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POLITICAL REGISTER,

^SETTING FORTH THE PRINCPLES„OF THE WHIG AND
LOCOFOCO PARTIES IN THE UNITED STATES,

WITH THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
, OF

HENRY CLAY.

ALSO

IN APPENDIX PERSONAL TO THE AUTHOR j

AND
A GENERAL INDEX.

SY WILLIAM G/BROWNL0W

Editor of the Jonesboro' Whig.

JONESBOROUGH, TENN.

.1844.

DEDICATION.

TO HIS
EXCELLENCY JAMES C. JONES.

Sir : I DEDICATE to you this volume on National Politics, as ai^

acknowledgment oC youf untiring zeal for the cause of truth — your
distinguished services in the Whig cause in Tennessee— and your friendly
and gratifying attention to me for the last several years, during which
time we have been n:iembersof the same great party, and fellow -laborers
and fellow-sufferersjin the same glorious cause—the cause of the people,
the cause of the country, and the cause of eedigion !

In dedicating to you this volume, which has for its objects, the defence
.of sound principles, the refutation of certain destructive errors, and the
advocacy of HENRY CLAY, the greatest man now living — I have
,been induced to shelter it under your patronage, by considerations of a
:5aiuch higher nature than the formal and customary honor of addressing
men in this way. To whom, as a tribute of respect, could this honor
:be more appropriately paid, than to one, who, among all the candidates
in this State, in 1839, alone openly, boldly, and triumphantly advocated
Henry Clay upon the stump ? Not only so, but you have twice
since then, in two hard fought battles, carried this State for Clay and
the Whig cause, against the most fearful odds. But having enlarged on
these topics in a separate chapter in this work, I will not repeat what is
there stated.

With a contempt of pleasure, rest, and ease, when called to fight the
battles of your party, you have lived in a familiarity with dangers and
difficulties, wholly disregarding personal sacrifices, or what might befall
you in the discharge of duty. Long rid es,^ and b,ad roads, throu ;, v.- r
and dry, heat and cold, with the addition of hunger and Uiirst, industry,
yigilance and patience of labor, have constituted ycur enjoymcjits for
;thc last four year?. Your warfare lias also been with the indescribable

DEDICATION,

l^eiTors of those powers cf darkness which invariably rally to the support
of FALSEHOOD, aiid whicli never foil to assail those who are engaged
jn the defence of truth. Yet, though yon have been assailed, and
slandered, you have not yielded ; yet, thougli you have been compassed
with political enemies, from the deeps you have called upon the
PEOPLE ; and their eyes, from "the midst of the valley and shadow
of deatli," have been bent on you !

Governor, I admire some politicians of my acquaintance, for their
dignity, others for their sociability,' and warm attachments to a
friend ; — some for their popular talents, others for the correctness of
their behavior; — some for their soundness of judgment, others for their
happiness of expression ; — some for their talents in laying schemes,
others for their art of putting them into successful eperation; —
and some for one thing, and some another. But, sir, I admire you for
all these qualities, and for j^our honesty, independence, candor, and
openness of heart, which shine in your actions, and which have won
for you the esteem of all who have had the pleasure to know you
personally, and of multiplied thousands who never beheld your face-

Finally, my dear sir, that your journey through life may be as sweet
.as it is necessarily shoit ; that poverty and want, may always be a year's
inarch behind you ; that you may be happy, and highly honored of
men, and your enemies know it ; that your career of honor and usefulnesa
may be onward and upwards ; that while you travel through life, you
may live well on the road ; and, that while you do hve, you may live
tinder the guidance of the five greatest and best of generals— Gcnejal
Providence, General Peace, General Plenty, General Satisfaciion^aml
'General Whi^'^cry, isthemost ardent desire of one, who in all the noble
enthusiasm of love and friendship, begs permission to subscribe himself,
Dear Sir,

Your most obedient,

And most humble servant,

W. G. BROWNLOW,

TO THE READER.

In submitting tliis work to the reading piiblic,it is not done,Ifrankljr
confess, without a goott degree of solicitude and anxiety. The subjeccts
embraced in it, and the objects had in vie-v, are of inexpressible
magnitude. The subjects d>xe principles dividing the two great pohtical
parties in the United States, and the present critical situation of the
Union, with the causes that have led to those differences of opinion and
to that situation ; the objects, the restoration of sound principles — the
overthrow of inad party rage and rancour — and the elevation to the
Presidency, of HENRY CLAY of Kentucky, the master spirit of the
age, and the only man living, as I believe, who can restore this
Government to that dignity and s:anding it has forfeited under the
control of the " Rogues and Royalists."

I know the men and measures I have advocated,are very unpopular
■with my political opponents; and will subject me to the reproach of
many: but the dye is cast, and the ordeal 1 am more than willing to
encounter. From the conviction, that though I may have made "a
perfect failure," the cause I have advocated, is worthy, and susceptible
of defence, not to say progressive elevation, I shall desire a solace which
cannot be taken away. The prospects of ultimate success, with the
great Whig party, of which I have the honor to be an humble member,
and the view of conferring future and lasting benefits on our country,
fortify my mind against the danger of many evils, and the apprehension
of the bitterness of party censure. It blunts the keen edge' of sarcasm,
and defeats the base purposes of malignity, lo know that one serves the
cause of humanity, of truth, and of his country. The epithets of scorn-
and party hatred, are a heavy burden to bear ; as men instinctively love
fame, and desire the good opinions of their countrymen ; yet, there is
a higher source of happiness than the applause of men, and especially
those who are opposed to all we say or write. 1 am not indifferent (o
the sensibility which generally falls to the lot of mortals, "and yet, I
fear nothing but (he reproaches of my oion conscience. Grant me but

vij TO Tlir. READER.

the approbation of that invisible monitor, and I feel as secure from all
the pointed darts of Locofoco malice, as the Grecian warrior did under
the shield and armor of Achilles !

Those politicians, and other individuals, cf whom I was obliged to
speak in this work, I have mentioned with candor as well as severity-
I have treated them with much more deference, as 1 believe, than their
principles and acts^ iiave even warranted. To reflect on a whole party,
and to assail a succession of leaders, from Gen. JACKSON down to
coL haynes^ might appear to the moderate man, or inconsiderate reader,
as the height of madne&d and folly. And so it was said, when the
celebrated Philosopher, Bacon, attacked the system of Aristotle. Great
names may give splendor to falsehood, but cannot transform it into
truth. Beside, an illiterate truths is preferable to a learned lie.

Finally, in the Whig cause I have now been laboring for years, and

to this end I have directed ray feeble efforts— with what success, I leave

others to say. In this same cause I expect to continue'to labor, and to

this same end I hope to direct my humble efforts— with what success

time will testify. I now bid the reader farewell — with this one assurance,

that if I have erred in any thing, or have been mistaken or misled,or I

have set down ought of malice, let it be sliov/n ; let even an enemy

point it ovit with fairness and candor, and,

" I'll vex my honest soul no more
By scolding, as I've done before.
liCt each our proper task attend —
For-rive the past, an.d try to mend."

^ THE AUTHOR

■ -9
INTRODUCTION

Every goyemment in the civilized world is at present tottering ; and'
society, like a ship in a dark tempest is torn and tossed by contending
elements — the power of political leaders at the helm sinks into the weak-
ness of infancy — the shattered faijrics of State are no longer managablc,"
and the People, the innocent suiiorer.?, are evidently drifdng towards
some unknown destination.

In Europe, the sea of political contention runs high, and the waves
of oppression are roaring. The relati ve sif nation of America, and indeed
of the whole world, at tlie prc;-:cnt juncture, appears to the attentive
observer so extraordinaiy — so replete with incongruities — that if the
most acute and experienced Statesman v>-ere to guide his judgment of the'
fiiiure by the rule of vrccedeiiis, he would be at a loss to llnd any thing
Bordering on analogy. Every thing ibtcbodes a crisis and a' speedy so-
lution of the problem. The least spark— a sudden death—an ill judged
law — a spontaneous popular movement — a trifle indeed may bring on a
general, as well as ruinous conflagration.

Mobs, riots, rebellion and violence, have never been Icnown in this
countn/, to the extent which they have been \,\^ne:^s;^(l wkiiin ten years^
past, and especially the last three years. How fur tliis ^:pirit of violence
may be considered poitentious of the final overthrow and destruction of
^ world of wickedness, by a jusdy offended God, every one of course
will be left to foiTO his own opinion. But that the introduction of
Jacksonism in the halls of Legislation, has mainly contributed to the
desperate state of things which now exists, and has for years existed, no-
unprejudiced man vvill deny. The elevation to tlie Presidency, of this
wicked man, and vulgar Hero, was the greatest curse that ever befell
this great and growing Republic. Caprice oi fortune, v/hy didst thou
place such a man at the head of aflliirs in this nation? If'any doubt the
truth of this position, let the melancholly histeiy of Gen. Jackson's most
disastrous dynasty, and that of his successor whom his D^.^nof'sm in-
stalled, array the evidence. — The destructive vicisitudes of commerce—
the prostration of the mercantile cia3s, as neccssaiy to the body politic,
a^ the hands and feet to the body corporeal — the ruin of the currency
of the country — the inroads of faction — the tendency of modern Demo-
cratic principles — their countenance of thefts, perjuries, forgeries and
counterfeiting — the loner sway of the gros?c.=;t and vilciJt demaeogucisrrv;

10 I^'TRODT;CTION

the fatal tendency to array (iic igTiOranl against the intelligent, the poor
against the rich, the Avickcd against the pious, the vulgar against the
decent, the worthless against (he worthy, and thieves against honest men;
beside the most deadly inroads upon tlie Constitution, all too in the name
of Democracy ! Are w^e not indebted for all these curses, or rather for
their having been lirought into life, togedier wdth all the mischiefs in
existence, and all the ills which nov/ be£el us, as a Nation, to this mob
Hero, A%^DREW Jackson, a seliish, corrupt, and designing man, who
neither deserved tlie elevation v.'hic]i he attained, nor knew how to cm-
ploy it, when attained, either to promote his country's good, or preserve
his own reputation? Verily Jac/csonism has been the scourge, as well
as the disgrace of this entire country. And what else could have been
expected from the elevation of a man, to the highest office within a
nation's gift, whose far.ie rests upon no solid benefactions to mankind,
whose abilities, and wiios(; opportunities, have alike been misdirected,
and perverted to advance the tlecting interests of iwrties, and of indi-
TiDUALs, and his ow.\, instead of the general good ?

In Tennessee.— our ovv-n beloved Tennessee, within the last eighteen
months, mobs and :•■■.. 'iutionary spirit, have taken the place of the con-
stituted authorities of the State. In tiic Legislature, a large portion of
one of the political parties, and all at once, during the sitting of that
body, and in the name of Democracy , left their seats abruptly, leaving
less than enoug;h to form a quom-ii for doing business, and without the
power in those vvho remained, eitiier to proceed in business or to adjourn
—before they would go into an election of United States Senators, be-
cause, forsooth, their party were in a minority, and not able to elect
men of their o-wn choice !

In Rhode Island, the mob spirit of Democracy, and the insurrection
of out-laws has been more general, more formal and more forniidable,
and according to present appearances, is not yet over — a miumuring un-
dertone is heard from various quarters, portending a renewal of hostilities
in Bome new shape, as soon as an opportunity shall ofier. These out-
laws, were the Democrats of that State, and Avere not only backed by
the Locofoco Governors of adjoining States, but likewise openly advoca-
ted b}' grave Senators in Congress, of the same political School !

In New York, a Locofoco Legislature, took the School Funds of the
State from the Protestant Churches, and gave them to the Roman
Catholics, because their Jesuits, known by the more imposing titles of
Bishops and Priests, openly advocated tlic election of Mr. Van Buron,
8Jid absolutely compelled their loafering thousands who had enlisted in
the ser\'ice of papal Rome, to vote for Democratic candidates generally.
la that State, too, <r» tbs- di«r-Tr of Iscr constituted authorities. Catholic

INTRODUCTION IL

emigrants were naturalized by thousands, «on the day of the laie SiaU
elections, that they might vote the Democratic ticket. Not only so, but
more tlian all, and worse than al), convicts, i)y scores, were taken from
the State prision, and warmed and fed, while they voted for Demo-
cratic candidates !

In Arkansas, a State which has always been Locofoco, during th#
past year, through its Democratic head, Gov. Yell, issued a message to
the Legislature, advising a speedy winding up cf the Banks, — a recog-
nition of the validity of a portion of the State Bonds, and a repudiating
of the rest — on the ground that the State treasuiy was not in a condition
to pay the interest on them, and would not be for some time to come I

In South Carolina, xmder the reign of Jackrcniai Democracy, a few
years ago, the civil authorities, as well as the Chmches, were all envel-
oped in the smoko of political faction. Men who had taken an oath to
support the Laws and Constitution of the United States, nuUififdxhof
laws — took up anns against their own coimtrj'mcn — assumed a hostiU
attitude towards the General Government — and as a band of disorgani-
zers, distinguished themselves from all peaceable subjects, by wearing
cockades on their hats, made of blue ribbon! And yet, strange to relat«,
the great leader of these violaters of law and order, John C. Calhoun,
for twelve m^onths past, has been urged upon the country, by a portion
of the misnamed Democratic party, as a suitalile man to elect to the
Presidency in 1S44!

In Mississippi, mobs have taken the place of the constituted authori-
ties in many instances, and murders, in the name and under the cloak
of Democracy, have been numerous and frequent. Sometimes on«
neighborhood' or party has met, and then the strongest party has mur-
dered the weakest, and burned, plundered, or carried oti' their property
unmolested, under a pretence of collecting their debts. And to these
disgraceful crimes, the constituted authorities of the State, have added
the" foul stain of repudiating the debts contracted by the sales of State
Bonds, upon the proceeds of which they have been living and legislating
for years. All this too is Democracy !

In Baltimore, our readers will recollect, that the Democratic Roman
Catholic mob, raged with sr.ch violence, in the palmy days of Jackson-
ism, that the civil authorities could not quell its rage, and the Priests were
call upon to restore order. But before this could be done, some fine
buildings were torn to the ground, and many useful lives vccre lost. — ■
But this too, was all done in the name of Democracy, and it was tole-
rated upon the principle that the end sanctified the means !

In Philidelphia, the general riot, which not long since occurred, and
which was a foul blot on that great city, was likewiBe the work of tlxe

12 tN-TROrsVCTIOSf

Democratic Irisli Catholics. And strange as it may Eccm, this shame-
ful conduct was spoken of in terms of appiobation, by some few Locofoco
Journals !

in Cincinnati, more recently, the same kind of Republican violence
was manifested, though directed against a different object, and in each of
those cities, these outbreaks are only repetitions of former ones, perpetra-
ted by the under-strappers of this misnamed democratic part}', and in the
true spirit of Jacksonis^n !

In Congress, at the veiy* seat of our Government, and among the law-
makers themselves, for the last ten or twelve j'-ears, the aspect of affairs,
has been but little, if any more amicable. Threats of violence, of re-
pealing existing laws, challenges to mortal combat, and resolutions of
censure, of impeachment — Presidential vetoes, plundering the Public
Treasury, and personal abuse, have been the order of the day, wdiile the
peipctralcrs of these crime:;, have been censured or praised, according to
the ascendency or decline of tiieir respective parties. How" long will this
slate of things last ? Who are justly chargeable with their existence ?—
Whose principles lead to and encourage such a state of things ? Are
they indicative of National prosperity ? Or are they forerunners of po-
litical destrujction ? The proper answers to the anxious interrogatories,
will be found in die following pages.

The object of the following pages is to show the Democracy of Num-
bers, who constitute the bulk of the busy, bustling, business-teaming
vporld, that a blind devotion to men, who conceal their trea^-on and vill-
siny, under the revered ancient symbols of Liberty and Democracy, that
ihey are warring against the interests of their country, by aiding their
designing and treaclici^ous leaders, who are under the evil instigation
of human passion and human crime, in the overthrow of this Republic.
The more effectually to accomplish our object, we will unmask the
occult cabalic arts by which political systems, good and bad, are contin-
ually revolutionized, and the malign incentives, nurtured and kept in
countenance by the triple alliance of Democracy, Nullification and
Abolitionism. In other words, we will endeavor to tell men where they
Are, and what they are; whether they are democrats, or republicans, or
democratic-republicans, or federalists, or nuUifiers, or conservatives, or
whiga; whether tliey go for a bank, or for the banks, against a bank, or
ogainst the banks, for hard money or against liard money, for a tariff, or
against a tariff; and whetircr they ought to abuse Mr. Clay, or Mr. Van
Burcn, Mr. Calhoun, or CJcn. Cass, Dick Johnson, or some body else!

A paramount object in the publication of this w^ork, is to set forth in
fin epitomized form, so as to be acccssable by all, the poor as w^cll as the
rich, the life, services and character of Ilnxr.Y Clay— a distinguished

t2« T Ro D V c vioy 13

American Statesman, whose lalenLs. genius, paLrioti&m and public servi-
ces, we are happy to slate, the piibHc mind is now able to estimate the
value of — \o fully appreciate. Mr. Clay will he, and indeed now is,
the Whig candidate for the Presidency in 1S44. His principles are well
understood, and by a very large majority of the American people, they
are decidedly approved. Tlte ground, then, on whicli he will be assailed
with most violence, by his political enemies, will be the sttile and
malicious charge of '■'■baj'gainand inirigue,^\ in the election of John
Q,uiNCY Adams, to the Presidency, in 1828. To refute this charge, and
to satisfy every unprejudiced mind, of its utter want of foundation in
truth, will be a leading object in the publication of the following pages.

Ix coxcLusiox — The foregoing summary of what is intended in this
work, is far from being even a brief sketch of the crimes, tendencies, and
party prepossessions — not to say intolerant spirit of that notorious band
of political robbers, known. as the 'Democratic Parly.' The reader,
however, from what lias been said, will be enabled, in some degree, to
guess at the skinning we will give the phantom of "Jacksonian
democracy." ^ THE AUTHOR.

Jontsboroughj 1843.

CHAPTER I.

PREDICTIONS OF EMINENT STATESMEN— STATE BANKS WHO CII.^R-

TERED THEM ASCENDENCY OF PARTIES IN THE SEVERAL STATE

LEGISLATURES HARD MONEY PRICES OF ONE THOUSAND EIGHT HUN-
DRED AND FORTY THREE POPULATION AND PUBLIC DEBTS Or THE

STATES IMPORTS AND EXPORTS OF SPECIE FACTS TO BE REMEM-
BERED, 4.C.. *C.

For the last ten vf ars, of upv/ards, as our readers well recoH'cct, the
Locofocos have very unjusdy charged the Whig party vvich being the
Ban/c part!/ — wherca?, they (the Locos) created most of die B-anka
whose frauds ond failures have, of late, produced such general distress
ond suffering. We might refer to the speeches of eminent Wing States-
men, predicting, ten and twelve years ago, the very dis^asters (ha-t have
now fallen upon the country, from overbankirig,^ and trading, as v.i'h
the unerring finger of propliecy, the disastrous effects of the measures of
the Jackson and Van Burcn administrations. Wc say we might refer to
Uic speeches of many distinguished Statesmen, but wc corrtcnt oursclveg
with extracts from but a few. We begin with an extract from a speech
delivered by the distinguished Orator and Statesman of Kentucky. In
1835, Mr. Clay, in the Senate of the United States, uttered the fol-
lowing memorable v.'aming. Tell ns ye Locofocos, was this not proph-
ecy, and has not the prediction been fulfulcd to the very letter?

" There l:reing no longer any sentinel at the head of our Banking
establishments to warn them by its information and operations of
approaching danger, the local institiUloJis:^ already multiplied to an
alarming extent, and almost daily multiplying in seasons of prosperity,
will make free and unrest rained cniissions ! AH the channels of
circulation will be gorged ! Property will rise e.vtrava^anili/ high, and
constantly looking up — the temptation will be irresistible! Liordinate
speculation will ensue, debla tcill be freely contracted^ and when the
season of adversity comes, as come it niiist^ the Banks acting without
concert^ and without guide, obeying the law of self preservation, will all,
at the same time, call in their issues ; the vast number will exaggerate
the alarm, and general distress, wide-spread ruin, and an explo-
sion OF the general banking system, or, the establishment of a
nev,- Bank of the United States, will be the ultimate effects."

We add one more extract, and that i? from a speech delivcrd in the
Senate of the United States, by Judge Porter, the present able Whig
Senator from IiOui?iana. on Tuesday, the 29nd of March, 1836. That

fjKH^h wi's in cpposition to the motion ruade by Mr. Be.nto:^, to
rxpunge from tlu/journal of ihc Senate, the Resolution of the 24th of
March, 1834, disapproving of the Removal of the Deposites by Prcidcnt
f ACKSON. In the mKlst pf the delusions of the reign of Jac!csG?iis7}i, in
^S3G. it will l>e !=ecn, that tlils sagacious Statesman, from the proud
rmiu-ince on wluoh he stood, looked at the full extent of the evils which
were to befall this coiirstry in lS42'-'3. Ho drew from the past, and the
then presenf, salutary lessons fof the future, v/hich we arc now realizing
the truth of.' Only look at what he predicted would accom.pany and
follow the destruction of a United States Bank ! Will not his prediction
be found coriipletc ? He says :—

''•In IKiO, our circulation was sixty-one niilliGiis of dollars. In Jan-
uary iS35, or rather hi June 1834, it was one hundred and three nnt-
lions of dollnrs. In 1836 it cannot be less than one hundred ami
hrentyrnUlions. An increase oi sixty miUhns of dollars m six years.
1 give the facts from the oilicial returns made by the Secretary of the
Trea-airy. They com.e, sir, it is true, no lower down than 18o4. tJul
if we take the average increase for two or three years before that tmie
and reflect on the enormous rise of- property since (a sure mchcation of
an unhealtliy circulation,) we must be satisfied that there has been more
than 'seventeen millions added to the circulation withm the last sixteeii
months, and that one himdred and twenty mUiions is below rather than
above the retd estimate. - .

You see, sir, therefo"te, at a glance, the causes of the present stat.- of
lliin-s ; and who cannot also, sir, see at a glance how it is to end .'_
If the evil could be checked now, and the reduction be slow and gradu-
n1 we mi-ht escape the consequences whiclrrime has ineyitabiy in
st'ore for us^mder another policy. But, sh, far from expecting this, I
look to an increase of the disease. It appears to me "^^^^i'"';^- A
universal madness ha,s taken possession of the public mmd Withm he
last four months I have heard of ^'K?nrcritations of bankmg cap tal
proposed or passed, to the amount of iiity millions of dollars and mor.
iTtoldarJproje'cting; so that we may expect to see this system
rontinuino- un il it breaks and fails from its own weight and magnitude.
In the p^cnt state of thinners, the States are all interested to increase the
chcukdon of their own ' kmks, and prevent that of ihm neighbors
indeed, we already see symptoms of a war of legislation the resuU of
Jealousy,) by whidi they are attempting to restram the notes of banks
in other States from passing Avithin their limits.

This deplorable state of things must yet get worse • and ^^f^]^
the Senator from Missouri depict it in the colors he did a few days ago.
H:Snot overcharge thh pict^^c-a jncXuro, "^^^I'lli^X
painful to contemplate, by the recollection of our conduion before the
C^ as w:u.ed on^the Bank of the United States. For ->^teen years
it re.ulated'the currency of the country with a ^^i^dom and siicces. ofi
which there is no parallel. Wc threw it away, and we see ^hat we
S got in Its plaL. Sir, all the projects of regulating -^ checking
th« exrc53 of l4nk emir-ion. by law. refusing to receive at your Irea

PP.EDICTIONS OF EMINENT MEN. 17

sury their notes of a less sum than $20, will have no more effect than
would have a bucket full of earth thrown into the Mississippi river to
stop its current. And as to pushing gold and silver into circulation
when you have five hundred and fifry banks interested in gatlicring it
all up, and supplying its place with their notes, i.hut is equally imprac-
ticable ; a cheap and a dear currency never can exist together; the
former always destroys the latte. Having no power by the Constitution
to interfere directly with the State Legislation in this matter, I see that
the country is destined to go through the same scenes of agitation and
suflTcring which it did previous to the ruin of the late Bank of the United
States. Aftci the evils have come to a height when they can no longer
be endured, we shall have anothor National Bank, and not until then.
But I submit if it would not have been as well to have prevented this
state of things two years ago ? I enquire, what good has been, or can
be attained, by putting the People through this fearful trial ? Five on
SIX YEARS HEXCF. wUJ bc th'= timc to get an caiswcr to these questions"
The Hon. Mr. Binney, of the House of RepresenUitives, in 'the
Congressional debates which occuired in 1834, only nine years
ago, and in reply to James K. Polk of Tennessee, utteied the follow-
ing memorable prediction, which, though disregarded then, has since
beenf ulfilled to a letter:

" If the Secretary's plan was carried into eOect there would be a
hundriid banks starting vi io take the p/ace of the proscribed United
States BanK\ Tliey would have them shooting out their paper mis-
siles in all directions. They would come from the four quarters of the
Union."

Again: Mr. McDuffie, of the House of Representatives, at page
27 of his able Report, made oii the 13th of April, and thirteen years
ago says:

"If the Bank of the United States were des roved, and the local
institutions left without its restraining influence, i/w currericy would
almost certainhj relapSe into a state of unsoundness. The very pres-
sure which the present Bank, in winding up of its concerns, would
make upon ih ) local institutions, would compel them eilher to curtail
tlieir discounts when most needed or to suspend specie payments. It is
not difficult to predict which of these alternatives they would adopt
under the circumstances in which they would be placed. The impe-
rious v/ants of a suffering, community would call for discounts in
language which could not be disregarded. The public necessities

Vv^OULD DEMAND AND PUBLIC OPINION WOULD SANCTION THE
SUSPENSION OR AT LEAST AN EVASION OF SPECIE PAYMENTS."

Now, we ask the candid reader, if this., prediction has not also been
fulfilled, and with an exactness^ only surpassed by the fulfillment of
prophecy in Holy Writ? Has not the cunency relapsed into a state
of unsoundness, since the Jackson dynasty prostrated the United States
Bank? Did not the State Banks curtail their discounts when they
were most needed? Did they not suspend specie payments again anA

'i S PHEBICTIOXS OF KMINKXT MEN.

again? Have not the Locofocos proved to be false prophets in predic-
ting that g-old and sillver would supply die place of Bank issues? And
)in-. c ihr:y not proved to he fal-e prcipheN in saying that we conld get
along witliont a United Stafes Bank, and that the Slate. Banks would
supply its place?

Thia iaine Mr. McDrFriE, is now a Loccfoco Senator in Congress
from Souih Carolina, and is Mr. Camioun's lieutenant and right
hand man. In a speech in (lie Senate, ?he past winter to his great
credit, as a consistent man, he made the following important admission
vhich we be.-5cecli on.r Locofuco friends to read and reflect upon. He
said,

'* Prcoident Jack?on hod c^riainly committed a very great error in
removing the depo.<it'\-'. and in selecting certain State Banks as the
depositories of the p>M;;'ii- money's with injunctions almost amomrting
to a law, to furnish l!:of^c acccmmodaticns \\hich (he United States
Bank hati been in (he habit of doing. Under (hat system every one-
was av. are of wliat took place. AH iliat had been prf dieted by the jjiosI
sasioxioi's, aetiiaUtj o^'^i'rre!- ^ and ths currency ■•■ the couvtry vas
€Xi}andedtoadr^rret^,at Lad 710 paraleU in the' tide of time. Such
was the wild deliviT:;: in <>very possible species of speculation, (hat
penniless iidven(urerb * rUad into it (o (ho (ime of hundreds of (liCii-
g'-.nds, on the p;>.rer ;';;rii:'-;ir'd rhem by the Banks; and as was iht
^i^vitable cotSf r-'' ■■r-u '^ :^ri:crai i:u:fp(ii:n(,n follcwcdy

Now, when i!;-- ■>^''>'::- h-\\c (■hT\i-r--\ fhc Dank suspensions, and alt
thnl train of cvi:- w; ' 'lave resii!(«-d tliiMvlrom, to (he weakness^
misnianagemenr, v-m\ cidpflJe rcmi^-nc-v > f ihe federal administration
during Gen. Jackpon'.s Prcsidcnty, ii;e < ' ^rgc hay been repelled by
Locofeco cralora and riev>rpancis, as a k .:■ • r.d atticcicus calumny,
Biithisre the allegation is boklly set forth iy a Lcccfcco Senator in-
Cengres3, who thirteen years ago predicted just-suth rcsidts. rrd wi;o
HOW heads (he Locofoco party, as a truth about wliich there cr.n be no-
eontroversy — as, indeed, (here is not a shadow of dfubt..

W* cam^.ot conclude this branch of our subject, without adding still
other extrac(s. The ibliowing is from a published Addiets of the
Hon. James Bucijanax, at present a Locofcco Senator in Ccrgrrss,
from Pennsylvania, and one of a half dozen Locofcco aspirants for (he
Preeidency. This /iddrcss was delivered so long ago as i£15, and'
phows (hat the old federal orator, who (hen boasted of n?.t having a
drop of d^.mocratlc blood in his veins, was not (lie aident friend of ihe
l»<-e War, nor yet (he opposcr of .1 National Bank :

" Time irill net alloir ni.c to enumerate all the other uildand uicked
frnjects of the democratic administration. Suffice it to say, (hat af(er
tliey had deprived us of (he means of defence, by des(rt)ying cur navy
fO^A dw*b3L.rrdi!3g our army; after (hey had taken away from ue Iha

PttEDlCTIOXS OP EMTNENT MEN'.

power of recreating- them, by ruining cornjiierce, tlic great source of our
natiotuil and individual wealih; ofter (hey had, hj refusing the Bank
of the United Slates a conii/fuatiun of her charter, embarrassed (he
ftnaiicial concerni of the Gjvernineut. and witiidrawntlie only luiiversnl
paper median of the country from circulari«u ; after the peojde had
bsco.ne unaccusfonied to, and, of course, uuxvilling lo bear (axalicn ;
and withaut money in the Treasury, they rashly p[uniz:ed us into a war
with a nation more able .to do u^ iiiJii'T than any oilier in (he
v/orJd. W/Hci was the dreaoful necessitt/for this desperate jjteasure."^

We next select Mr. E\v(ng, of Ohio, and Mu. Clayton, of Dela-
vv-are, not as more clearly predicting than those aheady named, v.'hat
v/a3 to foiiov/ the destruction of tiic United States Bank, but os mere
condensed. Mr. Ewing was then a Scna!i^r in Congret.-, (1834) and
hag since been President Harrisou'a Secifviaiy of ihc Treasury. lie
said, on the lioor of the Senate :

'• But this is not all. You sap the morals at the same time yen
ghiis ritdehi shake the prosocrit^i of the -eoph. Their fust reeort will
be-to- legislative aid, and RELIEF LAWS follow, or, in other words,
laws to prevent the coiicction of debts, (for what Legislature ca_n ^yi!h-
s!:aad the appeals of a w'lole people suffering under a general visitation
or. li not that, the creation of a host of batiks with fictitious capital,
which may seem for a time to suspend the blow, but will make it fmi
the heavier at last. And tiieu. instead of the safe andso^ind currency
which we now en'pn, xce shall again hare a de ircdatcd and worthless
m%ssof trash, which mil pass into the hands of ihe 2)"op!s, and there
sink into nothing, leaving tJienito bear the loss.'-

M^. Clayton, then as now, an able Senator in Congress, held
language prophetic and impressive. He said :

'' T i> fd-Vn^r m-HL a^iin S3ll his <r-x.a to t!i3 coa.ifry merchant for
Stite b-inkpaoer atadi^connt of from ten to tiventi/ or thirty per cent.,
in the nearest comncrcial city, " etc. " T^ie lo^i of couiidence among
men, the. total derangement of that admirable system, of exchanges
w'lich is now acknowledged to be beiter than exists in any other country
ontiie Globe, oveiirading and- speculation on false ca|>ilal in every part
that ra rid fluctuation in the standard of value for money, v-hich.hhe
the unseen oestU.enre, nut hers all the e forts of industry, while the sidjcrer
is in utter ignorance of the cvjse of his distruction; bankruptcies end
Riin, at the anticipation of which the heart sickens, must follow ni the
long train of evils whic'i are assuredly before us. "

Thus the reader will sec wliat was Whig Prophecy nine and a dozen
years ago, is History now. And never did the " facts of real life '' j^iore
triumphantly demonstrate the sagacity of any set of men, than do the
exisdiig evils of the country demonvLrate the .-'agacity of these eminent
Statesmen. Li;piration fro.n oa hig'i, could scarcely have more lumln-
«r«3!v foretold the nilssrablc future, fh in did th? sagA^ity of these S:*t»*-

20 PREDICTIONS OF EMIInE^T MEN.

men forcece and predict the ruinous tendency of Gen. Jackson's war
upon a National Bank.

LocoFOCo PROPHECY VS. WtiiG PROPHECY. — Wc HOW prcpcse, by
way of contVcist, to show what ccntempornnecu^ly was Locofcco Proph-
ecy! Listen to its great expounder The Washington G/cie. which, for
eo many yeais has commanded the confidence of (he eatiic Jackson
Van Buren Benton Locofoco party, and which is still the acknowledged
orjan.of that party :

" While every pari of AiTierica rejoices — while every heart not en-
slaved to the scrub-aristocracy of the paper system — v. iiile e\cry inde-
pend-'nt and patriotic citizen exults m theaecovciy and restoraiicn of
the long-lost gold-currency— rthe West, and all Vvestern citizens, have
ihe deepest and greatest cause for proud- exidtaticn and manly rejoicing
at this propitious event. For, of ail America, the West is the part
wiiich needed most, and will profit most, from the circulation of gold.
Happily, they have but few banks in the West, and therefore need
gold 'to carry about and to travel upon. Happily, again ihe greatest
supply of gold will go to the West. The emigrants rtmcviiig to that
great region will all cany geld in preference to eiilier silver or paper, for
it is lighter than silver alid safer than paper. The land offices will
hscome receptacles and reservoirs of gold : whence it will be distribu-
ted to the coun'ry tlirough the Government disbursments. through
ihe military, the surveying, and tlie Indian departments ; and wo to the
officer, who liaving received gold from the Government, shall presum.e
or diirc to oHbr papor to the soldiers or citizens. Then a great streajii
of gold vjUI fiow up th.s Mississippi from New Orleans, and diffuse itself
alt over tJte great VVtst. Nearly all gold coinage of the New World
v.'ii come to the United States ; for, all the coinage of the new Govern-
ments of Mexico and South America, being the coinage of rebel prov-
inces, cannot go to- old Spain, or to ;\ny of her dependencies, and,
th.erefore, will come to the United States as its natural and best market.
Tiiis v^ill fill the West with Doubloons and half joes ; and, in eight or
m-Cirt months from this time, every substantial citizen will have a long
silken purse, of fine open net work, through the interstices of which the
yellow gold will shine and glittler. Then travellers will be free from
the pestilence of nigged, filthy, and counterfeit notes. Every substan-
tia.! nian, and every substantial man's wife and diiughter, wnll travel
\v^on gold. The satellites of the liank alone, to sliow their survile sub-
i^^ction to their leigue monarch, will repine at the loss of paper, '• — Glcle

'of Jidy' 16, IS'M.

In lS3'h the American People were not prepared to judge who were
true and who false Proplrcts.as men having equal claims to great
sagacity differed so materially, but they are prepared to judge ?icw .'-^
Vv''c recollect that a learned Pagan Philosopher (Porpyry) contended that
!h« Prophecies of Daniel, in the Old Testament, after their fulfihnent,
were forgeries, because they had been so literally and exactly fulfilled !
And if those of us living, had n«t lived ten and tweve years ago, and

r.KEClCTIONS OF EMINENT MEN. 21

did noi pcrsonaily know that Messrs. Clay, Porter, McDufne, Binney,
Ewing, Clayton, and many others — incUidinj even iJia Editor of
the Globe, thus prophecied, we too migh.t stigmatise their predictions as
naratives of past events, not prophecies of what was to come — so hter-
ally and completely has tinie fulfilled those of the former, and~stamped
with the brand oi falsehood the latter.

But the '• Doubloons and Half Joes" have never arrived -, though the
ruin of the currency, the desolation of commerce, the prostration of
home industry, and the demand for Relief Laws have ! We have not
yet heard of any " stream of gold," great or small, llov.'ing up the Mis-
sissippi ; but we daily hear of wide-spread ruin and bankruptcy — of a
Nation once " prosperous and happy," but now '• wretched and misera-
ble, and poor, and blind, and naked !" Wc but the other day, ac it were,
enquired of a clever Democrat on our pavements, why this gold had
not ascended the Mississippi, according to proinise ? His reply was,
that it w^as a heavy metal, and that the fide had never been high enough !
No, the tide has never been great enough yet, and never will be for the
" fine, open, net. work silk purses, through the interstices of w^hich the
yellow gold will shine and glitter."

Even the Richmond Enquirer, the second best great organ of Loco-
focoism, and the uncompromising champion of Jackson Van Buren
misrule, furnishes the strongest possible evidence of the truth of Mr.
Ewang's prophecy, and the falsehood of the Globe's prediction. The
Enquirer of December, 1842, says in reference to some proposed mea-
sure of Relief, in the Virjiginia liCgislature :

" YVhy should the Assembly be disputing about a junto, when ruin
and devastation are pervading our whole country ? A negro man sold
in the county of Amelia, the day before yesterdaj', aged about forty,
at the price of $S0 — a good cart and young yoke of oxen at the sum
of $7 — and, on yesterday, a young man at the sum of S186 — and the
same man's crop of tobacco, as it hung, at the pitiful sum of thirty-five
cents per hundred. The sheriff of that cjunty has upwards of a hun-
dred negroes encamped under bush huts waiting the day for sacrafice.
Whom should your Assembly aid, if it be not the weak and helpless
portion of the constituent body, with crying waves and'children? The
last barrel of corn, bed, and plough-horse gone for almost nothing,
making the rich richer,, and the poor poorer, when a little time, under
the blessing of Providence, would bring in another crop."

Without intending to weary the reader's patience, by multiplying
extracts, we will conteiit ourselves with rcfering to the following tables
of FACTS, drawn from official documents, and which will place the
responsibility of creating the State institutions, with the right party :
*'A statement showing the ascendency of party, from 1830 to 1836, in
die several State Legislatures, Territories, &c.

2.2

grl-ATE BAXKS-— %VI.IO CJ^AftTEaED TUSM.

.-J

r^ GVl CO ->?^ la

CO CO CO ro CO

QO <JJ GO <x> Oi

C/i

Msinc

Jackson

■Jackson iJackeon Jackson Jackson Jackson

N. Hamphire

do 1 do [ do

1 do

Veraiont

An i J.

Ami J.

Anti J. Anti J. Anti J.

lAnti J.

Mai^sachusctU

do do 1 do

{ do

K. Island

'Jackson

do do j do

Jackson

Connecticut

Anti J.

Jackson

1 Jackson j do i do

New Yodc

Jackson

do iJackson Jackson

Pennsylvania

New Jersey

d.>

Anti J.

Delav/are

}AaU J.
Jackson

iAnti J.

Anti J.

Maryland

Anti J.

D. of Columbia

Jackson

Jackson j Jackson

Jackson

3^irgi>iia

do do

do ^

N. Carolina

do do

S. Carolina

Calhoun Calhoun^ Calhoun Calhoun

Georgia

Jackson

Jackson Jackson ■Jackson

Florida

do do

Alabama

do i do {do

Louisiana

do ! do

Mississippi

do 1 do

Tennessee

do i do 1 do

Kentucky

Anit J.

Anti J.

Ami J. 'Ami J. Ami J.

Missouri

Jackson

Jackson Jackson Jackson

Illinois

do ! do

Indiana

Ami J.

Anti J.

Anti J. Anti J.

Ohio

Jackson

Jackson do

Michigan

Jacicfion ! do i

do Jackson

Of the fore^oii

ig Lcgisl

itures, 16 v/erc Jackeon and Van Buren
4 Calhoun,

) A

mi Jacka

on or Whig.

Total, - 162

0- We have above shown, that all who desire to continue on the
right side of gcnuuie Locofoco Democracy, should continue the advo-
cates of State Baidis— an increase of their numbers in ever}^ State, and
of their depreciated isssucs. F'or if there is any dependence to be
placed upon hiswrical records, official documents, and contemporane-
ous recollections, the Jackson Van Buren party in the United States,
ore alone responsible for an over-banking by the Slate institutions, and
for the ruined currency of the land. The extension of Bank Issues,
set forth in these tables, is the work of what is erroneously, called
Democracy; and when puldic sentiment comes to be fully cxpresced
vo. this sui^ect^ its verdict will b« «ff^in*i that narty.

STATE BA^•R:3— "WJIO CITAItTSREI) TIIE?.f.

Of the 343 banks chartered from Jamraiy 1st, ISSOio January 1st, 1S37
the followinjr number with capital annexed, were chartered by the
Locofoco party.

Jackson Lr.gi=?Iaturcs.

Whig Legislatures,

States

■s-l 5,-1

Capital

Capita.1

and Territories

authorised.

Maine

^^3,480 000

New Hampshire .

871.638

Rhode Island

1,500 000

2,482,584

Connecticut

1,100,495

New York

17.229,107

Pennsylvania

44:048.149

New Jersey

8 ■ 5.458 000

13,339005

Maryland

4.5S4.900

Virginia

1, '140.909

Georgia

4 006^838

•

Florida

9,725 000

Louisiana

47.334:009

Mi'3sissippi .

20,450 000

Alabama

13,815.406

Tennessee ,

4,863 000

Illinois

2,800,000

Michigan

7,400 000

Ohio

6,245:614

5,200^000

Arkansas

3.500:900

South Carolina

4,332,408

Vermont

1.767 375

Massaehusetis

20,410 000

Kentuky

9 264 640

Indiana

—

1,980 000

224 • 205,650,615 124

62,478,285

RECAPITULATION.

No of Banks increased by I<ocofoco lA'gislaturce 224

Capital increased by ditto . . .

$205,65a,615

No of Banks increased by Whig Legislatures 124

Capital increased by ditto . . .

62,478,825

Total increase, 348

$268,123,900

Now, we are aware how very sore the Loco Foco leaders arc, at an
exhibition of the hypocracy of their out-cry against Banks and paper
money — but " the hour is coming, and now is, " when their shallow
device of raising the crj- of Democracy^ as an appologj* for their errors,
crimes — aye, thefts and villainica, will b« m well understood by tke

2.1 STATE BANKS WHO ClIAKTERED THEM.

People, wliom they have so long and sliamefiilly deceived. £s their
assumed anlipnthy to Banks p.nd paper money.

One veiy remarkable fact v/ill be seen ou Jooking over the foregoing'
table — and that is, that tiiose States in which the banking, capital was
increased by Vv'hig Legislatures, Avith the exception of Indiana, contain
the soundest Banks in the Union, and have suffered the least by the
failure of those institutions.. and the fraudulent conduct of their managers.
On the other hand, in the Slates where Banks Avere multiplied through
the weakness, mismanagement, and culpable depravity of Locofoco
liCgislatures, tlie cun-ency is of the very worst description, Bank frauds
and failures, the most numerous and slarding. and the trade, commerce,
and «;.m:-iil b:H;iiv- of tii- canntry depressed beyond any similar
example in our hi3:ory as a nation, or in the history of the Slates. —
We refer pari ioularlv to Pennsylvania, where Locofocoi-^mia responsible
for FORTY-FOuk MIT. [JONS INCREASE OF BANK CAPI-
TAL — to AlaV)ama, o\\y-nu\ v. iih ghin-plastei-s, change-tickets, and
paper money deprecia^tcd FORTY-i^ER CENT, below its par value
— to Mississippi, the model State of Locofocoism — where the " Hard
"Money Party," created TWENTY MILLIONS of Bank capital in
seven years — a State now, and forever hereafter dishonored by the fotii
and infamous blot of REPUDIATION, which stains her assumed
Democratic escutcheon !

These, reader, arc samples only, of the gold and silver currency,
promised the country, for the last twelve years, by the Jackson Van
Buren Democratic R-publican Buck-tail party, uho aie such haters of
Banks! What Democracy ! And what a currency ! Yerily the Loco-
focos are a hard money people ! Their money is hard every way-
hard to get, and hard to get ridofJ—li is hard for an East Tennessee
farmer, at least, to have to boat his Floin, Iron, Bacon, and other
produce, and articles of trade to Alabmna— and when he gets them
there, to have to take the depreciated p;iper of that State, and of Geor-
gia—selling at half price, and then being shaved FORTY PER
CENT on his return, in the payment of debts contracted yeais ago,
with a belief that the country would be flooded with gold and silver, as
promised by the Jackson and Van Buren administrations ! Tliis kind
of " Hard Money, " has been furnished in abundance, by the Locofocos,
in Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Arkansasand several
other States, " of like precious faith ; " and if the Locofocos should
succeed in electing (heir candidate to the Presidency-, in 1S44, we shall
have a still more general out-pouring of this hard currency, of glorious

memory ! .

For once, at least, the Locofocos have been equal to then promisc«.

HARD MONEY PSICKS &C. 25

They have given the country a hard currency. May fortune, with the
same blessed prefix (hard) to her name, for this " labor of love, " attend
them through life, collectively and individually ! But, before we
dismiss this subject altogether, we design to show, that the American
people are reaping the harvest sown of a hard money cuiTcncy. The
fruits of the miserable " experiment " of '32— '33 are yet upon us. —
The good people of Missouri, for instance, as will appear from the
National Intelligencer, are now enjoying a few of the comforts and
luxuries of a hard money Government, of which their illustrious Senator,
Mr. Bentox, is the champion. In Missouri, as also in France, there
is but one Bank, with a ver}- restricted currency, and in both, as also in
most parts of the United States, the people are about as well off as
they arc in Naples, or Sicily or Turkey, pure hard money Governments,
where there is no credit. And v/ith nothing but hard m.oney, hard
money prices must continue. See a sample of them :

In January, 1813, at a constable's sale in Pike county, Missouri, (says
the Hanibal Joumal) the following named articles were sole at the priceg
annexed:

3 good horses each - $1 oOjl large ox - ^00 \2\

5 cows, 2 small steers, 1 calf 25120 sheep, each - ISi

1 Dining table - 50124 hogs, lot 75

1 eight day clock - 2 50|l lot of tobacco T or 8 cv/t 5 00

3 stacks of hay, each - 25 1 stajk of fodder - 25

"Truly," adds that paper, "we are begining to feel the benefits v.'hich
flowed from the destruction of the old United States bank; the consequent
influx of worthless paper, and tjie ultimate return to purely specie cur-
rency. The rich may well rejoice at a policy that more" than trebles
their v.-calth — but as for the poor, God help them !"

The times have not yet arrived to such an extremity as this in Ten-
nessee, but they will reach it before the close of 1843. The existence
of the Bankrupt Law, has kept men from tyranizing over their fellow-
men, but since the repeal of that law, they will cut loose upon the debtor
portion without any mixture of mercy. Mark what wc sav. And
when that countless multitude of suits for debts, which arc now being
instituted, arc ripened into jiidgment and execution.^ as they will be ere
the close of this year, we shall then see all these articles selling under
the hammer for such prices as the foregoing — prices that will practic&Uy
illustrate the beauties of modem Democracy !

In this connexion, moreover, we deem it important to exhibit a
table of the Population and Public Debt of the States, drawn from
oflicial documents, and setting forth the indebtedness of the States, for

26 PCPCLATION— STATE DEBTS AC.

banking capital, internal improvements and other objects, and also the
rate to each person under the census of 1840 :

States.

Population,

Pennsylvania,

1,724 033

Louisiana,

352,411

New York,

2,428.921

Maryland,

470 019

Ohio,

1,519,467

Illinois,

476.183

Indiana,

6S5.866

Alabama,

590,756

Mississippi,

375.651

8outh Carolina,

594.398

Michigan,
Massachusetts,

212.267
737.699

Virginia,

1,239,797

Florida Territor}%

54.477

Kentucky,

779:828

Arkansas,

97.574

Georgia,

691.392

Tennessee,

829.210

Missouri,

383.702

Maine,

501,793

Public debt.

Rate.

$33,016,149

$19

19,735.000

17.0.54.976

15,000.000

12,019,850

11,772.550

10.064.000

9,834.005

7.000 000

5,753,770

5,340 000

5.000 000

4129.700

3,950,000

3,765.000

3.100 000

3,000 000

2.600 000

2,500 000

554,976

$175,189,976

City Dtbts separate.
New York, ^12,000,000

Boston, 1,698.232

Philadelphia, 1,000,000

Albany, 388,175 15,086,319

$190,276,395
The States of New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Vermont, Connecticut,
Delaware, New Jersey, and North Carolina, appear to have no bonds
in circidation. The amount set down to Mississippi in this table, is less,
by $5,000 000 than that commonly reported against her. Exclusive
of the ,$5,000,000 bonds sold the late United States Bank, and which
have been " repudiated" to European holders, the State is said to owb
but $2,000,000, and that for slock in the Planters' Bank at Natches.
Once more : there is about as much hard money in (he country
now ;is there is bank paper, and there is not the one icnth part of either
imperiously demanded by the wants of the country. Gold and silver,,
however, is as plenty as it ever will be in a country where gold or silver
*Ione is to constitute the currency. The Jack'^on Van Buren party
hRVc now been trying for years to make about S80,000,000 of specie
represent all tht>, property, all the labor, and all the energy and capacity
of Hi'Vi'.vTP.F.x MiLi^ioNS of pcople. Dividiiig these eighty million? of

m^ORTS — EXPORTS — RELIEF ' LAWS. 8?

dollars among these seventeen millions of people, it gives ub a fraction
less than five dollars to a person, to represent id\ we have, or all we earn,
or all we expect to have and cam ! See the following statement, taken
from official documents, for particulars, as to tlie import* and exports
of specie ;

On the 17th ult., (January- 1S43) the President of the Senate laid
before that body a conmnmication from the Treasury Department, in
compliance with a resolution of the 5th instant, calling for the export«
and imports of gold and silver coin and bullion since 30th June, 1832.

This document states, in separate columns the gold coin and bullion
and silver coin and bullion :

Years. Imports Exportg.

1834 8,190,272 519,576

1835 13,131,447 6,477,773

1836 13,400,881 4,324,346

1837 10,516.414 5.970,249

1838 17,784,116 4,508,046

1839 5,574,263 8,776,443

1840 8,882,813 8,417,014

1841 4.988,633 40 034.231

1842 3,848,290 4,056,694

7Vb/e. — The collectors are not able to designate, in many instances, th«
foreign from the American coinage.

We next proceed to show the state of things to which Locofoco misrule
in several of the States of this Union, has brought their inhabitants,
within the past year. We will give brief samples only, by the intro-
duction of six members of the Confederacy, by name, whose affairs
have fallen into the hands of Locofoco liCgislatures. They are, how-
ever, fair illustrations of the tendency of all those wild and visionary
schemes, which have for their object the breaking down of all protection
to our own Industry, our Currency, Credit and Commerce !

Illinois.— rThe Legislature of this State has passed what it errone
ously styles, a Relief Law. The Illinois Register represents tlie act
as providing that all property undei execution shall be appraised by
three persons, and on being thereafter offered for sale, if it fail to bring
three foiirtfis of its appraised value, no sals shall take place. The
law is to continue in force for three long years!

In this section, we would all be willing to give up &!1 we have to
pay our debts, if our creditors would take our property at three fourths
of its appraised value. What shifts the enemies of a National Bank,
Land Distribution and a Protective Tariff arc driven to! Better eup-
port proper men and measures in the National Legislature.

Obio,^ — The "Blackguard Legislature of Ohio," as it i? termed \rf

2fi - KEI.IEF LAtVS &C.

the Cadiz Republican, has also passed a Relief Law, providing that
property taken under execution, shall not be disposed of at public sale
for less than two thirds of its appraised value. Tliis law continues in
operation in the Buckeye State, till the first of March 1845.

Indiana. — In this State, too, the Locofocos have passed a Relief
Law, which provides tiiat property taken under execution shall not be
sold for less ihan two thirds of its appraised value. This character of
the bill we gather from the Bloomington Post.

Missouri. — The Lcgislaiure of this State, says a St. Louis paper,
nas passed a similar Relief Law, difiering only in form, as it does not
require properiy to be \ alueci. I'he law lunher diiects that the Court
of Common Pleas, shall hcreafur held but two terms in each year,
instead of monthly, as has been the custom. What has reduced
Missouri to the necessity of enactJrsg Relief Lcncs? She is the ' Ban-
nei State" of Locofocoism — never was cursed uith Bank issues —
having but one Bank within her borders and that an institution, founded
upon the real Jackson Yan Burer. Bentonian Humbug principle of a
sjjecic basis!

North C/.tolixa. — The Locofoco General Assembly of this State
according to the Raleigh Regisier. has adjourned, after (he IcDgest and
most unprofiiabic s-rp^ou ever held in the State. No Relief Mfasube
was passed tho;;i;ii li.iicii ialkcd of Iry ihc o?7h/ fi'ie?ids of the dear
People! The scrv-ion was consumed in a difgusting electioneering
strife between Bedford Brown and R. M. Saunders, for the Senator-
ship. These, too, are the folks who hate office! O what a picture of
Democracy!

Alabama. — This State is Lccofoco to the core, and has been from
the com.mencement of the Jackson mania, to the present day. Arc
matters and things in a better condition there than elsewhere? No, verily,
• but distress is the order of the day. We have heretofore published
that the four Banlcs at Mobile. Decatur, Montgomery and Hunt.sville,
had been driven into liquidation by the Legislature. Since that they
have completed the work of ruin. The principal Bank, and only
remaininglnstitution of the kind, has met with the fate of the Branches^

Such arc a few of the "sayings and doings" in the. se^'oral States
alluded to. The State Bank System, so much admired by the enemies
of a National Bank has worked badly. And as to these Relief Laics,
they are, in fact, laws to prevent the collection of debts. T':e condition
on which alone property can be sold, are that it must bring, under the
hammer, two thirds, or three fourths of its appraised value. But who
that has money, v;ould buy property at such rates? Rather, who would
give half its value?

In publishing those enactments of Relief Lawss, the occasion \%
appropriate for a reference to Whig predictic.ns, uttered years ago,
when that, wretched system of measures was bcaun, which has brought
all the present calamities upon the country. Will the reader then do
himself the justice, and the v,-riter the favor, to turn back to the prcdic^
niozi of Senator Ewing?

CHAPTER II

"THE GREAT ISSUE BANK OR NO BANK — THE BANK OP KEVENTEfiN

HUNDRED AND EIGHTY THE BANK OF SEVENTEEN HUNDRED AND

NINETY-ONE THE BANK OF EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND SIXTEEN

WHO FOR A BANK AND WHO AGAINST IT ITS CONSTITUTIONALITY

GEN JACKSON AND PAPER MONEY HIS LATE LETTER HIS PLAN

OF EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND THIRTY FOUR A CONTRADICTION, &C,

Disguise it as poiiticians may, for party purposes, the Bank question
is not only the most important one Avhich divides the two great parties
in Tenness.ec, and in the Union, but it is now the real issue, and upon .
it will the contest for the next Presidency turn. In Tennessee, it is
almost the only question of difference between the parties. True, there
is a difference of opinion as to the kind of Tariff demanded by the
interests of the country ; but the great mattter in dispute is, shall we .
have a Bank of the United States or not? The real people of both
parties — the bone and sinew of t'li iail — lovv b.^lieve that a Na-
tional Bank is indispensibie, and they arc, daily, and without any sort
of disguise, thus expressing themselves, and much to the annoyance
of certain Locofoco demagogues. The reason of this is, the people
now, more than at any former period, feel the effects of Locofoco expe-
riments upon the currency — the want of a National Bank — and the
destruction of the late Bank of the United States. Interested partizans
and office seeking demagogues can no longer make the people believe
that the Slate Banks will supply the place of a Natioiial Institution, or
that the destruction of the latter will result in filling the country with
gold and silver. They can no longer induce the people to believe that
Washington and Madison, w^ho both signed chartci's of National
Banks were not patriots, and that they acted in violation of their oaths
to support the constitution. They can no longer induce the honest
people to believe tliat those pure patriolc, many of v/hom were members
of the convention that framed the Consiitution, and who voted for the
Bank bill of 1791, were Federalists, under the influence of British
gold, and enemies to the country.

The American people thought they could do without a National
Bank, and accordingly they tried it from ISll, to 1816, a period of five
years. During those five years, the State institutions discounted paper

3<) THE GREAT ISSL'E — BANK OR NO BANK.

to a vast amount, just as they have done since the destruction of the
late Bank, by Gen. Jaekson. Their issues then became depreciated,
as they have since 1832, the period at which the iron nerve of despotism
put down the late United States Bank, and suiDstituted in its stead, the
State institutions. Then, as more recently, there Wcis not a sufficient
number of State institutions in existence to supply the vacuum that
had been created ; but of late years. Democratic legislation was appeal-
ed to, in order, as Gen. Jackson said, to sustain him in his position, and
the appeal was not in vain. In 1816, the depreciation became so great,
the value of it continually changing, the door was opened for shavers,
and the people were ground to death, just as they have been under the
reign of Jacksonism. President Madison, and the rm/ Democracy o f
the country saw these great evils arising, as Mr. Clay and the Whig
party now see them, — and all for the want of a regulator, such as a
National Bank, and then it was that they chartered the Bank of 1816.
It will be admitted by every one, that prior to the destruction of the late
Bank, our currency was a good one, our different departments of busi-
ness were prosperous, and our people all happy. And we hesitate not
to proclaim it, and we conscientiously believe the declaration, that the
Locofoco Jackson Van Buren party of these United States, have, by
their unrighteous war upon the currency, brought upon the country all
the calamities that have followed in its train. And we are equally sincere
when we say, that we believe, the honest poition of the country, wiH
visit with merited indignation, in 1844, the vile authors of that system
that has brought distrust and disgrace upon the seperate and confeder-
ate republics of this Union.

A National Bank, in addition to its advantages as a regulator of the
currency, has proved to be the safest and most expeditious fiscal agent
the General Government ever had any thing to do with. In this capa-
city, the late Bank received and paid out a fraction under five
HUNDRED MILLIONS OF DOLLARS, wilhout the Government having lost
one cent. The Bank never charged the Government a dollar for
receiving and paying out all this amount of money. Nor did the Bank
ever receive any other compensation than the use of the money while
it was in its possession. It moreover met every engagement, and hon-
ored every draft drawn upon it, by the Government, at any and every
point of the compass. Did the Sub-Treasury plan of the Locofoco
dynasty work Uius ? No. — But by it, millions of dollars were lost to
the Government. Witness the defalcations of Swartwout, Price, Boyd,
and a host of other theiving individual agents, who plunder the treasury.
Not only did these Sub-Treasurj^ agents steal the monies of the Gov-
ernment, and flee to " parts unknown," but they were even paid big

TnE GREAT ISSUE — BANK OR NO BANK. 31

aalaries for doing so! Who, then, with all these h'ghts before him,
would not prefer a National Bank to a Sub-Treasury swindling shop?
The former is a " Monster^'''' we are told, while the latter is an " Inde-
pendent''^ concern. Yes, it is independent, but independent of the
People, in as much as it is exclusively under the control of the Execu-
tive !

The Pet Bank project, all parties know, though the darling of Gen-
Jackson and his party, proved both a signal and splendid failure, and
such an one, that it were cruelty to even here allude to, were it not that
it is absolutely necessary, in giving a brief sketch of the cunency ques-
tion. We, however, only mention it now, that the people may see
where they have been led, and the road they have been forced to travel.
When we were travelling the old way of a National Bank, the way " in
which our fathers trod," in the days of Washington and Madison, and
*'■ the road that leads from banishmeyit ,'' we were prosperous, but our
Locofoco rulers thought there was still a better way, the hard money
way^ which would at once lead to wealth and independence. Many,
very many well disposed persons, who v/ere shamefully imposed upoa
in this matter, were disposed with the immortal Pope to pray, — ■

" If I am right, O teach my heart,

Still in the right to stay !"

But since leaving the high and beaten track of prosperity in which
they had traveled, and entering into this by-path of Jacksonian Democ-
racy, they are now prepared to add, —

"If I am wrong, thy grace impart,

To find THE BETTER WAY f*

As a people, however, we had not gone far in this new road, before
it was very apparent, that we were getting into difficulties — the path
soon give out, and not a single blaze or savage trace could be seen to
tell us where we were, or where we were going to land. In this worse
than Egyptian darkness, we camped in the woods for a time. Every
State was then left to make its way out as it could, and as time has
shown some of the States could only/ee^ their way out, and that too,
over the rocks of " repudiation V Other States unwilling to "come
up out of the wilderness" in this way, are still groping in the morasses
and quagmires into which they have been led, by designing men, o!
unprincipled party leaders. What, then, is the proper course for us to
pursue ? Shall we return to the old plan, where all acknowledge we
prospered ? But what course does unsdoni dictate ■• Shall we not, as
men guided by reason, sacrifice cur party predilections upon the altar of
our country's good, and return to that system that will promote our
prosperity, and happiness ? Yes, let us do as Madison and the true

32.' THE GREAT ISSUE BANK OR KO KArvK.

Democracy of his day did, when (h^cy v/ere convinced of the necessity
of a Bank — let iis conie out for a National Bank, and vote for these only
wlio art for a Bank. Elect a Bank President, a Bank Congress, and
Bank Legislatures, who will receive branches into the several States —
tiien, and not till then shall we experience relief from low prices for
labor and produce, and from the curse of an ever-varying and deprecia-
ted currency. How else can we obtain relief? Certainly not by new
experiments; they have lieen tried in vain, and tried to the ruin of
thousands. The bitter harvest which the country isnov; reaping, is the
result of seed sown by Gen. Jackson, and cultivated by his " follower
in the footsteps." These, men and their partizan admirers scattered
dragoon's teeth upon a teeming soil, and tlu-y have sprung up armed
men to devour our substance ! And yet, the people are called upon to
reinstate in power the vile authors of these dire calaniitie^ — called on.
by the very men, among othei-s, v/ho admit that io ilieir v/ild and reck-
less mahadministrations are we indebted for the palsy that has crept over
us, and enfeebled our energies !

-T'j those persons who are acquainted with the ciurcncy question, ft
may not b5 improper to refer to the past, and though we may not con-
vince the rccklciis partizan, we trust there are many wlio are guided \\i
thirc decisions upon political controversies by Tt^uTii, and will act by
the lights it ne\er fails to impart. The great body of the common
people — the mass of the voters of the country have no other motive to
govern them, than an honest, sincere desire to sec the Governnient ad-
ministered by wisdom and justice ; and though they may be influenced
by certain le.^dex'.b for a tim.e.and even have tlseirpredilcctions for indi-
viduals, their obligations to their coimtiy, are para;noi;at to every other
consideration. And -that the people will do right, when rightly informed.
is almost axioi/iaiic, and as an illustration of the fact, we need only
recur to the Presidential campaign of 1840. Our poliiiral opponents,
the Jackson Van Buren Benton Buck-tail Tjivr.foco party, unexampled
in all their history of political warfare, tlicy ii!r( w oii" their garb of
sccrethj and silently vrisrcprcsciitinir, atid for ihe fiivt li'ui- met us in
public discussion ; the result m <_■ need not pali^(' to .■ ;iy, w a.s conclusive
and overwhelming ilasiiiglht' recollect iur-.-^ of the past to console
us, and these facts to sustain us, as )Vbigs, we enter on the approaching
Presidential contest, v/ilh every encouragement we could desire;, and
wc approach the ciuestion of the currency, the true issue between the
parties, without any fear that, when understood, the Whig party will
stand accpiittcd before eveiy honest man, cf ever having advocated any
other measures, than those destined to build up and establish a sound
and uniform currency.

THE XATIO.VAL BANK QUESTION. S3

THE BANK OF ITSO.— We take tlie following highly in-|.or:ant
and to U3, inici-e^tin;.^- facts lelative lo \\ic (h'st move in ;he United
States, on the subject of a Xa'i):i:il B.iak, froin the Journals of Con-
gress, in 17S0, and commend tliemtothe notice of our readers: —

Iv CoNc^Rss, June 21, 17 SO.
"A letter of this dayfrojii the Bixird of War, v/as read, informiag
'that a number of patriotic per^ous. haviiri forrii^xl a plan for the e.tab-
lish:n;nt of a bank, wliosc DhjiT'L i :!;:' [)',!l.r;- sevice; that (Ih- direc-
tors have applied to thai bo;t!,i,to k ;j.rrM'iii lo Coigres^ the desire of
the company, that a c.):iiuii;!oc of ihi:- body 'n:vy !)o appointed to confer
widi the inspectors and directors on the su')jecL, to-uiorrcw morning-;'
whereupon,

Ordered, That a committee of three be appo'u'ed, for the pur[H)-e
men'ioncd. The members chosen, Mr. Eibvvoiiii. Z-Jr. Duaiic, and
Mr. Scott.

The comniittee appointed to confer Avi!ii tiie in^^pccfors and directors
of the proposed bank, brought in t. report, which was read.

The commiltee a! o laid before Congress, the p-an of tlie bank
communicated to thcisi at the said conference vfhich be ng read, Cou-
gress thereupon come totlie fi'llowiug resolution^-;

Whereas a number of the mtriotic citizens of Pt-^is-jhrutia^ havri
communicated to Congress a liberal offer, on their own credit, c.nd by
their own exertions, to supply and transport three millioiis of rations
and three hundn-d hog,-,heads of rum. I'r t!ir i;: r <•{ t!ie army., and
have established a bank, for the sole pmpo:-.' ufa U.;':u:;g .-nu! transpcrt-
ing th« said supplies with (!ie grr-aicst r;i:';i;'v :.;!;1 disi''!U-!i ; and
whereas, on the one i-ind, die a-^'ociafors. a;;i:": :;.; tr^ dii^ iaiidable
exertion by a desire to relieve the public necessifie,^. inean not to -lerivo
frotri it the least pecuniary advantage; soon the other, if is just and
resonable, that they sliould be fully rein:h;:r.ed an:l ;;;dcmnifjed ;
Therefore,

i?e.Wyer/, nnanimonsly. That Con ere ^ ^'n'.' i a h'-'i '^ense of
the liberal offer of the said as-^oi-a'or-^ 'o r:i> • a ' . i^rv ;•; the befrr?
mentioned supplies for the army, and doex'-epidie same a.i a distin-
guished proof of their patriotism.

Resolved, That the faith of the United States l^e and vc.o r~t,\vT. i?.
hereby pledged to the subscribers to the said bank, fcr dieir rffcctusl
reimbursement in the premises, etc, &.c.

It does not appear from the jonrnals of Congress whether die propo-
sition had any connexion with" die plan af erwards submiltcd by Hubert
Morris and adopted by Congress, in May 17S1 :

On the report of a committee consisting of Messrs. Wilherspooa,
Sullivan, Smith and Clymer, to whom was referred a letter from i-.ir., R.
Morris with the plan of a bank.

^ Resolved. That Congress do approve of the plan for establishing a
National Bank in these United States, sutlfiitied t<» tbeir consider*

34 THE NATIONAL RARTi GtlTESTION.

tion by R. Morris on the IT IMay, 1781, arid that tlioy will promote and
suppojl the same, by sucliways and mean?, from time to time, as )nay
appear necessary for the iualituticn, and coiic^istent uilh the public-
good.

That the. subscriber to ihe said Bauk sliall be incorporated agreeably
to the principles and terms of die ;j!au, under the name of the Presi-
dent, Directors and Company of the Bank of North America." &c &c.
We ha-re now, a few remarks to make on this subject, and a few
interrogatories to put to our liOcofoco-Bank-opposing neighbors, before
we proceed fm-tlK-r. This was the Old Congress — the Continentoi
Coiiffresft, at w^hich the assembled wisdom and patriotism of the several
States, first created a N'VT-a.wL Baxk — a Congress which had been
held from September, 17 i I, to 1789, at which date ihe Federal Gov-
ernment was organized — a period of fifteen years. The Continental
Congress, was composed of Delegates from the several Stat'.s and tiiey
were appointed by (he Legislatmes thereof.

Now, the Congress of "80 and 'SI. at wliich Lliercpresentativcs of the
States, chosen by their respective Lcgisl-Uures, dctennincd ihat a
National f3AN'K was indispensable, i)i order lo die weUare and growing
prosperity of the coiintiy, ^\ as ;/z/?e 3 eais before the adoption of iho^
Federal Conslituiicn. or ihc organization, pror • of ilns Government.
Of course the Conrtinifiojtal question was not raisrd, as the Constitu-
tion was not then in existence. But as neady all ihe mend^ers of the
Congress of '80, and '81, were in the Convention of 1789, at which
the Constitution, was prepared and adopted, it is not reasonable to
suppose, that dicy woukl hanction an insnTmient excluding forever,
the adoption of a measure, the indispensalile necessity of wliich they
wcre convinced of.

But, were the niembris of the Continental C'cngrcss, and after-
wards the signers of ihe DeclrMaiicn of Independence, Democrats?
were they W/tigs? Were tin y iVr/ov/AW^v? We may not be able to
answer these questions; but we shall be safe in saying they were
Patriots. Who will dare den) this? Wlio will say thai they were
snemies to their country?

THE BANK OF 1791.— The first Session, of the first Congress,
under the Federal Ccnstituticn, vas held in the city of New York
and continued inscFsionsix n.cnths. At this early period Pkesident
Washington, consulted his Sccrelary cf the Treasury, Alexander
Hamilton, and others, upon the svdiject of a National Bank, but
nothing w as done.

There was a //<«•</ Session of the first Congress which was held in
the citv of Philadelpliia and wb.ich terminated the 3d of March 1791.

THE NATIONAL BANK QUESXION. 35

At tills S333!on a National Ba'i'c was clicir-'ered, Llio parlicuLira relative
tj which will be fount! in the subjoined cxtracl, from Bradford's History,
of the Federal Gavernnieat, now before us, and a most excellent work.
We quote from page 30; —

'• O.ie of the most. Important Acts of Coirxress at this third session,
w'lich wa^^ necessarily teruiiiiaied thetJiircl of March. ITAii, was that for
esiab!is!iin<4- a Bank of tlie United Siaie.s: Tiiis was important, in a
practical view, to give eilicieiicy to the liscid concerns both of the Fede-
ral government and to iudividuuJ enterprise, especially in commercial
piuouits; and also as to a great coitstUi'tinnnl quesliuu, — the right of
i\v^ g^-neral government to forui and incorporaic such an institution.
Tae reasons given for the incorporation of the Bank were, " that it
would be conducive to the successful conducting of the national fhian-
ces, tend to afford facilites to the obtaining of loans, for the benefit of
govern-niMit in sndJeu emergencies, a,ud be prcJiiciive of great advanta-
ges to the trade and imhistry of the country." 'i^he preamble further
H:ate3, '-that the bank should be on a foundation sui'iiciciif'y extensive
to answer the purposes, intended by it; and at the same tiuie, on
prin.'Mpii-s w'lich miu'ht afford iclc junlr .■-•." ,'/;■.■/;/ /'.//• an upright and
j)rv.'hnt (litnlnistrifltoit l/Ltrcof.''' No;vi/;;i' ~:,r)i inig (hegreai objections
then, and since, at \ariuus titties, luade to aliaii'c of the United States,
it woukl seem to be higlily expedient; aUla; useful to tlie governnjent
and to ind!\ idnal enterprise, as asserted, asid as generally believed ; still
it was important, that its administration and njanagement should be in
i\\ prudence and Vjriirhtiie^s ; and not for the beii(-fit of a fev/ ; nor
more than a'!, ibr electioneering, and party pnrpo .c;;. h is in the abuse
and perversion of such an institution, that il can be an evil either to
government or to the people.

This act of incorporation for a Bank of the United States, was forth*
period of twenty years; and the capital was to be tcti millions of dol-
lars. Tliere were to be twenty live siiatcs, of four liuiidred dollaia a
share. Three fourths of tiie amount of siiares sLi! ^'::-i'.ed for, were
payable in evid^'n'-ies uf iJie public de')i ; \v'bv:h '-.iwl bcvn loaned
agreeably to a previous AcL of iJon\iv:,<. 'Viu- Pi>-;i>i;"ii of the United
State? w'x^ a'l.b.irized to r^ubirri;);: i:: < ;:i!i;';' , ri" i;-' cApitai stock on
belialf of the general governmeiit. Tiic; iJ.iiir: v*as to be located in
Pailadelphia; but branch banks were provided for in otiier parts of the
United Stales, as the directors should tiiink proper, for the purpoae of
discounting and depositee."

To shnw^ how private ctedit stood and wliat new life wr^ given to
every branch of indusliy, by the creation of a Nation.^iI. Bank we
subjoin an extract from a letter written by Gen Washington, to Mr.
Mjrris of New York, jusL after the former had rctunied from Philadel-
phia, from performing an cxleasive tour through the Southern States,
We quote from the best autiiority, Marshall's life of Washington, page
310, vol. fifth:—

" In my late tour thrnugb the southerti states" ?.aid ha in a letter oi
the 28th of July, to Mr. Gouverneur Morri?, " I experienced great

3b THE XATnx.'.L BANK QUESTION.

salisra^rlon in seeing the good eiTectH of .lio .'general irovenimcnt in that
pari of tlic Union. Ti.e p^ o_:'l(; af, ';,ru<' lia\ " ieit ,h > sr^inlry w lilch it

gi;e;S atici IJiC ( C{l;:'; : ' liii; il a;;i,:ii:;: !- 1:> U' l! • );,. '; : <■ 'MlilC r

t!ie iuerchant. aiisi ., '.-. ■.:ivr ; ;m i; U.cir iii;! ;; ~ > ; , : c. c! lo

and fiDUi !;cii i!;' , ' .:!• i:i pk crii;- a r<i;i'!(i(i. cr in ;i,r r , < ^i-nfa-
ti\'f.:, w . ;i : ,:i :.y.'. .■ \\[iL,ce iiaiuis the rx( . 'i;k ;; uiil.c l..\'. > ? ; :aced.
Inia.::,iy uao ,;'.;■ ;;' ^a tlie place of Ida ;!':<.-. ahu (coin.ii ;, oi dissi-
pation. Two ' '• 1 !;:-(.' }'ears of good crop:- and ready iha k*! f( r ihe
pfodacf^ of '!i '!: i :!- iiave put every one in good hun.cr; atid. in
eoaie ni is impute to llie government \\iiat is dne only

to t]]C g; , :!lcnCC.

T'l" estMl;i: !.i](:;' ':(' pa'olic c'-editisan immense point gained in our
Rational couc< r.;s. 'Vh'is I hf l;cve f^xcceds the cxpecuition of the mcst
sang :iuc among i;s: — a:ai a la!c iriSti.nce. unpauilieied in this countiy,
has L-fCen given of ihe conii !."nce reposed ;n our measures, h-y the
rapidity With \vhich I'le suhs.-riptions to //e i.v,-///,- 6/' //.r Unitrd iSiatcs
vv;_re filled. In two hours aiier the b(oks v. er*; ci.ened l;y the cv.w mis
sion-.rs. ihe w! o e nun;ber of s!.;-!. s v,;is Uikeii uj), a'ld iour thousand
mor.* ap^jheri fjr 'lian were ;•':' ■> > ■'. i y ihe iushiuiic n. This circum-
slanrc w 1,. .,,;,'..' I ;,.(| j^j ;j,p , ciifid! nee h; i'xa ernment

hut ;:i:^;; \- i' ^'tcd prcof of \\\<' rrtcurces of our

ciiizi U:."

THC BAX:^ OF I?;G -^J:i. Al-v'.:sde:i J. D.^llas, President
]\Ia,k=o::"'^ S.-;;:'i;(-y (.f i!i ■ T ' :: wvx . w'h .'m' >a;).-iion of the President
hiai- -h"., ;i ; i >r ; ..■ j ' ; i ■:'',-;.- ., . ' r ■; unniJeJ the incor-
poration of a >U!.''o;::;l [],m;c \n Vil'o —-.x D<?:nn:raf}c administration
reco\n!)\en;'ed i; a-; a. Dc:nfo'Tatk measure, to ,i Daxocral'ir Congress,
and it v.-as carried !;y an .i c u .uchning majoriy of the Den:ocratic
members of bo*h /lou-es.

The A:i;i-Dank par'y in this qu.arter. say, that no man can be a
Deiiicjrat unless lie siaudo opposed lo a B; n'c of the IJniled Stales. —
i.etii; looiv at this dciciaratioa for t! moiuent. The In'e • Mcnster,"
whicli General 'Jr ■k(.n tMad(\\n v,; s rk;,ri(red by a Ddiiocratic
Congre.ii; (luring ti.. ;iki,:u: ■.;.;. n (J \\ i.\ ^ii.Ucni old Dcmocrm,
James Madison, and in opposiiioa .o the votes and wishes of the Fec'r-
rallds. The following is a true analysis (:f (lie pohiical complexion
o: the votes cu the .bill to charter (he Bank cf the United States, in
1816.

Yeas. Nays.

Ilotjse of Kcprestnlatives, Dcmccrais 68 29

Federalists 13 20

In Senate, Deniocruts 18 5

" Feueralists 4 7

Thus it will be seen, that nicre than ino Hires cS the Dfn:ocrafs in
both bnanehes cf Ccrgre&s vcttd for the "Mcns;er,*' and rinxst iuo
th.r.13 of the Federalists vcted against it !

I Wr^

;n-!

^u-•.

to Cotr

til ■ (

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Iv; ii

:ei"'-:-:'- oT

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of '■

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■y

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tul: national bank arfiSTiox

ial^:'

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avi .■;;;^'-:i. ar-ift

■or:!Knp'aiod,

:';■:,> fU

aiH'os^ rh;\l il:(>.

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;> ^ >'s:()

■('i! lo tlie coin-

ji!-.

V.-.!! il

sh-jii-ved. h" a

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/ 'frc ■ >

/,Y 'smcrtt' iiic-

■" (U;r

■r<.':; to iro::i te

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(til I (tccn'.n.no-

r//

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t'le )c ration

v,v/7

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liable Oj^je ratio II.

Oil,

lOl'c,

vx\ !hc

Baukof ;!ieU.

<i 1 _• '

iO b'jtl

I houses of the

is k

aigungc

relative (o the

I'' '<^. as

Vv-ell as for tlie

: i!i

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slioiild posxcas

7/'7\'/ rou-

■ r(i::ii,.':;::;y

e -:'.. :ai. iii.

!,. aaJ u:v' \v!i:T>'Vcr i; lu.iy ciscijai • —
Tiie '. (ias'iiii;! y.i i;,i r^i;; !--,[ Oaa ^rfr-, cx.mlha as^ w ,ij. ,l;e ja.u cr
of :;r.M ;,i ; i\.\.\ ,>',,.![; i: ,. .; 1. :uiiieiicy ot iiui; description , uiid the ;. ea
sur^'o a;:v.':i dar •) • \\i-- l\.< si'.-s,uii, iii execiain^' \\\v. jjowca'. ^ive c\cry
pro iLSi' .»r -r.^s "i\t-''l'. !: (;f tiif ihiia'd S, :,'(';- ];;■■ ,ccii or;j:arzc;i
uadci ' a ..i.-i:^ la.' a,iia i',..- . .\-U:._ a:ai L:aii,:u ilai io \; : ci;i anyuauiit
auxihary lo these aieasiir. i^. '

We siiali here adJ auoihei cxiract frr-ii) Presidcnl Mutiison's message
to Coii'^Tess, of ISio. Speaking of the creation of the Gaiik — of the
resforatioii of couftdence in" a uniforic cir'adatinc: nacL'uni, he says:

3. •• Ujoa this ^ea. rai \ iew of li \\ is oavioas that there is

only waaan.,'- lo \\ir li-eai pajsj) r, y .. , . .^uM^nt. die ros:cration

of a uadonij uiediuai oi" * a lKtn;.;\-. ';\ -s ;aui faith of the

nalioa disoiaye ! in tlie sy.->i(\ii wiiich (_'.» .^ . ■ cstaijlij-hed, insnie

respect and cuuiidtcn-'e at home and aliio:; i. The local aci unadations
of (be revenue ha\'e already enabled ihe ■;• ti-i;:y io jncet die pi<l)hc
engagemencs in the local currcnc) -f nr-i of the states,, and it is
expected, that the same cause will p;udi;<(' d :^ same efiect throughout
the Union. But for the intert'sts of the conimuvitij at large as tcell
as for purposes of the trertsury it is essential that the nation shoidd
possess a currency of equal value, and use wherever it may circnlate."

We must be permitted to continue this subject, by the introduction
of an extract from the peii of President Monhoe, being a portion of a
letter he addressed to S. E. Burrows. Esq., in 1831, in which he takes
a decided stand in favor of u National Bank. He discusses in this letter
the whole subject of the currency — the condition of the finances— ihe
State Bank system, ifec, — but we shall only quote that portion of the
letter which bears on the point we are now considering :

38 THE NATIONAL BAXK QUESTION.

"A National Bank occupies different ground, connected with th»
government by its charter, avid its cnnital, AvliicJi consists in stock, in
uhi.. a liie i^-ovenDiieiii p;i!-;!!-' ;,,i!c !^i ;• i-r,a:i! J'-^-iCc.tliere is no instance
in wliu'ii, ;a priiiriplc ihcr- . ,;!; !).■;■ d,ii' rt'iicc of interest between
tliein and iiiav-.y nowrri'u! !> n- A.'n-;!;'.,;;!,^ !,y which die interests of the
baiik must siiiinila.r it to >i:i;j;(.i! ihc ( rciht of the goveiiarient in any
situatio)! in w Itich it may be placed. If tiie ciedit vt' the Gov. sink
the capital of thi^ baulc woidd dc.'dine in equai titurt-e, the effect of
which u'ovdd be {'f\\ in all i's cpi laiicjis. T- {)aprr would di predate,
and a c'leck be <:iv(^n to il- i-ircuiatiiui, if not an cittiie ^usJ)en^ion. —
Standing at the head (>r !!:<■ ) : wird ( p( ia!i( i:>-- (i d,e jo\ (Miiit.eru. it is
itsinterarediate agent in U:ai<i;i'j- reiuittances \n ihe ban,'.: and \m. vd
uals tinoughouf lh(' l'iii:jii. ; ;:d liivewisc, between liuiiviebuils. liom
which :,iiii-h crrd;; ,.]■'{ in!h:-:jca aiv .;ai;;c(!, if not past. It has the
means „ud may !;:• (■■iiisid.'ii d a- i'l" mi.-: {'owei-fiil air'^nt in raising
and susiaiiiiii;^ dii' cwn,]: ,].):: i;!r(;;ii:,i in a par v.i;it sjjcrie dmoughout
the IJiiio!), and vb \a!;;::j: ;!i.' >'al ■ i;aii!v- to (bat ^iaildal■d. by sulijecting
them to IJie nee; <-':\ (!' r; ailiMiu- and a'dhering to it, to sustain their
credit, an.d even th ■•!■ \L-.cji r. i.ct ilic credit of the government sink
and all tliese ad\ama!;!S are lost. Tlic i)aidc flierefore from a regard t«
interest is bound lo sustaui it. Tla- di;rr!; is ( xeeptihe few appcintc'l
by the governmeni, are elerfed by the .-({ ridiolders and are anienabiC
to them, li gi\-es support, tiierefoie to tiic iN)\;'r!)ment in principles of
national policy, in tht- .-u[)p(_)rt of v.hii li it is inu'iested, and would dis-
dain becoming an iiisinmitnt for arsy other purpose."

Even in the \'e;o Messagf itself, General .laa'kson holds this language:

" That a Bank of the United States cou'pcteiU to ah tl;c duties which
may be required by tic (Jovemmeiit, i-;ight be so orgatuzed as not to
infringe on our di legated powers and reserved rights of the States, I do
not entertain a doul>t. Had the Executive been called upon to furnish
the project of such an institution, the duty would have been cheerfully
performecL"

Gen. HarpjsoN; in his letter to Sherrod Williams, under date of
May, 1836, says;

" Under these impressions, I agreed with Gen. Jackson in the cpir.ion
expressed in one of liis messages to Congress, from whjch 1 n.aKe ihe
following extract : * Thai a Bank of the United ^^tates^ conij-ctod to
all ihe duties which r.-taij be required by the Govemnieut. 'in'i'^itt he so
organized as not to infringe on our delegateed powers.^ or the reserved
rights of the States, 1 do not entertai)i a. uoxi.bt.'' But the period lor
re-chartering the old infclitution lias passed, as Pennsylvania has wisely
taken care to appropriate to herself the bcnetitsof its large capital.

" The question, then, for me to answer, is whether, under the circum-
stances you state, if elected to the cilice of President, I would sii.n an
act to charter another b>ank. I ansv.cr, I would, if it were cleartij as-
certained i\ia.i. the pubhc interest in relation to the collection and dis-
bursinent of the revenue would materially sufier without cue, !.nd
there were unequivocal manifestations of public opinion in its iavor."

Here, then, is what Gen. Harrison said he would do, in 1836, on

THE NATIONAL BANK QUESTION. 39

certain speci'isil conilition-. H? wa> nflerwarl > elected (o ihe Presidency,
bj/the whole ciinitry, wha (le?irr- 1 a !] iik', as he well know ; and in his
Inaugural A\ lioss, which we \v.\\ \hv j, . asure to hear him deliver, he
held the following language, whir;! cannot be misuiderstood, and which
shows mo?t conclusively, t\\\l h - w a :I i have signed a Bank Charter,
the opinions of af.'.v Locofocos to the con^rary notwithstanding :

" C*)nnecte I with tlii-; saSjcct is the character of the currency. The
idea of making it p./--' '■•''■ ■'/ >.■/■■/ /',"/■, !i v,\- •,- r w.-ll iutended, appears
to me to be frair^ht wi;-! aniv fatal ca.M :|i! "a a^^ ilrviauy other sche ne
havinr na relafivi ta t!i > p a> > rd rij;-'!'^ of t!r^ vltlz ■ i. ih'it ha:^ ever
been devise I. If a:!y ^-■iil■x! • -'lera" coa!;! prodara^ tlia edrc! of arres-
ting, a' once, that miita'ion or ct!;i liiion by which thousands of our
most indiga-it fellow-citiz-Mis, by ib.air ia la^ay a^rl enter})rise, arc raised
to the po?3e?>ion of wealth, t/tut is tli^ (m'\ If there is one measure
better caliiculated than another to produce ihat state of thinq-s so much
deprecated by all true republicans, by whieli the rich are daily adding
to their hoards, and the poarsink deeper into penuarv. it is aiie.vc'.Ksivp
metaUc currency. Or if there is a procoss by which the character of
the country for generosity and nobleness of feeling may be destroyed
by the great increase and necessaiy toleration of usury, ?Vw an exclusive
mstrdic rurrrwyf.''''

