we have s-ufferedso tnucij. Wo. may prevent, hy reasoning 
 iMul expostulation, (he adoption cf nieaj-ures wiiiih i!,ig!it be injurious 
 to our interests. We may avert the hcrrihle darig;ers whicii threaten 
 a portion of the nnion — a portion v.Iiicli we are all hound and dis- 
 posed to protect — IVom their invasion of Cuba and Turrto Hico, 
 upon w liich tliey have once resolved, hu' wliJch the I'resident {)er- 
 .suniied them to defer. We mr.y, in fine, prevent their Icstowing 
 upon other nations, as the price of proftered favors, superior com- 
 mercial priviiegps, which will exclude our ships frouj their ports, 
 und our min.'ifactures from their places of trade. And all this we 
 ma}' do without compromilting- our neutrality, or endangering our 
 peace. 
 
 And what might ensue, should wc decline tlieJr fricniily and re- 
 spectful invitation ? Would they not have reason to think, and to 
 ('ay ? This elder sister of curs, having established her liberty and in- 
 dependenc<», forgetting the counsel of the great I'oundcr of hbr in- 
 stitutions, who aiivised her " to give to niaidih.d the magnanimous 
 and too novel example of a people, always guided hy nn exalted jtis- 
 tice and benevolence," now stands aloot", and dreading our prosper- 
 ity, or cowering under the liowns ot' despots, fears to be seen in the 
 company of her relations, and declines taking the hand we have prol- 
 fored in Iriendship. >She herself, although {)rofessing republicanism, 
 furnishes another proof of the short-sighted selfishness of nations. 
 She cares not for our interests ; we will care not for hers. Wh}" 
 should we not purchase the acknowledgment of our independence by 
 conceding to Spain commeicial pri\ileges which v,e should deny to 
 her ? VVhy should we not grant toCreaf l-rltain also, who?e subject;-", 
 by their perrniltetl loans, enabled us to rany on the war, and whose 
 minister, at our doors, claims a reward at <viir hands, sucii facilities as 
 ■will enable her manul'acturer.s to grow rich, by supplying us with 
 their elegant fabrics? Why, if Spain is obstinate, should we longer 
 delay to invade and conquer her rich islands of Cuba and Puerto 
 Rico ? and if sparks from the connagr:;!;'-!!, which that must occa- 
 sion, should light up a tl-me in the adjacent States of the American 
 Union, let her extinguish it as she may. Why should we not ac- 
 knowledge the independence ofllayti, and o]>lain in exchange, as 
 France has, such facilities in her ports as will enable us to drive all 
 competitors from her markets ? When we have grown stronger, we 
 will break the chains, by which we now bind ourselves, as our elder 
 sibter did, and should she then extend her bauds in friendship, we 
 
I 
 
 20 '^ I 
 
 will avert our eyes in pride and scorn. We should then hold Cuba, 
 the key of the Mississippi, and could impose our own terms. 
 
 All this they may not only tlunk, and say, but do. And if they 
 are too magnaciinaons to do it from feelings of resentment, they may 
 do it from imagined necessity, from mistaken notions of policy, as 
 no friendly voice would be heard imparting encouragement, pointing 
 out their own true interests, and exposing the insidious arts of prac- 
 ticed diplomacy. 
 
 And then what ground would the opposition assame ? And not 
 only they, but the whole country ? A unanimous burst of indigna- 
 tion would be heard from our merchants, from our manufacturers, 
 from our spirited and iutelligent yeomanry, from all who would be 
 capable of perceiving how opportunities had been lost, and interests 
 sacrificed. The President and his cabinet would be expelled, and 
 deservedly, from their seats, and from the hearts of the people. 
 
 Shall we, my fellow citizens, support the President of our choice 
 — the present republican administration ? or shall we enlist under the 
 banners .of an opposition, such as 1 have exhibited to you ? I doubt 
 not your intelligence ; I doubt not your patriotism ; I doubt not that 
 nearly all of you are resolved to support the administration. But 
 still I have fears. I fear that the lullaby of " no opposition," sung 
 by those who choose not now to excite our suspicions, may close our 
 eyes in slumber. I fear that we may again be deceived in bestowing 
 our confidence. Let «s, therefore, look not to professions, but to char- 
 acter. Let us not be satisfied with the general profession of repub- 
 licanism ; that is a cloak which may easily be assumed by the ambi- 
 tious and unprincipled. Let us remember, that when we have parted 
 with power, it will not return to us, until an act may have been done, 
 which will Jill us with shame and indignation. Let us suspect the de- 
 signs of those who, while the opposition, in other parts of the union, 
 are vigilant and active beyond all former example, recommend to us 
 moderation and neutrality. Let us confide in no one whose course 
 has not been plain and direct, and decided ; whose past conduct and 
 ■well known feelings are not a sure guarantee that he will preserve 
 the course we approve. Let us confide in no one who votes at the 
 command of another ; nor in any one whose friendship or enmities 
 may lead him astray from the path of duty to his constituents. Let us 
 confide in none but 
 
 *' Men, high minded men, 
 •' Who know their rights, and, knowing, dare maintain tliem." 
 
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