THE BANK OF PEXNSFLYAXIA.— It is known to our readers,
that after the overthrow of the United States Bank, the Legislature of
the State of Pennsylvania, chartered the State Listitutlon^ which they
thought proper to call '' The United States Bank of Pcnnsj/lvania,'"
and at the head of which Nicholas Biddlk, the former President of the
National Bank was placed. This Institution was neither in whole or
in part, a National Bank but a State Bank., as every man of sense
knows, and as every candid man will at once admit. And yet, it is
notorious, that since that Institution failed, its stockholders became
sufferers, and its paper was shaved to the tune oi foriij per cent, the
whole tribe of Locofoco sycophants and demagogues, throughout the
country, have cried out, '■'■there is the end of a Notional Bank for
youP^ Not only so, but they quote what President Bitldle said in its
favor, as evidence of his trying to mislead puljlic sentiment. Now we
charge that even that institution, was notoriously of Locofoco incuba-
tion. The Globe, the official Gazette, of President Jackson, and
certain democratic Senators, encouraged Pennsylvania, and all other
States, to charter State Banks. In connexion with the debts and ex-
pendituies of Pennsylv.mia, the Globe of December, 1832, said:

" Why should not she establish a Bank of large capital in V)hich
she should be interested as the Principal Stockholder ; such a Bank,
especially if the faith of the State were pledged for the redemption of
ita paper, would command universal confidence, and wwuld doubtless
become the depository of the public funds accumulated in Philadelphia."

1^-

Did f^vpr

I3M;!]p ^^DV

X-i!iniial ii.

;i'c. a/?.'/ ■

iis es;al)lis!;

UCill ? 'i

to l!i;; (1;^ im

rrrrv. 13

c!( I'LM' in '1

(■ y;'iia;c:

■• 1 r.jn ;:

0/ ■-1 ;t :-)

li.-:;-vc((. ':

,-;/ /■-•-■/'.

]),,.. (1 of c;

:;; ;.;::! r ;!

40 THE NATIONAL BANK Qt'ESTION,

lore iti praise of thai iii;>prab;o ccr'vferffit of a

; ;'ri 1 i'le ■ v'')!>c ha^ 'ic:;^ ^U!! in nrg'ir'g

•. w iicn read aloud, must coine home

';";ir wliat tlu' late JruGK G:;undy said, in a

•'■ of a;; pxciii^ivp nK^taii;- (•;;rr-'!icy. This I
/.'. 1 am in fa\<'r (jf a i:.l red curnticij. com-
:■^^!,■ hank paprr.-'

Ill ihis saiia; .!.-i a*;' ':^. '. Ercn_'.x.\\ Iic'd fc3;!i afTr '])'< ffishion :

'■ lift lli'Tc ;>r a n'e/.'Pl-c^ rirri::nt'(.!i i:f !.(■'[>! 'rir njn! I alf fd' (r.
and the daiiiTPi' of su-pf-nsioiis of tprric j,;ayi!iCi]ls will be con'paraiive-
]y ai avi end."

" TlifM" . '' ■ ■ 1 • '• ■ , ^,.].^ ],^^(] j,]]_ fieni

tlioir ori;-;;, /-.v. ThiM.KAver had

l)een ill III! i;- .. -;,. i,. <-.. .■ . i;.^. ,. -.,.',iy. Ti wa> new too

late to riiU'stint! //.■- ,'.;-,V;V /.ry-. y.o M,^\ ^O'A" living would KVEI? Sh,E

TKE D.'-.Y wncri ihis powc;- \\Guh! !.;e nl anf^on-r h'' tl.i Sffftcs ! '*

Sucli th-n. Tsert {o be tlie pcsiMOJis of tlir jeadi. '■ poIiiiciaL^ and

preppcs of die L-O!

on.<-o >,•!

:.;'.h And wlicr.v.

r !h,.' p; i-;y l;avr been

in the ascoiiia,.!. i

! a.iiv of

■!.■ :V;^-. iUr-r d .

■i-lM'^ l;;. '■ la'rn fully

carried out — can:-(

1 om: :1! ;

,r ('v,-;.,.:\-r nva'i'ii;

(.. :■'■ ■ r i;;iiiks. iriving

the people '-a n

■„■■/./ rn

Y /;r,/, (;)■ a ciMii i;>

\ ■ ( /' /,-',•//' >:, ccie and

ha[f jM:,cr!-' Ai

d v.'h<!:

ui !lOll(■.■^t Deniociat

.- i!( \v ioid iLa: a jQivr

currpur!/ h a '• \w.

iibug,'' I

iv' J:iay safely reply.

hen. ii is a dcinGcratic

'V\l\: BnAXriUAG rOWHR.— Mr. JrHer-os., wlso was the irreat
beibvrd,''|- ; ! '.;>i>:ori;ils. as die prrsnii wxv ( : i,-ri;s-ay. w a< ia\ur-
able to a "\;!!!uiia} Bank, and to destroy the ititluenct; which diislact is
likely to ha' p — otn- modern <len^>ocrafs contend iltat lie ^vns opposed to
ths.' bn'i, /;,/:- mrcr. contended for by Mr. Clay, and the Whigs, at the
extra S ioii ( < ( ',■ tr-refs. Tliis proves not to have been the fact. The
National I : h - Imy • -h* m. JiLlii an art of Congress, passed

in 18(14, ; ■ .v- //v,/r/r,v (,i thr Ih.iMd States Bank.lnto the

newly acquired 'i'eniioiips of ilie United States, which Mr. Jefieison
approved, and which, a- is char to be seen, may be taken as evidence
most conclusive, that he reco.irnized the braia-libi^j.oner. now ccnten
ded for by Mr. Ckiy, to its fullest extent. The following is the act
rcferedto, and which, the Intelligencer says is taker hem a Ccn pila-
tion of the Liaws of the United States: —

" AN ACT supplementary to (he net entitled "an act to incorporate
the subscribers to the Ba)di of the United Siai* ?."

§ 1. Beit enacted, iS:c. That the I^retidtnt and Directors of the
BiuJi of the United States shall be. and they aie hereby authorized t»

THE NATIONAL BANK QUESTION. 41

estab-hh offices of discount anddeposllc in con/ part of :Jie territories or
dependencies of the United States, in the manner, an 1 on the terms,
prescribed by the act to which this is a supplement.''
Approved, March 23, 1801.

THOMAS JEFFERSON."

FURTHER PARTICULARS.— Many honest men in thecountiy
of the so-called Democratic part^'^ have long been taught to believe
that every department of the Government had regarded a National
Bank as unconstitutional — a Per/era^ measure, and never supported by
the Republican party — when, in truth, the reverse of all these allega-
tions are facts. These facts, when demonstrated, will prove astounding
to the People, but they are nevertheles true. We have already given
the political complexion of the parties voting for and against the Bank
of 1816. We will next exhibit an analytic tabk, showing how the
Sates were divided upon the subject of the Bank of 1791, the bill for
the charter of which was signed by Gem. Washington, on the 26th
of February of that year, being the month in which it passed the
House of Representatives, by a vote of ayes, 39, noes 19. The follow-
ing is the table :

For it. Against it.

Massachusetts, 7 1

New York, 6

New Jersey, 4

Rhode Island, 1

Pennsylvania, 7

NeAv Hampshire, 3

Connecticut, 5

North Carolina, 2 3

South Carolina, 1 2

Delaware, 1

Maryland, 2 3

Georgia, 3 3

Virginia 7

In the year 1832, a bill passed the Senate for continuing the charter
of the Bank of 1816, for 20 years, by a vote of yeas 28, nays 20. It
passed the House, by a vote of yeas 107, nays 85. This bill fell under
the qualified vetc of President Jackson. And to this act, and this alone,
are all our distres&es and sufferings attributable. This veto destroyed
the best cuiTency fliis country ever enjoyed ; and from that day to
this, as every candid man must admit, we have been going down iiill
as a nation. Where we are to land, time only can tell. Without a

•^■2 THE NATIOXAL j3A.VK UUESI .•^I..

Bank, similar in all material respects to the one destroyed by Gen. Jack-
son, the covmtry is to be ridned.

The States in the Senate and House of Represntatives were thus
divided in their votes :

SENATE.

HOUSE.

I or it.

Against it.

For it.

Against it

Vermont,

Maryland,

New Hampshire,

Massachusetts,

Rhode Island,

Connecticut,

New York,

New Jersey,

Pennsylvania,

Louisiana,

Delaware,

Vir^nia,

North Carolina

South Carolina,

Georgia,

Kentucky,

Tennessee,

Ohio,

Indiana,

Mississippi,

Ilhnois,

Alabama,

Maine.

Missouri,

In the year 1841, two bills passed each branch oi Conj^rcss, estab
lishing a National Bank, and both fell under the qualified veto of
President Tyler. Had not the corrupt traitor, to his shame and disgrace,
vetoed these bills, a National Bank woidd have been in successful op-
eration, say, for eighteen months past, or two years, and universal
national and individual prosperity, woxdd have been the result. Had
these bills been signed by this imprinciplcd miscreant, instead of low
prices, low wages, and no nioney, and general distress — the farmer and
mechanic, and day labortir, would now be receiving a fair compensation
for the products of their industry, — the country would abound with
money of ecjual value at every point — and joy and gladness would
light up every countenance! But Tyler, backed and encouraged by
I<ocofocoism, vetoed these bills, and liOcofocos, as well as Whigs
tlirongh mevc}', are enjoyjng the fruits •f his and their conduct.

THE NATIONAL BANK QUESTION. 43

The analysis of the vote on each bill shows the sense of tlie States on
the question. On the first bill —

SENATE.

HOUSE.

For it.

Against it.

For it. .

Against it

Vermont,

New Hampshire,

Connecticut,

Rhode Island,

Massachusetts,

New York,

New Jersey,

Pennsylvania,

Delaware,

Maryland,

Virginia,

North Carolina,

South Carolina,

Georgia,

Kentucky,

Tennessee,

Ohio,

Louisiana,

Indiana,

" 1

Mississippi,

Illinois,

Alabama,

Maine,

Missouri,

Arkansas,

Michigan,

It is unnecessay to add a further analysis, or we would do so, as we
have the materials at hand. We have already given the sense of
different Congresses, expressed by different votes, scattered through a
period of sixty years, affirming the constitutionality of a National
Bank, while not one Congress, nor either house of Congress, ever did
deny it officially. We have likewise the written opinions of the pureet
patriots, and the most talented men who ever lived on this continent,
scattered through the same period of time, affirming both the constitu-
tionality and expedientij of a National Bank— while demagogues and
designing men alone, of this degenerate age, liave made tlie
discovery that such an institution is belli unconstitutional and uncalled
for. Several bills pioposing the establishment of a Bank, have been
introduced and lost in Congress, it is true, but not on the score of con-
stitutional objections on the part of that body, as the journals and
debates demonstrate. Senator Smith, of Maryland, in debate on the
veto of President Jackson,, in 1832, epnaking 0^ his vote then said, "'he

44 THK NATIONAL BA\K QUESTIOX.

had voted against the Bank in ISll, but ?iGi at all on constitutional
grounds ; and he had no doubt such was die case with olher members
of the Senate." M^'. Madison says, in refer-nce to this very vote —
a thing harped upon by the Locoioco opposers of a Bank :

" As to the negative of the Senate, by the casting vote of the presi -
ding ofBcer, it is a fact well understood ai iLe time, that it resuUed not
from an equahty of opinions in diat assembly on the power of Congress
to establish a bank, but from a junction of those who admitted the
the power, but disapproved «he plan, with those who denied the power.
On a simple question of constituiionality, there was a decided majority
in favor of it."

In conclusion — we have only to add, that the foregoing statements,
questions, and extracts — all and singular — must pester the Locofocos a
little -, nr if they do not disturb their peace and quiet, ihey must at
least force them to the conclusion, that, " old documents are dangerous
things y

But we wish to impress upon the minds of our readers, these facts:
The first Bank was cieated by those puie and unadulterated sages of
the Continental Congress, in 1780. sixty-three years ago, when
none of those motives now complained of, by tlie opponents of a Bank,
could have operated upon their minds, so as to have influenced their
conduct, in opposing or advocating the institution. The second was
created by those venerable sages of the Revolution, under George
Washington — whose love of country, and patrion nt, no man will
doubt. The third was established by the Democratic party, after the
perils of the second war of Independence, by men who had the cour-
age to sacrifice the false pride of consistency, party strife and party
prejudice, on the altar of patriotism. During forty-three out of fifty
years, in which a National Bank existed, public and private credit stood
without a parallel in the world. During the two intervals, when no
Bank existed, the moneyed transactions of private life were at a stand —
nay, they were even on the downward march, and the fiscal operations
of the Government, labored with extreme inconvenience, doing litde
else than an uphill business.

General Jackson in 1842 vs. General Jackson in 1834.—
Gen. Jackson, as the following letter will show, has again taken the
field, as the champion of a hard money currency, and the officious in-
termedler in the contest now waging for the Presidency. Among the
the numerous letters of a similar character, caused to be published by
this miserable old man, from time to time, the following is the most
extrraordinary, if not the most disgraceful to the writer :

Hermitage, November 24th, 1842.
"My Dear Sir: Your letter of the 18th instant has just been

THE NATIONAL BANK Qi'T^STIUN. 4.5

received, in which you ask permission to pubHsh my letter, or extracts
from it, to which you refer. I luive no copy of that letter, and W;isii
written had no idea of its being- published, and as I wrote it in haste,
there may be errors bolii in grannnar and spelling, which may need
correction ; still as you say it may be useful for information to the
public, having the greatest confidence in 3rouv judgment, the permission
you ask is freely given to yo'j I never put to paper any thing but
what are my matured opinions,

" / 3 to the allusions made to my message to Congress, had I strengtli
I would give j'ou the full outlines of that project, if Congress had made
the call on me. But why the call was not made upon mC; Congress
was well aware of n-y o;;)iiiion of the constitutional powers of Congress
in their legislation for the District, and oi Jie States, with regard to
chartering banks. I will give you a concise and hasty view of that
opinion. That the power of Congress over their respective limits : and
that neither had the constitutional power to charter banks of paper issues
— that the only powder in this respect was to charter banks based on a
specie bassis, and of deposite and exchange. The States liuving lo-
signed to the General Government the Sovreign power to coin money
regulate the value thereof, etc., &c., and prohibited themselves from
issuing bills of credit, or to make any thing a tender inpayment of debts
but gold an;! silver coin ; hence the reserved rights of the States contained
no poT^^er 'o cliarter banks v/ith power to issue bills of credit. I ask,

What is a bank bill but a bill of credit? The charter allows them
three dollars in paper for one in specie : three five dollar bills are issued:
I go to the bank with one of them ; I draw out five dollars in specie.
I ask what the other two represents. They answer, nothing but the
credit. These were well known b}^ Congress to be my opinions ;
therefore my project was not called for. Many committees representing
banks called upon me whilst in the Executive chair, to know if I
would approve a charter upon other terms than based upon a specie
basis. My answer always w-as, that I would approve no other charter;
therefore none was presented to me.

" I am and ever have been, opposed to all kind of Government paper
currency, let it be derived from Exchequer, or otherwise. If the paper
is the real representative of specie, why not pay the debts in specie
and let the specie circulate in the hands of the laboring and producing
classes ? Then the dealing between the merchant, and the laborer will
be in specie ; and the merchant, by making a deposite, can get a bill
on any part of the Union. Where, then, is the use of a paper currency?
Neither the merchant or tlie laborer wants it. The merchc.ic wants a
bill, not a bank or exchequer bill, but upon a banker where he lays in
his goods, as in Germany.

" It is one of the greatest humbugs ever attempted to be imposed
upon a people that (here is not specie enough in the world to answer
all the necessaiy wants of the community. Look at Cuba. There is
no paper there. Shut out from circulation all paper, and specie will
flow in upon us as the tide, but never will flow to any country that has

. a paper cun-ency, which will always depreciate, A national paper
currency is a great curse to any people, and a particular curse to the

46 THE NATIONAL BANK QUESTION.

labor of the country ; for its depreciation always falls upon the labor.
But with these liiuts 1 nuist close ; being exhausLed. I am greatly
debilitated, tmd .emau, youv fiend, ^^^^^^^^ JACKSON."

" Moses Dawson, Esq."

Remarks.— The friends and flatterers of this weak and ambitious
old man, have made a tool of him till they have eifected his political
death, and now, that he is no more ; they are disposed to use him still !
It is now with the old man, as a French traveller once said of Leonidas,
at Spaita. When he (Chateaubriand) visited the spot where old Sparta
stood, he saw no living soul, in the enthusiasm of his feelings, he as-
cended an eminence, in the midst of wliut was once Sparta, and at the
top of his voice, thrice shouted i.l jud the name of Leonidas ! The
traveller adds, — " Not an echo returned my voice, and Sparta herself
seemed to have forgotten the name of her Hero !" The reader will
make the application.

The very face of the letter shows that its author is not now sufficiently
sound of mind for party purposes, to be dragged before the public. —
In the first breath, as it were, the writer says, he wrote his former letter
in haste — with no idea of its being published, and that it contained errors
in grammar and spelling, and still, in the next breath, he says, — '■• I
never put to paper, cuuj thing- hut what ARE my matured opinions .'"
A beautiful specimen this of the political gra7mnar of a deliberate
writer ! This fine English, reminds us of the time the writer marched
an armed force into a neutral Tenitory, then in the possession of the
Spaniards,. In making out his laidess Reports to the War Department,
he wrote General thus, Jinrole ! The man speaks of the grammatical
errors of his former letter, " which may need correction." Judging
from this " matured " letter, we should think the former one a perfect
curiosity. That the present letter contains several "matured" falsehoods^
none can deny. The General tells us that ten years ago, he regarded
the State Banks as unconstitutional, and was opposed to all bank paper;
when he was, at that very time issuing circulars to the pet banks, telling
them to issue more of their " bills of credit!" He was, at that very
day, in his message to Congress, proclaiming the success of his misera-
ble experiments with State institutions, and boasting of their immeasu-
rably increased banking facilities ! Is it lion headed impudence, or is
the want of a recollection of what the man did say, in those days, or
both, that induces him thus to disregard truth ?

But what is the " matured project of a National Bank," alluded to
in Gen. Jackson's famous message to Congress'^ Why, according to
this late Zear«e</ commentary, on that message, it was to be a National

THE N'ATION'AL BANK QUESTION.

Bank, conrnied in its operations to the Dlsinct of Columbia — a tract
of countiy ten miles square, ceded to the General Government, by the
States of Marj^iand and Virginia ! He intended the country should have
a NATIONAL BANK, to operate ^' per se," within the hmits of a
District ten miles square ! And what is still more strange, this Na-
tional Bank is not to issue ani/ paper, but is to be a bank of gold and
silver! Who ever heard of such a National Bank? Is it possible
that ten years ago, in a regular message to Congress, of which the
following is a part, this is wiiot Gen. Jackson meant, when he seemed
to sanction a National Bank !

" That a Bank of the United Slates, competent to all the duties
which may he required by the Goverfiment might be so organized as
not to infringe on our oirn delegated powers or the reserved rights
of the States, I do not entertain a doubt. Had the Executive been
called upon to furnish the project of such an institution, the dutyivould
have been most cheerfully performed.''''

Now, for the last ten years. Gen. Jackson's opinions herein expressed,
I have ben publicly, on all occasions quoted, as he very well knew, and
a verj- different construction put upon them, from the one he has given.
Is it not, therefore, exceedingly strange, that this commentary upon hk
" matured pioject," under all the circumstances, should have been with-
held from the world till now? Old man, this new party movement
won't take. This effort to aid a sinking cause, on the eve of the revival
of an old contest between the friends of a Sub- Treasury and a National
Bank, will not have the desired effect.

But this oft exploded doctrine of an exclusive gold & silver currency,
cannot any longer be put upon even Democrats. They have tried the
doctrine till they are sick and tired of it. Like the Jews, in waiting for
the coming of the Saviour, the Democrats have looked for the ushering
in of this gold and silver era, till their eyes have grown dim with age,
and till their pockets are literally seived up. The gold and silver ^Hce^
are upon us, without the currency.

We next present to the public, the long expected project of Gen.
: Jackson's constitutional National Bank, which was extensively circula-
I ted over the United States, in Lithograph copies, for the inspection and
I approval of the liard money party ! It speaks for itself. We copy this
Jacksonianplan of a Bank, from the 5th Vol. and 73d page of "The
i Political Register," published in Washington, in 1834. This scheme
i is there accompanied by a letter from Littleton D. Teackle, a lead-
ing Jackson man in Maryland, requesting its publication in the "Co-
lumbia Telescope," whence it was transfcred to the columns of the
Register. Mr. T. says, in submitting the plan—" The Chief Magistrate

THE ^^ATlo^;A^' bank qvestiom.

of the Union has EXPRESSED HIS API :. .:,f the prixcipi,es

OF THE PROPOsiTiov, ''od AT liis SI c.wK.-TioA , tile accooipanying
details have been cxten'. 1 '" 'i'iiis siaternent, and this plan, side by
side with the HeiTaita':!;:^ :;:::"■. and its avowal, that the General "ei^er
had been opposed to ."" ' '• > of Governntent paper currency, ^^ we
leave (he rea.lei- to re c : the r'_M|:ie^t that he will 'pitty the

sorrows of a poor old h, i.i ,. itu^e memory has utterly failed him ! —
Here comes the pli'ii ef 1834: —

'^'- A plan to e.-itrfb^ishihe Monetan/ Si/stemand to regulate the C'drrency
of tJte United States, arcordiu'v to the fdlovnng bases and p inci-
ples:

"1. Five coinmis?:.; nnoinfcd by tlic President and Senate,

to act in coniunf'ioii \^'ii' :;;ssioners to be appointed by the

States, to 0(.'ii^(!lnte a i? ■ rcncy^ to sit at the seat c.f the

General Governrnert.

" 2. The board to devise and prepare a national cmrency in conve-
nient denominations from 10 to 1000 dollars, to be apportioned amonc"
the States in the ratio of their electoral votes, not exceeding one hundred
thousand dollars for e^h Senator and R. ^.icsentative in Congress.

" 3. Each of the States, assenting- to the system to receive its contin-
gent of the ciuTency upon the payment of one per centum on the amount
required, and contracting to pay in like manup. annually thereafter, and
providing not less than one fourth of that amount in the legal coin of
the United States, as a basis of its operations.

" 4. The assenting States to appoint one commissioner to the board,
?ind one in addition for every ten of its electoral votes over three,
deducting the number which may have been appointed from each State
by the President and Senate.

'■'■ n. The principal institution of each of the States to have the cus-
tody and provide for the transmission and disbursement of the pulilic
moneys, and for exchanges between the States under such conditions
and regidations as the Congress may prescribe.

" 6. The national currency to be made receivable in all payments in
the U. States at each and every one of the institutions and at all theii
branches and departments, without regard to its place of emission or
redemption.

" 7. The board to have and to exercise a visitorial and supervisory
control over the institutions of the States in all their branches and rami-
fications; each to be visited and inspected by a deputation of the board,
once in every six months at the least.

" 8. The assenting States to be severally and distinctly responsible
for their appropriate contingents of the currency and for (he faithfal
administration of their respective institutions. ^

" 9. The commissioners to receive an adequate compensation for their
Eer\-ices, and fair allowances for itinerant charges; to appoint and pa\

THE NATIONAL BANK QUrSTtON.

their secretary and other necessary officers and servants ; and to take
security for their good conduct, and the due discharge of their proper
(kities.

'•' 10. Tiie secretary to receive the per centage to he paid by (he
States, to make all needful disbursements under the direction of the
board, and to account to Congress for any balance which might remain.

"11. The proceedings of the board to be open to the inspection of
either House of Congress, or to any committee thereof, and the right to
modify or repeal the act to he reserved, suljject, (o the fulfilment of
existing engagements.

" 12. The boaril in cwn^iiler nil snitjcefs connected with the currency
in relation to the i;i: t' '^ of iiii-ieuiMre, uriuufhetuies and commerce,
which mio'ht be cliarged j'poii it, and lepoit ihereon to Congress from
time to time."

The fore'J-oing sum'. • plan propo^ivl byC^^*;!. .lackson in Ids

Message to Con: ••;■-■-. i';~ ■4:;enrly approved by him, is, indeed,

nothing more or i ■ ■.> Ir. Van Buen's original abortive safety fimd

system, with the excepuon that all the States are to be stockholders,
married to the Central institution — a grcicious and sweet conjunction ! —
In other words, the following will l)e. found to 1)8 the chief points of
this plan: —

" 1. The Federal Government is to enter into a joint stock company
with the States ; supplying thejn witli r paper capital ; and, in return,
merely, assuming the direction::^ ' f their nionied institutions.

"2. A s^reat fmaueia] Cuiigi; :L up, in order to do such

few further rogun-ies, as nre ce;:- dangerous to be done by our

present glorious convocation oi ' saints at Waslnngton. It

will beg-ood to show the world;': a prol)abiIity of lorming a

body still n^ore venal a\id slavisli ■ . . .

" 3. In return for the paper capital lent them in siich pioportion that
South Carolina would receive just 100. '.1.10 (■w!:a-. each State will
merely bind itself to pay in specie nV: :- issued, if it be

demanded at her banks.

" 4. The financial Congress to have the power of shutting up, at
their pleasure, the banks of any Slate ; and thus holding a.t lis mercy
t he whole trade of the countiy.

" The paper capital is not payable to the United States, in the first
instance ; but if a State fail to pay the notqs when demanded, the U. S.
'ds joint partner and guarantee, "will have the riglit of cnfoicing the
payment — doubtless by njleri facias against the State.

'■ The pleasant part of die scheme, however, is this : Tliat the tlung
shall be done by law of Congress ; which law, meantime, is to take effect
upon a particular State only at its assent, so that we shall have laws of
Congress completely binding, in some States, and not of the shghtcsi
obligation any where else !

CHAPTER III

PraCE OF LAKOR—
AVOU'KD BY BENTi'

THE VAX EUKP:N DOCTRINE

\V \LKER, LEAEDRS OF THE PARTY.

The price of labor! Can ;uiy snbi
impar;;:"' :'ioii of tln' ■

Alrcaoy :.. ri\)iy\d too ;

tmde" dociriiies of (lie Locofoco pariy
of imges. AVhal r!'i-- i r \ni!';-'!';i!i c
cnce a icdr.ciioii <
mechanics'and dr ;,
from want I To c
individuals in Tcl
mechanics? TL. ;
Are the Ja,->u:-rs ^
dollars for l.'r, ;
prices, to hir
give more. '. .; ^
of the people — the rtal
•dernagogaes &iyle ;'
it is FACTS — ii'.di .
ting to the piiliHc ;•; \\\\
Dcmocrras, and (Jia\' '^,

't be more worthy the deep and
of the American People? —
country, and yet, the " free

,'\ ideally leads to the reduction

^u: i ;■ \ni!';i!;i!i c:i izcns could view with indiflfcr-

':>\v that honest hard-working

'-■■■') their v;jves and children

;.der.<, what description of

:: . \] action? Are the

;.id theaiselves." —

''\i.:\ ah'c.Kiy realize Uu cods ibr oats, and three

It \v add suit them, in these days of hard money

;';;(!rcr for //re cents, nor can they well af!brd to

;'\- .•■;%■ '.ii'.; .-;'f!r:s which con:ie to the great mass

ral ■ . ■' of the land, as the Locofoco

,,^. •..:,,•; '■ ;:' ' j'or their \otes. And.

we intend presen-

iillie;:
, ;;nd

parlieSj 1(

n Van Bnren
f(^w moments,
'• lend us an

:. \Viil I;o!
lend us their serious attention ? As Mark Antony said
ear, and we will a round unvarnished tale deliver."

No doubt our readers generally, have heard of what was charged by
the Whigs to be startling doctrines advanced in tlie United States Senate,
in 1S39, by certain champions of Van Buren misrule. But as many
have doubtless forgotten the particulars, we would do well just in this
connection, to bring them before the public again. And before we pro-
ceed further, as it is our determination neither to mislead a single reader,
or to misrepresent any prominent Locofoco, to whom those doctrines
have been atiributed, wc Viill have them to be heard in their oivn ivordsy
as published in their o.wi organ, and revised by themselves. We shall
not, then, as our enemies charge, resort to the speeches of Whig orators,
the reports of AVhig ncwr^papers, or (hose of Whig letter- writers, for

PRICE OF LABOR — METALIC- CURREXCV ;51

proof of the fad of such doctdiies having been avowed by some three
or more of the great bell-wethers of Yaa Bureu Democracy, but to the
GREAT GLOBE newspaper, the ollicial organ of the party m the U.
States. We quote from Col. Bextoji firet, whose speech on the sub-
ject will be found in the Appendix to the Congi^cssional Globe ^ page
123:

" To our Southern States, to the whole cotton, rice, tobacco and sugar
growing region, now so grrevov.siy afflicted with the curses of the paper
system, to all this region 1 wouhi -- ■ -'-ulv the financial history of Hol-
land,' France and Cuba. F < . : ; i: x a :,h'le. Emulate their
SOLID CURRENCY, imi: : ' * *

" To the other States 1 would say, do the like."

We next quote from Senator Yv'alker, of Mississippi, from Appen-
dix: to the Congressional Globe, page 124 .-

" I am against the whole paper system. * * *

" Let us but contrast the condition of t])e Island of Cuba upon our
very borders, witli that of our own coiratry. In Cuba, the cunency is
entirely metalic. * v^ * * # *

" Being then opposed, upon these principles, to r;..v [np^-r inonoy
system, State or Federal, I shall vote to strike ouf t;;- c\'x\y-.(- wb.ich
would seem to countenance the future i:-sue of Government paper."'

We next give the reader a beauilf id cyAx^ici or two from the speech of
old Federal James Buchanan, of Pennsylvaniar now spoken of as a
candidate for the Preside:!-- '■- •'-- Locofoco party. These extracts
will be found in the Appr Coiigressional Globe, pages 135-G:

" In Gemiany, where the cun.jiicy is pm'chj metalic, and the cost,
of every thing is REDUCED to a \mn\ r.ionr^y standard, a piece of
broadcloth can be manufactured f- '" i' imnfacture of

wliich, in oin- country from thee:. ■in-y, vrculd

cost one hundred dollars. W < i;.i^-, ^i-.ivi- : The foreign

French and German manufa*-: ; this cloth into our country,

and sells it for a hundred. Dc . ..-ry person perceive that the

redundancy of our ciUTency is equal to a premium of one hundred per
cent in favor of the maniifacturer 1"

" No tariff of protection, unless it amounted to prohibition, could
counteract this advantage in favor of forei<?n ntannfactures. I would
to heaven that I could arouse the attention of every inannfacivrer
of the nation to this imp&rtant subject.''''

" What is the reason that, with all these advantages and with the
protective duties which our laws afford to the domestic manufacturi^r
of cotton, we cannot obtain exclusive'possession of the home nsarkct,
and successfully contend for the markets of the w^orld? It is simply
because we manufacture at the nomnal prices of our own inflated cur-
rency, and are compelled to sell at the real prices of otlier nations. —
REDUCE OUR NO M I N A L S T A N T) A h D 01^ P K > ■ ; -

r,3

VAX niTvr.X DOCTRIXES AVOWED, AC.

THROUGHOUT TH?-; WORLD , anO v.n rnvrr our coimtr)- with
blessings nn.! ' * -^ * ,

"The CO;,. ■ ;:iK] ( Germany have

afforded such utliniidu:^ loi!;;:Li- juaualiicuuv:^, llial they arc now rapidly
extending themselves, ;uul would o!">fain pos.-cssion, in no small degree
even oC' ' ^ '• 1, hon.e market, IF IT WERE NOT FOR THEIR
PR.OT: DUTIES. While British manufactures are now

langtii.-liiii^, i:i..ci' of the continent arc springing intc dthy and

vigorous existence."

We next give the to *.st drank bv Okxekai, Jacksox, at a puj)lic
dinner given bini at \ asrJiaU Garden^ in ilie viciniiy of ?^a^^llville, in
ISor], v/!;!;-'; iliiislr;:^s /lis \ieAvs of //wv/ a'.'.'avi"/ and tlie '•protection,"
oka-, ;,,•.■/•' ,>M.r ^MaiiMrr'

'' Tli':' tfiii' coitsfii ui'ODtil <-urri.':i'u ';.< n-oJJ a rtfJ silver coin; It can
cover and protect il:;-, Ifilxiy <,;' , , uinl regulate Wiy^es, without

the aid of a A^'/.v,;." ' J-'.n::h, ; ■ \\ liicli can never be otherAvise

ttian hostile to iiic li')i;iie- of lij,' people, lx:!cause its tendency is to
associate wrA.r.TH vi'.'; :- 'liir' i)ov^•er over the pul»lic interest.'"

Tkiis ii \' :' ' "hAinuG Bextox, the great file-leader of

Loccfocois-;!. , J )!e of this comitry to follow tlie wretched

example of ijolian.l, I'raiice. andt'>on Cuba . and to emulate their
Democratic nn'talic currciiaj !

Sex'^toji WalivKI!, of the '' banker" State, of Repudiation^ is
opposed to any and all ]):!]■): r n;oiiey, "■ State or Federal," and desires
the people of the United Siaics, to adopt \\\e. solid crrj-mc'!/ system of
Republican Cuba !

Mr. Buciiaxan, the head of tlie T''\:ii.--vr\ a da wing of modern
Democracy, advocaies, i;; .0 ijiany wc-n!-. ;,' e r'(hiction of all paper
money prices, to tlie rci:l Liiba standard — ihut i.^ the solid money stcai-
dard ! This ojd '' /< ,7 ccrds a day " chaiiijjion of tlie usages of " Ger
many," and i:('\(:i-;i'e <ir die '• Hwiiiiiwd "' r)riers of foreign countries,
has the-audaf ' ■ prices will " cover

our country v.

Gen. Jacksox, too, goes for the " harcjL," and the reduction of wages
to the specie standard of hard money countries. Many other extracts
might be given. Apm his Messages and letters, in proof of Iris advocacy
of this ruinous doctrine, but tLc foregoing toast, {of course se7iti/nental)
is deemed sufficient.

Now, it certainly becomes an object of great importance to ascertain
what are the prices of labor in these Iiard money countries, and how
FAST the laboring classes live, in order that wc may be able to appreciate
the change proposed by modern Democracy. If" the American people
-^re disposed to " ijviitatc" the habits of living, in European hard money
countries, Avhen they liave fairly understood those habits, wc say amcji
to the move. But we bog theiri one and all, Infore they adopt this new
mode of living, to become fully infonned, as to all the facts; and to
this end, we lay before them an authentic table, shoAving tlie rates of
wages in various cotmtrics, touching the accuracy of which there can
be no mistake. I^iis table is compiled from documects furnished by

VAX BUBEN DOCTRINES AVOWED, &C.

the several Consuls, residing in the countries named ; and in March,
1840, the same table was read before the American Senate, without an
item of it being doubted, even by the furious partizans, against whose
creed it was intended to operate.

TABLE.

Country

Description

Yearly

Daily

With or

and

of laborers

wages

without

j without

Disttrict.

board

dwelling

France —

■^ §

cts. cts.

Calias

Ploughmen

5 to S

Shepherds

with

Laborers

Boulogne

Ploughmen

without

Laborers

without

Havre

Farm servt's

generally

S to 12

with

Brest

do ■

2 to 6

Nantes

Ijaborers

w'ithout

without

Charant(^

Farm servt's

ge'icrally

3 to 8

with

Bordeaux

LaDorers

24 to 30

without

Bayonne

IS to 12

Marseilles

Sliepherds

19tol2

liaborers

9 to 14

Corsica

without

Germany —

Dantzig

Farm ferv's

3 to 4

with

Laborers

9 to 14

without

Mccklenbuig

Farm serv's

with

Laborers

without

Holstein

Fami serv's

4 to 5

with

Laljorers

without

therlands

Holland

Farm serv's

]0tol2

with

I/aborers

12 to 32

without

... Flanders

Farm serv's

with

Italy—

Trieste.

Laborers

without

12 '

with

Istria

16 to20

without

8 to 10

with

Lombardy

Stole

^5i noa

Farm scrip's

4 to 5

Laborers

lotoie

without

Tuscany

Fami serv's

with

Laborers

without

54 VAX BURF.N UOCTniNES AVOWED, &C.

Fellowcitizens of the United States! Can you go this %ure?--
People of Tennessee ! are you prepared for this state of things ? Me-
chanics and laboring men, of all parties, are you prepared to " work
for nothing and find yourselves ?" Democrats ! what say you to this
glorious scheme ? This is what your leaders, aye, what your party ,
propose to bring you to. Only follow them, and here is where you
will land ; unless you conclude to stcal^ and then you will land in the
State Prison !

CHAPTER IV

FOREIGN STOCKHOLDERS GOV. POLK AND STERLtXG BONDS GEN.

JACKSON FOR A NATIONAL BANK IN FOUR DIFFERENT MESSAGES.

The lasl great objection to a National Bank, with the Locofoco party,
when their other fiinisy arguments'are met and exposed, is that of its
necessarily being- founded, at least in part, upon the monies of f'oreign
Stockholders, and consequently under Foreign influence, at least to some
extent. The jealous eye of Locofocoism is extreni ely watchful of
the interc. t of this great nation ! The Whigs meet this objection, first,
by showing, most conclusively, that it is not a well founded objection ;
and next, that if it is, (admitting it for the sake of argument) that the
insidious use of " British Gold," or " Foreign Silver," can be barred by
legal enactments. We are infomied by the Nashville papers, that Ex-
Go v. Polk, now canvassing this State for the office of Governor, is
going his death, as the saying is, against a National Bank, and especi-
ally is he opposing Mr. Clay's Bank Bill, passed by Congress at the
Extra Session, and Vetoed by Mr. Tyler. The forecast of the Ex-
Governor in this, is neither consistent or prudent. He knows that
Mr. Clay's Bill, as he terms it, contained an express prohibition against
Foreign Stockholders ; but he is so dishonest a politician, or so reckless
a demagogue, that he will not only conceal this fact, but labor to make
a different impression on the public mind.

The Whig party in Tennessee, understand the very nice distinction
which the Ex-Governor would draw between Foreign influence in State
and National Banks ! He has left the people of Tennessee at no loss
on this subject. His views are on record, in an official Message to the
General Assembly of this State, in the one case, while his views as set
forth in his stump harangues, of this day, are too fresh in the minds of
the people to leave any doubt in the other. On this point the Nashville
Whig, of recent date remarks :

But widial we confess we cannot appreciate the distinction. Why
the Bank of Tennessee, the stock of which to the extent of a million
and a half le recoinmended, Avhile Governor, to be sold to B?'itish cap-
itahsts, would be deemed safe under such influence, while a National
Bank contannng a direct prohibition against Foreigji stockholders, would
be whohy unsafe, surpasses our comprehension. Perhaps the Governor
entertained the notion that the Bank of Tennessee would remain in

5b FOREIG.V STOCKHOLDERS, &,C.

(he liancls of the Deniocriic}-, arul as a mailer of course be safe from
the baleful influence of ihe Londoti partner^^ in the concern. Tliat such
might have been his^ opinion, seems somewhat cdiicln^ix e from the fact
wiiih^ the Ex-Governor b.irnself v«-as hurled out of oiliccjiis Locofoco
Board of Directors held over — and that, too, in defiance of law."

That the reader may the more readily appreciate the hints thrown out
above, we simply remark, that in the i^^v-CJovernor's Message of 1839,
he gravely recommends that onk ?,iillio.\ am) a half of the then
unsold stock of the Bank of Tennessee, should be sent to Loii/on, by
an agent, and sold to British Capitalists' : imd (i. rei^.dcr those Bonds
more acceptable to that class of /'y/v'.^., ,•,< v, ho deal in American
Stocks, he urged that the Bonds of tlie State be nuide " STERLING
BONDS !" On this point again, the Nashville Whig justly remarks :

" The leoislature thougbt fit not to r.idopt his recommendation. On
the contrary, Mr. Bransford, a Vv^hig mr)n!>er iwm .Tackson county,
introduced a bill to burn the million u\u\ a half of Baidc Bonds unsold,
which bill or a simi'ar one, was Urudly passed into a law. His Excel-
lency's intention, however, to sell about one ihin! of (;:e, cnpital of the
Bank to Foreigners v^as well understood, and his (In, (iiala-. opinion of
the influence of the Pritish Money Power ii! ' ■ 'institution

is further conlirnjed by tlie fact tlien within ' ■ ! at t]ie Lon-

don Stock Brokers already own'cl, (find to wi- w..^ v.m....; a million of
the capital of the Bank of Temiessee !"'

Without any thing more at })re3eni, oii the subject of Foreign Caj)i-
tal for Banking, either in a Stata or Natinval ins'itntion, we coll pulilic
attention to the subjoined extracts frci': Messages of Gex.

Jackson, touching the subject of a ile is certainly

good authority with Tonics.'icc Drinocrais. Titta, too, the Gencial
accorded in opinion with the prc-u^nt AVliig party of this Slate, if he
does not/?o.v. Will any one tbsp-;;.' iiiis \ Hear him lor himself:

Extract frojii Gcii. Jai-!^<vns Ji.-^.L >/:.•.■.',■..':,'•,' tn (Jon'srcss.
" If such a.n Insliuilitu: h d-.'-iiic' «•, --n'i.il w the fi^^;-;d operations of
the Concernment, I submit, to the wisdom of tiie iiCgisUtture whether a
NATIONAL ONE, founded upon the credit of the Go\ernment and
it-? revenues, might not bo devi?ed which would avoid all constitutional
difiicultics, and at the same fiirie secure all die advantages to the Gov
crnmcnt and tae COUNTRY that are expected to result from the
present Bank."

Extract from General Jackson's second annual Message.
" In the spirit of improvement and compromise which distinguishes
our countiy and its institutions, it becomes us to infjuire, whether it be
not possible to secure the advantai^es aflbrdcd bv the presoit Bonk,
THROUGH THE AGENCY OF A BANK OF THE UNITED
STATES, so modified in its principles and structure as to obviate
confltituticnal and other obj»>ctions. It is thouffhl practicable to org.nn

FOREIGX STOCKHOLDERS, &.C

ize such a Bank, witii the necessary officers, as a branch of the Trea-
sury department, based on the public and individual deposite, &c. &.c.
In times of public emergency, tlie capacities of such an institution
might be enlarged by legislarive prov'ision^."

'^ Entertaining the opinion heretofore expressed in relation to the
Bank of the United States as at present organized, I felt it, my duty
in my former messages frankly to disclose them in order that the
attention of the Legislantre and the people should be seasonably
directed to that imporfant subject. Without a more particular reference
to the views of ih- uil))ect tlien expressed, I leave it for the present to
the investigation of an enlightened people and their representatives." —
Extract from General Jackson''s tliird amiual Message.

"That a Bank of the United States, conipetent to all the duties
which may be required by the government, might be so organized as
not to infringe on our own delegated powers or the reserved rights of
the States, I do not entertain a doubt. Had ibe Executive been called
upon to furnish the project of such an instituiion, the duty would have
been most cheerfully performed.'- — Extract from General Jac/cson's
Veto Message.

CHAPTER V.

THE NATIONAL DEBT WHO CREATED IT CONDITION OF THE COUN-
TRY ON MR, VAN BUREn's ACCESSION TO THE PRESIDENCY — EX-
TRACT FROM GENERAL HAMILTON'S LETTER AMERICAN CREDIT

ABROAD OPINIONS OF ENGLISH NEWSPAPERS, <fcC., &,C.

Much lobor and ingenuity have been exercised by the Locofoco
party in the United States, to fasten the reproach of a national debt, in
time of peace, on the Whigs, and to remove tlie odium from their own
doors, where it justly belongs. But fortiinately for the Whigs, they are
sustained by the official records of the country, in hurling back upon
the heads of the late faithless and improvident administration, the
charge of wasting the public treasure, and thereby creating a national
debt. Before the Locofoco party assail the Whigs on this ground, then,
they ought to cleanse their own hands of all guilt and participation in
the matter, of which they complain. This they cannot do, by an
exhibition of facts, as we shall proceed to show.

To illustrate the first branch of the subject matter of this chapter,
and to sustain the positions assumed in the foregoing brief remarks, we
quote from the Address of the Virginia Whig Conveation, held at
Richmond, during the winter of 1843. We invite the attention, not
of the Whigs only, but of the honest and candid of all parties in Ten-
nessee, and elsewhere, to the views submitted by this State Convention.
They are, indeed, addressed, rather to our opponents, than to our
political friends; and all thi.t we ask of them is a candid and dispas-
sionate hearing. This Address commences :

'' Fellow-Citizens : — You are all fiimihar with the memorable
decl aration of General Jackson in ] 837, on his retirement from the
Presidency, that he " left this great people prosperous and happy ; in
peace with all nations; and flourishing beyond all former example." —
But the sagacious statesman who opposed his violent measures — the
removal of the deposites, and the inflation of the Slate Banks — foretold
with the accuracy of inspiration, the evils that must inevitably follow
his interruption of the commercial relations of the country. What was
the character of this prosperity, was soon visible in the sudden and
overwhelming revulsion, which, in less than three brie f months fol-
lowed this self-complacent vaunt. The public debt, it is true, had been
discharged, under the authority of an annual appropriation often mil-
lions, as a sinking fund, beginning in 1817, from the abundant means

THE NATIONAL DEBT, iC. 39

flowing into the national coffers from the customs, and from extraordi-
nary sales of the public domain. The Treasury was not only disen-
cumbered of all its engagements resulting from two wars, but a large
surplus had been distributed to the States, An ample fund was
transmitted to Mr. Van Buren by his predecessor, and the party which,
for eight years, had revelled in the spoils, entered upon a new lease
of office, with buoyant hopes of a glorious harvest for eight years more.
But the seeds of disease were sown so deeply in the commercial systeniv
of the country, that there was not only a dimunition in the receipts
from the customs, of more than one half in 1S3T, but a falling off in
the land fund from the enormous amount of twenty-Jive 7nillions in
1836, to seven niillions \w 1S3T !

But with this rapid decline of the means of the country, let us see
whether the reduction of expenses kept a proportionate pace. Facts
speak too audibly and intelligibly for contradiction.

From offici A 1 statements of the Treasury Department by Mr. Wood-
bury, it appears that on the 1st day of January, 1 83T, there was a
surplus in the Treasury arising from ordinary sources of revenue, of
SEVENTEEN MILLIONS^ ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND
DOLLARS ! ! .<^17,100,000

Additional sum accruing from Jan. 1, 1837, to March 4,

1841, from otlier than ordinary sources, (Bank, U. S.) 9,125,000

When the extravagance of the party ran beyond the in-
come of the Treasuiy, so as to require the 4th instal-
ment to the States to be withheld, Treasury Notes
were authorised, and these were issued during the four
years up to 4th of Morch, 1841, to the amount of 5,050,000

Total, ,4^31,875,000

Making, in all, from other titan the regular receipts from the
customs and public lands, during Mr. Van Buren's term, nearly THIR-
TY-TWO MH^LIONS OF DOLLARS ! !

Now let us see what was received from the regular sources of income

during the period. From the customs :

Prom January, 1837, to January, 1841 , the receipts were .^62,800,000
The receipts from this source having run up from
e/eye?^ millions in \SZ7 io sixteen millions in 1838.

From the Public Lands, in the same period of 4 years 20,200,900

Making the ordinary revenue of Mr. Van Buren's term 883,000,000
To these " EIGHTY-THREE MILLIONS " fiom
the ordinary sources, add the foregoing sum from
extraordinary sources 31,875,000

Total, .S|;l 14,875,000

And we have the enormous sum of neariy ONE HUNDRED AND

FIFTEEN MILLIONS OF DOLLARS paid into the Treasury

during Mr. Van Buren's term of 4 years — an average of .^28,718,751

annually !

60 THE NATIONAL DEBT, &C.

A liberal-minded people might deem tills an ample sum, making due
allowance for the grow di of the coujitry, especially as Mr. Adams was
displaced for an annual expetid^;*!!!' oi tiiirtcfn iniUions! But w(\s
this enough for the Keforniei- / Lji the re<;ord -peak. There was
expended during the fouryeais of Mr. Van Burcn's udministrati^n the
folio widg sums, viz :

In 183T .<s3T.265.037

1S3S 39,455.438

1S39 37-129;438

1840 , . . 28,226.533

Total, $^142,076,304

An average of THIRTY FIVE MILLIONS FIVE HUNDEED
THOUSAND DOLLARS annually!

Upon the adjustment of balancci-:, on (he accession of Gen. Harrison
to the Prcsidcucv, it w;is fouml (Lat there was an actual dcliciency in
the Treasury, of TWENTY-FOUR MILLIONS OF DOLLARS;
and that this dn^liciency was concealed from the public previously by
the insidious method of postponing debts actually due, and borrowing
from the resources of one 3'ear to pay the de!)ts of a preceding year.
This practice v\a8 kept up during the whole term of Mr. Van Burcn,
and the purposes of concei.liiient were the better accomplished by a
resort to Tre: tny Notes instead of loanc.

Mr. AVoodlMuy and ^Mr. Calhoun hav<' both conceded (what, indeed,
they could not well deny) that a rsaii(';;:il \)'A)\ existed, on the 4!h of
March, LS4I, to (he amount of ib.e out. landiiig Treasury Notes, up-
wards of Five 7\Iillions of l^ollars. Bui these gentlemen carefully
avoided reference to the (hferred appropriations made by Congress,
which, with the outstanding notes, swelled the debt up to the amount
we have stated, .\;24, 000.000. Indeed, Mr. Charles .1. Ingersoll, one
cf (heir own parly, aclcnowKxlge c, in an address to his constituents,
that the debt was TiDcnty- Tico Millions of D Uirs !

The items of this debt, however, are conclusively set forth in a
Report of the Committee on Public Expenditures, of which Mr.
Meriwether of Georgia was the chairman, during the winter of 1841-'2.
The correctness >of this report has not been impcacliad from any quarter.
We subjoin ar abstract • —

Indebtedness recorded in Treasury Department.

Treasurv^ Notes, $5,283,831

Debts due Holland, 1,440.000

Funded debt of late war, 299 554

Unfunded debt, 36.297

Those two last items wore contracted during the late war.

Debts recorded in War Depart mejit.

Amount due twelve tribes of Indians, on which the Gov-
ernment pays an interest of 8131,000, $,2589,000
Amount due Chij)pcwa and Ottawa Indians, 340,000

THE NATIONAL DEBT, ^.C. 61

Amount due several tnbcs in trust and expended for use

of Government, 129,388

Amoimt due Florida militia, 317.601

Amount due Georgia militia, TS 495

Amount due State of Georgia, 207,000

Amount due State of Maine, 200,000

Those four last items, amounting to near a ■million of dollars, were
embraced in bills which passed both Houses of Congress the last night
of Mr. Van Buren's term of oliice, but too late to receive tlte signature
of the speaker ; but they have since been provided for by a Whig
Congress.

Debts rt-ordcd iu Post GJice Dejjarimcnt.

Due arrearages to contractors, .*27,993

Due contractors beyond means, $354,990

Debts recorcy.d in Navtj Department.
Amount Navy provision fimd used, $,143,638

Actual deficiency of means to meet t;ic appropriations
made by the Congress which adjourned J\iarch 3, 1S41,
and previous Congresses, $12,080,221

s24,719,00S

Here, then, is a debt of more than T\V ENT Y-FOUR, MILLIONS
OF DOLLARS, every cent of which was contracted before the 4th
March, 1841, and some which, in ri' ■-• - •^" f'-.e ditticnlties encountered
by the Whigs, has been paid off ;- ciidency in the Nation-

al Councils.

And this diumnition of the pr.iilic del)t, it should be further remem-
bered, was accomplished against a continued struggle of a factious
Opposition, who, throughout nearly the whob period of the Extra
Session, not only spoke for days and even weeks against all regular
measures for the support of tlie Government, but actually voted against
nearly all t!ie approprialions \\\ which they or their constituents had not
a direct interest.

But the worst of the evils under which the counfiy labored, was not
merely in the creation of a National Debt, (which our adversaries are
now falsely charging upon us,) and in factious resistance to all measures
for the payment of that debt ; but is to be found in a calamity which,
years of prudence and self-denial can scarcely alleviate."

In this connexion, we would call the especial attention of the reader,
to an extract from a late letter of Ge?^. IiAMiLTOiNr to Mr. Calhoux,
dated London, September 9th, 1842 — in which the condition of Amer-
ican credit abroad — the deranged state of our currency — the election of
Gen. Jackson to the Presidency — the victory of New Orleans, &c., are
all struck at in clear and forcible language. This whole letter is a well
written document, and contains many interesting truths. Gen. Hamilton
has ever been regarded as a Democrat — he is a strong friend of Mr.

62 GENERAL HAMILTON S LETTER.

Calhoun's — and stood shoulder to shoulder with him in the support of
Gen. Jackson, when first elected. The extract we call attention to is
in the following words : —

" A country of immense resources, in a period of profound peace, on
the verge of bankruptcy! Any man wliowill read Hunje's essay on
' public credit ' and on money, can be at no loss to trace our present
condition to its true source. We have been suflering ever since Gen.
Jackson destroyed the Bank of the United StateSr(with the exception
of a short period of distempered intlalion created by his own measures)
under a steady diminishing circulation, which the eminent philosopher
to whom I have ieferi>d has declared to be one of the worst calamities
that befall a civilized coim(,ry — far more disastrous ' than the continu-
ed blight of unfavorable harvests and seasons.' This result has been
founded, first, in the constant action of the Federal Government, or their
supposed meditated action on the Banks of the States wliicli created a
universal panic, that has compelled the Banks to withdraw their circula-
tion ; and next, the General Government permitting to remain in
criminal obeisance their sovereign function to supply a currency equal
to the wants of the country and ' to regulate its value.'

The consequences is, that the States have nothing in the shape of
credit, or money at home to pay with abroad. Every species of property
has fallen from fifty to one hundred per cent., and the standard of value
so seriously distributed, that a man in 1839 might have had properly to
three times the value of his debts, yet he is now ipso facto ruined by the
silent transit of our country from a redundant circulation to what some
are pleased most felicitously to call a iLardinoney currency — when the
fact is, that we can procure neither that which is hard or soft J

By this alteration in the standard of value a revolution is in porlen-
tious progress in our country, as wide spread and desolating, as for as
property is concerned, as that which distinguished and illustiated the
masterpiece of liumon policy of the Robespierres, Dantons and Miirats
of another ill fated country which in its time was go\('ined by its
demagogues too, \A\o made paper money so thick that it snowed
as signals in the streets of Paris and then turn round and burned in their
frenzy their own handiwork. Look, my dear sir, at the thousands
of families that have been ruined — that, have had unutterable woe,
carried into the very bosoms of their houses by the nostrums of our
political quae h\<,\\\\o, in their senseless war on the very banks they
created, gave no time, ' Ity {)repanit()ry revolution of the intervening
discords,' for the country to pass from a period of expansion to one
severe and arid restriction.

To those who have been ruined in these unhappy times, whose
estates have passed under the tender gripe of the sheriff, the moral
justice of General Jackson's memorable apophthegm will be but a dry
crust, ' that those who Ijorrow money ought to break,' a doctrine out of
which their creditors are likely to derive as little comfort as themselves
although it must be admitted that the General tried all he could to
secure this blessing to the countrv. But, mv good sir, the day of

GENERAL Hamilton's letter. 63

reckoning must come. The accouni will be adjusted now or by pos-
terity hereafter.

One of its first sums will be to settle what the victory of New Or-
Jeans has cost us. These are generally expensive pageants any how.
Bonaparte probably never achieved one for La Belle France, except
to the tune of twenty millions of francs — to say nothing of the lots
of ' cracked crowns and bloody noses ' he left on the field of battle.
But his victories, in cost, were no more to be compared to the victory
of New Orleans, than a penny whistle is to Baron' Munchausen's
celebrated clarion under an April thaw. I CALCULATE THAT
THE VICTORY OF THE EIGHTH OF January COST FIVE
HUNDRED MILLIONS OF DOLLARS, BESIDES the SMALL
EXPENSE OF ENTAILING UPON THE COUNTRY A SET
OF DRIVELLERS WHOSE FOI-LY HAS TAKEN AWAY
ALL DIGNITY FROM DISTRESS, AND MADE EVEN CA-
LAMITY RIDICULOUS.

You will say hold. You and I are greatly responsible for this hero's
gettino- into power. Yes, it is true, WILLINGLY WOULD I
EXPIATE THIS SIN WITH MY BLOOD IF I COULD RE-
CALL THE FATAL PAST. But this is impossible. Let us look
with courage, and resolution on the future."

And yet another witness ! — The late efforts of Mr. Robinson,
to sell the Government loan in England, continues to be a topic of
remark, both in the English and American journals. A late number of
the " London Shipping Gazette," complains, " that the American
press represent the British capitalists as being unable to take the loan,
whereas, the only reason it was not taken was the bad faith of some of
the American States. They continue to reiterate that, ^/«a?w/i^?7?Ae
honor of all the American States is protected, NO MORE BRITISH
CAPITAL WILL BE TRUSTED IN AMERICA ! ! ! "

Let Gen. Jackson, together with those of his " faith and order," who
me Sidvocixting a hard moiei/ currenci/, and repudiating their honest
debts, gaze upon the above picture of our national honor and credit
where we have been going on " Ijorrowed capital ! " And in confor-
mation of the foregoing, as well also, as of what Gen. Hamilton has
said, let the Locofocos of our country examine the following extract from
a number of " The London Times," called forth by the neglect of
that great Locofoco State, Pennsylvania, to pay British capitalists the
interest on her bonds: —

" It is understood that on one of the late applications from the United
States the negotiator was distinctly told by a London capitalist, that so
long as such a State as Pennsylvania could neglect to provide for the
payment of its dividends, it would be perfectly useless to attempt to
raise money either for State or Federal Government. The public opin-
ion of England as to the condition of the American credit cannot be
kept too clearly before the eyes of the citizens of the United States."

CIIArTER VI.

THE T-VnfFF Q.UESTIO:; ITS I.YCREA.SIXG POPULARITY ITS IMPOR-

TAXCE WHO HAVE BEEN IT.S SUPPOPvTEIlS A UE:.IuCRATIC MEASURE.

T;; . of a Protective T^v ■ ;\ li;'('0]i:!i;i^- more and

more , - ;;Mis gTcat. importance ^t (he Norih — in the

Soiltli — to the East— and in the far oil' West, the cry is, '■ Protection
to Home Indii^trv." All infcHici-eni men now legard this qnestion, as
one deeply iuvolvii!;: C,\c fniui- • pro^prrity and interests of this whole
connUv. it is a luoad and iiiomeuions qnestion, in which eveiy
Americaii has a niutaal intercut, though deniag-ognes, for parlizaii
purposes, may endeov; ; i'> '!!:■;. the South against the North, or draw
the lines of ^^r/r///, fori!,' ;■ ; pose, more elTcctually, of defining the
positions of Whigs and Deinoriats,so cnli(-d. It is a fjuestion involving
hi:lh and isanir'ant considernlions — a question which, whether decided
one V. li; r, mu.^i liave a controling intiuence on our destiny

as a 2\....-..., . .: : '-ur piosperity as a People, in all time to come. It is
a question cf s; \j'-'hj'rncc, and tlicrer<_)re it is the more' strange that it
should meet wiui opposiiioa, or even be tr.rJil}' emiiiaced bv any.

The argumerits in favor of die Protection of An.icrican Labor, are
ahnost numberless, and tliose of them resoited to bv the 'Whig party,
are self-evident. The d'^angement, not to say ruin of the Currency, is
Tiniversal, ap..! is every day complained of, in every r'fale in tlic Union ;
and we have no doubt but that a Protective Tarid'wiU do ip.ore towards
restoring the Currency to a hia'i!:; ,- -i;'-, I'.ian an\ ndicv yet '-cd,

save the establishment of a A ai;';,ai ;:.i:i:. 'fbe uail\ complaL*. is,
that the Banks'will not afford a .• :ii!i! ■ iaiioiis to our merchants and
other business men, and that day iail hccause of their inability to
redeem tiieir issues with specie. Tiiere is more taith than poetiy in
this unceasing cry, so far as the J3anks arc concerned, and for this reason :
The only reliable basis of the Banks — the gold and silver of the country
— is absorbed in the payment of foreign debts — debts contracted for
foreign importations. We of course mean to include the whole countiy,
and not a particular section. England sends her bread-cloths, and
other heavy products of her ten cent, per day labor to diis juntiy, and
demands gold and silver, and gold and silver bullion in return. France
floods these United vStates, with her silks, wines, and other luxuries, to

THE TARIFF QrESTIOX. 65

the amount of twenty millio.xs of dollars per annum, for which
nothing but gold and silver will be received. This is the way our
country is drained of the only basis for a banking system. Is any
man so blind as not to see it at once ? Could even all the specie which
we can ever have at any one time — about eighty millions — be kept
in this countiy, we would not then have a sufficient quantit}' for an
exclusive metalic currency. Hence we see the necessity for a paper
currency, and a specie basis is indispensible for even that. Neiiher
England or France will buy our abundant crops of corn, wheat or rice,
to any extent. England buys the article of Tobacco of us, but she
puts a duty upon it, sufficient to raise from it alone, a revenue of thirty
MILLIONS ANNUALLY I Upou our rice, England lays a duty of lOUper
cent., and ^from that article alone, realizes a revenue of two millions
annually. Upon our cotton, too, England puts a duty of such a char-
acter, as to raise a revenue of three millions annually. Beside all
this, American mechanics meet with no market beyond the high seas,
on account of the high duties imposed upon their laboi-s. Yerily,
foreign ports are now almost universally bared against the product.^
of our soil and industry, while our Locofoco demagogues, are crying at
the top of their voices, ^'- free trade and sailors lights !"

We have now taken a briew view of the policy of England and
France towards (his country, and by way of contrast, let us see what
is the policy adopted by this countiy towards these foreign nations. —
Instead of having a Tariff sufficient to protect our manufacturers, and
other laboreis, from a continual flood of foreign importations, we in
fact cry out " free trade," and thus invite this ruinous one-sided traffick.
England is overrun with manufactures, and she abounds with hundreds
of thousands of naked <md peiishing men, women and children, who
are glad to find employment for a mere livelihood, and by which means
she turns out immense quantities of every kind of the products of labor
with which she abounds, and which is forthwith shipped to this country
and sold at low rates, so as to put down our own establishments — turn
our laboring poor out of employment — break up and ruin our capitalists
and injure every branch of our business in our whole country. Yes,
the consequence is, there is no American market to encourage the
growth of wool and cotton, and consequently of com, porl, beef, rice,
wheat, potatoes, and eJmost every article for consumption 'fmong work
hands, beyond the necessities of the faraier himself, and his village
neighbors. Did we produce, as we can, a surplus of all their articles,
we could not send them abroad, but at the most ruinous prices, because
all foreign ports are closed against them. We cannot' find a home
market, because the Locofoco doctrine of " free trade " has put down

66 THE tahiff uukstiox.

our manurac'ures, and turned our nieclianics out of employ, and even
driven them to cidtixate iIk; soil or slar\e. France sends two-thirds
of all her e\portauoas to this c'^unii;-, lice, ;ind some of the most
important Euro[)e;in i-roduciions air nt a preisiitim. And previous to
the cnacanent oi the '"['ari;!' law of \'<12. v,e cliar2"ed feu per cent, on
al! silks beyontl the drpc of Good Hope, anil admittt'O. all others free,
givinj^ tlie European silks an advanioge over all others in our m.arkets,
of ten per cent. Thus are Ave made to enrich foreign countries, and
foreign capitalists, under tlie iniquiious operations of this free trade
doctrine, not only to our great detriment, but to our Xalional ruin and
disgrace. These are the advantages ofthe free trade system advocated by
the Locofocos of the country. The immediate and inevitable conse-
quence ofthe doctrine, as every man of sense must see, is theprostiation
of ^imerican inihu-ny, and the iiaraliza-tion of all manner of enterprise.
Were our capi!ali^(s sc'-iiii'd agaiiist tire inilux of foreign articles, as
they should be, th'^y could successfully embark iu all manner of manu-
facturing enterprises, a.nd thus afford prolitable and constant employment
to hundreds and thousands of laborers, and at the same time create a
brisk and sure market for all kinds of produc.^, from eveiy section
of the Union. The fruits of the laborers would be in demand — those
ofthe Iviechanic would ineet with a ready sal(> — and all c'a-es, of every
color, would be mulually bencfiited by this iicriic .'Iiiiirt.

What, then, gentle readier, i^s the poiicy wis!, li il;is (Government is
called upon to adopt? Wbat is the course which we as Americans are
called upon to pursue? Are we any longet .:.> -c-ajit to foreign taxa-
tion '? Must we continue the slaves of foreign oppressors? Shall we
contiaue to be made " hewers of wood and drawers of water," by
European despotism ? While England is becoming rich and powerful,
shall we permit iier to take us by die throat and choke us to the ground?
To what foreign nation is Aiuerlca now greatly indebted, for goods and
borrowed money ? The answer is shamefully, palpably and humilita-
lingly true — to England, proud, arrogant and insulting England. —
Shall this state of things continue any longer? Are not American
broadcloths, American carpets, domestics, hats, boots, calicoes, and other
bke articles good enough for American People? Why then advocate
the ruinous doctrine of " fi-ee trado and sailors rights," and thus foster
a system of self-nnuder, and national ruin ? No man can enter a retail
store in this country, without seeing stamped upon the goods, the
British Croicn^ and as if to attract attention, in large capitals, connected
therewith, is " Manchester," — " Liverpool," — " Bristol," — " London,"
" Shertield," &c. — Why do we not see in their stead, Boston, Lowell,
New York, Charleston, Augusta, Cincinnati, Nashville, Baltimore,

THE TARIFF (iUESTIO>f. 67

Pittsburg, Richmond, &c ? The answer is at hand— our manufacturca
are wol jn'oiccted h\ Congress.

To be pi-'-speious, then, (his couiiiry must protect herself— she must
shut her \}i)\-{i against tbreiou riicroJchineuis— she 'innst protect the
industry of h- r citizens. Then, ai'.'J not till llien, will this Nation
prosper. Let no one say that an oppressive system of Proteciion is
called for — this is not necessary (o secure the end proposed. I'he
kind of Tariff railed lor by \\\^^ luieiesN^ 'if the country, and advocated
by the Whig pa.iy proper, i> fully (uw .:i"-! iu the following- eloquent
extract from the late speech of H;:.\uy Clay, at Memphis, in reply to
the welcome of Ln Plov Pope, Esa:

"Be not alarmed my friends lie said, at the words I say — this is
the AmerkcDi Sjs(e//t.~il is the long and >\i".y[ of the System — Indus-
try and Economy — Make at home what we \\\'.\v been buying abroad
— and in thnt way we will get out of dent, asiu keep so, aiul keep our
money. A moderate and recisonahlr tnri't' h'':<'s a/l irr crrr uvsircd —
one swjicioU to stinmlale and suslain our o;r,'i Aiiuruan, a'omeshc
industry and ec'"''>'n 11. ScABinrY an;i ; xir.ii: uicy were the great
necessities of the sysiem. Ii sliould br '-.yrA and umibrm in its
operations on the great intererests of the coiuitry."

To show that Mr. Clay is consistent, moreover, as well as orlhodox,
we subiuit another extract from Ins speech at the great Indi.'mapolis
Barbacu^'. on the 5th of November, 1642 :

" T;)'.' Vviiigs don't want to destroy commerce, or to prohibit the
introduction of foreign fabrics — that w-uid be rmcivilized ; but ihey
wish tosecure asystein of National Lidi-pa.^^rncc.wlxwh will enable
the American people to live mor;' Ujion (iieii own resources. Ihis is
Whig policy. What do t!ie Dcmocia!: ■ lea;!. -is say at Washington?—
They are in foYor of '-free trade'' and woukl liuve no duties levied,
but admit, foreign fal)rics, regulated only by the wants of tlie country.
It is true, they don't profcsslhat this is'thnr ol>ie'-t, l)ut it is the inevi-
table result of their doctrine Byiin-i,-, iwlions, if practically
carried out, our country would be ii;;'^ !. imed ol the hard
money which our Democratic leac'^ - 'o ('^la'siish rs ilie
standard value of our productions. v woolii bf )hus
dravai from us to suppoitlhe paap. '} Vvouhi not
l)uy a cents worth from us not necn (■< c- ities. A

.state of things like this would not (a;i .<. ■...■ :.; < '^t colonial

condition before the Revolution, when coon- skins n iormed

the currency. While they are thus recommending !- ;doption

of light duties and free trade, orno duties at all, they are submitting to
the most enormous duties; in)po:Jedby foieign Governments, on tiieir
own productions, amounting to nineteen hundred percent on the arti-
cle of tobacco alone! This is " reciprocity !'"--the reciprocity of
American "free tra Ic '' politicians and British manufacturers! Let
me ask which party is the wisest and most patriotic — the one which
protects the industry of the country from the rivalry of foreign govern-

68 THE TARIFF aUESTIO.N",

rncnts, or that wliicb consigns lo the ^•ontrol of such rivalrj'' the most
vital interests of this great nation ? "

It is now evident that the Locofoco party proper, intend to array
themselves against a Tarifl*, either for Revenue or Protection^ in the
approaching Presidential contest. It is equally certain that the General
Government has power to impose duties for the protection of American
Industry against European Industry, and to counteract foreign legisla-
tion, hostile to oi'r interest, and this question can be retidered so plain
as not to admit of a doubt. This we propose to do, and we commence
the work wirli the declaration, that when the States became indepen-
dent, (bey unquestionably had the pov.er. All this power however, to
impose duties, the States transferred to the General Government, by the
adoption of the Federal Constitution. They then ceased to have the
power: and if, now, the General Government has it not, then the
power is extinct. And certainly, no Locofoco advocate of free trade,
however ultra in his views, would be willing to admit this conclusion.
But the power still exists, as all must agree, and of course it is lodged
with the General Government. To exhibit all the proof, however,
whicli we have at command, to sustain tliis position, in every particular
would occupy more ispace than we intend to devote to this matter. We
shall endeavor, Izowever, to show, that eveiv Congress, and every
President, from the foundation of the Government to the present day,
has acknowledged the right, and the expediency and constitutionnlity
of the right, on the part of the General Government, to lay duties, for
revenue and jirotection. We shall then appeal to the irrcsistable
authority of the Constitution itself ; that thus " becoming all things to
all men," we may at least convince some, and at the same time, show
the harmony subsisting between the practice of all the Presidents, and
the letter of the Constitution.

In the first Congress which convened in 1790, Gen. Washington,
emphatically " the Father of his country^'' and a patriot altogether
above suspicion, in his opening address to that body, says :

" The safety and interest of the people require that they should
promote such manufactures as tend to render them independent of
others for essentials, particularly for military supplies.-'

Upon this recommendation of Gen. Washington, Congress called
upon Mr. Hamilton, then Secretary of the Treasury, for a Tariff
scheme, and in his report, he says :

" If Europe will not take from us the products of our soil upon terms
consistent with our in'erests, the natural .remedy is to contract., as fast
as possible, our wants of her.

"Though it were that the immediate and certain effects of rcgula-

THE TARIFF ULESTIOX. 69

tions controlling the competition of foreign with tlomesiir fabrics wo-s
increase of prices, it is universally true that the contrary is the ulliniate
effect with every successful niainifacture. When a doDiestic manu-
facture has attained to perfection, and has engaged in the prosecution of
it a competent number of persons, it invariably becomes cheaper. Be-
ing free front die heavy charges which attend the importation of foreign
commodities, it can be allbrded, and, accordingly, seldom or never fails
to be sold cheaper.iii [vn^ ; ss of time than was the foreign article for which
it is a substitute. The infernal rompetition which takes place, soon
does away every thing like mo)iop()ly,and by degrees, reduces tlie price
of the article to the minimum of a reason i' .: profit on the capital
employed. T'iiis accords vx .^i (lie reason of the thing, and with expe
rience. Whence it follows, that it is the interest of a community,
with a view to eventual and permanent economy, to encourage (he
growth of lyianufactures. I/i a national vicw^ a temporary enhance-
ment of price must always be tr.ell compensated by a permanent
redaction of it/''

In 1T91, Mr. JefTerson, the reputed ()cll-v/etlier of the Democracy
of diis country, made a report on the then state and condition of the
Fislieries, speaking of wiiich, he says :

'.'To these disadvantages, add ineffectual duties on importation of
foreign fish. In justification of these last, it is urged that the foreign
fish, received is in exchange for the produce of agriculture. To
which it may be answered that the thing given is more merchantable
than that received in exchange, and thai, agricultuie has too many
marlcets to be allowed to take away those of the fisheries. It will rest,
thereiOTe. with the wisdom of the legislature to decide whether pro-
hibition shall jiot be opposed to prohibition, airl hii^h duty to high
duty, on the fish of other nations: whether any, or which, of the
naval and other duties n^.ey be remitted, or an equivalent given to the
fish^^rmen in tlie form of drawbark or bounty ; and i&hether the loss
of markef?- abroad may not^ in some degree^ be compensated by
creating ^nnrketsat honui.^^

So late as 1806, Mr. Jefferson employs the follov^-ing language, in
his Message to the two Houses of Congress :

" When both of these branches of revenue shall in this way, be
relinquished, there will still, ere long, be an accumulation of money in
the treasury beyond tlie instalments of public debt, which we are per-
mitted by contract to pay. They cannot, then, without a modification
assented to by the public creditors, be applied to the extinguishment
of this debt, and the complete liberation of our revenues, the most
desirable of all objects ; nor if peace continues, will they be wanting
for any other exi.-ting purpose. The question, therefore, now comes
forv;ard, to what other objects shall these surplusses be appropriated, and
the whole surplus impost, after the entire discliarge of the public debt,
and during those intervals when the purposes of war sliall not call for
them ? Shall ice suppress thn impost, and give that advantage to
foreign over domestic tnanufactures ?"

/U THE r.uiiir U-.KSTIO-N.

But at so liite ;i date a? Januai-y. 1-^16, M;i. Jr^y-^'-ztsoN shouldered
the wliol- ,;;,-.-ti;ii nf Prn!:rHr>it. in alclier (o Bi:.v.[.\ \m\- \vstix. Esq.
And a'(Jiu!uli M;-. J.m'ismm 1i;i.1 been o{)pn;<('d lo ;!.,■ /-'/v;/. r/,'/- policy,
whei) a voiuig" uiau, n- ■. •/ it IVcmi uinlcr his own hand, that his

opinions were rachra!^ . iificr tiiiily years (^xi)erierire. So that

great sticklers for cousisicncv. ;ir- Uic [.;;i-L.j^ir;.:^ are, tliev iire at variance
with their '• fonntain he;id "' on ihir, si;I!;!t;, ;;^ {h.-y are wont to term
Mr. jE!'^r'i:i;.si)N, and their DeiiKJCiacy of the pr^^sent diiy is spurious.
la this Idler Mr. JeinM-oa says :

" You tell me I am qiio'cd Ijy t!io?3 \vho wish to con'iuue our de-

Tiicie was a lime when I
candor. But widiin tiie thirty

" -'-Mrrs ,dian--ed?—

eind say whether
1 .:;.\ apjilied to those
d wUal we lir n did not believe,
■r lo exclude us iVum inteichange
ni (^)\' ih:^ comloris of life, we
! now place the manufacturer
'iiurr (lursdon is suppressed,
•i! I i!i(|!i!iy is now, shall we
\\\v]i\ ai iii-.' will of another
•iiiiist i'.oiii' :!\c iniur.:fa(:tvr< s
'!! I('ir-:- (lii lii'-'t ii'ilioii^ or hi'
/.>■ ,'/.■ </.' A'.s' (Dhl rarcriis. I am
; ;XpiM-ience has tauizht me
to our independence as to our
comfort ; and if those u iio qu(jte //ip as uf a chll'ei-eni opinion -w ill keep
pace with v;?e in puiclhi^inu' iiodiiier foii-iMu v, !;'■:• a:; « Muivalent of
domestic fjibric can be obiabu'd. v.'idiMn< ivtraid -n ::i,\ d::i: .i-ace of price
it will not be our fm!; if ■:. ■ iply ai home equal to

our demand, and w i ■ i ;' from the hand which

has so long wantonly \ioiauai ii.

Mr. Madison, in his first MessaL:*'. iu iSil-^, u-c-- tlie A-llowiiig su-ong
and imc([uivocal language, in reference to the question of Protection :

" T])c revision of our commercial laws, projjer to adapt them to the
arrangement which has taken place with Great Briltain, will, doubtless
engage (he early attention of Congress. It will lie worthy, at the time
of their just and providi -nt cares, to make such farther alterations in
the law as will more especially protect and foster ike several branches
of manufacture, which have been recently instituted oi extended by
the laudable exertions of oin' citizens."

In 18] 5, and after the close of the war, Mr. Madison urges upon

Congress, in his Message, the protection of home industry, associating

revenue and protection together, and making one J^e incident of (he

other. He says :

u T.-, .i,i:.,c.;.^n- \hr- ,i.,»;f.q jip4 in?norts to the object of revenue, (he

penden.-e

'"^ > '

1 ,■

nan

v±

'Murt

migiil ha

V b:-

viih

more c

years wli:

eh h

i\i .-..,

^ ,;..,!

. !:

Compare the j)reseut
an o})inion ioundef! ii
of the present,. v\'e
that there exists boih p

W ' ' ' I o ' , i f "" ''•'''•

^lale
the

' ' '

. d \
■ Avei
i .... I

musi fa!jr

(■ale

! ;

" 11

;;aah
nui

by llie sa
or rather

e of
as,-- 11

ued a 1

aw J

Tr
or

'i
T

he ■i:\

make on
nation ?
must hi' t
clothe r/ i,
proud lo

r own c<.i!iior{s
He, thcnfore. .

•if her fay :''"lti'-l
s'ciiis (did to Un

01 tr

■■/■'

. ' ■, i 1

/ A.- ;;
h'n ..

that m;m

ifaci

res are

now

;

s n

ace

-sarv

TilE TAraFF QUKSTIOX. 71

influence of the tariff on nijuuifactines will necessarily present itself for
consideration. However w'l-e the theoty nirsy be, wliicli leaves the
sag-arity and interest of iii;[iviuii;i; '-ation of their industry

and resources, there are iu th;s. ; cases, evcepiions to the

g-eneral rule. Besides the condition, v., ' ' ' ' iinplies.

of a reciprocal adoption by oilier nations, s ihat so

many circumstances must concur in intiuvnn mu aiiu iMHMii.ii^ nianu-
fac'uriiig establislunents, especially of the more complicated kind, that
a country n':iy remain lo;)';- v.iihoiit them, allhoiiirh sufficicntlv ad-
vanced, and in some !esj)(\;s p;iiii'M;l;ii!y fiih-d Atr rarr\ iiiu' ihcm on
with surress. I'nder ciiruiii^luKC'js ;.:i\iii2,- a pi'U'criid irrp;i!,--c lo
manufactiirinir iudii^try. i' h;;-> made amon;! tisa pro'.r!*----. ;u;(! exhiljited
an eliiciency, wiiirii i:i.-ii;y die behef that v/iil; a [a-uUi-iiwn not more
than is due lo the eulerpiisin^- ciiizens, who^e imerests are now at
stake, it will Ixvome at an eariv day rjot oidv ;:irc a^raJnst occasional
competitions from aljioad. l)n' a source of domc-ilr v ■aldi and even,
of external commerce. In scieciin<y the bn.i! v • n.i'.vo especially
entitled to the public paU-oua2,'e. a preference is (»b\i( jus! v claimed by
such as will relieve the United Stales from a dependence on foreijjn
supplies, ever subject to casn;'.! t'ailurcs. forartirJcsvecPssarijforjyuhlic
defence or cojiiicctetl ir':'' "nt.': af utaii.'"

President j^Ionroe, tliv; .^.i. u. ,.v.i u/ ..Lr. j.iadison, in his Inaugural
Address, sa3's :

"Our manufactures will likewise require the systematic and fostering
care of (Government. Possessing, as we do, all tl>e raw materials, the
the fruit of our own soil and industry, we ouxht not to d^'pfuhto they
degree we have done, on the supplies from other counti ic-^. While we
are thus dependent, the sudden event of war, unsonght anti unexpected,
cannot fail to plunge us in the most serious difficulties. It is important,
too, that the capiial, which nourishes our manufactures should be
domestic, and its influence in that case instead of cxb.austing, as it
may do in foreign hands, would be felt advanfageou>!\' on agriculture
and every other branch of industry. Equally ii •f^iaMt is it to provid^e
at home mnrkets for our raw lateriais ; as by ex i ;i!!i;;.: !;.> compptidon
it will enhance the price, and protect the cultivator agamst ..le casualities
incident to foreign maik' ;-.''

President fackson, who we belive, is tolerably good authority for
protection with the Democracy, in his Message of ISoO, says :

" The power to impose duties on imports originally belonged in the
several Slates. The right to adjust those duties with a view to the
encouragement of domestic branches of industry, is so completely
identical with that power, that it i^ difficidr to suppose the existence
of the one without the other. The States have delegated their whole
authority over imports to the General Government, without limitation
or restriction, saving the very inconsiderable reservation relating to their
inspection laws. This authority having thus entirely passed from the
States the riiht to exercise it for the purpose of PROTECTIOiX does
not exist in them ; & consequently, if it be not possessed by the General
Government, it must be extinct. Our political system would thus

ti THE TARIFF QUESTION.

present the anomaly of a people stripped of the lioht to FOSTER
THEIR OWN LXbUSTIlY, and to counteract the moyt selfish and
destructive policy which niiuiit l;c adopted hy lon'io-i, nations. This
surely cannot be the case: this indispensible powt^r, iL'us surrendered
hy the .Siales, nnisi W wiihin (he scope of the aulh.oiity on the subiect
expressly delegated to Congress. In tins conclusion, I am confirmed
as well by the opinions of Presidents \V ashi.xtun, Jkffkk.so.v, Mad
isoN aiul Mo.w'.oK, lolio Jiave repea'.allij /t ■■fjunncudet/ the exercise
of this riu'ht tender the Constitution^ as by the lahform practice of
Congress, the contiiuied acquiescence of the States and the general
understanding of the people."

But Gen. .Tackson Avas in the Senate, in 1S24, and voted for a strong^
PROJECTIVE TARIFF ; and -while that very bill was pending, he
wrote as follows to Dr. Coleman, of North Carolina: —

" So far as the Tarifi' before us embraces the design of fostering an<i
preserving within ourselves the means of national defence and indepen-
dence, particidaily in a state o^' 'V'sr, I irouJd arjroeate and support iL
Providence has liiled our mouuiams aad plains with mineiais — v.'itli
lead, iron and copper; and oiven climate and soil for the growing of
hemp and wool. These being the irraiul materials of our national defeiice,
they ought to have extended to them adeiiind' andy"<'v://- protection, that
our metn.vfaetories and laborers i]\ny he pla; .! e;n a fair competition
with those of Europe^ and that v/e i!;:j' luivc within our country a
supply of those leading and important articles so essenlial in war. —
Beyond this I look at the 7'eiriff' ivithan eijeto the proper di-^tribidion
of labor euid revenue ; and with a viewao the discharge of our national
debt. I will ask what is the real situation of the agricuhurist ' V*'/ierc
has the American farmer a nxirl-et for his surpuhis prochiy'. ^ —-
Except for cotton, he ncilhrr has a I'orcign nor a honu muiket. ^ _
not this clearly prove, when there is no market eitliei at ...imL or abroad
that there is too nnich labor employed in agriciihurc, and that the chan-
nels for labor should l)c multiplied. — ('onunon sense points out at once
the remedy. Draw from agriculture this superabundant labor — employ
it in nieehwiism and manifn-tures, thereby ere.{ir,g a hc^ne market
for your bread-stujfs, and ehslribuliug labor lo dc im ,-! profitable amounts
and benefits for the country will result. In short, sir, tee have been too
long subject to the policfof British merchants. It i^time we should
become a little more Aniericanizecl. "

It will be refreshing to turn to the following resolution, vhich was
adopted at a Democratic meeting in Fayette county, Penjc^yivania,
December 0th, 1S27. See Niles' Register, for diat year, Volume 9,
page 212: —

" Resolved, That Andrew Jackson is entitled (o our support as the
decided and open friend to domestic manufactures and internal improv-
ment, having voted, wliilst lalely a member of the Senates, for the
tarifi"of 1824, which is now the only law on the subject, and five ttmes,
in favor of internal improvements in the same year, and in no case
against them, whilst John Q,uincy Adams, when a member of the same

THE TARIFF QVESTION. 73

bod}', voted seven times against internal improvements, and never once
for them ; and has never before or since he became president, said one
word to Congress in favor of the tariff."

Thus it vdll be seen, that in 1S24, '2T, and '30, a Protective Tariff
was a Democratic doctrine, and Gen. Jackson was lauded to the skies,
by the then Jackson party, for his support of domestic manufactories,
and Internal Improvements hy tlie Gen&i'al Government I Locofocoism,
however, has abandoned tliis good old doctrine, and set up the British
theory of " Free, Trade " in its place, but its leaders never change ! —
The Whigs, though, still sustain the domestic manufactories and home
industry of the country, standing on the old Jackson platfonn, and
bearing aloft the principles which brought that Hero into power ; and
yet, the Whig leaders have changed, and have gone estray after false
gods !

And among the proceedings of the Democratic Legislature of Penn-
sylvania, for the Spring of 1S43, we find the two subjoined resolutions.
These resolutions are the more interesting from the fact, that the Loco-
focos are largely in the majority in both branches of the Pennsylvania
Legislature. They are coming to their senses in the old " Keystone
State," and all Southern demagogues, including those of Tennessee,
would do well to profit by tlieir example. See the vote of the House
of Representatives, on these resolutions : —

" Resolved, That we deprecate any action on the part of Congress
at its present or any other session in relation to the TarilT, whicli would
be calculated to disturb its permanancy in future, or induce the belief any
where that a well regulated system \^i duties is not regarded as apart of
the settled policy of the Government."

This resolution passed by yeas 72, nays li !

" Resolved, That a Tariff based upon such piincipies as shall raise
revenue to meet ail demands on the Treasury, and at the same time, by a
proper discrimination in favor of our domestic manufactures and
agricultiual productions, afford adequate protection to these great inter-
ests, is not only constiturional but called for by every consideration of
sound policy and is absolutely necessary to malce us independent as a
nation in war and in peace."

And this resolution passed by yeas 36, nays one !

In the Tariff law of 1824, which passed the Senate, 25 yeas to 12
nays, the duty was raised on all the prime articles of necessity, greatly
above the Tariff of 1816, especially on Iron, Salt, Tea, Coffee and
Sugar. Among those who voted for that law, were, MARTIN VAN
BUREN, THOMAS HART BENTON, JOHN H. EATON,
ANDREW JACKSON, MAHLON DICKERSON, and RICHARD
M. JOHNSON !

74 THE TARIFF QUESTION.

The Tariff bill which passed ihe House, in 1S32, by a vote of 132
to 65, laid a heavy dvity on ninny of ihe indispeusihlcs of life, among
which were TEA and COFFEE ! Among others wlio voted for this
" bill of abomination;^," were C. C '^AMBRELIXti RICHARD
M. JOHNSON, CLEMENT C. CLAY, CAVE JOHNSON and
JAMES K. POLK!

The reason why these distirguishcd DElAIOCRATS voted as they
did on those memorable occasions, will be found, v/e presume, in the
followini'" extract from tlie Constitution, an instrument they were sironi
to support :

" The Congress shall have power lo levy and collect taxes, duties,
imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common
defence and general welfare uffhe United Slates ; toiegnlate commerce
widi foreign nations, and among (he several States, and with the Indian
tribes."

Thus it will 1)e seen, that the Consfifution expressly authorises the
Federal Legislature to impose just sucli duties, and have been in
existence since 1790. Not only so, but the Constitution prohibits the
exercise of this authority by the States, exccj^t uith the consent of Con-
gress. Here is what it says :

"No State shall, without the consent cf Ccngre.-s, hiy ;ujy imposts
or duties on i'nportsorexnor's except wl atm-.y be absolutely necessary
for executing its inspection laus ; and (he net produce of all duties and
imposts laid by any Siatc < i. i. j (Mtsor exports shall be for the use of
the Treasury of the Unitid S ;r.s; and all such laws shall "be subjeci
to the revision and control of Ccngress."

CHAPTER Vn.

UNIOX OF CHURCH AND STATE — DESIGNS OF THE CATHOLICS AGAINST

THIS COUNl-llY POPERY AND LOCOFOCOIS.U BLExXDED —MARTIN

VAN BUREN's LETTER TO THE POPE — THE SAYINGS OF BISHOP
ENGLAND AND OTHER PRIESTS — SIGNS OF THE TIMES.

That portion of this work wliirli we propose to devote to the consid-
eration of Romanisjjt, and its conacxion with Loco/ocoisj/i, in this
country, must necessarily be extended— perhaps, beyond the iiniits
which an impartial jeader would prescrilje. We shall consider the
subject patiently, and without a strict n-g;!rd to system, aimini!; only, to
give that information which is so necessary to be dilTused abroad, and to
establish, before we dismiss the subject, the truth of what we !iave
charged for the last fn e years, namely, an imboly alliance between the
leading Romanists and i-ocofocos of this country.

In our introductory chapter, we present our readers with a lemarkable
editorial article of '• The London Times," together with the able com-
mentary of " The BritisIi Chronicle," upon the same article — both
of so recent a date as 1842. Taken together, these aitjcles dciine tlie
position of the king of Prussia, in reference to interests of the very
highest concern, both to his and our country. The king of Prussia,
hitherto regarded as at the head of Protesiaulism on Continental Europe,
and indeed regarde'd as a man of per-onai piety, is seen invading the
freedom of opinion and tbe rights of conscience, in his eHbrts to con-
solidate tlie Lutheran and (Jalvanistic cliui(d-."s, and esiablisliing unifor-
mity of faith and discipline in the anli Popisli [);al of his kingdom; and
bf/ authority imposing upon them a creed of his own. Nor is this all,
else would it bo tolerable. lie distinctly shows his intention of impo-
sing Prelacy upon them. He has, it seems, in a recent visit to Cologne,
aUcnded at the celebration of the Mass; and what is more startling, lent
his aid and influence, in laying the corner-stone of a Roman Cathedral !
And what will fiill heavy on the ears of Protestants, both in Europe
and America, all this is regarded with favor by the leading minislcnal
journals of the British empire.

Before we, therefore, contemplate the onwaid and upvv'ard march of
Popery in these United States, turii we to Britain herself— and what do
we find to be the growing tendencies of the Established Church? —
Puseyisra is spreading on every hand, and is now Popery rdrrtoit with-

76 THE CATHOLICS AXI) LOCOFOCOS.

out disguise. Tiie constant advocate and e\-poiuider of Puseyism, is a
work called " The British Critic." We have recently seen copi-
ous extracts from the latest numbers of this work, in which the Refor-
m-ition is openly denounced — a return to Popery is advocated — and in
r' .erence to the Episcopacy of England, the daring question is asked
with boldness, " Why iiuiy not Ih.e Pope he the supreme Bishop ? "

In reference to our own beloved country, Popery is alarmingly on the
increase, as every attentive observer is avv are, mainly on the score of
emmigration — l3ut to a far greater extent thcui is generally believed, by
its close and insidious connexion will i ^v■llat).■^ known to the American
reader, by the imposing appelation of Jackson Van Buren Democracy.
And we grieve to write the conviction to which we are compelled, that
modem Democracy every wheie is tending more and more to exalt
Romanism, with its iniqutous forms, cereinonies and pretension. - 'id
to put down Protestantism, by a union of Catholic and Locofoco
interests. h\ every part of this country Popery is now found. At
e^ery conspicuous point, it is, witli the utmost sagacity, at great cost, and
with untiring assiduity, fortifying itself, and preparing for the eventful
future. Cathedrals and churches, colleges and nunneries, are being
multiplied to an alarming extent. To the widest extent possible, the
education of the young is being monopolized by the Catholics. There
is no mingling vv'ith others. They do tJicir own business in their oirn
ipay — they educate their childsen and youth, among themselves^ and
no where else.

In political matters, too, their iniiuence is already powerfully felt, and
by those against whom they direct their energies, (the Whigs) very
much dreaded. Hundreds of thous;uids, every year, reach the shores
of America, from Ireland, Austria, France, and other countries; and
strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless true, that almost to a man, in
the State and National elections, they vote the Locofoco ticket. True,
upon dieir arrival here, and for years afterwards, they learn but little in
reference to our law s, institutions, or men, but they nevertheless vote
with the Locos, and are even the most clamorous at the polls. W^iat
does this aigue ? It evidently proves that they are instructed by their
Priests how to vote, and that, their leaders, and the leaders in the
Locofoco ranks, have a perfect understanding. Can any unprejudiced
man doubt die fact? Certainly not.

Recently, the plan of a society, spread abroad for public approval in
Ireland, for the express purpose of sending out to these United States,
Roman Catholics in masses, accompanied by their Priests, to colonize
whole districts of our fertile west. The oudines of this grand scheme,
to over-run this country, wc will subjoin, when we shtdl have given the

■niK CA'Vn:>iAVS ANU LOCOFOCOS. / /

arlicleg from British Journals, alread}'^ promiseil. This propc-^ed society-
is to pay the cost of transportation, and provide the soil, and to be renui-
nerated by the proceeds of three years' labor of the Cathohc emigrants,
or rather colonists. But Jiey are to leave, at the end of the three years,
themselves and their lands, in the handsof the Priesthood, the instru-
ments of their corrupt and arbitrary pleasure.

Who has not been startled at tlie call of Bishop England, in 1840,
upon the Catholic population of the United States, to rally to the stan-
dard of Democracy, and support for the highest office in this country,
Martin Van Buren ? Have any forgotten tlie fulsorn letter of Mr.
Van Buren, to the Pope of Rome, telling him, (bi/ author Uy) of the
high esteem in which he was held, and his church generally, by
President Jackson? And do not Protestants generally recollect,
and with regret too, that the Romanists, in New York, by employing
the balance of political power, in the hands of the Locofocos, procured
th« passage of a law, by which they got hold of the School Funds of
that State, and well nif^i destroyed the excellent scLool system of
ihe State ?

Who has not been startled more recently, by the hardihood of the
pastoral letter put forth by Bispop Hughes of New York, in w^hich the
right of the priesLhood to all church property is asserted— trustee
boards are assailed— mixed marriages forbidden— and all secret societies
and private associations denounced, under the severest penalties upon
their members, living and dead ?

The outrage upon the Sandwich Islands by Papists, under the
sanction of the French Government, is fresh in the recollection of all.
And, mdeed, almost wlierever Protestant missions are found. Popish
Locofoco emissaries, the most depraved, foul and devilish are met,
resisting and impeding every gon.l v.-oik. We speak, our readers will
recollect, of the dark d^eds of ., ;id do not go back to the

gloomy period of the Reformatio.! i.=. i., v.r of the Spanish laquisition.

We enquire then, in all candor, is there not danger to be apprehended
from this perpetual eneniy to civil and religious liberty — this despotism.
Popery, the constant ally of Locofocoism in this countiy,and of all that
is despotic in other countries ? Let the Papacy of this country, organ-
ized as it is, and capable of being moved in a mass by a single mind,
and that mind the Pope's, feel that it holds the balance of power, and
at that very moment our civil Uberties, and our rights of conscience are
gone. A Catholic Priest will be elevated to the Presidency— a Catholic
Congress convened— and the Christians of this nation will be called to
a higher test of fidelity to their country and their God, than is at present
apprehended.

7S THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS.

What, then, enquire? tlie if-ad^r, i^ to l)e done ? Abstain from aiding-
t,-) h:\\\l i!0 a p .v ■:. . [i'--'\. \i . : 'u !^ - n -r-ri;];uicy, cannot fail to
cnis'i u^. A!i^::i;n ;'; .,1 ':^ ; ■ > - ol' ! /in. iisi-o;.-!;!, to support which,
is to aidR') iianis 11 lii ;" •; every toil aiid expense, fill the

couatrv wiih B;l>':'s. ii'ii _ li i!ii"!<iiis periodicals. Circulate

Whiii: p;ip:';s jui ! (i ;> -ii n r, ■^ -x;!: 'oper}-. Support candi-

<lali;-' (V>i-o;i! '1', \\h;> ha\ t' iiia.'peialr > to co!i:ie out against the

i-:--u': pi IS of Ro:iiai)is;ii, and i, -ins of Locofocoism. —

MainLain an elevated stana:'!,] " : niia so-k. In" every lawful

means to promaLe spiritual r!';\ in:por;u;ia<e and uinveariod

in pray or to Iliai \v!m iias the eoijiiiiaiK! of all hearts, and the destinies
of nations in his li in!-. For fervent and elFectua.! prayer, where true
religion is enjoyed :;;i)-phere, in which neitiier Popery or

Locof icoism, can !■,... 1.

"ES PABLISIiEiJ AiMJ POt-i 'Ki: i^-.-TIie position

occupied l»y tlie kiu^ of Prussia a! : ; i-iDia.'iit in the leligious

w^odd, is not alittle reniarkahle ; :\]u\ i'.<:' nxM'Ut cv'iitsat Cologne ore
calculated, even more iii in th ' |.':(i-r:-,li:v,s (•(iiintcied with the estah-
lishiuent of an EaLi'lish liiidii^prii- ;•: Jrrc^ileiii. to ; ni a <:iMieral attention
to it. Tle^ kin':"s , Iliad i-c-iJeiidy da'c:'\!; ;i!id 1::^ paiicy is likely
to h? ackhv.-;"d. in no -(i^'iil (!■ ■ ■ : •, r,!- lid- jii.a)! : ;md there is a
grail:! 'wy \\\'.\ ua [a ■ t'oa iMc ~ ; . pii'.y in la- i".'.Mi: j,)ns, \\!dc!i

m i , C Ml U 1:1 M !!';■ 'S !)■:•, ,; ■ \V i 1 ) ( ! !]' 'I' l\'n U IjlS \i 'WS, Or

app/.'!!"-;! I nn ''fi'T IV. > n lii'- ni'i-aa-:. 1 is d iiic d', ind ,'eJ, (o

cnac ■ii." h'!,\- l!i ) • \ ;-",\ ■ :m i ' ■ :' i'!' i-^'i: ■ !. w ■■';■';!; a groat ''r moral

revd'n'iM ■ : '.:r.\ ''s ,• ,; ■ > i it ed", iii;:olring

th' o:-"/-! '!:■■■■!■ 'if I'r :i ".y o-^ <i practical

cleiU'ii' ht r' i: :■<': i:r' ;i. \\ .:■[)'. •-::.-:..- ;.:!:, Mi l;ic-^:' who look
up>a th • aCiM-iyi: '' ■! •.:' ^' .-■:•■'> ;i d---a ;,< •)»>.;,!';■; Iii;i in the
present exraordaiaiy <:;re o'' rei:gio:i iu (deraiany, and tiiroughout the
world, it is not easy to fores.vl wluit may be t!ie consequences of any
serious atfe nnt to n:o; Tntc it r.nder the auspices of so poweiful a prince,
and so r -aMy lai ).l ,! m • i :.- ilie king of Prussia. Experience forbids
the supp:siti Jii ili ;! any ca-.uprcheusive scheme of religious policy,
whether for goo;l vOr evd, whether practicable or impracticable, can be
carried on fo; a snies of years by a temparal sovereign, intliout impor-
tant coiisequ?iiccs 7-esuUin<^ from it^ political as u-ell as moral. We
should look, with interest, aud not without anxiety, (o the d(nelopment
of that course in which the late celebration at Cologne must be regarded
as a step of considerable moment, even if we could view it with the
feelings of mere spectators. This, however, is far from the case ; the
kin^ of Prussia's vicms do not stop short of those of ourselves ; lie is
possessed widi as much more august idea than that of establishing a
concord of indilferenlism among his own subjects; or rather, he is too
wise a man not to know that it is impossible to isolate one kingdom in
Europe from the religious sympathies tuid disturbances of sympathy
which ad'ect the rest. Taking, therefore, his own autliority in his own
dominions as the centre and basis, and the Germanic feeling of nation-

THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 4\>

alitv as the immediate circle and atmospliere of his operations, he
embraces within his design those more remote influences towards which
the moral powers of Pru?>ia and Germany may be supposed to ag-gra-
vate and seeks to co'inr'^hcnd in. that federal uniti/ of creeds udiich lie
is bent uion con^oU^ating-. the Ciairch of Engirt )td on tJte one /land,
and the Church of Rome hersef on the other.

Whatever may be thought of the pructicability of this project, (tho'
the principles o]i which it is founded, have met with d^istinguished
advocates in this country, ji •"■- '^ • the lamented Dr. Arnold, and
the present Regius Professor <> . tit Oxford ) it cannot surprise

any one acquainted with ilie i\ :;^...i; u^.^tory of Germany, and Prussia
particular, that it should he considered practicable by king Fredenck
Williain. Tiie Srate of theological opinion (or to speak more appro-
priately, the views of religious philosophy)*' which it presupposes has
long been pfcvalent in Pro'.estan- G?nnany. ^Fns syseaisof do'^trinal
belief handed down by Luther a;. ! Ctlvin, in process of time, and
■under the influence of tliat librrl'j of ^.rba!,' judgment-adiichthey also
transmitted as the first princlAes of religion, became thoroughly
decomposed. Things went on so far that the alternative in advance
w^as either to deny Christianity, or to make an ahs.ilutc separation
between the province of dogmatic theolog}'^. and ihnf r,'i \.^V.■su>\\^> faith;

reducing the fi^Mtor to ;i ^\v.•^\• (l,-i'i!-)i)i;'M! nf i5)r^;soM',\ ; '. i -'i ■ ii.tlrr

to a simple d ;.-

tive wa:^ natiw , i-

ble to the mystical tendi'iiii>- u; u u

the la^e kinj of Prussia fo i i I ili - l ,ig

like h's son, a constructive genius. aiiJ - advantages

of union, and the opportu v. ity afforded i ihe dogmatic

principle) he determined upon founding a new ( !iurch, by the
combination of the till then divided Luthenui and Calvini^^tic sects. —
The king, therefore, with the assistance of his minister, M. Bunson,
compiled a new liturgy, and arranged a new organization, to which
such of the Lutheran and C'alvinistic pastors as thought proper, were
invited to confirm, a certain day. The majoriiy of them did :-o ; aaid
what was optional at lirr^t, was eventually made compulsory to tlie
remainder. In this manner the dissentions of Lutheranism and Cal-
vinism were extinguished in Germany; and a unity arose, in the shape
of what is now designated the Prussian Evangelical Chinch.

A much more formidable task, however, siill remained ; and the
differences which arose between the Crowui of Prussia and the Arch-
bishop of Cologne, upon the subject of mixed marriages, proved at once
the importance of producing (if posible) a religious harmony between
Catholicism and Protestantism, and the great difficulty of that underta-
king. It was probably not without a view to this object, that the late
king is said to have contemplated the introduction of episcopacy into
his new Church: and the present king has followed up that design,
by entering, into negociations with some of our own bishops, and con-
tributing to the support of an English bishop at Jerusalem, expressly
for the purpose of obtaining episcopal orders for candidates for the
pastoral office in the German Church. The alliance wliich through

80 rilK C.\THCLJCS AXIJ LOCOI'OCOS,

these neprociatior.s, " ' ' ' '"" between the

Prussian Ev:m2,c];c:': -^ gave occa-

sion for a pub! i- ■ " a general

ivligious coiv ■ II ill/ of the

difi.eroit <■:■"•■■ ■ ,,\.. ,.,., .....,.: lo have been

admitted' ■>!_. ii v/as thus announced

inthePrii . ,_ ..-vp";! ii> JhiM-n-'iction that

the cii\'ersiLieisoi' the (J'lJrl^iia;l >\u;^.a;p v^ ■ ' " : 'i were

irpheld by a superior uiiiiy, io Aviiich all t!i( : .. lo their

centre, was the foundation of true Christian luiciLaion."

About the same time that the kind's t\' ■■-^ >'%-.;v. n.-r-rfd thus fa-
vorablij by the En<:d:Ji prdatcs, they wcr^ ' ;r p-ogress

at the court of P.J, n.e. Throiigli theinstrK ' :;' same able

diplomatist vh) org;r.(;zcd the Prussian Evangeiical Church, and
negotiated the t,.;abl!'hn>"nt of the Jerusalem bishopric, a settlement
of the questions in ;v/een the king and the Archbishop of

Cologne was obtain, i \ >pe, which conceded the Avhole question

of mixed marriages, siiprr-Pc'ed the Archbisliop from the practical
exercise of his functions, and, in f;vct, gave a complete triumph to the
Prussian Crown. Tlic king naluvallv claims this as a monrentous
victory to his favorite principle; jnid iiie iat.; ceremonial at Cologne
has been a (•richr.:!!:r,n of this victory, as ilie completion of thatniagnifi-
cent strur iilcd to ])e a monument of it. As in London his

majesty e _ i that principle, by going in state to St. PauFs in

the morning, vvdiile he privately a.ttended the Lutlieran chapel in the
afternoon, so at Cologne he went first to the Protestant service, and
afterwards (to the lively joy of a cjowded Roman Catholic congrega-
tion) assisted at high mass in the CathedraL Nor was die conduct
dictated by temporary policy, or religious indifference -, it sprang from,
convictions most deep and sincere, and shared at the time, as the cir-
cumstances would fairly lead us to infer, by the Pope's representative,
and the whole Roman Catholic popuiaiion at Cologne; — convictions
which the king expre. o;l ii' !■:< f dii;'- -i;; ! ' loiMicMt speech, when he
said that "this w; - r Germans of all

denominations, c.{ -cW , . pe t hat the pat ii

imder the gate;' 1 .r i>e tuxi- 'iers of the peace

of " confessioi ;on he uttc. ..at the great work

might prove " a iiioniimeirt of the broiiierly feeling between creeds
who feel thaC they are one before their sole, their Divine Head." It is
7wt a littla reinarhahle that the conduct and the language of the king-
in his intercourse with the Chwxh of England, and the manner in
which his advances were received by our bishops, should have been so
closely paralleled by tJte erentsat Cologne, where tJie Roman Catholic
Church teas the religious hody concerned.''' — London Times of 1842.

[From the British Chronicle.]

''CONSPIRACY AGAINST RELIGIOUS FREEDOM.— In

nnotlierpart of this paper we give one of the most extraordinary docu-
mentj?, which has appeared in modern times, viz., the leading article
of the London Times for 26th Sept. This article we request oui

THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. SI

readers to peruse before they read what follows. The most important
parts we have marked with italics. To many it wdl appear like the
spirit of alaim to draw so important an inference as our title conveys
from an article in the ephemeral columns in a daily newspaper, i he
London Times, however, is no ordinary paper. With its immense
sheet of twenty thousand thrown off eve^y morning, with its corres-
pondence in every quarter of the world, its unlimited resources,
the unequaled talents of its writers, and the powerfu party
whose oro-an it is, whatever is found in its columns, when deliberately
and thoughtfully weighed, as this article is, must claim a more than
ordinary share of interest.

We are no alarmists, but we are not without apprehension, that the
time may come when every man who maintains the right of private
iud<Tment, may have to combat for the free exercise of that right, m
every quarter of the civilized world. And the most likely means of
preventing such a state of tilings from ever arising, is to watch narow^y
and jealousy the proceedings of those who openly avow thjemselves as
the enemies of religious liberty.

The article in question is introduced by a discussion of tlie proceed-
ings of the king of Pmssia, in regard to the religion of his subjects ;
and it is said that " there is grandeur, and unquestionable sincerity and
piety in his intentions." We are then informed of the proceedings
of the late kino-, who found the systems of Luther and Calvin so de-
composed, that" " the only alternative was either the denial of Christi-
anity or to make an absolute sepaiation between the province of dog-
matic' theology and religious faith ; reducing the former to a mere
department of philosophy, and the latter to a simple, development of
the individual character.'' We are then told that the kmg, preferring
the latter alteration to an entire extinction of Christianity, founded a
sect of his own, under the name of the Prussian Eyaiigelical Church,

The endearing term under which this new Church was founded
mio-ht well have deceived many Christians into the belief that Frede-
rick William, beino- in the end of his days filled with pure zeal for the
cause of religion, had no other motive but to produce Christian union
among the Lutherans and Calvinists, who aie divided by no essential
barrier, and thus the piety of the king would at first appear to bo a
chief feature in the transaction.

" The silver trumpet's heavenly call

Sounds for the poor, but sounds alike for all ;

Kings are invited, and would kings obey.

No slaves an earth more welcome were than they."

But alas ! this was no matter of Christian persuasion or Christian
arrangement between two religious bodies, drawing closer the bonds
of harmony. Let the Times speak—" The king, therefore, with the
assistance of his minister, M. Bunson, compiled a new liturgy, and
arranged a new organization to lohich such of the Lutharan and Cal-
vinistic pastors as thought proper loere invited to conform on a certain
day. The majoritij of them did so ; and what was left optional at

82 THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS.

first, was eventually made compulsory on the remainder. In this
manner the distinctions of Lutheranism. and Ccdinnism iccre cx-
iin.guislicd.''

Let us pause for a moment over this sad accoimt of matters in
Prussia. The invaluable labors of Luther iind Calvin, two of the
noblest spirits that ever visited the Avorld, are tlius devoted (o destruction.
The imbecile king of Prussia, with the assistance of his minister, sends
out a liturgy which his clergy are required to sign hy a certain day,
and those who refuse arc compelled to do so. The systems of Luther
and Calvin were, as the Times says, " handed down under the influence
of that liberty of piinciple of religion." Aye ! here is the true solution
of the wole matter — liberty of private judgment. All the miserable
pophistiy of the Times about '■ dogmatio theology," " department
of philosophy," " mystical tendencies of the German mind," are
explained by this single sentence.

If the late king had really been in earnest for the interests of religion
he would have uiged on die clergy n>ore earnest attention to their
spirtual duties, a more active dissemin^non of the word of God. But
he had no faith in the mraijs vtliich have hitherto been blest for the
propegation of pure religion ; none in fhc grain of nuistard seed, which
mightrbccomc a great tree, when sown in good soil. These means
were not great enough in the eye of the royal legislator. He must do
some " great thing," and he issues a royal edict to cure the divisions
and infidelity of his people, and that (niict as tyrannical as that which
threw Daniel into the lions' den. In this way, says the Times, these
dissensions were cured. We shall see. Yet it may be pemiitted that
liberty of conscience shall be put down in Prussia. These discussions
may possibly he cured.

There is no word of a dogmatic thcolygy, when it is the theology :
of Frederick William. The" dogmatic theology that it was necessary
to get rid of, did not compel any one to embrace its cieed but from '•
conviction, but the king's theology, like that of the Pope, and that
emdite defender of the faith, Henry YII, is made compulsory, as the
Times meekly and modestly expresses it. The dissfinions mny be
healed. So they were after* St. Bartholomew, at least for a time. Sr
they were after the revocation of the edict of Nantz, when religion
persecution drove the best and purest people of France from her do-
minion. But after three generations had lun their course, that fated
countr}', which was troubled with no " right of private judgment,"
awoke from its shmdicrs of unmitigated superstition and infidelity, and
the blood of Protestant martyrs was fearfully avenged in the carnage
of the revolution. A terrible retribution will in like manner follow this
daring invasion on the sacred rights of consistency.

But let UB observe the course of iha present King of Prassia. His
Rhenish fiidijects, who arc bigoted Roman Catholics, opposed him on
the question"of mixed marriages, and the king having applied to the
Pope, thnt ciafty functionary finding hi* mnjesty so much of his own
wnv of thinking about the interesting matter of " private judgment,"
"ires him all his own way about the marriages, and hi? majesty goes

THF, CATHOLICS AXU LOCOFv J0». 615

to Cologne, the capital of his Rhenish provinces, and in proof of his tri-
umph, goes in the forenoon to the Protestant service, and in the afternoon
assists at high mass, at the cathedral, to the lively joy of a crowded
Reman Catholic congregation.

As Protestants, wc may lament over this fall of him who was con-
sidered the head of the Protestant caa.-e on the continent of Europe ;
but as far as his majesty of Prussia going to any church he pleases is
concerned, we have no right to withhold from him the liberty which
we claim ourselves. Every thing in the shape of penal laws or disqual-
ification on account of religious opinion we have ever opposed and ever
will. Yet we muse lament the inconsistency of any person going to
a Protestant church, an essential and fmidamental principle of which
is, that {{.protests against Popery as the antichrist of the word of God,
thai the mass is an idol p.-.rous service, and that the Bible should be given
to all people; and then going after immediately to the Roman Catho-
lic cathedral, and assisting at that very mass, in connection with that
very Churcli, which holds that all connected with the Protestant
Church are utterly excluded from salvation ; and which whenever it can
shuts out the v/ord of God from its people.

The king of Prussia is in a dilemma. He cannot believe in both
religions. If he has in his new creed destroyed i\\Q protesting ^rmzv^XQ
and all the essenlials of the Protestant faith, then he no longer belongs
to the Reformed religion. If he has preserved these distinctions, then
is his hypocrisy an inconsistency of the most glaring and offensive kind.
We will not be surprised to hear, by next steamer, that his majesty had
gone in the evening to hear the Koran expounded, and with reverence
bowed his head tow^ards the holy Mecca, crying out, '• that there is no
God but one God, and Mohammed is his Prophet." Why not? Dog-
matic theology is banished, except in the ancient dominions of Prussia,
where the ""liberty of private judgement," is incoiisistent with tho
royal creed.

We come now to the most important part of this article — viz: that
which has relation to England.

We are informed that the king of Prussia does not confine his plans
to his own dominions or to Germany, but to more remote influence ; in
short, it comes out " that he is bent on consolodating the Church of
England on the one hand, and the Church of Rome on the other."
Wc are told that the late king's plans had met with distinguished
advocates in England; the late Dr. Arnold, and the present Regius
Professor of Divinity in Oxford, being among the number; that the
present king had follov/cd up the plan of his predecessor, by an
application t'othe Church of England to consecrate bishops for the new
religion v/hich had Ijeen made for his people ; and that the king " had
expressed a wish to consolidate a general religious concortl, upon the
essential unity of the different creeds of Christendom ; and this prin-
ciple seems to be admitted by the English prelates concerned;" and
finally, the Times states, " it is not a litde remarkable that the conduct
and the language of the king in his intercourse with the Church of
England, and the manner in which his advances were received by our

84 THE CATHOLIC?* AND LOCOFOCOS.

bisliops, should have been so closely paralleled by the events at Colognft
where the Roman Catholic Church Avas the religious body concerned."

And now for the principles of the Times on these important move-
ments. The Editor says "we should therefore look with interest and not
without anxiety, to the development of that course in which the late
celebration at Colog-ne must be regarded a step of no inconsiderable
moment, even if we could view it v.dtli the feeling of mere spectators.
This, however, is far from the case ; tJte king of Prussia's vieiDS do
not stop short of those of ourselves.^''

Startling as this unblushing avowal is, we were not altogether unpre-
pared for it. The Times has for some months been throwing out its
feelers in this direction, and the (Quarterly Review ha^ made repeated
allusions to something like a project for an unifomiity of religious views
and has hinted at " the powers inherent in the Church " being put forth.
Here it is most impudently avowed by the most powerful journal in
existence, that it would go all the length with the king of Prussia, who
compelled his subjects into suljmission to his own creed. So in the
Janguage of this base journal, England is to radiate around Prussia, and
to shape her course, not according to the conscientious belief of her
people, but according to the views of his Prussian Majesty, of the Pope,
and of the English bishops.

Will any party be found in England l>ase enough to support such a
proposition ?

We would have said decidedly, No, if the proof had not come from
quarters so inlluential, and known to be connected with the High
Church party in England. If such a plan has been seriously contem-
plated, it can have but one meaning, viz., to submit the Christian
people of Europe, in a body, to the See of Rome. There is no half
measure. Rome is infallible. There might be an alteration in some
part of the Episcopalian liturgy and government, without trenching on
the great truths to which they bear testimony. The Presbyterians
might shape their Church government to approximate more nearly to
the Independents. The Methodists and Baptists might approach
nearer to each other in some minor matters. None of these bodies say
they are infalhble, but look for their guide to the word of God. But
<the Church of Rome camiot accommodate her opinions. Heretics
must come back to her by renouncing all their heresies. Any alteration
of the slightest kind would break the spell which binds her deluded
followers.

We therefore feel satisfied that the talk about a union is merely n
covered way of getting the Protestants to walk through Puseyism, to
the dark regions of Popciy. It is qm'te evident, that by whatever name
the king of Prussia may call his new faith, he has effectually renounced
Protestantism. No Protestant could assist at the mass, which is only
a blasphemous attempt to repeat that sacrifice " which was offerfid once
for all, for the sins of men."

It is a poor return of the continental head of the Protestant cause, to
that God who covered his people in the hour of battle, after being
brought to the lowest rhh h\ tlie oppression of Bonaparte. Better it

TIID CATHOLICS AND T.OCOFOCOS. S5

would have been to have redeemed the broken promii-es made by his
father to his land and gallant young students, that he give a
free constitution to Pmssia, if they would only stand by him in putting
down the common enemy. How did Frederick William redeem that
proiTiise? For twenty-five years he studiously declined all grant of
civil liberty, and died with the satisfaction of having deprived his peo-
ple of religious liberty also.

" We go the full length of the king of Prussia," says the Times,
Yes, base traitor to the British constitution. We will see who will
back your project against the Lutheran and Calvinistic heresy cf the
" right of private judgment." Will Sir Robert Peel ? We think not.
He has too much English feeling ; and besides, is too timid to embark
in such a desperate enterprise.

Graham and Stanley would do any thin^ to save their Church pat-
ronage, which will be far more in -jeopardy by such a desperate course
than tiiey otherwise will be. It is treason to the British constitution
which is proposed. And do the Puseyites and the half Romans really
think that the arms of the people of England are all unstrung? Do
ihey believe that there are no descendants in the land, of Cranmer,
Latimer and Ridley ; none in Scotland, of Knox and Melville, of
Guthrie and Cameron? Has history been recorded in vain ? Do they
not know that multitudes of pious men, both clergy and laity, within
the Church of England ; that all the Presbyterians, Methodists, Inde-
pendents and Baptists in the three kingdoms, would repudiate the
unhallowed union, and would shed the last drop of their blood in
defending the right of " private judgment? "

Do they not know that the moment any such attempt is made, it not
only commits the ministers, but the Sovreign — that the defence and
maintenance of the Protestant religion is the charter by which the
present gracious and popular Queen holds her power. Let that charter
foe violated, arid every subject is released from his allegiance.

" We too are friends to loyalty. We love

The king who loves the law, respects his bounds,

And reigns content with them.

We trust him not too far, though king he be,

And king of England too ; he may be weak,

May exercise amiss his proper powers.

Or covet more than freemen choose to grant.

Beyond that mark is treason."

We will not beheve that the present amiable and accomplished Sove-
reign, would suffer any set of ministers to bring her into a course fraught
with such danger to herself, and misery to her people. But one thing
is certain, that the Prussian monarch may now be regarded as having
ranged himself on the side of Rome ; and it is to be feared that hi«
people are too indifferent about religion to resist his will.

" The word of prophecy, those truths divine,
Which make that heaven, if those desire it, thine,
Are never long vouchsafed, if pushed aside

S6 THE CATHOLICS AND L0C0F0C08.

Yvlih cold diasTust, or philosophic pride ;

And tliat judicially withdrawn, disgrace,

Error and darkne?s occupy theii- place.

Then priests, with bulls and briefs, and shaven crowns,

And oripiiig- fis's, and unrelenting- frowns,

Legates an'! delegates with powers from hell,

Tho' heavenly in pretense, will fleece thee well."

We submit to our readers whether we liave said too much, when we
assert that there is a consjyiracy against religious freedom.

And let the United States not lay the flattering unct.ion to their souls
in supposing they will escape. Next to Britain, the Roman Catholic
superstition is exerting its powers most in tiiis coun'ry, and not without
success; and it is strongly assisted by the political power so profusely
bestowed on the many\hous:Inds of the most ignorant and bigoted
of that persuasion.

We make no apology for the length of this article. Evcrj^ genuine
lover of liberty must be aware of the deep necessity of watching the^e
movements."

"Knock at the gate of nations, rouse their fears,
Say wrath is coming, and the storm appears ;
But raise the shrillest cry m British ears."

[From the Home Missionary.]

"GRAND SCHEME FOR PLANTING IRISH CATHOLIC
COLONIES IN THE WESTERN STATES.— Dining the past
summer (1842) a pamphlet was issued in London and in Doublin,
entitled, a "- Proposud iiru- pki.t for a, General Emigration Society:
By a Catholic Gentlenunif coniuiiiing a project for colonizing the
Irish poor, by sending them to Ainerica. As watchmen on the walls
of our American Zion, we deem it our duty to give some account of this
Society. The pamphlet is written with clearness and earnestness, and
although it falls into some errors as to American affairs, it exhibits a
good degree of information concerning our country. Besides other
claims to attention, we arc assured on respectable authority, that in
England its authorship is ascribed to a gentleman well icnown in the
business circles, and possessing a species of influence that is likely to
gain for the project a large airiount of pecuniary and ecclesiastical
support.

In a general vitnv, tiie scheme proposed, is that of the " Centraliza-
tion system " of Wakefleld, excmplilied in Australia. The leading
objects presented by the plan, are the following : First, to dispose of the
excess of population. Second, so to dispose of it, as to create a larger
demand for British maimfactures. Third, to render the Catholic
religion predominant in the United States. In carrying out these
objects, the process to be employed is the colonizing of the Irish Catholic
poor in the Western States. Fourth, ix pecuniary profit on the capital
invested. Fifth, preparing an agreeable cusylum for a large class of
persons, whose present situation is uncomfortable, such as the younger

THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCO?. 87

sons of the nobility and gentry; gentlemen of decayed fortune; and
those who now hang upon the aiaiy and navy, or overstock the learned
professions and find no employment, &.C., &;c.

Means of carrying out the plan. — These appear to be briefly,
these : The Society bears the expense of tiansporting the emigrant,
and meets his first wants in the field ; and in return, he pledges himself
to labor a period not less than three years, at reduced wages, for the
society, and under the directions of his priest. The improvements
thus made are the property of the Society, and are to be made profitable
in a way specified .

How EMIGRANTS ARE TO BE OBTAINED AND TIJEIR CO-OPERATION

SECURED ? — It has become a fact now notorious to all, what wonderful,
not to say miraculous results, the temperance pledc;e, administered
by the Reverend Father Mathew and the Irish Clergy, has wrought
upon the peasantry of the country. All witness with wonder, and are
lost in tul miration of its efficacy.

That countiy, where it was almost considered unmanly and certainly
unsociable, to be habitually sober, is now by the extraordinar}'' power
of the plexlge thus administered, become as admirable for the industry'
and sobriety of its inhabitants, as it was previously noted for their
irregular and riotous habits.

A solemn plec^e is given to his parish priest, has had influence
sufficient to make an Irish peasant forego the enjoyment of a pleasure
which, according to his estimate of human happiness, perhaps ranked
as its chief ingredient, and relinquishment of which must certainly, at
first, have been one of the greatest privations he could submit to. Is
it for a moment to be believed that this man would less rigidly observe
a pledge to serve the same pastor, diligendy and [aiihhxWy , fo'r a givefi
period, who should promise to lead him and his family froi a land
of miser}' and want, one where, wjth x''air remuneration for his labor, he
would be insured wholesome and abundant food — a comfortable habita-
tion — and that which is most dear to the heart of every Irishman,
however uncultivated, the uninterupted and peaceful enjoyment of the
religion of his forefathers, v>'ith the «ame facilities he enjoyed in Ills
native land?

And what would be required of him in return, for these unlooked-for
blessings ? That he should place his labor and that of his family, at
the disposal of the contemplated Society for a period in no instance
exceeding three years, at a rate of wages below those of America, but
probably double what he would receive at home under the most fortu-
nate circumstances ; and on a spot, too, whei'e the same amount of
money would purchase him double the quantity of the necessaries of
life. Less coiiid not be expected by the Society in return for a free
passage and transit to tlie location first assigned to these emigrants, and
where comfortable and suitable dwellings would be provided for them.

Several of the most distinguished of the Irish clergy have consented
to administer this pledge as a reward to such as have strictly observed
that of Temperance; fully beheving , that in so doing, they would be

88 THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCUS.

fonsulting the best interest of their people, p7'ovidid it was arra7iged
that a Catholic pastor should alioays accompany each body of emi-
grants, unless the intended location already possessed a Catholic
church and resident clergyman.

Who shall doubt that tliose who have observed one pledge to
FOREGO AN ENJOYMENT with such scrupulous exactitude, will not as
religiously adhere to the other, with its evident advantages ?

Little difficulty can attend the working of such a system where the
wants, dispositions, and inclinations of their flocks are so well known to
their pastor, as is the case in Ireland. He has been constantly habituated
to watch over those committed to his care, with the most patient and
unremitting attention ; to minister to their necessities ; arrange their
differences; and in the hour of affliction, sickness and death, to be the
bearer of that consolation which comes only from Him who said — " I
know my sheep, and my sheep know me." A pledge made to hin"i
will be as surely kept in the distant land, as if it were only to be ob-
served at home. Self-interest alone (setting aside the tiese of conscience
and gratitude) would secure the strict observance of the pledge required;
for, as stated before, nature would in no instance be forced, and the
principle of the Society would never be anxious to quit, by making
choice of such only as accord with the foregoing description, where
little remains to be done but to take possession and enjoy.''''

The profitable results of this system to the Society would be very
great., and it would bring increase of wealth and numberless advantages
to the country of their adoption ; and what is still more gratifying,
would, whilst providing for the temporal wants of thousands, introduce
religion and instruction into a country where both are sure to meet with
the most liberal encouragement.

RELATION OP THIS ENTERPRISE TO ROMANISM. The promotion of

the interests of Romanism is guaranteed by the provisions of the plan:

It must be distinctly imderstood that no pledge woidd be given by the
poorest Irish to locate in spots unprovided with chapels and clergy of
their own religion, and loithout vJiich. their labor would be unattainable ;
therefore the requisite funds for the maintenance and education of
priests, and the support of churches, must be provided out of the resour-
ces of the society. Without this arrangement the scheme would prove
abortive, and it would be highly reprehensible and dishonest to administer
the pledge.

Those who have watched the movements of the bee have seen the
young swarm, on leaving the hives (alike the perfect emblem of industry
and colonization) in which they were generated, moving from place to
place in restless confusion till arrested by some cause not apparent, the
mass of settlers clings to some distant bough, unprepared with, and
unable to provide, a new home. The cottager, with anxious care to
secure the services of these industrious laborers — perhaps the main
support of his family — has prepared a new habitation for them ; but old
experience has taught him that without securing the centre of attraction,
(the roaming queen,) his efforts to retain her followers must be in vain.

THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 89

When she is placed in the new dwelling, then, and not till then^ does
the young colony settle in a state of tranquility, and betake itseii cheer-
fully to its useful labors, creating a fresh store of wealth, while the
parent hive, to all appearance, has suffered no diminution of its strength
and powers of production.

" The religion of his forefathers and his parish priest are the Irish-
man's centre of attraction, and his queen bee. The cottager's success
is in increasing the number of his hives, and thus his wealth depends on
their possession. In like manner you may locate the Irish ; you may
pledge them to temperance, to residence on a fixed spot, to give their
labor at a fixed price, and entirly carry outtjie Society's plan*, but if
you expect these pledges to be rigidly and strictly adhered to, you must
provide th6m with a place of worship and a pastor, you must afford them
the peaceful and uninterrupted enjeyment of the practices of religion,
according to their ancient creed. Without resident pastors they cannot
be retained to give that labor, on a fixed loi^ation, which would other-
wise be so cheerfully bestowed " — pp. 14, 15.

There is a small share of philosophy in the project to propogate
Romanism by means of the Catholic i^oor. The result in Glasgow
illustrates the process.

The Irishman's first care was then, what it is now aiid ever will be, to
devote what little surplus remained after the frugal wants of nature
were satisfied, voluntarily to aid in the support of his pastor, and to
assist him in the construction of a temple dedicated to the worship of
the God who had thus conferred on him means exceeding what his
nceessities required. — p. 16.

Glasgow has been adduced as an example of this position ; for like
most of the rising cities of America, it owes its advancement to an
excellent commercial location and capital laid out on its design, in the
construction of docks, wharfs, factories, and other necessary establish-
ments of commerce. The demand for labor, in its various works and
improvements, exceed the means of supply afforded even by Scotland,
popolous and industrious as she is allowed to be ; and the employment
of the redundant population of Ireland was absolutely necessary to
complete those great operations, which could not have been otherwise
accomplished.

The; followers of John Knox had certainly no natural predilection for
the religion of the Irish ; but their labor was indispensable; and the
scale of interest weighing down that of religious prejudice, enabled the
entei-prising inhabitants of Glas^-ow to reap the profits of their well
arranged calculations. Wages beyond expenditure, and constant
emplopnent for a given period, were the necessary consequences.

The number has now increased to more than 80,000 in this city and
its vicinity, and other Catholic churches and pastors have been, and still
will be, the natural consequences.

Thus has heaven, in its own time, once more made the poor its
instruments for again introducing into our large town and cities that
religion which the first humble apostles were instructed to teach to all

THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS.

nations and to all people, and, in this particular instance, restoring tkose
altars to the original faith, the very nriemory of which the destructive
spirit of Puritanism in former days conceived it had obliterated forever.
We here see how the interests of commerce and the pursuit of wealth,
passing through the filtration of Irish labor, have produced effects which
the ignorant attribute alone to a rich priesthood and a wealthy
aristocrac}'.

In like manner, to the peace of these poor Irish are mainly attribu-
table the splendid ('atholic churches which have risen up in Liverpool,
Manchester, Birmingham, and our other great manufacturing cities, to
the erection of the Catholic cathedral in Moorsfield, and the progress
now making in rearing the magnificent church in the Borough, (not-
withstanding the awful distress at present so severely pressing on the
poor) is greatly attributable to the same causes. — pp. 16, 17.

Various argumExVts for the plan. — Profitableness and
SAFETY OF INVESTMENTS. — It has been already stated that, by the
leading principles governing the investments of this Society, it will, in
no instance, whether in our own colonies, or in the United States,
purchase larger tracts of land in any one district than its financial
resources can bring into the first stages of cultivation, nor will it invite
over emigrants, until employment and a home await their arrival.

By this method it will not only return quick profits, but also avoid the
iealousy, naturally to l)e expected in a foreign country, if any attempt
to monopolize large tracts of land.

It is therefore proposed to effect sales at periods probably never
exceeding three years from the date of the original purchase, or, in fine,
when the advancement macfe in improvement may warrant a handsome
profit, merely retaining within each township the land on which the
temporary Catholic church shall have been erected, the house of its
minister, the school-house and such a quanrity of glebe hmd tis the
Society may hereafter determine. — p. 26.

This scheme is also to help our insolvent States to pay their debts, and
complete their public works ? The reader will notice the provision for
the priesthood.

In the United States, at this period, no system hitherto devised could
produce so rapid and systematic a revival of national wealth, or mere
effectually enahle each State to acquit those debts, which the vast
resources of their coimlry warranted them in contracting, in anticipation
of large annual returns from railways, canals, and great public works,
now left incomplete and profitless, solely for the want of qnore capital.

Ater paying to the proprietors a dividend of eight per cent., it is
proposed that the Society should not contemplate making any greater
division of profits, but that it should re-invest all its surplus in further
augmentation of capital. By tl cse means a constant increase of land
will be always advancing in a state of improvement, and, besides, adding
to the wealth of the Society, be an equal efficient assistance in exporting
pauperism from the Parent State.

THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS 91

The success of this Institution is, (as ah-eady explained) from its
very natuie, mainly dependent on the supply of missionaries, to keep
pace with its advancement, and therefore a portion of tlie proceeds of
every re-sale will be set aside as a fund for their education, and anothor
part will also be alloted to support charitable endowments and the
education of the poor. The dividend to the proprietors to the extent of
eiglit per cent.,) alwa)^s to take precedence of any other division of
profits. — p. 2G."

[From the Philadelphia Journal of 1842.]

THE ROMAN CATHOLICS.— The Right Rev. Bishop Hughes,
of the Roman Catholic Church, in New York, has issued a Pastoral
Letter to the clergy and laity of his diocese, interdicting certain things
which appear to have been tolerated in the church for a season, in this
land of the "largest liberty ; " such as marriage with protestants, mem- ,
bership in Odd Fellows Lodges, and other like associations, &c. As
this document may be regarded as novel and extraordinary in this
country, we subjoin the following extract :

" The circumstances of the Catholic Church hi this happy country,
in which the rights of conscience and the innnunities of religious
freedom are secured to all men, have been extensively modified and
influenced by the persecutions which she had to undergo in other lands
The usages which prevailed in the lands of bondage were the first to
which we became accustomed where bondage is unknown. Neither
was it practicable nor expedient to enforce prematurely the laws of the
church in these new circumstances of liiis coniitry. Hence the Bishops
of this diocese have tolerated customs which the church did not approve,
but merely bore with until a better order could be introduced. That
time seems at length to have arrived. The statutes, which have been
enacted and promulgated, have for their object this return to the. ordinary
and regular disicpline of the Church. Some have reference to the
administration of the sacraments. It has been customary to administer
the sacrament of baptism in private houses. Hencefoith it will not be
lawful for the clergyman so to administer it, wherever there is a church
within tlie distance of three miles, except when tlie infant may be in
danger of death ; and then, thoagh it will be proper to send for the cler-
gyman, yet in case he could not be found, the faithful should understand
the manner of baptizing, and should administer the sacrament, rather
than leave the child to die without receiving baptism.

" VYe have adopted the laws that have been enjoined by the Provin-
cial Councils of Baltimore, with the approbation of the Holy See, on
the subject of mixed marriages ; that is, marriages between Catholics
and persons of other religious persuasions. These marritiges, thougli
tolerated under certain modifications, have ever been looked upon with
regret and affliction by our Holy Mother the Church. The condition,
without which tliey have never been permitted in this country or else-
where is, that the party not Catholic should be pledged by solemn
promise to allow entire liberty of conscience, and jight to (he practice
of religion, to the Catholic party ; and that all the offspring of such
marriages should be baptized and educated in the Catholic faith. —

THE CATHOLICS AXD LOCOFOCOS.

"Without this condition, such mam ages .are not only disproved, but
condemned and reprobated by the Church.

"Another subject to which our attention has been directed, is the
existence and evils of certain societies, constituted on principles not
recognized by the Church. They are generally designated as "secret
societies ; " and have for the most part some professed object of benevo-
lence, which is used as an inducement to engage new members, and to
recommend such associations to public favor.

" We have directed, in obedience to the laws of our holy religion,
arid the duties of our office, that no clergyman in this diocese shall
admit to any sacrament of the Church such persons, as forgetting their
fidelity to her, iiivolve tiicmselves in the dangerous and sinful associa-
tions already alluded to ; or in any other secret society or combination,
held together by any solemn religious obligation, whether it be in form
of an oath or otherwise of similar import. Neither shall it be lawful
for any clergyman in this diocese to officiate at the funeral, or over the
remains of any one dying without having renounced all connection with
sueii society, if it had been his misfortune to have been so involved. —
Thissti^tutc shall be rigidly adhered to; and any clergyman who sliall
have overlooked, disregarded or neglected to enforce it shall not be. consid-
ered worthy to exercise the ministry.

" One of the most perplexing questions connected wi*h the well-being
of religion, is the tenure and administration of ecclesiastical propei';- , —
A system growing, perhaps out of the circumstances of the
times, has prevoiled in this country, which is without a parallel in
any other nation, or in the whole history of the Catholic Church. —
That system is of lea\'ing ecclesiastical property under the manage-
ment of laymen, wlio are commonly designated ' trustees.' We
do not disguise that our conviction of the system is, that it is altogether
injurious to religion, and not less injurious to the piety and religious
character of those who, from time to time, ore called upon to execute
its offices. We have known many Irusit^cs', and we have never known
one to retire from the office a i;'t!cr Call: ilic, or a more pious man than
he was when he entered on it. But on I he contnuy, v.e have known
many, who on retiring from tiiat office, were found to have lost, not only
much of their religious feeling, but also mucii of their faith; from
whom their families have derived, perhaps, tlie first impidse in that
direction, which so many have taken, of alienation from the Church,
and attachmentto some of the sectarian doctrines by which they were
surrounded.

" How awfully low is the cliarattc^r oT religion reduced in the very
necessity which obliges, as is supposed, trustees to deliberate on the
best means to draw large congregations; and this, be it understood, not
for the salvation of tire souls of the people, so nuudi as for the revenue !
PIence,in tlie appointment of clergymen as pastors, it has oftentimes
happened that the only merit which was valued by these men, was that
of eloquence. Piety, learning, zeal, a laborious industry in adminis-
tering the sacraments, were all good — ^but, in connection with the
necessities of revenue, were deemed of comparatively little importance,

THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 93

if the clergyman was not, at the same time, what was called a g^od
preacher — who would cause the pews to be rented and the ailes to be
filled with people. We need not enlarge on the injmies to the true
spirit of the priesthood, and to the religious feelings of the faithful,,
which must e\"er result from association with such councils and such
practices. Neither was this all. We have had the influence of music
in the choirs, and that even by persons whose presence in the church at
all could afford no edification, calculated upon with almost c^ual empha-
sis as the talents of the pastor.

" The peculiar circumstances under which the congregations have
been formed, were such as rendered it apparently expedient to leave
these matters generally to the discretion of the congregations themselves. .
The time, however, has arrived, when modifications are required, not
only for the order and decorum of ecclesiastical relations, but also by the
general demand of the people themselves. We have, therefore, directed
and ordained, by the statutes of the diocese, that henceforward, nobody
of lay trustees, or lay persons, by whatever name called, shall be .per-
mitted to oppoint, retain or dismiss any person connected with the
Church — such as sexton, organist, singers, teachers, or other persons-
employed in connection with religion or public worship, against the will
of the pastor, subject to the ultimate decision of the ordinar3^

" We have ordained, likewise, that the expenses necessary for the
maintenance of the pastors, and the support of religion, shall, in no case
be withheld or denied, if th3 congregation are able to alfcrd them. It
shall not be lawful for any board of trustees, or other lay persons, to
make use of the church, chapel, basement, of other portions of ground,
or edifices consecrated to religion, for any meeting, having a secular,
or even an ecclesiastical object, without the approval, previously had, of
the pastor, who shall be accountable to the Bishop for his decision. —
And, with a view to arrest the evil of the trustee system in expending
inconsiderately, or odierwise, the property of the faithful, it has been
ordained as a statute of the diocese, that no board of trustees shall be at
liberty to vote, expend or appropriate for contracts, or under any pretext,
any portion of the property which they are appointed to administer,
(except the current expenses above alluded to,) without the express
approval and approbation of the pastor, in every case. And it is far-
ther ordained, that even thus, the trustees of the churches, with the
approbation of the pastor, shall not be at liberty to expend an amount
larger than the sum of one hundred dollars in any one year, without
the consent of the Bishop approving or permitting such expenditure.

" Oni". of the most explicit decrees of the Provincial Council in Balti-
timore directed and enjoined on the Bishops of this province, that they
should not, thenceforward, consecrate any church therein, unless the
deed had been previously made, in trust, to the Bishop thereof. This
rule has hitherto been followed, the faithful arc exempt from many of
the evils to which Ave have already referred. ' Religion progresses'—
the clergy are freed from annoyances — their ministiy is respected — their
influence with the people obtains large and numerous contributions, for
the erection or improvement of churches, and the danger of seeing those

94 THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS.

sold for debt and given over to profi nation, isalike removed from the
apprehensions of pastor and people.

" We may be assured, that if we woidd have the Chinch of God to
spread among ns — if we would have our venerated clergy enshrined hi
the holiness of their oflice, and in the affection of their flocks— if we
would have piety and charity and peace to flourish among us ; it is not
by imitating the loftiest efforts of human wisdom displayed in the eccle-
siastical pohcy of modern sects, but by endeavoring to tread as nearly as
possible in the paths trodden by our ancestors in faith, according to the
prescriptions of that Cliuvch to which the Holy Spirit was promised for
guidance, and fiora which the veracity of that promise is a pledge that
will never depart."

[From the Western Christian Advocate.]

" New Yoric and the Roman Catholics. — Our readers are aware,
that the school question in New York has already created considerable
excitement. The Roman Catholics contend that they ought to have
a portion of the School Funds to apply to their own sectarian schools.
Alaro-e body of citizen's contend that the schools are common to all, and
that all shall have equal rights to their immunities, and that they shall
never be the means of promoting sectarian views. — The question became
so seiious, that Bishop Hughes applied io the Pope, as we have been
mforraed, in order to have a decision : ori Rome on this topic. The
answer received was, the Roman Catliolics ought to maintain their
peculiar views, and contend for the sectarian character of their schools,
and that it would be dangerous to send Roman children to schools,
under Protestant patronage, or state schools, not under the special care
of the popish clergy. In pursuance of this decision from Rome, the
Romanists of New York have made the matter a political question, and
Bishop Hughes has become a political agitator in this business, and has
enlisted the members of his Churhc"in the conflict. It is well known,
that the Romanists, as a body, with few exceptions, take one side in
politics ; and there is little doubt but their political preference is decided
at Rome, and comes from the eternal city through the bishops, priests,
and other officers of the papal See, to the meml)ers of their Church in
this country. During the last twelve or fourteen years, as a body, ♦he
Romanistshave gone to the side of the D, ..rocrats, as they are called.
Still the Whigs have courted their votes most effectually all the while,
in their public prints and otherwise. The Romans, however, will
always go with that side which, in their estimation, will best answer
their own purposes, whether Whig or Democrat, it matters not with
them. Indeed, as Roman Catholics^ they are a political body whicli
is always bound to be on the side of the advancement of their Cburch,
though at the expense of others. The P;ule^(unl p;;i!ciple is to support
the poiipcrs that 6e, whether Protestant, Roman, or any thing else. — But
the Roman standard is the support of the Church of Rome in its
privileges at the expense and risk of every thing beside.

We quote below a long article in the New York Spectator, a Whig
paper, which gives, as near as we can discover, the true state of the

THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 95

question. The New York PoGt, a, Democratic paper, accuses Bishop
Hughes of taking part in poUtics in no very easy terms. Bishop Hughes
alfirms that he was not engaged as a pohtician at all in this business,
when, a few days after, he published a card exculpating himself. He
says that " He is neither a Whig or Locofoco, nor a politician of any
description. He does not allow either himself or any of his clergy to
meddle in the business of politics." Thus, Bishop Hughes undertakes
to plead for the selection of candidates for the Legislature, in a public
meeting of the citizens ; and yet he denies that this is meddling in
pohtics. By such means as these the public is frequenily deceived. —
But the recent developments of the true political character of Romanism
will do something to show the public, that, unhappily there exists in
their midst a government within a goverment, (imperium in
im>pe7'io,) under foreign ecclesiastical and political control.

It is a great cause of regret indeed, that Romanists -would not be
content to enjoy in this country equal rights without attempting,
peculiar exclusive honors. It is no wonder that Native American
Associations should be formed, in order to check \h:i^ foreign interfer-
ence^ or the unjust interference of foreign emigrants, to pervert the
institutions of this happy Republic. Alas ! that the bitter sectarian
broils of Europe should be now introduced into this country to disturb
its peace, and interpose v/ith its prosperity ! Who can wonder that
there would be now an attempt to prevent the naturalization of foreigners
by changing the laws on that subject, when we see these anti American
associations formed in every pi ace 'in the land, for Irish repeal laws^
and the like ? Is it marvelous that this Protestant land would feel
jealous of her privileges, her laws her constitutions, when plans are
obviously laid which tend towards their supervision V*

[From the New York Spectator.]

Church and State. — The first formal and decided movement
towards a union of Church and State, connected with our election in
the State of New York, was made last evening by our Roman Catholic
fellow citizens, led on by their bishop and clergy in their proper persons.
The meeting was held in Carroll Hall, and was attended by an immense
concourse of our adopted citizens, owing their allegiance to the holy
See. Mr. Gregory Dillion, was called to the chair by acclamation, and
Mr. C. O'Connor appointc 1 secreteary. The object of the meeting
was to make such changes in the nominations for the Senate and
Assembly, made at Tammany Hall, as will insure an united represen-
tation in both branches of the Legislature from this city, in favor of

BREAKING DOWN OUR PRESENT SCHOOL SYSTEM, and COMPELLING

the Protestants to support a number of Roman Catholic semi-
naries in the place of at least some of them^

Shortly after the meeting was organized, to quote the Iangua:ge of a
morning paper, the editor of which is a Roman Catholic, " Bishop
Hughes and several of the Catholic priesthood mounted the platform^
and were received with great applause.'''' The right reverend gentle-
man arose to address the meeting, and liaving stated the object of its

96 THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS.

convocation, he proceeded to canvass the ticket which would be presen-
ted to the meeting. Having discharged this part of the duty lie had
assumed, the righi reverend gentleman, according to the report of the
paper already refered to, (the Herald,) proceeded in the following
strain :

" It is impossible for me to say any thing personally of those whose
names have been recommended to be placed on the list of candidates,
and I would not for one moment xmry. that they should be placed
there, had I not been assured, on the m^.<r positive evidence, and which I
could not doubt, that they are friendly to an alteration in the present
system of public education. I know that some of them, it is said, are
opposed to us. But again, on the other hand, I have been assured by
gentlemen who spoke from their own personal knowledge, some speak-
ing for one candidate and some for another — that l)y public and recor-
ded acts or authorised declarations, all of them, ay^\ all of them, can
be depended on as determined, Jiould they by your votes be elected
to the position in which they cau decide on this question, to support
the justice of our claims. (Tremendous applause.) If, however, it
should happen that any discover tliat we are mistaken in them, and if,
after taking him for a friiend, according to all assurances we have to
the contiary received, we find him an opponent of oiu- measures, then
he has the easy remedy — he can write to the papers, and say, we used
his name without authority. (Cheers.)

If any of the gendemen named take this course, v/e can supply
his place. And I conceive that we shall be bound in honor to do so ;
if we have been mistaken in him he is bound to declare it, and not
perpetuate tli deception. (Cheers.) Before I call upon the secretary
to read the ticket, I Vvill simply say, gentlemen, that the decision of
this night on it is to be final, and without any expression of individual
opinion as to the merits or demerits of those names will be read. As I
have already remarked, I am not acquainted with any of these gentle-
men ; but they have been selected by gentlemen as much interested in
this question as I am; and now gentlemen, if you are unanimously
determined to convince the community that you are sincere, and really
in earnest — that you sincerely feel that there is a bona fide grievance
of which you complain, and wish redress, you will support the candid-
ates thus offered for your choice, because if you do not, you have no
alternative left but that of voting for the declared enemies of your
rights. 1 will now request the secretary to read the names placed on
the ticket ; of that ticket I iiave approved. It presents the names of
the only friends they could find already before the public, and whom,
not being so pcrmancyrtly before the public, we have found for ourselves.

The secretary then read the following :

FOR SENATORS,

Thomas O'Conner, ' J. G Gotzberger.

FOR MEMBERS OF ASSEMBLY,

Tighe Davy, Sol. Townse^id, Jolm L. O'Sullivan, Mkhaol Walsh,
Timothy Daly, Paul Grout, David R. Floyd Jones, William M'MiuTay,
AugusteDavezac, Conrad Swackhamer, William B. M'Clay, Daniel '
C. Pentz, George G. Glazier, George Weir "

THE CATHOLICS AND LOCl ^OCOS. 97

"The senatorial nomination, it will be seen, is entirely different
from that presented from Tammany Hall. On the asembly ticket only
three new names were presented — those three which we have designated
by italicts. All the other candidates npon that ticket, it will be seen,
are considered by the representatives -.i his holiness, the Pope, as per-
fectly ORTHODOX, according to the views entertained at Rome, on
the school question. Having thna presented the nominations,^ — " every
name of which," as we are informed by infallible authority, " was
received with tlie most uproarous applause, and three terrific cheers
given at the close," the bishop proceeded to

" Beat the drum ecclesiastic "
in the following strain,and we beg of every Protestant to read the report
with attention :

" You have now, gentlemen, heard the names of men who are
willing to risk themselves in support of your cause. Put these names
out of view, and you cannot, in the records of our political controver-
sies, find that of one solitary public man who is not understood to be
pledged against us. WI;;.t then is your course ? You now, for the
first time, find yourselves, in tlie position to vote at least for yoi.rselves.
You have often voted for others, and they did not vote for you, but
now you are determined to uphold with your own rights. (Thunders
of applause, which lasted several minutes.) Will you tJhen stand by
the rights of your offsprings, who have so long a period, and from
generation to generation, suffered under the operation of this injurious
system? (Renewed cheering.) Will you adhere to the nomination
made ? (Tremendous cheering — the whole immense assembly rising
en masse, waving of hats, handkerchiefs, and every possible demon-
stration of applause.)

" Will you let all men see that you are worthy sons of the nation (o
which you belong? (Cries of 'never fear — will!' 'We will till
death!' and terrific cheering.) Will you prove yourselves worthv cf
friends ? (Tremendous cheering.) Will none of you flinch? (The
scene that followed this emphatic queiy is indiscribable andovitheroded
all the enthusiastic and absolutely frenzied displays of passionate feeling
we have ever witnessed at Irish meetings. The cheering — the shouting
— the stamping of feet; waving of hats, handkerchiefs, shillelahss
beggared all description.) Very well, then the ticket will be prepared
and distributed amongst you, and on the day of election go like freemen
with dignity and cahnness, entertaining due respect for your fellow
citizens and their opinions, and deposite your votes. And if you do
not elect any of our friends, you will at least record your votes in favor
of justice, and in favor of your principles, which must not be abandoned
and you will be guiltless of sin, and shame, and degradation of electing
men who are pledged to trample on you if they can! (Great
cheering.)

" I care not for party men — their professions — their cliques — and all
that. Bring them to the test, and you find great promise — lean
perfonnances. It is time that you should convince them, that you, ihe
interested parties in this great question — you the denizens of a nation

98 TIIK CATHOLICS A.ND LOCOFO^. v..-.

proverbially faithful to every engagement — you will convince them at
least peihaps for the first time, that you are not the pliant tools they
ni'siake you to be ! (Loud clieering.) You will have nothing to do
wi h the men w!io go to the Senate ond assembly, pledged to act
aga'nstyou? (Loud cries of 'no, no, no; that we won't!' and great
che -ring.) They may tind votes enough to send them — (A voice 'no
they sh;urt !') — let them go ! But they will in that case, be obliged to
confess that they were sent by your enemies — let them do the work
of their masters ! (Laughter and cheers.)

" T ask then, once for all — and with the answer let the meeting close —
will this meeting pledge its honor, as the representation of that oppres
sed portion of our community, for whom I have so often pleaded, here
as well as elsewhere— Will it pledge its honor that it will standby these
ca ididates whose names have been read, and that no man composing
this vast audience will ever vote for any one pledged to oppose our just
claims and incontrovertible rights? (Terrible cheering, and thunders
of ppplause,v.-]iich continued for several minutes, amid which Bishop
Hughes resumed his scat.)"

Now, then, we call upon every^ Protestant of this country, to whatever
sect or parly he may belong, to prnder these proceedings. Especially
do we call upon them to peruse and re-peruse the passage which we
have marked in italic letters : " / will simply say that tJie decision
of this night is to be final!" Mark that! True to its arrogant
pretensions in the days of Hildebrnnd and Ignatus Loyola, when the
Roman Chvach speaks there can be no appeal— " THE DECISION
IS FINAL!" — and mark! it is added, ^^ unthoitt amy expression
of individual opinion of the merits or demerits of the mviries that iinll
be read !^'' Here, fellow citizens you have the decree. There is to be
no " INDIVIDUAL OPINION." The Church has spoken, and let its
votaries tremrle and obey! Will the people of this Protestant
country stand this ? Will not every denomination opposed to " mystery
— bahylon^'^ arouse themselves to action on this occasion 7 We shall see."'

[From the Western CInistian Advocate.]

CHURCH AND STATE— COxMMON SCHOOLS.— In the State?
of New York, the Romanists by employing the balance of pow^ei,
have procured the passage of a law which will shortly destroy the
e.s:cellent school system of the state, especially the schools in New
York City. The Roman Catholics know very well that the general
instruction of all the people, particularly if the Bible be introduced,
will prove ultimately injurious to their (Jhurch. At present they can-
not destroy the common schools; but their attempts are directed towards
crippling their operations, so as linally to render them useless. In this
antl other inatters, they have united with the Democratic party, as best
suited to answer their purposes, and they have generally succeeded.
The Whig party and press however have, for the most part, most
wooingly solicited their aid, though heretofore with little success. But
the Jesuit.s, whose policy now govern the Roman Church, will be ready
to change from side to side, as often, and as soon as necessary. Still,

THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS

from present appearances, thev are likely to clinsf for many years to
the side of the Democrats, and cajole the Whigs with promises, and
occasional votes, to save appearances, in order to induce them to remain
silent, as it regards bringing formally by name the members of the
Church of Rome into the contest.

The New Nork Spectator, however, that a few years since took no
doubtful part in favor of Romanists, in regard to nuns and nunneries,
speaks out very plainly concerning his Roman neighbors. The school
question is now a political one in the city of New York, with the Ro-
manists claiming tlie aid of die Democrats, and the Whigs asking the
help of Protectants. The Romanists have ccjmmenced this sectarian
course; and the time is not likely far distant when the political parties
will be, not Democratic and Whig, but Popish and Protestant. The
Protestants have not done this ; but the Romanists are the aggressors. —
These latter will also continue to do so until they are compictely foiled
by Protestant votes. We deplore these sectarian politics. As a speci-
men we give the following extract from the New York Spectator, v.liich
Willi serve as a sample of the unpleasant and aayrchial .state of things
mto which we are about to enter. The different Protestant Churched
have lived, and we beheve, would live harmoniously together, as fellow -
citizens and fellow Christians ; audit is dislressing that the peace of
this great Protestant country — made what it is by unaided Protestantism
— should be thrown into anarchy l^y the congregation in this country of
the low Irish and German Romanists, who are completely mider tlie
contrrl of their priests. The priests are controlled Ijy the bishops, and
these ;}y liie popes ; so that what is decided on at Rome is carried out
into effect, through the confessional, among all the Romanists of the
United States. But to the extract : —

John H. Williams. — This gentleman is nominated as (lie Wh'g
candidate for Congress in the 4th Congressional district, in opposition to
William B. Maclay, the Bishop's candidate. We say emphatically tlie
Bishop's candidate — for we assert it fearlessly — and we challenge the
friends of Mr. Maclay to contradict our assertion if they can, that he was
nominated, not because he v/as the man most approved by his party,
but because he had subserved the views of Bishop Hughes, hi his op-
position to the Public School Society. He was put in nomination by
the Roman Catholics as a reward for his services, to that body >>f Chris-
tians. William B. Maclay, the son of a Baptist miui.-!er, is to be
rewarded with a seat in the Congress of the United Spates for betraying
the Protestant cause, and the cause of common school education, and
the Roman Catholic population of his district expect that American
Protestants will assist them in bestowing that reward.

We hope they will be disappointed, and we call first upon the Bap-
tists, and there are no sound^^r Protestants, we call upon the Methodists,
whose zeal and piety are known of all men, we call upon the Presby-
terians, Dutch Reformed, and the Episcopalians, to withhold the reward ;
let not, we beseech you, the thirty pieces of silver be paid, although the
traitor may think he has earned them. Without the co-operation of
P-'Otestants, this man cannot be elected. This is no merf' narty question,

100 THE CATHOLICS AXD L0C0F0C08.

or rather it is the mingling of a new ingredient in party politics — a
political party is called upon to pay a rewmd promised by the head of a
religious denomination. Will the Democrats of the 4th district sanc-
tion this new principle ? Unused as we are to do so, we appeal to our
political opponents on this subject ; we ask them to keep asunder, in all
political movements wide as the poles. Church and State. And where,
too, are the parents who send their children to those excellent institu-
tions, the public schools, the very jewels of our city? Under the
present ] .', the passage of which was greatly aided by the exertions of
William B. Maclay, these scliools cannot exist another year. We assert
this with certain knowledge of what we say ; unless the law is

REPEALED OR AMENDED THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS CANNOT EXIST ANOTHER
YEAR,

[From the Philadelphia Christian Observer of 1843.]

ROMAN CATHOLIC INTERFERENCE WITH THE PUB-
LIC SCHOOLS OF PHILADELPHIA.— The ecclesinstics of the
church of Rome have commenced their operations to revolutionize the
public schools of our city and county. At a late meeting of the Board
of Controllers, a letter was received from a Roman Catholic priest, av ho
assuiues the title of bishop of Philadelphia^ thus extending his author-
ity over all our good citizens, in which he prefers three complaints
against the Public Schools ; 1st, that the teachers cause the Bible to be
read in the Schools ; 2d, hat a hymn is sung, or prayer made in opening
or closing the School ; 3d, that some of the books used in the schools
contain misrepresentations of the Roman Catholic tenets. The subject
of these complaints was referred to a committee, which at a meeting
held on the lOtli inst., reported the following resolutions :

Resolved^ That no children be required to attend or unite in the
reading of the Bible in the public schools, whose parents are conscien-
tiously opposed thereto.

Resolved^ That those children whose parents conscientiously prefer
and desire any particular version of the Bible, without note or comment,
be furnished witli the same.

The fitst resolution was adopted by the Board without a division.
Mr. Hollingsworth then moved that the second be indefinitely post-
poned, which Vv-as lost — and the resolution was adopted: Ayes 12 —
Nays 7.

By this vote, the majority of the Board have yielded to the dictation
of a foreign priest, the subject of a foreign despot, in the very point
where the pu])lic have a right to demand that their servants should be
firm and unyicldiug. We would deprive Roman Catholics of no right,
or privilege, secured to our citizens. If tbey have, ox profess to have any
scruples against the use of our version of the Scriptures, it is proper that
their scruples should be respected. We would not see their children
compelled to read the Bible in opposition to the will of their parents. —
But here the matter slionld stop. The Board were not authorized by
public sentiment in our city, to change or modify i\\(^plan or rules of
fJie Schools to meet the wishes of some persons who have sworn allegi^

THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 101

ance to a foreign power. On this point, a])ove all others, it became tliem
to be firm. For it is in this wo-j^ by intermeddling with our institutions
little by little, that Romanists aim to subvert them. In other countries,
they openly avow this to be their design and puipose.

Here, then, American citizens should maintain a sleepless vigilance,
and resist the first advances of foreigners to modify and change our
institutions, thus preparing the way to make them the auxiharies of the
pope. And could the great maiority of our citizens be heard on this
subject, they would, no doubt, condemn the proceeding of the majority
of the Board. They would say, give to Roman Catholics perfect lib-
erty of conscience, and all their rights as citizens, but never permit them
to intermeddle and change tlie character of our laws &nd institutions,
and thus pave the way for their overthrow.

[From the Christian Obser\^er of 1843.]
THE BURNING OF BIBLES !— Seveml weeks since we publishec^
an extract of a letter from Champlain, N. Y., (a township on the boi-
hers of Lower Canada.) giving an account of the burning of a collection
of Bibles by order of the Romish Priests. When tlie notice of this
outrage first a'^peared, it was contradicted by the Romanists. This led
to investigation. A Committee was appointed, consisting of the pastors
of the Congregational and Blethodist churches, a clergyman who has
charge of the Academy in Champlain, and the Postmaster, who have
reported the facts of the case. The Romanists, seeing that they are
convicted of the outrage, and that their denial cannot shield them from
the merited indigTiation of the public, now come foavard in the person
of Mr. Hughes, a bishop of tlie Romanists of New York, and protest
against the proceeding.

" I protest aorainst the burning of Bibles in my own name, (says Mr.
Hughes,) and in the name of the Catholic clergy, and Catholic laity of
the diocese of New York. I protest against it, in order that the parties
immediately concerned in it, shall alone be held responsible."

Is there any sincerity in this protest ? Can it be credited by those
who are acquainted with the policy of Romish Priests ? Is it not rather
a mere device to shield themselves from public odium ? We may have
occasion to notice this proceeding again.

[From the Christian Advocate of 1S41.]

ExcLusivENESs OP THE RoMANisTS. — Many Protestants have
fondly, though charitably, entertained tlie opinion, that Romanists in
this country were more liberal in tlieir opinions and feelings toward
other Christian denominations than they were wont to be in Europe.
The latitude allowed to their priesthood, and under their superinten-
dence, to the laity, to acconuiiodate themselves to the prevailing senti-
ments, tastes, and even the predjudices of the community in which
they live, provided it is done with a view to the interests of the Church,
has been used to the utmost limits among us; and thousands have been
duped by the word "charity," weich they are never weary of repeating

102 THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS.

when they are sohciting- Protestant aid, in builtling churches, and
estabhshing colleges . Yet in these churches a Protestant could not
be allowed to remain during the performance of certain superstitious
rites, without partaking in the idolatry prescribed in the service —
Romanists woidd no more peiinit a Protestant to be interred in one of
these burial places tlian a dog ; and in their colleges every thing is under
the exclusive and absolute control of some one of their monastic and
religious orders .

Perhaps there are few communities in this, or any other country,
more generally imbued Avith a reverence for religion, and for the minis-
ters of religion, than the people of Baltimore ; and accordingly the
convention of temperance delegates determined that it was a duty to
invite these ministers to invoke the blessing of Godori the enterprise in
which they were engaged .

Inconformity with this pious resolution, deputations from the con-
vention waited on the Rev. Dr. Morris, of the Lnfb.eran Church, and
the Rev. Mr. Sargeant, of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and
invited them to offer prayers, at the opening of the ceremonies . These
gentlemen readily cousented, and it was so annoiaiced in the programe .

But an orator was to be chosen .; and with a liberallity which does
the conventic«i higl;: honor, they selected him from the Romanist
communion . Ttie Catholic Temperance Society is a small body,
compared with the Protestant masses which were to compose the pro
cession, and it was genereus to accord them the honor of furnishing the
orator . The convention, therefore, tendered this high honor to Willi-
am George Reed, Escj., a bigoted Romanist, and a proselyte from
Protestantism .

Nothing could be more demonstrative of the unljonnded liberality of
the convention, than the selection of Mr. Read. He is personally
among the most unpopular men in Baltimore, and owes whatever con-
sideration he enjoys, solely to his connection with one of ^the most
respectable and worthy Protestant families in the State. It w as chiefly
to his intrigues and management that the disgraceful and disastrous pro-
ceedings of the mob of 1S34 were allowed to be consumated, and
Baltimore not only humbled and mortified in tbe sight of her sister
communities but subjected to a heavy and grievous taxation to reimburse
the sufferers. Yet, as the Romanists had no better orator to offer, the
Protestant temperance societies agreed to tender the honor to Mr. Read ;
and he accepted an offer which would have been considered a proud
distinction by the most eminent man in the city.

Four days before the one announced for the celebration, the following
letter was received from Mr. Read : —

Baltimore, March 31, 1S41.
Mr. James Dunn.

Dear Sir, — When you communicated to me, on Monday last, the
very flattering request of the committee of arrangements, for the temper-
ance celebration of the 5th of April, that I woidd officiate as the orator

THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 103

of the day, I was under the impression originally received by the
committee of the Maiyland Catholic Temperance Societ}^, that there
was to be no public religious ceremonial connected with it, and 1,
therefore, promptly expressed my gratification in accepting so distin-
guished an lionor. To prevent all misconception, however, I accompa-
nied you to the residence of the Rev. Mr. Schreibe, president of the
Md. Catholic Temp. Society, and entered fieely into an explanation
of Catholic principles (which you perfectly understood) which would
prevent our participating in any proceedings where a religious
ministry which we do not recognize was to be employed. We sepe-
rated with a distinct assurance from you that nothing would be done
requiring any conscientious sacrifice on the part of the Catholics. It
was therefore, with surprise that I read in the papers of this morning
a programe announcing prayers by two Protestant clergymen. Un-
der these circumstances I must decline the execution of a task to which
I had looked forward with pride and pleasure; and make this commu-
nication, at the earliest moment, to enable the committee to make such
arrangements as may become necessary in consequence of my resigna-
tion.

I have the honor to be with great respect, your obedient seiTant,

WILL. GEO. READ.

The Protestants of this country will now perceive pretty clearly what
they are to expect, if the Romanists should get possession of their public
schools. Our children are to be taught to look upon our most venerated
pastors, and teachers of religion, as intruders into the sacred office, and
wholly unauthorized to discharge the duties of their holy functions -
nay, that is heresy even to listen to their most fervent supplications and
prayers Protestant parents will learn by Mr. Read's letter what their
sons and daughters are taught in the colleges and schools of the Roman
ists, which they so liberally patronize. Whatever they may have
heretofore understood to be the hnport of that " charity ' which
Romanists always proclaim, when tliey seek Protestant patronage, they
will now, "v\ith the aid of Mr. Read's commentary, perceive very clearly
that it really means the most absolute and uncompromising exclusiveness.

Let it not be said that it is unfair to attribute Mr. Read's bigotr)?" to the
Romanists. Mr. Read took his measures under the direction of Arch-
bishop Eccleston himself, aided by the veiy priest who is the president
of the " Catholic " temperance society. And the society, together with
the " Catholic " temperance societies of the " District, " did not join
in the celebration.

DOCTOR BELCHER'S LETTER.— We respeoifuUy call
attention here, to the eloquent appeal for the West, from tiie pen of the
Rev. Dr. Beecher, a distinguished and aged Presbyterian Clergyman,
urging the union of the East and West, in efforts to save our country
from the prevalence of papal and other destructive eiTors. We concur
in all the apprehensions of the Doctor, in respect to the increase of
Popery — and especially do we concur in his views of the necessity and
importance of union among the different sects, in opposition to Romanism.

104 THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS.

But it is not enough to save our countiy from the dominion of Rome—
our churches should unite in putting down designing politicians, who
favor the vile schemes of papists :

[From the Philadelphia Christian Observer of 1S43.]
IMPORT INT APPEAL FOR THE WEST.— [The following
letter from the Rev. Dr. BEEcnaR to the Rev. Mr. Barnes presents
facts and considerations of great moment, which des^erve the earnest
attention of our Eastern churches. Though addressed to Mr B. the
letterwas intended for the consideration of many other friends of the
West. — Ed. Chr. Obs.]

My Dear Brother BARNES,-The time has come in which we
must unite our counsels and our forces .r the VVest or a 1 we have
done will be impotent to exert the controlling influence of Christian
scTence, cukivation, and holiness over the infinitude of ignorant depra
ved, and peiTerted mind here bm^ting forth and rolling in from ab oad
upon us ]\ke a flood. When I came here them was a deep solicitude
at^'he East for the intellectual culture and civd and religious des my of
the West. It was this feeling which aided m the endowment of Lane
Seminary, and founded several literary instituUons and sent out minis-
ter and men, and women, to sustain schools, academies, and colleges,
ch as Marie'tta, Hudson, .Tacksonville, and Crawfordsv.lle, besides a
number of noble female schools; and they have answered and are
an^verino-, more than would have been anticipated in so short a time.
Coreiteci with these efforts a powerful f ^^^^ ^^1 ^.^ -f ;trbl ^
rnmmon schools wdiich, I trust, will not cease to be felt in public
"Z'erancl^^^^^^^^ The cause of the BiWe as a class book m

common schools: has been vindicated and canted in spite of Roman
CaTlohc and infidel influences. The missionarppirit a so is awake^a^
active in all the forms of voluntary association in operation at the East
and in advance of what they were ten years h'om their origin, and until
reveres in business they were powerful, and yearly augmenting the
stream of charity.

Progress of the church-lane seminary-new evils
THREATENED.-Revivals of religion also have kept pace with these
IZsor Christian munificence. Our ministry and our churches ar-e
unted and cordial, and evangelical in counsel and doctrine and our
seminiy, more than ever before, has the confidence and patronage of
ouTShes in young, men and the ciiaritablc aid of benehcianes ; and
Z-po^^^^^^^^^^^^ Indeed,sogreatisourpiosperity

compared with the state of things when our ^^^'^'T^inZr flZtod
that one might lift up his hands and exclaim, " ^^ hat halh God
wroZht ' » The inteiTcnlion of pecuniary embariassments has so
hiiSed 'the resources of our western institutions, that without more aid
<^^?coTleges, and Lane herself, nmst be embarrassed, and some probably
nXen their necessity is every hour becoming more imperious and
unspeakably great.

But while the efforts made the last ten years for us, would have been
with our growing strength more than sufficient to meet tlie exigency, a

THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 105

flood of new evils has come upon us more alarming than those which
roused the fears and called forth the e/Torts of the Enptern churches ten
years ago — evils, which, unaided by our I ".tain our

churches camioi. avert, and wliich, luiob . . v;iy foun-

dations and prostrate civil and religious lib-.'y. I'ii'jso daiigcrs result
ill part fronr the character of our population. Sagacious, shrewd,
thinking, talking, independent, fearless, and self-confident, demanding
as sagacious, learned, and powerful a ministry as au}'- population on
the globe, and ensuring the defeat of any thing beiow mediocrity in the
ministry. Tliey result in part also from our suc;:e>- in awjilcening the
conscience and religious susceptibilities of th" coimsruiiiiy without a
sufficiency of discreet guidance. This rt^nders tlagrant infidelity unpop-
ular, and gives aflippmt Mormon, Uni versalist, Campbellite, and Roman
Catholic deceivers an easy ascendancy over nnindoctrinated and unsta-
ble minds. It desires only to be quieted under some form of nominal
Christianity which least demands spirituali*}', eelf-denial, and good
works.

The scheime and zeal of romanists. — But the Romati Catholic
religion is assuming just now a more formidable aspect than all other
causes. There can be no doubt of a settled conspiracy of the civil and
ecclesiastical Roman CatJiolic despotisms of Europe to destroy our
republican institutions, and tuiM.-ct i^^- nliimately to Romish domination.
The declaration of the Duke of Ili/'iiiiond, in the presence of Mr. H.
G. Gates, at a dinner party in ?,Ionireal, " that our government is weak,
inconsistent, and bad " — '' will be destroyed " — " ought not and will not
be permitted to exist ''— lliat the curse of the French Revolution and
the subsequent vans a;>,d commotions of Europe, are to be attributed to
its example " — " thai so long as it exists no prince will be safe on his
throne" — " that the sovereigns »f Europe, av/arc of i(, lunr dplermined
upon its destruction '' — " have conic to an raidersiandingon lJ;e subject,
and have decided on the means to accomplish it, and that they will
succeed by subveision rather than by conquest " — " that for this purpose
all the low and suiplns population of Europe will be canied into our
country, to be made a receptacle of all the bad and disaffect-ed popula-
tion of Europe, (the fanaticism and filth and ofF-scouring,) that this
will create a surplus and a majority of low population, easily excited,
bringing their pruiciples with them, still adherents to their former gov-
ernments, laws, manners, customs, and religion — will become citizens,
iavested with the right of sufifragc. Then the different gi'ades of
society will be created by the elevation of a few and the degredation of
the many, and hence envy among a heterogeneous population of
different languages, religion, and public sentiments — hence discord,
dissension, anarchy, and civil war will ensue, and some popular
individual will assume the government, and the sovereigns of Euiope,
and the emigrants, and many of the natives, will sustain him " — " that
the Church of Rome has a design upon that country, and will in time
be the established religion, and will aid in the destruction of the republic."

These declarations, made ten or twelve years ago, contain a chart,
which, every year since, has been filling up with a notoriety and accu-

\0 T.OCOFOCOS,

racy a? i^rt^u as u m -y iuui lici'i

luuuilioiis, ami l.)iiildiii;j- f'i'n ;, :;:

subjiiiratioii by foics'.

Roniou Uailiolic, coiiUi!;.,

subversion of our liberty, is a in,

Their plan is by richly ciulowc^

and music, to provid;' the ;i|)-i;

imagination, ivnd taste. Iw i;i

governineiit, and a thorou'.';h clIi

and taxation, and tlieir own people, day-laI)orers,ai

they connnainl a revenue vvliicli places Vvilliin th

over soldiers, and olncers, ravd
yau'j: and driiiing armies for our
i' !!;■■ army among us under

!iO\v or2,-anizing for the

er of fact, if it iiad no!
vnd splendid chun brs
kim i'or persons w\ilu
sciKiols, to surpass i
Ailon, and isy resourr; -•

ambition n)ay desire. By ti
of property around them, ih'
far and wide, pvofitable in\ cs
cathedrals, and collep'es, ;>,,!;
present population, but prepi
times, the destined eniigraut
— to stand, as (hey say,wh(-]
houses are '• rotten dovrn.'"
positions, and iVn" ■';-'■ '''■ '
to the battle y:hh h
influence shall or, :;

n predicted.

A paintings,
rc!j;^ion, of

.. , w.aldK
ji Vvliatever
pie resources, proiiting by the v:reck
y arc ;ji."kini:f in our cities and coimtry,
: Ml. is in land, and building and rearing
ciu.r'-hes, and scliools, demanded by no
red, no doubt, to receive, in the fulness of
uuilutude. They build also for duration
I Protestant wooden churches and school
Thus they are seizing the romraanding'
posts throughout this valley wiili reference
: ■!: v.'jictiier U.onian Calhoiic or Protestant

Ro:\iAxis'rs in cincixx \ti. — L>
have juore than doididc' • ' • ■'' ' '■
churches, and lauds, s ■
all the Protesttint denoii'
efforts to preixidice their peoph^ agai
the power of caste, the access of ev
little conception of the h'
Catholics have swariDCi
mechanics, and diiv iciii
poor negroes, as sdinr s
At the same time, tl;;}-
able, in times of inmn;
the liigher powers v.iil
elfecf, bvit witliout dec!;
the West are not rouse

riiicinnati, the Ron:ian Catliolic&-

;■, ^;^- vf.^)'< no'i djf'ir schools, and

iivcsdrients of

liike assiduous

St tii" ri-.;!i'S!;uiis-,to shut out, by

iifvcnic;.! iiduieiice. You can have

lent manner in wiiick iris!) . nd (>ennan Roman

in among iss the last few y;'ars, as merchantSy

irrrs, underselling Americans, and robbing the

j>pi)se ; to dr!v<> them out and lake iheir places.

i!(' ciirollcd and cfjuippcd in military companies,

;i:;d \io!ence. lo eXi":! iheir power as policy and

siui'' ir i ■.::- i;;)l these Jhings thetoricall}r,for

m;i!;" ; sadness. 1 say if the East and

lui united action, thcie is no

to IS s

visible power to prevent, at no distant day, the predontinance of a
Roman Catholic influence at the West, which shall controll the desti-
nies of om- country. Tliis Roman Catliolic influence, direct and alone,
might suflice to induce us to gird up our loins — to prepare for the con-
flict. But they rest tlieir hopes as much on dividing us, as they do on
the force of the concentrated energies of their own assault. Their plan
is, as dev(,4opcd in Nevr York, and justifled here, to make tliemselves
the political balance power at the polls, and by giving their votes to
those wdio will favor their demands, to unsettle and destroy the common
schools and literary institutions of the nation connected with legislation,
and build up their own aVnid their niins.

And when I consider (ho recklessness of party spirit, the madness of
ambition, and (hf- <lesperation of unprincipled men, without patriotism,

THE CATHOLICS AMt LOCoFOCOS lU7

honor, honesty, or yliame, 1 see i>o{, wu}' {he Ron inn ('afholic?, as a
balance power, may not corrupt, divide, and destroy us. But, in addi-
tion to political auxiliaries, we nuistaniicipate that on their side will be
enlisted' (he hilidelity, irrelii^ion, sr;norancr-, juk! prnMio;acy of the land.
And wlien the wrath of party spirit, ami uf \u:u\ .-innhition, and of
reckless vice, and envious i^j-aoraLice, dvAl !;;■ iiiiii<-d ;uk1 wielded by
Roman Gatliolic hatred to destroy (he Proii-^Miit rili iion, and republican
institutions, wiiicli are its offspring-, duMi li-'P.- wiii be persecution and
blood. And when I perceive the cou'.siwiyi of eojistitution and laws in
high places, and llie violence of pi'.rty spirii, and the envy of the poor
towards the rich, inflamed In <\'-<u:vxo-x\\v:<, i:uA witness the frequent
resorts to physical power, instcjij of hiv/, amliiii^ (h-i'ls. and assassina-
tions, and rohberi^'s wliicii load .^vcry pi.ov of our periodirals, I cannot
but appreheiid, if nothing !)e done to overt our do(,::s, liiat the day of
our destiny nray be liear, even at ihi^drx r.

The co-oPEiiATiON of the Ea,-t i.viii-PENsnH.E. — Before God,
my brother, there is, in my judgment, Im! euc tlsingthat can save us,
and that is the renewed and augmented eo-opeva! ion of the East Avith
the West. Oar clnirehes, young and smaii, end many of them enfee-
bled by divisi-)!!, cannot provide the unniiiieiis fui iiggressive and
defensive movement There must !)e a .Mleiit, hiU universal and
determined concert of ad ion. You will ncit fail (o observe with joy,
tho.t, though d-ivided, we remain, from (he litalscn oisward to the last
verge of civilization, the great body of h riiifiui!.' S:!xo-Pnritane migra-
tions with tlieir descendants, ^/hom God h:,s r: '. d ennnently to the
fomidingof republican and lileniry in-^iiiiitions, of evangelical churches
with the doctrines and dis.ipiinr aud [)rrac!nng, associated with the
revivals and missions, o^i lire fucit line of tlie aggressive movements for
the conversion of the world — how, if these two hands. Eastern and
Western, are intehigently united in the fail view of danger to meet the
exigency — all is certain to go gloricusI_v w '!. a- [. is to go disastrously
evil, if we do not unite. What, then,d> vce v.\u!t ? We want men —
2/ouno- men — all that can possibly be raised at the W^est and enlisted at
the East, and educated for the ministry— spending some portion of their
time, if possible, wi;h ns, to secure, by the union of faith and sight, their
zeal , and courage, and adaptation to the work. Our churches are coining
up to this work nobly ; but they cannot^ cannot do it alone.

The Roman Catholics have laid plans prospective for centuries, to
be steadily tilled up by European population and funds; while all our
plans are uicomplete, and, for the most part, ephemeral. Nothing but
regeneration can save the West, and that oidy by the preaching of the
gospel by inen of cultured mind and holy heart, and the Holy Ghost
sent down from on high. And with such nteans, there is not another
field on earth so vast as the West, and ss favorable for the planting of
churches, and the establishment of Christian civilization. We have not
to learn new languages, or to.concihate the confidence of strangers. Of
our own blood and religion, exlT^asively are the millions needing and
willing to receive our aid — and the results of our endeavors may be a
mighty nation of vigorous evangelical churclw^-s. No human means can
so certainly meet and repel this invasion of Roman Catholic Eiu'ope, as

108

THK CA'IHOLICS AXD LOCOKOCOS

a compefenf, <
speediiv \\u! i^:
salvation ia,^- ;.

ra(!gel:cal iTiiniytry and revival? cf religion. These

jw ail r!\-a!:-ii'n <:>' <■^ H inis. iiif (ii^uutce, anr! render our
■ \\a\e>oi' [lu- .y-\K ;.:;;! vur nUnV like tlic iinsettiair sun.

De?.iand for ^
churches of ihf I'
as I see and :'
men for tin? S:..
theni ; Vi'liateve). Ju , ;
fulfilled itsde^;iny ;■!!':
for its aid for tli*^ r.
consequences of ;:
streams of urr\ "
prayers of < ':.
hand of b.-;:
confines of i! :
glowed in it v '

wliat our Sc!;a(:;i-
munificence io liii ,
gion, and milU';;niai i!';
the coniiicts ansi ^inj'-ii:;
providence M' CukI .' '
Cometh in like a I'-. :.

May God. i '
to actimmetii:
trumpet arouK;l\;:;. .:..
coming on here. f'oi. h
shall we lead in the agu
world ? I am oi:i the fi-
no!h(
eln.

klse
iu!

nch w
ith w!

iucaii'
til at /

H:-rious

readlu!

d t!ie ministers and
iiand for ministers
e could fit young

lirh we could settle
m Society having
ncrcrwas tlw call
IS j/oic, and tlie
TJ] ere fore, the
f'ow again — the
l; night — and (he
iipproarhing the
wiih ih'' fire that
hen I see
Western
s of reli-
lade, <and
n the far-reaching
w!;ere the enemy

d V

1 reviv
have

to our fathers and

ling, and fire your heart

.;f the West, to blow the

': ! host for the onset that is

-;t own in our own land, how

, .liiems lor the conversion of the

!e is begun. We give notice of it

'iers and si-fers. and children at the

the Lord^s side? AVho ?

vou. this long letter for your

: i!sorbing influence of interests

I oi' sight are, in tlie bustle of our

save just written to give these

My dear brother, 1 ha >
intellectual edificahon ; I
which are near, and ho^^' aps oijiecis cii
daily cares, to fall out of mind, I 1
great interests of the W^cst and the world their propoitionate estimate,
their vivid presence, and practical influ.ence. I conversed with Brother
Brainerd, (a few months since.) about concentrating your Education
patronage on lis, of which he thought favorably, and (in a recent letter)
he informs me that you and the other brethren are disposed to do so. —
The statistics of our condition, and the importance of our acting in close
concert for the West, will be submitted to yom- consideration in a letter
from Prof Alh^n. We can increase the number of our students and
clnirches indefinitely with our means. W\^ can even swell the classes
of your new college with Western benificaries; if your churches will
take care of (hem, to fill up with (hem oni- Soninary and the West,
and by our union and strength break down the Alleghanies and make
them a plain. Give my most ardent love to all (he brethren, and say to
them that we have stood upon the defensive long enough ;, it is time to
charge here in the West, which, if they will help us to do, God also

THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 109

will help us, and make it a Waterloo defeat to his enemies, and a
Waterloo victory to his saints.

I an}, aliectionatel3^ your brother,

LYMAN UEECHER.

MR. VAN BUREN'S LETTER TO THE POPE.— We embrace
this opportunity of laying before our numerous readers, the letter of
Martin V'anBuren to one of the subordinates of Rome, hit ended expressly
for the eye of his holiness. This extraordinary letter refers to others —
io a private correspondence, which had been carried on between the
Pope and Mr Van Buren, and which to this day, has never been pub-
lished, for reasons obvious to every reflecting mind, and no doubt
satisfactory to the parties.

For the first time in the history of this government, we see a man
seeking the highest office in the country, carrying his electioneering'
■^ntrigues before the Pope of Rome, and writing him a most fulsome
letter — calls him 'Hob/ /^a^/^er,' congratulates him on his accession to
the "Tiara — gives him to understand that lie is his devoted friend — that
liis -church finds favor in these United States — and that the dogmas of
his church will lie tolerated to the fullest extent in this country ! Oh !
niycotmtry, art thou fallen so low, and art thou so debased, that thy
Chief Magistrate, will supplicate a foreign tyrant, for the sole pmpose
of obtaining the votes of his minions within thy borders? And will
©irr people any longer support this cringing sycophant? Do they not see
tlie object of his servile devotion to a cormpt despot?

Washington, July 20, 1830.
Your letters of the 11th of April, and 5th of May, the first anticipa-
tiiig the favorable sentiments of his Holiness the Pope, towards the
^lovernment and the people of the United States, and the last confirming
your anticipations, have been received at this department, and submitted
to the President, by whom I am directed to tender his Holiness through
die same channel, an assurance of the satisfaction, wliich he derives
from his communication of the FRANK AND LIBERAL OPINION
ENTERTAINED BY THE APOSTOLIC SEE towards the Gov-
ernment and the people, and of the policy wiiicli you likewise state his
Holiness has adopted ; and which is SO WORTHY THE HEAD OF
A GREAT CHRISTIAN CHURCH— assiduous to cultivate in his
intercourse with foreign nations, the relations of unity and good will, and
sedulously to abstain from all interference in their occasional difficulties
with each other, except with that benignant view of ellecting reconcili-
ation between them.

You will accordingly seek an early opportunity to make known to
the Pope in terms and manner best sitited to the occasion, the light in
which the President views the communication referred to, and likeAvise
you will assure him that the President reciprocates in their full extent
and spirit tiie friendly and liberal sentiments entertained by his HolinesSj

110 THE C.VrHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS.

towards the i?"o\-?rn!iient of the Apostolic See, and it is the President's
wish tha! -o;; -'i :l ],upon the same occasion offer his congratulations
to the HdI:; F'l'.ln r upon his recent succession to the Tiara^ not from a
preponderating influence wiiich a just estimation of his talents and
private virtues naturally had upon the enlightened councils by which
that high distinct ioa was conferred; and which affords the pledge that
his pontilicafe will he a ^afe and a benificent one.

You will fake care likev. i^c, lo a;:>ure his Holiness, in reference to the
paterudl solicitude which is rrprcsscd in behalf of ihe Romnu Catholics
of the United States, that all uur citizens professing that religion stand
iTpon the elevated ground wliich citizens of other religious denomina-
tions occupy, in regard to the rights of conscience — that of perfect
liberty contradistinguished from toleration ; that they enjoy an entire
exception from coercion in every possible shape upon the score of
religious faiih,and that they are free, in common with their fellow citizens
of all Other sects, to adhere to or adopt the creeds, and practice the wor-
ship best adapted to their reason and prejudices, and that there exists a
perfect unity of faith in the United States among religionists of all
professions, as to the wisdom and policy of that cardinal feature of all
our constitutions and forms of government, those of the United States
and the seperate States of the Union, by which this inestimable right is
recognized, and the enjoyment of it inviolaliiy secured.

MARTIN VAN BUREN.

This letter of Mr. Van Buren's needs no connnent, further than for it to
be said, that it at once accounts for all the Roman Catholics voting with
the Locofoco party, in all their elections. Did any man ever hear of a
Romanists who Avas not a modern Democrat? We have yet the first to
see or converse with. Did ever any one see an article in a Locofoco
newspaper, against tiie Catholics? We never did, and we have exam-
ined closely for ten years. While many of the Locofoco journals of the
country have not gone into a defence of the Catholic religion, as we
allow ; yet, we have observed, in some portentous instances, with what
unembarrassed freedom, many of the influential politicians of the same
school, l:a\^' expatiated on the splendors of the Catholic consecrations; —
the divine charity of Catholic orphan asylinnns; — the forbearance of
the oppressed Catholics ; — the imposing ceremonies of their worship ; —
the god-like deeds of their sisters of charity — and the superior excellency
of their schools !

Now, in view of every Catholic on the continent being a modern
Democrat, and of no one Democratic paper saying one word agamst
them, on the one hand, and this complacency of Locofoco papers and
politicians towards a corrupt Christianity on the other, we ask you
reader, we ask you fellow country in en of the Protestant faith ! ought we
not to arouse from our slumbers, and go foilh to the ' help of the liOrd — the
help of the Lord against the mighty ? " If the friends of a Repubhcan

THE CATHOLICS AA'D LOCOFOCOS. Ill

form of Government, and of Reiioiousfree(Iom,remainsilent, while the
designing Catholics, aided by man}' of our leading politicians, with Ex-
President Van Biiren at their head, are corroding, the very vitals of the
Christian community on the one Iiand, and our beloved country is
becoming the seat of Papal thraldom on the other, we shall all be con-
victed both Whigs ;md Democrats, in Heaven's High Court of Cliancery,
of treason to the interests of true religion. And in the end, HELL will
requite us, for oiu- soulless-apathy, and false P-mociary, out of its
infinite and most liberal tortures !

But there is one other importaat fact which vre cannot omit setting forth
here. This letter was written while Mr. Tan Buren was Gen. Jackson's
Secretary of State. Aboutthat time, too, Roger B. TA]VEY,one of the
most bigoted and uncompromising Romanists in the United States, was
taken into the Cabinet at Washington, and made the dirty instumentto
remove the Deposits from the Bank of the United States, for which, in
part, he was afterAvaixls made Chief Justice of the United States, an
office he still holds, to the disgrace of Protestant America. Not only so,
but shortly after this degrading letter avos written to the Pope, and this tool
of a foreign tyrant, Mr. Taney, was taken into the Cabinet, a Roman
Catholic Priest was elected Chaplain to Congress, by the Jackson Van
Buren Democrats, when there were Presbyterian, Methodist and Baptist
Clergymen at the very door of the Capital of the first talents, ready to
sei-ve if called upon ! Let Protestants look at these things and wonder!

TO THE PROTESTANT CHURCHES— Most of you, are
opposed, and justly too, to the Roman Catholic Religion. You desire,
if we understand you, never to be placed within the grasp of the strong
holds of Catholic despotism. To rid themselves of the dogmas of
Rome, in part, our forofathers first left the Old World, and encountered
the horrors of the War of the Revolution in this country. And shall
we, their descendants, now aid those in getting into power, who would
sanction the introduction into our country, by Roman Priests, of feeding
us and our children, upon latin masses and ivafer gods 9

Here, then, not only the members of the various Protestant Churches,
but likewise every American should maintain a sleepless vigilance, and
resist the first advances of foreigners to modify and change our institu-
tions, thus preparing the way to make them the auxiliaries of the Pope.
And could the great majority of our citizens be heard on this subject,
they would, no doubt, condenm all who favor the designs of Romanists.
They would soy, give to Roman Catholics perfect liberty of conscience
and all their riijhtcj as citizens, but never nermi' (Jicm to intermeddle

112 THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS.

and chnn' acter of our laws and instilutioiis, and thus pave the

way for ili^i!' «,•■■ >-.,aio\v.

As an item oi news, relalive to the spread of RomaJiism in the V/est
we give the following- from the Boonsville Obser\'cr, of May 10, 1843 :

" The Roman Catholics are ]ireparing- to Iniild a very larg-e Monas-
teiy and College within two mile;^ of South Bend, Li. It is to he brick,
three stories higli, two hundred feet liy fortv, ;i;:;d "Ai'.i co^!. about
$15,000. TlieRomanCiUliohcChn;, : , ":; L:,v (|u;;atiiy of real
estate in St. Joseph County, wlticii i > inj used towards

defraying the expenses of building ili^^ i.u;;< ..lu.K.oiery. Tliere are ]7
Monks and two Priests there novv'.''

Not only in Indin^-;'^ ^"'' ■■'■" "■! ' !;"^^".ina, and even in Tennessee,
and indeed in all tho ''ates, ore the Catholics now

making inroads, andii^.civ liiciKN vw ddcnding them. VVe novv" have
before us, the " Tuscaloosa Flaci- of The Union^^'' of [''li, thf^ organ
of Locofocoism at the seat of Government in Ahibama, in wiiich " A
Catholic" occupies foiu" entire columns, in defence of the Roman
Catholic Religion — misrepreseiv: of History — and endeavors to

hold up Romanists as the frien - _ ;!i)lican Government. This

writer says that the Cathohcshave never aiiemj)ted to control odier sects,
and that " the Catholic Church has coiiiinucd lis vnchaiicfing course
for eighteen centuries !'■ Now,s:;!i: wrkrr^ iirc^ eiilier unacquainted
with Church History or diey preciKuc l;r:;;-.:iy tr;;.o)i the jgnoitTnce of the
People, when they make such declaraiions as i'iis. History teaches
us that the arrogant Church of Rome was declared to be the head of all
other Churches, and tliat Bonface HI. v'as declared Universal Bishop,
in the year 600, from which source sprang the Roman Cadiolics of the
present day.

Another serious objection to the Catholic religion is, that the Priests
are all reciuired to take an oath, to die Pope, as binding as the oath of a
Mason to his fraterniiy. These Priests too, whether in Europe or
America, or elsewhere, belong to the order of the Jesuits, and to show
that they are dangerous men iii a Repubhe, we give the foMowhig
notice of them from Goodrich's Church History, which is good author-
ity we know in the United States :

" Having formed the plan of the order of which he was ambitious
to become the founder, Loyola submitted it to the pope Paul HI. for
his sanction -, declaring it to have been revealed from heaven. Paul,
fearful of its effects, at first refused to grant it his approbation. But at
length, Loyola removed his scruples by an offer, v/hich was addicssed
to his pride and ambition. He proposed that, besides the three vov/s of
poverty, chastity, and monastic obedience, common to other orders, the
members of this should lake a fourth, viz. obedience to the pope ; bin-
ding themselves to go whidiersoeverhe shotdd command, for the service
of religion, without requiring any thing for their support.

THE CATHOLICS AND C()COI'(iC0.S. 113

Thcacquiyilioti of a body of nieji, lliu^; pccuJitirly dc\rlfd to ihc see
of Rome, and whom it miglit set in oppoyition to all ils enemies,
was ,at thi.-' timr, an object of the liioiicPt u.ociciit. The order
of Je.su it. s Wii^^, therefore, conhniieci; aud liii- u[u>:i jcnpie privi]e"-(;.i
g-ratitcd to its luciubcu^.

The beue/iria/ co/ise'/7inccs of thi-^ insiiintiois wrre ,-!)on ripnp.r<>;it.

Iti Ic-'^s than half a ceiitiiiy, the society o!)laitie(l eshiiihshinciiC-; ii! cxerv
'•-ountiy that adhered to the KoiiKin Cudiohc f'iiiirch ; i;s power and
weahh increased with even o;reat.er rapiiHty th;;;i its piitKuis hnd aniiri-
pated ; the tnimber of its nieinl>ers muhiphed to m;inv ihon^n.nds, Vv lio
were (hsting-uished for their h>arni!i!X, ciwiraclcr, v\)d fiCfoinph.^hmeni.s
and, by their art. and address, were j)o\verfui aii\il:;irii's ;:: AirwardJuothc
plans of the court, of Rome.

The government of tliis order \va- despotic. Ai;-encr;d, Ciio?ca bv
thc pope for life, possessed si iprenn; aod indeper\dej)t power; extending-
to every person and to every cp^<\ Uy his sole ciuib.ority, and at his
pleasure, ho elected officers and removed th'^m ; controlh;d the fnnda
and enacted laws. Every nicnd)er was at his dispusid, iuid siibjectto
his commands.

Thus su])seiTient to their leader, and he, tlie indei'.itiij^ib!- L-crvant of
the pope, the .Tesnits wetn forth, and soon lihcd evciy laud. (Jontr.-irv
to other orders, they sou!:»'ht nosecdusiott ; pr;iciisod no nusierities, adop-
ted no peculiar habit. On the contrary, tltey miniih-i! in ail iho active
scenes of life ; they becarne lawyers and physicians, nj;;f;;<'iiia!ici;ms,
painters and artists, that they )niii-ht find a readier access lo men, and
exert more successfully their inihu'nc-. ir) favor of the pope and his
cause.

"Before the expiration of the si>:teenth cenfury , the .Icsuits had obtaiiicd

the chief instruction of youth, in every Catholic country in Europe.

They had Itecome confessors to monarchs and nobles ; and were en-
gag;e'd in nearly every intrigue and revolution. As they wore no peculiar
habit, and observed uncommon s(ric(ness,they lived insocieiy, disr^uised
as to their real character. .Jesuits were known by Jesuils; Iml to die
eye of the world, they passed unsuspected.

Such is a brief account of on order of men, who, ai this time, enlisted
in the service of popal Rom<; ; and beino- aciuatcd b}- an incredib'e
attachment to that power, were ready to sacrifice, even life, for the
purposes of its ag-grandizcnaent. Their exertions powcrfuilv tended fo
keep alive the attachment of many others to the Roukci la,i;ii, and to
prevent so rapid an advance, as might otherwise h;ivc been, of the
Protestant cause."

[From the Jonesborough Whig, of jNoveniber ISlO.j

BISHOP ENGLAND.— The letter of Mr. Van Buren,to the Pope,
it will be recollected, was written on the 20th of July, 1830 ; and now,
in July 1840, ten years from that date, Bishop England, of Charleston,
South Carolina, the acknowledged head of the Catholic Church in the

i l-'i TfirC CATHOMf S ASH L'JCOFOCOS.

IJriiN'-:] S:rl■'^'-^ ruulrc'^^!-"! ;-: PoLiTiCAL Pn'K r..\:^.TATic)X to the znombcrf?
of hi- f '!.•,:■■';. ■; 'i' i!i!_ . Ur.u\ whirl, we ^iihjuiii !!;>> }uil(<\vin;:: extract :

vn<rc. \'\ |.. s ill (;;;|- Stnhs, ;is it had in

pruiiiiciii^- ii,:. , , ::r;(j liuii i!. lias as /if.f/c ])()\ver to

allcviaie thai ui-.;it rr^ a.- it iui.;rr*:ahiiiuuoi!al i;;:;ht to intrifV-rc with itis
causes-.

o,)iiir of ')ur :;i.. : :. :^ ex nr''s.^((] dclioei-ato opinions

wiiicly dih'T.;'! ;■ . ,\futi;i! roiic^ideration of their

roasoiiiiia;, 1' ' '.uicinto ihr;!- ('onclus!<jns.''

Thus ii w:.; , . ;:, that tlie BisJicp. arier hti.onnrr to acquit Mr.
Tan I?uiTU of the ciiarp'i^ of '■ producing i!i;> prcsriit distress in our
Stafc?;' adniitt^t-!:;; < "- :- ••■''■ r -.-■■'^ '-Un. Tlivn iu an extract from a
Cross-decorated (,; 'dressed to his joc.';-/?~rt;/ serfs,

and sr3ded a cii;ci;la!^ is/vvk:', !'<j iic.rras /or Vaa Buren in these words :

" Beh)vrd bi'cduTii. flee tldr ci)n;r:;>i!i;{tion ; keep aloof from these
crimes — reilect, ttiat voi: are : ■ not only lo society but to God,

for the lionesi, iiidependi'iit : ('xcrcise of your own franchise ;

that it is Iru^i c(;i;iid( d .--■ \: : ; . :; \ i.;!;rpri\ ate Gain but lor the puldic
good, aiuilliai yichi';:;; ;■• ;;: ■ ■'::!iu; inlluence }<ai act either throngli
iavor, atleciion or li!;- ii;ij;i\ !■■, ,,; i!i:>iionest g-ain airainst your own dehb
eratc virw of wb.at v/ill picmotc your country's good, yon iiave violated
your Irusi, and }'ou ii;v, c !i'i;;^yed ycur conscience, and you are a
ren-'gade to yor.r coiireiv."

'MjA'i'IKJLKJ MISCE; J.\:-:V/'---Th:? is the title of Bishop
laigland's org;;?], printed and publi-licd bu Ciiarloston, under his own
eye, and since the publicaition of tlie Bishop's elccticnecring letters, ft
hv.i held forth in Van Burcn's defence, and in opposition to the Whigs,
in these words :—

" We know that« large av.d pov^erful party have long been engaged
under tlie pretence of protecting om- liberties from her foreign influence,
to create a stale of irldte slavery for all future Catholic emigrants, and
tifen to ;.;:■(;' I < die: modes of degrading (hose who cannot be stripped
of the ci;i/eii-bi[' wiich tiicy have obtained. Whether Van Buren or
Hanison be our next President wdll have no influence upon our cause.
We /j/?.oi^ our opponents, and we have studied them closely, and whether
in or out of the administration, their feelings and their dispositions in
our regard are as insusceptible of change as is our own determination to
protect, to (he best of our ability, ourselves and those whose cause wc
advocate, from the evil which is contemplated by those iclio, thank God^
have not as yet the power wducli if once in their hands, would not be
left to slumber. The spirit wdiich ardmatcs the men towltoon we allude
spoke out plainly and openly in that petition from a little tow^n in Mas-
sg.chusetts, presented by MR. CLAY to the Senate of the United StRtcs.
pravincr against the naturalization of foreigners and the admission of
Catholics."

THE C A'riIi'>I,K'S A-VI) LOCOI'OCOS 115

CATHOIJO OPPOSITIONTOOURFIiEE INS'ril'l'TIO.NS.-
The Catholic Bishop of B:i!iiniore, in ri i ■;' ". ( » '.'.is ••■ li'iid God the
Pope," ill iS32, spenJcs ns foiiows of lii/ '' . i;^::!:;\ ; —

" I s;>iit (c) ■ ' ' ■).;:,;■;;■, a aaiivc of Ainciira.—

He travi-lled m;.. The ProL'^tatils jiu. k^'d

oaull sides to h-;.; Ij:;.;, \\L:m \ ;.::siii,r, lor \\\v pv-oph- :;re

divided into v,iinieroi:s ;^ci:lx. :.,!l fnifh to fiahrarr ! —

la consequeMi-e (m' '' ' ,;.Mri;<-!ion. fVo::i ilir jlLmi-

ODISTS and l il:. y ^\ ih \\u\:- rv-rv thinir

themselves; the) , IIn ;. ,o,, . ,:■ ,: v .1 ,, ..\ , rvciy //■■//• rr;/;/^;- / "

TheBit^hop of Burd^'owi!, Ky . i;i a ieitn- ti. il:*' corrupt powers cf
Austria, iulSoO, inul ':vhirh \\ a^ i;i!■a!l(i<)U^d; jn:i);ir^!i;'d. soys : —

" The prtnc-iphi dlliieuliy the Cufholic iii\->MU[\yw> h;'ve to coiio^nd
with, ill coiiveriiiis^ die indi:!!is, ;;■■ wAi as di:' v. \^\\^••r. ;s iii' i;- rooliiiual
trauc^. which cautiol h- hiiid. 'It'll, AS LUX( J .\>) ddilS KMPl'BLI-
CAN GOVERNMENT d' ' ■.', 'dXiSld!:'-'

A Catholic priest in I: i' Jlicidu-.Mi, tiieu a Terriiory, in a

letter to the Pope of Kouie, ;-iia:o pndii.di-d in llial for^y-i-n di'sj)otic
clinie, say? : —

'' The reason wliy we cannot mala? converts to the fduurh of Korne
here, or g-et leave to bapti/.e the cinUiren, it^, THIS (;vO\ EHNilENT
IS TOO FKIU':!!!"

The " Ki^aister and Diary," u Catholic Journal pnblislied in New-
York, says ; —

*■' Weserious'v ad.is' Citljiihc pari'nis not to h/t thfdr cljildi.'n ri'ad
Protestant h(.)!)ivs. ';'!;-.■,■ :< :iiorc daii^rcr hi Si" ao;;r; iii-iu!, d in due
(juarter, tlian onr frien;is can cum- i ' ', '.:;,.,■.

not always the time to ("xainine tie : .Ji-

ritly to ns, we sliall, wifli (^od's luy, .,.,,,,. ,;,,,;,, , , ,. ,,.:^ ,.,,,[
lh(\y nia\' )iat read !

A Catholic Priest in lh<' ciu of d' " ' d ':d . i;; ] Sd,). in n letter to die
Pope, who acts whody l)y til • ;>::, :i:;' '.i^.^irluit Caliihct ;

and wdio, in the plenutnde of [■.i^ Jureii^ii. vsinyjatioiis, lin-oug'ii tide
inlluence of Martin Van Bnren has a heady extended his iron sceptre
over our land, Ull V, c f: \ de Priest. v,<> sav,

declares : —

" If the Protestant sects are beforehand wii 1 he diflicnll to

</ei-/ro?/ their ijiliuencc. Zeal for ft/ror. is a!wa, ^ .cnlarlv amoni?;

the METHODISTS and PRESBYTERIAiSS,wiionothiiii:'can turn
from their track, and avIiO lK\aT) .\Hst-ni)iTV upon .■lnsuKDrl^^' ! I ! • '

We could multiply r ; it is useless. What say the Prot.es-

Umt CluHches to all this .- ^\}ui what say tiiey to Van Buren., wlio
extols the corrupt head of this fJhurch, calling him his '^ Holy Ihther ') ''
Kft7^ more, by his influence, he had Bnn-f>r />. Tanry^ a violent

116

Calholir,

r.'n

Ji!s;;(r o

■ i!

rilOLK S AM) I.OCOFOCOf

, vo;r(! -l;iv(; of n Pord^pi Despot, np])r)inted Chiuf
■;■-■' \'.ii\ liy l]i< ii!;iii;i!;<i)ienMoo, Ik; IumI hn
in fniiiou'^ ./;■;■*, .. . iqiju.-Kitc;! ( 'I;;ii;l;iiil h) ail Anicl"R-ail Con-

pr . ;;i;,M;ia ;n.l l;-;;-^! (if all, lie tais ad()))tcd a Siib-Treasiuy

>S_\ - ! ; ; . '1'." w t.rlii, a pcrfc'ft viodd of tlie Pope's ?\ationri! Bank

"We ro;K-l!ule])ya2:;i.!ii a-^kii;:;" tliiMpie^stioii, what fliiiik yo, Protestants,
©f ail tlif.-c thin;i-.s? Can y;>u <io iliiMii for tlu- sake of partij 9 This
will explain tooih.MS, \^l!y it i-^. ibat llic rc-j/eclnljle and intelligent por-
tion ol" the ('!(■!_•>, ('f r\;T\ di'in'., 1 1 i;K!i ioi! arc nrra)'c.d against Mr, Van
Bur.:..

PllO'ri::STA'N'r A>;SGC;[A'rU»X.— W.- pre^-nt to om readers,
he!(M.>, . ;'i ■ ; ' .;; -, ii'.M of ilie " Photf.st.wt As.soci.vTrox," entered
into r;,!U.T i!:(' ;;'i,ni'Ts of ai] tlie Protestant Clergy of PiUsburg and
Allegiinn}' ritii's. in Pe!)i)sy'\;ra::i. Tla' niciMing M'as held on the eve-
n'ngof tlie'i-Mfi [''clraiary, ] S 13, and was numerously attended, as \xe
loam from the r-jMs]>iirg pap-rs. It was held in the 1st Presbjlerian
church, and an Address cxplanalory of the object for wliich the meeting
had h'en <-,,nve;M-.^ w:m d.'iiv-Tcd by the Rev. Dr. Wilson. Almost
cv(w • i.f i-r!)trsi;M!'s in liie hvo oiiies were represented at

the .;(■!, / aillmis us j>';M.-u;r i<is._'es<) lively an interest taken

— not onlv bv i'l^' Kcv-'r^'rid Clergy, but by tlie Protestant people
generally, on [i subjrrt which has oerupied so much of our thoughts,
ever ^i'.1'.v■. Jlr. "r a;! ]]\]r;-:i addriv-snl his noiorious letter to the Pope. — ■
Ii lias !)";-■■! fKT ^Mi!-.!a;!t endi'axcr, as our readers will testify, tlirougliout
(!ur e.liioriai rnr ;■;•, in rou^;- the ])ublic feeling on this subject, and in
fiitrirc, we cv;:! '.v.oiiiis ■ to l)e more vigilant. Too much cannot be said
on tliis r-;:'. ;''.■;, if sai.i io pu; ;>i(.-;c, and in accordance Avith facts. It will
not be (irna -; ,' ,ii;cii apa'liv has pervaded the Protestant j)ublic

on ih;— ;]',;;( : i< li'!- to -cf tl lis dawuiug of increased attention,

ere iris io.i i Tread of Ivomanism. and its insej)erable

rompaiu!.;!, ; ', .. iih ail ilirir train of error, of plunder,

i^tipt'i-siiMoM. ci.!-.i:|>:;' .' and blasphemy.

Kven if ue (h-claiwied having any thing to do w'wh any man's mode
of worshiping (-^od ; — if we cared not a fig, whether he oflers liis
prayers to Catholic images, or to the (iod who made him; — or whether
the Priest pray him out of liell for a stipulated sum, or the price of
man's redemption through Christ, and by means of repentance and faith,
effect his salvation — still, we would warn the people against Eomanism,
^Vo fhoidd warn the people against its l)ancful influence upon poliiical
grounds, had we no other objection to the system. If is tlie political
hear'nT of the principle? of the Cadiolics that we are opposed to — their

<:(<Je of iTii.rals and system of educatioji — in perfoci iini.^on wlih those ■
of the Locofocopaity,Vihoi:o}iiusd iii haiul in clcciions. Vrillanymnn
point us to a Roman Catholic in ilie cniu-d Siah't^ wlio is not a Jackson
"Van Buren Dcmocnit, turn wlio do(v not vote with tlsat patty ? Then
indeed we tiiall havtseen, \vhaL we nevtn- yet iiave laid our eye.- upon.
But to the Association at Pillshurg, siniihir a.ssocititiotis to which, we
hope wiil he fonned in every town and conniy in Piotesiant Chri.sl<'n-
dom, in Europe and Anavica. 'j'he conunittee appointed for that
purpo.-^5\ ivporicd i!io drnfi of a Constitution — which was unanhnously
adop;<'i!. ;;)iJ i;-; as lV>!!ows : —

coxsTrn TirjN of the pittsburg and allegha-

NY PROTi'^STANT ASSOCIATION.— Wiieieas, The system of
Popery i-- w!>ul dt;.sii-oyinij hoth in its dnc^rins's and j)iact!ce.s, and also
r,i;h\ risive */i' thn iTihSs of man, and so ruinous to the welfare of nations ;
and

"Wiierea^, oifst ciTorts are no\\' lieij^Er u'\ade and with alarming' aucccs.9
to propicv!''. thai system in the United States ; and

Vrhereas. we Iteheve it to be our duly, as the disciph^s of our Lord
jcsiis (Miii, t, x'iio is (lod overall, and blessed forever, in reliance on the
omnipfjteiit iiiifucy of liisHoly Spirit, to luiite for tlic purpose of defen-
ding the irreat interests of the Christian relio^ion, as transmitted to us by
our Protestant forefathers, we t!ierefore adopt the following constitution :

Article I. The Pittsburg and Alleghany Protestant Association
auxiliary to (.he AraericaTi Protestant Association shall be the name of

this society.

Arn\ II. The ol>iecis shall he:

1. To give aid and encouragement to all the disciples of Clinst in thf*
diffusion of knowledge on ihe Popish coruroversy.

2. To make (MTorts for tJie n-2ore extensive circtdatioii and study of the>
Holy Scriptures. 1. Anmng the destitute of all chtsscs, especially
among Papists. 2- The introduction of the Bilileinto all schools, as a
-class book. 3. To distribute books, pamphlets, journals, in the
English, German and French languages, to inform the public on the her-
<;sy, idolatry, lyianny and conuption of popery. 4. To enlighten the
-comrnnnitv in relation to tiie dangers wdiicli threaten our country from
the insiduous designs and doings of Romanism.

Art. III. This Association, sliall be composed of such persons as
are reputiible for their evangelical profession of the faith, for their
christian morality ; who adopt thaprinciples of this constitution and
who contribute to its funds.

Art. IV. (Quarterly meetings shall be held for the purpose of public
discussion on the evils of Popery, and the means of reclaiming those
who are deluded by the deceivableness of its unrighteousness.

Art. T. The officers of the Association shall be a President, tbrea

i|3 'nii-: ■.■.vriiuiAi^ a:su locofoc(;s.

Vice Pi->i('o"!!l<, a 'rr<-a.=;urer, a KorualMJ-' ^W>rivl.ny, a Corresponding:
Scrrctai-v ain! iwo Lav l)ii'->cU>rs iVniu (>:u-li eh-r.ojr.iiialion connected
Nvhis tlnsSu(';.'tv, tu-e;!;rr wiili a]l iniiii.!''!^ of tliC Gospel belonging lo
It "'l!"->' ■iiricVrs ; li;!.'! r!;;Mi a Ixkw'I un ihe tra'isuctio]! of business,
and si'Vi'H o*' iJ!;'!:) at, a;!\' i'loennu' diilv cotnened, Kliall fonn a quorum.
The board AinW hwld sSatiii jjie.-iitur:^ ([iiaii(>rly.

Av'T \ 1. 'i'!^'' bo ud of l\3anai;-ers at tlie first meeting after their
clei^ion, shall elioos- an exenilivc comndttee of three members, who,
togetlier wiih the -ecrcuiries and treas-iivr. shall ineet as often as they
find it expciiieii! forila- (ratrsaction of Midi liusinessas may be commit-
ted to them hv lhe!-.o;u-d,!o wliu'h ih'V f-'liali re!i.,ler an account at lis
quarterly int-elings.

\nT. VIl- The duties of the Koani sjui!! ])e to collect infonnation
in relation to the -progress, plans and e\ iis of Popery, and otherwise by
all tlic most proper m^'aris, lo carry out the '.ciievoleut objects of tliia
Association, and to report to it their procfM'(iiji<.'s annually on its anniver-
sary, v/hi(d!'sl!a!] be (.n the evening of the lihof July.

Art. "Vril. The board shall have power to enact such Ijy-Iaws as aro
not inconsistent with this coiisiiti)^ioir, and to fill all vacrincies that may
occur between the amuial meeiidgs of the society.

AuT. I.V. This constitution shall be altered at the annual meetinga
only of this society and by a majority of two thirds of the nrembers
present, and no alteration shall lie made that is contrary to the word of
<^od or euhversjve of the principh^s set forth in the od article.

JAMES R. WILSON,

Feb 28 18-13. Chairman (Committee.

Tlie following persons were elected olTicers of the Association for the
ensuing year.

PREsii-»E.vr,

REY. FRANCIS HERRON, D. D.

} Rev. Johx Black D. D.
Tick Presidkxtr. ' S- " Jas. Wilson D. D.

3 " Mr. l^RESTON.

nN:-.^.<vRER, John Shea.

Rec. Secretap-y, Rev. A. W. Black.

CoR. Secretary, Rev. D. H. Riddle.

Laymen fnjrn the dilTerent Denominations belonging to the Association.
■ . ,„ , } Dr. Wrav,

Presbyterian ( dmrrn iMoses Af'wood.

, ^,, , 7 -i-O Odioine,

F.piscopal Church J^ ^^^ y^^^^^^^

,^ ^ , ^-,, , *T* Thomas Hamia,

Ass. Reformed Church y ^^ ^^^ g,.^^^,^^^

_ ^ , ... 1 7 (Jabriel Adams,

Ref. Presbyterian ( hurch | ^j^j,;^^ Mowbry.

_ , . ,,, , ) John Grnliam,
Ase. Presbyterinn C hurch J- ^^^^^ gpjj_

THK CA'Vlir.X.XCn A.1VD LOOO:--OCOP. 113

Methodist Episco. Church ^-
Prot. -Methodist Church }-

John

Irwia,

Miichel!.

lie;-,

[■^.

SLrphen

B."

l''';thnps

(;.

Jiuisoii.

S.'

I ford,

-sh..

Baptist Ch.urch ^-

Cumherland Church !-

Resolved, That all ]>apcrs in ihe city frieudly to tho cause of
Protcstanism, be requested to pubhsh these proceeding;-;?.

F. HERRDN, President.

A. W. Black, Secretary.

OUR CONCLUSION.— AVitii this pul/icatinn, we dose our dis-
cussion of the (,\ifho]ic question. The plan adopted by the Protestant
Churches of Pennsylvania, is exactly ihe tiling. Let the Clergy of
every order go to work, because they, aljove all other men, will constitute
a body of most efficient allies, which the cause of liberty can sunmion
into the field of argument, in any emergency, brouglit about by the
Romanists, or any otiier foes to liberty. We do not call on the Clergy
to become common bar-room politicians, or to eml^ark m an election-
eering crusade, for, or against this, that, or the other partizan ; but let
them acquaint themselves with the constitutions of the Church and of
the Union, and wiUi the leading principles of the science of Government,
that they may be prepared, when forced to it by Romanists, to exert a
salutary influence in this country, in behalf of that liberty for which
our fathers bled and died !

We are happy to find, that the various Churches, and numeror.a
friends of liberty, in all parts of the LThion, are becoming alive tq the
importance of these things. Still, we are sorry to say, that the sentiment
of Shakespeare will apply to thousands, even of Proiestmits :

" W^e hear this fearful tempest sing,
Yet seek no shelter to avoid the storm ;
We see the wind set sore upon our sails,
And yet we strike not, but securely perish. " .

CeAPTER VUI,

A WORD TO LABCiRKRS — TllF.TAKlFV CirKSTIU.-C - \ t . UA:'iK~-

IIENRV CLVV AXM) THE PltKSlDKACV TKKASU i; V >, o I i..- ;. F.PtDI ATKD

LiKK the Aral)-, the Aiuericans are fa>f bfci.iniii;; a -;v::;ir!oi;s nation,
and must finally travel from ypot to spot, a> airrifuhniji-fs aiui hunter?,
with all our iiiaaufarinriMg and producing ea'Tji'-s crippled and
destroyed ! The nuhlc-s war waged againi-t t})e bu.-iric-.-. rujnmfncc,
and currency of the coiuriry, by the leaders of the Jackson Van Buren
party, for the last twelve years, has had the effecl to paralize all our
operations, and has brought bankruptcy on our nation, tlie SintTs and
their citizens !

"With these inevitable tendencies before us, wliat can we do ? Slrall
we sit down and cry over our misfortunes — look at ilie departure of our
former greatness — sigh after our precious metals, drained In' a ruinous
balance of trade against us — wh.ile tlic politi.>;"d ([iiacks of i!ie country,
like the Madagascar Bat, fan us to sleep with the wide 'spread wings of
'free trade and sailors rights,' at die san ic time htendly su- : ; I , ; _ n - ; - ■,'.: ath <
Shall we sec our laborers and nrtizans starving and wiiness the distres; ,
loss of credit and mortification whidi nmst follow all Locofoco i/ico/ri-
ical abstractions, concerning an idle state of free trade, low w'Gges, ivvA
an exclusive hard cm-rency? Already our produce is worth nothing —
live stock brings nothing in the market — and the result is, that our stock
is eating up all the grain in the country — and many of the poor arc
suflfering for bread. Beside this, farmers have ceased to cultivate their
usual amount of acres — they have ceased too, to give laborers meat and
bread for their work, because they cannot sell what they raise— and
hence, wc again say, the poor are suffering. To the day laborers of the
country, therefore, these facts present a subject for contemplation on
evils, which many of them, by their votes, aid in fastening upon the
country. And were they not ignorantly going against their own and
their country's interests, we should say starve them to death, as a reward
for their doings ! But bear with them a litde longer, and their naked-
ness and hunger will address them in language that cannot be
controverted ! They will then contend for the protection of the manu-
facturers, thcindustiy, and the labor of the nation by an adequate tariff
—and they will show their/ai7A by their works at the ballot-box. They

A WORD TO LABOKEUS, A.(. . 121

will act rcgaid that as an American policy, wiiicli would fc;aciifice their
interests to the visionary theories of "//-ee trade " — which would open
our ports, aiidclose the doors of our factories — which would render us
dependent on foreig"n countries for the most common and most essential
fabrics . No — tliey will take their stand by the foiges, the ploughs, the
loorns^and the sliutdes of the country, and inscnbe fu-st and foremost
upon dieir standards, — "^Protection to American Industry!"
Here we have long sii-ice taken our stand, and if we fall, wc fall with the
strong arnictl laborers of llic couiilry . But in (heir cause v,c cannot
fail — no, never ! n.cver ! !

But not only i^ - T'r:''V ■' •.,-,,,. j-d . Tltis nation wants a national
cuu-c!iv"y — ;i cirr:i;;ii;nj , en;:;;} va'nc in Maine and Florida,

at home and abroaii, and i!!'^. \v iiigpav;}- i-^ {'.rsl^id to give it, while
the whole of the Lorolbco ibrces are Just ;;: ;•- ■bi'-ly c'])' ■ iled against
eveiy thing of tlic kind . Against tlie great relief measures
proposed by the V/higs, the Locofoco leaders are to a man, opposed .
The Whig parly, therefore, are the national party — the People's party,
identified witli all their pursuit;^, and interests, and as certainly as IN'ov-
ember 1S14 comes, (lie VVIiig parly will again bo placed in power, to
carry out thes;: measures — and IIkxrv Clav, will be the chosen in-
strument of relief, reform, and na'ioiriJ ri-iieneration . We go for Mr.
Clay now, then, and fore\e;— .not because he; is generally agreed upon
by the Whig party, but because ice ircrc ah rays for him — becanse we
know the jian— know that we can confide in him — know that he is an
enlightencrl and patriotic statesman — know that he is the Doctor to
devise a suitable remedy for these disjointed times — and know that, he
will reinstate the National Constitution, and bring back the Govern-
ment to the good old Republican track in which it travelled under the
guidance of Washington, Madison and other fathers wdiose honesty,
patriotism, and love of connuy made '• a-snrance doubly sure," in
whatever pertained to American interests.

We have seen it announced fo:- weeks pasts in the Government
official at Washington, b)ji^the Secretary of the Treasury, that certain
Treasury Notes, to the amount of hundreds of thousands of dollars,
would not be redeemed by the Department, because as alleged, they
have been re-zSvWerf without authority after "cancellation.'" Speak-
ing of these same Notes, the United States Gazette says, —

* " Now wc have seen some of these very notes which have been
decribed by the Secretary, and ou.a most careful and spectacled examina
tion of every part of them, we failed to discover the least sign or token of
cancellation, or any inaik or note by which any of the most skilled iu

122, ■ A WORD TO LAnOllEKS, &C.

- tiiini-T that, tliey had ever heen redeemed
:Lofthc track of circulatiou .

:,(■ value of tlie paper of the Goveninient,

' '■ • il Legislature, and now in the

t outrages, not to say highest

; . c ever heard of, and ought to be

There is no exam pie, ^on record, we

'/ a N'j.iio)ial Government, to repudiate-

.jdy . The agent of Great Britain once

, I fraudulent way to an alarming amount ;

)!ly met them, and never once thought of

J-,. r.i bills in the hands of innocent holders.

\^ ,., ,.,.; , , '>]ited States refuse, in the case of these

noLcs, beca'! : 'iilcutly re-issned by the corrupt adniin-

i. • ;■ :-n? Certainly not. This Government

I t iI:o.?e Yvdio put confidence in her prom-

; ;,nire, she will bear, as she ougl bear,

I ■ iuis!ni;na<.!;ft)>cnt, antl corruptions of those

■ >aUonal purse when these notes were

i'lcr to convince the sul)stantial farmers,
i li^riiKM'ouutry, of tlie extravagant fancies

( ' i : lying on tlie machinery of the

; ! i J -(iuUeu IJank of the United States . In

;iles Government issued twenty millions
, ' ■• y '-r since, the United States Gov-

, ;'.cs have been paper! It has

- \PEU CREDITS, professing to go alone for
\v, forsooth, slie turns about and. re/)wrfi«^es

' wl 10 " trade on borrowed capital
^J^:..,,^, ^,; : 'cr demand a National Bank of

their ruler ■ ii ^o do. We never will prosper

till wet^eL sue.: ;•,-. i.i-.in-.;-!., .uiu luurfuoucr we go about establishing
it tljX3 better.

CHAPTER !X.

kYPOCRTSY OF MODERN LOCOPOCOIS?!

PARTY NAMES DEFINlTluX Oi

The advocates of had morale ;!n;] p"nr!ci(c 'last

ten J'^ears, have greatly iiiciea?eu ihei:' • ^' '"''

borders, on the continent, of America.

saying, that if the Devil had traversed tin-' <• ' nci

breadth, in tlie character of an Angel of iig!/ ■ not

more elTectually have deceived t^onie pcopl- ;;.;>: i.adcrs of

Locofoco misrule have done, in the nari);- -f I J";;'

The Locofoco ?-ero/i^//r;/(r/.-;y .'/,■■ .V('/vY^-.'' )n of

the Tennessee Legislature, vrliich caii-J : , . '^'^ai

party, the just indii:'-nation of every real friciid to his country, ihrongh-
out the Union, was begun and carried ' ; ' > ''■ - ■ ■ '>f .'?;■.-., r-/ •
and upon the false pretence, that the c\.

Senators to Congress, upon the joiiit J ' : iin*.

General Assembly, which had prcvailo.: ^ of

the State Government, was viiroiis:. •' of

Tennessee, for the lirst lime in her Iks' pre-

sented in the most imporlai:!
the honest yeomanry of the ,

infamous " tidrteen immortals ''' ^'iei^' isiiii

more infamous abettors, Ex-Gov. • ,, paper edi-

torg, who with their lymg tongues profe^^t-d to ciiii rtahi the liighest
regard tor the welfare of ilie l^iople. •'- '- ^- " ^ --:.■■ *p rrn.|r in
sacrifice liberty and liie in d-fcivKng //

of political leaders, were their only objccis, wwi. //r,/./.-,/^' ;■!:.. ^..-'/.uy
the vile means by which' they sought to obtain their unholy ends.

And what is Locofocoism— genuine unadulterated Locofocoism, of
the modern Jackson Van Buren stamp, in Tennessee, to excite the preja
dices and inflame the passions of men, and tlius to send " nrel-rauds
arrows and deatli " into every portion of American society, and American
interests. And while they do this, \X\&y prof ess a sacred regard for tlic
interests of the People— following the unworthy example of their great
prototype, jRo6e.s/;ierre, who, in the bloody days of the French Revolu-
tion, in order to incite the inous Jacohlhs to the conmiisslon of

12.1

nvpocniKv or

llioas—

'dug of

:nv,by

x.ii ihe

nls with

'I! lion —

.iiful the

.Dcmocralic de(:i\.<,i-nn'j: ill l]ir,. ,. , ...

'•'■ Pauvrr, Feuple ! V'trtueiu: }\'U[j!c ! ' v\lii<-
signifies Fooi^Pcoph ! Ylrt,;nii:-; Pcitple! Aiu''
their " ilhiotvioiis j)i. ' 'raurc, ii;i\-(: i;

infuriated mobs kk \^ • ,..,;:'li^-:- — ci^\n^\:■^'■^'

stores in .Rhode I:^l;inAl—l!i<' pliitul'.TJn;^- ^::

villaiuO':^:oll!ecdinldci : - ^jr'Tr;!!;:'-,] i ' '

laws and coii-lii;!; 'i';^ <>! \ '■,:!"-' -:!: .

ananricd force — !!idi;ii''d die iaw.- .

trampled npon-.lie i,V)i; ;dUifion of i;

.-^acred ahars of God! Lorofoeoism i.- v.\ ■;r-i-ira —

il lias sweptover ihecouniry and in:!;- / MH.siiaie

tlie l^est currenc)^ the world ever kiiew, Am.eriean rommcrre., and ruined

credit— the sunk(^n i;iory, and ])lasied 'uoiior of a once v'lea'. nation, and

a prosperous and hatiny prt^prlr!

Whena Lor,,f,ro,bv .',
a rs'ational 01 kSuiu.' e!;'i'i!-.,::,

sober scconil thoii<jhls of ih<; .w w]n-n

iu 1840, assert their rights, ao,; i.-i: ,•,■•",• •
olliee, (hey are said to he'- '■.- i/,/.V v.i /-.v.'-
lif modern ]>eiiM>eracy iu !iie eiii-arilv < ^
p(dves! Weiepc;.!^ liieujhnl die lilai ;
t'rance, were ro;iiii!;i;« d in ■
Reries of oulra;ics tliat :ia\<'
< 'ong-re.^s, nndi ihe \ari(.'f-^ !, •.,
anil [»i'r|.)etrated io li: ' k i . ' i^-

{.■very where exh;! ! id ,

which spread ecu is: < ,iM.,^.u; ; :^) ::;. ,.,„,,...,,.,, I'ii

found supportei's in iiic /-.ira rica'; ' <'ir su i ! idling-

doctriiKi of /^.'/;^v/; , ' 'lississippi I ^ei^ niem • urri/maudcriuz;

(lie Stale of \ ir-ii. r to prevent the election of Whigs lo Con-

gress! Behold the Staleaoi 11 hnois, Missouri and Michigan, catching
the dishonest spirit, of their lirednen in other St^ites, and of their leaders
in ( U)ngress, and iiidir. ' . " ii!!o ihc slongh of Repudiation, by
the enactmeni ol n I'uj' !.,. i.|k aucl odious iJiievingiBiha nltirnale

design of liocofocoisni, and the cold, creeping, calculaling hypociits of
the parly, conceal tJieir secret purposes, and swindhng doctrines by
raising the mad-dog cry of Democracy ! the dear People! love of
country! An honest party, or an honest man, who intends to pay a
debt, never speaks, thinks, or even dreams, of any informality in its
fjcation. His enf|uiry is, do \ owe il,and liave ] ralitc rccewccl for the

> Whig

l^arly, in

y calls

it '' the

icn aroused, as

■'Isls '

out of

> !; is t

he fahh

. jTOVer

I them-

! oM-r (

lis;;rocrd

,; and

lie long

1 1];- '

12-

note or ijond i^iveu ? P:;

dis!ioiK>si. princlpK^, ruulr\-';, ■
fiworaiHonii: po]ii!cian^,sii)co '.,
Jackson, hii?,])ccn ouil:<raccd by llic Lucorocod,
in thonamo of Dciiiocrxcii. And will"; tlipni
the pasport of thieves and scoundrL;
the hypociisy of tliis pavty lo !>!'
Democracy should ]->e forsi from them — liich-
held up to t!lO i;azo of n^' ';!.nrc':l ;
generations yet un])oi"n, .
lihhy slon^^h of I.ocoibcv.ic..:, =., .,-

The h'/rinrs \y\nch pcrlnin io 1!n
numerous, ahnosi, as th
the one most expressive :
"Locofoco, " andwasgivea to the .
New YDrlc. In i
and " ;'

"Biitt-(j.w>. >., V
" Wring necks."
opponc^nts 'oy thv

arts of New Er
:.is." In Mxr
,c.. lu Mniiie,

., s, that every

: -; w'lucli have fonnd

rcv-idency, ol' Ainlrew

! 1 promulgated

. , tliis name is

power. Ouglit not

,;^, (lie false garb of

> ;>'t\i should be

■1 iiisuit,,; . _ -:-, as a beacon to

- sh.ufi. in all time to come, the

.. ,>iuus;;iids are now ifydloiDhtg-.

' r^-rent democratic party," are as

The genuine term, and

i sentiments, seems to be

i)ut.laws of the party in

sre called " Pig-Ringers "

I tluMc ;ire those who are called

moLc rabid of tliem are known as

Nullifi(

In South Caroh'na ihcy are dislinguished from their
impo-iug oppelatio'i of " State Rights Republican
In Oliio they style t!:rmss!ves " The Entire Swine Party. "
'!!" ■•iraclionists," while

In Virginia, (iiey are k)!.
in Illinois, Missouri an;:
Party, " and in Tennes
bm-ners,'"' WoohSfeiii :

And, now, for a dclinition of die
following article from <he Paltimo!-!'

" Demociiacv [of the t^^'reck v, :
exercise power over,] a foi-m of go\-

'A the " Relief Law
■ - as th<^" Barn-

Dc. . ■ snlijoin the

- ;md /:rateo, to
•re the supreme or legis-

lative power is lodged iu the people, or persons chosen out from them. —
I-jaileT/.

H;iving given ti,
let us see what claim ti;

>rt]io word lliat
(othelillc c

Dcinocyalk.

Persons'chosen out (is, ' s / . '- I'cpresculaiivcs of the

people, make laws, and John Tyler vetoes tiiem — arrogates to himself
the right to legislate. ii/<^ will exercise the sw;?rc7/?e ^mrer. (^an this
be called a "form of government where the supreme or legislative power
is lodged in the people, or persons chosen out from them ? " No ! But
this is the form of government that the Loco Focos uphold and approve.
^^hen can the Locofocos properly be called Democrats 9 No ! No ! —
NO!

Transpose the Greek words given aI)ove, however, and you have the
definition of Loco Foco Democracy. Instead of (deimos) the people^

12G HYPOCRISY OF MOPERX LOCOFOCOISM, &• C.

(KRAT:io) cx^vrise Ulc povcr, lead (krateo) to exercise pou-cr over
(demos) the people, and you iiave modern patent Democracy.

A \vag" of our acquaintance, who pretends to more skill in Dutch than
Greek, says that the word demos, literally translated, means dem lis,
or damn, us, and therefore that krateo and demos signifies rw/e us and
damn us — which is the latter-day^ deiiniiion of Democracy. We sus-
pect the fellow is as near correct "as it is possible to get in this age of
crooked wa3's and Tyler swat. ''

CHAPTER X.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE LAND FUND GENERAL JACKSON AND DISTRI-
BUTION — MR. VAN BUREN AND DISTRIBUTION A DEAIOCRATIC

MEASURE WHEN INTRODUCED BY THESE MEN A FEDERAL MEASURE

WHEN ADVOCATED BY MR. CLAY AND THE WHHIG PARTY.

The policy of distdbuting the proceeds of the sales of Pu])lic Lands,
among the several States of the Union, was not originally a party
question, and ought nut now to be such. The necessity of the measure
— not to say propriety thereof, urge themselves by too many important
considerations, affecting both the interests of the Slates and of the people,
ever to allow of its becoming; solely a party question. And indeed, as
high a pitch as party spirit has arisen to, there are yet but few of the
States so ultra in their Locofocoism , and so suicidal in their policy as.
pertinaciously to reject their shares of the proceeds of the sales of the
Public Lands. Several States though have refused. And it is a dis-
tinguishing ciiaracteristic of the violence of Van Buren Democracy^
which bounds eveiy question of policy within the contracted limits of
partizan interests — so that, a subject which, but a few years since, was a
most decided Democratic, Jackson measure, should now be reprobated
as a Federal Clay Whig policy, and wanting eveiy essential quality of
republicanism !

The temis of the cession were, that these " lands shall be a common
fund for the use and benefit of such of the United States d&have become,
or shall become members of the Confederacy, according to their usual
respective proportions in the general charge and expenditure, " after
the objects of cession shall have been answered. And with respect to
the lands acquired by treaty — the Constitution explicitly provides, that
" THE Congress shall have power to DISPOSE of, and make

ALL needful rules AND REGULATIONS RESPECTING THE TERRI-
TORY OR OTHER PROPERTY belonging to the United
States. " Congress, then, has a rightful power to dispose of these
lands, which at once settles the question of constitutionality. But
Congress has, in repeated instances, exercised the power of disposing of
these lands at discretion. We will only mention one case — the case of
Gen. Lafayette, to whom Congress gave large quantities of lands in
Florida, besides paying him for his services in money. Moreover, the
Supreme Court of ihe United States decided, in the case of Jackson vs

GovI•:R^

MENT

-IE USE

AND

■( i.M'EDERACY. "

ill \n\i\g forwa

d our

omiiiencc wit

li au

■ "' •: ' .. we

tliiiik,

rifle!

l:iS

BENEFIT Oh'

Bii^ - ■■■- '
aiUhu;'
extraci Irc: i
to have p r. ;

" ,\^

the ]■■'■ , :i aul

i'l :■ • :.iiiiin[i(jiiorthe

] ; ! a poriioii of

i- ■ '^i ilie United

8^ meet the

1 ■ adopted,

;r t Jonnecti-

(■'^ , :.[ Georgia,

::•' jr whicli it had been asked. As the

E. .^RELIEYED from (his PLEDGE

tlic OSJEUi' il^r v;Ii;.ii .iiov ^.cr^ f':;^ ■ - ; ACCOM-

PLISHED, it is ia the di^crcM.xx of L .... ::: offhem,

in Pilch way as best to conduce to the cjiucl, iiAK.UUNY AND
GENEI'AL INTEREST of the AMERICAN PEOPLE. In ex-
amii.- this q:ic-tion, all LOCAL and SECTIONAL FEELING
slioukl 1)6 (hscarded, and the wnole United States regarded as one people

jnfjvv. -;;,..! :.:','- , ;,, il,.. ,-,,-. MP-f- ,-,i' t; ,.;,• ,'.,.:v:-. >•> , --111, fry * # # #

- at the Public
i ; SOURCE OF

REVENUE, asui iluK ■ m hmited parcels., at a

price barely suflici"]:' ; 'iilted States, the expense

of the presents}- .^- imdcr our Indian compact.' ?

Guch was tlic '; ik jii-k! jS32, speaking for

the pariy 1: ■ .-roceeds of the

sales of Pal;. i.- .,. . .>.,..._.;. ad authoritative

response in the report of the dcnir .litlcc on i'aiih(^ l^aads,

(Mr. King Chairinan,) who on a sm\e\ 01 die whole question, came
to the conclusion expressed in the following most emphatic sentence :

" The Committee TURN with confidence fi;om THE LAND
OFFICES to the CUSTOM HOUSE, and say, HERE are tire TRUE
SOURCES OF FEDERAL REVENUE— GIVE LAND to the
CULTIVATOR; tell him to keep HIS MONEY, and lay it out in
their cultivation. "

We have now shown that General Jackson and his party saw no
Constitutional difficulty in substantially^zViy?^«;ra?/, the Public Liands
to the Western States, in 1832. Has the Constitution CHANGED
since that time ? It is proved that they considered tlic Tariif, excli-
sivELY and SOLELY, as the true f ource of revenue, and a means of

DISTRIBUTION OF THE LAND FUNDS, fcC- 129

ninintainauce to the General Government. Has an increase of revetiue
arising from duties on imports, not been in proportion.

Reader, all this was Democratic, wlien it came from Ge neral
Jackson and Mr. King, and was advocated by the Globe— but it is
" Federal " when it comes from Mr. Clay, and is supported by Whig
papers and politicians . These things illustrate very strikingly, the
facilities with which politicians and parties can " turn about and wheel
about "and still go-ahead-politicians, v/ith unblushing impudence,
repudiatiating — not only old debts, but likewise old opinions; and
parties, without a particle of independence, following tliem in their
" winding way. '' ''■'
Truly,

" They wire in and wire out,
And leave a body still in doubt.
Whether the snake that made the track;
Was going South or coming back. "

When President Jackson reccommended ^ Distribution in this Mes-
sage, and when Mr. King, that uncompromising Democrat, as Chair-
man of the Committee on public Lands, likewise urged tho measure,
the Richmond Enquirer, the exponent of Virginia Democracy, broke
forth in the following strain of rapturous approbation:

" What might not Virginia do with an annual dividend of $800,0007
or even half of it? How many miles of road might she not complete?
How many scheols est ablish ? How many of her degraded population
might she not transport to the shores of Africa ? Putting aside, how-
ever, all the allurementsof self interest, and viewing the question alone
as between the United States and the States where the lands are
situated — ice are prompted to ACQ,IESCE «^ o?icei?i the proposition
of the Secretary^ and Very much for the reason which he assigns, that
all causes of difficulty with genera] government on the subject would
then be removed. "

We will next submit the testimony of Martin Van Buren, in
favor of this measure. He is good authority with the Democracy of
the country, as he is expected to be their candidate for the Presidency
in 1844. The following extract is from liis speech delivered in the
Senate of the United States in 1826:

" The subject of the public lands was becoming daily more and
more interesting, and Avould occupy much time in legislation. It
extended the patronage of the Government over the States in which
they were situated, to a great extent ; it subjected them to an unwise
and uproiitable dependence on Federal Government . No man could
render the counu y n greater service, than he who should devise some
plan by which the United States might be relieved from the ownership
of this property by some equitable mode . He would vote for no
proposition to invest the lands in the States in which they stood a

r 13U DISTEIBITION OF THE LAKD FINDS, &C.

s some just and cqitable terms, as related to the other States in the con-
federacy. He hoped, that after haying full information on the sub-
ject, they should be able to effect that great object . He believed that
if those lands were disposed of at once to the several States, it would be
satisfactory to all. "

The chief ground upon which the Whig party, with Mr. Clay at
their head, advocate the Distribution among the States, of the proceeds
arising from the sales of the Public Lands, is, that it is a trust fund,
in the hands of the Government properly belonging to die States, which
the General Government has no right to appropriate to its own uses .
Hear what Hugh L. White says, on this subj>- , in his letter of
resignation to the Tennessee Lsgislature, as a Senator in Congress ;

" IT IS A TRUST FUND, Vv^HICH BELONGS NOT TO THE
FEDERAL, BUT TO THE STATE GOVERNMENTS. "

What need we more explicit? And who will say that Judge White
\vi\snotSiJud"-eofthe Z,f«;.'; or that he was dishonest in pronouncing
this decision? But the Judge further says in this same letter of resig-
nation :

# * « * " The ordinary duties necessary and proper for the
regulation of our commerce with foreign nations ought to be sufficient
to brino- into the Treasury as much money as would defray the eco-
nomical expenses of the Federal Government, AND EACH OF
THE STATES OUGHT TO RECEIVE ITS FAIR PROPOR-
TION OF THE PROCEEDS OF THE SALES OF THE PUB-
LIC LANDS.

" I consider Tennessee as honestly entitled to her proportion of this
fund as any of your honorable body is to a tract of land devised to him
by his father.

" It appears to me, even at this time, our State very mucli needs her
portion of this fund, and that in a short time wo sliall lie mucli more
in want of it. Yom* honorable body may be satisfied that a majority
of our citizens are willing to relinquish their interest in this fund, but I
am not so satisfied ; and as a Senator in Congress / icill not do any
act by which such an idea is to be sanctioned.

" It may be in the course of a very short time, that this fund will be
indispensably necessary to save our citizens from heavy taxation, and
I shoidd never forgive myself, if by yielding to your instructions, I did
an act which produced "a serious injury to the people who have so
long honored rac with their confidence."

The following extract from a work entitled "THE TEXT; OR,
PARTIES TR IFD BY IlIEIR ACTS, " published in Philadelphia,
m 1843, gives the argument in favor of Distribution, in a nut shell. —
We quote from page 12 :^

" Besides the equity and consequent obligations of the case, there

DISTRIBUTION OP THE LAND FUNDS, &C. 131

are four cogent political and eminently practical reasons, which urge
distribution In some form. 1. The States are but integral parts of a
whole— the Union. If the parts are weak, the whole is weak ; and if
the parts are strong, the whole is strong. The interests of the parts
cannot be disjoined from those of the whole. 2. In the Federal Con-
stitution, the States have relinquished the right of collecting revenue
from imposts, and it is vested in the United States. This will naturally
be regarded as conferring some obligations on the United States to be
at least considerate and A'mf/ towards the States in iheir needs, when
in danger of being driven to direct ta\-ation for want of this power, and
to help them if diey can without violating the Constitution. 3. It
will always be felt, and we think with truth and justice, and felt more
and more, that it vvas the action of tlie Federal Government, which
brought the indebted States and other parties, and the countiy gener-
ally, into these difficulties. Hence arises the obligation to render assis-
tance, when it can be done in a proper and Constitutional way. 4.
The importance of rescuing the tariff system from the fluctuating in-
fluence of an ever shifting land revenue, and the practical evils result-
ing from tliis connexion, would seem suflicient to make it better io give
away the public lands, than to have such a disturbing cause for ever
acting on the Tariff policy. Once dispose of this agitating question,
and let the General Government depend on a Tariff for support, we
may then hope for a permanent and unifcrm system of revenue and
iinance."

CHAPTER XL

THE SUBTREASXTRV KCIIEME

So much has l)een already •'^aid in reference to tliia scheme that
nothing niore tlian a cursory view — a mere ovtli/ie of llie f^chcme will
be presented in this chapter. It is an iniquitous, selfish , narrow-minded,
part.izan Executive measure, intended for the benefit of ofike-holders,
and the oppression of tlie people.

No advocate of the cmrency scheme, to our knowledge, has yet had
the hardihood to pretend that it will relieve tlie pecuniary distress of the
country. No — all the merit claimed for it, by its friends, is that it pro-
videa for the safe keepinrr and disbursement of the public monies. It
18 the third and last, of three miserable experiments by Messrs. Jackson
and Van Buren, in their attempts to regulate the currency, and to fur-
,ni8h the country a sound circulaiing medium. The first experiment
was by Dr. Jackson, who undertook to furnish an exclusive metalic
currency. This experiment failed, to all intents and purposes, and the
country has less gold and silver in it now, than when this humbug com-
menced. The second experiment was a resort to State banks; and
this, too, signally failed. Our readers are aware that State banks were
multiplied, and that their issues became abundant; but the paper of
these institutions depreciated in the hands of the holders, and some of
the States have even repudicUed the debts t!M;\ created to get capital to
bank upon! We need only refer to the ru,a k many of the Georgia
banks — the ruinous discount at which Alabama money is got oft'-— and
the repudiation of Mississippi State Bonds— Locofoco States and Loco-
foco measures. The third experimeiit, is the Sub-Treasury scheme,
which was in operation from the issuance of Treasury Notes by Con-
gress in 1837, till the repeal of the infamous law, by a Whig Congress
in 1841.

The subjoined extract, touching the nature and object of the Sub-
Treasury scheme, is from tlie speech of Mr. Clay, when the bill was
under consideration in the Senate chamber, and gives the true features
of the system :

" And now allow me to examine, and candidly and carefully con-
sider, the remedy which this bill offers to a suffering People for the un-
paralleled distresses under which they are writhing. I will first analyze

THE SITRTREASUIIV SCIIEIME. ] 33

and investigate it as ils riiVn(]^ and a'.l^ ocnlos icpresent it. What is it?
^Vhat is this nicasiiro, wiiicli Jias so long and so deeply agitatgd this
country, imdcr the various denominations of Sub-Treasury, Indepen-
dent Treasury, and Divorce of the State from Banks? 'Wiiat is it?
IjCt us define it truly and clear!}'. lis vdiolc principle consists in an
exaction from the People of sirrir. in paymeiU of all their duties and
dues to Government, and 'intiit of .v-). ■•,''' ]>y the Govern-

jnent, in payment of all s;ii > ■;" (ill \]\t^ civdiiors of the Govern-

ment. This is its simple aiui entire principle. Divest the bill under
consideration of all its drapers and paraphernalia, this is its naked, un-
varnished, and uucx " principle, according to iis own friends.
This exclusive use (- i all receipts and payments of the Go-
vernment, it is true, is iio; !o be instantaneously enforced; but that is
the direct and avowed aim and object of the measure, to be accom-
plished gradually, but in the short space oi a little more than three
years. The twenty-eight sections of the bill, with all its safes,' and
vaults, and bars, and bolti., aivd rcc2i'v(Mv;-!T;i'",-,!l, and examiners, have
nothing Q?iore nor lcr.< in -\ ' if specie from the Peo-
ple, and the subsequen; di: ■ among the officers of
the Government and (he creditors of the Government. It does not
touch, nor profess to touch, the actual currency of the country. It
leaves the loorJ Iianks v/here it found them, unreformed, uncontrolled,
unchecked iu ail tlieir operations. It is a narrow, selfish, heartless
measure. It turns away from the People, and abandons them to their
hard inexorable fate; leaving them exposed to all the pernicious conse-
quences of an unsound currency, utterly irregular and disordered ex-
changes, and ihe greatest derangement, in al! I>risiness. It is worse ; it
aggravates and perpetuates the very e\ ils wliich the Government will
not redress; for by tlie going into the marl-rcf, and creating a new and
additional demand for specie, it cripples and (■isables the State banks,
renders tJiem incapable of furnishin;:; to the People which a
parental Government is bound to e\- energies and powers to
afibrd. The divorce of the State fron:: rm : -li its friends boast,
is not the only separation which it makes- ,r:;!ioa of the Go-
vernment from the constiluency — a disunion oi ;;)e interests of the ser-
vants of the People from the inlcrcots of the People.

This bill, then, is wholly incommesurate with the evils under which
the country is suffering. It leaves tiiem not only altogether unprovided
for, but aggravates ihem. It carries no word of cheering hope or
encouragement to a depressed People. It leaves their languishing busi-
«ess in the same state of hopeless discouragement."

The Sub-Treasury scheme is now called a Republican measure by
the Democratic parly, and all who oppose it are denounced as Feder-
alists, when, but a few years ago, as we shall sliow, it was denounced
by that party as a federal measure. Thus it will be seen, that whatever
they advocate, however fedeml it may be, their defence of it jnakes it
purely RepiMican! And whatever measure the Whigs advocate,
however Republican if mav be, bv llioir defence of it. it beromes a
*«deral mea=nre '

134 THE SUBTREASUUY SCIIEiME.

When Gen. Gordon, of Virg-inia, first inlroduced the Sab-Treasury
scheme into Congtess, it was opposed by ncarl}^ the entire Locofoco
party, and the following is the opinion expressed of its merits, by the
Albany Argus, the great exponent of New York Democratic princi-
ples : —

" The germ of the Sul:) Treasury system is founded in a report of
Alexander HamiUon [that great federalist,] to Congress in 1790. It
was not a Republican measure then; on the contrary, it was denovmced
by the friends of the Administration, the professed followers of Jeffer-
son, snd by those, too, who are now so vociferous in its ftivor."

The organ of Virginia Democracy, the Richmond Enquirer, thus took
off the sub-Treasury scheme, when President Van Burcn first proposed
it:—

" We have objected to the Sub-Treasury system, so called, that in
tlie first place, it w^ill ENLARGE the E xe entice power ^ already TOO
GREAT for a Republic ; 2dly, that it contributes to endanger \\.\e.secu-
ritij of the public funds — and 3dly, that it is calculated to produce two
currencies ; a baser one for the people, and a better one for the Govern-
ment. The more we reflect on the matter, the more tt^e read the
speeches of the orators on l^oth sides, the more firmly are Ave satisfied
of the STRENGTH of these objections. THERE is NO security IN
IT, and it will involve HEAVY and unnecessary expense.'^

In 1834, when Gen. Gordon had proposed this scheme, the Washing-
ton Globe newspaper, the true exponent of genuine Jacksonian Democ-
racy, thus discoursed upon the hetrodoxi/ of the measure — read it
Democrats, and wonder !

" The proposition [the Sub-Treasury] is DISORGANIZING and
REVOLUTIONARY, submersive of the fundamental principles of
our government, and its entire practice from 1789 down to this day. It
is as palpable as the sun, that the effect of the [Sub Treasury] scheme
would be to bring the public treasure much nearer the actual ' custody
and control of ihe President' than it is now, and expose it to be plun-
de)'ed by a hundred hands, where one cannot now reach it !"

We will now show what a " dlstin^-uishcd De7nocrat'*' thought of
this '■^ plant of foreign groirth,^'' in 1830, when it had been suggested
by Gen. Gordon, and discussed in the Congress of the United States.
Gen. Jackson — who, all will allow, is good Z>e;?/C6'r«^ft' authority — thus
noticed the scheme in his Message to Congress, of Oct., 183G : —

" To retain public revenue in the Treasury, unemployed, in any
way is impracticable. It is considered against the genius of our free
institutions to lock up in the vaults the treasures of the nation. Such
a treasure wonld, doubtless, be employed at some time, as it has been
in other countries, wheii oppo)'tunity tempted ambitiofi.^'

" It is gratifying to reflect, however, that the credit given by the Gov-
ernment, whether to Bank paper or Bank agents, has been accompanied

THK SUnTREASURY SCHEME 135

by smaller losses in the expcricnctNS luicler (he system of Slate Banks,
ill thJs coujitry, at their worst periotis, ami under their severest calami-
ties, than any other kind of credit the Government has ever given in
relation to its pecuniary transactions,"

Levi WooDBcrRv, President Jackson's Secretary of the Treasur}^,
and now a Democratic Senator in Congress, in his Report for Oct.,
1835, against a Sub-Tressury, and in favor of State Banks, as deposi-
tories for the pidjlic funds, says : —

^' INDIVIDUAL AGENTS WOULD PROBABLY BE FOUND
LESS RESPONSIBLE, SAFE, CONVENIENT AND ECONO-
MICAL!"

In the House of Representatives, on the 1 0th of February, 1835,
while the bill regulating the Deposits was under consideration, EX-
GOVERNOR POLK delivered a speech against the Sub-Treasury,
of which the following is an extract : —

" Whilst I am up, it may be well to notice some other propositions of
arueudment, v/hicli the House have been notified will be made to this
bill, especially as I may not have another opportimity to address the
House. A gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Gordon] has signified his in-
tention to move the amendment to this bill which he presented and
had printed by oj-der of the House some days ago. Tliat amendment
provides that the ' collectors of the public revenue,' when the amounts
collected are small, ' shall be agents of the Treasurer, to keep and dis-
burse the same;' and that tliey shall receive annual compensation. It
provides, further, that, at places where the amount collected shall be
large, ' receivers ' shall be appointed, ' to be agents of the Treasurer, to
keep and disburse the public moneys,' and that they shall be paid an
annual compensation for their services. The Secretary of the Treas-
luy, in his Report, has not overlooked the description of personal agency
here proposed, bat has submitted to Congress h!s views in relation to
it. He states that ' this kind of personal agency is, in his opinion, to
be avoided in all practicable and safe cases, under our present system of
selected Banks ; because it would render the system less convenieHt,
less secure, and more complex, if not more expensive." * *

m * % u Unless the States and the United States, should
both deem it proper, gradually, and in the end entirely, to dispense with
the paper system, and which result is not anticipated, the Government
cannot escape occasional losses from that quarter, and can never have to
escape all losses from Banks as fiscal agents, except by the employment,
in their place, of other and individual agents, who will probably be
found less responsible, safe, convenient or economical.' He concedes
that it would be practicable to employ such agents, but does not recom-
mend it, for the reasons stated in the paragraphs of the Report which I
have read, and because it would not, ' in the present condition of things,
be so elegible a system as the present one.'

" A corporation may be safer than any individual agent, hov/ever
responsible he may be, because it consists of an association of individ-
uals who have thrown together their aggregate wealth, and who are

]36 Tl: dlTilY SClIErvIE.

bound in tlvir corp(Hatc <'h;ii:\c!!n-, to (he ex'lent of (lieir whole cnpilal
stock, lort]ie cl<^|)u:-i(c. lii addiiioii to l]iis,tljc Secro!;viy of the Treas-
ury n:ay rcxiinro as heavy collaieial scciiiity, in adtiition to their capital
paid in, from siu-Ii a corporation, as lie could from an individual col-
lector or receiver, which makes the Government SAFER IN THE
HANDS OF A BANK THAN IT COULD BE WITH AN IN-
DIVIDUAL.

It may be well quesfioncd wlielher the heaviest i?ecTiri(y which the
most wealth.^ individual coidd !;i\c, covild make the public deposite
safe at tlie point of larsTii coilectiou. hi tlie cily of ^c\v York half the
revenue is collected. Several millions of p.ublic moncjy may be in the
hands of a receiver at one lime ; and if he be corrupt, or shall engage
in specidation or trade, and meet with a i(:>verse of fortune, the loss sus-
tained by Government woidd be inevitJible. With ample security, as
it was supposed, the Government lot^t a million or more in the tea cases,
a few years ago. The losses ia the three cases alone, as already stated,
in IS27 and 1823, when it was supposed ample cai-e had been taken to
secure the debt, amounted to near two millions. As, then, the respon-
sibility of a public receiver and Bank corporations, as Banks do exist,
and are likely to exist, under Slate authoiity, the latter upon grounds of
SAFETY TO THE PUBLIC ARE TO BE PREFERRED.

" Banks, wlien tii ' •, recommend themselves to the service

of the Treasury for ( i

" L Tb.o incrnatf^d facility ihoy pr-i-^ess over individual collectors or
receivers, in making transfers of pu!)]ic money to distant points for dis-
bursement, without charge to the puldic. Indcetl, tins is a service which
individuals, to the extent of our large revenues, could not perform^

" 2. It may happen ia the ilucruation of the amount of revenne and
expenditnn^- t!::.f, !;]■■)." w^' h\ r-.i s-me ti!;i.".-', a c(vosid(M-able surplus
inthoTi. :.\ ! ■ i -iniwi.u-y, ii' i^ be with-

drawn fr:t; ..i .'. ^ •■■> -iiu : I'iiK <i\ a T'^ceiver, the

amount of cjrculaiioii V. ill \xi iujuii' . i i^i :!i;b(-d, hy hoarding the
Deposits, by which the vah;e of e\ei\ .■[-' : [ ' .u' i}ieicliandize and prop
erty would l)e iiiiected. So that, inasiimch as v/e caimot anticipate or
estimate what the exact amount of revenue may be from year to year,

fhore may occur an excessof revenue in t!ie Tn^asury, not immediately
railed for to be disbiu'sed, whicii would be xcry inconvenient to abstract;
from trade and circvdation. Whilst the Deposite is in Bank, the Bank
may use it, and it is not withdrawn from the general circulation, as so
much money hoarded and withdrawn from the use of the community.

" If in the hands of receivers, they must cither hoard it, by keeping
it locked up in a strong box, or use it at their own risk in private specu-
lation or trade, or they must, for their own responsibility, place it at leaslj
on deposit in Banks for safe keeping, until they are called on by the
Government for it.

" This temporary use of the money on deposit in a Bank, consti-
tutes the only compensation which the Bank receives for the risk oil
iseeping it, and for the services it pcrfojnis. li' receivers be employed^,

THE SUBTllEASURY ^CIIEiME. 137

they can pciform no other service than to keep the money, and must be
paid a cojnpensation from the Treasury."

At this time, every one of these papers and pohticians, call the Sub-
Treasury a Repuhlicaii measure, and call the Whigs Federalists because
they oppose it. Ex-Governor Polk, it is well known to the people of
Tennessee, is at this hour [June, 1843,] advocating the Sub Treasuiy
on the stuinp, in opposition to a National Bank, and expects to be run
on the ticket with Van Buren for the Vice Presidency ! And what
opinion does M:r. Van Buren entertain of the measure ? Why, he ex-
tolled it to the skies, in his message to Congress, after it had been in
operation one year — said that it had been adopted "by twenty two out
of twenty-seven foreign governments," where, as here, he said it had
" worked well !" Now, reader, allow us to risk you, and do us the
the kindness, alid yourself the justice to answer — what reliance can be
placed in a party, or a set of party leaders, who change their tests of
Republicanism almost every year ? What reliance can a person pu t
in a party which makes men who have never changed, nt one time
Republicans, aJnd at another time Federalists 7

The very derivation itself, of the term Sub-Treasury, shows it to be
a Federal measure. Suh signifies under, and the Sub-Treasury sys-
tem means a system under the management of the Treasurer of the
United States ; and the Treasurer being under the President, the sys-
tem consequently gives to the President the people's purse.

CHAPTER XII.

A CAM1ID STATEMENT OF THE FACTIOUS CONDUCT OF THE " IMMORTAl,
TIUUTEF.N " SENATORS OF THE TENNESSEE LEGISLATURE, IN K.EFU-

SFNG TO ELECT UNITED STATES SENATORS TO WHICH IS ADDED A

HISTORY OF THE ELECTION OF SENATORS TO CONGRESS, IN TENNE-S-
SEE FROrH 'TOE ORGANIZATION OF THE STATE DOWN TO THE

PRESENT DATE ALSO, POLK's ENDORSEMENT OF THIS TILE AND

REVOLUTIONARY CONDUCT — WITH CONCLUDING REMARKS, &C.

The histoiy of American Legislation fornislies no casein wliich the ,.
will of the People has been so grossly oiUraged, as in the flagitious
conduct of the faithless and factious " lmmortal thirteen " inipiac-
licable and destmctive Senators in the late Legislature of Tennessee, in
d -feating llie election of United States Senators. This gross outrage,
too, upon the laws, usages, honor, and constitution, was inflicted by men
prqfessifig to bow with calmsul^mission to the will and wishes of the
l^eople— by i\ forsworn faction of the self styled Democracy of the
Slate— the ardent lovers and friends of the " dear People ! "

For the parlicidars of the hypocrisy, intrigue, and outrageous con-
duct, of the liocofoco party in the Legislature of this Stale, on th s
subjcrt, we call the attention of thereader to an editorial we wrote about
that time and published in the Jonesborongh Whig, of February 9th,
1842. Thisarticle embodies all the material facts in the case, and isi*
the " follow ing vrords and figures, to-wit : " —

[From the Jonesborongh Whig of February 9th 1842.]
" KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE "—That after a long and
animated contest in TcMuiessee, for Oovernor and members of the
rJen<M-a1 Asscmlilv, in whic'n the party lest was fairly and fully made,
the Whigs succeeded in ekrliuga Ooxcnu.r, by a majority of more than
three tJwumnd votes, and upon joint ballot, tliey had a majority of tiro
in the Legislature.

Keep it before, the People— Vu^xV iliissaiiu> Sial.^ •' - s then, as it is
now,without"Senators in Congrr^., b<MMg ^^ll(.lly u,.; -r.snnted in the
National Legislatm-e-that the partv iu ihe majority m the General
Assembly as well as throughout the State— made repeated eflorts to go
inm the election of Senators, but were as often defeated by the reckless,
disorganizing minority, calling themselves Democrats.

Keep it before the Pco/;/c— That after the real sovreigns, of one Sabi
TruNEY'a District, five hundred of, a majority of whom arcAVhigs.

THE SENATOKTAt O.rESTION, &.C.

139

iustructcd him to vote ia llie Senate, to bring on the election of Senators,
lie rekictanfly clone .so, nnd thereby the so called Deniorralic majority
of that liody'was overcome, and the election was ordered to be held on
a certain day.

Keep it before the People — That when the appointed day arri\ed,
and the Whig Senators started into the Hivll of the House, accompanied
by this aforesaid Tmney, every oilier Senator of the J iOcofoco sirii)e,
remained in their cliamlit-r and uilcily rej'dsed to join tlu^ Honse, ami a
maiority of (heir own body, in electing Senators to Congress, bt-cavise,
forsooth, they conld not elect two men wlio would iiihrepre^teut the
wishes oi tire General Assembly, and of a n^,ajoiity of the people of the
State.

Keep it before tlte People — That the Convention ef the two b.onses.
repeatedly sent the doordceeper into the Senate chamber after these dis-
org;mizer"s, apprising them of their readiness to discharge an obligation
iuiposed npon them ]>y their oaths, and by the Constitution of
Tennessee, and inviting their co-operation — but these rebellious vagrant.s,
Q3 repeatedly returned them insulting verbal and written answers.

Keep it before the People — TJiat when the House attempted to
organize, and with the majority of the Senators, who liad consented lo
GU election, proceed to business, some twenty odd other disorgnnizers,
members of the House, gathered their hats and canes, and left the Hall
— crossed over into the Senate chamber — ;joined those spirits of the
same kidney — took other by the hand, hmghed and sneered — thus
breaking the quorum, and defeating the wishes of the people.

Keep it before tlie People— 'Ylmt this disgraceful scene was acted
over, and over again, four days together, widiont efiecting an election —
and that, besides, this same ])nrty caused twelve other days to be con-
sumed in die discussion of tins question, in all sixteen days, at an
expense to the State of six hundred dollars per day, making the round

Bum of NINE THOUSAND SIX HUNDRED DOLLARS !

Keep it before the People — That die perpetrators of this foul deed
took the ground, from first (o last, that there was no express law ef
ike State requiring lie convention of the two Houses to elect Senators,
though it had been the custom of the State, as it has been of every Stale
in the Union, from time immemoiial.

Keep it before the People — That the aforesaid Tmney, a Locofoco
representing a Whig district, and under instructions from his consdtuents,
introduced a bill in the Senate, wdiere las party had a majority of one,
to enact die necessary law to" convene the two houses, hoping, in tlie
absence of one Whig, that the bdl would be lost, though he sliould
himself vote for it — but that Senator reiurning to his post, very unex-
pectedly Tumey bolted mid voted against his oini bill !

Keep it before the People — That diis same General Assembly
adjourned, after a session of four months, wddiout electing United
States Senators — diatdie same set met in Extra Session since, and again
utterly refused to elect Senators to Congress — and that this State is
unrepresented in that body, and must so remain at least for a while, f=ny

140 THE SENATORIAL QUESTION, &C.

toll the People ai the approaching August election, tend honest men to
Nashville to legislate.

Keep it before the People — Tliat such an outrage has never been
comnjittcd in any State in the Union, since the organization of this
Government — and that, beside the reckless Locofoco papers of this
State, the Globe^ the most venal and prostituted sheet in'America, is the
only paper, of any party which has dared to advocate the conduct of
these " thiiteen Senators," and their kindred spirits in the House.

Keep it before the People — That this dastardly and de^^-adingly
revolutionary conduct, is the conduct of the enemies of freedom and
the friends of despotism, in its most hideous forms — and that all who
were concerned therein, deserves the scorn, contempt and .everlasting
hatred of all honest men, and under their lashes sliould be made to
writhe the remainder of their days.

Keep it before the People — That however much these miscreants
may quibble, or try to excuse themselves, they are guilty of the violation
of their oaths — of the State constitution, and of the most barefaced
treachery and that the election of any such men, in future, would be
one of the greatest curses that could fall upon any people.

We next propose to give a history of the electlou of Senators to
CongTCfis, from Tennessee, for a period of Forty five years — and wo
beg the reader, of whatever politics — and a candid and impartial Pub-
lic, to arraign these ardcntlovers of the People, the Laws and Corjoiitu-
tion,and see with what jo/ea they justify such conduct — snch revolution-
ary^ high-handed, factious, destructive conduct.

The public are called upon to bear in mind, that from die veiy
earliest period of Tennessee's existence as a State, her Legislature
elected Senators to Congress, by a joint vote of both Houses in
Convention assembled. Li this way and in no piher, tlia Journals of
each Session shows, —

1. Joseph ? Anderson, elected in 1798.

2. Daniel Smith " 179 7^

3. Joseph Anderson ic-elected 180^-

4. Daniel Smith, " ISO^.

5. Jenkin Whiteside, elected 1809.

6. Joseph Anderson, re-elected 180^'

8. G. W. Campbell, elected ISll-

7. G.W.Campbell, re-elected 1SI6.

9. John Williams, elected i8l5

10. John Williams, re-elected 1817

11. John H. Eaton, elected 1819.
vice Campbell

12. John H.Eaton, re-elected 1821.

13. Andrew Jackson " 1823.
vice Williams.

14. Hugh L. White, " 1825.
vice Jackson (by a unanimous vote.)

THE SENATORIAT, QUESTION, &C.

141

In. Hugh L. White, re-elected 1S29.

16 Felix Gmndy, elected IS??*^

r John H. Eaton, J^^J- )

J Felix Gkimdy, ^^^ • ^

/ Eph. H. Foster, 18310
■voted for in Convention thirty times and no election.

17. Felix Grundy, re-elected 1833-

18 HuE^h L. Wliite, re-elected 1835.

19. Ephraim H Foster, " 1837.

20 Felix Grundy, Nov. 19. IWi.

vice Foster. , ^ , , 1000

21, Felix Grundy, Dec. 14, li^oJ.
vice Grundy, resigned.

22. Alexander Anderson, Jan. 9, J MU.
vice White.

Here then gentle reader, are TWENTY TWO Legislative elections
ofUnited States Senators, since the organization of our State,— ei-cry
one —without a sohtary exception, being by Joint Ballot of the two
Houses, giving us a practice of Forty-five ijears—ihe usage of this, and
all other States, the sanction of the United States, ever since the forma-
tion of the General Government, and the sanction 'of such finmesn^
George Washington Campbell, John Williams, JohnH. Eaton,
Andrew Jackson, Hugh L. White, Felix Grundy, andEpHRAiM
H. Foster!

But what other authority ? Why in addition to this, the Whig
party, who contend for electing Senators in the old way, have the
Comtitution on their side, positively requiring: tie Legislatures of the
different States, to elect United States Senators. Let the reader
examine for himself:
Art. n. 3.
« 1 The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two
Senators, from each State, chosen by the Legislatures thereof/or «r
years: "

2 " And if vacancies happen by resignation, ox olhcrmsc, during
the recess of the Legislature in any State, the Executive thereof, may
make temporary appointments untill the next meeting of the Legisla-
ture, Wkkh SHALL then FILL SUCH VACANCIES. "

Sect. IV.

"1. The times, places and manner of holding the elections for
Senators and Representative shall be prescribed in each State, by
the Legislature thereof. "

What candid Democrat, what candid man of any party, witli these
facts before his eyes, can approve the conduct of these revolutionary
disorga}iizers9 No candid man, or honest politician will do it. But
James K. Polk, the Democratic candidate for Governor of Teuuessee,

144 THE SENATORIAL QUESTION. &C.

very recently, in an extraordinary onissik', being- an an^^^ver to what arc
known in this State, by the title of tlu' " .Mciiiph is Interrogatories, "

COMPLETELY ^\NU FL'LLY KNT)ORSED THE CONDUCT 01' -J'nE " THIR-
TEEN, " tOUching" this subject! His answer occupies nine colurnyts
in the "Memphis Appeal; " and in liis answer to the last interrogatory,
he SHOULDERS the responsibility, in effect acknowledging that HE led
in that outrage! Hear his own words: —

" Our practice has been to elect (Senators) b-y joint hdlot. in other
States a dillbrent mode has been adopted, and in some of them the
practice lias been to choose by the concurrent vole of the two Houses
— each House acting in its seperate and distinct Lc'sisldtirc cJiaractci\
as it does in passing laws or performing any other Legislative act.
Senators elected in each of thes modes liave been pcrmilted tu ake their
seats and serve as such — no consutulional question as to the " manner "
of their election, so far as I know, having been raised. I think then in
the absence of a Legislative provision prescribing the " manner " that
it rests in the sound discretion of each House of the 'Le<yi:iJaturc^ to
select the tnode or nianher^ ■wliich in its judge nient ■\rill. subserve the
public interestl Tha niodohy concwrent vote oj' each House is con-
cededly constitutional, and if by insisting upon it as the preferable
mode — that be the only means of. efiecling a great public good, or
preventing a great public injmy — such as preventing the election of
persons to the Senate of the United States who CONCEAL THEHl
OPINIONS upon pu^ic subjects interesting to the people, and m ho
refuse to make them known, or to say whether they admit or den}. :.:.
right of instruction, when respectfuhy interrogated upon these points by
any portion of the constituent body. In sucli cases, or similnr, I hold
that either branch of the Legislature, would not only bo JUSTIFIED
in adhering, but it would be due to the rights of their constituents whose
interests w^pre to be deeply afiected that they SHOULD ADHERE TO
THE ^.lANNER, by which these rights would be protected and
prese rvrd/'

That the Public may kn">\v who the "THiRTEEN'\arcand be enabled
to hold them up to the g;!::^*, scorn and contempt, of all honest and
honorable men, we prescni, ilieir names, with their respective counties
annexed, in bold relief. Honest men of all parties, understanding the
facts in the refusal of the "thirteen" to elect Senators, must regard their
conduct as the grosest outreige upon the rights of the people, ever per-
petrated in a civilized country, especially by the minority of a Legisla-
tive body. Most of these men are now candidates before the very
people whose rights they have trodden under foot, for re-election, but
whether they are to be rebuked or sustained, remains to be seen on the
3id of August next. We appeal to to the Republican in heart — not
in word — tothe-lionest lovers of represcntstive rights, of all parties — to
stand forth and show to the authors of this outrage upon the rights of
tlie Mu-VJORITY of the people and their representatives, that such

Tlin SEXATOUIAL QUES TiOX, &C .

143

coiuUiCb will not be toleratod. We appeal to dispassionate men, men
who love their country, and desire their country's good, to set their
faces against such outkiifs as are presented wiihin tliese black Imcs :

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^

SastBsse? Tiia'Biey, of TVhite County.
jr. F Slardwicke, of Dickson County.
1^, M. liai^^liSiii, of Warren County.
T. J. MatlliCWS, of Laurence County.
AsTJjIrciV J'ohBisoiBj of Greene County.
aSfi-chard Warwcr, of Bedford County,
^T' T. Moss, of Lincoln County.
Sacklield Maclill, of Fayette County.
.fohn f.^ockj m\\\e\% of McMh; County.
R«l)ei't ^^ Powell, of Carter County.
Barkiey ]?IarU8i, of Maury County.
Jolm \. CJarcliier, of Weakly County.
Richai'd "WattcaiBOiisc, of Rhea County.

There are one or more topics, connected with this grave question,
upon which we desire to make a passing remark or so, and then we are
done with the snliject, at least for the present. The only pretext for this
revolutionary conduct, and unprecedented outrage, are, first, that Messrs.
Foster & Jarxaoin, who were understood to be the Whig candidates,
or rather we should say, the choice of the Whig party in the State,
refused to answer the insulting and inquisitorial (picslion propounded to
them, by these " Black Knighls ; " and next, it is urged that tlic Whig
members of the Legislature refused to " compromise," and elect a
Senator from the ranks of each political party, wdiich the " thirteen"
would have agreed to, without an avowal of opinions from cithcf ! As
to those who put the questions to Messrs. Foster & JaMagin, it was well
understood by them, that they were detemuacd to vote against them; that
they did not ask for their opinions in good faith — they having learned
iheir opinions on the stump, as they had just canvassed the whole State

144 THE SENATORIAL QUESTION, &C.

and tliat neither these g-entlemen or their friends expected or desired

them to vote for them, or in any way promote their election to the U.
States Senate. This pretext, then, for thirteen members having
controlled eighty-seven others, in that they prevented an election, falls
to the ^lound, as flimsy and unworthy the senmis consideration of
honest men.

As to the proposition for a " cow^rwwVe," the Kke never was heard
of before in the State, till a resolution to this effect was introduced by Mr.
Laughlin, and amended by Mr. Waterhouse. (See Senate Journal,
page 709-'10.) And the inconsistency of these men will appear, when
it is seen, by examining their resolution, that they proposed to elect one
Senator from the Whig party, and one from the Democratic party,
without requiring them to answer any questiom, from any source! —
Beside the Whig party had carried the State in the Presidential election
the year before, by a majority of TWELVE THOUSAND, and
again, in a fiercely contested battle, the prece6ding August, they had
elected a Whig Governor, by a majority of more than TlHREE
THOUSAND, and upon joint ballot, they had a majority in the
Legislature — hence, they were entitled to both Senators or hone.

But in concluding this chapter, we propose to show, that these
'• Black Knl^hts,''^ in censuring the silence of Messrs. Foster «fc Jama-
gin, condemn the doctrine taught by their great leader, Martin Van
BuREN. In a letter to Shen-od Williams, dated April 20th, 1836, Mr.
Van Buren says : —

" The duty of a candidate for the suffrages of the people to answer
in full all enquiries made by an elector undetermined as to his course,
and scckirnj:, in good faith, infdrmation as to the opinions of the can-
didate, toucliing the appropriate duties of the office to be filled, is one
which I cheerfully acknowledge and will upon all occasions faithfully
discliarge.

" The rights of an elector, on the other haml, who has already
determined to oppose the individual to whom his enquiries are addressed
and who makes them wit! i the sole view of exposing, at his own time,
and in the mode Jia may select, the opinions of iJtc candidate to
unfrieiidh/ crilicism, and lite candidate himself to prejudice in the
estimation of portions (f his fellow-citizens, stand in my judgment,
UPON A DIFFERENT FOOTING. To such enquiries, I hold the candidate
to be at liberty to REPLY OR NOT, as justice to his countiy, and to
his own character may in his opinion dictate.-'

After introducing the foregoing extract, in an article on this same
sul)ject, the Roiwublican Banner, justly remarks: —

"Now what are the facts as to the interrogatories propounded to
Messrs. Foster and .Tarnn ;in ? It is well known ihat those who put the
questions were "already delcrinined to oppose " their election— that

THB SENATORIAL QUESTION, «fcC- 145

they did not seek information *in g^ood faith' — that the opinions of Messrs.
Foster and Jarnagin, who had just canvassed the whole State, were
well known — that the " sole view " of the intenog'atoi's was to " expose,
at their own time, and in tlie mode they mig'ht select, the opinions " of
Messrs. F. and J. " to unfriendly criticism " and those g-entleraen
themselves " to prejudice in the estimation of portions of their fellow-
citizens." So regarding the inquisitorial questions put to tiiem, tlie
insult of which was heightened by a threat to prevent the election
unless they would answer, they had the right to " REPLY OR NOT "
as they chose."

0' Locofoco prints still designate Messrs. Foster and Jarnagin as
" dumb candidates." Why more so than Messrs. Nicholson and Polk ?
Mr. Nicholson was confessedly a " candidate," and Mr. Polk will hardly
deny that his friends earnestly sought to make him Senator; yet, neither
of these gentlemen answerecf the interrogatories propounded. One of
the ^' thirteen," openly confessed Mr. Nicholson a candidate in his place
in the Senate — where is there to be found such evide)ice that Messrs.
Foster and Jarnagin were candidates ?

" The inicrrogatGries will be proposed to Mr. NicJwlson^^^ boldly
exclaimed Mr. Senator Ro^s ; " it was not the object to arraign and try
any particular indiviekjal."

indeed ! Then why did not Mr. Nicholson amimr ! Why attempt
to " arraign and try" Messrs. Foster and Jarnagin, and at the same time
suffer Mr. Nicholson to escape ; for precisely the same omission ? Do
our. opponents expect any advantage from sueh'open hUmbuggery ? —
Whig Banner^

CHAPTER XIII.

THE BANKRUPT LAW-A DEMOCRATIC MEASURE-EVIDENCE OP THE FACT

From first to last, we have advocated, with whatever of abihty we
possessed, tliis humane law— this beneficent and judicious act of le-
gislation. A law, we scruple not to say, which is indispensable in all
civilized governments. Moreover, among <he Whig editors in Ten-
nessee, wc alone took the field in defence of this law. We did it pre-
vious to the Presidential election— we did it after the law -\\ as passed at
the extra session of Congress, and we have continued to advocate the
measure, even since its repeal.

We never availed ourselves of the benefits of the law, and never in,
tended to do so, though urged to it by several estimable friends. Our
liabilities are greater than we can meet, but they are not our own—
they are security debts, and m justice we might have become an appli-
cant for the benefit of this law. We have advocated the law, then,
not from iiitercst^hwi ixom principle , as indeed we have all other lead-
ing measures of the day, which we have discussed.

We profess not to have a heart callous to every generous sympathy
of human nature, and therefore, we have constantly appeared in
defence of this compassionate measure ; next, we have gone for it on
Scriptural grounds. The doctrine of forgiving debtors^ was a part of
the religion of the Old Testament, as it is also of the New. From
time immemorial, debtors have been '^ dischcuged" from their liabih-
ties at stated periods. God himself first proclaimed a " Uniform Sys-
tem of Bankruptcy'' for the government of his peculiar and favorite
people, the Jews ; and not only did the Prophets of old teach the prin-
ciples oif this beneficent law, but Christ and his Apostles enforced its
precepts.

The truth is, that the 1 5th chapter of the book of Deuteronomy, is
nothing more or less than the Jewish Ikaikrupt Law, difiering only in
its phraseology from the late law of Congress. That was called the
f^ sabaticalycarof release : ours is called the year of discharges from
liabilities, <^^c. The first provision of this Mosaic law of bankruptcy
is in these words* —

" At the end of every seven years thou shalt make a release. And

THE BAKRUPT LAW, &C. 14T

tliig is the manner of the release : every creditor that lendetli aught unto
Ilia neighbor shall release it ; he shall not exact it of his neighbor, or
of his brother ; because it is called the Lord's release."

Heic it will be seen, tliat what our law terms a certificate of discharge ^
the law of Moses called " the Lord's release ! "

The next provision of the .lewisli law worthy of particular notice, is
at the 7th and Sth verses, and is in these words : —

" If there 1:)e among you a poor man of one of thy brethren, within
any of thy gates in thy land which the Lord thy God giveth thee, thou
Rhalt not harden thy heart,, norsliut thine hand from thy poor brother:
But thou shalt open thine hand wide unto him and thou shalt surely
lend him suFFicrENT for his need, in that which he wanteth."

This section of God's ancient Bankrupt Law, like the late law of
Congress, provided for the setting apart, by an Assignee^ whatever was
deemed necessary for tlie comfort and support of die family of the
Bankrupt

But the length to which the principles of the Bankrupt Law wero
carried, under the Old Testiiment dispensation, was such, that it waa
absolutely a maxim among the ancient people of God, that no man
should lie down in his bed at night, without forgiving the liabilities of
his neighbor — without a willingness to rise up in the morning rub out
and begin anew ! There was no such thing as objecting to the petition
of a Banknipt in those days: and in this respect that law was superior
to ours, in the present day.

Oar adorable Saviour, in his universal prayer, which involves the
compass of our intercourse with God, and which may w^ell be denomina-
ted an assemblage of doctrinal perfection, embodies the spirit and prin-
ciples of a Unifonn System of Bankruptcy , is the spirit and principles
on which tdone men can expect their final discJiarge from the bondage
of sin and death. The petition is in these words — "And forgive us our
debts as we forgive our debtors. " Some learned Commentators say,
-that this petition should be rendered /orijiY-e us our debts; for we for-
give those luho are indebted to us. If this be so, how dare those mem-
bers of the Church, who rail out against unfortunate B ankrupts, pray
thus to God and tell him a downright lie ? Other learned Commenta-
tors have thought that the petition implies, " Malvo my forgiveness of an
unfortunate debtor " the measure of thy forgiveness to me: — with the
same measure I meet to others let it be measured to me. " Well, how
do we forgive others? We denounce them as scoundrels, swindlers
and thieves. We appoint Committees, who report that they should not
be allowed to hold an official station in the Church ! Well, just so we
pray that God may deal with us ! We desire no intercourse with a

14S THE BANKRUPT LAW, &C.

Bankmpt neighbor ; we will not credit him for n ninepence : just so we
pray God to deal with us ! And says our Saviour, dwelling on this
passage with a peculiar emphasis, — " If ye forgi\'e not men their debts,
neither will your Father forgive your debts.''''

Once more : men who apply to God, through Christ, for a discharge
from their long and heavy indebtedness to him, ^/'without money
and without price," and oppose the "/-e/ease" of a fellow mortal, who
owes them but an inconsiderable amount, m-e very inconsistent. A
sinner has less wherewith to pay his God the debts, he o^ves him, than
many of the Bankrupts in this country have to pay off their creditors
with : if his debts be not forgiven, they must stand charged against
hij^i forever, as-he is absolutely insolvent; and if the Reverend Attornies,
who "labor in \vord and doctrine," to obtain a certificate of discharge,
for the sinner i?ithe High Court of Heaven, were to tax him with such
fees as are required of Bankrupts here, why. Hell would be his portion.
But the Bajikrupt law in force, in the GovernnieiV- of God, fortunately
for the nior^l Bankrupt, transfers the credit.s in his case, from justice
to mercy. Accojding to the. Gospel plan of Bankruptcy, which is a
display of the divine perfections, it is only necessar}'- that the sinner
repent for his indebtedness to God — become 5or?'y for his liabilities,
and believe in the willingness and ability of his Great^Creditor to forgive
his debts, and he is at once set at hbertv. But if a poor Bankrupt in
this country, under the late law of Congress, and especially among a
portion of the Locpfocos, "repents m sackcloth and ashes," believing
"with all his heart," in the abihty of his earthly creditor to forgive him,
he will scarcely let liim have jubilee !

[From ilic Tuscaloosa Moniter ]

- ADVANTAGES OF THE BANKRUPT LAW.— Tiic conso-
quences that will flow from this benificent and judicioiis act of legislation,
will, in a few years, prove such as its friends and supporters had in
view — the release of men from bondage, and a dividend among creditois,
exceeding, generally, what ihey would otherwise have obtained. That
many bankaipts, who have availed themselves of the benefit of the
law, have returned no assets with their petitions, is true, because it was
their misfortune to be deprived, hy legal process, of all they had, or they
voluntary surrendered it to their ciedilors. To suppose that a man
after final prostration, could recover, when old debts, constantly increa-
sing in amount weic suspended over him, would require a better field
for gain than this country- at present aJlbids, and more forbearance and
sympathy on the part of odiers, than tliere is reason to expect. Men
are not so constituted as to labor freely and (hriitily, when die product,
of fheir toil, is liable to be swept away for that which has been nobenef t
to them, l>ut on the contrary, has caused (heir ruin. Such is the char-
acter of mo«t debts which are exhibited in the schedules of bankrupts

THE BANKRUPT LAW, &C.

149

Under this view of the case, who can possibly be injured by the
bankrupt law ? Not creditors, for all is given up to tlieni before the law
will aflbrd protection to the petitioner : and it is clear that a man, let
liiaibe ever so honest is powerless, while the chains of debt, that worst
form of slaver^', are galling him every moment of his life The law
in question will do much to prevent immorality ; for thousirnds of the
unfortunate who will now l^e free, would in the absence of such a law,
have been driven to desperation, and not only destroyed themselves by
vice, as the easiest mode of ending their troubles, but by the contagion
of their example would have drawn myriads of youth into the same
vortex of ruin. There is no aspect in which the bankrupt law can be
considered but what its tendency is beneficial to both creditors and debt-
ors. It is time and thought uselessly expended, to moan over tho
calamities of debt after a man is once its victim. He looks around and
sees the indifference, nay the cruel delight witli which his situation
is regarded by a large portion of '.he community. Let him, then
gather up courage enough to burst his shackles and once restored to
liberty, he will avoid the malestrom which in its distant circles is scarce-
ly perceived but as the unhappy voyager goes on, the circles contract
and gather momentum, until he is aroused to danger, not in time to
escape, but to witness his own destruction. We say then, it is the
duty of every man who knows that his debts exceed his means, to
equare off under the bankrupt law, and if fortune is propitious he will
be the more able to rend-er justice to his creditors. As to any disgrace
t(5 a man's character, for having so acted- It is all imaoinar>', We
know there are some tyrants, misanthropes and ignorant people that
pretend to look upon the Bankrupt Law with horror, and all those who
seek its benefits as dishonorable ; but such creatures have as little moral
influence as their hearts are callous to every generous sympathy of
human nature — Bankrupts be of good cheer. Bear up steadily under
yo,ur trials and mortifications ; do not be discouraged. You have ex-
perience which is better l-o start upon fresh in the w^orld, than a fortune
without experience.

[From the Jonesborough Whig of 1842.]
THE BANKRUPT LAW.— Denunciations of the Bankrupt Law
16 now the order of the day in East Tennessee, with the Locofoco
Presses and leaders. Indeed it is their favorite theme, since Ex-Goy.
Polk opened against it at Rogersville. By raising a great dust on this
eubject, they hope to effect two objects, first to excite the prejudices
of the people against the Whigs ; and next, to conceal from public
gaze, their own political sins. We have, therefore, seated ourself this
one time more, for the purpose of troubling Democracy on this point,
which we have it completely in our power to do. And. now for it.

NUMBER ONE.— In the House of Representatives, in Congress,
January 3, 1815, Mr. Ingersol, a notorious Locofoco, from the Com-
mittee on the Judiciary, reported a bill to establish a uniform system,
of Bankruptcy throughout the United States.

NUMBER TWO.— On the 5tli day of September, 1837, (extra
tSessiou) Martin Van Buren, a Democratic President of the United

150 THE BANKHUPT LAW, SiC.

xStates, recommended in his Message to botli Houses of Congress, the
passage of a nnifoi^ni Bankrupt Lau\ to apply in paiticular \o Banlcs
nnd Bankers!

NUMBER THREE. -On the 5th of September, 1837. Mr. Van
Buren's Democratic Secretary of tlie Treasury, mad(^. a report to Con-
gress, praying the passage of a umform Bankrupt Law, wliich was
refered to the Connnittee on the Judiciary.

NUMBER FOUR.— On the 13th day of January, 1840, Mr Nor-
VELL,a Demacratic Senator from Michigan, moved that the Judiciary
be instrucred to enquire into the expediency of ' reporting a bill for the
estabhshment o[ aGermrd Bankrupt Laio.

NUMBER FIVE.— On the 22iid. of April, 1840, Garret D. Wall,
a flaming Democratic Senator in Congress, reported certain amendments
to a Bankrupt Law, from a minority of the Committee, which were
referred to the Senate's select Connnittee, and reported by Mr. Wallj
and passed — 21 to 19, and sent to the House.

NUMBER SIX.— In the Senate, July 23, 1S41, Mr. Nicholson,
a Democratic Senator from Tennessee, delivered an able speech in
favor of a uniform system of Bankruptcy, and moved to amend tlie bill
then pending, by inserting " BANKS AND OTHER CORPORA-
TIONS, " which motion was lost, by a vote of 34 to 16.

NUMBER SEVEN.— That great light of Democracy, Coi.
Richard M. Johnson, late Vice President of the United States, wrote
and spoke in favor of a General Bankrupt Law. In a letter of his now
before us, dated, Washington, January 18, 1841, he says speaking of
such a law, " My opinion is that it tvill j-edound to the honor of our
country. "

NUMBER EIGHT.— We now introduce a still gi-eater name, whose
authority no Democrat dare question — we mean Gen. Jackson. In
February, 1840, a committee of the Senate and House of Representa-
tives o/' tde Ohio Legislature, invited Gen. Jackson to unite with them
in llic <cicbration of the ensuing anniversary of American Independence.
To this invitation. Gen. Jackson replied under date of the 11th of May
1840, and in allusion to a s\ taem of relief says :

*' If in addition to this reform of our financial system. Congress would
at the same time pass a GENERA Li BANKRUPT LAW, by which
the banks now in existence, or may be hereafter chartered by the States
would he hound to make an equitahle distribution of their rffncts to
tlieir creditors, when they refuse to redeem their notes with specie, it
cannot be doubted that there would be an end to the evils of a depre-
ciated paper currency. "

NUMBER NINE.— In the Tennessee Sentinel, a Locofoco
paper published in Jonesborough, and under the editorial head, of the
date of February 12, 1842, we find the following bulger :

" This [the Bankrupt Law] is a measure to which BOTH THE
WHIG ANDDl'MOCRATIC PARTIES STAND WITH BUT
FEW EXCEPTIONS OPPOSED. "

THE BANKRUPT LAW, &C. 161

NUMBER TEN.— Two Democtratic Senators in Congress, Messra
Walker and Willlvms, by their votes, on the 2Sth day of January,
1842, prevented the repeal of the " odious bankrupt law. " And the
^'iminortal thirteen.'' in the General Assembly of Tennessee, did the
same thins?, by obstinately refusing to elect Senators to Congress.

Xn conclusion— we ask every candid man in the country, who has
gone for the Bankrupt Law front first to last, and through thick end
thin? WeaskW/o are responsible for this law, the Whigs or Loco -
focos? And we ask, in all sincerity, if the present so called Democrat
ic party, are not the last set of men on earth, who should rail out against
the law ? Reader, look at i\\& facts in this case as we have given them
referrino- you to chapter and verse, day and date— and not to the lies
of desi<niing men. — Hold these " self-evident " truths before the leaders'
-of Democracy, aiid then " Let the galled jade wince! "

[From the Nashville Banner.]

MR. VAN BUREN'S OPINIONS OF A BANKRUPT LAW—

On the 13th August, 1840, a letter was addressed to Mr. Van Buren, by
Messrs. S. L. Dantield, Wm. H. Brasher, arid other citizens of New
York interrogating him as to his opinions with reference to a general
Bankrupt Law. Extracts from his reply dated Washington, Sept. 14,
1840, we present below— which fully explain the kinds of law referred
to, and the positions of the Ex President thereon :

" The subject, as now pending before the country and as embraced
in your questions, presents itself in several points of view.

First, As to a General Bankrupt Law, applicable to bankers and
traders only.

Second, As to the propriety of subjecting corporations to its opeta-
ration; and

Third, As to the propriety of embracing voluntarily or involuntarily,
all other classes within its provisions.

It is anile, the sacred observance of which is indispensible to the well
being of Society, that Government should never interfere with private
contracts even when the authority to do so is conferred by the Consti-
tution, except upon the ground of evident public necessity and then
with a degree of cautionand circmnspection which shall guard ill an
effectual manner against fraud and injustice. That occasions may arise
when those who have the rightful power to interfere, maij do so, and
are required to do so,bjj a regard for the best interests of the commu-
nity, THERE CAN BE NO DOUBT. I thought there loas occasion
for such an interference in 1827, and gave my vote for a general
Bankrupt Law, applicable to bankers and traders, classes which all
agree, were intended to be embraced by the clause of the constitution
relating to this subject. An occasion of at least equal urgency for such
^ law exists at this time. The embarrassments caused by the pernicious
expansion of the currency, and the consequent facilities of credit and
cash enterprises, which have inifortunately characterized tlie last few
years, are suck as to render an interference of this kind greatly cote-

152 THE BANKRUPT LAW, &C.

dubive, IF NOT ABSOLUTELY NECESSARY'! TO THE PUB-
LIC GOOD. I WOULD THEREFORE HAVE UNHESITA-
TINGLY, CO-OPERATED AT THE LAST SESSION OF
CONGRESS, IN THE PASSAGE OF SUCH A LAW, properly
guarded against frauds, and so framed as to secure to the creditors the
present estate of tlieir debtors, when the latter were discharged from
their obUfsations.^''

"It would constitute no objection with me, if corporations were, in
proper fonn, embraced by the provisions of such a bill."

" Objections to the power of Congress to pass a voluntar\- bankmp!
law applicable to all classes of debtors, have been principally founded
on the following considerations."

[Following" in this connexion he enumerates the points of argumei>^
both for and against it, which V/e of course omit as foreign to the
illustration of his own position.]

" The evils of a Bankrupt Law, with such an extended range,
would, it is justly to be feared, more than counterbalance the benefits
it might otherwise' produce. T am not aware that any government has
deemed it wise or safe to Extend the operations of a bankrupt law, to
all these classes of its citizens or subjects. I am well aware that these
latter objections are sought to be obviated by making- the operations
of this part of the law voli'.ntaiy only. But it well cle^erves to be re-
membered, that such' a law would be but the entering wedge — the first
movement of Congress in a new direction, under a general power, and
no one can tell what might be the next."

Thus it is apparent that Mr. Van Burcn is for a worse Bankrupt Law
than that which passed Congress. He is for a "general Bankrupt I<aw
applicable to Bankers and Traders^' (embracing of course, merchants,
factors, and many other classes of private citizens) including "banking
incorporations. But excluding other classes of citizens, equally mer-
itorious, such as farmers, mechanics, &c., from its operations. He is
opposed to extending the law to "a^^ classes of debtors," but agrees to
embrace a few favored and generally moneyed classes, to the exclusion
of all small debtors.

This odious distinction he seems to wish to palliate, when he intimates
that were the law, as applicable to farmers, mechanics, and other small
debtors, made " voluntary only," (the precise condition of the law
passed) it would be unobjectionable, only as it might prove an entering
wedge to something worse hereafter. But it must be allowed that lie
no where distinctly approves such an extension of the law to "all
xlasses. " The extent of his wishes is, a general Bankrupt Law, ap-
plicable so bankers and traders. "

THE BANKRUPT LAW, JtC. 153

Senator Benton^ it is well known, voted for a retrospective Bankrupt
Law, in 182T. He still maintained his position in 1840, in a speech
in the Senate. In that speech, as the following extract will show, he
was the advocate of the voluntary feature :

" I dm ready to assist info-rming an act which shall be general in
its provisions, and just in its application— which shall do justice to the
creditor as well as" to the debtor — which shall be compulsory with
regard to traders and dealers, whether natural or artificial — which shall
be optional with other classes of the c6mmunity\^^ i^^t'- ^'c- (See Ap.
Con. Globe, p. 505.)

In another speech in the Senate" in 1840, he said',

" Persons who are not merchants or traders, have been carried away
by the spirit of the tunes, and have been involved' in debts from \yhich
they see no means of extrication. These have aright to th^ relief of
a bankrupt Idiv, as loell as those regularly engaged in trdd6^ at the
same time they should not be subject to the compulsory application of
the law. With them the application of the law should be voluntary
dnd optional: it should only be applied to them on their own petition ;
while with those regularly engaged in trade, and particularly bound to
know the laws of trade, and obey these laws, the application of the law
should be compulsory, and should take effect upon the petition of «
given proportion of their creditors. This extension of the prinfciples of
the act would make it universal in its application to persons ; its
extension to corporations would be all that would )oe wanting to make
it entirely national, and fitly applicable to every case in which the rela-
tion of debtor and' creditor existed. (See Congressional Globe, p. 237.)
' But Old Federal Democratic Senator Wall, of New Jersey, made
a speech on this subject, at the same time, and said, aiiti^A^e would call
especial attention to his language :

" The cowifry dema}ids that relief of Congress wliich they suppose
they can constitutionally apply. They have, in numerous petitions,
clearly and expUcitly made known the remedy which they suppose
can and ought to be granted. It is the passage of an uniform law on
the subject of bankruptcy.''^

" The first movement on the subject of a banlrtupt law, made durin^^
the present session, proceeded from my honorable (democratic) friend
from xVIichigan, (Mr. Noi-vell.) * He is entitled to the merit, what
ever it may be, of first presenting the subject for the consideration of this
body. It seems to have awakened the attentions of the whole country,
from one extremity to the other. There were soon on the files of the
Judiciary Committee, fifty one petitions, praying lor the passage of an
uniform law on the subject of bankruptcy, twenty-nine of which arc
from N. York, five from New Jersey, two from Indiana, two from Mas-
sachusetts, three from Ohio, and one from each of the States of
Tennessee and Mississippi. There are twenty-five other petititioqs,
praying for the passage of a general bankrupt law or using some
equivolent expression to uniform or general ; fifteen of which are from

154 THE BANKRUPT LAW, &C.

New York, eight from Pennsylvania, four from Illinois, one from each
of the States of Ohio, Maine, and New Hampshire, three from Missis-
sippi, and two from Alabama. Resolutions have also been passed by
the Legislatiu-es of Maine and Michigan, in favor of the same measure."
(See Ap. Con. Globe, p. 460.)

Mr. Wall makes mention of that prominent Democratic Senator
from Michigan, Mr. Norvell, having first introduced this glorious relief
measure ; and we will here introduce his strong commendation, in an
extract from his (Mr. NorvelPs) speech, delivered on the 20th of May,
1840:

" Mr. President, said Mr. 'N. my deep conviction is, that no legislation,
no mecisure, no combination of measures that we can adopt, would
afford one tenth part of the relief to the country which will be secured
to it by the passage of a umform law of Bankruptcy. * " The
process of voluntary hankrupicy affords an effective and lasting relief
to the debtor, upon the honest srun^ender of his effects for the benefit
of his creditors, and protects his future acquisitions of property. He
can begin the world anew." * " The vivifying principle of relief
ought to be extended to all ; to the cottage of the farmer and the
humble dwelling of the 7nechanic, as well as to the princely palace of
the merchant." Again — " No benefit could accrue to the nation from
a bankrupt law merely prospective in its. operation on future contracts."
* " The Supreme Court has also repeatedly decided that the power
to pass bankrupt laws retrospective in their operation, was constitutional."
(See Ap. Con. Globe, p. 464-5.

Col. R. M. Johnson, the late Democratic Vice President, as we have
already shown, is the advocate of the retrosp)CCtive feature in this law,
so much complained of. While a Senator in Congress, from Kentucky,
in 1827, he voted for a Bankrupt bill then before the Senate, embracing
this feature. He has taken still stronger ground since. In his famous
letter of 1839, already alluded to, he says:

" Credit in trade is based upon confidence in the success of him who
obtains it, and ought not in any degree to depend upon a contingent
right which the creditor may claim on the liberty or the future indepen-
dence of the debtor. If he chance to be unsuccessful, all that they can
claim is a faithful surrender of his remaining effects. Let him give
these and begin the world again. What is the effect of subjecting his
future acquisitions to the seizure of his creditors ? It is to stifle in him
the spirit of enterprise and to bind him and his family down to perpet-
ual poverty, without the remotest prospect of benefit to his creditors or
to society."

" We should provide a uniform system of Ifankruptcy upon as liberal
principles as justice will warrant — and as experience shall show its
imperfections, we should give it such consideration and amendment as
will be found equitable. I should expect its provisions to be

EXTENDED TO ALL CLASSES OF EVERY PROFESSION, INVOLUNTARY A3
TO MERCH.iNTS, AND VOLUNTAHY AS TO OTHERS."

THE BAKRUPT L.WV, &C.

" The law slioul J embrace all cases existing at the passixg oP
THE LAW, as well as all which may happen in future. Such are my
views upon this subject. I do not set up myst-lf as a standard for
others — organized as I am, I could not act otherwise without a violation
of conscience and the obligations of solemn duty. For I have no
doubt that if the system should be established, its beneficial effects
would be felt in every part of our country, and especially throughout
our whole trading community. It is a system which I believe prevails
in every commercial country in Europe, and in every civilized nation
on the globe- Indeed, from the earliest anticputy, the Jews, though an
agricultural nation, had their general jubilees. It is the same measure
in a different form, the same great conservative principle for tlie same
great object. In this country all power is based on the will of the
people. We have no legal or constitutional classes; but the rich and
the poor, the fortunate and unfortunate, are all equal. There is a peiv
petual revolution of property ; the poor becoming rich and the rich
becoming poor ; and to suffer any unnecessary impediment to enterprise,
is to interrupt the prosperity of the nation. If then the relief which a
bankrupt law gives EXTENDING ALL ITS PROVISIONS TO
ALL WHO DESIRE IT, is proper for any other country, it is much

MORE DUE to THIS GREAT REPUBLIC."

That unflinching Demovratic Senator from Mississippi, M\ Walker ,
is repotted more explicitl}'^, by the Globe newspaper, in his defence of
this now odious Whig ^neasure. The " bill to establish a general
system of Bankruptcy," being under consideration, Mr. Walker said :

" Mr. Walker spoke emphatically in favor of passing such
A bill, (including the banks if it could be done,) and insisted that
PUPLIC OPINION WOULD SOON RENDER IT INEVITA-
BLE." (See Con. Globe, p. 445.)

Again, July 25, 1841, Mr. Walker said :

" If this law was not passed, the thousands of unfortunate debtors in
this country would either have to wear the chains of the slave,
OR become exiles prom their native land."

* " No Qnan could doubt that Congress has the power to grant the
relief so loudly called for, and the State had not the power."

But, to cap the climax, Mr. A. O. P. Q. X Y. Z. NICHOLSON,
whilst a Senator in (congress from Tennessee, in 1841 , delivered a speech
in which he went the entire stripe in defence of this law. He is a
Democrat of the first water, and in his speech delivered on the 16th of
February, he says :

" If evidence were want-^d of the immense amount and extent of the
distress and suffering which exist in every portion and in every rank
andTcondition of our country, enough to satisfy tiry mind may be
found in the Tnemorials which are daily presented here ^ calling upon
us to interpose relief by passing a bankrupt laio. THERE ARE
HIGH CONSIDERATIONS OF PUBLIC POLICY, AS WELL

1.56 THE BANKRUPT LAW, &.C.

AS OF HUMANITY, WHICH STRONGLY INCLINE MP TO
LEND A FAVORABLE EAR TO THtiSE APPEALS. / am

satisfied that ichilst thi passage of a Bankrupt Law would OPEN
A SPEEDY WAY TO DELIVERANCE OF THOUSANDS OF
HONEST bnt UNFORTUNATE Ti^BTO^^, who have fallen vic-
tims to the abuses of the credit system., it xcould. at tlie same time^
RESTORE THEIR ENERGIES, AND ENABLE THEM TO
BECOME AGAIN VALUABLE MEMBERS OF SOCIETY. I

HOLD THAT, IN TOO MANY CASES, THE MAN WHO IS BOUND DOWN
UNDER A WEIGHT OF INDEBTEDNESS, FROM WHICH HE CANNOT

HOPE TO RELIEVE HIMSELF BY HIS OWN EXERTIONS,

IS WORTH BUT LITTLE TO HIMSELF, HIS FAMILY, OR HIS COUNTRY."

On the 23d of July, 1841, in a subsequent speech, Wyhprotem Sen-
ator, appointed by Gop. Polk, renewed his efibrts in behalf of this Qwuy
c«/tow5 TI7«o-fe?r, and held forth after this fashion, if he be correectly
reported by the Congressional Globe, on page 241-2 :

" Mr. Nicholson moved to amend tlie bill, so as to ificlu.de corpor^.'
/;io/^s within its provisions. '^— Mr. Nicholson rose and said, " It ^^
known, Mr. President, that tjiere is a difference of opinion in the Sen-
ate as to the porcer of Congress to subject bnnki^ig corporations to tho
provisions of a bankrupt law. I took occasion at the las,t session to
express my opinion at length on this question. — ^That opinion is still
the sanw, and I shall not detain the Senate by repeating the grounds
upon which / believe we are authorized under the Constitution to
exfivcise the p,ower. I shall content myself by remarking, that Jregard
the clause in the Constitution which autltorizes Congress to ^^pass
uniform laws o?i the subject of bankruptcies^^ as conferring a spe-
cific AND EXPRESS power TO LEGISLATE ON THIS SUBJECT. "

In addition to all these, we could give other and numerous extracts,
from these distinguished sources, infavor of (}i' Geti.eralBonkrupt Law,
but we have now exhausted both our space and patience, with these
Locofoco authorities, favoring this Federal Whig ^neasuxe ! It has
already been shown, however, that, AS A PARTY, the Locofocoa
actually brought forward in the Senate, in 1840, A BANKRUPT
BILL, to all the fcatui.es of which, they tlLemsclves noiv object ! — that
the FIRST MOVEMENT in favor of such a law, was made by A
DISTINGUISHED LOGOF.OCD SENATOR !— that LOCOFO-
COS generally, and LOCOFOCO LEGISLATURES in particular,
were most active in forwarding petitions to Congress, praying the passage
of such a law!— and that the leading men of that parly, Messi^s Van
Burcn.,Joh?ison, Benton, Wall, Walker, Norvell and Nicholson, were
really its champions, each notoriously and fully committing himself,
and his party to the very worst features of the law that did pass, and
which lias since been repealed ! Is any thing further necessary ? Cer-
tainly not. liCt the people before whom Ex-Gov. Polk has recently
denounced this law ciiarging it as a AVhig measure, carefully examine
and bear in mind these facts^and reward ihe hypocracy as ihey think it
des/?rvcs.

CHAPTER XIV

THE BANK OF THE STATE OP TENNNESSE REFUSAL OF THE "IM-
MORTAL thirteen" to allow an investigation, or change its

DIRECTORS — insolvency OF THE BANK AND BRANCHES — DIREC-
TORS candidates for THE LEGISLATURE GENERAL FAVORITISM

AND corruption !

[From the Joesborough Whig, of March, 8th 1843.]

THE BANK OF THE STATE— Number one.— No act of the
'^ immortal thirteen, ^^ in out late General Assembly, carries on its face,
more terpitr.de than their refusal to ratify the Boards of Directors sent
into them by Gov. Jones. We say that no act of theirs was more base,
because we look to the motives, which governed them, and in reference
to these we speak. Some have supposed that these worthies acted
upon the great Locofoco prlnciple,'of holding on to all the power and
spoils they possessed, and by all means foul and fair. It is true, that
so far as they were governed by principle at all, this was the principle
on which they acted. But tliere was ^no\hev fundamental principle of
Locofocoism, which rested w'Mh ponderous weight upon their minds—
t. was that oi self-interest, in contradistinction to the interest oi party.
It has been ascertained satisfactorily, that nine out of the thirteen
Senators refusing an investigation into the condition of the Bank of
Tennessee and its branches, and who voted against a change of the
Directors, in the Mother Bank, and consequently in all her Branches,
are either indebted to these Banks hey ond their abilities to pay, or they
are Attorniesfor Banks, or forsooth, they have friends and relatives
who are, and loho oivc more than they can pay!

The foregoing items — and which are a mere drop in the bucket to
what shall appear, will serve for the present, to show the people why
these thirteen immortals refused to confirm the nominations made by
Gov. Jones. They will show too, why Mr. Polk of Maury, a member
of the House, attempted to hire Mr. Lain of Claiborne, not to support
the Governor's nominations. One other reason why Gov. Jones' Boards
were neither of them acceptabe, doubtless was, because there were in
each two or three respectable Mechanics, a class of men who never had
been represented in the Bank before. The Governor did not know
before that Mechanics were obnoxious to the Democracy of the coun-

158 THE BANK OF THE STATE OP TENNESSEE.

try. His reason for attempting to place Mechanics at the head of this
institution was, that as the late census fliowed there were 17,000 Mechan-
ics in the State, and as he understood the Bank to be the Peoplt's Banky
lie thought the diflerent interests in the State, ought to be represented
in the administration, at least as far as practicable.

But the Bank of Tennessee is doomed to wind up the moststupen-
douis fuiliue ever witnessed in the State. It is now insolvent beyond a
doubt. And its two branches in this end of the State, the one at
Rogersville, and that at Athens, are fit subjects to apply for the,benefits
of the Bankrupt Law! Senator Johnson of Greene himself says that
the Bank and its Branches will ultimately fail, but that their notes will
be redeemed, because the People's heads are in for their redemption.
Do you hear that sovreigns ? Your guilty heads are good for the frauds,
thefts, and extravagancies of the last two years of misrule and plunder!

But Senator Johnson further says, that the Report of the Legislature
by the Bank at Nashville, was false, and that the Bank and Brandies
have not the amount of funds set forth in the Report, We believe
every word of this. But did the Senator find this out since he left
Nashville ? No he knew it there, as well as he knows it now. Well
why did he vote to retain a set of Directors in office, who had made to
Iiim and others k false Report ? This question he can answer to his
constituents. And if he desires it, he can answer them through our
paper.

To conclude — we are strongly inclined to go against all State Banks
in future; and if a National Bank cannot be had, wc shall advocate
Stock Banks in preference to a State Institution. Look at the history
of such institutions in Tennessee. The old State Bank was literally
plundered of its last dollar, by ihc then organized Jackson Party ^
as they were called — who diviti* d iis funds among them for the purpose
of establishing Presses and other necessary means to elect Jackson to
the Presidency They look the everlasting oath of Masonry, not to tell
on other, or to account for the funds of the nistitution in any way — and
they never have been accounted for, nor never will be, till the unclouded
light of eternity reveals the secret. The notorious Joel Parish, cashier
nt Nashville, said he would suffer his riglrt arm to come off before ho
would divugle the secret !

Well, this modern Bank of the State of Tennessee^ has been
completely used up, in three short years, by the Locofoco party, in an
effort to elect James K, Polk Govcnnor, and Van Biuen President. —
Docs any one doubt the fact? The Locofocos themselves say it is a
gone case, but console the people by telling them that its notes will all
be redeemed, and that there will be no failure, such as we have recently

THE BANK OF THE STATE OP TENNESSEE. 159

witnessed in the cases of Hiwassee and Kincannon small bills ! But
why will the notes be redeemed ? Why, because the faith of the State
s pledged for their redemption — the people's heads are in for their
redemption. A direct fax will be laid to create a fund to cany on the
State Government, while all the State dues will be collected in the notes
of the Bank of the State, as was the case with the notes of the old
State Bank, which were in circulation when it was plundered, and
when Yeatman & Woods, we believe it was, loaned the members of
the General Assembly, money to bear their expenses home ! Are the
people prepared for this ?

This is the state of things which has grown up in Tennessee, since
the best currency the world ever knew was destroyed, the United States
Bank. Here too, are some of the fruits of Democratic Legislation.

[From the Jonesborough Whig of March 15, 1843.]
THE BANK OF THE STATE.— Number Two.-In our last
week's paper, we alluded briefly to the affairs of the Bank of Tennes-
oessee, under the management of its Locofoco Directors. This week
we propose a few additional remarks, principylly, hov/ever, in reference
io the rejection, by the Locofocos, of the proposition to appoint Commis-
sioners to investigate the affairs of the Bank and its branches.

We have been taught, by the professions and avowals of the self-
styled Democratic party, to believe, that if there be any one thing in
this lower world, which this party regard with less favor and confidence
than all others, it is Banks and banking institutions. There is nothing
in their estimation, so unworthy of confidence, and so corrupt as these
institutions and their paper issuses. They are the anti-Bank party —
the hard money party — the constitutional currency party — and they too,
are the friends of trade and commerce. But all who go for Banks, are
Fedemhsts, Aristocrats, and enemies to the best interests of the country.
These are certainly the sentiments of the party, if the clamour, speeches
and papers of the piity are to be regarded as true exponents of their
sentiments. Well, how was it, reader, but the other day, when a call
was made for an investigation of an institution that had been in the
hands of tliese same Bank-hating Democrats, for several years? They
shrunk from that investigation, and told the people that there was no
necessity for it !

Some of the ultra Locofocos pretended to object to the appointment
of Commissioners, on the score that the Executive would select them
from among his partizan friends, and that they would go through the
State electioneering ybr a party ^ at the expense of the people. To
meet this, Mr. Reneau, a Whig Senator offered a resolution, in which

160 THE BANK THE STATE OF TENNESSEE.

it was proposed that the State Treasurer, Miller Francis (a good
Democrat !) should appoint the Commissioners to look into the affaira
of the Bank and its branches. And behold! Democracy, so called,
voted tliat down !

And yet, at that very moment, suspicions existed in the public mind,
to a very great extent indeed, that most of the branches of this institu-
tion had been badly managed — and proof positive, was before the
Legislature, as to the bad mnnagement of the branches at Athens and
Rogersville. But how are we to arrive at a knowledge of the guilt or
innocence of an institution of any sort, without an examination? —
This the " immGrtal thirteen " refused. Is innocence afraid of investi-
gation? Does not honesty seek, aye, challenge and demand the most
rigid scrutiny whenever an imputation is hinted at ? It will not do for
a man suspected of slipping into his pocket, an article off of a merchant's
counter, to exclaim I am innocent, and at the same time refuse to be
searched ; that would at once convict him in the eyes of all honest men.
So it is with the Locofoco party in this State, who refused to surrender
the Bank of the State and Branches, into the hands of the Whigs,
when they came into power, and also to deny their request to investigate
their alleged frauds and abuses — they are guilty before the country.

Senators of the Locofoco stripe, when this investigation into th6'
Bank and its branches was demanded, urged that- the officers of the
several Banks had sent up statements to the Legislature, and that these
statements represented these institutions to be ina prosperous condition !
What sort of logic is this ? Who ever knew a' statement by a Bank,
without any reference to its books — its internal management— its purity
or con-uptions, to show any thing but a fair state of things ?

This finding of the money of a Bank in the written reports of its
officers, reminds us of the anecdote of Senator Macon of North Garolina.
Mr Macon on starting for Congress on one occasion, gave his overseer
written directions as to the management of his plantation during hiaf
absence, which he calculated would not be longer than May. One • itercr
of the instructions was, that his sheep were to be kept in a' certain freld.
Well the o^verseer obeyed instructions to the letter, and the old gentler-
man, when he came home, at a somewhat later period than he had
expected, called for an account of his stewartship: Among the rest,
" how are the sheep ? " demanded he. " Dead sir. " Dead! how's
that? " — " Why, sir, you told me to keep them in the field, and when
the summer came on, the water dried up, and they all died. " " But
why didn't you move them to another field?" " Oh sir, I looked into
the paper you gave me, and it wasn't thar.^— Bui one other anecdote
of a similar character, is more directly in point. An Irish Nobleman

THE BAMv OF TllK S [AlK OF TENNESSEE. 161

f^cnt a b;iHket, of vciy Hue biido (u ;i. iici!j,!iljoiiug 1 joid, accompanying
them with a polilc note by u wliilc !^('r\aiU. The bearer of bolli was
anxious Lo see the binls, ami opeiuxl (he basket (o look at tbem on the
way, when out they came, and away tliey went! He closed the bas-
ket again and delivered it with the note to his highness, who, upon
reading- the note, rerpu^sted Pat to say to his master that he thanked
him very much for his present! Said Pat in reply, " I am glad you
have found them in Lhe letter^ for be Jasus they are not in tlie basket! "

Tlius it is with thcilaiilcs — the money is in their nj)orts, but it is
not to l>e found in their Kudts.

But it will be urged ihal these o/Ficial statements were made by
officers on oath. What of this ? Who does not know that Bank officers
who woiild be guilty of corruption in the management of an institution,
would make false statemenJs under oiiiii, to screen theniselves from
censure? AVho does not know that a l>oard of directors, who would
use the funds of a Bank, or loan it lo relatives, friends and political
partisans, without adequate securilies, uould lie to a ( General Assembly,
rather than expose themselves ? Ne\er vt^as there a plainer case.

The pride of the officers of the Bank of the State, and its branches ;
their character for financial abilities ; their concern for their party, to
whom they looked for [)rol(;ciion, and l)y whom they expected to be
retained inothce, contrary to, and in violation of law, all and singular,
prompted ihcrn to make out a fair statement each, though anything but
the truth was embodied therein. And who ever saw an exhibition
of the condilion of any Bank made out by its officers, for tJie eye of the
public, thatdid not reprcseut it as Ix-ing, at least in a ^fz/e condition?
But if this Bank and its brandies, were in a safe condition, as their
officers allcdged, and their parlizan friends in the Legislature reiterated,
why did the latter refuse to appoint a connnittee, whose duty it should
be, to not only visit the niotlier bank, but all its branches, clothed with
power to send for persons and papers, and to examine officers and Avit-
nesses on oath, with free and full access to the books of these institution ?
This is a c{uestion in the history of this matter, which never has been
answered to this day.

We shotdd all recollect ihai the people of Tennessee once had a
^tate i?an/j before this, and we should not forget what was its final
end. Not less than A HALi^" a bullion of dollaiis, of the public
money was lost to the State by that institution ; and whatever may be
known to Cashier Parish, Andrew Jackson, and a few other politi-
cians, to this very day, the public know nothing, but are ignorant of
what went with the vast amount of money. That Bank as well as

\i')2 TiiF. nA:;K ov ti!e state of texxessee.

t'li.-^, yi^ar af!:^!' yfivr, and even r//7r;- // had been plundered, reported to
tlie ! i^^^■i.-l•ll;lt•o. \v\\-At it /%■"'■'■•■■ ^''- ■' i') lii' i;.^ conditiun, andonyj^f/yx'?-, all
.■-cnicd to he-'.vtdi ! [^;i; .. le'liJim' \v<\- v.Toii:;- in tlic manage-

ment ofdiat iiisliliifi(.'); ;i!hi v, pc/l iacts came to liplit, in a way to be re
lied on, it was found l]i;it.-ome fivk erxmiEn TiiorsAXU dollars of the
People's money wa- pone into tiie hands of a few connpt and ambi-
tious! politirians, and iiiinily and irretrievably lost. Somet'iing like
tliis iia-. ab-e;vdv lak-n plarc wiiii the pre,-\-nt Baidv ; and if it continues
inthe haiid? of the re-d.'-'ts nhni'ler'-r- vrho now have charge of it, till
t'lc close of the net Presidential election, its ruin is inevitable. The
maxim upon wlueli ii^'po-^-e- as bohhy art, that " to the victotis
r.ELOxci THE s'i'orLs ! '' And in I'.v \v zeal to elect James K. Polk, to
the Vice Pres!d<'nry, ihi'y v.di! deal out those "spoils" with a liberal
hand. I\lar]v vdait v.a- say !

But another id<'a in thi-' cutmection. The Si ate of Tennessee, has a
s'ake of several million of dollars in this institution — ^^there is one
MILLION OE DOLLARS, a part ()( the capital of the Bank, for which she
has issued her bond? ; t!>ere is oxe :\iiLLir:x and a half, obtained
from the General Government ; and tlien, tlicre is the School Fund,
amounting to oxi'MiLLiox, to whicli tJie poor children of the State
alone look for the advantages of a common etlncation.. All this ma)'' be
squandered and lost by the neglect — not to ;=ay culpable remissness of
the " iiiiinorlal tidrt'-^n " of our late General As-embly. And if this
money is lost how is it to be replaced ? By dird't iaxntlon., imposed
on the people. Will any one say there is no ((ang(M- of tliis? One of
t lese thirteen rM';;;ii^nv. Mr. Powt-lljias ;dro;idy signed an Address to
the people of '['ciiii;'- i', recommenJiirg the creating, in this way, of a
aS'//?/-//?!,'- /-V/zJ, and fur the purpose of redeeming the bonds of the
State now in foreign markets. Tax (he people to sustain a swindling
institution, which they are not allovv'cd to understand the operations of!
What Democracy !

[From the .Toiiesborough Whig of March 22nd. 1S43.]

THE BANK OF THE STATE.— Nu.aiber three.— Wliile the
proposition to look into the affairs of the Bank of Tennessee, and its
several branches, was mider discussion, in the Senate of our Statd
liCgislaturc, Senator Powell, frouT Carter county, gravely asked a
Whig Senator, Do CT. Pevton, if lie wcnild go for the investigation,
if the Directory were com]:)osed of the IF/w/ Geutlemoi nominated by
Gov. .1 ones! Doct Peyton told liini he 7D0iilcl. He told him that if
every nominee had been his brother, and each nomination had been
confirmed, he Avould have gone for the investigation. The Senator
from Caller, here tidmiitcd inipliedhj at least, (hat he opposed the

THE BANK OP THE STATE OK TRN>'Efe:SEE.

163

iiivesligation into tiio allliirs of iho Baalc ;ind li^ !)r;uu-hcs, hec.au.^o ilipy
were ill the hmuls of his poVitical frlnah^ IT.; did not say that lie
thought tlicy acted b:ui!y, and were not i- ■: -. ' aUle to face Co:u-
niissisnei-s who might be appointed to exuuiiue ihcir books, but we
liave our opinion as to what liis thoughts were.

Once more: the Senator from Warren, the lioturious Uiughl'm. said
on that meniorabh; o'x-aaioa, that //'there were causes for tliis proposed
investigation, why that thus j causes existed when the Bankicas much
more able to bear the expense of an itwestl^'ation, iJuin it ims then!
That is to say, it was more solvent b-Jore llie Dcuj-x i-acy of ihe State
had pUnidcred it, than it was afterwards. Upon ibis .-ubjcct, wo pre-
sume, there was no diiFeience of opinion among- \\ liius and Democrats!
Here, too, the Senator from Warren, admitted, ■unpllvdly again, that
there had been mismanagement, fraud or c )rriipiio!i, in conducting the
affairs of the institution, but it v.-ouhl cost too much to ferret it out !
Strange Democracy this ! Xu it v/ouhl ciipo^a ccitiiiu Bank oiRcera,
and injiu-e Democracy, aud hence the inve.^tigaliou woa ^ppoaoU.
This is the true secret of the whole affair.

Those who framed the charter of the present Bunk, awure of iLe
corruptinof tendency of //i^-iwe/,/, pro\idc(l for frequent changes in its
officers, or if the reader please, rec[uired a new diiecloty every two
years. In obedience to this requirement of the law chartering the
Bank, G.)V. Jones, on coming into power, nominated two diiltirent
boards, but both were rejected, and no board the (Governor could nomi-
nate, were acceptable to the thirteen imin^ort.ds. Thiio it will be seen
that this most important principle of the charter has been violated, and
violated by men sworn to obey the law- and constitution of the State.
For what purpose this reckless CO ui>f !, wo liave already

explained, iiut time will make furiiici ■<. '['his disposition,

moreover, to shiiak A>):n a public investigation of the idfairs of tlie
)3ank, as heretofore suggested, give fre^Ji proof that all is not right —
that something is "rotten in Demnark. " Let public scrutiny once be
called to this subject. And let the people call attention to the subject
by electing men to the next General Assembly, wlio will institute an
enquiry into the Bank, and by vetoing tho^e unfaithful stewards wiio
refused an investigation.

But was ever such a spectacle beheld in all the iniquitous \ips and
downs of Jackson Van Buren Democracy? What! the Democratic
party — the only true lovers of the dear people and their best interests,
shrinking from the investigation of the alfairsofa .Bank, which they
have alone had the control of for several years ! Is this in accotdance
with their previously expressed opinions? Has it not been t!ic bur

1G4 THE RANK OF TIIK RTATF, (iF TKXXESPEF.

then of l.lieir i?ont^ rcfuler, tor the lasl ioiirti^en year;-; of niisiulc tliat llip^
United &7aics Brntk, vould not suhniit lo a jn'hJlr inrrsti^-atioii ?
Did thpy not proclaim it fronj Maine to Loiiisiaiia, lii;i{ " jviiir- IJiddle "
closed his doors against investigation ? 1 )id noi their presses and orators
denouiicc him from one end of iliis continent to llie oilier, for siyint;-
tliat the National Bank at the head of wliicii he stood, needed no looking
into, and was in a safe condition? Did not these very tlntiecn do the
same thing, when at Nashville, for v.hich they denounced Middle, while
tl ley were canvassing for tJieir seats in our State Senate? Yes they
followed in the foottUeps of llieir '■ ilhi- irions predecessors," Biddle,
whose comse they so imcercmornonsly condemned.

In 1841, a committee of live were appointed by the citizens of Haw-
kins county, to address the citizerts of I'last Teimcssee, on the subject
of constructing a ]McAdaniized P^oad ihrongli this end of the State. —
This address we pnblishiul in the Whig of November lOlh, of that year,
lillingfive of our coluams. .^^ majority of the signers of this address
are Democtatri, ami a majority of them are now, as tliey were then
Directors in the Rogm:vUle Bank. Vv'ill tlieir testimoney against the

Bank of tlie State, and its Branches be taken? Hero is what they
say :—

" Again, n Slate Batik, owned by the pultlir, and managed ])y pnliti-
cia/ts, nmst end \n toted o>- partial hanlnuptcif, or contradict the wliolc
history of ihe world, ^\'e liave already made one experiment of this
sort, in 'I'ennessee, and it is due to say that we are noin (^IS-li) making
aaoth<'r. Shall we incr<'as(; the risk I'y .mother .. till? What lias be-
come of the liaiik of iS'id I Lei Joel Parish and his si^cnrities answer;
ami if (hey will imt, we do not kirow who can. i\s a relief measure,
the bank of the Slate oi' IS.'JT was well conc<Mvr(l and al>li>, but as a
financial measure, IS tdiJ/ICIsl) TO rKr)\ !■] AN KIXTIRE
FAlliURl'i; and if you do H' it wish to hit^e ihe immense funds the
State has aireadv \es(ed io iliat iosiitiiiion wasted, von mnst immediately
take measures to ron-olidaie ii \^ilil die Planters" or Ihiion l»ank. As
to new suli-i'i inlioiis <ii iii,ii\idiial l'inid.-> to it, in the pres(Mil situation of
Ihe counlr\, ii i.- iinpi;e (i( able. Jflliese funds are lo^l or wasted, von,
Ihe peopli', MCST WV. 'I\\\b:i) TO MAKi: 'I'ifr'.M t;()Ol'). -
Will you add to your risks ond respoiisibiliiie- by creaiiug a new insti-
tution of tin; samii characlei /

ORVILLFi BRADLY,
JAS. M. HORD,
R. G. FAIN,
(,IX)R(^E HAl.E,
DIN ALEXANDER.

And now genlle reailer, in cfmcluding tlie last of three successive
articles on the subject of the Baidv of Tennessee and its branches, permit
us to ask, have w^e not presented for your consideration, a very strange

THE BAXrC OF THE STATE d!'' TE.NXESSEE. 165

spectacle indeed ? Here i:; a Bank cxrluyively ])p,'<i!i;^;i]io; to' ]„-■ people —
exclusively the property of llie State — pit -li -.^i-ii 7ipoii llie huhh aixl
credit of the Couimosiwcallh oi'Teasie-;.- >. aal for ilie faithful perfor-
mance of all its coutra-ts, tiie Iioiior of ll)c Suite is pleJo-ed, and the
individual property of every citizen is liahle. Next, we hchold Dem-
ocratic Senators the servants of the People, and the ardent friends and
lovers of the People, refusinij^ to surrender the Banks into the hands of
their lawful guardians, and in conforaiity with the provisions of the
charter of the Mother Banks charged with niisnianagcment, fraud and
corruption, and an invcs!ii;iJion into (heiralFairs demanded, but refused
by these same Ilepuhllcan j.Senalo rs, clainiin!; to he. par excellence — -par
?iobile pau/ichorcin! the only friends of tlie People, and the only
lovers of their country ! Tiiere is something exceedingly strange about
this matter — there is something mysterious connected with this matter ?
Was there ever sucli an outrage committed upon the rights and under-
standings of any free people? Was ever par'.izan corruption carried to
a greater length ? And yet, tliis, all tins, and even more — their refusal
to elect Senators to Congress, was done in ih.Q name q[ Deinocracy !
May heaven deliver our country from the control of such Democrats!
And may the State of Tennessee never again fall into the hands of
such land pirates !

BANK DIRECTORS IN THE FIELD.— The Branch Bank
at Athens, has three of its Locofoco Directors in the field, canvassing
for a seat in the next General A^.-^inhly, to wit. Pierce B. Anderaon of
McMinn, Abraham Cox of v],.-)-?^ and Arthur R, Crozier of Knox !
The Rogersville Brandt has i)a?//c7 A^yi/^ey of Washington, and
Wrti. Houston of Claiborne — in all, //'/r, who, if elected, are to
go it blind against an invesiigation into ihe condition of the Banks!
The Rogersville Branch also had, till recently, flron Moore, a
Director, and il//', JMoiuitaisfle, Wiio\he\:E?-nk <>n:" ■ ';e field, but

drew them back, thinkiiig it looked rather 1; lo run the

whole establishment.

An intelligent friend writes us from Middle Tennessee, that the
other Branches of the Bank of the Slate, iiave an average of two
to each institution, canvassing for a seat in the Legislature! What a
monied influence is now being used against the \Vhigs, and the true
interests of the people! Another part of the game is to loan out the
money freely, which is now being done at every Branch. These
oa«fi?if/a/e Directors attend on Banking da)^s in person, za\<l push the
notes of all through, who give them assurances of their support. The
Rogersville Branch is going itiK this line with a rush; and the Mer-
chants of Hav,-kins, Greene, Washington and Sullivan, will bear us
testimony, that they have not seen Tennessee money as abundant,
for the last twelve months. What partizan corruption! Well may
the people become alarmed!

CHAPTER XV.

TROUBLES IN- THK CAiMP— FIVE Pl^ESi: »K?rnAI, .' l^'PIR.VNTS OPPOSED TO

A BANK MR. CALHOTN AGAIX.-^T A NATIONAL CONVENTION IN 1834

CALHOUN GOIXi; FOIl IIAPviaSO.V I X lS35— TriK l{lCE[:\rOND enqui-
rer's OPIXION oECAi.nmx IX iS;i:;_'T!jiiN ARour WHEEL about'
CALHOUN — Jackson's proclaiiiation against solth Carolina — ■

MR. VAN BUREn's PRINCIPLES HIS STANDING A'dMY , ABOLITION

notions, &C., &C.

TROUBLES IX THE CAMP.— Oa the sul)ject of the next PresI^
dency, great exciteiiienf pievails among the seh'-?tyleJ Democracy of
the land, and divi.siom^ exist in their ranks. Tlic party, however, at
least for the present, are principally divided in urging the clabns of
Messers Yan Bui en and Calhoun.

On the question, too, iji u-hru shall the Convention meet to nominate
the candidate 9 there is quite a diU'ereuce of opinion. The Calhoun
wing of the party, arc for meeting in Convention next May, whilst the
Van Buren folks are for meeting in November, or at least at as early a
day as practicable. This is perhaps owing to tlie fact, that the Van
Buren party see they are iihead now, but fear that delay in the time of
meeting will place the?\'ullifiers in tlie front row!

On the subject of the time of meeling in Convention, the Woodstock
(Va.) Sentinel, a Locofoco papar says:

" Rather tlian see a division in our ranks longer exist on tliis subject,
we would have thefiiendsof Mr. Van Buren subnut his claims to tlie
Convention to assemble in :\f;i\% ]Si I. If tlie friends of Mi. Calhoun
lA^i/Z^^o^ yield, those of Van l'',ii;;n ;//;/.V(' submit, or the Republican
party must suffer tlie double disi:;race of division and defeat. "

ANOTHER CONFESSION!— Judge Colquitt, pne of the Senators
in Congress from Georgia, being in Mobile a few days ago, complied
with the request of his Locofoco friends, to address the people on the
political topics of the day. In the course of his speech he said, that the
Locofoco Convention ii: Georgia had nominated Mr. Calhoun as next
President, " because they all knew he was the strongest man — not that
they had any objection to Mr. Van Buren, but because tltcy knew that
Mr. Van Buren could never get Georgia. If he iccre nominated the
Whigs irould cany the Slate."

But worse than all this, aiul of a late date, is a circular of the friends

THE PIVE PRESIDEXTl.AL ASPIRAXTg. 167

of Gen. Cass, in Ohio, adilrces^d (o their pol ideal associate;^ in the
United States. This documonl. lias but, recentl}' c;)i)io to hand, and
shcill appear at no distant day. This document asserts, that Mr. Van
Biiren, if nominated, " cannot i^ct the vote of Ohio, Pennsylvania, or
Indiana, " and that ''^Tr. Calhoiui stands no chance in the West. "
Therefore it is as alledged in this circnhnr, that (he claims of Gen. Cass
are urged, as a candidate upon whom the entire party can unite !

These are all important confessions, and strengthen our confidence,
already strong, in the success of our great favorite, Hk.xry Clav of
Kentucky. There are now some half dozen hating parlizan rival aspi-
rants in the Locofocoianks for the Presidency, wiio secretly curse each
other in their hearts, but whose bitter animosity against each other, la
only kept from blazing out and consuming the whole batch, by their
constant dreptl of the Kentucky Statesman and Orator of the West !
Meanwhile, Mr. Clay looks down upon this coalition of" white spirits
and black, l)Iue spirits and giey, " as fiercely hostile towards each
other as they are towards him, with the lofty disdain of a proud and gallant
patriot, consious of innocent uprightness, and purity of purpose, while
the language of his inmost soul is, —

i "Come one — come all — this rock siiall fly

I From its firm base as soon as I.

THE FIVE PRESIDENTIAL ASPIRANTS.— There is a large,
a respectable, and an increasing cla^S of our fcllo\tr-ci(izcn!:-, throughout
the Union, known as Bank Democrats. This clas? of the voters of
the country, we would respectfully point tO the answers of the^^ye
Democratic aspirants to the Presidency, recently made to the celebrated _
interrogatories propounded by order of the " Indiana Democratic
Convention." These candidates are, Messrs. Calhoun, Johnson, Cass,
Buchanan and Van Buren, one of whom, all agree will be the Demo-
cratic nominee, and all of whom, oppose a National Bank^ hoth,upon
grounds of con.stitutio)ialitij and expediency. Therefoic, no Bank
Democrat, if he be a consistent man, can or v/ill support either of these
men in 1S44. To shoAv, then, how these great leaders stand affected
towards a Bank, and the a]>solute certainty Of their opposition to it, if
elected, we subjoin brief extracts from their several letters.

Mr. CALHOUN, under date of January 26, 1S43, says:

"In answer to the first question, in which 1 am desired to state
whether I am in fV.ivor of, or opposed to, the chartering of a national bank-,,
or any other national institution, by whatever name it may be called,
authorized to issuQ bills of credit for banking purposes, or to regulate
exchanges,^^— with my view of the constitutionality and expediency of
such an institution ? — I reply, I am opposed to a national institution, be

iOO AIK. CAI.IIUU.V ACI.UNS'r A NATIONAL CONVENTION.

its n;im(' w'- ■' ■' i Muihoii;^^! Ui 's^^iie hills of credit, for banking pur-

poses, (11 lo . rl!tiiii;cs, l)()ili on tho jriouud of expediency ond

conatiUition

Col. JOPINSON, Vnuler dale of Feb, Ci, i^VA, says:
'•The chnitrr of ;, hank of iha l'nit^':| Slates h_v ("onj^ress I have
alwai/s roashh'frd in:ritii^liti:li(>:i(:l mnl iiKwpcduitl- diiiviiiLi: !4~iven iny
vote againsl ii in ISl i , ;nal al each sucec-sive pivsenlation of (iie subject
since, \^^ lo the p;-iin(l of il,,' 1;!i of March, isji, when I retired from
the pu!)Mc sc;-\-icc of tlu; Laiiled SUites, in i(o:oriUau:e with the will of
the people."'

Mr. (JASS undci-dale of Feb. 8. ]Si;5, says:

"With respect to a riatlonnt l):;;i!,\ I li.ive to naiiark tliat I Jiave
always entertained douhts oi the power of ( 'oiiL':r<\'^s lo riiarier such an
institution. 'i'h(^ indirect process \^y which iliis powta is dethiced from
a very g-ener;d provision of that insininicni, lais nircr been satisfactory
to inc. But liieie is i!ic les-; nrccssiiy joi enicriuij.- more in detail into
the consiitutional (['aer^iion, as it seems to uie tlic pvhlic voice, has pro-
■nouiici'fl itsi:ll\ (in! ju.-;!!!/ aix'iiiisl the ineorporntion of anij national
ban/,- by On/p'/xc^s. i\o ^;uch i/isliiutiu/i. sltouUf in my opinion.^ be
established/'

Mi: BUCliANAA', under date of Fel). U , 1813, says :

"I am"o['po-cii io iht; cjiarler vi a nalional Baidv, oi any other
institution, hv whaWner name it may h(^ called, anUiorized lo issue bills
of (aedit !or hanking- purposes, or lo vceidalr. evchauis^es ; " believiuf^
such an institution to Ijo bulb unconsiilMiional and highly inexpedient."

Mr. VAN HIJRFN, imdei date of Fcl). 15, 18.13, says:

" I am oppc ;(] to i!c- . ahli-liiucnl of a national bank in any form,
orunderany di-i^uisr, ! oiii ou t-onslitulional gromuls and grounds of
expedienc}'."

These avowals arc certainly e.\j)licit. They leave not a loop to hang
a hope u{)on that either of tlii^ waiters, if elected President, will ever
permit tiie chartering of a :N \r)o\Ai, Baxk. The cpiestion, then, with
I* lak Dciiivu ra! ', \\ iji li", whether the ties of party are lo be regarded
a^ i>aramoant U) ihcs^ooU of the cou/dry growing out of the restoration
of a sound , uniform, and adequate National Currency 9 This question,
we trust, may be left to their unbiassed judgments for a decision.

MR. CAT.HOUN vs. A NATIONAL CONVENTION.— In 1834,
Mr. Calhoua made a speech in the Senate on the removal of the Deposits
in which he lojk occasion to express liimself in very strong teims, as is
his custom, against a National Convention. We annex an interesting
extract, from this unustiuUy interesting speech. After reading this, the
reader will be surprised when we tell him that Mr. Calhoun's friends in
South Carolina, were the veiy Ih'st to appoint Delegates to a National
Convention, to beheld in Baltimore, in May next!

(.'ALl'IOU-N' I'on UAKJWIU.'

Exlmd from a speech of 3'Ir. Calkw^it tit l^:io I
" iVIi. (J M.uouN Jiiid that, thcScnalor iVom KciUucUy, m < umax-.M.

most plci/iu"- aud iiistiiicuvc unlovs ui auy langiuu.c, (iluia h)-
dcLnptioM of (Ja:.ax (orciu, Imasclf^swou! m .uul, .a.o ... 1 .c..-
u. V of (hi Uoiuau C;o.uuouur,al.l>. Wc arc at ihc emuc ^^^^^ ^ ^^^
,).ai.ical revolution, and lUc anaU.sy bctwcon the two ^^^^;'^;:^'^ f^ '
va.icd only bv the cluuaclci- of ihcaoto.s .nv (he c.i-cuni.Maucc. ot th.
(ia.c. 'i4a was the case of an intrepid and bold wair.or, .^ ./.. orut
phuuicr>r,.^n^ forcibly the ./.asu.y ol .he country, ^vhlcl , > > t ba
Rcpublic/as well a. ours, was confided to the le.v.sLti c ^^\^^^^^'
thcCJovern.neut. The actors in our case arc ,>Ja <hih:rn,U.tanat>~^
artful amniivr, awl corrupt politicians and not l(;ailet=! waniou-. J lu y
hJ.t entered tlie Treasur^ U sword m h;uul, as publ.c P^u.ulercrs bu ,
with the false kct/^ of sophistry, as pi/Jcrcrs, inu cr he sdcncc vi
124/ The nL,i4 and ol^^l a., thesan.c, vaned .a '^^^ marmcr
by character and ci.cun.stances. ' With n.oney 1 ^^'^ ^ ^f ^ ^'^»' (^
Jhh men power,' was .he nuvxim ol the lloaiun ]^^^^^^^^: ^
money wc will i^ci. partizans, ioiih partizansvvt^.s, and n^Uh volt.
Znl is the n.=^iu/ of our p.Uic p.lterers VVUh '"- ^^ -;-;y
Cesar struck down Roman liberty at the latal batil. ol ^^fW^^^^
to rise a^ain-lrom which disastrous hovu' all the oawe.s ol he ma
Kepubhcwere consolidated in the person ol Ocesar, ;^'»^' Pf P^'f ^^^^ ' '
his line. With moaey and corrupt^ pait.zans, a i^rcet cHwrt '^^ ;^|;^;^;^;
kia^ to choke and slide Aaierican Itberty, hroi^h al l^. ^f^^^'^^
_li; corruptia.^ the pre.s, by overawuuv Ui. other dcpa ta e» s .a d,
liaa Iv, by settih- up a nmo^tid ptdlutcd organ composed ol ajpce-ho.-
" • llJcornu; pitizaus-midcr the nmm of a Nutt^naltonocntum,
wl ich, countJrfdting the voice of the Peop a, wvl , it not reststed m
(heir aaa.e, dibtatc the succession ; whcii the deed will be doac-the
Icvolutibn be completcd-a.id all power ol our Pvepubhc, m hke Hjaane. ,
be consolidated in the l>rcsident, and perpetuated by his dictaaon.

MR C\LH01IN FOR HARRISON IN lS35._It will be rccol
lected that in 1S35, the State of Maryland cast her vote lor O'cu.
Harrison, and that the Whigs of Maryland regarded the rcsidtas a great
victory 111 consequence ol" tliis acliicVehieht, imdcr the Harrison 1 ag
i\x^ Whi-s -avc amand festival. Auionga large number ol disungmshed
.cutlemen^ilivited to attend, was Mr. C.^LiiouN ; to which invUatiou
he sent a scorching letter agahist Gen. Jackson and M.. Van Buren,of
which the following is an extract :

" Fort Hill, dth Nov., 1S35.

-Gentlemen-The mail of yesterday brought me your note of the

'^Ist ul invitin- me, in the name of the citizens ol Ral.miore, opposed

u le l^^S nominating his successor, to attend a t^.stival to be given

nn L Uth U^ t» Woifor of the late triumph m Maryla.rd by t .osc

111 o the ExJculivc nominee. ,Thc great d.^tance, and the short-

s^'::s.^uaUdo,s^

ITO THE Exvivi:;!::: and mjj. CAT.iua^^N'.

apjooinl Iii.- ^urvc .-r,r. ;-'ii,MiI(l if -in-'".'!, op''n ;i:i;l i;)!i'i:-'r';ir<'(l ns ii is
and yi'sl.iiii;- (/>■ it. al^ios'. r.rr'iiKi'-; !:; ('n> :<^ on t/if <:r(,;i-, ,/ ;.:i,/:srrcir/iri/ of
t.'iv noniiitrv lo tin- viH of Ua' ; \.-' ■'- , : . "-if/'rif/l t/iosr /'/'.'■/■ i/uo-'iiic/r-
tioiis ((ii>! SLi-ricis. m; his part ^ ■'.•','.•> i'oiitn:;i!!<l llr^ ra^urd of

the piopic, or 11) I'il. I.iiii fur Uic <-'',"';,,■. oj t/ir rrf'c /.•* .'/■///(•// he asjjirc^-.
it would aH'ord roj/clii.yiri; })rijot' uffJi'.' eoiisvni'i'ion i^'i l-Lrccutivcuaiir-
pdtion, over ill." oihiT i!< pariiiK ,its ul' il!--: i^ovirmiict.t, mid the
coiistiluiicm and libcrlij of iiic prnpU:.

]*_^ntcrlaiiiin;; ilicso view,', / ?y ->//■.'/ irith. pleasure t}ie derided victor ij
acliieved by Ma ly land in tlicialc rlevliun ov(M- ihc PrisideuCs )iomimc.,
and, of couive, ovei' Mxocuiivc tiiriatioii. Il is- the more honorable (o
the State, placed as the is t^^o near i\\c foeus oi iiijlucnee and corruptioti^
while others more remote and ics's exposed, have yielded such leady
obedience to the rod of power. Her victory cannot but have an impor-
^/7/^ bearing-, in decidin:,'- the /;/■,';.>■■ /.'/ strUL;\U'lcfai;or(dj'e to the cause of
liberli/ ; but a re^anl to irudi, ccanpels me to say, that, in my opinion,
whatev(Minay be the result, of i\\(i pending contest betircen. the People
and lire President, the time nmst couie, and that far sooner than is
ant,ici[)a(ed, whe.n l^xccutiri: injltirii'/e -c^iul j>n]rer I'sill forever sih nee the
popular voice rinh'ss, indeed, thi\fjir/ids of librrl// VA\i\ free institutions
shall zea/ousi'// asid honisthj unite in ;i. eoniriani. elfort to eradicate the
causes irhie/; have [sircn sU':h e.rtr(an'a'iui!r:j poictr and iajluence lo the
Executive departnu'ni of the Gocent/zie/d., iindpl((eed the country in
its present (hivLj;erous condition. Thnj mmj he ednwst traced to the
same origin, tiie tisca-l action of the Uooernnienl.

While millions on millions are heaped tip in the Treasury, beyond
the e.rpendituns of this, the most extravagant of all administrations,
constituting- an inunense fund to acton the cupidily of the mercenary,
and to imite in one solid compact band ail, in, and out of otlice, Avho
prefei tjieir own athancement to llie pulilic ^ood ; iuiy attciiiptio arrest
the progress of })0wer and coiiupliotj, must end in chsappoifjlment and
failure."

THE RICHMONI> ENQUIRER & MR. CAEHOUN.— We find
in an old llle of papers, some apt and sintable (luotatiojis from tiic
Richmnod Emiuirer, (the second paper in the Union in the service ai
Democracy) in relation to Mr. Calhoun. We give a few extracts from
the pen o[ Editor Ri7t7we. because we shall not beatallsurpiised ifhe is
not tlie regular nominee of that party And whether he is or not, they
now confess that */ he is, diey will support him. So said Ex-Gov.
ToLK, on all occasions, in the canvass for Governor. At least he said he
woidd support ewy one of ike Democratic parti/ who might get the
nomination ! But let us suppose the nomination made, and Mr.
Calhoim to be the regular nominee of the " Democracy "—could the
Enquirer, or (he Tilobe, or the old Jackson party in Tennessee, support

him, WITHOUT TilE MOST aiJAAfKLESy ABANDONMENT OF PKINCIPLE,
KVER WITNE.S«ED IN THIS LAND OF TUKN-COATS AND AVO^TLES ?

Eet us see what the Enquirer, the organ of Prfsidmi Jacks^on in Vir-

pnio,ha..aiaof Mr.Co]houu-nn<l w!,.t ,i i,a ^.ai.!, i. in k.^ppin- with
what (he rUobe newspaper at, \Va:^iiiii-!-i= ''-^-^ -^^''^ •

[From the llirhmond iliaiuirei- of M^urli -^^J, IS 13.]
' <' We retort vipon the Tcle-raph the Aii^ofa.od which it ha^ charged
upon us. hs Eclkor knu.vs, a. well as wo do. ihat Joi.n L'. Talhouu
Mai^ an advocate oi' ihetariil" ^^vsiem nx lSM>-ii;ai. he went out ol the
war, au uUra slicklor for the poweis of ih^- i'\-derai C;overnni.Mi!-lhat
he supported the Bank— a i;e;ieial systnu ol iul^^iual Improvrnuait—
and the protcrfirc si/slcni a^; the y,/r/;/w^t/.// po/irt/ ol lue 1 .uvnimicuf
The loyal Telegrapii ki)o.v.^ a.d Ims p.-kia.,! n;a ■lcr know, tnat Hi
ppite of his late euuivoraUo- ^;)- .i., Ar w. ^ the ad-auaU,. ol the hi 1 ol
181G— that there h not one wordalnuii raisin;^ rcrrf/un m lns=prcch oi
1816- and that he insisted that nianuiaciure^ sho. ud be cMiroU^uvu ijy
protection bei/ond the reach of ronUn^rnm : and d,at he .ina.uou^ly
supported the oppressive and odious system ol nu>:nnu;:ts. Jn Jus late
reply to Mr. Calhoun, ^ii. Wchstcr lei him very tiemly oli-hut a>; lar
as the following extract Irom his speech goes, u is correct :
' ' The Tarili', of 1810, was iulroduced, carried throuidi and cstahlislic^l
under the lead of South ('aruiina. Mvcu t!ie ?////////ii///; policy is of
South Carolina oriuin. The Jhm. geudeman him-etf supporled, and
ahlv supported, the TariH' of iSln. lie lias iiiformed us, su", that his
Speech im that occasion wassudd^-ii and oiT-iiand, he bcmu- called upon
W the requcot of a fiicnd. 1 aiii .-uiv ihi; gentleman so remembers it,
andthat it wasso; hut there i., n."> ';r!hHrss, much method, arrange-
ment and clear exposition, iii that vxuaupure specc-!. It is very able,
very nmch mthe point, and very ib.a-av.'. Anu m another Speecii
ilelivered two months earlier, on fh- [)r.-poMn..u m K/poal th(^ mferna
Taxes, the honorable gentleman \vxA !ia;d:rd ihc sum;- subject and had
declared " that a certain encou^;'g.ni> ;;!_ (;u;:iii to be extended, at least
r,o our Woolleii and Colton Muinn-a-iainv/' 1 do UMt, (juole these
Speeches. Sir, to^iu^w ih;i!, d'.; houonihic :. .iiih';:;:;!, has changed his
opinion: 'my object is other nmi higher, i du H (or the purpose of
sayiu'^ that, tliat cannot be so piaiidv and palpably miconsututional as
10* warrant resistance to kiw, imihiicakici ;iiid revohitioii, which the
jionorablo gentleman and ins iVicnd,: iiav ;■ in -mI to, and acted upon,
without doubt, and without hesitation. Sir, li i-^ no iinswrr to ^ay lait
the Tariir of 18U> was a llcvcnuc Bilk So are iii^y ;dl rvrvcnne lulls.
The point is, and the irni]; i.s ibui the T.-iiif]' of JslC,, \^kr iIm-u'sI liul
discrlmiuatc ; it did dLS -.otiua-; ii ihd lay

amies (or protecuon, \.- 'ollons, under the

juiuimum calculation; the diuv '^ii ''w ■ v^ ■ b .ii: (.0 lo si> per cent.
Something besides ilevcnncccriaiaiy v ;> • iiieiidcdin this; and m hut.
die law cut up our wliole commerce v.tth India iii liiai arlade. It is.
Sir, only within a few years that Carolina has denied the Coirnilnlion-
ality of these protective Laws.'

" We k)iow farther, and we have no doubt, this miserable sycophant
of Mr. Calhoun knows the .'^ame, that as i.w down as lSi\, he was in
fiivor of building up manufactures by the t'cairokling of the Federal
Government. Findin."-, however, iliiit hi = ulini doctrines <>,.ere heconung

odious lo lh(^ .-M)V'.f-h, :i;i(! fjtnt hi.^ rin"il);li(tn .ron.kl ;iovpi- 1»p r^roiifieii Ity
llii ■ ((nirr^r, \]» \v:x^.. conipelh'i! jo yirlil lo llio force of SoiilluMii Fcnti-
fticni — cooled u>\v)rd;; Iii-, j-'edend (Sociiiiics — ,;':ia( inrdiy c;)nie over to
lae (;ii!:c n[ ^;i,l;(« nini,;-; — ]„!( ]\lr all now pro::(dy:'er\ luinicd into
»'\-c.:-., and .j>!i!i.;:ed ii;io(iie oiher (■.•fn jj]c or i!idli!ica!i.«n. Awd n.mv
iii; powcrii!! itiiinl i.ulrvoied !o ih(> taJ: cd" ('iirji,!'!: l>i-' *''W ophiious^
and o( c.ii|)j.()!(iii;.; Ill ■ ;;r ■/• p;^-,•? — itc'.e; i;;.d!i — iiiii alwayf OH exlrcuic^.
4 poiiiiciaii fioM! IS!? i}A)\\-i\ to iS-j'J, uiierly iiiirare ond not (o be
(iihied/'

[Froin She Uirlmiond Enrpiiier of April 2d, 1S33.]

" Tlipre is a I'lreai d<>al of lefiaement, ajid niofaphyf-icp, an(] jnvf.fifi
eoiiaa, alloat ii! ae'v.spap"! e"ay.s and ^^peech--- of" (.'alhouii and

V\'e,')-f.^r, and die ordiii.«.iic(v; of Soiiih rnvol.na and. ;h(> uic'iin";- of
\ ii'dnia, aliou? ^f,rrfi^_;-/!Of, and c:''^P'.;i'Ofrr, aiid olx <lioi}rr^ and iiitii'^vi s
.".!) I fu...-r/';-;'\;./.-',and ciir/cns ol'tlie U. .'i., Vvdiidi on'^hi to Ik^, (deariMl
up. r. die!,: (i.xild ."'lale !lio!if:3 mail wlio lia.: ^//e//A'7 a))d flie ,'//;/e,

a;ul;\v!i;i pu^^,e;; ■,(•-; and de;"ive^ the c<»iindeiice of the people, who will
come j'tirwaid, and ull us ilic iiiUli — and let ii3 know ' li'lio is ir/io a, id

'■ Mr. ( 'allioii.n ^nd Jiis ^rli.n(\l have lately labored to oxpouiici to ii-^
the •! ,aw aiid the Troji'-ctn. lie has dnubtle-s di:j,).!ay<-d r-ieaf ini;e!iuity
- boi hi" conr.'-e iia^ been ralc!-d;Ued (o romniaiid liilie conridejR-e in
inni re; a j>ohiirian. 'TiiUfn D(i)i'.tOsrt dona frrfidcs. Ho k- the ({\q
cian J(o;e, and we fii'^pect Isi:; nioiivc.'? Olid Id.-": nieasnref;. '■'' Firm}:
HUUr ■' :-!^'^^-^ liini \\\\ in a !na: t.;',!y manner. He has been a TarilV
mat'; rnei ..n uina i.aiitndiuaiion u\ his ( 'oiLstilntional I^incijih^;'. —
He i:^ :;lill,Uy the ;d)e\\'iii!T (\{ \\h .servile ,;yco[diant at W'a.ddnalon, tlie
advecaie of ;t national s\: leni .of Road:; and C^anaj.^, (he sujijxwler of
il«'. W.mk of !he. Tniled Siate^s. He is th.e author of the ab.-ind jieresy
of i\id'if/r,r''lof> — and iliej sophi;;ai alone is .suilicicni l,ou)ake vi-ssceptics
a'.K'iit all Im's th»cirir)e;-."

:[FroTv. i.he rdoIm.oiid'Enqtdroi-, July ]'); lS-43.]

' ^ Hir-ro Mr. *.'alhouii wls^ieH to pas.s hiiipolf off nsnn ahl member of
't!ie OU\ Siate^;^ Ilijvh! Party— Why ! Haft Mr. Oalhona fori^mtteji fliat
lie. himself was com-.iden'd and,* ailed ;\ moie nitra IVdnrali.^t I.Iian Mr.
JIuAnhoti hini:<if ? Who was it thr.t advocated tlie UKurr of dio U.
• Slate". loappropciaMMc. any ohjeci ol' the ncneraj welfare ?-- It was IMr.
('ailK^nn. \Vb>>\\a:;i! I'lat i'i;i:.s.=-r:i> npaii ns, in lSi;,<), the Baiik of
the Tnit'd ^^tates .' — Mr. ("alhoun. \VUo was it that vindicated the
po'i ic:d |/rinciples of the 'i^ariH' of ISIG ?~Mr. (Jalhoiui. Who was?
if tied sjiarplv relmlred Mr. Webster a few year.s n^ro for insinnatincj to
the '-( 'hail " of di*' .'■v'nvWe that he had ciian.'i^ed hi.? views on tA\c\\
s.idiiecl ! — Ml- ( 'alhonn. Who is if, (hat stit.i, i.^ for overleapnip- tin*
specified provisions- of ihe Consijnuion ; and still st like.-? for the implied
power lor est;d(li;!M"n<; a l>ank overihe lieadsof the States: and a. system
of internal iinpro\cnienl, throii:.ih tlieir soven'J!:;'!! s'oil .' — Still Mr. Cal-
liomi. Ani! ye! wr. are to hail ilii;- man as the defender of onr faith ;
and pejhap;-. ihe \ciy Hi.-]]! I'liest of the Slates' |{i:;ht diHliiuL ! ''

^' tur:; ABOUT, AvriKr:!, ATOUT " CALiiorx. 17 3

"TURN ABOUT, WHEEL ACOUT •' OATJIOUX— Tho
reader will naturally enonj^h enquire wli}- it is that \vc, liave so much
10 say ahout Mr. Calhoun, " a private gentleman " in <he liocofoco
ranks? Wc answer, because, lie may he the rei;ular noiuiaco of hL'
party for tiie Prcsiiiency ; and if Ite is nof , hr i> now second best, in their
niakv;, andis looked up to as one of liicir ■;rr;;I liyhl:;. Certainlv <hc
indications 7^o?p (July IS43) are very (iillcreut from v/hat ihcyv.cie,
even three and five months ar^o, as fo the result of (he aciion of the
intended Locofoco National Conventin. Then, it was scarcely doubt-
ed by sny, but what Mr. Van BurenV uontination by the Convention
was next to certain, bur we now ihi;*!c that Mr. Calhoun's chance for
ihe nomination is th.o best, and in thi:? opinion we are by no means
fiiwgular. Many of the Looofoco organs are of ijii;:^ belief, and are
draping their course to suit such an event.

Without further tcmark!=:, however, we pre?cnrthe "CROW-NOI.O-
GY'" of JoHBJ Cataline CALiioui^i, which we have made out from
!\ J iicntic documents, and the records of the country. Examine it
.i).imocrats, and answer the question, will 3'ou go it ?

1S16 "On motion of Mr. Calhoun, a resolution wa'5 amended so as to

receive the notes of banki in payment of pulslic dues.
1S3S i\rr. Calhoun declared it to be unconst'Uulio nal io receive bank

notes in payment of public dues.
ISIG A NatioiiarBankbill introduced.
?^834 Proposed -to extend the charter twelve years.
1837 Believes a National Bank dangerous and uncojjf'titutional.
ISIO Adv(j)caLe,s .tJije "American System" — violent TaiilF and Inter

naJ Improvement man.
1S28 He is opposed to the same,
163:i He deciaica die Ti*rili' uiicoMstrtudonal, an<i resoita to NuUifi

cation.
1S3G Dec. 30, according -to the Globe he tries to set up his, "old hui>-

b}^, the American System " on its legs again.
18-10 Expresses bitter hostiJiij- to the "American System "'even in it:?

renmant.
1828 Strong friend of Gen. Jackson.

1834 Violent enemy of Cceii Jackson aiul Miutia Van Burcn and acts
with the Whigs in opposition.

1835 Rejoices at a Harrison victory in Maryland— wiitcs the Whigs
a letter from Fort Hill, deiioucing the administration of Jackson,
and looked with "alarm -' iipoia all his measures!

1837 Takes a position to " hold his allies in dieck, and cover his
enemy," because Whig victories wcr-e notJikcly to inure to his
personal benefit.

1820 Gives casting vote as Vice President U)x Mr. Kendall as Fotirth
Auditor.

J 832 Call- Mr. Kcadall vtiy Iiard naiacs.

17-t j\cKr;)\'i^ rr.orr, \riiA':'io:c v;-^. sr)rTfi carolixa.

1S::2 •' ('.)i;nlrr-),.;,n ii'-^"^ ?\m\ a -ii;;;,';^.

iy;M-2<i;ivc eii^iii!'/ v(;i'; v.'- \ ^c Tiv i;!-iif to recall Mr. Van Buren

fi(tm i';i;pi;'ini.
TSoT liorriil'il !-■ Iii • f'!('.';i( :! uii!;!' r^'- i>!r!i!\ , and ^-c•orl!etl <o be

pri'sciil nl llir ]ii;;n>'-!ii:iii;n;. — t iioi :- ::.;ui ilic '• iiicc c;f (.'ataliuc

w :\- iKM sci'ii oi; ilii' '.H-i ,i 'o:!. "
]S:-:s '• S:i;i;-lc i)\ ail iJ'>n." ;:ii;i : '.v'-;;i;^ aluv^lancc (oMr. Van Biirrn.
]S;;r -S-'i). l-^i. .SMned i'< Wjiiiifi-u. ami .Su'n-Trca-ury and op-

p():nAl lo a p-jioal of ill!" (I;: uHi'ilion ad.
1S3T .Sept. ill W ;i>'liiiifi(.!i, i)p\v li'.'!:;, a now man — in favor of the

Siili-Trr:i i;;v, v.ii.MJ ior.-v.;,i ;|i,. (i;.;!-'!>n;;,.n act.
IS32-7 i)(Mha!iiri-,:";:y iia- «^l<^i--, a^ a (a^a-iiinilor a-ainst t!io liberlies

of his couiilrv, ;n!i; ;!• . i^iaiiM '■ iJainliiic. ''
" " ])(ia()Uiicc.- t,lie il\(A^'' ;i.: •■ liiciMlaciou,: unci fill);}', vile and pios-

tiintp, '" and us parlizaii,; as ncMics and roj'ahsl;;.
ISoO Ti'll • !ii^ rriiMiJ:.; i:tat ihey musi :aipj')();l ihc Ciohc, and gives it

his jiillijoncc (o ohiain the ]ii!l)!!c j)iin(in;T.
1810 '■ Onicially " pronounced by t!ie (dobe, as somcthinn; oqnivo-

lent 10 A rATiMor.
IS 10 Jan. l.st. Endjraccs boih Mr. Van iJ.nren and the Editor of

the Glubf, and soon .ifirr announces in the Senate a Coalition

between himself and \]\c\n.
1S34 Makes a si;ee.!i \\\ ibe Senele denouncing; a N;i.tional Conven-
tion, as a " J/J .'s '(,'/'' /•':.'■'« fr' ' f„ ■'^Yv;,', '■ composed of'^' dljiri -l!filuvr:t

and corrvpt i'<:r!i\r^y:,''' -s/S tip for the pinpose oi' ''<:<nintcr-

feitiitci' tiw i-!)lct of 11:;: I 'conic I ''
1813 Goes for a isaiional Convenlion to be lioldon in Baltimore, in

May ISll, and hisowi Stale in Convention, was the lirs! in

the Enion to appoiia ' 5r;c ; li.'.:, puiliic; their great, leader in

nominaLion lor the i\c. idcncy i "■

Finally was there ever a man on earlli, v."!io could thiia " Turn
about and wheel about and do //s^/ so? " Wo again ask die question,
and with emphasis, cent the so-called l^ciiiociacy of the country, sup-
port for tjie Presidency, a man wlionvihcy have stigmatized with eve-
ry vile epithet in (lieBocofoco calender, and who in turn, has stigma-
tized tlieni and their ■uicasun's, v/iili cv" ry ;i'!iMs;dly ofl'ensivc epithet,
his fruitful innna'rination could conjii^' n;»;' N'l's, if he be their
nominee, ).h(!y wiU do it. They will, in the cliaste language ofEx-
Governor Poik," shut I heir eyes, grit their teeth, and go it bliral ! "
At least the Leaders will.

JACKSON'S PROCLA^I.ITICX vs. SOUTH CAPvOLIX-V.—
Ill 1832, the authorities of South (Jarolina, headed by John- C. CAt,-
HOUN, met ill Convcntoin, and passed an Ordinance, setting forth the
most solemn denunciation of the laws of the Uinted States, ever
presented for p>d)lic consideration, since the organization of this
Government ! This Onlinance of the Convention, said (o be fioin the
pen of Mr. Caliioi'.'v, concludes with these Vv'ords : —

JACKSOX'S riKK'LAM.rriON vs. «oUTlI CAICOfA.VA. 175

• And wo, iho people of Soiilli CaroliiKi, io lln; <mk1 that, it may he
fully uiidcrstood by the (Jovciiiiuour, ol'thc UaittHJ Slaiesand ihcpeo]i!c
of tliti CO Stales that \vc arc dcleriniiied to niiiiiiUiii! liiis (inlinanct; uiid
dech^iatioii at every haszard, do further derlaic. thai wo v. ill not snhmit
to the application of force on the part of the r'nicial ( loveniini'iit to
reduce this State to obedience; but that wc will «-ousi'hT the p;ir;sn:;-c
by Coni^ress ot any act audiorizii'- i!i^> ciiiph.yMirui of u niihiary or
naval force a,i;;vinL-t iliC Siaio of i^.-,;hi •' '.irohua, ii':'r cvinslituted anthor-
itic:5, or citizen.-! ; or any act aboh.h;;,^; oi cluo!i!!i: iheporioof iliisSt;it(%
or anyone of them, or olherwiL-e obulrut;; ;,;:•■ the fice inij;iorirf arid (v^'rcss
of vessels to and from the said potts; or any olheract on tjic part o( the.
Federal Government to coerce the Stale, dmt up her [)rrl.^, destroy or
harass her comnuMce, or lo enforce tiie act.-i iicicby dech\re(i to be null
and void, olherwise than thry;i!i,ii the civil trilumal-: ,_>t' the coimtry, as i.s
inconsii^tent with the loni;er coaiinuance w!" Soniii Carolina in the
Union: and that the people of (hi;; Siate will thenceforth hokl theni-
selvesabrfolveil from all fur'Jier obli-;i!ion to mainiain or preserve their
political connexion with the peophi of the other States, AM) WILL
FORTHWITH PllOG'Ef:!) TO ORGANIZE A Sl^PERATE
GOVERNMENT, and to do all othaeracts and things winch sovereign
and independent Slates may of right do."

So soon asdiis Ordiitancc was passed, the Lcgislaluie of South Car-
olina was called together by the Governor, the right hand man of Mr.
Calhoun, and laws were enacted revisiu'^he militia systen), authorizing
the Governor to accept of th.e service.^ of -'-two thousand volunteers for
the defence of Charleston," against the forces of the General Govern-
ment, and arraying the militia of the State into "infantry, rillemen,
cavalry, field and heavy artillery— armed and equipped from the public
arsenals completely for the field ! " One act to which we deem it
proper toinvite the particular attention of tlie peaceable, orderly, law-
abiding Democrats of the land, is in those words:—

"An act to carry into eirect, in part, an onlinance to NULLIFY
certain acta of the Congress of the United States, purporting to be laws
lavin-- duties on the iraporlation of foreign cc.mmodities passed in
Coiwention of this State, ot Columbia, on tne 24lhNov., lbS2.

These are some of the doings and sayings of the rebellious State of
South Carolina, imder the guidance of Mr.. Calhoun, a prominent
member of the self-styled Democratic party, and an aspirant for the
Presidency ! And in reply to these, we subjoin a few extracts from the
Proclamation of President Jackson, who <!/ie?^ thought and said, that this
same Mr. Calhoun ought to be hung,o\ shot, ox both, for high treason!
And when, indeed, the phials of the wratliot' the General Government
were just about to be poured out upon South Carolina, and her mis-
guided people ;— when the blood of American citizens was about to be
shed by American citizens— then it was, we tay, that Henky Clay, a

176 .T.ACKi'CN'?" rUOCL.\JlATION VS. fOUTII CAROLrVA.

man oi' innoxiblc fir.iincs^, aiul of fcvvcHl jiairiolioiii, the niau for such
a nioini-'iitoiio cii-i^JicKl out to ilic ooliuKd ('amliauL; the Ohvc Uraucli
of p',\'iro,aii(l {)iopo.':C'J, a^c, canicd lhioii:;Ii Coiigio^s the iiiciiiorablo
" (Joiiipmiuisc Act," which icl4oici1 peace to our boulers, and perhup.-*
t^aveil this very Nulliliet lioui aLi ifjiioiiiiuioiis death !

The cxtiacto fioiu Uie Fioclaiualioii of Gen. Jackson to which we
allude, are in the following words, to wit;—

"The laws of the United Stales must be executed. I have no
discretionarv powci on the subject — my duty is emphatically pronounced
m the constiiuliou. 'I'liose v>'l!o told \ou th;it you mi!;!it peaceablv
,;w.veni th.Mr ex.cuiion, deceived you -TIII^Y CUULD^nOT HAVE
HElv\ l)ECl^iVEl)TliKMSJ::LVEy. They know that a forcible
opixi'iiiun could alone prevent the execution of the laws, and they
know that such opposition nuist be repelled. Their object is DISU-
NION : but be not tu'ceived by names: disunion, l)y armed force, is
TllUAS(J?v. Are you really ivady to incur its i;uilt .' If you arc, on
the heads of the INSTlG'ATOilS of the act be the dreadful consc-
([uences— oir their heads be the dishuuor, but on yours niny fall (he
punishment— on your mdiappy slale will inevitably fall all the evils of
the condict you force lipon the govermneiit of your country. It cannot
accede to the nuul project of disunion, of which you would be the first
victinrs— it.s lirst ma:.',istr;Ue cannot, if he would, avoid the performance

of his duty the consci|uence must be fearful for you, distressini^ to

your fellow ciliseu.s here, and to the friends of good goveliuiient
throughout the world.''

"You m;iy disturb its peace — you may interrupt iLv^. eoiirsc of its

prosperity you may cloml its reputation lor siabil-ity— but its tranquility

will be restored, its pros[)critv \viH return, audt he slain upon its national
character will be transiVrred and remain AN ETERNAL BLOT
ON THE MExMOliy OF 'iHOSE WHO CAUSED THE DISOR
DER."

Rccaj)Uidaiion.—^\'c have novv shown, gentle reader, that in ISIO
Mr. Calhoun was die god lather of a Pndixtioc Tarif, an'd in 1S32,
the advocate of Nullilicaiion to overthrow the system. In 1S33, lie was
the supporter of the Compromise act ; in IS U, the violent opponent Of
if in ISIG, theadvocate of aNationulBank; in 1S31, proposing to
extend its charter 12 years; in 1S38, and 1S41, denouncing it as
unconstitutional; iM ISKi, the advocate of a system of liiteniAl
Improvements ; in 1819, tlic moving spirit, that breathed life into it ;
m lS32,the denouncer of it, entailing all the evils of the TarifF; hi
1S43, tv-ahi its advocate; in 1S3G, the advocate of the Distribution
scheme ° in 1S41, the iciiler of the sclicnic as unconstitutional; in
1842 the advocate of the proceeds of (he sales of the Pubhc Lands
beins continued at the Treasury, as iho ouli/ constilutlonul iiiode''b/
-■pplication • m 1834, the author of (he proposition to take them from
The old Siateo, and to cede them to the Statej in which they he ! Thi^

SPEECHES OF MIC CALHOUX. Iti

man has been the advocate and opponent of all these nieasuies in their
turn, measures hated by the South, and measures looked to I)y tlie
►South and West, t^s their only hope of temporal salvation. And yet,
this is the bold Senator, who, in 1842, 'declared that he had not changed
any one of his principles, and on that ground now asks the p'joplo to
make him President ! This, too, is the Presidential aspirant, for whom
Ex.Gov. Polk declared upon the stump in 1843, that he would go with
a ready mind, if nominated by the '• Great Democratic Party \ " —
This is the aspirant, moreover, who can't get the electoral vote of three
States in the Union? What an imposition upon conmion sense, to offer
such a man- to the consideration of the American 4>eople!

The following " Speeches of Mr. Galhoux," should have been
inserted on page 174, just before the head lines " Jackson's Procla-
mation vs. South Carolina." This will explain the nature of the
blunder made in not placing our editorial remarks beginning " Reca
piTULATioN," after, instead of before w^hat here follow^s : —

SPEECHES OF Mr. CALHOUN. -The greatest deception ever
practiced upon the Public, is the publication of a Book, by Harper tf*
Brothers, of New York, the title of which runs thus—" Speeches
OF John C. CalhouxN, delivered in the Congress of the United
Statesfrom 1811 to the present tifne 1843." This Book, together
with a tract of T4 pages, published by Harper &. Brothers, entitled
— " Life of John C. <J Ai^novN , presenting a condensed History of
■political events from 1811 ^o 1842, " was compiled in Washington
city, during the winter of 1842, by the partizan friends of Mr. Calhoun,
acting under his instruction. At the end of this Life, there is a table
headed as follows : Speeches &.c. of the Hon. John C. Cal-
houn, referred to in his Life, and which are published in sepcrate
volumes, and numbered 1 to 38. " On the subject of this table, the
National Intel ligencer says :

" We have examined this List, and we find that it corresponds,
speech answering to speech, both in description and in number, with
i\v& contents of the volume of Speeches which has just issued from the
press. "

The " Advertisement " prefixed to this compilation of Speeches, by
the Publishers, is in the following terms :

\7S sp:-:eciies of mr. c-'tLiiou^r.

*^ I( ;n:iy notbc iriappropriato to sc? forlli, briefly, tlie consiiiciation.s
v.iri!-!i liavciiulucpcl ihe pui^'ishers lo oiler this vohiiue to tlie public.
"^i'ii'. >])-cc]i(\^ \vhi.-!i it. contains afford the principal— it might almost be
Miid liitj only— nutans of iMowiii the political opinions of a citizeu who,
for a long succession of year?, has occupied a conspicuous place before
tlie People; who as a high officer of the Governuient at one time, and
as a statesMiau and I'^gislalor both before and since that time, has taken
a I(!i\!ling pait in all tbe great political queslions that have agitated the
country ; who has long possessed an almost paramount influence in one
part of the Union, and been looked upon, in fact as the cheif represen-
tative of political opinion in that poriion ; and who finally, has now
retired from direct participalion in the councils of the countr}^, only lo
occupy the station of a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the
people. The polilical doctrines of such a man cannot but afford
intcresling mal tor for attention and study ; audit isbeleived that both
friends and opponents of the distinguished person referfcd to will
glailly avail themselves of this opportunity to make themselves acquain-
ted with his views and principles.

The pui)lisher3have only to add, that in collecting the materials for
the succeeding [)ages they have resorted to the most authentic sources.

H. & B.
New yokk, June, IS43. "

This book, then, as the reader will perceive, professes to afford to tlie
Puijlic "the principal, if not the only means of knowing the political
opinions " of the great Nullifier, from 1811, to 1843. And yet, this
same ostentatious publication, intended to deceive and mislead the
Vxihlic, omils the large?' half of Mr Calhoun's speecJtes, and especially
all those in which he advocated Whig measures, and opposed what are
now called Deinocratic doctrines !

On this subject, the National Intelligencer makes the following ap-
pmpriate remarks:

" The first speech in the ])Ook before ns is that delivered by Mr.
Calitottn in the House of Representatives December 19, 1811, on a
Report from the Committee of Foreign Relation.:-. The Jicxt Speech
in the book is that " against the Force Bill, " delivered on the 15lh of
February, 1833 ! leaving an entire blardc for the period of twenty-two
years of Mr. Calhoun's hfe, during which, it would appear from this
book, professing to give all his Speeches on the great (juestions of the
day, that he never opened his lips in public, though, during a consid-
erable part of that time, there was hardly a day in which he did not cap-
tivate his associates in Congress by his attractive llieories, or dazzle
them with the brilliance of his eloquence.

WithotTt dwelling upon the mofiiae of this studied concealment of all
that gave elevation and distinction to Mr Calhoun in his meridian —
which is too obvious to need remark — it in ovr purpose to supply in
part, the hiatus ]cii by this book in the political history of Mr. Calhoun.
Wo slndl not observe exactly chronological order in our publication of

SPEECHES OF MR. CALiIOrV.

iTO

Iiis suppressed Speeches ; hut shall puhhsli thjit hin which U nei'.re.st
at.himd, heing his opeiiini:: Speec'a in ISK) on (he hill to incorpoialt' tlic
Bank of ihc^'UniteJ Slale.^. Wc heo-;:i \hk speech, h^-caiise, in tho
Address of the South Carolina Convenlion noiv.iiiuling him aa a candi-
date for the Presidency, \ve find hustiiiiy to a Bank of the United SlaU\-(
ranked anioug his cardinal pulitical viilues. '^ Few men have heen so
efficient," says this Address, ^'in saving iheliherties of the coutitry from
the most dangerous of ail tiic instruments of Federalism, a United
States Bank."

How justly Mr. CALiiorx is entitled to tiie credit of saving t!ie coun-
try from the dangers of a National Ikuik, his suppressed speeches novv
being published In^ the Intelligencer, and h\s vote to create the Bank of
1816, will abundantly tesliiy ! And all attempts to mystify this part of
the history of Mr. Calhoun's political life, will only make the mat tin-
worse. The zealous support which he gave to the establishment of the
late Bank of the United States, is a matter of too great public notoriety
to be forgotten. It is impossible to explain v.wny a fact which stands so
deeply engraven on the public records, as that John C. Calhoun was
the Father of the Bank of 1816. In fact, it was only eight years ago,
that he claimed that paternity in open Senate. In a speech of his,
reported by himself, delivered on the l3lh of January, 1S34, he thus
asserted it : —

" I might say with trnlh that the Bank OWES AS MUCH TO :\IF>
as to any other individual in the country ; and I might even add, that,
had it not been for my Et-'KonTS, ir would not haa'E been char-
tered." — iicg. Debates, Vol. X. p. 213.

Another of his suppressed speeches, delivered in April, 181G, was on
Mr. Randolphs motion to strike out tlue iiiiuitnumvalaidlon on Cotton
Goods. This debate was on ''the dkgri:e of PHOTECTIOX,
trJdch ought to be afforded to our eotton and woohu iiianufaetures,''' as
Mr. Calhoun announced in his opening remarlcs ! From that speech
we will only give the following extract :

" Another objection had been made which, he must acknowledge,
was better founded — that capital employed in manufacturing produced
n greater dependence on the part of the employed ihau in commerce,
navigation, or agriculture. It is certainly an evil, and to be regretted ;
but he did not think it a decisive objeciiou to THE SYSTEM ;
especially when it had incidental political adrauta^-es, which, hi his
opinion, more than counterpoised it. IT PRODUCED AN INTER-
EST STRICTLY AMERICAN, as nmch so as in aoricnlture ; in
which it had the decided ad vantage of commerce or navigation. The
country will from this derive mucli advantage. Again, it is calculated
to bind togetlier more closely our widely spread Republic. It will
greatly increase om- mutual dependence and intercoin-se ; and will, n.-^
a n -cojsary oonsoque«ce„ excite an increased aitenUon i-o laiernnl

180 SPEECHES OF MR. CALHOUN.

Tiiiprovcmcnt^ a subject every icnii so inrunaifhj rn)inrcted vUh the
ultiuKtte iUfaiiirnent of national streii oik and'VllYi PERFECTION'
OF OUR POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS. He regarded tlie fact,
that it would iviake the parts adhere more closely, that, it would form a
jiew and most powerful cement, aud far oiitu-ciixhin^; any political
ohjections that might lie urged against THJ^'i SYSTE^J. In his opin-
i(jn the liberty and the umon of this country were inseparably united!
That, as the destruction of the latter would most certainly involve the
former, so its maintenance will, vrith eciual cejlamty, preserve it. He
did notepeak lightly. He. had often and long revolved it in liis mind,
and he had critically examined into the causes that destroyed the liberty
of other Slates. There are none that apply to ns, or apply with a force
to alaruL The basis of our Republic is too broad, and its structure too
.-Irong, to l)e shaken by them. Its extension and organization will be
found to afford effectual security against their operation ; but let it be
deeply impressed on the heart of this House and country, that, while
they guarded against the old, they exposed us to a new and terrible.
f////?i,'er, ])ISUKION. This single word comprehended almost the
sum of our political o^a/^^-ers ; against it we ought to be perpetually
i^uaj-ded."

'* It is in the fi\ce of such Speeches as this (which also was revised
for tjie press I)y the orator himself) that the South Carolina Convention,
in its Address to the People of the United States, gravely declares that
Mr. Calhoun "recognises no justice in tariffs, taxing unequally the
lalior and capital q( the farmer, the planter, the merchant, the mechanic,
the shipmaster, and all other industrial pursuits, to give protection to,
and make the labor and capital of the manufacturer profitable ; that
}>etween a tariif of protection, and a tariff of revenue discriminating
for protection^ he is able to see no difference in constitutional principle;
and he Ixjldsthe one as mwhhsxha oiher repugnant to tiatural Justice
and the. plainest principles of political economy, and in. their tcndencij
subversive nf the very ends of civil society. ""

[From the Indiana .Tournal.]

MR. VAN BUREN'S PRINCIPLES. Eddcncrs of his opposition
to the poor m tars roll'. JJis opposition to tlic vote of poor rcvolu-
iionarti soldi) rs ! The proof ld!:( n from the proceedings and
debates of the ConvcjiXion 'of ISr^ii, 'assembled for the purpose
of amending the Constitution of the iitate of NciD York.

Reader, below we furnish you more of the odious opinions of Martin
Van Buren, whom, as you see by the Locofoco papers, that party
intends, if you will aid them, to set over you once more as Ruler. —
Here are date and page of the Journals of Convention referred to. —
Lisicn to this man's language interference to the poor Revolutionary
soldier. He would have ricli negroes vote, but woidd deny to the worn
out patriot whose fortime and strength had been expendeil in the Revo-
lutionary struggle, the right to vote under the government whose
|j!;eiiies his sword had aided in achievcing! Here' is the extract :

Mli. VAN BUREn's PR1XCIPLI2S. ISI

Martin VanBuren opposed to universal svfvrxgk.— Journal
of Co ) I. gr ess, page 139.

Mr. Jc\y for the sake of relieying tlie erabarrassmenLs of the committee,
moved to strike out from Gen. Root's amcnchueuts tlie words "or being
armed and equipped according to law, shall have performed within the
year military duty in the militia of this State."

Jour, of Con. page 140.— The question was taken and decided in
the negative, ayes 26 nays 92 ; Mr. Van Buren voting in the negative.
140

Gen. Tall mad ge then moved to strike out '• or on tlie high ways ; "
ha \sas for conliiiing the qualification of voters, to such as do military
duty and pay taxes.

Col. Young replied, and wasopposed to strike out. Mr. Van Buren
supported the'^motion for striking out. The people (he said) were not
prepared for universal suffrage.

Gen. Root replied, that if the clause were stricken out it would dis-
franchise a numerous class of persons who ought to vote.

Mr. Russel was against striking out. " It would disfranchise many
who ought to vote. He recollected a i evolutionary soldier in his tovyn,
who WMsat the seige of (Quebec, and another M'ho was at the storming
of Stony Point, and neither would have a vote if this motion prevailed."

Septe?nbcr 27, 1S21.

An amendment of Gen. Tallmadge was under consideration. —See
page 141.

Jour, of Con. page 141— Gen. Root said the amendment provided
for the disfranchisement of a numerous class of citizens. He enlarged
upon the remarks of die gentleman from Niagara, Mr. Russell, who
mentioned two instances in his town, wliere two Revolutionary patriot.'?
^ind soldiers one of whom fouglit with Monf'^omery umler the walls of
Quebec, and the other under Wayne at Si..;-. Point, would be disfian-
chised if this provision was stiicken out," <ki-.

" Mr. Van Buren said he felt himself called upon to make a few
remarks in reply to the gentleman from Delaware, (Gen. _ Root.) He
observed that it was evident, and indeed some gentlemen did not seem
disposed to disguise it, that the amendment proposed by the gentleman
from Deleware (Gen. Root) contemplated nothing short of universal
miffragc. Mr. Van Buren did not believe that there were twenty mem-
bers to the committee who, were the h?a& naked question of universal
sujfragc, put to them, would vot« in its favor, and he was very sure
that its adoption w^as not expected, and would not meet the views of
their conslituents. Mr. Van Buren then replied to a statement made
yesterday by his honoj-able and venerable friend from Erie (Mr. Russell)
in relation to the exclusion of soldiers who had fought at Quebec and
Stony Point ; under the banner of Montgomery and Wayne. And he
felt tlie necessity of doing this because such cases urged by such gen
tlcmen as his hoK^orable friend were calculated to malte a deep and

1S2 .MR. VAX nUUKx's PRINCIPLES.

• * * * — '' I^'evv of t'nose patriots were livins;-, and of that few
tlie number was yeaily diminishing. la fifteen years the grave will
have covered all those who now survive. Was it then unwise to add
a wholesome restrictive provision, lost, in its operation, it might affect
ihesefew individuals for a short time? He would add no more. His
duty w^ould not permit him to say less."

" One word (contin^^edMr. Van Buren) on the MAIN QUESTION
before the Committee. We had already reaclmdthe verge of universal
svjTrage. There was but one step ])eyond. And are gentlemen pre-
pared to take that step? Vic arc cheapeiiiug this invaluable right!

He was disposed to go as f;ir as any man in the extension of rational
liberty ; but he could not consent to undervalue this precious privilege,
so far OS to confer it v.-ilh an indiscriminatinghand upon every one black
and white, who v/ould be kind enough to accept it."— See jour. Con.
page 141.

The question on striking out " or on the high wcn/s," was taken by
ayes and nays— and decided in the affirmative, ayes 68, nays 48. —
MARTIN VAN BUREN voting in the affirmative, and thus voting to
exclude from the right of suffrage a large class of citizens and also sol-
diers of the revolution. — See Jour. Con. p. 14).

The effect of this striking out of the words " or on (he highways,"
was to exclude from voting'all those who did not pay taxes, and wlio,
if those words had been left in the Constitution, miglit have voted, bv
working on the high ways to the amount of SIXTY-TWO AND A
HALF CENTS.

Martin Van Buren, l)y this vote says No — you poor lal)orers, why do
not you pay taxes &c., stand aside", you shall NOT VOTE. The
.effect of lliis vote to strike out " white',^^ as before shown, was to aclmii
negroes to vote on the same footing with white men ! !

This is Martin Van Buren, wdio is called by the office holders, the
jiond of the POOR MAN ! !

September 28, 1821.

Jour. Con. }):!';v 1 h">. Judge Van Ness moved for a reconsidcialioii
of the vote of yc6Leiday, striking out the words " or on the highways."

After a long discussion the question of reconsideration w^as taken and
.decided in the affirmative.

Col. Young, then called for die consideration of Mr. Wheeler's
amendment. — See Jour, of Con. p. 145.

Mr. Wheeler spoke at length in ils fiwor. He was in favor of uni-
versal suffrage, with such exceptions and limitation as might be condu-
cive of the public welfare. — See Jour. Con. p. 145.

Judge Piatt opposed the amendment on the ground that it went in
favor of universal suffrage.

Mr. Van Buren " occupied the floor for some time in expressing his
sentiments decidedly against the amendment, and universcd suffrage.

Mil. VAN nUREx's PRIXCIPLES. 183

\Vg ore (he said) hazznvding every thing to sucli lengths in (he amend-
ments, &.C.," Page 145.

Mr. Tompkins supported tlie amendment and thonglit too much
alarm had been created by the bug bear universal sulFrage. Taxation,
as applied to representation^ meant liabihty to taxation. How was it
when no taxes were imposed in this State ? \Yere there no represen-
tation? &c. Page 145.

Jour. Con, page 145. The question on Mr. Vrheeler's amendment
was taken by ayes and nays, and decided in the atiirmative, ayes (53,
nays 55, Martin Van Burcn, voting in the negative and against uni-
versal suffrage ! !

THE MISSOURI (QUESTION.— We have brought forwaixl thisi
question here, for the purpose of showing Iiow M.vrtix Van Buren
did battle for the interests and institutions of the South, while he was a
Northern ■w«/i.with Sonthern principles ! Wliere was his love for the
South ami her institutions when the Missouri Question was agitated
before the country ? Let the follovvnng record fads answer. Let them
show, as they will, that while Henry Clay was going the entire figure
in defence of the South and West, at the same tin^e and on the same
occasion, Martin Van Buren was exerting his whole influence and
energies, to exclude Missouri from the Union, unless slavery were pro-
hibited within her limits ! Think of this ye abolition hating Democrats !
And if you have regard to professions and declaratioiis^ say, is Mr.
Van Buren not afriend of abolition and abolitionists ? But to the record:

" NEW YORK LEGISLATURE.— Pream&^e and Resolutions.
Whereas the inhibiting the further extension of slaveiy in the U. S., is
a subject of deep concern to the people of this State, and whereas, we
consider slavery as an evil, much to be deplored, and that every consti-
tutional barrier should be interposed to prevent its further extension ; and
that the Constitudon of the U. S. clearly gives Congress the right to
require of new States, not comprehended within the original boimdaries
of the U. States, the prohibiting of slavery as a condition of theii
admission into the Union, — Therefore,

Resolved, (if the honorable Senat-e concur therein,) That our Sena-
tors be instructed, and our Representatives in Congress be requested, to-
oppose the admission as a State into the Union, of ;n-.- territory, not
comprised as aforesaid, making the prohibition of ; ty therein an
indispensable condition of admission.

On the 29th of January, 1820, the Senate took up die resolution and;
passed the same unanimously, the following members being present

Messrs. Adams, Austin, Bainum, Bartow, Browne, Childs, Dudley,
Dayton, Ditmiss, Evans, Forthington, Hammond, Hart, Livingston,
lioundsberry, McMartin, Moans, Malloiy, Moore, Noyes, Paine, Ross,
Rosencrantz, Skinner, Swan, VAN BUREN, Wilson, Young— 30."

RuFus King, an old Federalists of ' 98, was about that time innomi

184 MR. v/.N bvren's principles.

naLion for U. S. Senator from New York. Mr. Van Buren was his
warm supporter, and wrote as follows, pressing liis election :

" I should sorely regret [.-ays he] to fiiidany flagginp; on ilie snhjrct
of Mr. King. We are conmiitted to his support. It is ijotli wise and
honest; and we must have no tluttering in our course. Mr. King's
views towards us are honoraijle and correct. The MISSOUKI
QUESTION conceals, as far as he is concerned, no plot ; and we shall
•give it a trwe direction. You know what tiie views and feelings of our
friends were when I saw you, and you Jviiow Mhat we then concluded
to do. My " CONSIDERATIO\S,'\md the aspect of the Albany
Argus, will .show that we have entered on the work in good earnest. —
We cannot look back. Let us not, therefore, have any halting. I put

MY HEAD ON VtB PROPRIETY,"

The foregoing is published in Holland's " Life of Van Buren ; " au
electioneering work written l)y a warm partizan of his. After citir^g- this
extract, Professor Holland proceeds to remark :

" The attention of the Legislature of Xev,' York was called to fche
question of admitting Missouri into the Union, with the right to hold
slaves, in the message of Gov. Clinton, at the opening of the session iu
Jamiary, 1820. An expression of their opinion was earnestl}'^ recom-
mended. In compliance with this recommendation, the House of
Represenrtatives adopted a resolution instructing their Senators and
requesting their Representatives of the State in Congress to oppose tJte
admission, as a State, in the Union, of any Territory not comprised
within the original bomulary of the United States, without making the
prohibition of slavery therein an indispensable condition of admission !
The Senate concurred in this resolution, without division or debate, and
among them MR. VAN BUREN, tlio'itwas not brought before the
Legiskiture by his agency. Still he must be regarded as having con
curred at that time, in the sentiment of the resolution then adopted by
the Legislature." — Hollands Life of Vcm Biircn.

[From the Spirit of ' 70, of July loth, 1S40.]
HOOE'S CASE— FREE NEGRO TESTIMONY.— The papers
which we publish to-day on the subject of liieut. Hooe's case, show
that thar officer was tried before a Naval Court Martial at Pensacola.
Comni.!"'''r Levy being his prosecutor. On the trial, TWO FREE
NE( jii ' ' . S, servants of Commander Levy, the prosecutor, were offered
as witnesses against the lieutenant. He objected to their competency,
but the court admitted them, and they gave'evidcnce against the accused.
He caused his oljjection to these witnesses to be entered upon the record
of the proceedings of the court. Sentence having been pronounced,
upon him, and the record liavingbeen transmitted to James K. Paul-
ding, the Secretary of the Navy, he approved of them. The defemlant
appealed to the President, who merely endorsed upon them, that there
\ci\s. nothing in them requiring his interference.

So then, it is the law of this administration, that free negroes are good
witnesses against the officers of the Navy and Army ; and of tlie United

MU. VAN nUREx's rUINClPLE;^. 18;")

States, while in tlic military service. Very good, let u.j see how ii will
work. Suppose tlw plan proposed l)y Mr. Van Bureu and liio Secre-
tary for (lie organization of t-hc iHilitia &liould pass and become a law,
anil under it mi? Generals Battle and Hardin arc, in the comve of
events, broiiglrt. before a court martial for uiiollker-l ike conduct, ykc. —
On (he trial, iVlr. Prosecutor and the judge advocate are called upon for
their witnesses, and tliey bring up two free negroes of Nashville, whose
names delicacy forbids us to mention ; which two free negroes have
been thg hirelings of the prosecutor. Of course our Generals object
with might and main, and llaming speeches are pronounced against the
insult by the counsel, who produce the law and constitution of Ten-
nessee upon the point. But the Judge Advocate coolly rcp^[t()iuls',
— " All this was done in Hooe's case, but the testimony wasaduiiUcd,
and the proceedings were approved by the Secretary of tiie Navy, and
by the President too, on solemn appeal, on which this very point wa;^
relied upon." The precedent is unanswerable, and the tesiimony is
admitted, and our generals are thereupon dismissed from the service.
with ail the aggravation of a reprimand in the face o-f 12,.5(KV men
from 3 or 4 States.

Will- (he editor of the Union let us hear from " ow legal pen" upon
this subject ?

B^it while that gentleman is inditing his defence of the cnlminisi ration,
a work very germain to his labors at New Bedford, we will just take the,
libeity tc say that the ignorance of law and of constitutions which (his
administration' has exliiljited^ is not the least remarkaljle trait? of it:;
character. In th« plan for the organisation of the militia sulmiiited by
the Secretary of War to Mr. Van Buren on the 3()lh of November, and
by him recommended (o Uie attention of Congress in the strongest ternjs,
the Constitution of (he U. S. is palpably violated in one of the inost
important of its provisions ; and now again, in this free negro business,
the most lamentable ignoianceof law is displayed. If i\\g head of this
administration- has a single merit which enthlcs him to the post which
he occupies, we shall be gtad to hear of it. Can t our neighbor give
us disqA+isilion upon the point ?

NEGROES GIVING TESNIMONY AGAINST A WHri'l':
MAN— MR. VAN BUREN SUSTAINING THIS COURSE -HIS
RESPECT FOR THE FEELINGS OF SOUTHERN AND WES
TERN BIEN. — We invite particular attention to the facts set forth in
the following oflicial extracts from the Record. If any Soudiern oi
Western man can stomach such conduct, he is prepared for any thing :
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Friday, .TunQ (2, IS-IO.

Mr. Botts, of Virginia, asked leave to olVer d\e following pveamble and
resolution, obsei-ving that he held himself personally and as a represen-
tative, responsible for die truth of every word and syllable contained in
the preamble, as established from a personal examination of the records
of tne case.

Wherea.s, by reference to the proceedings of a Naval General Court
Martial, held in the month of May, 1839, on board the United Stolen
23

l,^^ MR. VAN iniuii'?^^ PRINCIPLES.

yhip M.iccdutiiiin, iheii lyinp; in Pensacola Bay, for the trial of Lf.
Gcorj't; Maim Hooc, of Va., of the United Stales Navy, on cliargesanil
r-yv^cilicatiuns originally piefeired against him by Commander Uriah P.
,evy ; among other irregidaiities comi)lained of by the accused, the
following facts will appear, which call loudly for redress, to wit :

That on the 3()ili day of May, James Mitchell, the steward, a negro
s-ervantof the said Conunander Uriah P. Levy, of the 0. S. ship Van-
didia, Avas called upon and sworn as a witness on behalf of the prosecu-
tion, to testify against the said Lieut. Hooe ; that the accused objected
to the examination of the witness upon the ground that, he was a
idoied man; that the Court, after deliberation, did not consider the
olijectiona valid one, and ordered the examination to proceed ; that the
accused thenoil'ered the following protest, which wa^, at his request,
sjiread upon record :

" The accused begs leave to state to the Court, most distinctly, that
he solemnly protests against the evidence of this witness being received
and recorded. It is far from the wish of the accused to object to any
evidence which the Court may deem legal; but the witneie is a
colored man, and therefore, in the opinion of the accused, is not u com-
petent witness, eVen befbre this tribunal.

" G. M. HOOE,
" Lieutenant U. S. Navy."

Whereupon, the witness proceeded to dehver his evidence before the
Court ; upon thb conclusion of which, tlie accused offered the following
paper in writing, which, at his request, was also spread upon the record :

" The accused having prot^ested against the evidence Of this witrtess,
on the ground that lie conceives his testimony to be altogether illegal ;
that he knows it would be so considered before the civil triburJals of this
Territory, the forms and customs of which, he humbly thinks, should
be as closely followed by a martial court as possible ; therefore asks to
spread upon record the fiict tliat he cannot consent to, and has totally
declined cross-examining this witness.

" GEORGE MANN HOOE,

" Lieut. tJ. S. N.^'

That on the same day, to wit, the 30th day of May, Daniel Waters,
a negro cook, and private servant of the said original prosecutor, Uriah
]'. Levy : was called, sworn, and examined before the Court, whereupon
the accused presented the following paper in writing, which, at his
re(iue3t, was spread upon the record, to wit :

" The Court, having decided to receive and record the testimony of
colored persons, the accused, in regard to this witness, can only reiterate
his objections us set forth in the case df Mitchell, the (Captain's stewaitd !
The accused will puisne the same comse with this witness that he deci-
ded to take with the other colored man.

GEORGE MANN HOOE,

" Lieut. U. S. N.'*

That the trial progretacd until Wednesday, the tJth day of June, t^fhcn

JMR. VAN IUTREn's PIUXCIPLRR. 1 ^T

the Court entoiod up its juelgment, of whicli the following is ilie con-
clusion ;

" And the Court therefore hath and doth sentence tlie said lacnt.
George M. Hooe, to he dismissed from the West India squadron, after
having heen reprimanded in general orders liy the honorable Secretary
of the Navy."

Which said procccdincfs are endorsed,

" Approved, ^ J. K- PAULDING."

That, on the return of the President of the United States to the scat
of Government, the said Lieut. George M. Hooe addressed a rcnion-
strance to His Excellency the President, complainnig of the irregidiuiiics
of the Court, generally, which renionslrunce concludes with the
following statement :

" There is one other point in the proceedings of die Court (touching
their legality) to which I invite the particular attention of your Excel-
lency. It respects a matter to which all Southern uieu are deeply
8ensitiv€H— and, if not over-ruled by vour Excellency, will assuredly
drive many valuable men from the Kavy. In the progress of the
proceedings of this Court, two negroes, one the cook, and the other
private stewaid of Commander Levy, were introduced as witnesses
against me. I protested against their legal competency to he witnesses
in the Territory of Florida, on ilie ground that they were negroes. The
Court disregarded my exception, and, as the record shows, they were
allowed to be examined, and testify on my trial. This 1 charge us a
proceeding illegal and erroneous on the puit of the Court, and, il so,
according to established law and precedent, must vitiate and set aside
their whole proceedings. All which is most respectfully submitted to
yotir consideration and final decision, by
" Your obedient servant,

" GEORGE MANN HOOE,

" Lieut. U. S. Navy."

That, after examination of the record, the President returned the
same to the Navy Department, with the following endorsement ;

" The President finds nothing in the proceedmgt in the case of Lieut.
Hooe which requires his interference. M. \. 15. '

And whereas, the introduction of negroes and private seivants ol' tlic
prosecutor as witnesses to testify against the cliavacteis of gentlemen of
the Navy, in service of their couutrv, is a practice, though sanctioned
by the President of the United States, tliat will not be jusiilied, and
ought not to be tolerated by Southern men, or ^^ Northern men icit/i
Southern prineiplcs,'" and, if not conocted, must operate as a serious
•injury to the Navy, to the humiliation of its ollieers, and to tlie infinite
discredit of the Government;

Resolved, therefore, That the Secretary of die Navy be refjuircd to
communicate to this House a copy of the proceedings of. the court
martial held for the trial of Lieut. George M. Hooe, that his wrongi^
maybe promptly redressed, and the evils complained of corrected wiilij«
c ,ji d«l».v.

188

iMIl. VAN nUREX S rRIXCIPLER.

Mr, l^)oivi<v(^o)o inijuix^d wicr! )ii(\iPuio of ix'ilrcss \m colloaG^ue pro-
po;;c(! hv (Ik; iiitroihiclicji of ihis iv-clmj.-n!

-Vlr. .SianJy r;illei! ;V!r. i ),<nii'«onlc In oidnr, making prfjine rcmarke.
Villi.)), (n.)!) \\u- rot)Ju-^!(»ii uJiifii iajniediatclv uiwe, Avcrc iiKiiidil)le to

M)i.Tcpoi|«;).

'rii*' < -luii) ^.ii(.i the resoluliou could ,not be icceiycd only ]»y i^^cneral

ff»i:-|')ll.

Mr. l'\ TJiumaG, of Miuyland, ohJccLed,

]\Tr. iMiih^, (hi'iciipoii ntovcd to ^^u.-peud tiic mlc.^, and deniajuled the

yc.-i,; .iiid iiav^-, w Incli woe ordrK^d, and were a.-;; foil.)',\-,- : — Yo-jy *>;"> —
:\ays,, S'k iSo die rulrs wc[<' nu( s(i;^p»')Kkd.

[d-'ioni the Richmond Whig.]
Ni'JJt'O Tlv-rn ,)[( );\\'. — 0(sc of Lieut. 7/00/;.— The principle
I'Mi-hiN! iii ihi' .Msr (.) iaciu. llooe, and approved by the .'Secjctary
-.1 ihr Aa\yaud ih<,'. Frc-ideiU, of adiiiitting negroes to ti^slify against
MYu-.vi: (^f (lie i\ary, h;i--- .'ycIkmI much feehng in tlna State. It i^ one
of jjiosc qix'siiciH oil u'hi.!i (he people feci more than they reas&n, and
i( \^ o»i'' \\ liii h 'v.in.iiii.' (he .-tiongest indignation which can inllame the
hi>sonk'. of .! \riu^. people it is a measure, more deeply imbued witli the
i;pir(l of al»oli(ioiti;;ai, than any which has come to onr knowledge, and
ia i^i- praeticalth.'eirec!,s, it goes Anther to put tlie negro upon a footing
of (•(juajily wilh th(^ uhile. litai.i — (Ik; great o!>ject of tlic AholitiouistB —
ihaii any thing e\ er aehieva! Iiy Tappan or ( Jarrison. The social
eipiality hi-Awa-n \\u- ul.:i!e and Mack niccs, preached and practised by
a lew f'iiKj.iic \\M)iiei), ;i;cb e ■ 3,!is,; Crimkc, JVliss Abby Kellcy, &c.,
.Old a f.'w de-i;;iiii'"; b\ |)o. riiieal iiicn, lias jiioduced, and can produce,
»io had e>"'e,-t-. !'' v.iiiiiile- .-et by sorb :diajae(<'h-., 1 ariy 110 weight and
i n Ih fi' J u-c; ihey ttiiJ) :e) vi' fo !)ri).i': !h<'ir authois uilo o. lit no and eonteiupt.
!lf\jt (h/- allaii a. :!:i!te.; a vej V diiieieiit aspi'ct, w'lieu (la; lh-i<t ollicer of
J!ie (*(i\-er)i!ueiii, and (lie Miiii.ierof iIk; Jlarine, sanction a principle,
w htrli ),(!ii( i :: e\ ei \ "viiiieiiian in the American Navy to a quasi level
wilh five bfie!. .. Here die eh'vated stations of tliose who set llic
exianjde, tj,'<d ile hijh aiilhojiii}' with which they are invested, oouspiro
tuut.tarh ii<ei.' iiiiporiiiaee to th.'ir pree(>,pi,-; m\^ pi.iclices. No man in
the pid>lie rriAJia' eao <li. reijard the one or dispute (he other with impu-
.uiiy. 'Y'\,v\y ii:sr tl'iiil !:■ law \o (lie Army and the Navy, and whatever
jvgiijaiioiis liiey jiiay aalopi, are, iin|)erali\ c upon all comiccted with
oit.hcrof those im'poriant branches of ilie |>nbli>- .ei\ice.

It is in this light, in uliich we regard the [)ri|irip!e established in the
case of l.iiMit. ]ioue,a,iid whicirinvo^slg that decisioti with a peivading
arul cnduriag iiuportance. it is a direct insult ollored by the IhesiUcnt
and his naval Minister, to the f.'clings of a large portion of the'Atncri-
tau people, and in .siiI)j<L'c(jiig the conduct of the Naval oilicers to the
iinveiilance of (he black servants of the commander reduces them to a
s.tateof dVgrada!.io»i to which neither Northern nor Southern gentlemen
can submit. This caimoL fail to exert a Miost l)aneful influence upon
dial faxorite arm of the national defence. Centlemen of honoi and
:j'ibi)ity uill, by degree>sj)e batdshed fn5ni the service, and they will

MR. VAN BUREX'S PRINCIPLES. ISO

be succeeded by a mean-spirited gencralion, willing and fitinstru.
ments to do the biddiiig of a niastcf.

But tlicrei"? anotbcv consequence resulting from the pnnciplc Iiere
establisbed, of not less consequence. If negro testimony is admissible
in the Navy, is it not admissible in the Aimy, and even in the Fedend
courts! We cannot conceive of a reason foi a disiinction, and we pre-
sume there is none. An officer of tlic army may 1)C cashiered upon the
strength of negro testimony, since a Lieut, in the Navy has been
reprimanded and dismissed upon the testimony of two servants of Capt.
Uriah P. Levi/! And in the Federal court, any individual, if this
principle be recognized, n)ay be prosecuted by the Guvermnent for u
breach of thb llcvenue or any other laws, and by the testimony of his
own servant, be amerced. Suppose, for example, the (Jovernment
should arraign a citizen of Richmond upon the charge of smuggling
English cheese, or any oiher article paying duty — The cas© comes
oefore Judge Peter V. Daniel — Suppose the accused to be an incorrigible
Whig ; his servant or that of some other man is summoned to give testi-
mony — conviction ensues, as a matter of course, — and his Honor, the
Judge, has the supreme feliciiy of passing sentence upon the political
reprobate.

This is not an impossibility— it is the legilimate sequence of the
principles established in llicease of Lieut. Hooe— i. e. that negroes are
competent witnesses in cases in which the United States or any of iw.
oflicers are interested.

Since the facts in this extraordinary case were brought to light, several
efforts have been made by the understrappers of the party to relieve the
Administration of the odium. The Globe has put forth sundry articles,
distinguished much more for tlieir violence than respect of truth. The
Enquirer, always Charley at the hole, has lent a helping hand. This
worthy in his other self as Editor of the 'Crisis,' lias procured a letter
from Mr. Paulding to exhonorate Mr. Van 13uren from all blame in the
premises. The design, ;is in the case of Mr. Poinsett and the Standing
Army., 13 decidedly good ', but here, as there, the execution is decidedly
bad. The Hon." Secretary hits vMg of the mark, and does not touch
the true matter in issue. In other words, he admits the offence charged,
and does not touch the true matter in mitigation of damages. He ad-
mits that negroes, aud tliey the servants of Otpt. Uriah P. Lcvy^ were
introduced as witnesses against Lieut. Hooe ! This cannot be palliated
by any combination of circumstances, or be made palatcable to lohitc
gentlemen, either uordi or south. His apoligies for apjrroviiii^- procced-
iQgs so novel and revolting, are : 1. " The admission of the description
of testimony objected to by Mr. Hooe, is a universal practice on board
of ships of war." So much the worse if it be so, and the greater
the necessity for arresting such a practice. But can another instance of
this kind be adduced ? We never heard of one ])efore. 2. " This
decision was no doubt made oil the ground, that no disqualification of
a legal nature, which could only cxist^by a law of Congress, was shown."
This admits every thing— and claims what we before stated was a legit
inmte scfpience of the decision that negro testimony is admissible in f U«*

190 MR. VAN BUREn's PRINCIPLES.

Army and in tlio Federal (Jouits! 3. " Tlic evidence of the neffroe^5
may be cnt'f^hj rcjecti^d without aflecting the. sentence of the Court. '-
]Io\v does thfe .Secretary know this ? But it is a rule of law as well as
of common sense, that irrelevant testimony shall not be admitted, for
there is no cdcnlatinLi' what niuhie bias it may exert on the minds of
the jurors — and if admitted, it i^ good cause for an appellat^j jurisdic-
tion "to set aside the decision. But all this has nothing to do with the
main point. Of the merits of the decision, so far as relates to Lieut.
Ilooe, we know nothing, and they have nothing to do with the question
we are discussing — i. e. the admissibility of negro testimony against
v.hite men. This is the great matter— .this it is which does violence to
the feelings of the people, and which the Secretary of the Navy and the
President have approved. 'J'he A{\\ excuse is fur the President, and is
full of <piibhhng, a la mode his associate, Poinsett. It is as follows :

" It is not deemed necessary to go further into this subject than merely
to add, that the President had nothing to do with the Court or its
proceedings. The judgment of the Court was approved, and cavried
into effect by the order of this Deparlment-v^thc approval or opinion of
any higher power was not necessary."

No one supposed the President had any thing to do with " the Court
or its proceedings," which were held accorcling to the Secretary, " on
board a U. S. "Ship of war in the Bay of Pensa.cola." But he had
something to do with them afterwards at Washington. The facts a?e
these : The proceedings arc sent to Washington ; they were endorsed
l)y the Secretar}^ ;

'^APPROVED, J. K. Pauldixg."

L,ieut. Hooe then appealed from the decision of the Court and tlie
approval of tlie Secretary^, to the President. In his memorial to that
high Functionary, he expressly complained of lire illegality of thenegio
testimony, and asked the especial attention of the President to it. Tlie
President examined the record aud memorial, and returned the same to
the Navy Department with- the following endorsement :

" THE PRESIDENT FINDS NOTHING IN THE PROCEED-
INGS IN THE CASE OV IJEUT. HOOE, WHICH REdUIRES
HIS INTEPvFERl^NCE. M. V. B."

This leaves no loop-hole for escape. Out of his own inouth he is
condemned. But we will do the President the justice to say, his co)i-
duct in this particular is consistent with his past life, and in perfect
keeping widi hi^ advocacy of Free Negro 8ujrage. He who had
maintatned the litncss of tlie African race to exercise the highest rights.
of a freeman, that of electing Legislators and rulers, could not consis-
tently object to their competency as witnesses before civil and military
tribunals.

[From the .Tonesboro\igh Whig of September 30, 1840.]
THE STANDING ARMY— A NEW DISCOVERY— MR. VAN
BUREN CONVICTED OF FALSEHOOD-GEN. JACKSON^S
OPINIO.NS OF A PERMANANT MILITARY FORCE-OUT-

MR. VAN BUREN's PRINCIPLES. l9l

LINE OF THE ARMY BILL BY THE MADISOI^LVN^
CONCLUDING REMARKS BY THE PRESENT EDITOR—
The Army Bill of the Secretary of War, Mr. Poinsett, endorsed by
President Van Buren, in his hist annual Message, has met with such
s:^eneral disapprobation, and proved so injurious to the cause of tlio
Spoilers, that tliey have hed, twisted, and turned a iiUndred ways, to
avoid its pernicious inlUicnccs. We now have it in our pov/cr to present
this step towards arbitrary power in its tlue colors, witli the falsehoods of
Mr Van Buren, and the gross blunders of his supporters, to which we call
the attention of all parties.

We commence with the letter of eight memberf of Congress, to the
citizens of the United States, and an extract from the President's Mess-
age, certijied to by the Democratic Clerk of the Ho^ise of RcprCsentil-
tives, which place the charge of the President's endorse) /lent beyond
tlic reach of Conlradiction : —

" Washington, May 26, 1840.

To our Pciloit- Citizens :

We have been informed that fhe cditOfs of
some newspapers, who advocate the re-election of Mr. Van Buren to the
Presidency, have refused to publish the recommendations and project
of the Secretaty of War for the organization a;nd discipline of the militia
of the United States, with the approval of the Presidant. Being also
informed that the audienticity of those portions of the Message of the
President submitted to Congress, have been frequently rlcnied, when
published in newspapers, we have, for the purpose of rcmovii% all
doubts, procured duly certified copies of that portion of the met^sage,
jand all the the reports of the Secretary of Vi^ar strbmitted at the present
feession of Congres, that relate to the subject, which we present foT your
consideration.

^"R. garland, of Louisiana. JNO. BELL, of Tennessee.

M. H. GRINNELL, of New York. JNO. M. BOTTS, of Virginia.;
TRUxMAN SMITH, of Conn. CHARLES NAYLOR, of Pa.

L. SALTONSTALL, of Mass. J. C. Cl-ARK, of New York.
Extract from the Message of the President of the United States to
the two Houses of Congress, December 2, 1839.

" The present condition of tlie defences of our principal seaports and
navy yards, as represented by the accompanying report of the Secretary
of War, calls for the early and serious attention of Congress ; and, as
connecting itself intimately with this subject, / cannot recommend too
^strongly to your consideration, the plan submitted by thut officer, for
•tlie reorganization of the militia of the United States.

Office House of Ref. ?
May 23, 1840. S

At the request of a member of Congress, 1 have compared the above
extract from the President's Message, with the original on file in my

102 MR. VAN BURETff'K P«IXCIPLES,

ofrice, and find it to bo, roncct, and to be contained in the message liint
relates to the subject of the extract.

' H. A. GARLAND,
Clerk House Rep. U. S:\

Now, notwithstanding Mr. Van Biucn endorsed this Army Bill, and
called the attention of Congress to it, since he has witnessed its bad
eflects in the comuinnity at large, he has denied having ever seen the
plan, and has actually compelled ids Secretary of War, in a commmii-
. cation to Congress, to acquit hini of any participation in the matter,
and to take it upon himself I At page 44 of Doc. No. 2, 2Gth Congress,
1st Session, the original proposition, endorsed by the President, is stated
in the following language by his Secretary of War, Mr. Poinsett :

" It is proposed to divide the United States into eight mihtary districts,
so as to have a body of twelve thousand five hundred men in active
service ; and another of equal number as a reserve. This would give
an armed mihtary force of two hundred thousand men, so dialled ajid
iitalioned^ as to be ready to take their places in the ranks in defence of
tiieir country whenever called apon to oppose the enemy or repel the
■invader. The whole term of service to be eight years ; four years in
the first class and four in the reserve. One fourth part, twcnty-fivc
thousand men, to leave \\\c service every year, passing at the conclusion,
into the reserve, and exempted from ordinary military duty altogether,
at the end of the second. In this manner twenty-five thousand men
will be discharged from military duty every year, and twenty-five thou
• sand fresh recruitshc, received into the service. It will be sufficient fov
all useful purposes, that thcremaindcr of the militia, under certain regu-
lations provided for their government, be enrolled and be mustered at
long and stated intervals ; for in due process of time, nearly the ivJtole
'mass of the jnilitiairill pass through the first and second classes and
be either members of the active corps, or of the reserve, or counted
■among the exempts, wlio will be liable to be called upon only in peiiodfc^
of invasion or imminent peril. Tlie maimer of enrolment, the mnnbcir
of days of service, and the rate of compensation ought to be fixed by
Ih.w : but the details had ])ctter be left subject to regulation ; a plan of
which I am prepared to submit to you."

This one thing wc will nov/ do. we will give an extract or two fiom
'a letter recently written by Mr. Van Biuen, to a committee of his friends
In Virginia, in answer to five interrogatories propounded to him, in a
letter bearing date of June 12, 1S40.

The an. wer of Mr. Van Burcn,is dated July 31, 1810 — and in reply
to the (lui'siiun whether or no, he " approves of the plan of Mr. Poin
sett for the organization of the militia," he says : — •' My knowledge oC
mihtary afiairs is very limited ; but I will nevertheless give you such
views as I have been able to take of the subject of your oncjuiry ! "

Here it will be seen, that the President's ''knowledge, of military
alTuiis is very limited," notwithstanding his Biographer, in '• Holland's

V.VA iJUlCLJA

life of Vim B men," labors to show \m 'Mcuowl^cl-.c ol nulit.u) ;if-
faiis," is rcry eztcnsU-c, by the intioductioii ol a uiiltaiy iiicayvuc lie
once succeeded ill passing i1iioul;1i. the Lcgirflaluie of New York! Of
this measure we shall have occasion to speak presently.

In this same ponderous letter, written to this Virginia (Jonnnitle on
the subject of Mr. Poinsett's ahas Mr. Van Burcn's proposition foi a
Standing Army, the President says :

" It \s,.biit kitelij Ih-at my attention has been partkuUtrbj drawn to this
subject, and, as there is no doujjt that the great men to whom I have
alluded contemplated an organization of the militia, and provisions for
its better instructioih,, embracing substantially the principles contained
in Mr. PoiiiscU''s plan, it becomes me, in the face of so much apparent
authority, to hesitate before I pronounce deliuitely upon its i:on3titution-
ality. I, shall, I ani.conrKlei:i, in the opinion o^^ all ca4idid niinds, best
perforin my duty by refraining to do so, until, it becomes necessary to act
officiallij, i»i Uie matter. In the mean time, I will content myself with
saying, that the desired measure cannot be safely accomplished, in the
form proposed' under the Federal Constitution as it statids ! ! ! "

Thiis it will be scon, that tlie President is convicted of wiffid and
deliberate lying. He is guilty of lying, because it is a principle in
law, that the suppression of truth, is equivolent to the expression, of
falsehood. Tlie foregoing avowal of Mr Van Buren's is false by sup-
pression — false by inisrcpresentation—und false by denial

In the Tennessee Sentinel of the 29th of February ISIO, there is an
cditoriaMieaded " Organization of t/ie MilUia,'' suppoced to be written
hy a cousin-in-law of the present editor of that slieet, defending
the plan, of Mr. Poinsett, atid Mr. Van Buren's endorsement ^ and
frankly acknowledging, in so mmiy words, that the object of that schenje
is in paii, to protect the people against die cncroaclunciits of the Whigs,
who are niodestly styled " Alien and sedition gaggeks 1 ''

In the Sentinel of June Gih, ISIO, dicre is a long editorial, headed
" Standing Arniij,''' in which the stupid Ass, who now edits that pnpcr,
holds forth in these words :

" T|ic Secretary, in obedience to the resolutions of Congress, makes
a report which extorts the praibc and admiration of all Uie candid of his
political opponents — it is reconinKendcd to tlie consideration of Con-
gress BY THE PRESIDENT— and presently the British Federal
Whig Party raise the hue and cry of Standing Army ! "

In this same editorial, this plan of Mr. Poinsett's is styled " superior

in every respect " — " free from any well founded objections "— " a

judicious and simple classification of the militia " — " a wise measure —

a measure necessary to secure the public safety," «.^c !

* A,ii(jl m this same Sentinel, of Sept. 19, 1810, edited, we suppose, in

■-■"■'' '■' '25

l".)l MR. VAX nrUKN S PKIXCIPLES.

till" ;il).s«;n(C of (!ruiil:')i Tom, l)_y a rousii/ -in-law of his, in an editorial
li(M<i.;il " (ica. Ilanisoirc StundiiiiT Antiy," llic writer has the audacity
lo prouoniirc, Poiusctl'rf ?chcino " iiiiU)0(Mit and liarnilcss" — and even
f'oes so far as to pny, thtit " Mr. Poinsett proposes nothing nen' — nothing
that has not been previously reconnnended " by other Presidents !

Again — In a recent number of tiie Globe, a most miserable an^^
slianiefui ellbrt is made to even slneld Mr. Poinsett from the respon-
sibility of the authorship of this famous Army Bill. The Globe says :

" It was framed by Maj. Samuel Cooper, one of the Assistant Adju-
tants General oftlie Army ((Japt.jDe Hart,) was charged by the Secretary
of War, with the duty of arranging and embodying t/te details of his
plan, and by whom the hill in questioiiwas prcpaied for the committee,

IN CONFOrvMITV WITH THE plan!" - •

Really, these desperate efiorts of tho President, Secretary of War, and -
(Jlobe editor, to extricate themselves from tiie fatal consequences of
this army bill, arc, in our opinion, supremely ridiculous. Were we in
their places, we would now deny that ever such a bill was draw'n up !

In Holland's Life of Van Buren, page 9S, it is said, in reference tea
Militia Bill, he introduced and passed through the Legislature of New
York:

" ]')uringlhis special session, Mr. Van Buren maturcd^hrou^ht for-
irard, and defended in debate, several war measures of the strongest
cliaraetiv. Of these, tlic most prominent was, " .4;i act to mdhorizt
the raisini^- of troops for the defence of the i-tatc" which passed both
houses, and being appioved by t lie (Governor, became a law on the 24lh
October, 181 i. It authorizes the Governor to place at the disposal of
the General Government, 12,01)1^ men fortcvo years, to be raised by suita-
ble classifications of the militia of the state.'''

Again— On the same page, the writer says :

" This law has been truly characterized by Col. Benton, in his Ia(e
letter to the committee of tJic Mississippi Convention, ' as the most en-
ergetic war measure cmr adopted in this count ry.^'^^

Once more— In this same Life of Vart Buren, page 108, speaking
of this " classifrcaiion " and " conscription " war bill as it was called, it
is said :

"The principle of it was adopted by Mr. Madison's administration;
recommended by the Secretary of War, Mr. Monroe, to (he Congress of
the Uniled Slates, and found nv that noDY, TOO ENERGETIC
TO BE PASSED !''

Now, what we wish to Cidl the attention of the public io, is this : this
bill of Mr. Van Buren, " too cncrrretic to be passed bi/ Congress,'' but.
which was adopted by the liCgislature of New York, will be foiiftcl,
upon examinatiun, to luumonizc, in every nialerial lespecf, with the

MR. VAN BURKX'S PRIXCIPI.E3. 1*^5

bill, or plan proposed by Mr. Poin^ctr. This i.^ a late discovery, but fcr
llie proof, let any gentleman tuin to the Journal of either the New
York liegislature, or of Congress, and he will find by a eomparison of
these bills that Mr. Poinsett has taken liis snggestiuns from Mr. Van
Buren's bill ! This being granted, and we dare any one to deny it, it
lollows of necessity, that Mr. Van Buren called the attention of Mr.
Poinsett to the features of his " old energetic v:ar measure,^- and is in
truth, tlie father of tho scheme. The guilt of lying, therefore, which
attaches itself to the President's (^/e/«W, is apparent to all, and is criminal
in the first degree. For ihe especial benefit and insliuctiou of that
portion of the Van Buren ranks, who profess to be following little Martin,
because he is following in the footsteps of old Hickory, we sui)ioin, in
conclusion, and without comment, the following extract from the Me«i-
nge of Gen. Jackson, in 183-1, giving his views of a Standing Army, and
of^an increase of the military force of this nation :

** The army is In a high state of discipline. Ita moral condition, so
far as that is known here, is good, and the various l)rancheB of the public
'Service, are carfuUy attended to. It is amply .snKFrcfRNT, under its
present organization, for providing the necessary garrison for the sea
baajd, and for the defence of the internal frontier, and also for preserv-
ing the element of militaiy knowledge, and for keeping pace with those
improvements which modkrn experiments is continually making. And
fckege objects appear to me, to emhrace all the legitimate purposes for
which a PERaiANANT military force should be maintained in our country.

" *riie lessons of history teach us iLs dangers, and the tendency which
«i-ista Co an increase. This can be best met and aveited by a just
<Mi«tiott on the part of the public itself, and of those who represent them
i^ Congress."

'■■ Wo'have a few concluding remarks to make on the subject of this
Military St^stem of Mr. Van Buren's, and we are done. After the
ilefcat of Mr. Van Buren, in ISIO, the* philosophical portion of his
friends, were exceedingly busy, aiAl bothered their brains no little in the

'effort to assign that sesult to adccpiale causes. We announced to them
Chen, as we do now, the true cause of his defeat, which was the disgus^

,ting absurdity and dangerous tendency of his measures, urged upon
Congress for adoption. Among these, and by no nieans the least in
point of importance, was his nefarious proposition to innovate upon our
long tried militia system, and to establish on its ruins another system,

-with which the good people of this country had no affmitie.^. Tim
greatly contributed to his overthrow. He propo; ed an al)omination in
the shape of a Standing- Army as a sul)slitut(5 for our venerable militia
ayst«ni; and the American people justly indignant at this ellbrt, coolly
Hirned ranoH and put a subetjtute for th<; Gn'mrdkin of KhidcrlinoJ: \:-

19f) Mn. v.\K rrrnr.'s''^ pnixcipr.F.r.

the ProcJdonlial chair. l,ot hh-^ niolaucliol^'- fate sorvc as a warning to
all fiidur anpirants for.'hat oriic',^,not to.la\- luiliol}- bands -on .that, ark'of
our iiaiioiial K^af'ct}:. Avul let \\\p. concictifni of 11:1 If ul falsehood^ be as a
\'ainiiig to all pre.ont and comuig pohlicians, not to sny a lliiugone day
and deny it, die i\r'X(.

Politiciau^ n'-'W, Vv'ith comparative safety, run tlicir brazen Jiead.-'
agaiiv^t a National Dank — tiicy iiiay curse a Protecldve Tariff — they
niaykick again^^t (he .One Term Principle — ihey may denounc-e Mr.
('lay's Land l>ill, or revile again.:t (he restriction of the Veto powei-, until
their tougue:- are as black as their depraved hearts ; they may do all these
f lungs, vre say, aud heiolaated, but the moment they propose to muti-
late our long tried aud sublime militia systeiri— they sign theh" own
polilical death v.arrant — ihey utterly aud forever annihilate their chan-
ces for future political disiinction. For the truth of these remarks, look
at the melaiu'lftoly fate of that blasted monument of every honest man's
disple;?siue, Martix Vax^ PuuiiX !

()i;c!v..i(.iially there is a gv.iod thing found in the Madisonian, Joh\'
Tvr.Ptic's oigui. Eiilici hy accident or design, it administers the follow-
iuo" (5e:-erved reluiko to tlie slanders lieaped upon the virtue and intelli-
gence of (he People, hy tlu^ leading Locofoco organs, in attrihuting the
result of tiu" election \\\ IS 10, to tlie influence i>{ '■'■ hard cider y singinjT;-,
((.'ul eooii-skinsy jvv'en Mr. Van Huren himself, great Z>e??mcra< as he
prof(>sse-s to be, in ;\iiuding to the scenes which hurled him from power,
in his late Indiana letter, styles dien^i " tke disreputable scenes o'f 1S40."
l>cautirid Dcmorrary this! Sec how the Tyler organ takes off such
<'(>mpliments to the intelligence of the people :

" TlIK LXTJ'JJ.fGENCE OF THE PEOPI/E.—It seems to ns
thatihe tiloI)eand Richmond Knq.uirerdo ga-at injustice to, the,, People
of this country v.diei) dicy represent or countenance the idea that the
great revolution of IS 10 w'aseliecled by 'coon-skinshard cider and singing.'
Wliatever may be the taste of such exhibitioiisof ])opidar feeling, still
they are eflects and not causes. They are effect? (Mul (jHervescence boils
over. It ]nightas well be said that the bubbles on the. surface of a hot
^■l)ring caused ii lo l)oil. Of all the people on the surface of the Globe,
the Americans, from their social habits, and from their position, .'spread
over an extensive territory, and the great body of them tillers of the
earth are least likely to!)e induced by such means to change their opin-
i<Mis of public men, and to withdraw Uieir confidence from those lliey
had delighted to honor. J )oes any one believe that " hard cider, singing,
and coon skins,'' could have siiaken (Jen. Jackson's popijlarity ? TIk;
very fact that such exhibitions became general and were indulged in by
innuense masses, pi'oves that the ground was prepar(Ml for them ; that
there was soniellnng in the condition of the cotmtry or in the measines
of the Administration with whi<h the Peo]>le were dissatisfied, and they
weie exceedingly exhileraled b\' tin- hope of a change, and indulged

MR. VAN BURE-V'S PRIXCIPLES. 197

ill such demonstrations as can only proceed from or be consonant with a
liifjh state of excitement. It, is the custom of Aristocrats, of those wlio
deny the capacity of the People for self govrrnmcnt, to n^prescnt tliem
as the tools of demagogues, liable to be operated on throu^di their pas-
sions and prejudices. and led to results destructive to the interests and
prosperity of "the country. Such, however, is not the doctrine of Dem-
ocrats, we submit that those who ivowld account for the exiraordiiiary
changes of puWic' opinion, which occurred ia IS 10 by "hard cider,
tinginj^ and coon skms," do but follow in the wake of the Aristocrats and
Tories of Europe and America, and pay a sorry compliment to the
intelUgeime, iateg^ify n)?4 patjio^isjp Qif thcjt fellow-citizens."

CHAPTER XVI.

THR f.U.\\D llESULT OF THE TENNKi^KFE ELECTIONS — CAITSES
TTIEUEOF — SUCCESS OK THE WHIGS THE TRUE ST.ATE OF THE CASE

The returns from the clortions of this State, though in an unofficial
form, are now complete, and too much is known for the comfort of the
Locofocos. The result, in a word, shows the re-election of Gov. Jones,
by a maiority of 4009, and a Whig liei^islalure by a majority of 8 om
joint ballot — 3 in the Seratc and 5 in the House of Representntivee.

EAST TENNESSEE —In this ond of the State, two years ago,
Jones' majority was 3250, being a gain over his former iwajority of 19
votes I There are 20 counties in East Tennessee.

MIDDLi: TENNESSEE.— There are 30 counties in Middle
Tennessee. Five years ago, they gave Polk a majority of 2o20, and
this bout, they have given him a majority of only 1595, wliich shows
a loss to him, and a gain to Jones, of 925 !

WEST TENNESSEE.— In the Western division of the State,
(here are 17 comities. Two years ago, these counties gave Jones a
majority of 2533, and this bout, they gave him a majoiity of 2354,
being a loss to Jonea of 1 79 only, after all the boasted gains of the
enemy, on the ground of the unpopularity of the *l^ariff, among the
.0 3tton-growers of the Disuioi! Thus Tories' majority in East and
AVest Tennessee, is 5604, from which take Polk's majority in Middle
Tennessee, of 1595, and Jones is ahead just 4009.

CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS.— Notwithstanding the revo-
lutionary disorganizing 13 immortals, in the late State Senate, forced
f.he Whig party to concur in their arrangement of the Districts, (he
Whigs nevertheless have eXected/uw. out of the elei'cn Congressmen.
Jn the 3d District, where Jones got a majority of 760, Blackwell, a
jLoco, is elected by eighty votes. And in two other Districts where
^iOcos are elected, to wit, A. Y. IJrown and Cave Johnson, they got in
by the skin of their tteth, though they had (he advantage of heavy
majorities to start upon. In almost every other District whereaLoco is
elected, the majority of the party is considerably reduced.

The following exhibit of the Congressioal Districts and candidates,
of this State, will not be uninteresting at this time, while it will serve
for future reHercnce :

Tin: GiiWD ui-::iULT of texxkssek. 191)

1st,. Dis'niccT— Odmpo.scd oftlic coiuidcs of Johnson, Carter, Sul-
livan, Washington, Hawkins, Greene and C'ocke. Loco mnjority
731. John A. Aiken and An(he\v' Johnson were coiilesting- for ihis
district. Johnson succeeded by about 401) votes, while Polk's nuijority
over Jones, was reduced from T3 1 , to 375 !

•'2nd:-D!STRiCT—Jeirerson, Grainger, Claiborne, Campbell, Ander-
son, Morgan, Sevier, Blount and Montoe. Wliig majority 21)42.
Candidates— Wm. T. Senter, Whig ; W. W. Wallace, Loco. ■ Senter
succeeded by the rise of 2t)00 votes, which was a great Iriuinph, in
view of the fact, that two Whig candidates run till near the close of the
contest- Jonca' majority over Polk, in the same District, the data
upon which the forenamed majwrity was founded, is 2804.

3d. District^— Knox, Roane, Bledsoe, Rhea, Meigs,' McMinn,
Polk, Bradley;, Hamilton and Marion. Whig majority ItHB: Gandi-
dafcoij— Thomas J. Campbell, Whig; Julius W. Black well. Loco.
Dlackw«ll succeeded, as before named, by a niajor^y of t%gkiy voteaj
while Jones' majority over Polk, is 760, which shows the District t© be
still Whig.

4th. DISTRICT — Fentress, Overton, Jackson, WlMe, De Kalb, Van
Buren, Warren, Cofiee. — Loco majority 1335'. Candidates— ^Alvan
Cullom Locofoco ; Mr. Bransford, Whig. Cu41om'was elected by a
majority of 1400, which shows a Locofoco' gain' of near 100', in that
District.

5th District— Franklin, Lincoln, Bedford, Marshall. Loco ma-
jority 3025. The candidates L/Oco of coufee. were M. A. Long:, and G.
W. Jones. Jones succeeded over his Locofoco competitor^ Gov.
Jones is beajtew 2S65 votes in' th«t District which' shows a whig gain
of 160 votes.

6th Di'STRfcT^ — Hick^nan, Maury, Giles, Lawrenfcc, Wa^rtc and
Hardin ILoco majority 1400. Candidates—N-eil S, Brown, Whig ;
Aaron V. Brown', Loco. Aaron succeedetl hy a majority of about 600 >
while Jones was beaten but 697, showing a Whig gain in the District,
ofTO^vpCps!

, , : :7,th District — ^^Wilson*, Ruthierford, Cannon, Williamson. Whig
itiajority,3349. Candidates^— David W. Dickson, Whig ; no opposition.
This xnajorHy was calculated' from the vote between J'ones and Polk
io 1841, and as Jones has beaten' Polk 2328 in the same District, this
bout, and the Locofoco ticket lost upward&^of a hundred, there is still a
Wh'^g^gain in the district of sometliittglilcQ 80 'votes.

8^h District— Smith, Sumner and Davidson. Whig majority 1303.
Candidates— Df. Joseph H. Peyton, Whig^ Gen. Daniel S. DoneJson^

4\JU THE OKAXD RLSULT 1\ TEXXESSEE.

l,oco. Tlic Whig candidate in (his District succcedctl. by upwards ol
1000 votes, while Jones' majority over Polk is 1020, a falling oil' — not
from the Whig vote, but from the Whig mr/Jorit*/, occasioned by an
increased JiOcofoco vote.

9th District— Robert-son, Montgomery, Stewait, Dickson, Hum
jihreys, Benton and Henry. — Locofoco majoiily, §70. Candidates —
'teustavns A. Henry, Wh'ig ; Cave Johnson, Loco. The Locofoco
candidate succeeded by about 300 votes, while Gov. Jones was beaten
only 38.5 votes, showing a Whig gain of 485 in the District.

iOth DisTutCT — McNairy, Hardeman, Fayette, Shelby, Tipton,
Haywood, 1 .auderdalc and Dyer.— Whig majwity, 3&5. Candidates
— Jolm B. Ashe, Whig ; Frederic P. Stanton, Loco. The Whig can
didate, Ashe, succeeded, getting the Whig majority, while Jones'
majority over Polji is 338, being a loas to the Whig niajonty of 17 votes-

llth District — Perry, Henderson, Madison, Carroll, Gibsoa,
Weakley, Obion.— Whig majority, 2,6Cte. Candidates— MiUon Brown,
Whig; Mr. Pavatt, Locofoco. Judge Brown is of couse elected, and
the majority of Jones over JPolk is 2o20, being u falling off of the;Whig
majority of 88 only.

IIL,Q'AP1TULA'J10.\.

Whig majority in 6 Congressional JDistricts, 9,S3(J

Locofoco majofity in 5 Districts, 5,722

Balance in favor of the Whigs, -1,108

Thus it will be seen that if the Whig maiorities were distiibutetJ as
they shol(ld be, (he J^ocofocos would have but oiic member iii Congress,
'\vl^le the' W,%s would jiav^ ■ ^ ' ' '' ^

THE |LJBGJSLATU^E — Two years a^-o, the yVhigs Jiad a ma-
jority of Mrce in the House, and the Locofocos had a majority of one
in t.he Senate, IVow, t^he Whigs have a majority oijive in the House
andiArce in the Senate, which gives them eight on joint ballot— a
suffecient majjority for all reasonable purposes. And next to the success
oHhc Whigi in carry ^ Legislature, the characters of the

members elect, for taleffts and respectability, should afford our friends*
the highr.M gratificaton. With here ana there on excepuon, the Whigs-
had (heir very best men rn'tlie field, as also had the liocdfdcos, which
acicountk for imich 6f the cTiergy w'ltli w'hich both parties prosecuted
the late canvas.' tii tWe wKi^ collumn of members elect, we find the
name^ of as n'lany c\s^g>e Ex-Congressmeft. Besides these we find the
names of rriarty i^eh kriowh to us, either personally or from character,
at gentlemen and polhicians of the first' mbral' and political worth in

THK UK.\XD RESULT IN TENXESSLE,

201

'' THAT SAME OLD COON !!! ''-

For two long years past, greatly to our annoyance, ilie Locofoco
papers have abounded with coarse wood cuts, carricaturing " that same
old coon." Some liave had liim in the act of beuig skinned, with a
huge I.ocofoco over him, and a iKitcher knife in hand. Others have
had him on his back, on a rou',Wi table, feeling upwards for the ground,
with one unfeeling Locofoco to hold, while another would skin ! And
others, more cruel, have represented him as on the' ground, squaUing
like a wild cat, and literally covered with dbgs !

We confees, as painful as it is, that our coon has been for two years
past, " setiin on a rail,'' and to all hn'nVan appearance, " sleejnn wcnj
sound ; " but he is on his feet again, and at the top of thte tree, ready to
give the two " weary travellers" from North Carolina, who come with
*• glad tidings" from the old North State, the right hand of fellowship-
He has been roused up in Tennessee, Kentucky, North Carolina and
Georgia, and will henceforth, he assures Us, " keep wide awake and
didy sober," save only, when he may chance to fall in with a barrel of
" hard cider." Verily this mention of " cider," reniinds us of the
" departed joj's " of ]840, when we first met w^iih the codn, who " came
to the beach a poor exile of Erin," and with whom,

" " Wi' monyvL vow, and lock'd embrace,

Our parting was ' fu tender ;
And pledging aft to meet again,
We tore ourselves asimdcr."
26

t{\2 rilK C.UAMJ HKPri.T IN TENNr:SSEE.

Willi the cuon, ?.Iusic, has maintained univerrfal dominion, and like
the swecL Diird of Avon, he lias said, lie is " mov'd with concoid of
awcct sounds." Let, tlicn, his Whii;- (Vicnd-s cheer him occasionally,
with the spirit stirring- air of a Noiili CajoUna VVhig, iiircphj toa '-'•verij
mournful ellcgy " on the sninn old coon :

" The Coon is (h^ad ! " Ah, say not so,
He only slee])s awliile ;
Witli ten-fold strength he'll soon conic forth
With the same old winning " smile.'"
*' The coon is dead ! " How mistaken !
For you there's no such luck :
You wish him dead, I doubt it not —
But he lives in " old Kentuck ! "

The hickory pole that once stood high:
Kmblem of your Hero's lame —
Has long since fallen to the dust,
And mingled with the same.

But ihe same old Coon is stout and atrong :

He's stood the withering blast ;

He'll still endure the heavy stornr —

And come again at last !

The hicJccry pole ! Who set it up ?J
The " .Oimocrats! *" — 'tis said ;
That lengihy pole has tumbled down :
The cry is, then " The Coon is dead ! '*
" The CooF. is dead ! " He lives, dear sir,

To fight another battle —

O'er hill and dale, in '44,

You'll hear his music rattle !

He'll start with strength from " old Kentuck ! "

And gathering as he goes,

He'll drive the motley crew again,

And triumph o'er his foes !

He'll meet you in the Empire State,

And lead you such a route :

He's up again equip'd for fight, /•

And lives, you will not doubt!

" The Coon is dead ! " It is not so! !
For you there's no sucli luck ! —
., He only sleeps in Ashland shades —

In the State of " old Kentuck ! "

liong live the coon, " the same old Coon ! "

His tiinmphs are not yet o'er ; —

But the hickory pole, " tiie same old pole " —

Wc ne'er shall see it more !

THE UKAND RESULT IX TKWF.FSEK

'203

"I,A¥

V9^

The Coon in Tetmes^ce, has co\ oicd himself w'uh glory, and a
portion of that imperisliable rennwii, J. . is about lo impart lu tfie
Dom'mecker of Locofocoism ! The poin[)otis Koostcr of the Chapman
-Stripe, has been crowing away in Tennessee, for tlse last t\vo years, loud
enough, in all conscience, to wake np every Inn south of ^Jason and
Dixon's lane; while the Coou^, disgusted with the treachery of Tyler^
retired to their native forests, and indulged in those nocturnal habits,
peculiar to their natun:., previous to their being civiUzcsd by the Whigs.
But this crowing of these American Doi/t'meckcrs, has ;uoi',st;d ihu
Coons, from the borders of Nootka Sound, to the forests of Mexico ;
and tkat opinion of their characters, formed solely from extendi
appearances, the mingled expression of sagacity and innocence exhibi-
ted in their aspect, tijeir personal neatness and gentle movements,
inclining the feathered tribes to view them as posseted of a guileh.'sa
and placable disposition, has been found to be eirouLOus. The Coon,
when insulted and injured, displays ta blood-tliirsty and vindictive spirit,
and as this cut will show, he slaugluers the Locofoco ten.auts of the
poultry-yard with indiscriminate ferocity! And thus it is, he nobly
breasts the rising svn'ge of Locofocoism and diivej it back — spreading
despair among the ranks of the enemy, and sfrikinry dowsi into the du^t.,
\\\t\x feathered organ, at the very moment In; was tip toeing and e.iow-
uy^ in tho face of the party headed by (he Coon, wiili confid-'ntdef-iance \

g04 TME (iUAND RESrr.'I I.\ TRXNr.RaEK.

Ever honoied he. the Tt'imossee Coon ! nnd IiipLost praises lollie nol)lo
Victory lie has achieved in that vast extent of teirilory, of which the
Hennita^p is the centt*^ ! !

A TRIUMPHANT VICTORAM— Most noUy have the Whigs of
Tennessee dischaigetl their (hify to themselves, to their State, and to
their coiuilry ! After a Unvj;, anil hard fouo;ht, battle, contending- agaiilsl
th*) inonie.Ll po\v<n- of the State, in tlie outrageous conduct of the Banks,
and aiiaiiv-!! ih'' palronnge of the GencMal GJovernuient, including the
Post Ofiice Dcpailriieril, the Whigs have tiviMM) a skjxal a.vd tri-

riNTPriAXT VlCTOiiY !

Such is the eniphalie and decisive rebuke which the independent
freemen of this Slate have given to the factious conduct of the "•hnnior-
?a^^AiV^C^/7.," denominated l)y a dislinguished Whig orator, in Carter
'•ouuty, on the 2:Sth of June last "tt^e imaioiital — the eternal —
THE ixKERXAL THiRTEE.v! " Sucli is tlic emphatic rebuke which th«
pe )ple of Tennessfe liave given to the conduct of the Locofoco party,
in holding on to the Banks against law, and refusing to fuHer an inves-
ti^iitioninto their af]airs ; such the indignant condemnation they have,
pronounced upon the miserablr doctrines and measures of Locofocoism,
the enemie.^ ofHRXRY CLAY, and of a IS'atioxae Bank and a

Pk'OTECTIVR TjiRIFF-

We are aware tjiat the T-ocofocos themselves, »iow labor to impress
tJio public mind with a belief, that the refusal of the " hiuiiorial thir-
A'f/?. " to elect Senators to Congress, alone caused their defeat. Thir»
will not bc^in to do. There has been a great cliange going on in the
pnl)lic mind, wilhin a few years p;ist, on the su!)iect of a United Siales
Hank. Men and neighborhoods, in almost ev(My county in this Slate,
who l)iu a few years aeo, Vvere loud and bitter in their deinmciations
ofsurh an insiitulion, have b(M-omesiI(!nt, and others have come out
openly and warmly in its favor. Thrri is a knock down argument in
its favor, which the leaders of Locofocoism know it is difTicult to refute
and lo t'leir sorrow they know that the most hmnble and unpretending
men of the country arel)ecoming ac(juainted with that argument, and
have more than once knocked them down with it. The common
people recollect tliat dining the whole p(Miod of (he existence of a.
Nationa Bank, the country prosnered, and every -kind of business
floiirishiul, and that since Gi-.x. .Tacks. .x, d(>slroye(l (hat institution, it
[ins been the reverse. Every thing like currem-y, trade and commerce,
has becoiue dcrangedy and times daily get worse. This ar/:innci/t the
people can't forget, nor yet fail (ofee! the force of. in every section of the
l^iion.
We have had an opporiunity of know iiig sonielhing of po[)tilar

THK GRAND RESULT IN' TKNWESSEK.

2(i5

sehtimcnt on this subject, having travelled tlirouoli ut loasif, portions of
half the States in tlic Union, since the war upon the latv/ Bank was
begun iiud ended, W^e have, moreover, seen gentlemen vote the Loco-
foco ticket this summer, because ui-ged to it once more by party leaders,
tuad ftom a reluctance to break old party .ties, avowing- at the same time
iheir conviction of llie necessity of a 1\atioxal Dank. In 1S44, a

Rank, we predict, will be more popular than any nian or any party

an(lll)at the man, or the party, by whom it may be opposed, will be n«
r ortainly and e{f«jctualty crushed, as the opposers of the Bank v/ere
'n 181 6. Mark our prediction !

EX-OOV. POLK "ON HIS WINDING WAY !II"

AN INTERESTING DIALOGUE.

Col. Polk— Gov. Jones, do you know the difference between /zm-f/Ze-
d<'e and twecdk-dnm ?

Gov. Jones— Yes, Colonel, I think the difference is about foiir
ttmt^and votes, but of this we can only be certain when we get the
returns !

Col. Polk— [ wish, Governor, to discuss these subjects gravely, before
my fellow-citizens of Bean's Station and vicinity, and not to resort to
the low slang and undignified exclamation, connected with a Bear*
fight, of" Lay on Nancy! "— " Lay on Nancy ! ! "— " Lay on Nancy ! !"

Gov. Jones— I think. Colonel, that there is as much of the grave,
and more of the f^^iVy about the exxlamation " Lay on Nancy!''
tfiati. there is in the discussion of the subjects of tweedk-dre and ttrf^e^

206 TMK GRAXD RESfLT IN TEXNESSF.E.

dle-dum, ospcrially vrlieii sucli disoiissiou is accompanied with Your
horrlblo ugly grinnMig !

Col. Polk Governor, if sliangeis iVom other States were to pass Uere.

while you are excluiniiiig " Lny on .\ancy ! " they would say you are
not a Governor, or seeking to be nitule one ; but that you ought i,o be
put in the ring of a Circus, with a straight jacket, painted, and turned
loose ti3 a doirn!

C4ov. Jones — I am willing to be painted — to put on a straight jacket
take the whip in my hand, and enter the ring of the Circus, in tlie
presence of the strangers from other States, as the Tennessee clmni —
But this I agr(^e to on the condition that the same strangers shall return
just as my competitor is making such a horrible face, and bawling out
" lay on Xancy ! " Where would my competitor be placed by these
impartial strangers? They would say he must go into the ring of the
Circus likewise, but not iji t!ie character of the clown with me, he must
he the liltle ftllow on the boh tailed poncij !

Col. Polk— Governor, T intend noiliing disrespectful, hut I am wih
linjf to let the crowd say who looks the inost like a down, myself or my
competitor !

Gov. Jones— Roll on Colonel, for the way I am moving you, leaves
no room to doubt but that you are the clown !

TEN HUNDRED THOUSAND CHEERS FOR TPH: NOBLE
WHIG STATE OF TENNESSEE. -Attention the world, till the
news of the Tennessee cleciions is given ! O ye inhabitants of this
wide earth, stretch wide your eyes and look at Tennessee, while she
stops the onward march of that liOcofoco ball ! Heads erect ! — Right
noot seven feet in rear of tlie left, to act as a brace !— Hands raised as
■•iiigh as they can reach, widi tingers spread wide apart ! — Mouths spread
wide open to cati'h the accents! — Faces turned towards Old Kenfuck,
with backs upon South Carolina!— Eyes "a feet" apart, squintmg
riowards I^ouisiana and Maine ! — Keeping time with the feet, after the
fashion of the " Rogue's March," while the leaders of Misrule inTen-
tnessee, work their way up Salt River ! !

Michilimacinack, but the Whigs have packed it on to the LocofocOs
m Tennessee ! In the name of Nebucadnezzar, but they die hard ! —
Chickamicomico, but we have the Locos now ! ConajoL'arie, how they
hate their defeat ! Cock-a-doodle-do I what long faces they have ! —
" Big A, little a, r-o n, Aron'' thou ncplus ultra of human learning,
only see how Tennessee has turned the ball of Ijocofocoisni back again,
I.ti the name of Buzzard's Bay, Cape Cod, and Turk's li^land, ouq^rt

THEORAND RESULT IN TiiXXESS]^:!:. 2()7

not the motto on this ball to be changed ! Pamilico Sound, ihon land
of the Kilkenny Cats, \\\\\ you not rise up in judgment against the
Whigs, for their causing this whole-sale defeat of modern Democracy,
in the land of Jacksonisin, Polk stalks, and old '' &tck Miller'^ of
aicMinn !

Yes, Tennessee is regenerated ! — The triumph of the Whigs is com-
plete ! The enemy are routed, " horse foot and dragoons! " Tennessee,
proud chivalrous Tennessee, which lias been a soit of forlorn hope of
the cause of correct principles, and of constitutional libcrt}', while
other States, one after another, were bowing down before the footstool
of plunder and Locofoco misrule, mistaking demagogues for Siatcsmen,
she, we say, has stood the more firm ; and in proportion as the good
cause has grown weaker elsewhere, just in equal proportion has it
flourished in Tennessee, where the first beacon light of Reform, bj^the
nomination of Judge White was kindled, seven long years ago! —
And since she indignantly threw aside the galling yoke of Jucksonism,
in 1836, who of her sons has not been proud to clainj licras the land of
his nativity ?

Better than all, the result of the late hard fought battle in this State,
shows beyond a doubt, that HEXRY CLAY is the favorite of Tenne^--
see for the next Presidency. His claims to that high office, were
advocated- by Gov. Jones, with distinguished ability >and success, as
wall also as by the various Whig candidates for Congress and the Leg-
islature. The Locofocos, from Polk down to Crouch of Washington
county, cried " bargain, intrigue and corruption," and asked the people
if they would support C/«y, the known enemy of their old chief ?—
On the other hand, the Whig orators and newspapers, responded, aye ,
wcgo for Henry Clay in preference to any man living. The public
will distinctly recollect the bold and manly avowal of the gallant Jones,
who declared in all his speeches, — " I am for Hexry Clay first —

I AM FOR Hni last — I AM FOR HIJI ALL THE TIME ! "

THE STOCK-RAISER'S RESIDENCE AT ''ASHLAND."

2<)8

Tilt: (iH,\M) RESULT IN TENNKKSEF..

VOTE FOR GOVE UN OR,
EAST TENNESSEE,

1S43.

1841.

t ^

V ^

Whig.

L.F.

Whig.

L. F.

.lonea.

Polk.

Jones.

Polk.

Anderson,

594

2SS

540

265

Bledsoe,

528

236

590

227

BradJe}',

483

872

480

846

Blount,

3054

730

1065

669

Claiborne^

598

813

462

756

Cocke,

820

160

821

100

Campbell,

333

379

343

362

Carter,

fu9

141

729

138

Grainger,

1018

572

1003

524

Greene,

9T8

1524

894

1574

Hawkins*,

1130

1296

10.53

1343

Hamilton,

628

623

548

560

JefTerson,

1607

257

1605

176

Johnson's

379

372

Knox,

1911

454

1842

385

Meigs,

124

576

574

McMinn^

879

1025

955

884

Monroe J

163 majority.

847

985

Morgan,

161

138

158

125

Marion,

478

368

431

320

Polk,

188 majority

194

345

Roane,

888

671

883

649

Rhea,

213

359

164

379

Sevier,

850

869

Sullivan,

353

1251

313

1336

Washington,

851

1(:>8S

789

1123

17587

14328

18034

14803

14328

14803

3259 3231

0" 'T\\\4 result is not so bud for East Tennessee, the region from
whence Col, Polk ^cnt such cheering intelligence buck to his friends in
Middle Tenncsfccc !

THE GRAND KESULT IN TENNESSEE„

209

VOTE FOR G O V E R N O R.
MIDDLE TENNESSEE.
1 813.

1841.

Whig

. L.F.

Jones

Polk.

1511

1480

340

933:

354

690-

247

583

.518

463

2064

1481

112

407

417

1039

1307

1226

277

913

582

665

171 majofitj

1020

530

690

2314

482

477

687

1337

1421

1800

1242

911

291

1048

1580

1367

1199

764

816

1782;

2101

713

445

595

149^

179

932

456

338

1162 ^

2432

1070

648

333

1930

856

26147 27745

26147

Bedford,

Cofiee,

Cannon,

Dickson,

DeKalb,

Davidson,

F^entress,

Franklin,

Giles,

Hickman,

Hardin,

Humphreys,

Jackson,

liincoln,

Lawrence,

Marshall,

Maory,

Montgomery^

Overton,

Rutherford,

Robeitson,

Sumner,

Smith,

Stewart,;

Van Biiren,

White,

Warren,

Wilson,

Wayne,

Williamson,

1598 2520

0=- This result is not so bad cither for Middle Tennessee— Polk's

majority there two years ago, the reader will poicive, Avas 2520, while

now, it is but 1595, a falling off from the Locofoco ticket in two years,

of 935 votes!

< '

^ ^

Whig

L.F.

Jones.

Polk.

1853

2344

new county.

319

657

new county.

1768

1236

144

359

603

1361

1110

1276

247

939

510

596

433

693

1109

628

728

2504

522

505

^^k\\ county.

1367

2187

925

781

262

959

1711

1534

960

680

T02

1621

2 569

690

3r8

614

pt^w county.

1158

511

476

2027

2245

971

666

319

18J6

809

24371 26891

24371

'^w

THE GR.\ND RESULT IN TENNESSRE.

Benton,

Carroll,

Dyer,

Fayette,

Gibson,

Henry,

Henderson,

Haywood,

Hardeman,

Lauderdale,

Madison,

McNairy,

Obion,

Perry,

Shelby,

Tipton,

Weakley,

VOTE FOR GOVERNOR.

V^EST

TENNESSEE;

1843.

1841.

( ^

~~^

^ A ^

Whig.

L.F.

Whig. L.F.

Jones.

Polk. ^

Jones. Polk.

110 majority.

258 331

1274

459

119.5 425

360

238

326 912

'1072

1060

1003 864

1159

516

1017 432

783

1167;

721 1108

1093

402

1100 328

694

640

655 554

583

861

624 853

7.T majority.

new county.

1185

656

1046 654

782

643

741 509

130 majority.

274 387

725

450

707 388

1300

975

829 736

356

467

619 684

592

906

509 726

12034

9680

11524 8991

9680

8991

2354

2533

RECAPITULATION.

Jones' major-ity in East Tennessee,
Polk's majority in Middle Tennessee,
Jones' majority in West Tennessee,
Jones' total majority,

3,259
1,598
2,354

4,015.

0r Since the foregoing estimate of the vote of Tennessee for Gov-
ernor went to press,the Columbia Observer has ceme to hand., in which
the entire vote is given, and Jones' majority is set down at 4185, which
is probably correct.

Cause of folk's depaat, &c. 211

CAUSE OF POLK'S DEFEAT— TENNESSEE LOCOFO-
COS GOING FOR CASS.— The causes of the defeat of Polk, and
of the Locofoco candidates for the Legislature, are fruitful Uienies
among the talking members of that miserable party. The more re^jk-
less among them, charge the Whigs with frauds at the ballot-box, ami
Willi all manner of illegal voting, while Polk himself 8ays, that having
to carry Van Buren broke him down. Hence he is understood now
to be for General Cass, and has instructed his leading organs to take
tliat shoot. He sees that his chances for being run on tlie ticket with
Mr. Van Buren, since he could not carry his own State, are all blasted,
and hence he has gone to work in favor of General Cass, in tlie hope
that he will be run for the Vice Presidency on that ticket !

The MississiPPiAN, a leading Van Buren organ, of a recent date,
thus attributes tlie defeat of Polk to himself :

[From tlie Mississippian.]

" As to tlie causes which produced this defeat in Tennessee, Uioy a*»
obvious enough. In the first place^ Mr, Polk has not himself

KBPT UP WITH THE PROGRESS OF THE DEMOCRATIC PAfiTT, NOR WWS

THE SPREAD OF ITS PRINCIPLES. While the Republi'caa party itself,
axid the tendencies of the times are for the return of a hard money cur-
rency ana die utter prostration of the late corrupt and rotten paper
system, he loiters on the way and finally becomes the apologist of tiie
State bank system, and their defender in his own State. Had he inden-
tificd himself more thoroughly with his own poliucal friends — embraced
the creed of the Benton school; and boldly lead tlie way in arousing
the populai hatred to the shaving shops of the country, we cannot but
think that he would have succeeded much better, and perhaps changed
the result."

Here is the mystery of Polk's defeat revealed at last! The icfiy
and wherefore of Gov. Jones' reelection is out. Polk "loitered on tlie
way" — he advocated "a corrupt and rotten State Bank system" — he
did not "embrace tiie creed of the Benton School," and go the whole
hog for the hwd money currency ! Not only so, but he did not keep
pace with tlie fmvs, and worse than all, as charged by Gov. Jones on
the stump, he would not "identify himself with his own political friends"
— 60 at least says the Mississippian, whose fidelity to "the party"
will not be questioned, if indeed its authoiitativeness is.

Well, it is a matter of but little importance to the Whigs who the
Locofoco candidate for the Presidency may be; but their own bickerings
ienlousies, divisions, and heart-burnings, warrant the belief that they
will meet in Convention — agree to disagree — and finally run three or
f nir candidates with a view to bringing the election bofore the House
of Representatives. All we ask of them is, that they will bring out
their beet man, as we want a man worth beating. If they will do this,
wkh HENRY CLAY on our ticket, we will give thamJcssce!

212

THE CiRAXn RESULT IX TENNESSEE.

Polk ''weished in the balances and found wanlin«:."

THE DEGENERACY OF THE PRESS.— Every now and then,
as the gaying is, the Lbcbfoco papers of' this Stale set up a dreadful
!iowl about the dccrcnerary of the Press ! We herewith submit a few
i istauces of their regard for tiuth, and of their segacity as poHticians. —
Out of their own mouths we condemn them. By their own confess-
ions, we prove, that they act upon the iniquitous principle, that, —

"The workl is gene rail 3' averse

" To all the trudi it sees and hears ;

" 15 ut swallows nonsense and a lie,

"■ With greediness and gluttony ! "

Ex-Governnr Polk will give Gov. Jones a Coon-skinning before the
canvass is ended. — Central Gazette of April.

(iov. Polk is a regular Coon-skinner, and will make sassage meet of
Jones in lees than no time. — Columbia ( Tom.) Democrat o/Mayllth.

THE GRAND RESULT IN TENNESSEE. 213

Polk'S majority will be 4000 — which we think will be about as near
the result, as can be ascertained at this early stage of tiie canvass. —
Gallatin Union of \2th of May.

When we come to rejoice over the victory in August next, we would
rather not be compelled to rejoice over those in our own ranks who are
pressing themselves forward in one or two counties against the wish of
the majority. We want them to share in the triumph, which they can-
not do if they persist in their efforts to impede the victorious progress of
Democracy. We hope they will be wise in tune. — Nashville Union of
May.

The new? of Polk's success comes to us from every quarter, and espe-
cially from the West where the candidates have been holding forth. —
Marfroesborough Jcffersonian of May loth.

He soon v/ill be Ex-Governor Jones. — Athens Courier of June 2nd.

Gov. l^blk is now coming up through East Tennessee, and is sweep-
ing cvery'tliing before him. — Sentinel of June Kith.

Hon. T. D. Arnold, R. J. McKinney, J, A. McKinney, T. A. R
Nelson, either or all of them are superior to Mr. Jones in point of
learning and ability. And strip him of die Gubernatorial robe, and
among great men it is generally acknowledged that he is " email
potatoes." There are a thousand men in his "own party ju Tennessea
tnore talented and learned. — Sentinel of July Ist,

"Now, v^hzx&MQX private opinion we may entertain relative to the abifi-
Ses of Gov. Jones — (a man for whom we aie known to be partial) wa
will waive that opinion for the present, and agree with the Sentinel, in
the opinion that he is no man at all. But where does this conclusion
place Ex-Gov. Polk ? To have been beaten by a man thus inferior to
" a thousand men in his own party in Tennessee" — a man " generally
acknowledged to be small potatoes," is bad enough, we know, but to
have been distanced 41 S5 votes by such an ohe^ after a hard fought
battle, is both humiliating and disgraceful ! The people of Tennessee
certainly have no sort ef respect for Polk ! Why, if the Wliig party
had brought out one of "a thousand men" we might name, among
whom are, " Hon. Thomas D. Arnold, Robert J. McKinney, John A.
McKinney, or Thomas A. R. Nelson," Polk, according to the Sentinel,
would have been distanced some twenty thousand votes !

The prospect for Polk in East Tennessee is far better than it ever has
been before. He will gain heavily in all the strong whig counties, and
more than sustain his old vote of '39. — Columbia Democrat of June 29th.

The Editor and Publisher of the Sentinel, only a few days before the
late election, remarked to a Whig, who is the Father of the former, and
the Father-in-law of the latter, that they had no hope of Polk's elec-
tion, and never had, hut that it was necessary to keep up appearances,
in order to inHucnce the county elections! This charge we published

214 THE GRAND RESULT IN TENNESSEE.

in the Whig at the time, and it never has been contradicted : if it hat'I
we should hdv6 sustained it fully. True, the Sentinel said it would be
attended to after the election, but for reasons doubtless satisfactory to
the " Joint Stock Company" of that concern, it has never been replied
t<> yet-
Now, where an Editor an Publisher will acknowledge that they lie,
and that they do it for effect^ is any community bound to believe them,
e^en when they speak the truth ? The Scriptures say a liar is not to
be believed, even though he speak the truth. But what better could
be expected of a man who acknowledges that he writes ihings he ought
not to do, because " his friends and party h".re woidd givehim nopeaco
all /i€ engaged in it ? " Of this confession, humiliating as it is, the
Editor of the Sentinel was convicted before a full Quarterly Conference
of tlie church in this county.

With more trutli than ever, we may say, in die language of the Poet: —

" Ah ! who like me can bless or curse ?
What can be better, what be worse,
■Than language framed for Paradise
Or sold, to infamy or vice ?
Blest be the man by whom I bless ;
Accursed he v/ho wrongs the Press ;
The reprobate in prose or song.
Who wields the power of right for wrong. ^^

But it is perhaps, unfair to associate the Sc7uinel of this town with
other liOcofoco papers, as infamous as they generally are. It is the
most reckless sheet in (he State ; and those who are acquainted with
its history, will agree with us, that it has, from first to last, been edited
by more broke doimi Preachc7's, and lewd, lying, irresponsible men,
dian any other single sheet in existence! And yet, in point of deprav-
ity, a want of honor, and a total disregard for truth, its present Editor is
a head and shoulders taller than any ruffian who has yet controuled ita
filthy columns. His miserable countenance — the longitudinal aspect of
his faccj, and the shooting out of that upper lip of his. with a diabolical
grin, all and singular, evince that he has passed the Rubicon of honor-
able warfare. But to the lovers of order and tnith, it is gratifying to
know that Public Opinion has branded him in the forehead, with the
deep and indelible mark of Cain, that he may be despised and shun-
ned of all men, until Death arraigns him at the bar of impartial justice,
to receive the retribution his crimes have mciited !

TKK GRAND RESULT IN TENNESSEE.

A LOCOFOCO ROOSTER.

Here is a Cock from the poultry yard of Waterlooy
Hark! how he crows!! Cock-a-doodle-doo!!!

216

^^.^CFP

:i^>^

LOCO SONG.

j?V«e— "Exile of Erin."

There are in our town many Locos despairing,

Oh ! pale are their cheeks and their spirits are low ;

At the " rascally Whigs" they are awfully swearing,
And calling on Chapman, poor Chapman to crow !

Before the election they seemed very clever,
And told us their voters were all lying low ;

216 THE GRAND RESULT IN TENNESSEE.

Now, they pretoid to be as cheerful ns ever.

And call upon Chapnian, poor Chapmau to crow !

They say that poor Polk, " no knocking can wake him,''^
The Whim's of Tennessee have beaten him so ;

And they beg that the friends of the party may lake him,
Where Chapman, poor Chapman can teach him to crow !

No more on the stump his eloquence ringing.
Shall cause every nmn to the speaking to go ;

No more will they laugh at his exquisit grinnmg,
The Colonel at home with poor Chapman must crow

For Polk, the Vice candidate, the tear drops are starting.
And down the lank cheeks of the Locos do How ;

For the hopes of Van Buren are quickly departing^
And faintly— oh! faintly does poor Chapman crow !

Oh! short are my s/?W5— and oh! where shall I wander!

To lengthen my comb and my tail— I quickly will go.
To Eastman's Printing Office, and mournfully ponder, .

O'er the news of my ruin, while Chapman shall crow!

#e'il sit in the back room, and add np each columnj
And make out a gain to the party to show.

And though our faces look cqnfoundedly solemn.
We'll call upon Chapman to give a good crow I

We'll head it "O. K.," and we'll say in November,
The State of Tennessee for Cass will go ;

We'll brag while we can, and we all must remember^
To calf upon Chapman to give a loud crow !

CHAPTEll XVII,

SKETCH OF THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES

JAMES C, JONES,

PtcUminanj remarks — Rirlh and Parentage — I 'is early days —
Lpaves school and become?, a Parmer — Plecied to the Legislature —
His services in the General Assembly-^ Chosen on P lector for
President and Vice President— Elected Governor over Polk —
4g(iin elected Governor over Polk by an increased in,ajority — Risks
/iis life in. the ca?ivass — Topics of discussion— The 26^/i of June
tr^ Joneshoroii^Ji — Mis 'poviers upon the stump — Description of his
ptrson — Concluding remarks.

^,The high degree of elevation vvhich the present Go\(:ernor of Ten-
nes^^e has reached, and the desire wlxich we know many of our readers
have, to see a brief statement of his birth and parentage, alone cpnsti-
tute our apology to the public for presenting tiiis — not only brief, but
ii}iperfect sketch of his life and public services. A debt of giatitude is
due to this able, indef'atigable, and triumphant leader of the Whig
parly, in. Tennessee, which no eulogy can repay. But while we fall
far short of repaying this debt of gratitude, in this feeble attempt at, a
iiaemoir, we have the consolation to know that it will not be withheld,
either by the whole-sonled Whigs .of Tennessee, or their brethren in
other States. Already have the Whigs of Nordi Alabama taken steps
to give the eloquent, magnanimous, patriotic young Governor of Tejii-
ness.ee,, a public entertainment in Hnntsville. And in the Lexinoton
Reporter, wc see that something of the kind is contemplated in Ken-
tucky. Our friends in that State may well aflord a thing of this kind;
for tliis gallant leader of the Whig party here, avowed every wbere, in
all his public speeches, that Henry Clay Avas his choice for the Pres-
idency— ^^that he was "for C\^y first ^ for Clay last, and for Clay all
the time.'''' And with this battle-cry he triumphed gloriously : And
finally, should our friends in Kentucky be favored with a visit IVom our
young Governor, they will find him to be a leader as bold and fearless
as Mr. Clay himself — an orator, who will measure amis before the people

218 A SKETCil OF THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES

Xifilh tlieir Crittcndens, Matiiliallb^ Morehends and their Combs' ! They
could not lefrain from the cxclamalion, were they to hear him for theni-^
selves, — an hundred cheers for the gallant State of Tennessee, and'
her noble Son, who, but live years ago was following the plough, and
has now vindicated his claims to a place among the first of popular
orators in the United States! The Boston Atlas, after speaking in the
highest terms of the Governor's bold and manly avowal of his preference'
for Mr. Clay, concludes its article thus,— '* He has carried his State
gallantly through the contest — and the appropriate wreaths of victory
should adorn his brow. We wish his brother Whigs of the other States
would devise some suitable gift, to be presented to him as an enduring
testimony of their esteem for his character, and their gratitude for the
high service he has rendered his country." Among the numerous
demonstrations of applause and' high regard, wdiich the gallant leader of
the Tennessee Whigs has been honored wuih, by nis Whig brethren in
different parts of the Union, none i.i more com;?limentary than the
adoption of tlie following resolution, at a numerous meeting of the
Whigs of the city and county of Philadelphia, on the 26th day of
August : —

" Resolved^ That the Whigs of Philadelphia city and county marked
with deep anxiety the progress of the canvass for the late election in'
7''ennessee, and do now^ heartily rejoice at its most auspicious termina-
tion ; and while they tender to their brother AVhigs of that glorious
State their felicitation at the result, which is a trimnph of national prin-
ciples, they in a special manner offer their thanks to his Excelleiic^^
Governor Jones for the distinguished and leading part Avhich he took'
in the canvass, and which undoubtedly was a principal ingredient in.
the elements of success.

James C. Jones is a native of Wilson county, Tennessee. He
was born on the 7th day of June, ISOO, near the Davidson line, almost
in sight of the llERi-MiTAOE, and about fourteen miles above Nashville,
which makes- him 34 years of age last June! His parents removed
from Virginia to Middle Tennessee at an early day. His father, a plain'
old fashioned Virginia gentleman, of very moderate fortune, died when
the Governor was yet ati infant, leaving him to the care of an affection-
ate mother it is true, but at the same time to contend with the hardships
of orphanage. The surviving parent was not surrounded with such a
string of w^callhy and influential relatives, as to enable her to raise her
son at once to those high degrees of elevation beyond diose who were
born in the same circumstances and hue of life. Nor is the Governor
now indebted for the proud stand he occupies in the political world, so
much to any thing extraordinary in itself, as to a well-timed and sedu-
lous use of his own powers, and sucli other advantages as the circurii-

OP GOVERNOR ^AME,S p. JONES. 219

!5tai^ces of hk life afforded. He was educated with a view of making
him a liawyer, but at th age of 16, he L]ecaine dehcale in heaUh — left
school on that account — became attached to the farm, and determined
to devote himself to the pursuits thereof. His circumstances were not
actually indigent, but they were nevertheless such as to subject him
constantly to hard manual labor. Jle was naturally industrious, ancl
ploughed many a long summer's day, in the cornfield, in the rich lands
iri the vicinity of Cumberland River, in his shirt sleeves, and without
^shoes. This exercise completely restored his health, and vlu'Ie yet
very young, he became united in marriage, to an amiable lady, tlie
daughter of an honest farmer; and from that day to this, unlike his
competitor, the renowned ciiampion of Locofocoism in Tennessee, he
has been every year blessed with — "eitjier a g-al or a hoi/ .'"

From the age of IG, to that of 30, he continued on the farm without
^ny participation in p^olitical affaiis whatever, until the Spring of 1S39,
>vhen he was prevailed on by his friends to canvass for a seat ip the
popular branch of the Legislature, before the numerous, patriotic, and
intelligent citizens of Wilson,— a county wliich was entitled to two
Representatives and one Senator, and polled as n^any as 3420 votes \ —
His debut upon the stump was a successful one, and hp was p"ium
phantly elected over some of tlje stropgest men in the county. This
^'QS tiie memorable campaign in which Col. Polk triumphed over
jGovERXOR Cann->n, and bur readers will recollect that the elections all
furned that year upon National Politics, and the P;r jdcniial question.
And although the Clcnj qucstiou was fust made in this campaign, he
^'as the only Whig candidate for the Legislature, in the Middle Division
pf the State, who took ground openly and boldly for Henry Clay. By
his eloquence, and the ability hedisplayed upon the stump, our young
povernor gained much distinction in that campaign, as a piiblic debater,
and an efficient partizan orator. He served in the Session of lS39-'-10,
of our General Assembly, and even his political opponents will bear us
witness, that as a Legislator, his success was as marked as his talents
^ere obvious. Then it was, too, that he fust became oflcnsive to the
self-styled Democracy of Tennessee, llh fust oficnce was, the intro-
duction of a ijill to burn the unsold Bonds of the State, Avhich the
newly elected Governor had proposed in his Message to make Sterling
Bonds, and send them to British capitalists to be sold like sheep in the
market! This bill was introduced and supported, at the risk of losing
that breeze of popular favor, which was hearing on his bark bravely
tnvard the haven of worldly prosperity and renown. Pic made his
irfluencc feh. in the General Assembly; and several of his speeches
during that session, arc said to have been inimitable specimens of ar^ju-

220 A SKRTCTI OP THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES

nient, and liumov. Aiul the Jomnnlsoflhe House will show with what
activity and eniciency he enfcied upon the discharge of Ids duties as a
member He intended that his political career should close with that
session; but tlic convention met at Nashville, in the Spring of 1840,
for the purpose of nominating Electors to be run on the Whig ticket
for President and Vice President, and withont his consent, and even
contrary to his earnest solicitations, his name was placed upon the
Harrison ticket. In this new position, he did not content himself with
faithfully discharging the ordinary duties of an Elector, but he entered
the arena of that severe contest — traversed the Middle and Western
Divisions of die Slate, and took an active part in the most important
discussions before the people, contending with the most talented of the
opposing parly! In that spirit of self sacrifice, which he lias since
displayed in two great pulilic "emergencies, without stopping to cal-
culate the disadvantages (o himself, in a pecuniary point of view,
he boldly arrayed himself on the side of his country, and his country's
best interests: and in behalf of that cause which he believed to be the
cause of truth and justice, he exerled himself with all the energies of his
nature. He was even in the field as an Elector^ less than one ic'cek^
from the day of his return home from the Legislature.

After the close of the contest for the Presidency, and before he had
lime to breathe, as it were, he was chosen by the imanimous voice of
n Stnte convention atMurfrcesborough,in the Spring of 1S41, to n'leet
Col. Polk, the champion of Locofocoism in Tennessee, in a contest
for the ofice of Governni. 'In this contest, though there was a great
fallingofffrom the Whig majority obtained in the election of Gen.
llAuitrsoN, yet our young Governor ran aliead of the Whig vote as in-
dicahMJ ill ihc' election of liiembers to the liCgisIaturc. 'And to say the
least of (!iis memoialtle struggle, if was characterized by a zeal, energy
and ability, on his j)ar(, which alone coufd have secured success to the
Whig ticket— in vicv.^ of ihe discouraging circumstances of the death of
the lamented IlAuuir-:ox, and of the perfidy, treachery and knaveiy,of
t'lat prince of traitors, ./V«?. Ti/kr. And that long and arduous cam-
paign, was not less creditable to Jones in the end, that it proved to be
serviceable to ihe great Wliig parly in Tennessee.

Early in i tie month of March last, at the earnest solicilations of the
whole Whig party in this Stale, the subject of this sketch again set out
to canvass the Slate for reelection, contending with the same experienced
opponent, and who is by long odds the ablest and most popular mai^the
JiOcofocoR could have started in this State. And laboring under great
jiliysical debibly, at ihe sacrilicc of comfort, and at the peri) of jife iiself,

OF GOVERNOR JA:\1ES C. JONES, 221

the gallant and eloquent subject of ihese remarks, unable to travel on
iioi-seback, nevertheless met the appointments of his competitor, at ninety
four different places, extending through a peiiod of live long months,
'including the heat of summer, riding 30 and 40 miles per clay, and
addressing the People, often in the open air, for tv:o hours and fifty
wmwifes, which was the limit of the candidates by agreement! And
in the face of imiversal defeat and gloom, undismayed by adversity,
imappalled by treachery, the indomitable Jones bore aloft the ample
foldsof the Whig banner, shouldering Whig men and measures, and
placing the question of his re-election before the People, upon the
broad grounds of A«*w;?«/ Politks, triumphed by an increased majority.
Thus it is, that Jaimes K. Polk, the able and untiring leader of Loco-
fpcoism, ui almost a dozen hard fought battles, has been for the second
lime unhorsed by the still more talented and accomplished leader of
the Whig columns of Tennessee. In this contest, as also in that of
'41_, he ran ahead of the aggregate Whig vote, as indicated in the elec-
tion of members of Congress, and of the General Assembly; and we
liave no hesitancy in saying, that to the great popularity, manly argu-
ments, flowing eloquence, and burning zeal of this bold and triumphant
leader, are the Whigs of Tennessee now indebted for a majority of eight
on joint ballot in our General Assembly. Whilst his speeches operated
like electricity among the Whigs, they worked among the Locofocos
with Mesmeric magic! The rabid and boisterous shouts of the Loco-
■focos, which literally rent the air, on occasions of Polk meeting Gov.
Cannon, were hushed into religious silence when their leader came to
face the young farmer of Wilson !

And just in this connexion, by way of digression, we must be permit-
ted to allude, somev.iiat more ih detail, to the topics oi discussion in
this last memorable campaign, as well as to the manner in which the
discussions resuttod, as far as tiiey came under our observation. We
lieard the candidates at three different points, to wit, Rlieatown, Jones-
tjorough and Elizabethton ; but we will confine our remaks to the char-
acter of the discussion in Joncsborough, which, in all material respects,
Was similar to what occurred elsewhere. The topics of discussion were,
the Public Expenditures — a National Bank — the Tariff question —the
Banlcrupt Law — the Distribution scheme — and the old exploded cliarge
against Henry Glaj^ of '• Baj-gaifi, Intrigue and Corruption. " On
allof thes? questions, <3}ov. Jones with cruel pertinacit}'", continued to
polke his competitor under the ribs, and to pound him over the head and
eyes, until we really felt sorry for " Gen. Lodi, " and were very much
inclined to beg his tormentor, as he was himself, for Heaven's sake to
spare him ; that a few more such sock-dsiagrrs, on one occasion, were

222 A SKETCH OF THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES

quite too much for humanity. Bat the subject of our memoir contin-
ued to bore the little defeated. He reminded the vast concourse, that
he had declared for Ofoy, first, last, and even all the time, while liis
competitor utterly refused to say who he was for, further than to avow
that he intended Lo run his principles for the Presidency ! To this the
Governor avowed that he was at as great a loss as he was before. He
desired to know, as he presumed the assembly did, which of his princi-
pies he intended to run! Was it his Internal Improvement hy the
General Government principh, of 1S24, or his Anti-Internal Im-
provement notions of 1839 ? Was it his Anti-Sub- Treasury ^x'md-
plesof 1835, or his *SV6-TyYra5?;r?/ principles of 1843? Was it his
High Tarijfnoiiom of 1832, when he voted to tax Tea and Coffee,
or his Free Trade doctrines of 1813 ? Which of his principles did he
intend to run? Certainly he would not run them all, unless he con-
cluded to run all his candidates, to wit, Van Buren, Calhoun, Johnson,
Cass, Stewart and B uchanan ! When these questions were propounded^
Buch Hyena-like grins, as Lodi gi^ve us, were never seen out of a
Quejiu'rerie ! To have thro^^^n his features into such unearthly contor-
tions, all will agree required a tremendous effort !

The crowd in attendance here, was variously estimated— at, say from
three to four thousand persons. The speakers themselves, declared the
assembly to be the largest they liad addressed du ring the cavass. But
t^ie never-to-be-forgotten 29Lh of June, 1843, came and went — the
much talked of — the long to-bc-remembered day on which the lean
Governor of Ten, was lo meet the '^oid of Locofocoism, and the great
champion of Western Democracy — aye, meet the invincible Ex-Gov.
Polk, face to face, before the sovreigns of the land, and contend with
the battle-axe of tiuth — that day, ^ye say, came and went, and is
jiow numbered with the years beyond the flood ! Truly the par-
ties did meet, and they fought, and a giant-like battle it was. —
Yes, the lions of the two great tribes of Tennessee met — they grap-
pled in our very midst — lliey roared in the iQtw&X. forest " hard by " the
Presbyterian chinch, for near six long hours together — and the freemen
of" Old Washington," together with a portion of the citizens of the
four or five surrounding counties, including some from North Carolina

respectfully sat in judgement on their eflbrts — and lo! the day

was ours ! We do not exaggerate or misrepresent facts, when we say
that popular sentiment, so far as it has been elicited by the discussion,
(and we have heard a great many express themselves) on that Monday
is decidedly favoral)le to the cause of Gov. Jones — he is believed lo
have mastered the Goli.mi of modern Democracy in Tennessee ! His
friends desired a dilFcrent result. They logkcd, they hoped, they

OF gover:vor james c. JONES. 223

^j rr/ycf/ for somelliing belter — they expected, and believed they wptc
en tilled to a speech, at least worthij of their boasted champion, but alas!
the sceptre had departed from democratic IsraeLand the followers'of this
onceinvincible leader, were doomed to witness his defeat. An air of tri-
xmipli no longer sat upon the brow of" General Lodi " — and that here-
tofore commanding voice of his, v/as heard to soimd the defence of
Locofocoism but faintly — in him, as an ocean of fulness, buoyancy of
spirit, no longer flowed and blended its vigorous current. But the cloud
of cheerless gloom, which lowered over his head, obscured from his
vision the sun of political prosperity ; while dispirited and faint, when
the speaking had ended, he crept into Chester's tavern, and shared wltli
his mourning friends, the cup of unmingeled wretchedness. The
fragrant grove seemed to scatter odours in vain around the Ex-Governor:
and the sun high up in the hill of Heaven, and rolling his fiery chariot
through a cloudless sky, shined but to reveal his wretchedness. His
gray hairs, thinly scattered over his weather-beaten pate — his hollow
eye, and pale way-worn cheeks, told the tale of his soul's horror, while
his fluttering heart, rent by despair, alone knew its own bitterness. By
the horror of such a picture, reader, you are taught the wretchedness
of a man, widowed of his glory, and rifled of his once flattering pros-
■ pects. The ultras of his party, may not indeed have been fully sensible
of his condition : the stupifyhig opiates of Locofocoism may have dead-
ened their alarm. But as Cowper justly remarks,

— " Surely 'tis a piteous sight to see

So many maniacs dancing in their chains,
With eyes of horror execrate their chains ;
Then shake them in despair and dance again!"

Suffice it to say, that the Governor showed himself to be more than a
\ijatch for the great " Magnus Apollo " of Tennessee Locofocoism. —
His manly arguments, -inimitable eloquence, and sound pi inciples,
contrasted delightfally with the studied, artful, demagogical appeals of
an ambitious aspirant, in behalf of an exploded Sub-Treasury scheme,
a Kard money and State Bank falicy, and old worn-out Jackson
prejudices !

For the infomiation of such of our readers, as have never seen t^ov.
Jones, we will give a brief description of his person. And this v/e
attempt, perfectly aware of how diflicult a thiwg it is, to draw a correct
And discriminating portrait of a friend. Blind admiration and unquali-
fed praise meet one on every side. But as the Governor is by no means
the best looking man in the wodd, and as " pretty is as pretty does, "
bur sketch of his person shall at least possess the high merit of precise
iiand faithful delineation. As already shown, he is, since June last, in

224 A SKETCH OF THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES

ihe 35th year of his age. , He is, six feet two inches high, not stout, and
in June la^t, weighed 125 pounds, being only 5 pounds lighter than his
competitor. . His limbs are long ; he has a slow, precise walk, takes
lengthy strides, and has a very careless appearance. His compleJcion is
swarthy— has only a tolerable forehead in appearance — with a substan-
tial handle on his face, and rather thin hair, of a dark hue, inclined to
curl. His mouth and eyes — the former large enough in all conscience,
and the latter small piercing and grey, give every indication of that
Superior genius which he is known to possess. The fire of his eye,
over which loweis a dark heavy eye-brow cannot be described ; but it can
be felt with tremenduous powei, when he is delivering an animated
speech, no one can resist its potency, as the Locofocos of Tennessee
well knov\^. He has a great deal of pleasantness in his manners, and
posse?es a most rare faculty of mviking every one to whom he is intro-
duced, no matter how great the crowd, feel easy and free. There
can be no restraint in his company, as indeed there is none. He makes
himself agreeable to all, the rich and the poor, the great and the small.
And.as a Ladifs ma?i,he has few superiors.

The election of Gov. Jones, in August last, may be justly regarded
as one of the greatest triiunphs the Whig party has achieved in Tennes-
see. And we rejoice in the fulness of our hearts at the result of a Con-
test which has been so bravely fought and nobly won. The co^ise-
quence of this great and glorious result, as the leading journals of the
Union show, is now felt in effecting a change of temperament in the
Whigs of all North America. This signal and brilliant victory has
shown them what can be done, if diey will aiise, throw of the shackles
of their despondency, and be vigilant and resolute, and act with the
spirit that animated our young and talented Governor, and other master
spirits in the contest of 1840. And from this time forth, till the crown-
ing of 1844, we confidently expect to see in every Whig State in the
Union, decisive marks of that re-aavakening which Tennessee,. Avith the

gallant we had like to have said the immortal Jones at her head, has

so nobly begun.

We repeat, a lasting debt of gratitude is due to this able and triumph-
ant Whig leader. And the heartfelt gratulations of the Whigs in
every other State, and the sore disappointment which the Locofocos
exhibit, is a sure indication that it will not be withheld, either by the
Whigs of his native State, or their political brethren in other States.
And the measure of our ambition, as his devoted personal and political
friend, would be full, if we could but see liis name placed on the ticket
with that of Henry Clay, for the Vice Prosiilency of the United
Slates. And with the hope of living to yet behold a sight of this kin'd

OF GOVERXOU JAJMES C. JO.NES. 22j

we take a (empoiaiy leave of the subject of this hastily written biogra-
phy — one we love as we do a near relative. Other glories, and si ill
greater distinctions await Gov. Jones, but what they aie lime alone,
can reveal. The past is secine — the present we know — and his dearly
bought lanrels, and richly deserved honors and fame, are incorporated
with the histoiy of his native State; while his name will live and flour-
ish in the hearts of the Wliigs of Tennessee, till those hearts cease to
beat. May he be rewarded with Xhe. highest honor which a free People
cah bestow in this world, and with a home in Heaven, when he is done
with the cares and vicissitudes of mortal:' life!

CHAPTER X\m

THE LAST VvTLL AND TESTAMENT

JAMES K. POLK.

Ill the name of Democraci/ — Amen !

I, Jamks K. Polk, of the town of Columbia, and State of Ten-
nessee, being; of lawful ag-e, as nn^ gmy hairs do show, being diseased in
body, and perplexed in mind — insomucli that my "bodily presence*'
has become "weak," and my 'speech contemptible' in the estimation of
ray countrymen. and expecting to die in November 1841, and then to be
formall}' and forever buried, do make and ordain this, my la&t will and
testament.

i/(???7. IsL Havinf^ no "little ones" of my own, and never having- had
any talent in that "line of business," my will is to leave ni}" effects to
my friends. My will is not to do mnch for my god-father, A. Jackson^
aUhough he has done much for me. For all this, however, I am un-
der no seiious obligations to him, because he acted more from passion
than pj^inciple^ and more from a hatred of John Bell, than love fornie.
Beside, all obligation ceases, when it is understood that my cunning
overcame his 7reakness. He, too, is not long for this world, having:
exposed himself to the inclemency of the weather, in 1840, by going
into the Western District to electioneer for our cause, and having after-
wards had to take large portions of //«?■(/ cider ^ to' reduce liim, the
remedy is about to prove fatal. My will is thai we "meet at the hatter's
shop," and talk matters over !

Itein 2d. My will is, that Martin Van Buren be given over to "hard-
ness of heart and rcprobacy of mind," and that he be penuitted to
work out his ruin with greediness, because he has twice been a load on
my shoulders, "too intolerable to be borne," or got along with.

Item 3d. As to my old friend General Cass, I will alnd bequeath to
him the nomination of (lie State Convention of Tennessee, in Nov.
next, for tlie Presidency — not that I believe tliere is any possibility of
liis election, but as a rebuke to Messrs. Van Buren and Calhoun, for'
attempting to force tliGmsclves on "the paUty" whether or no!

TIIE LAST WILL -VXD TESTA3IEXT OF J.\]\rES K. POLK 227

Itrm Ath. As to my old friend Ricluud ]\L of Kentiickv, I will Jiini
nothing, as he seems to have a Avill of his own, which, unfortunately
for me, led him to an association with certain female ^'■voters of color;''
which 1 never could justify before the people, and which has been a
i^reat draw back upon the good cause in the South and West.' |

Item 5th. My new alii, John Cataliae^ of South Carolina, I provide
a place in the Southern Circus, where h'e can continue to display his
agility in immwg somersets, to die "tune of turn about and wheel about."
Item Gth. My old "yoke fellow," the Great Expunger of Mis-souri, I
willA:bequeath as much pajjer ?}ioiiet/ as he can carry ofT 'mhisTmoat.
I have no fears of his ever suffering, as he lias shown, from his yoiuli
up, great skill in financier i/ig, and ^\ ould always provide for himself
jjo matter at whose expenee.

Item 7th. My slippery little friend, A. O. P. Nicliolson, I leave sole
heir to the track in this Static, in a race for Governor, in 1S45, to be run
on the Democratic ticket, — to be the worst beat man that ever run in
tliis or any other State, m3'self not excepted.

Itejii 8tL T]}e leaders of tlie Democratic party in Tennessee, with
but few exceptions, I leave to take care of themselves, — feeling no
great concern for them, as they uevey supported me so much ftom any
confidence they reposed in me, or regard fof the principles I advocated,
as from a slavisli feai- of "the I'AiiTr," and a desire to obtain office
ihemsclves.

Itef/i 9t/i. The commom people of Tennessee, I turn tliera over to
my Executors herein after named, clnd desire that they, may be permit-
ted to do with them, and by them as they iliink best.

Item IQih. My adopted sons, my dearest darlings, xha'-'-iminortal
thirteen,^' 1 desire, most ardently, may enjoy, as a reward for their
perjury, perfidy, abandonment of principles, and revolutionary conduct,
in the late General Assembly of Tennessee, all the advantages and
comfort, to be derived from the editorial in//.j, of such venal and pros-
tituted sheets as the Union, Argus, Sentinel, and little Courier !

Item 11th. My dutiful friends, in the different divisions of the State,
"too tedious to mention," and to Avhom the S ■natorship has been
promised, I will the consolation of not being troubled with a trip to
Washington. And the one at Ihe "City of Meckleubuig," can just
imagine himself a Senator in Congiess, and Ids vanity is such, that it
will afford him as much consolation as if he were there !

Item 12th. Those Democratic presses in Ti'.nnessee, whose editors
lied hard, and threw mud fast and thick, v.itli a hope of being rev»'ardc.c

22S' ; THE LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT OF JAMES K. POLK".

with llie State PrintinfT, and with ofliccs :^inclcv the General Govern-
)nent, my will is, that tlie}^ he allowed to shift, for themselves. The
world owes each a living, and if ihey cannot ohtain it fairly, the prin-
ciples of our party, if carried out, especially between tiro days, will
hring in money, corn, hogs, chickens, bedquilts, and all other "neces-
saries of life."

Item 13th. My will is, and ever has heeij, that the Directors of the
Bank of the State, arid its JBranches, and their friencs and their relations,
hold on to what money they have got, and that they get all they can
between this time and their surrendering np the Banks !

Item U(h. Contrarij io my w'lll, I appoint JAMES C. JONES and
the TWO WHIG SENATORS shortly to be elected^ my Executors. —
This I regret, because I know they will manage the affairs of my
estate on different principles from those which have governed me ; and
which will, I know, cause som^3 of my particular friends, to comply
with that requisition of Scriplure, which s'ays, — ''in the sweat of thij
face shalt tJnou eat brc^id'^

Item Aoth. My will is, that I be decently buried upon all-fores, on
my cotton farm in Mississippi, with my head towards Uie w^est, a.nd a
withered Polk Stalk planted thereon, labeled " Uepvdiation of the dd>t
ftmdractcd for my interment.''^ This \ desire, that when the last barrel
of hard cid^r is emptied, the last coon skpn is used up, and the Whigp
tiie on their way t<j that state of being "whe^e tlie wicked cease to
trouble and the w-eary area' rest,' I may join my friends on their march
to the head water? of i^alr. Biver—^ strcani which the Missouri Hum-
biigger has promised shall be navigable by that time !

Attest, GR-^^■D-soN of Er^EKiEL Polk

"The immortal 13."

CHAPTER XiX.

Electoral Voles for President aud Vire President in IS 10 — N'eu- and
Qld Ratio— Causes of Van Bureit's defeat— the Ctdhouii Pqptrs
against the Vg^ii Bur en Organs— Ojjposit^oii yiec tings i?i Neio Yor/c.

ELECTORAL AZOTES.
By (lie new apportionineiit, flic niinil)C!- of Electors of President,
and Vice Plesideut, chosen by nil the States, will be two Inuidred and
seventy-five, of which, one hundred and thirty-eiga^; are necessary for
a choice.

We give the following' comparative table of tlie nnmbcr of Electoral
votes to which each Slate is entitled, both by (he ncv>' and old ratio :
' Nein Ratio. Old Patio.

1. (New York, 3G 42

2. Pennsylvania, 26 'SO

3. .Ohio, 23 21

4. YIRGINIA, IT 23
C Tennessee, 13 3 5

6. Kentucky, 12 14

7. Massachusetts, 12 j4
a Indiana, 12 .9
9. North Carolina, M ] 5

10. Geor2:ia, 10 11

11. SOUTH CAROLINA, 11

12. ALABAMA,

13. Maine,

14. ILLINOIS,

15. Maryland,

16. New .Tersev,

17. mSSOURI,

IS. Connecticut,

10. NEW HAMPSHIRE,

20. Vermont,

21. Louisiana,

22. Mississippi,

23. Michi-an,

24. Rhode Island,

25. Delaware,

m. ARKANSAS,

A
3
4
3
3

2T.'> 294

The number of Electors, by the Coaslitniion, it will be recollected^

230 CAUSES OF VAX bx:rex's defeat. &.C.

is equal lo ihc whole niunboi of Senators' and IleprescnlaUves in Con-
gress. Tims, 1)}' the iiew I'atio :

Seinito's, - • 52

ile|)rea;:it:Uivcs, - - - - - - - 223

Toteil, 275

The old 13 States, (incliuling Maine, formerly belonging- iq Massa-
chusetts,) are entitled to 170 Electoral votes ; the new States lo 105.

Nineteen of the 2:*) ,S;:V;c-^ vo;rd for Gen. Harrison, giving liini 234
Electoral votes; the .•ai.ie ;^!:i''' - are now entitled to 215 Electors. —
The 7 Slates in i'J:W'.\\i. ' ' 've Mr. Van Buren GO votes in- 1^40 .
they are now entitled to the ;:ah.c lunnber.

The advocates of Van Buren v.itli the Vv'ashington Globe antj
Hichniond Enquirer, at their head, avrare of the tieiiienduous defeat
which he sustained before the people, and with a view to obviate the
cll'ect that defeat nuist have on the puhJic mind, in the coming contest,
arc pursuing a singular course 'Vi iv.c^i who claim to be Democrats.
Having resolved to tiy him;- ; ndeavor to appologise for his

disgraceful defeat, by P:^-^i''^ _ iiad not fair play, and that the

people were fooled. T' ;i! iiiat AVai Iiad a majority of the

people with him, but ti;;a iliey vrere ^'(v^-^-A^f wjy by his opponents !
That is to say, the good and holy, true and virtuous, incorruptible
Democracy, according i ' ' -i showing, v,-ereZ*r/ie(/ to vote against
their favorite man ami ;.
But what a str.pendiior.s op purchase of the Democracy

p;ust irave been, by the " Lbiu.. j.al Whigs!" See the thing as

it is. Gen Harrison's majority in the popular vote of the Nation, was
ONE HUNDRED x\ND FOUTY-SIX THOUSAND ! The leading
organs of Democracy say, that but for the agency of corruption^ Van
would have beaten Harrison as far as the latter beat him. Multiply the
majgrity of Harrison by two, and it will be scon that 292,000 good and
true Democrats'wcrc actually bought at the shambles, by the corrupt
leaders of the Wiiig party ! Democrats, what say you to tliis charge
preferred against you by your ov/n organs ?

But we must, call the attention of tjie reader to an extract from the
New York Plehlan, a violent, but still a leading Van Buren paper,
edited by that notorious prince of villians, Levi D. Slanim. AVe copy
tliis false and attroious paragraph entire, from a leading editorial, be-
cause the whole article was written with a view to show the cause of
Ml. Van Durcn's/lefeat in the memorable and never-to-be-forgotten
contest of IS 10. The Plcbian savs :

CAUSES OF v.\^' euken's defeat, fcC. 231

"LARGE AMOUNTS OF FUND3 WERE COXTRKJUTED,
AND PUT IN CHARGE OF UNSGRUPUF.OUS AND WICKED
AGENTS TO BUY UP AND TRANSPORT FRO^M TOWN TO
TOWN, STEAMBOAT CARGOES OF FOREIGN VOTES,
ACCORDING TO ORDER, AND AT A STIPULATED PRICE
PER HEAD. THESE VENAL DREGS OF HUMAN COR-
RUPTION, THUS BOUGHT UP A.S ARTICLES OF TEAFFIC
IN THE HUMAN MART, WERE SOMETIMES, MADE TO
_g WEAR TO THE FAITHFUL AND CONFIDNTIAL EXECU-
■^HON OF THE VICIOUS BARGAIN; AND IN SOME IN-
STANCES THEY VOTED SIXTEEN TIMES, AND PROB-
AJ31-Y COMMITTED SIXTEEN PERJURIES IN ONE
AND THE SAME ELECTION ! ! ! "

III tlic language of the imaiorUil Clay, on a memorable occasion, we
alone find the cause of Van's clei'cat in '40 in this — '' Truth is ialmor-
TAL AND PUBLIC JusTiCE CERTAIN. " But ^ve are keeping our readers
froiii some articles vrc intended them to see. TFe give an extract first,
from a long article ia I'le M'>jjJdngto)i Spectator, an able Calhoun
journal published in that city. After fin-nishing a tabular statement of
fhe votes cast in 1836, and again in 1840, the Spectator proceeds: —

Tiiusit will be perceived t^"'at, in 1836, the Democracy were in the
majority in fifteen out of twenty six States, though the popular majori-
ty for Mr. Van Buren, was but 25.413, and was the smallest "ever
received by a successful Democratic candidate. In 1840, the Democ-
racy Avere in the majority in but six out of the twenty-six States, and
ill a popular minority of nearly one liinidrcd and fifty thousand !

To what cause then can the overwhelming and unparalleled defeat
of our party in 1840 be attributed? It cannot be ascribed to the un-
pojpularity of Democratic principles, for they have rebounded from the
fall, and are rapidly progressing to their accustomed ascendency, and
itisFQLLY^nay.iDorse, it is VilCKEDNESS to assert that it
poos loliobj the result of fraud, dehamhery, and bribery. — IViis would
be ail insult to our llepuhllan Institutions ■, and reiterating in other
words the exploded heresie-^ of the hi^h toned Federal school— that' the
People are incapabl". of seJf-govrrmnent,and are their oionAoorst ene-
mies. And at whose door would lie the charge of having been bribed
,or bought like cattle in the market'?- Not the Whigs because there
.tons no necessity of bribing them. And rcill any Democratic Editor
have the hardihood to assert that a suficient number of his political
brethren were bribed, as ivould account for our trentenduous defeat.

The Rhode Island Chronicle, another Calhoun paper, also comes to
the rescue, and demonstrates that it was 7?o/ " bribery, " but Mr. Van
-Buren 's own unworthiness, together with his maladministration, that
defeated him. It settles also another point, much, prated of by our
I adversaries, that the TFhigs h^d no principles " for the public eye. "
The Chronicle says :

" It inu^t after a sober and careful review of die past, be admitted by

232 CALHOC^' PAPERS VS THE VAN 13UKEX ORGANS.

nil candid men, that Mr. Van Biircu'c^ administration was in many
respects an nnfortunatp. one. It was unfoitnnate in (he LOSS TO
TfTE GOVERNiMENT AND THE PEOPLE OF MANY M[L
LTONS OF DOLLARS BY THE DEFALCATIONS OF HIS
Ot^'FrCERS. It ivfis unfoilnnatc in being- identified with the Quixotic
attempts to estnblisk an, ahsoluie 'iiietalii: crrrciicij, to the exclusion of
all thef(rius of credit for the business operations of tJie people^ as
veil as ill its rcroiniii-ndation of the obnoxious two hundred thousand
Mililia bill. And it was especially unfortunate in its cxiravanrant
expenditures — anioiu.tlit'^' to near I ij thirti/scventnillions of dollars
annually.

Notwi'thsfandino' all that has hecn said and snn"" relative to the
warmdi and enllnuMasm with which the last Presidcniial canvas Jvas con-
i\i\c{Q.(\^ no sensible 7nan can doubt that these subjects were fully discussed
before the Grand Inqikst of the Nation., and a verdict qilite decisive
enough giceii by the people in relation to them. "

One more paragrapli from tlie Chronicle, touching Mr. Van Bnrcn's
Den'iocrary,imd we drop tlie subject for the present. Tlic editor dc-
'C lares that ; —

" At the most tryinp; period of the existence of the Democratic Party
in this counti V — (hni.i'.r ''n i;i>i war with Creat Britain — Mr. Vcdl
Jjureii oppo.sf I ' /,':■' /■. I',./'//- I ', .<id/'niial nomination of the Deirfoo'at-
ic Party, the eieetion if .lanitu Madisoji, nnd united himself yvilji ihp
Federal Parly in the support of De Tl^ilt Clinton, the PEACE PAR-
TY candidate. . In 1S23 and '24 he likewise strenuously opposed th^
election of General Jackson to the Presidency. , Since .Tohn Cluincj
Adams refused to appoint him Minister to England in 182(3, he has it
is true, whether iiiduced i>y inlcicst or principle, it is now necessary to
inquire, actetl witli die Deniocraiic parly, with coiiunetidable consisten-
cy. For this consistency of action v.'iih, and support of tlie party Mr.
Van Buren has received from the Democracy of tlie State of New York
and the Union, tlie ofiices of United States Senator, Secretary of State',
Minister to "England, Vice President, and President of the United
States, from which he received the princely fortune of $176,000 ! ! "

This last declaration is perfectly satisfactory, and sustains fully what
'the Whigs have always asserted, that Van Buren'a Democracy never
developed itself until after Gen. Jaclcsons election wais rendered certatrj,
jii\d a'favorablc opportunity offered him to ride into power by playing
upon Gen. Jackson's feelings, and singing liosannns to the present Do
juocratic party.

In reply to the wholesale libels of the Richmond Enquirer and i'ts
profuse denuiiciationsof the "log-cabin and Imrd cider mummeries of
1840," tlm Mobile Tribune, a Calhoun paper thus discoursetli ; —

"We repeat the fpiestion : What caused Mr. Van Buren's defeat by"
two lumdrcd tliousand votes ?

-f'brour'own part, we feel compelled to say that we believe the

CAUSES OP VAN DUREn's DEFEAT, &C. 233

laigei portion pf t!iosc votes was coiijposed of the lioiicdt, the deliberate,
tlixi well considered siiUVagcs ©f those who cast ihcni.

Tho^esuirrages conveying' tlie will of two hiindied thousand of our
cotfbtrymcn, are not so lii;!illy,nay so contenipiiiousiy to be considered*
The zeal of Mr. Van Biiren's frieads is one thing; the settled opposi-
tion ami repugnance of an ovcrwlielining niajority of Ins countrymen
are quite a cllflercnt thing. Are the popular feelings vMiich, hi 1840,
shook thi>; nation like a tropical- tornado, worthy of no respect ? The
revolftt.'oti of 1840 had indeed a meaning, which those wlio look upon
ibc surface of things only have read with little profit;

For our own part, we stand at all times awed bhefdre the aroused
inhjesty of the people. As for thai grisat popuKar movement of 1 84 0,
\?eniust pluck from our bosom every democratic instinct ere wc stand
uh to sit upon and scolF at the power which pioclafmed the will of a
self-governed nation — the sovereign thunders of a free independent
suffrage, which roared in its! resistless strength across the length anil
bieadth of the land. We may have despised the exhibitions of folly
aild excitement which characterized that era; But what great and
general excitement is without them? These were the trash and weeds
which floated upon t her surface, but he must be a shallow reasoncr
who fancied that they contained the force whii;h lashed the ocean into
a connnotion so terrible. The revolution of lb 10 was a manifestation
of public feeling not to be disguised.-' -

How very dilTerent is the language of a Locofoco leader ctftcr an
electidn, froin what it is bcfora an efeclioh. For instance,

Before an Election : Dear people ! you arc too pure, too patriotic,
and too intelligent to be deluded by Fedcrafists, Abolitionists, and
Bankites. T^he sovereign powier is lodged with yoM, and you control
the balfot-box, and you always do right! You can't be humbugged!
You never have been misled ; and when the liberties of your country
are endangered, you wilt cOme to their rescue ! Nobody can giun you!
In short, you never do wrong !

After an Election : Yoti rfriserablc f6dl^!'you know-nothing rascals,
you are incapable of sclf-g'over)i7ne7tt,!. You are a mere "floating
mas3,in which little or no confidence can be reposed at the hour of trial ! "
You have been bought up by British Gold ! You poor devils, you have
no principles ! You have sold yourselves to the Federalists ! You
have gone oil' after Log Cabin fooleries ! You have worshiped a
skunk- skin I You all got beastly drunk on Haid-Cider! You have
elected an old fool ! Go to the devil, yod pittiful wretches, you can " be
most conveniently spared I "

Verly the troubles among the faithful are increasing. Tlic Van
Burcn party in the city of New York, recently held a niectir>g in
Tammany Hall, at which they appointed nint; delegates to the State

234 CAUSES OF VAX bituen's defeat, &c.

Convention, instincUnglhcm to po their death, as the saying is', for the
httlc Magician. This induced tlic Calhoun paiiy in the same city to
call a great meeting in the Park, in pursuance of which, the New
York Evening Express, of Sept. oih, says, " there were ahout five
thousand people assembled in the Park. " The call for the meeting,
signed by a s[>ccia! committee of one hundred mot, was in the follow-
ing words, as set forth in their hand-bills : —

PARK MEETING, EN MASSE.— Dofliocrats! Rally to thcPark^
all those in favor of t/ic Caiisc^'''- Free Trade, Low Duties, No Debt*
Sepemtiou from Banks, f^conarnv, Retrenclimcnt, and Strict Adhc"
rencc vo the Constitution"— ?Ac ma?i,J'Oim C. CALKOUN, as tlic
Democ ratio s-sndidate for the Presidency of the United States, in 1844
— the Country — its System of Government — its Iteprescntativo Insti-
tnliorts — the inalienable riglit of lire people of each Congressional
District to elect by their direct siiflrages the delegate \i\\a shall repre-
sent them in the National Convention ; also, the vote per capita, and
that each vote shall be counted for the candidate to whom it is given,
the san^c being consistent with the great Democratic pfiftcipJ^tJial the
Representative shall speak the voiec 'astlcrurry cut the will of thoaC he
represents.

Friends of the Cause, the Man, miA the CowntiT, meet in the Paik,
this, MOx\D AY EYENINGj September 4ih> at half past 5 o'elock,
rain or shine;

Victory in such a ca'je will be grent and glorious ; much will it re-
dound to the honor of those by whom it will have been won, and long
will it perpetuate the liberty and prosperity of lite coimtrp "'

At this meeting, Do€T. Stephen H4\sBROucfK was called to the
Chair, and twantij Vice Presidents, and six Secretaries were appointed.
Speeches were made — preambles and rcsokuioHS were pflered and
adopted, as usual, while the meeting collectively' declared for the Nulli"
fier, with this verse as t heir'motto :

" Thy" spirit rndependcnee! let me share,
liord of the lion heart, and eagle eye :
Thy form Fll follow with my bosom bare,
Nor fcai- the storm that howls along the sky I "'

CnAPTER XX.

Si/nopsls, shoicing the year hi U'liich each Stale of the U/tion vas
settled, and hi/ irhat pfople-^thc muitiwr ^/ s.'/nare suites — time
of holding clectio)is — quaUjicaiwns nf voters, and number of Rep
reseutatives and Electors of each State.

MAINE— Settled 1G30, by EngU4i; 32,000 square miles, CapiUil
Augusta; G,'cneral election second Mouday iu September. l«egislatuie
jMcet first Wednesday in January ; Voters must reside n\. the State three
months before any election; sends membms to .Congress 7; Electors 9.

NEW HAMPSHIRE-^Settkd 1623, by English ; 95,000 square
miles ; Capital Concorii ; general election second Tuesday in March ;
I.egislature meets on the first Wednesday in June.; Voters require iio
other qualification than to be twenty-one years o.f age j rseatis mcmbera
of Congress 4 ; Electors (3.

MASSACHUSETTS— Settled 1G20 ; by English ; 7,500 squtvre
miles ; Capitol Boston ; general election second Monday in Novcn»ber;
Legislature meets the first Wednesday in llanuary ; Vomers one year's
residence in the State, and have paid a State or Coiiiity tax ; sends
tuembers of Congress lU ; Ulcctors 12.

VI5RM0NT— Settled 1749, by English; 10,200 square miles;
<?:!apitol Montpelier ; general election first Tuesday in September ; l^e-
gislature meets second Thiirsday in October ; Voters to reside iji the
State one 3^ear; sends members of Congress 4 ; Electors 43.

RHODE ISLAND— Settled 103(3, by English; 1,300 square miles;
Caoltol Providence ; general election 'i<^ <:iovernor aiid Senator in
April ; for Representatives in April and August ; Legislature lur-cts first
Wednesday in June and last Wednesday in October; Voters must be
residents in the State three months, and have a freehold of 134 dollars
sends memkefs of Congress 2; Electors 4.

CONNECTICUT— Settled lG33,!hy English; 4,760 square miles;
Capitol New Haven ; general election "first Monday in April ; Legislti-
ture meets first Wednesday iii May ; A'oters to hold a freehohl of $7
per annum, have done military duty, paid a State ^ tax, ami taken (he
prescribed oath; sends menjbers of Congress 4 ; Electors 6.

NEW YORK— Settled 1614, by Dutch; 46,000 square, miles ;
Capitol Albany; gcneial election first jMonday in November, 3 days;
lifigislaturc meets first Tuesday in January ; Voters, citizens 21 years
of age, inhabitants of the State for the la^t months; colored men of
a fre'chold of S250, paid taxes, and been a citizen three years; sends
members of CongrcsL- 34 ; Electors 30.

2j(j svvxorr.is.

NF-W JEKSEY-ScUlcd 172^1, \>y Dnnop;S,3riO?quaic niilos; Capitol
Trenton; <i:''neral election seconci l\]esda)M"n Orlobev, Voters to be
cilizi^na of liic State one 5'ear, and worth 50 pounds proclamation
money ; spends menibcvs of "Congress 5 ; Electors 7.

PENNSYLVANIA— Settled 1G82, by Engli.-b ; 44,000 square niilc-s
Capilol Harrisbnro-; <^-eneral election second Tuesday in Oclo)jer; l-e-
gishuurc meoLS first Tuesday in .January; Voters, wiiitc, omvytar in
Sate, ten da^vs where v-'-ting, and pay tax assessed loii.days Itefore elec-
tion, between 21 and 22, vote without (ax ; sends jn'embers of Cont^ress
21; Electors 2G.

DELAWAIlE-ScMle.! ]C.27, by Swedes and Fins; 2,100 square
n-iiics; CnpiiolDover; ^xMK^iai cicciion second Tuesday in October ;
lJ,0!iis]atuic}neo!n first Tuesday ii^ January; Voters, lire same qiialifi-
cations required as in rcimryivaiiia; sends members of Congress 1 ;
J^lectors 3.

MARYLAND—Setlled 1G24, by English; 14,000 square miles;
Capitol Annapolis ;• general eJccficn first Monday inOclober ; -Legisla-
ture meets first Monday in l)ecen)l)cr; Voters, one year's residence in
(lie county w^rere he shall ol.ier to vote ; sends members of Congi-css
i) ; Electors 8.

VIRGINIA— Seided lOOr, by English ; 01,000 square miles; Cap-
itol Richmond •- general election in April; Legislature meets first Mon-
day in December ; Voters, freehold of $25, or I)een a housekeeper one
year, or been as.^essed, amounts to ahiiost vmiveisal suibage; sends
members of Congress lo; Electors IT.

NORTH CAROLINA— Settled 1650, by English ; 48,000 square
])riles; Capitol Raleigh; general election m August; Legislatme
meets second Monda\ ni November ; Voter, citizen of the State one
year, may vote for a member of the House of Conimons, but must
own 50 acres of land to vote for a Senator; scuds members to Congress
0; Electors 11.

'SOUTH CAROL l?v'V — Set th^.d 1680 by Engl i.-h; :24,0i00 sqiiar.e
mdcs; t^'apitol Cohnnbjji-; geiieral eleclKVi spcond Monday in Oct,o|>e;;,
],egislat.ure meets fourll) Monday in No,von,ibcr ; Voter, resident .oHlie
State two ycais, and si^s: months of the district wljcre voting ; sends
membcis of Congress?; Electors 9

GEORGIA— Settled ?T33, by Englisli ;' 60,000 scpuare miles; Cap-
itol Milledgville ; gcnciaj election first Monday in October; Lcgisturc
nieels first Monday in Novend)er; Vot'erj citizen of the Slate, and six
inonlhs residence of county where voiing, and have paid all taxes ini
posed upon him; sonils n^embersof Congress 8 ; Electors 10.

LOUISIANA— .Settled 1690, by French ; 48,000 squaie ixiiles ;
Capilol New Orleans; general election first Monday in July ; liCgisla-
ture meets first Monday in Jan uarv ; Voter io nvside one year in the
count v,nnd paid taxes wilhin (he last six jvionlhs ; seiuls members of
Oongress 4 ; Elcclor^ .6.

OHIO— Selilc.l 1788, by English , 39,000 -quan^ milrs, Capit;)!

SYNOPSIS. 237

CQ,l[um|^U3; general cleclien second Tuesday in October; Legislature
meels fiWt Monday iu December ; Voter, one year's residence in the
State preceding the election, having paid or been cliarged with Stutc or
.county tax; sends menibqrs of Congress 31; Electors 23.

Tv E NT [Ti^KY— Settled 1775, by Virginians; 421)00 square miles;
<?apitol Frankfort; general eleciion first Monday in August; Legisla-
Uirc meets lirst Monday m November ; Voters, two years residence >n
flic State, and in the county where offering to vote, one year preceding
the •eleccion ; sends niembers of Cong-icss 10; Electors 12.

ILLINOIS— Settled 1749, by French ; 53,000 square miles ; Cap-
tol Yandalia; general election first Monday in August; Legislature meets
iirst Monday in December; V^ter, residence in the State six months,
but can only vole in the county where lie actually resiiles; sends
■members of Congress 7 ; Electors 9.

INDLVlS'A— Settled 1730, by French ; 30,000 squaie )niles ; Cap-
itol Indu\napolis; general election .flrst Monday in August; Ijegislatur£!
aiacets first Monday in December; Voter, one year's residence in tlic
'^tiitc preceding die election, entitles io vote in county of residence ;
sfeHds members of Congress 10; Electors 13.

■AL.iB AM A— Settled 1713, by French ; Capitol Tuscaloosa ; gene-
ral election first Monday in August; Legislature meets fourth Monday
in August; liegislaturc meets fourth Monday in October ; Voter, citi-
zeu.of (he ^United Slates, one year of this, and three months residence
in d;c comuy wltsr<3 he shall oiler to vote ; sends nicmb.ei;3 of Congress
7; Electors 9.

MISSISSIPPI- Seitld i710, by French; Capitol Jackson; general
election in August; Legislature meets first Monday in November;
Voter, citizen of Uie United States, and one year's residence in this
State, and in the county six monihs, and have done military duty, or
paid taxes^ sends members of Congress 4; Electors G.

MISSOURI -Settled 17G3, hy French ; 60,000 square miles; Cap-
jtol .?eiferson City ; general electioTi first Monday in August ; Legisla-
ture meets first Monday in Noveml)er ; Yotei-, citizen of the United
.*^tates, one year's residence in this State next preceding the election,
and three months in the county; sends members oF Congress 5 f-
Electors 7.

TENNESSEE— Settled in 1705, by English ; 40,000 square milesj
Gapitol Nashville ; general election first Tuesday in August ; I/Cgisla-
ture meets first Monday in October ; Voter, citizen of the United States
and six months in the county where his vote is offered; sands members
of Congress 11 ; Eilectois 13.

FLORIDA— For near 200 years under Spain, was ceded to the
United States in 1819, and the East and West formed oije (erriloiy in
1822. St. Augustine is the oldest town in the United States; Talla-
hassee is the Copitol. Pcnsacola U. S. Naval station.

MICHIGAN— Settled in lf)7ri, by French , contains 65,000 square

238 A LI.-^T OF OFFICERS FROM 1TS9 TO 18-11.

miles ; IiacVians, 30,000 Capital Detroit ; soil rich; iron, copper and lead
mines' abound -, Voters, all citizens 21 years of age ; sends ,3 members
to Con!?ress -, Electors 5. _ , , , . . , , ,

AP^KANSAS— Settled by French from Louisiana, and formed a
part of Missouri in 1810; contains 57,000 square nnles; admitted iii
the Uniou 1830 ; Capitol l^iltle Rock ; Voters, all citizens 21 years of
a"-e ; sejads 1 member to Congress ; Electors 3.

° WISCONSIN— Seliled by emigrants from other, principally New
En'daud States; bounded by Lakes Michigan and Superior on the
East bv Hudson 13ay Co. Teiitoiies on the North, Illinois on the
South, "Mississippi and Iowa and the West ; ctw^nains 80.000 square
miles; Capitol Madison. , ^.. . . .

IOWA 'J'ERlirrORY— laes l)ct\vccn Missouri and Mississippi
Rivers, bounded on tlic Nortli by Hudson Bay Co. Territories ; contains
150,000 s(}uare miles ; purchased of Sacas and Foxes 1832; Capitol
Iowa City.

INDIAN .OR WESTERN TERRITORY— Extends from the
"Western boundary of Arkansas and Missouri to Red River on the South
and the Punca and Platte or Nebraska on the North ; roughly estimated
at about 275,0U0 S(iuarc miles- The Western Teriitory, extendinj? to
the Rocky Mountaiijsj contains 340,000 square miles. Columbia or
Orc"-on 'rerritory, claimed by the United States, is about 850 inilm
long, North and South, 400 to TOO miles broad, and estimated to coii-
taiu 3.50,000 s(|uarc miks.

# * TWO SE.^^ATORS arc sent from each State, in addition to
the preceding enumeration of Members of Congress ^^ouiheru O/iromcle

ALIST OF OFFICERS OF THE UNITED STATES .QOV-

13RNMENT FROM 1T89 TO 1811.

PRESIDENTS,

ITSO. George Washington, of Virginia.
1797. John Adams, of Massachusetts.
180 L Thomas Jelfei-son of Virginia.
1809. James Madison, of Aliginia.
1817. James Monroe, of Virginia.
1 825. John Q,. Adams, of MassachuscUs.
1829. Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee,
1837. Martin Van Buren of New York.'

1811. AVilliam Henry Harrison, of Ohio.
18-11. John Tvler, oi' Virginia.

VICE PRESIDENTS.
J 789. John Adams, of Massachusetts.
1797. Thomas Jeilcrson, of Virginia.
il801. Aaron Burr, of New York.
1805. George Clinton, of New York.

1812. Eldridgc Gerry, of Massachusetts.
1817. Daniel D. Tompkins, of New VoiU.
J 825. John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina.
/833. Martin A'an Buren, of New York.
1S37. R. M. Johnson, of Kentucky.
1811. John Tylci; of Virginia.

A LIST OF OFFICERS FROM 1789 TO 1S41. 239

SECRETARIES OF STATE.

ITSO. Tliomas Jcirersoa, of Virginia.

1794. EdmiiiKl R'andolph, of Virginiri.

1T95. Timothy Pickeiing, of Massaclui setts.

1800. John Marshall, of Virginia.
LSOl. James Madison, of Virginia.
1809. Robert Smith, of Maryland,
1811. James Monroe, of Virginia,
1818.- Jolui Gi,. Adams, of Massachus&tts.
1825. Henry Clay, of Kentucky,
182&.- Martin Van Buren, of New York.
1-^1. Edward Livingston, of Louisiana.
]'^33. Louis McLane, of Delaware.
1;83G. John P^rsyth, of Georgia.

1841. Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts.
SECRETARIES OF THE TREASURY.

1T89. Alexander Haniiiton, of New York.

1796. Samuel Dexter, of Massachusetts.

1801. Oliver Wolcott, of Virginia.
W^3ri. Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania.
1814. G. W. Campbell, of Tennessee.
1814. Alexander J. Dallas, of Pennsylvania.
1817. William H. Crawford, of Georgia.
182.7. Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania.
1829. SfMnuel D. Ilrgham, of Pennsylvania^
1^31. Louis McLanc, of Delewarc.

l'S33. Roger B. Taney, of Maryland.

1834. Levi Woodbury, of New Hampsliire,

1'841. Thomas E wing, of Ohio.

1811. Walter Forward, of Pennsylvania.

SECRETARIES OF WAR.

1789. Henry Knox, of Massachusetts.

1795; Timothy Pickering of Massachusetts,

1796. James M'Henry of Maryland,

I'SOO; Samuel Dexter, of Massachusetts.

1801. Roger Griswold, of Connecticut.

1801. Henry Dearborn, of Massachusetts.

1809. William Eustis, of Massachusetts.

Wll. William H". Crawiord, of Georgia.

1813. John Armstrong, of New York.

1817. Isaac Shelby, of Kentucky, (declined.)'

1817. John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina.

1S25. James Barbour, of Vii-ginia.

1;S28. Peter B. Porter, of New York.

1829. John H. Eaton, of TenrtCssec.

1831. Lewis Cass, of Ohio.

IS37. Joel R. Poinsett, of South Carolina.

1841. John Bell, of Tennessee.

r841. John McLean of Ohio, (declined.)

1841. John C. Spencer, of New York.
SECRETARIES OF THE NAVY.

2^10 A LIST OF OFFICEna FROM 1TS9 TO IblL.

1789. CJeorgc Cabbott, of Massachusetts.

1798. Beufaniiii Studdaid, of Maryim'n.l.

1802. Robert Smith, of Mary laud.,

1805. J. Crowinshield, of Massaclmsetts.

1809. Paul Hamilton, of South Caioliua

1812. Wiiliaiu Jones of Peunsylvania.

ISM. B. Cfowinshield, of MassachuscUs.

1818. Smith- Thompson, of New York. ■

1824. S. L: Southoid, of New Jersey.

1829. John Brand i, of North Carolina.

1831. Levi Woodlniry, of New Hampshire.

1831. Mahlou Dickerson, of New Jersey.

] 837. James E. Paulding, of New York.

1841. George E. Badger, of Norlh Carolina.

1841. Abel P. Upshur, of AHrolnia.

POST MASTERS GENERAL.

1789: San-iuel Osgood, of Massachusetts.

1791. ^I'imoLhy Pickering, of Massachusetts,

1795. Joseph Habersliam, of Georgia.
1802. Gideon Grainger, of New York.
1814. Return J. Meigs, jr., of Ohio.
1823. John McLean, of" Ohio.

1829. Williaiii T. Barry, of Kentucky.
1835. Amos Kendall, of Kentucky.

1840. John M. Niles, of Coniieciicut.

1841. Francis GrLiingcr, of New York.
1841. Charles A. Wickhire, of Kentucky

CHIEF JUSTICES.

1789. John Jay, of New York.

1790. William Gushing, of Massachusetts?.

1796. Oliver EUsworih, of Connecticut.

1800. John Jay, of New York.

1801. John Marshall, of Virginia.

1830. Rosrer B. Taney, of Marvland.

ATTORNIES GENERAL.

1789. tklmond Randolph, of Virginia.

1794-. William Bradford, of Pennsylvania.

1795. Charles Lee, of Virghiia.

1801. Levi Lincoln, of Massachugetts.

1805. Robert Smith, of Maryland.

1806. John Brecken ridge, of Kentuck}-.

1807. Ca-sar A. Rodney, of Delaware.
1811. William A. Pinckney, of Maryland
1814. Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania.
1817. William Wirt, of Virginia..

1829. John M. Berrien, of Georgia.

1831 Roger B. Taucy, of Maryland.

1835. lienjamin Butler, of New Yoik.

1837. Henry 1). Gilpin, of Peimsylvania-:

1841. John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky.

1841. Hugh S. Legcue, of' South Carolina

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES

HENMY CLA¥.

CHAPTER I.

Introductory rs^iiaik-' — nJi-. Cliv's prese:it position— Prospects of tho;

Whig F„rty — l>i''o :ii<-;il <!i:^oo,is!itU!-.> oft!)- \Vhi;«— C:i-<-^e~! of tbe.-^e
(lijiooiiiiituivs — DinVriMit pni'vui^R of shc> VVh(:-rs vi\\ hvcci'ncos in lilc—
PresPiU ctMithtion of tiio Whio: P'.Jiy coiiipu: etl t) wIm' it was in
1831) — Wlii_'' opi'iion in Ocorsria, 0;)i« and Penrt-'yivfuii^i— L><'Myptt'^s
o| iiion of i^li-. Ci:iy — Benton's opinion of >Si-, Clay — >5i'. .J^•t^el•son'd
oj-inion of i^lr. Ciay—Jadge i>i4;Lean*s opinion of Mv. (Jlay,

That Henry Clay will be the Whig candidate lor tlie Presidency,
and the only Wiiig candidate, in the approacliiag contest, adnnts of no
sort of doubt. Mr. Clay is now in private liic— he i^ nut innvin^ iu
any way— he makes no eiibrts to forestall the deliberaf.ons oi the \Viiij;
National Convention to he held in Baltimore, in May next, where and
when nominations for the Presidency and Yice Presiden':y are to be
made. From these considerations many liave inferred lluvt Mr. Ciay
will either not be nominated by the Whig party, or that, if nominated,
he vrill not accept. Sucli persons know very little of the real character
of the man. The position he has assumed in relation to this matter, is
one havinu" its oriu'in in inst notions of delicacy. Ih: Clay leels it
incumbent upon him to await ihe drri ion of that Convention, and to
do nothing which will seem like ar e;:urt^o forestall its deliberations.
Kis position, therefore, as well as his movements, are dictated by a wise
and judicious regard for the harmony of the Whig party, and a due
respect for the feelings of oiher aspirants to theofHce, in Ins (uvn ranks.
When the Whigs shall have proclaimed hi;n their chi^ice for a leader
in Convention, as wc know they will, we know ^vherc he will be found,
and what his response will be, or else we have no just appreciation of
his character. No defeat, no disaster, no predictioi^s, or abuse, prior
to the nomination by the great National Convention, can friglrteu
Henry Clay from the track. His giant spirit has never been daunted
by obstacles, whatever may have been their rnagnitudc, at any period

242 hlFB AND PUBLIC SEUVICFS OPrif:?rRV CLAY.

of his life, as nil will bcnr us tcstiniony, who know the man. At eveiy
period in the his:oiy of Henry Clay, the m ore gloomy the prospect,
the more fearless and invincible has he been. The storms and tempests-
of party, onl}^ serve to av/aken the tremendous energies of his mind —
and while the timid and despondWig are shrinking from the contest,
then it is that the sound of his voice, eloquent, clear, encouraging, bold
and mnnly, brings that hope v/hieh 'springs eternal in the human
breast," to the hearts of friends, and victory to the glorious banner of
th(J party who fight under liim.

If there be a single Whig who desponds a; the reverses which have
befallen our party, within tlie la; t two years, Icl liini recur to our prostrate
and ruined condition in 1839, the particuhirs of which he Vv^ell remem-
bers — and from that tnke confidence in all tune to come. Our condition
now cannot, even ' ' ''-t timid or despondent, be regarded as half
so hopeless, ns i? Ink ago of modern politics, and which

" tried men's soul^. ■ Vv'ere everywhere overwhelmed with

defeat. State aftci . , in 1838, had unfurled the IFliig

banner, in 1S39, inglo ■ rSed the standard, and mustered under

the black flag of Locoliv ,:ad some v.ijich liad never faltered in

the Whig ranks, proved recrcuat in that year of Whig trials, tri!)ulations
and disasters. Not, only was Coijgress carried against us then as now j
but the whole Democracy of the iaird v.'crc nniiod on theii candidate,
Mr. Van Burex, who was then in ofiicc, wielding tlie whiolc patronage
of the Government to sustain himself, and to place himself and friends
beyond the reach of attack. Then our prospects were truly gloomy,
and for indulging in misginvigs, the stoutest hearts might have been ex-
cused. But a brighter day davrned' upon the land — 1840 came, and
the long-to-be-remembered defeats of 1039, were followed up by a
series of the most brilliant tritniiphs everachieved in any country, by
any part)'.

But the periodical discomfitures of the Whigs, to whicli we have
alluded, is easily accounted for The Whigs, taken in the aggregr

ate.

are those people, who do not spend their time in mourning over petty
Echem.es of selfishness and aml)ition — they do not nmke politics a trade,
like the mercenary demagogues to whom they statid opposed.. Unlilce
the Locofocos, taken in the aggregate, ilie Whigs have regular pursuits,
on which they rely for the support uf ilicmscivesand families. There-
fore, the State elections do not cause them to abandon their several
vocations. It is only on great and stirring occasions, such as was the
election in IS-iO, and such as will be the one in 1844, that the Whigs
'to^wartj will leave their usual vocations and go to the polls.

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY. 243

The Wliio-s now, as iti 1840, embrace a large majority of tlie American
people. On the othci hand, the Locofocos, taken in the aggregxUe,
«u-e politicians by tiade, and look to the success of paity for a living.
Not a few of them — are loafers and spongers — with nothing to loose
and everything to gain. By politics they make their meat and bread —
by politics they live imd move and have their being — and at their trade
they work! It was on llus account, moreover, that they were justly
denominated the " Spoils Party " — and by Mu. Calhoun, were truly
isaid " to he held logetlier hi/ the cohesive power of jmhUc plunder ! "
The United States Gazette, thus compares the present condition of
"the Wiiig party, with its condition in 1S39 :

FACTS WORTHY OF NOTE.— With reference io the elcctiori
.of 1844, the Whigs occupy the same relation, in regard to time, wb^icii
•tliey did in 1S3S witii reference to the Presidential election in 184Q.
And wirh the exception of the distracted state of the Locofoco party,
in refetence to their Presidential candidate, the circumstances, to almost
everything else, are nearly tbe same.

In 1S38 the State of Pennsylvania elected G/)v. Porter by a majority
of549G.

And yet in 1840 Pennsylvania cast her electoral vote against tlie
Locofoco candidate for the Presidency.

In 183S Deleware elected Mr. Robinson (Locofoco) her delegate hj
.Congress by a majority of 50.

And yet in 1840 Deleware elected anti-Locofoco electors by a naajor-
ity of more than a tiiousand.

Georgia in 1S38 elected McDonald (Locofoco) fqr Governor by a
^najority of3T5.

But in 1840 Georgia gave a good round majority for the anti-Locc-
foco candidate for Pre.'?ident.

Ohio in the year 1838 gave Shannon (Locofoco) far Governor a
majority of 5729.

Yet in 1840 Ohio gave the auti-Locofoco electoral ticket, a ne9.t
little majority of 23,000.

Maryland in 1838 gave to Grayson, the Locofoco candidate for Gov-
ernor, a majority of 259.

Yet in 1840 tliis same Maryland gave a majority for the anti-Loco-
foco electoral ti»;ket of 4,77(3.

In 1838 the State of Ma.ssachusetts elected Marcus Morton, the
Locofoco candidate for r;.;v!'ruor, by a majority of one.

Yet in 1840 good old Massachusetts gave to the anti-Locofoco electo-
-toral ticket a majority of 20,930.

In 1838 New Jersey returned to Congress a Locofoco delegation,
.claiming a majority of GO. Tliis claim was not allowed, but the Whig
REAL majority was less than that

And in 1840 New Jersey gave the Whig electoral ticket a majority
of 2,317.

Maine in the year 1838 gave to FaiificI, the Locofoco candidate for
Governor, a majority of 3j328.

Jim h

1 i ''

10 ^'1:

of 411.

Ibr i'l-y.

ran

in iS

2M LiFK .\ND pr::;i,ic services op iienuy clav.

•■;ivc a iiKi^oiity f.n- the ^Vjlig electoral ticket

crU'd S; ovens T. Mason, the Locofoco candidal e
f-i r.'i iiic I.ocofoco iSfate lickcl

Yci _ ! ;,, iM i^- iii rave for the W'i;!'/ etectoral ticket a majority
of I.;:- i',

Th:- ■ ^-i;- ;> : I "^ ^ in 1S3S. But in 1837 the

liocos . ;; I : i;id in 1839 they earned Polk

(LiOroioco) i'V a n-saioiify of ■>. }.:•'

Yet in 1840 the Wlii:4-.s clccleJ their cu:ctcral ticket by a majority
of] 2.102.

We take no notice of those States which went for the TFhigs in
1838, aril! ai.M) at i!}e Pre?identiol election in 18-10, such as N. Carolina,
Indiaia' ;,] >oiii ^iaiia, Rhode Ishujd, Coijnecticut, and New

York, 'a -1 V oiv; of '.'i-v-a I'lTia.tcs gave a majority for the Whig

el'ctoral iici:>'; in LSIO \: rior to that wiiicli they gave for the

.Slate (jiuia';:; i,i 1838 ; aa , .lease of majority goes to strengthen

tlie couiideiice of the Vv L:-.,^ that in IS44 liie same result will be
found ! "

WHIG OPINION IN GEORGIA.— The VHrig State Convention
of Georgia, through a committee, of vrhicli Senator Berrien was
chairman, recently issued an able and interesting address to the people
of that State. The follou-ing is the concluding paragraph :

" The Convention Iiavc also reconsidered, and with entiie unanimity
rcainrmed, the nonn'uatian of I-Ie?.j;v Clay for the office of Chief
Magisirale of tlie Union. Of this patriotic citizen, so long and so
eminently disiinguislied in the councils of the nation, whose name is
fauiiiiar as a Isousehold word thiouglrout the length and breadth of our
land, and wlio has elevated onr national character both at home and
abroad, wiiat shall we say to you? Shall we pronounce his eulogy?
It is written in the hearts of and admiring and gralel'ul people. Shall
we detail liis services? For more than thirty years past the record of
them is to be found in the pages of our nation's history. VV hat then-
shall we be -ii-jit ? No, feilov/ citizens ! We bear to you the aspira
tions, ii: ■ a i i;: I'lesires of a sufferin?: ]a upla, as they are wafted to us
by e\e:', ia^ ■/.'■ from the ?\0!th aiKl iaan the South, from the East and
from the Wc-i ; ot' iVi-aaaa! ixy>vinii,' in humble submission to that in-
ecru; ible Provid.-nce wliicli iias hereiiirore wrested from them the fruits
of victory, !;ut firm in their reliance on the same abiding mercy which
has been so often vouciisafed to them, strong in the assurance of a hope
v/hich has never faltered, and turning with united and unwavering
confidence to the Farmer of Ashland as the'stay and liope of our coun-
try, et Deo juvaute, (he restorer and protector of lier prosperity and
happiness. Prepared for the struggle v>diich awaits them, '' they bide
their time/' and they say to the freemen of Georgia, " Be ye also
ready!"

WHIG OPINION IN OHIO.— The following highly satisfactory
information of the current opinion among the Whigs of the great Slate
'-f Ohio, is copied from the Ohio State- Journal of recent date:

LIFEJiXD PUBLIC SERVICES OP DEXUY CLAY. 245

" It must hare been observed that every declaration of niass and del-
egate Conventions tkroughoiit this State have been in favor of the great.
American statesman of Asli land. We do not remember having seen
^m expressior, 'm a township, coimty, or district meeting, or meeting
•of delegates, (and nearly every one has spoken,) but wiiat has been a
clear and explicit commendation of Henry Clay, and an expression of
confidence in the election of this favorite of ail wlio aie advocating a
complete restoration and establishment of the policy of vVashingten and
the fathers'of the great Republic— tlie American policy and Republican
principles. Theie is but one feeling among us in Ohio ; and for this
reason avc have neglected to copy all the expressions of public feeling-,
but have been content with recording those of Congressional Conven-
tions. Our friends in other States mm/ rest assured that HENRY
CliAY icill carry this State against Van Bitrcn, or any other single
Locofoco, hy a 'mcijorif.)j as oveni-hehning as did General Harriann
in 1840."

WHIG OPIMON IN PENNSYLYANIA.— A AVIiij Convention
was recently held in Bedford county in Ptii';\-1'. a:i;:i, ihc I'ocling of
which is thus described by the Bedford Enqr.ir/.- ;

" The best feeling was manifested at the Coitvcn'.ion on ?Jonday. —
The enthusiastic outbreak at the mention of i\Ir. (yh;\'o name, shovrs
how deep and abiding is the deterndnation of the people (o carry out
the purely American principles in the advocacy of winch he is distin-
guished, and give efliciency to the glorious vic(ory of iS40 by a still
more brilliant achievment iri '44. Vv^e are prond of a demonstration so
noble, founded as it is in the finest feelings of the human breast— grat-
itude for the services of a long tried servant, and sympalhy for the
suffering of the toiling millions. It is an earnest of wliat Pennsylvania
v.dll do when tlie time for action arrives."

C4ENERAL LAFAYETTE\S OPINION OF MR, CLAY.—
Lafayette, the bosom companion of Washington, his connade in arms,
in the glorious revolution, feeling the deepest interest in the welfare of
the United States, and well arqi^ainled wi'h our inslitutions and great
men, alwaj^s desired to see li>jniy Cla\' elevated to t'le Presi'Jency. —
An officer of the United Siaics i'^iavy, being in the city of Paris, in the
fall of 1832, u'as invited by General Lafayetteto visit him at Lagrange,
his country seat. During the three days and nights the Naval officer-
spent at Lagrange, much conversation was had on the affairs and prom-
inent men of the United States. As the General's guest was about to.
leave, he introduced him into his study, where, pressing him in vain to
remain longer, Lafayette said :

" Before you leave me, I want to show you our friend ;" and leading
into another room, he exhibited a portrait of Mr. Clay. "Sir," said the
^jJeneral '■^that is the man whom I -hope to see President of the United
States:^

BENTON'S OPINION OF MR. CLAY.— With us, Col. Benton

246 j,iFi; a:xD public services or ii^xry clay.

is not very good authority in a^iy ibing, but with the Locofoco party he
is. Ill the Mis^oiai Inleliigencer of October 23cl, 1822, (here appeared
a letter oves the signature of the Missouri Senator, ia which he ezpresscd
the following'- opinion of Mr. Clay.

'' Til- :;.;'■;! ..!i,:i:!i w.iukj govern Mr. Clay's administration, if
e]ectea,a,j •■,.![ i^,;jvva to the nation. They have been displayed on
the floor of Congfcss for the last seventeen years. They constitute a
system of .4/;/,e;-'C.'.';/ Policy. i:!ased upon the og-ricuhure and manufac-
tures of his (i:i-:; ^- .,/,'.•-; . ; .; interior as v/cllas foreign coininerce —
upon inlcra:;! os ,..u ; . : ' ;;>! i;r!]5iove:ncii{s — upon independence
of (he new woiid, close c:;: ' iniiuires v.'ilh xMexicp and S,outli

Ameiica. It is said that ^: !; p!•I■.^•.le the same system ; we

answer that the /o;;/?f/e;- o:' i is the nutuyal executor .rf Ids

owniDork. That tlie mo^■ ■otec(or of Ani;;!i':;ra iron, lead,

])emp, Vi'ooi and cotton, v.'ou Id ;jc liie U'iumphant champion of the new
Tariff; the safest friend to interior commerce woidd be the statesman
who has proclaimed the Mississippi to be the sea of (he VV.e9t — the most
zealous promoter of internal improvements, must be the President, who
has trjuiiii)h!\l ove; (he President that opposed the construction of
Nal!: ' ;;ials— (he n;03t successful applicant for treaties

with ;i:h America would be the elo'-iuent advocate for

iheir own in J^;p'::.v.ouce.

THOMAS HART BENTON.'^

JEFFER;-* XION of clay.— There are no men, in

■all this vast extj /_ l. ^untr}", \\]\o prcieiid \o have a greater regard
for the opinions of Thomas Jefferson, (han the modern Democrats.
His Lame, his thoughts, his policy, his pnblic views of men and things,
are swung around their necks, in a huge budget, and at each successive
canvass, are thrown into (Ijc teeth of their opponents, witii fearful effect

We should legret extremely if the hope expressed by the sage of
Monticello, in the su" (joined letter, should h.ave a tendency to lessen
him in the estimation of tliose who seem to worsliip him now, as if
they belei\-e they v.'cre to go to him after death ! It is certain that the
opinions exprr^tcd in the subjoined letter were never recanted. He
died in the following faith :

MoA^TiCELLo, May 25, 1S23.

'Dear Sir-^I have received your letter of the lOtli of this month ;
.and at the same time was delivered me by Capt. Barlow, a piece of
'domestic fabric called negro cloth, containing twenty-six yards for my
ftwieeptance and inspections. I thank you foi the kind and very flatter-
ing expressions contained in your letter; and for the handsome present
^of the cloth. I should be happy to return you something more solid
than empty thanks.

1 have examined the cloth, and although I am of opinion (hat it is
well calculated for the dress of negro slaves, who reside in SouJJi Caro-
lina and the more genial climates of the South, I am fearful that it
would not be found adequate to the wants of the Virginia slave. For

LIFE AXD PVELIC SERVICES OF KE^'RY CLW 247

the Slimmer, it wonlcl be too Avaim — for tlie v/inler, too cokl ; still, if
3'ou can improve the fabric by puttinp^ a litiic jiiore wool in the filling,
and mixing a Utile with the vraip, I do not ksiow bat it might be found
adequate to all our purposes.

You ask my opinion of the American sysfcm ? Hei.iiivo to that
somewliat absorbing question, 1 should hope tiiat the whole of mv past
life and policy had given a satisfactory reply. I iiavc ahvavs been of
opinion that the people of this nation should manufictureall the fabiics
that their exigent ies dem;uul, if they can do so, and that they can do
so without appl}in2- to the wo;[fshops of England, France and Germany,
who will doubt. Cotton and wollcns we make in rare abundance,
and of a quality quite good enough to answer all our waiits and de
mands; why then should we travel to Europe fcr our siqiplies? For
our silks and line linens, we must for some tin^e !o c^me, g-& to the
Wo: kshops of Europe ; but I apprehend that the (' - ■• --t far distant
when even they will be manufactured by nativ.

You ask my opinion of the merits of Mr. Henry - - : i ; . T)olicy

for the protection of domestic industry and manufacr -'se a.xe

questions which I feel some delicacy about answerii;_, „. ., because
Mr Clay is now n candidate for the Presidency, and secondly, I never
yet fully understood to what ends his policy extends: and although
i will advance my opinions relative to the questions you put to me^I
must beg that you will not at this juncture give my views to the public
through the prcs?. As for 'dr. Clay, I consider him to be one of the
most talented and brilliant men and Statesmeti that the coimtry has
overproduced, and should I live nmny years longer, I hope to see him
h'old the place of chief executive of the American republic. His careei,
tJius far in life, has been a career of gloiy, and he has achieved that for
his country whilst engaged in her cause Avhich would ornament the
brightest place in (he escutcheon of the most favored statesman of any
nge or nation. I say thus much in reply to our interrogatories, but, 95
1 said before, I do not wish to have my remarks given to the press, for
the simple veason that this country is involved in apolitical excitement,
in which I am not disposed to take part, I have long since resolved not,
to take part in the politics of the times. My wrist, vdiich is quite lame,
admonislies me to discontinue this hasty note. With assurances of the
most pelfect respect,

I am yonr obliged fellow-citizen.

THOMAS JEFFERSON,

JUDGE McLEAN'S OPIXION OF MR. CLAY —Some of the
Locofoco presses have been publishing that Judge McLean, of Ohio,
would be substituted for Mr. Clay, by the approaching Convention.
In reply to ail this, a corespondent of the Charlottesville [Ya.] Advo-
cate, publislied a letter from the Judge, which setdes that matter conchi-
sivdy. Jndge McLean is a Clay man, a good Whig, and a pure
patriot. His opinion of the last fourteen years of misrule, is clearly
set forth in this letter; but the gist of it i^ conlaiucil in the concludino-
paragi-aph.— Judge Mc Lean says :—

24S LIFE AM) }M HLTC SERVICES OF IlErvRY CLAY.

"• Thi> office Oi" Pro-'i. ■!■";!!, i;i i!]y opinion, has been lowered, um!
silsi) '['-■ ■■'' ■-■^■r ol'iU- (-ii- .' -^^ homo and abi\)ad, by the means
!•;•.; ' ■■' i):i\r,\ ■ Presidency of this great natioa

i^, ii, ;., ■■ , ,r;n';! a!, io. - ,^ /-c. It sinks below the aiubitiou
of an ha;v!)a;^ie n)inil, wheii it is atiainable only by a sacriiice of the
Jofiics!, palii'-lisra. Not fo name oLhers, we liave in f'te elevation of
Jciin^ivo!^, ;',L,i!;son, and 3Ionrce, examples of a liigli and honorable
anibiii;;:! wliich is worih.y (-.f imitation. These eminent men, when
named foi- liic oiTice of Presiden?, reposing on what they had done and
what tlicir kisown capciiics enabled ihem lo do, in the highest public
trusts, neitl-ier took, nor seemed to take, any agency in their own ad-
vanceracnt.

Fs>L- n-tany years I have been deeply impressed with tlie injustice,
tlie co:;u;)iing and rninons ellects oJ' poliliral partizanship. Its i ;trc-
diiction iiilo die Federal Government has vv^eil nigh mined our beloved
connUy. iicfore this bane Iiad pervciled our moral sense, our love of
counlry, and, so far as politics aa"e concerned, almost every noble feeling'
of the ijcart, we were happy as a |>eopio in the enjoyment of great and
lUTiintennptcci prosp.erity. Avid whatever may 1)0 said to the contrary,
this terrible evil lies at the foundatioii of ali oirr em!)arrassinents. It
has been mainly instrunu'ntal in the conmiercial relations avc have
witnessed, and it has prosU-ated our political morality. Our pecuniary
losses, v/illiin a few ye;irs past, are almost beyond the power of compu-
taliou: l)nt these are scarcely worthy of consideration, in comparison
with the loss, it nsa.y Ijo the irreparable loss, of moral force in oia-
institutions. TUiii i-v/,- :'■ blind to the admonitions of history,

wlio suppos,- ^ li),!; a ; :ent can be long sustained, whicli

addresses issclf, widi a.l; :;.- !,; .Mv-nce to the baser passions of our nature.
tSuch a course leads to a widely diil'used corruption, and consequent ruin.
In my judgeiiient noiliing can rescue oiu" government from tliis, the
common fate of republics J)ut a change in its political action. This
action must be elevated. It must reacii and rorrse the moral tone of
tlie nation. Instead of adnnndslering to the prostituted appetites of
demag'ogues, it must rest o-n the vi'tuous afsd enlightened public opin-
ion. It must i::'f';''r s--. iiiMn by its acts — Uioral strength. Its aims
should be th. - •: :s'isi j- .!. The cliief of the govsrn.ment in raakinjg
appointmen*s to oli]--- si;.;;dd caiiy out the principles of the virtuous
Morroe, who on a s-s' :';i ^is-- so being reccom-ended lo him for an
office, as a pes,''i.';e ;V!."!i, widi good quaiillcalions, remarked, with
earnestness; ".'■.> iiisoi r;iii feel more grateful than 1 do for personal
acts of kindness, luil in nsakiiig this appoiiitment I have a high public
duty to perlbnn, ami I nu^st loolc to the public interest. "

A dcparlTU-j from tlicsc principles drove m.--, reluctlantly, from polit-
ical life; and in all sincerity I ass;;i-,' y.si liiat there is no political
office, not; even tlie Presidency, witich could tempt me again in politics,
on principles opposed to those which I approve, and on which I en
deuvorto act.

Pledges when given by a candidate for public favor should be received
vrith suspicion., as they are generally made to answer a particular pur-

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAT. 249

pose and' are seldom redeemed. No one, perhaps, should be named
for the Presidency, whose opinions, on the leading topics of the day,
are unknown to the public. Until within a few years past, pledg-es
were not required from the candidate for the chief magistracy. And I
may ask what good has resulted from this inovation ? Has it made
our Chief Magistrates more faithful to the constithtion and their gene-
ral duties? Let a comparison of our late history with the past, aiiswer
this question. Who thought of asking a pledge from the venerated
fathers of the republic above named ? A sound head and an honest
heart, I think, are the best pledges. These will rarely fail, whilst ex-
perience shows that pledges are made to be broken.

No one who is named for the Chief Magistiacy, from a rcspecfablc
source, should feel himself at liberty to say that he would decline a
nomination for that office. But I beg you to believe, my dear sir, that
this remark, is not prompted by vanity which leads nae to suppose tliat
my name could be favorably considered by the contemplated Whig
Convention. The friends of Mr. Clay, in consideration of his eminent
qualifications and long public services, are looking with no ordinary
solicitude to his nomination. And I assure you, that I have no wish
by the obtrusion of my name to separate my friends, if I have any, from
their present associations. I do not desire and would not receive the
Presidency, if within ray reach, as the instrument of a party. Indeed,
I should count it no honor to have my name associated ivith the down-
ward course of our Government, and such a course is accelerated, and
only accelerated, by ultra partyism. To bring back the Government to
its old foundations, to restore its lost character, its former purity, energy
au(;l elevation, would be an achievment second only to that of WasSi-
ington's ; an achievment which would make any individuar the favored
son of his country. Of this who would not be proud ? and short of
this object, no honest man can desire the Presidency,
With the greatest respect I am

Your grateful and obd't serv't

JOHN McLBAN.

POSTSCRIPT.— Since writing and arranging the foregoing, we
have met with the fallowing from the Concord Statesman, a leading'
Whig Journal of New Hampshire :

" The name oi Clay is trumpeted forth upon the breez'« ; it is heard
from the hill-tops and from the valleys ; it is heare in the election re
suits, and it is enshrined — aye, deeply enshrined in the bosoms of the
patriotic and country-loving whigs. There his name is sacred. We
believe he is destined to tje his country's second preserver; wc believe
he is destined to strike from her shackled limbs the galling chains and
fetters which the bitterness of Locofoqoism and Tylerism have fastened
upon her; and we believe he is destined to plase the Union upon a
su^:e foundatiion, which shall prove a blessing to it, and an ct£rnal re-
buke to the enemies of its institutions. And \ve trust that the motto
of the Whigs throughout the country will be —

HENRY CLAY

A SOUND CURRENCY,

And Protection to American htdtistrfj]
32

CHAPTER 11.

Birth and P'afenfftg'e— Hi's early dnys— The Mi II- boy of the SlasFtPS-^-
fcjtudres Law — Hears Patrick Henry — Removes to Kentucky— Debut
at a Debating? Society — Becomes a successful Practitioner — He advo-
cates the policy of gradually Eimaficipatin^ the Slaves of K:entucliy—
Opjroses the AJien and Sedition Law?!-' Is elected to the General As-
eembly — Instances of his eloquence — Affair with Col. Daviess— Appears
at the Bar for Aaron Burr — Subsequent interview with Burr in I\,York

[1 n the following brief and fmperfeet outline of the life of Mr. Clay
tf-c have attempted no laboured panegyrie, for he needs none. We
take this occasion, however, once for all, to give the proper credits.
That portion of the following pages, which relates to the "Life and
Public Service of Mr, Clay, " we have mostly abridged from J. Win-
chester's life of Clay as published in the New World, and from J. B,
Swain's " Life and Speeches of Henry Clay, " published by Greely &'
McElrath, of New York, And that portion of this work which relates
to the charge of " Bargain Intrigue and Corruption, " is mostly taken
from a large pOmphlet published by Mr. Clay himself, in 1837, at the
office of the Lexir>gton Intelligencer.]

Henry Clay is a native of Hanover county, Yirginia. He was
born on the 12th of April, 1TT7, in a district of country familiarly
known in the neighborhood as the Slashes. His father a Baptist cler-
gyman, died during the revolutionary war, leaving a small and much
embarrassed estate and seven children, of whom Henry was the fifth,
to the care of an affectionate mother. The surviving parent did not
possess the means to give her sons a classical education; and the subject
of our memoir received no other instruction than such as could be ob-
tained m the log cabin shool-houses, still common in the lower parts of
Virginia, at which spelling, reading, writing and ariliimetic are taught.

In 1792, his mother, who had become united, in a second marriage,
with Mr. Henry Watkins, removed to Woodford county, Kentucky,
taking all her children, with the exception of Henry and his oldest
brother. It was always a subject of regret with Mr. Clay, that he was
deprived at so early an age of his mothers counsel, conversation and
enre. She was a woman of great strength of mind, and of the utmost
tenderness toward her children.

At the age of fourteen he was placed in a small retail store, kept by
Mr. Richard Denny, near the Market House in the city of Richmond.
fit remained here till ih© next year, (1792) when he was transferred w

XirE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP HENRY CLAY. 251

the office of the Clerk of the High vCouit of Chancery, Mr. Peter Tirl
^^ey. There he became acquahited with the venerable Chancellor
Wythe, attracted his friendly attention, and enjoyed the benefit of his
instruction and conversation. The Chancellor being unable to write
we'll, in consequence of the gout or rheumatism in his right thumb,
bethought himself of employing his young friend as an amanuensis.
Tliis was a fortunate circumstance for the fatherless boy. Hi? attention
was thus called to the structure of sentences as he wrote them down
from the dictation of his employer ; and a taste for the study of grammar
was created, which was noticed and .encouraged by the Chancellor,
upon whose recornendation he read Harris's Hermes, Tooke's Diver-
sions of Purley, Bishop Lowth's Grammar and other similar works.

Leaving the office of Mr. Tinsley the latter part of ITW, ':e went lo
reside with the late Robert Brooke Esq., the Attorney Gtt^L'.ai. former-
ly Gov of Virginia. His only regular study of the law v.a> Liuiiti:; (he
year 1797, that he lived with Mr Brooke ; but it was iinpossiblc that
he should not in the daily scenes he witnessed, and in the preseiice of
eminent men whom he so often heard and saw, be in way of gathering
much valuable legal information. During his residence of six or seven
yea^s in Richmond, he became acquainted with all or most of the emi-
nent Virginians of the period, who lived in that city, or were in the
faabit of resorting to it — with Edmund Pendleton, Spencer Roane, Chief
Justice Marshall, Bushrod Washington, Wickham.Call, Copeland, &.c.
On two occasions, he had the good fortune to hear Patrick Henry — once,
before the Circuit Court of the United States for the Virginia District,
on the question of the payment of the British debts ; and again before
the House of Delegates on a claim of the supernumarary officers in the
service of the State during the Eevolutionary War. Mr. Clay remem'
bers that remarkable man, his appearance and his manner, distinctly.
The impression of his eloquent powers remaining on his mind, is, that
their charm consisted mainly in one of the finest voices ever heard, in
ills graceful gesticulntion, arid the variety and force of expression which
he exhibited in his face.

Henry Clay quitted Richmond in November, 1797, his eldest broth-
er having died while he yet resided in that city. Bearing a license
from the judges of the Virginia Court of Appeals to practice law, he
established himself in Lexington Kentucky. He was without patrons,
without the countenance of influential friends, and destitute of the
means of paying his weekly board. " i remember, " says he, in his
speech of June, 1842, at Lexington, "how comfortable I thought I
should be, if I could make c^^lOG Virginia money per )'^ear ; and with
what delight I received the first fifteen shilling fee. My hopes were
more than realized. I immediately rushed into a lucrative practice."

Before assuming the active responsibilities of his profession, he de-
voted himself with assiduity several months to his legal studies. Even
at that period the bar of Lexington was eminent for its ability. Among
its members were George Nicholas, James Hughes, John Breckenridge,
James Brown, Will Murray, and others, whose reputation was sufficient
»• dincoura^e the most stout hearted competiiion. But true geniut^*

^vJ, LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HEXP.Y CLAY.

rarely iinaccompanieJ by a consciousness of its power ; and the
fric'jdicss and un known youth from Virghiia fearlessly entered the field,
V."' ' ' 1 loss intrepid spirit, would have seemed pre-occupied. He
liled considcralioa and respect. He was familliar with the
I -.-..^v,,..:.U£s of pra.ctice ; and early habits of business and application,
enabled him to effect an easy mastery of (he cases entrusted to his
ciiarg-c. His subtle appreciation of character, knowiedge of human
n-i'a;:e, and facultie-? of persuasion, render him peculiarly succeseful in
his appeals to a jury ; and he obtained great celebrity for his adroit and
careful management of criminal cases.

An anecdote is related of him about the time of his first entrance
v.pon his profession, wh,;' :; sliows that, notwithstanding his fine capaci
i,ies, lie h:id some native dihidenc.e to overcome before drey were faiily
tpsted. He Ikiu joined a debating S'iciely, and at one of the meetings
the vo;--^ •.vas about to be taken upon the quession under discussion,
vAien I'.e remarked in a low but audible whisper, that the subject did
not appear to liim to /wrre been exhuusted.

" Do not ;^',:t, tlie cjuestion yet — Mr. Clay will speak, " exclaimed a
member, wiij r.ad overheard the half hesitating remark.

The chairman instantly took the iiint, and nodded to the young
la-.vyer in token of his readiness to hear what he had to say. With
(■•ViiT nciii.vstation of extreme embu'Tassment, he rose, anr-, in hiS
cois:.; ion, began by saying:" Gentlemen of ti'te Jar 1/ ^^-unconsciously
addressing liis fellow members as the lribu;ial,to which he^had perhaps
of; en made injaginary appeals in his dreams of a successful debut at
tuo bar. Ris audience did not add to his agitation by seeming to notice
ir, and, after floundering and blushing for a moment or two, and stam-
mering out a repetiton of the words " GenUemen of the Jury, " he sud-
denly shook of ail distrust and timidity, and launched into his subject
wiih a promptitude and propriety of elocution, which excited general
Gurprise.

To those familiar witii the perfect self possession of Mr. Clay's man-
ner in aUei'iife on all occasions, the niost tiying and unexpected, this

rr.'-'-—-'"-:':^\ p, -■;,* an amusing contrast; hYi the evidence is not on
' . ■ g fiiiled for an instant in his resources of repartee

. . ' ,■ ..! i.i Jcbate.

";(>r ihls early essay in public speaking, lie was admitted as
iT pvacononer before the Fayette Court of Quarter Sessions, a court of
.'retieral jr.risdiction. Business soon poured in upon him, and during
?hc first term he had a handsome praciice. His manners and address,
!)o!h in personal jntorcourse and before a jury, were unusually captiva-
fing. Frank in avowing his sentimenis, and bold and consistent in
maintaining them, he laid the foundationof a character for sincerity and
honor, which, amid all tiie shocks of pohtical changes and die scuirili-
lies of paruzan warfare, has never been shaken or pointed In tJie
possession of these attributes, beyond the reach of cavil or of question,
li to be found the secret of that inalienable attachment among the vajst
Jjody of his friends, which lias foliov>-ed him throughout his career.

"''^ ' LIFE AND .PUBX.1C SERVICES OF HEXRY CLAT. 253

Notwitiistanding his extraordinaiy suceess in all the criminal suits
entrusted to him, the abilities displayed by Mr. Clay at lliis period in
the civil cases were no less brilliant and triumphant. In suits growing
oiutof the land laws of Virginia and Kentucky, he was especially dis-
tinguished ; rapidly acquiring wealth and popularity by his practice.

For an enumeralioa of the various cases in vrhich Mr. Clay was
about this time engaged, and in which his success v/as as inarked as his
talents were obvious, we must refer the currous reader to the records of
the courts of Kentucky, and hasten to exhibit the subject of our memoir
on that more extended field, where his history began to be interwoven
with the history of his country, and a whole nation hailed him as a
champion worthy of the best days of the republic.

As early as 1T9T, when the people of Kentucky were about electing
a convention to form a new constitution for that state, Mr. Clay may be
said to have commenced his political career. His first efforts were made
in b elialf of human liberfy, and at the risk of losing that breeze of popu^
iar favor, which was bearing on his bark bravely toward the Iiaveu of
worldly prosperity and renown.

The most important feature in the plan for a new constitution, sub-
mitted to the people of Kentucky, uas a provision for the prospective
eradication of slavery from the State b3nneans of gradual emancipation
of those held in bondage. Against this proposal a tretnenduous outcry
was at once raised. It was not to be questioned that the voice of the
majority was vehemently opposed to it. But young Clay did not hes-
itate as to his course. In that spirit of self-sacrifice, which he has
since displayed in so nrany groat pulDlic emergencies, without stopping
to reckon the disadvantage to himself, he boldly arrayed himself on the
side of those fjiendly to emancipation. In the canvass, which preceded
the election of members to the convention, he exerted himself with all
the energy of his nature in behalf of that cause, which he beleived to
be the cause of truth and justice. With his voice and pen he actively
labored to promote the choice of delegates, who were pledged to its sup-
port. He failed in the fulfilment of his philanthropic intentiors; and
incurred temporary unpopularity by his course. Time, however, is
daily making more apparent the wisdom of his counsel.

JSli: Clay has not faltered in lu's views upon this great question.
They are now what they were in 1T9T. In maintaining the policy of
this scheme of gradual emancipation he has ever been fearless and
consistent. liet it not be imagined, however, that he has any sympa-
thy with that incendiary spirit, which would seem to actuate some of
the clamorers for immediate and unconditionol abolition at the present
time. His vievv's were farsighted, statesman like and sagacious. He
looked to the general good, not merely of his contemporaries but of
posterity; and his plan stretched beyond the embarrassmets of the hour
mto the future. A more just, practicable and beneficent scheme than
his, for the accomplishment of a consummation so devoutly to be wish-
ed by humanity at large, could not have been devised.

During the administration of John Adams in 1T9S-0, the famous
alien and sedition laws were passed. The popular opposition with
which these extraordinary measures were received, is still vividly r»-

254 LXFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES Of HENRY CLAY,

iiiembcred in die United States. By the "alien law," the president was
authorised to order jvn alien, whom "he should judge dangerous to
the peace and safety" of the country "to depart ^out of the territory
within such time" as he should judge proper, upon penalty of being'
"imprisoned for a terra not excceeding three years," (fcc.

The "sedition law" was designed to punish the abuse of speech and
of the press. It imposed a heavy pecuniary fine, and imprisonment
for years, upon such as should combine or conspim together to oppose
any measure ef government; upon such as should write, print, utter,
publish, &c., "any false, scandalous and nialicious writing against the
government of the United States or the president," &c.

Mr. Clay stood forth one of the earliest champions of popular riglits
in opposition to these memorable laws. Kentucdy was one of the first
states that launched their thunders against them ; and though many
speakers came forward to give expression to the indignation which wa»:
swelling in the public heart, none succeeded so well in striking the re- ,
sponsive chord as our young lawyer. He was soon regarded as .the
leading spirit of the opposition party ; and it was about this time that tire
title of "the great commoner" was bestowed upon him.

Four years afterwards, when Mr. Clay was absent from tiie county
of Fayette at the Olympian Springs, he was brought forward without
his knowledge or previous consent, as a candidate, and elected to tlie
General Assembly of Kentucky. He soon made his influence felt in
that body. In 1804, Mr. Felix Grundy, tlien an adroit and well known
politician, made an attempt in the Legislature to procure the repeal of
a law incorporating the Lexington Insurance Ofilice. He was opposed
at eveiy step by Mr. Clay ; and the war of words between the youthful
debaters drew to the hall of the House throngs of spectators. Grundy
had niviaaged to secure°beforehand a majority in his favor in the House;
;but (he members of the Senate flocked in to hear Clay speak, and so
cogently did he present the impolicy and unconstitutionality of the
measure under discussion, that they refused to sanction it after it had
been passed by the other branch — and a virtual triumph was thus
.obtained.

It is recorded of Mr. Clay, that in the course of die legislative session
.of 1805, he mcide an effort to procure the removal of the seat of gov-
ernment from Frankfort; and his speech on the occasion is said to
hav.e been an inimitable specimen of argument and humor. Fiankfort
is peculiar in its appearance and situation, being sunk, like a huge pit,
below the surrounding country, and environed by rough and precipitous
ledges, " We have," said Mr. Clay, " the model of an inverted hat.-^
I^rankfort is the body of the hat, and the lands adjacent are the brim.
■To change (he figure, it is nature's great pcnitentianj \ and if (he
xnembers of this House would know the bodily condition of the prison-
ers, let him look at those poor creatures in the gallery."

As he said (his, he pointed with his finger to half a dozen figures that
chanced, at that moment, to be moving about in the gallery, more like
Animated skeletons than respectable compounds of flesh and blood.—'
The ol)ject6 thus designated, seeing (he attention of the whole assembly

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP HENRY CLAY 255

iuddenly direcVed towards them, dodged, with ludicrous haste, behind
the railing, and the assembly was thrown into a convulsion of merri-
ment. This arQ-umeutum ad hojninem proved irresistible. The
members of the JEIouse agreed that it was expedient to remove the seat
of government, but it was subsequently found impossible to agree upon
a new location, and the Legislature continues to hold its sessions at
Frankfort.

It was an early reoolution of Mr. Clay, that no litigant, rich or poor,
should have occasion to say that, for the want of counsel he could not
obtain justice at every bar where Mr. C. could appear for 4aim. Col.
Joseph Hamilton Daviess, at that time United States District Attorney,
and a man of influence and distinction, had committed an assault and
battery at Frankfort on Mr. Bush, a respectable citizen, and a tavern-
keeper at that place. The bar at Frankfort declined instituting an
action for the latter against Col. D. He appealed to Henry Clay, who
promptly undertook the case, and brought the suit in Lexington. In
the argument of a preliminary question, Mr. Clay fehit his duty to
animadvert, with some severity, upon the conduct of Col D., who,
after the adjournment of the court, addressed a note to him, remonstra-
ting against his course, and expressinof a wish that it should not be
persevered in. Mr. Clay immediately replied, that he had undertaken
the cause of Mr. Bush from a sense of duty ; that he should submit to
no dictationas to the management of it, which should be according to
his own judgment exclusively; but that he should hold himself re-
sponsible for whatever he did or said, in or out of court. A challenge
ensued. Mr. Clay accepted it, and proceeded to Frankfort for the hostile
meeting to which he had been invited. There, by the interposition of
mutual friends, the affair was accommodated in a manner honorable to
both parties.

In the autumn of 1806, the celebrated Aaron Burr was arrested in
Kentucky, on a charge of being engaged in an illegal warlike enterprise.
The sagacity of this extraordinary man was indicated in his application
fo Mr. "clay to defend him. Mr. Clay believed, and it was generally
believed in Kentucky, that the prosecution was groundless, and was
instituted by Col. Daviess, whom we have already mentioned, who wag
a great admirer of Col. Hamiliton, and who disliked Burr because he
had killed Hamilton in a duel, and was, moreover, opposite in politics.
Mr. Clay felt a lively sympathy for Col. Burr, on account of his being
arrested in a Stale distant from his own, on account ot his misfortunes,
and the distinguished stations he had filled. Still he declined appearing
for him, until Burr gave him written assurances that he was engaged in
no enterprise forbidden by law, and none that was not known and
approved by the Cabinet at Washington. On receiving these assurances
Mr. Clay appeared for him ; and thinking that Burr ought not to be
dealt with as an ordinary culprit, he declined receiving from him any"
I fee, although a liberal one was tendered,

! Burr was acquitted. Mr. Clay shortly after proceeded to Washington
j and received from Mr. Jefferson an account of the letter in cipher,
I which had been written by Burr to General Wilkinson, and other in-

256 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY.

formation of the criminal designs of Burr. Mr. Clay handed the
assurances above mentioned to Mr. Jefferson at the request of the
latter.

On his return from Ghent, Mr. Clay made a brief sojorn in the city
of New York, and, among other places of mterest, visited the Federal
Court then in session, escorted by his friend, the late Mr. Smith, then
Marshall, formerly Senator from New York. On enteiing the court-
room, in the City Hall, the eyes of the bench, bar, officers and attendants
upon the court, were turned upon Mr. C. who was invited to take a
seat on the bench, which he politely declined, and took a position in,
the bar. Shortly after a small gentleman, alpparently advanced iii
years, and with bushy gray hair, whom Mr Clay for an instant did. not
recognize, approached him. He quickly perceived it was Col. Burr,
who tendered his hand to salute Mr. Clay. The latter declined re-
ceiving It. The Colonel, nevertheless, was not repulsed, but engaged
in conversation v/ith Mr. Clay, remarking, that he had understood that,,
besides the treaty of peace, the American Commissioners had negociatecl
a good commercial conveniion with Great Britain. Mr. Clay replied
coldly, that such a convention was concluded, and that i.s terms would
be known as soon as it was promulgated by public authority. Col. B.
expressed a wish to have an hour's intei view with liim, and Mr. C. toid
huu where he he stopped — but the Colonel never called.

CHAPTER III.

El-^fed to th -^.' itp 'f'f'i llnt.-'l stites—il's first s >ppoh in favor of
In'- >a! f > H >v w,!p.it — U .ii sen -u^-.^ke<■ of the Kfntiiokv House of
A— etnhi — f) ei w*V\ {i>nn ■•irev >l i< snail — Ms sentiments in reffard
to (luelli iT T>k s his seat rt ■«e< ond time in Viie United Stales Senate
-S ..-alls 1 i» h'-iif of (!omp-tir m inul ciines -Lays the foundation of
■ he A'lPMic m svsiein -T -f Un t-d -itatHs B uik -He heponies a member
of the United Stjites Hou-e of Representiitives — Is chosen S|»eaker on
th.> firs't ballot— Critirai -tate of pjiblic affdi-s— Is in favor of a war
with iTieat Britain — iS'jteech on the biiJ tor iaising- troops — On a IVaval
e^tahlistiment — Carries his measures — Our U'jval successes.

On the twentiy ninth of December, 1806, Mr. Clay, then in his
twentiy-ninth year pi od need his credentials, and took his seat in the
Senate, of the United States. He had been elected by the legislature
of the State of Kentucky, to fill a vacancy occasioned by the resigna-
tion of the Hon. John Adair; and, from the journals of Congress, he
seems to have entered at once, actively upon the discharge of the duties'
of his new and exalted position. His first speech was in favor of the
erection of a bridge over the Potomac river; and at this period we per-
ceive the dawninig of those viev/s of "internal improvement," which
he afterwards carried out so ably, and his advocacy of which would bfe
alcnie sufficient to entide him to the lasting gratitude of the country. He
amused the Senate on this occasion, by quoting a passage from Peter
Pindar, as applicable to a Senator, by whom he had been assailed, and
who was remarkable for the expression of superior sagacity, which his
countenance was wont to assume when he rebuked the younger mem-
bers of the body. Fhe picture was apt and graphic :

" Thus have I seen a magpie in the street,
A chattering bird we often meet ;
A bird for curiosity well known,

With head awry, and cunning eye,
Peep knowingly into a marrow-bone. "

Tliis speech was soon followed by his presentation of a resolution,
axlvocating the expediency of appropiating a quantity of land towards
the opening of the canal proposed to be cut at the rapids of the Ohio,
on the Kentucky shore.

The subject of appropriations for internal improvements was at that
time a novelty So far as it related to the establishment of post roads,
it had, it is true, been discussed in February, 1795 ; but no formial
opinion of Congress was expressed, so as to be a precedent for futuie
action.

A committee, consisting of Messrs. Clay, Giles and Baldwin, was
now appointed to consider the new resolution, and on the twenty-fourth
of February, 1807, Mr. Clay made an able report to the Senate, in which

25§ LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY-

we find the following' passage : " How far it is the policy of the Gov-
ernment to aid in works of this kind, when it has no distinct interest ;
whether, indeed, in such a case, it has the constiiutional power of pat-
ronage and encouragement, it is not necessary to be decided in the
present instance. " A few days afterward, he reported a bill providing
for the appointment of Commissioners to ascertain the practicability of
removing the obstruction in the navigation of the Ohio at the Rapids.
Tliis bill passed the Senate by a vote of eighteen to eight.

Mr. Clay's election to the Senate of the United States had been bat
for the fraction of a term, amounting to a single session. In the sum
mer of 1806, he was again chosen by the citizens of Fayette to repra
sent them in the Kentucky legislature ; and at the nexf. session he wa3
elected Speaker of the Assembly. In this position lie did not content
himself with faithfully discharg-ing^ the ordinary duties of a Speaker,
He entered t'ie arena of debate, and took an active part in most of the
important discussions before the House. A motion having been made
to prohibit the reading in the courts of Kentucky of any British decision,
or elementary work on law, he opposed it with a vigor and elociuencOy
that did not fail of effect. More than four-fifths of the members of the
House had evinced a determination to vote for the motion It was ar-
gued th^t the Americans, as an independent people, ought not to suffer
themselves to beg-overned, in the administration of justice, by the legal
decisions of a foreign power. Mt. Clay had to contend against a most
formidable array of popular prejudice. To obviate one of the most
potent argrmients of the friends of the motion, he moved to amend, it
by limiting the exclusion of British decisions from Kentucky, to those
only, which have taken place since the fourth of July, 1776, the date
of American Independence, and suffering all, which preceded that
period, to remain in force. He maintained that before the declaration
of our independence, the British and Americans were the same nation;
and the laws of the one people were those of the other. He then en-
tered upon one of (he most elocpient harangues, that ever fell from his
lips. He exposed the barbarity of a measure, wh.'ch would annihilate,
for all practical uses in the State, ,the great body of the common law —
which would " wantonly make wreck of a system fraught with the
intellectual wealth of centuries, and whelm its last fragment beneath
the wave. "

Those who had the g»od fortune to hear Mr. Clay on this occasion
describe his speech as one of transcendent power, beauty and patho?.
Asf he swayed the passions of his hearers, they might be seen now
curling their lips with scorn, now unconscious of their streaming tears,
and anon with countenances lit with smiles. A gentleman, who was
a partaker in the effect produced by his eloquence, says: " Every mus-
cle of the orators free was in motion ; His whole body seemed agitated
as if every part were instinct with a seperate life ; and his small, white
hand, with its blue veins apparently distended almost to bursting, moved
ffrmcefully, but with all the eneregy of rapid and vehement gesture.
The appearance of the speaker seemed that of a pure intellect wrought
Xap to its mightiest enertries. and bria:hily dowing through the thin and

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HEXRY CLIY. 25S

It is almost needless to add, that Mr. Clay prevailed on this occasion
ill turning- the tide in his favor ; and the original motion was rejected.

A repoit drawn up hy him in 1809 upon a question of disputed elec-
lion is wortliy of notice in this place. The citizens of Harclin county,
who were entiled to two Representatives in the general Assembly, had
l^iven 436 votes for Charles Helm, 300 for Samuel Haycraff, and 271
for John Thomas. The fact being ascertained, tliat Mr. Haycraft held
an office of proiit under the commonwealth, at the time of the election,
a constitutional disqualification attached and excluded him, he was in
eligible, and therefore could not be eutided to his seat. It remained
to inquire into the pretensions of Mr. Thomas. His claim could only
be supported by n total rejection of the votes given to Mr. Haycraft,
as void to allintents whatever. Mr. Clay contended that ihose votes
though void and ineffectual in creating any right in Mr. Haycraft to
a seat in the house, could not afi'ect, in any manner, the situation of his
competitor. Any olher exposition would be subversive of the grcAS
principle of free government, that the majority shall prevail. It
would ope'-ate as a deception on the people; for it could not be doubt-
ed that the votes given to Mr. Haycraft were bestowed under a full
persuasion, that he had a right to receive them. It would, in fact, bo
a declaration, that disqualification produced qualification — that the
incapacity of one man capaciated another to hold a seat in the house.
The committee, therefore, unanimously decided that neither of the
gentlemen were entided to a seat.

Such were the principles of Mr. Clay's report. It waa unanimoudjr
adopted by the house, and its doctrines have ever since governed tlus
Kentucky elections.

While a member of tlie state legislatin^e, Mr. Clay introduced a reso*-
lution recommending that every member, for the purpose of encouraging
the industry of i\\o country, should clothe himself in garments of do-
mestic manufacture. This resolution was at once most emphatically-
denounced by Mr. Humplirey Marsliall, who stigmatized it as the
project of a demagogue, and applied a profusion of harsh and ungener-
ous epithets to the mover Mr. Clay retorted, and the quarrel went on
until It terminated in a hostile encounter. The parties met, and by the
first shot Mr. Marshall was slightly wounded. They stood up a second
time, and x^Ir. Clay received a hardly perceptible flesh wound in the
leg. The seconds now interfered and prevented a continuance of the
co;iibat.

Much as Mr Clay may have regretted this quarrel, a grateful people
should not lose sight of the c^use. It sprang from his enthusiasm in
behalf of a system of protection for American Industry and labor.
Throughout his long and active public career he has been the consistent
advocate of that system — its originator and its most efficient supporter.
To him the American artizan is indebted for every measure of legisla-
tive protection and encouragement, of which the object has been the
elevation of the condition of the mechanic classes of our own country
by shutting out the ruinous competition of the ill-paid and poorly-fed
laborers of European manufacturing nations.

ggS LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY.

Mr. Clay was once again called npon in the course of his political
career, by the barbarous exactions of society, lo consent to a hostile en
counter ; but we are confident that no man aboniinalestlie custom more
sincerely than himself. The following passage in relation to this subr
ject occurs in an address, which, in hisniaturer years, he made to his
constituents : " 1 owe it to the community to &ay, that whatever here-
tofore I may have done, or by inevitable circumstances might lie forced
to do, no man in it holds in deeper abhorrence than I do that pernicious
practice. Condemned as it must be by thejudgement and philosophy,
lo say nothing of the religion,- of every thinking man, it is an atlair of
feeling about which v.'e cannot, although we should, reason. Its true
corrective will be found when all shall unite, in its unqualified proscrip-
lion."

When the bill to suppress duelling in the District of Columbia came
before the Senate of the United Stales in the Spring of 1838, Mr. Clay ,
said, no man would be happier than himself to see the whole barborous
system forever eradicated. It was well known, that in certain quarters
of the country, public opinion was averse from duelling, and no man
could dy in the face of that public opinion, witliout having his reputa-
tion sacrificed ; but t^ere were other portions again which exacted obedi
ence to the fatal custom. 'J'he man with a high sense of honoi, and
nice sensibility, when the question is whether he shall fight or have the
finger of scorn pointed at him, is unable lo resist, and few very few are
found willing to adopt such an alternative- When public opinion was
renovated and chastened by reason, religion and humanity, the practice
of duelling would at once be discountenanced. It was the office of
legislation to do all it could to bring ubout that heahhful state of the
public mind, and although it might not altogether effectso desirable a
result y.et he had no doubt it v.'ould do much tovrards it, and with these
vi«ws, he would give |iis vote for the bill.

In the winter session of Congress in IS09 10, Mr. Clay took his seat
a second lime in the Senate of the United States. He had been elected
by the legislature by a handsome mnjoiity lo supply a vacancy occa
eioned by the resignation of Mr. Buckiier Thiuston, whose term wanted
two years of its completion. From this period the public history of Mr.
Clay may be found diffused t irough the annals of the Union. The
archives of the republic are the sources from which the materials for h 9
biog»ciphy may be henceforth derived. When time shall have removed
the inducements for interested praise or censure, posterity will point loihe
records of his cjvic achievements, glorious though bloodless, no less as
furnishing a well established title to their admiration and gratitude than
as an eternal monument of his fame.

The predilections which Mr. Clay liad early manifested in behalf of
American manufactures and American principles, were unequivocally
avowed in his first speech before the Senate on being eiecled a second
time to that body as far back as April, 1 81 0. A bill was under discus-
Cfion, nppropriating a sum of money for procuring munitions of w.ir,
!Wid for other purposes; and an amendment had been proposed, in
structing the Secretary of the Navy, to provide supplies of cordage,
eail-cloth, hemp, 6ic., and to give a preference to those of American

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF IIEXRY CLAY. 261

o-rowlh and manufacture. Mr. Lloyd of Massachusetts moved to strike
out lUis part oC (lie amendment ; and a discussion arose concerning the
o-eneral policy of promoting domestic manufucLurcs, m which irlr. Clay
boldly declared himself its advocate.

^ m * * * * * * *

The twentictii of April succeeding on motion of Mr. Clay, the bill to
enable the people of the Orleauo Territory, now l^ouisiana, to form a
constitution and governme.t was amended ^y^'P^^'^^''!:^^^^'^'
the laws, records and legislative proceedings of the Sta e shou d be m
the Enlish lan-uage. l)n the ^T.h of the same month he had leave of
Absence for the^rest of the session, after accomplishing an amount of
nubUc business that few men could have despatched with so much
promptitude, ability and advantage to the country.

The third session of the eleventh Congress commenced the third of
December, 1810. Mr. Clay was oiice more in his seat in the benate.

The subject of renewing he charter of the Uuited Slates Bank was
now the meat topic befoiv Congress. Mr Ulay had been instructeu by the
le..isl itu?e of Kentucky to oppose a re-charter; and his own convicuons
iule me accorded with tnins. He addressed the Senate at some
t. .ha opposition to the proposed measure. He lived to lectify h 8
opinioasonfhisimpoitam quest.o,. ; and his reasons for the change
3s be satisfactor/ to every candid mipd. 'Fhey are given in an ad-
Lss to his constituents in Lexington, dated thethird of June, 1816.

In a speech to the same constituents delivered the ninth of June,
1842, iie alludes to the subject in these terms: "I never b"/once
changed my opimonon any great principle of construction O: the Na
tiouar constiluti.n. In early life, o\i deliberate consideration, I auopt-
ed the principles of interpreting the Federal Constitution, which had
been so ably developed and enforced by Mr. Madison in his memorable
report to the Virginia legislature, and to them, as I undeistood them, 1
have constamlv adhered. Upon the qu stion coming up in the Senate
ofihe United States, to rechar.er the first Bank of th- Uniied States
thirty years a-o, I opposed the recharter upon convictions which 1 hoa-
esdy enienained. The experience of the war, which shortly followed,
ihe candlf.on into winch tlie currency of the country was thrown, with-
out a bank, and, I may now add, later and more disastrous experience,
convinced me I was wrong. I publicly stated to my constituents in a
speech at Lexington, (that which I had made in the House o. Repre^
sentatives not having been reported) my reasons for that change, ancj
they are preserved in the archives of the country. I appeal to that
record; and lam willing to be judged now and hereafter by thei?
yalidiiy.

I do pot advert to the fact of this solitary instance of change of opin.
ion as iiuplving any personal merit, but because it is a foci. I wi I,
iiowever say ihat I think it very perilous to the utility of any public
man to iuake frequent changes of opinion, or any change, but upon
-rounds so sufficient and palpable that the public can clearly see and
■pprove them. "
M&nj important i;ubjccts were discussed by the Senate during the

4b'4 LIFE A^iD PUBLIC SEr^VICES OF IIENIIY CLAY.

session of 1810-11 ; and Mr. Clay was in all of them conspicuous.
If is zeal and efficiency in the public service began to attract the eyes of
tiic whole country. He was not the representative of Kentucky alone.
His capacious heart and active mind, uncontracted by sectional jealous-
ies or local iMgotry, comprehended the entire Union in (heir e'mbrace.

At the expiration of his second fractional term of service in the Sen
iii'e of the Ijiiii'-'l .'••^iMi,-^, having returned to Kentucky, he \vaselecte<^
a member oil ilouse of Reprcseniaiives. Congress convened

on the day di; : . iy proclamation, the fourth day of iNovember
1811 ; and, on the ihsi ballot for speaker, 128 members being present,
he was ciiosen by a majoiity of tliirty-oi cover all opposition.

The affairs of th.e nr'.iion v.omj never in a ii. ' position than

at this juiicture The iionor of t!ie rep!;:. ;ake. Along

series of ouira<;-es piiipviratedagainsi our commerce by Eiiglanc! and
by France had rcacliid a height, at which farther toleration would have
been piisiiiuiimous. Under llie Berlin and Milan decrees of JXapolean,
our .<hii)s \, ( re seized and ourfsroperty confiscated by the French in a
manmr t'.' provoke the warmest indignation of a free people. Great
Britain \'ied whh Fiance, and finally far surpassed hei in acts of vio-
lence and rapine towaids us. Each of tlie belligerents sought a pre-
text in the conduct of the other for her own in.ju3tice.

Atlengtli France, in ansuerto ouireiuonsirances repealed her odious
decrees so far as we were concerned, and practically abandoned her
system of seizine and oppression. Great Britain did not follow her
example.

A 3-ear had clap.-e;! since the Fiench decrees were resciiided ; biH
Great Britain p( ij^isiei! in her course; affecting to deny their extinction.
The ships of ilie U. Suites laden Wiih the produce of our soil and labor,
na\igated by our own ciiizeuis and peaceably pursuing a lawful trafle
were seized on our own co li-ts, and, at the very mouth of (*ur own hai-
lx)is, condenmed and cotniscated. But it u'as the ruffianly system of
impressmciu — by which Americaii freemen, pmsuing a law fid life of
hardship and darinu; on the oceati, were liable to be seized in violation
of the rights of out flag, forced into the naval service cf a foieign pow-
er, and made, perhaps, the instruments of similar oppression towards
their own counlryinen — it was thi« despotic and barbarous systeu:, tiiat
|)^•incipally roused tlie warlike spirit of Congress and the nadon. And
|)osterity will adndt, that this cause of itself was an all sufficient justifi-
'cation for hostile measures, ''{'he spirit of that people nmst have been
debased in deed, which could have tamely submitted to such aggrei.*-
siona.

The feelings of Mi. Clay on this subject seem to have been of the .
iiiiensest description. Though co)tiing from a State distant from the
sea-board, the wrongs and indignities practiced against our mariners by
British arrogance and oppression, fired his soul and stiired his whole
nature to resistance, 'i'o him the idea of succumbing a moment to
such degrading outrages was intoleiable. The nation had been injuied
and insulted. England persisted in her injuries and insults. It was
lifeless to temporise lon^or. lie was for war, prompt, open and dele;--

LIFE A^'D PUBLIC SERVICES OF REXRY CLAY. 263

mined \yar. lie eomtmlnicated to olhers the electric feeling- that ani-
mated liis own breast. He wreaked all his energies on this great cause.

In appointing ihe committee on Foreign Relatioifs, (o whom the
important question was to be relerred, he was careful to select a majori-
ty of such members as partook of hi.-' own decided views. Peter B
Porter, of New York, wa^ the chairman ; and on the 29h of November,
he made a report, in which the comi^iittee earnestl}'^ recommended, in
the words of the President, " that the United States be immediately put
into an armor and attitude demanded by the^ crisis, and corresponding
wiih the national spirit and expectations. " They submitted appropriate
resolutions for tl?e carrying out of this great object.

On the first day of December, the House resolved itself into a com-
mittee of the whole, Mr. Breackenridge in the chair, on a biH from the
Senate, providing for the raismg of twenty-five thousand troops. Of
this measure, Mr. Clay v>'as the U'armcst, and at the same time, most
judicious advocate; addressing tlie House eloquently in its favor.

He contended that the real cause of British aggression was not to
distress France, as many maintained, but to destroy a rival. "She
saw," continued he, "in your numberless ships, which whitened every
sesi — in your hundred and twenty gallant tars — the seeds of a naval
force, which in thirtj^ years would rival her on her elements She tlvre
fore coiwmnccd tlie odious sjj^tnii of impressment, of which no lan-
guage can paint my execration' She dared to attempt the subver-
sion of the personal freedom of your marifin's!"

In concluding^ Mr. Clay said, he trusted that he haul fully established
these three positions. That the quantum of force proposed by the bill
was iK)t too great: that its nature was such as the contemplated war
called for ; and the object of the war was justitied by ever}' consideration
cf justice, cf interest, of honor of love of country. Unless that object
*vere at once attained by peaceful means, he hoped that war would be
waged before the close of the session

The bill passed the House on the fourth of January succeeding ; and
on the twenty-second of the same month, the report of the committee,
to whom that part of the President's Message relating to a naval estab-
lishment was referred, being under discussion, Mr. Clay spoke in favor
of an increase of the navy, advocating the building of ten frigates.

In his remarks on this occasion he contended, that a description of
naval force entirely within our means was that, which would be suff-
cient to prevent any single vessel, of whatever motal, from endangering
our wholo coasting trade — blocking up our harbors, and laying under
contribution our cities — a force competent to punish the insolence of the
commander of any single ship, and to preserve in our own jurisdiction
the inviolability of our peace and our laws.

"Is there," he ask«^'. -n reflecting man in the nation, who would not
charge Congress with a Vulpable neglect of its duty, if, for the want of
such a force, a single ship were to bomI)ard one of our cities ? V\ ould
MOt every honorable member of the committee inflict on himself the
bitterest reproaches, if, by failing to make an inconsiderable addition tp

264 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY

our little gallant navy, a single British vessel shofltd place New York
under conlrihuticn !"

On the 29lh of January, 1812, the bil to increase (he Navy passed
the House by a handsome majority. ''o Mr.' Glay's eloquent advocacy
of the measure, the conntry is largely indebted for the glorious naval
successes, which afterward shed a new an(! undying hislre upon our
history. But for the gallant and effective navy, which sprang up un-
der such auspices, the main arm of our defence woukl have been crip
pled. While we contemplate with our achievmenfs upon the «ea — the
memorable deeds of our Lawrences, Decaturs, Hulls, Bainbridges. and'

Perrys, let us got forget the statesman, but for whose 'provident saga- '

city and intrepid spirit, the opportunity of performing thos€ exploits^
would never have been afforded. : .. , •

CHAPTER fV.

Mr. Cfny prefers a .eat in the House fo one in the Senn je-Reasons for
inalirn^bimSpeakei-His intercourse wUU .^Ir. Kamrolph-War de-
!"a?edll*ladiJon re elected Fresident-.^lr. Clay re.i^ns lU« ^P««^er «
ctiaif, being appolnte^l Commissioner to (Jhent-His service duruig llie
War.

The cause of Mr. Clay's transference from tlie Senate to the House
of Representatives was his own prefeience, at the time, of a seat m the
popular branch. His immediate appoimmeiit of speaker was, under
the circumstances, a rare honor, andon'e never, before or since conter-
led oh a new member. Among the qualifications which led to his
selection for that high station was his known firmness, which would
check any a:ttempt to domineer over the House v and many members
had a' special view to a proper' restraint upon Mr. John Randolph of
Virginia, who, through the fccirs of Mr. Varnum, and the partiality
entertained for him by Mr. Macon, -the two preceding spedcers had
exercised a control, v>hich it was believed, was injurious to the delibe-
rations of the body. ,^ „ * -«

On assuming the duties of the Speakership, Mr Clay had foreseen,
from the peculmr character and cotistilution of mind of that remarkable
and distiiguished man, John Randolph, that it would be extremely
difficult tS maintain with him relations o*" civility and oniity. He
therefore resolved to act on the principle of never giving and never
receiving and insult without immediate notice, if he were ip a place
where it could be noticed. Their intercourse or non-intercourse ^A.
most singular. Sometimes weeks, months woidd pass without the r
spealdng\o each other. Then for an equal space of im^no two
gentlemen could tieat each other with more courtesy and ^Ue Uon.-^
Mr. Randolph, on entering the House m the mormn- ^^hde these
better feelings' prevailed, would frequently , approach the chair, bow
respectfully to the Speaker, and inquire into health,

Mr. Randolph was impatient of all restraints and could "otbr^fc
those, which were sometimes applied to himseU by tlie Speakerin U e
discharge of the duties of the chair. On one occasion he appealed to
h£ eoi^tituents, and was answered by Mr. Clay. The case w^On.-
Mr Clay, in ohe of his morning rides, passed through Georgetown,
where M. Randolph, the }ate M. J. Lewis of Virginia, and other m^m-
bers of Congress boaided. Meeting with Mr- Lewis, that S-n ten^^n
innuiredof him, if there were any news? Mr. Clay informed him,
Ihatonthe Monday following President Madison would send a mes^^e
to Congress, recommending a declaration ot war against txreat Britain.
The day after this riieeting, Mr. Randolph came to the House, and
31

286 LIFE AND PUBLIC SL-.RVICES OF IlENllY CLAY

having-- addtessecl the Speaker in a very rambling, clcsuUory speech for
about an hour, he was reniintled frjui the chair, tiiat tlieie was no
quesfion pehdmg before (he House. Mr. Randolph said he would
present one. He was requested to slate if. He stated that he meant
to move a resolution, that "it was r;or expedient to declare war against
Great [3iitain." Tiie Speaker, according to a rule of the House, desired
him to reduce his resolution to writing, and to send it to the chair ;
which' he accordingly did. And thereupon the Speaker informed hivn
that before he could proceed in his speech, the House n)ust decide that
ii would now consider his resolution. Upon putting tliat ciuestion to
the House, it v/as decided liy a large majority, that it would not consid-
er the resolution ; and thus Mr. Ilandoiph was prevented from harangu-
ing the House farther in its support. Of this he complained, und
published an address to his constiLuenls.

Some expiessions in this address seeming to require notice, Mr. Clay
addressed a communication under his own name, bearing date June
17ih, 1843, to the editor of the National Intelligencer, in which he
reviews the Cjuestions at issue bclwcen him and Mr. Randolph, and
vinditates the justice of his recent decisions in the chair.

'• Two principles," he says, 'are settled by these decisions; the first
is, (hat the House has a right to know, tlirough its organ, the specific
motion wliich a member intends making, before he undertakes to argue
it at large; and in the second place, ili^it it reseives to itself the exer-
cise of the power of determining whetlser it will consider it at the
particular time when offered, prior to his thus proceeding to argue it-"

Every succeeding Congress has acquiesced in the principles (bus
established by Mr. Clay. They seem essential to the abridgment of (he
ladtude of debate within bonds, which shall not be so undefined that
tlie public interests will suffer.

A bill from the Committee on Foreign Relations was reported lothe
House on the third of June, 1812, declaring war bctweeii G^-eat Bril-
ain and her dopcndencks and the United States. On the eighteenth
it had passed both Houses of Congress; and the next day the Presi
clents proclamation was issued, declaring (he actual existence of war.
On the sixth of July, Congress adjor.rned to the first Monday in No-
vember.

Mr. Clay, Mr. Cheves, and Mr. CalhOiin, were the leaders, v.ho
sustained and carried throuoh the declaration of war. Mr. Clay, fully
impressed with the conviction, (hat the honor and (he highest interests
of the country deiiianded (lie declaration, was ardent, acrive and enlhu-
wiastic in its support. To him was assigned (he responsible duty of
appointing all the Committees. Mr. Madison's Cabinet was not unan^
ifiious on the subject of v/ar. Mr Madison himself v.'as in favor of it,
hut seemed (ogo into itv/ith much repugnance and great apprehension.
The ciiaracter of his mind was one of extreme caution, bordering on
timidity, although he acted with vigor and firmness when his resolution
Wfts once taken. Mr. Gallatih, the I'iccrctary of the Treasury, was
iidVcrsc to the war.

■ i*- '» o * ,; ■*

LTFS AND PUBLIC SERVICED Oh^ IIE.\^:iY CL.VY. 207

The secoHd session of tlic twcltii Coii2:ress took place al, ths appohi-
4ed time. Events of on iuipoitant character had occuiied since it last
met. The war had been prosecuted ; and fe/c had sustained some
reverses. General Hull, to whom had been assigned the defence of
tlie Michigan frontier, had, after an unsuccessful incursion ijito the
neigliboriag territory of the eueuiy, surrendered ingloriously the town
and^fort of Detroit

An attack made on the post of the enemy near Niagara, by a detach-
ment of regular and other forces under Atajor General Van Rensselaer,
and after displaying much gallantry had been compelled to yield, Vviith
cppsiderable loss, to reinforcements of Savages and British regulars.

But though partially unsuccessful on the land, the Americans had
v/on iniperisliable trophies on the sea. Our public ships and private
cruisers had made the enemy sensible of die ditierence between a recip-
rocity of captures, and the long conlinement of them to their side. The
frigate Constitution, commanded by Captain Hull, after a close and
short -engagement, had completely disabled the British frigate Gueiiere.
A vast amount of property had been saved to the country by the course
pursued by a squadron of our frigates under the conup.and of Jonnno-
dore Rodgers.

* «; # m * s;|: # ® -*

Qn the iOth of Feeruary, the President of the Senate, in the presence
of both Houses of Congress, proceeded to open the certilicates of the
electors of the several States for President and Vice President of the
United States. The vote stood ; For President, James Madison, 128 —
Dewitt Clinton, S9. For Vice President, Elbridge Gerry, 131 —
Jared Ingersol, SG. James Madison and Elbridge Gerry were accor-
dingly etected— the former for a second teim. The war policy of the
administration was triumphantly sustained by the people.

The first session of the thirteenth Congress commenced the twenty-
fourth of May, 1813. Mr. Clay was again chosen Speaker by a largo
majority, and his voice of exhortation and encouragement continued to
be "raised in committee of the v/hole in vindication of the honor of the
country and the conduct of the war. On the 19(h of January, 1814,
in an appropriate address, he resigned his station as Speaker of the
House — having been appointed a commissioner to proceed to Gottingen,
for the purpose of negociating a peace with Great Britian. i he same
day a resolution was passed by the House thanking him for the al)ility
and impartiality with which he had presided. The resolution was
adopted almost unanimously — only nine members voting in oppo-
sition.

Mr. Clay had always asserted that an honorable peace was attainable
only by an efficient war. In Congress he had been the originator and
most ardent supporter of nearly all those mcasiues Av'iich had for their
o^iect the vigorous prosecution of hostilities against Great Britain, Qn
every occasion his trumpet- voice was heard, cheerin:? on the House and
the country to confidence and to victory. No auguries of villany— no
croakiftgs of despondency — no suggestions of tir^midity — no violence
of Federal opposition could for a moment shako J^.is patriotic purposes,

268 LIFE AtiQ PUBLIC SERVICES OP HENRY €LAT.

dimrnish his reliance on the justness of our cause, or iwduce him to
hesitate in that poHcy, which he beHeved the honor and— what was
ifweparable from the honor — the interests, of the country demanded.

Th«^ measure of gratitude due him from his fellow-citizens, for his
exertions in this cause alone, is not to be calculated or paid. But in
that scroll where Fieedom inset ibes the names of her worthiest cham-
pions, destined to an immortal renown in her annals, the name of
HENRY CLAY will be found will be found with those of Washmgton,
Jefferson and Madison.

Having been the most efficient agent in directingthe legislative action,
whicli declared and conducted the war with Great Britain — a war,
which the voice of an impartial posterity no admits to have elevated
attd strengthened us as a nation — Mr.' Clay was appropriately selected
m one of the commissioners to execute a treaty of peace. Messrs. J.
Q;. Adams, James A, Bayard, Albert Gallatin and Jonathan Russell
were nesociated with him in this task. On the part of the British, Lord
Qaiaihm, Henry Goulborne and William Adams were appointed.

(CHAPTER ¥.

Meeting' f>f the Ghent onuuissioner-s— llr. Clay vi.*i:s Brussels— Anec

dote— Conti-oversy between {Vjpsprss. Adan-s und Ki!->:el "VIr. Clay's

;ietter— Goesto Paris— is introthiced to t\,p Duke oC X'\ eiiinfrton hy Mud
«me de iStael — Hearts of New OrleHni*— Visits Edo-ImiiI — VVnterloo and
Napolean —>Ir. Clay's reception in Enrrland—Deelines jroinw to court
— Sir .lames i"Ma(kintosh — Lord G wnbier, &r-._>Ji-. Cla v"-*" re-urn to
New York- Rereption — Re-e|prfed to CoDLre?^'*— V' indicatiDn of the
wrar — Internal Iinprovemt-nts — His country, liis who e country.

The commissioners met first at Gottingen, but their meetings were
afterward transferred to Ghent. The conferences occupied a space of
tine of about five months. — The American Commissioners were in
reaUty negociating with the whole Biitish ministry ; for, whenever thev
addressed a diplomatic note of any importance to the British commis'
sioners, it was by tiiem transmitted to London, from which place the
substance of an answer was returned in the form of instructions. The
consequence was, that the American commissioners, after havin(»- deliv
ered a diplomatic note, had to wait about a week before they received
a reply.

In or^e of these pauses of the negociacilon, Mr. Clay made a little
excursion to Brussels, and Mr. Goulbome was there at the same time.
The British commissioners had been in the habit of sending their
English newspapers to the American commissioners, through which the
I liter often derived the first intelligence of events occurring in America.

The morning after Mr. Clay's arrival in Brussels, upon his coming
down to breakfost, his servant Frederick Cara, whom he had taken
with him from the city of Washington, threw some papers upon the
breakfast table, and burst into tears. " What's the matter Frederick? "
" The British have taken Washington, and Mr. Goulbirne has sent
you those papers, which contain the account. " " Is it possible ? "
ex-claimed Mr. Clay • and Frederick blubbered still louder, arid said it
was too true.
•***^:!; m m m

A controversy having arisen between Messrs. Adams and Russell,
about the year 1823, in respect to some points in the uegociations at
Ghent, an embittered correspoudence took place between these two
gentlemen. In the course of it Mr. Clay thought thai (here were
some unintentional eiTors on the pait of Mr. Adams, which in a note
addressed to the public, Mr. Clay stated he would at some future day
correct. About the year 1828 or 1829, Mr. Russell without the previous
consent of Mr. Clay, published a confidential letter addressed by Mr.
Clay to him, in which Mr. C. expresses his condemnation of Mr. Rus-
ssll's course in the alteration of some of his letters, which had been
charged and proved upon him by Mr. Adams. In that samclettcr, Mr.

270 Liri: .'.XD PUBLIC SF.UVrCES OF HENRY CLAV.

Clay gives his cxplnnalion of some of the iransactions at Ghen.', respect-
ing- which, he thought Mr. Adams was mistaken. Tiie pubhcation of
the conflclenlial letter superseded the necessity of making the corrections
which Mr. C. irad intended. In this letter, Hr. Clay in no instance
impdi^n? the i^iotivcM of Mr. Adam>?, nor does it contain a line from
v/hich an unfiiendly state of feeling on the part of the writer toward
Mr. Adams coukl be inferred.

Mr Clay wn.s resolved, such was his proud spirit^ not to g-o to Eng-
land until he had heard of the ratification of the treaty of Ghent. After
the termination of the negociations he went to Paris, and accepted the
invitation of Mr. Crawford, our minister, to take apartments in the hotel.
Mr. Clay remained in Paris during upward of tv/o months. On the
night of his arrival in that brilliant metropolis, he found at Mr. Craw-
ford's an invitation to a ball given by the American banker, Mr. Hottin-
gijer, on the occasion of the pacification between the United States and
Great Britain. There he met for the tiisttime the celebrated Madame dc^
Stael, was introduced to her, and had with her a good deal of conversa-
tion,

" Ah ! " said she, " Mr. Clay, I have been in England, and have
been battling your cause for you there. " " I know it, Madame ; we
heard of your powerful interposition, and we aie grateful and thankful
for it. " — " They were very much enniged agamst yon, " said she ; "so
much so that they, at one time, thought seriously of sending the Duke
of Wellington to command their armies against you ! " — " I am very
sorry, Madame," replied Mr.. Clay, "that they did not send his Grace. "
" Why 1 " asked she suprised.— " Because, Madame, if he had beaten
lis, we should only have been in tl\e condition of Europe, without dis-
grace. But if we had been so fortunate as to defeat him, we should
have greatly added to the renown of our aj-ms. "

The next time he met Madame de Stael was at a party at her own
house, which was attended by the Marshals of France, the Duke of
Wellington, and other distinguished persons. She introduced Mr. Clay
to the Duke and at the same time related the above anecdote. He
replied with promptness and politenes, that if he had been sent on that
service, and had been so fortunate as to have been successful over a foe
as gallant as the Americans, he would have regarded it as the proudest
feather in h is cap.

During his stay in Paris, Mr. Clay heard of the issue of the battle of
Ne^v Orleans. '• Now " said he to liis informant, " I can go to Eng
land without mortification." But he expressed himself greatly morti-
fied at the inglorious flight aUributed, in the despatches of the
American General, to a portion of the Kentucky militia, which Mr.
Clay pronounced must be a mistake.

Having heard of the ratification of the treaty of -Ghent, Mr. Clay
left Parislfor England, in March, 1815, just before the arrival of Bona-
parte in the French capital. About the same time, Louis the Eighteenth
left Paris and took up his residence in Ghent, near the hotel which the
American commissioners had recently occupied. Mr. C. did not see

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF IIEXUY CLXY. 271

Tvapoletin. He would have romaiiied for that puipose,"JjiU tliat lie did
not suppose ilie Emperor would reach Paris so soon.

On his arrival in England before any of ilie American comniissioncrs,
Tilr. Clay had an interview with l^ord Castlereaijh, Avho coniracted for
liini a hip^h esteem, which wasfrequenlly manifested during his sojourn
in England. Lord Castlereagh oifered to present him to tli'i Prince
Reireiit. Mr C. said he wouhl go through the ceien:iony if it were
deemed necessary or respectful. Lo|d C. said that having been recog-
nised in his public character by the British government, it was not
necessarv, and that he might on)it it or not as he pleased. Mr. Clay's
repugnance to the parade of courts prevented his presentation, and ho
ifevei- saw the Prince. He, however, met with most of the othci mem-
bers of the Royal family.

* ;W =r= * iS e # =# *

r»Ir. Clay was in London ivhen the battle of Waterloo was fought,
ami witnessed the illuminalions, bonfires, and rejoicings to which it
gave rise. For a day or two after intelligence of the event reached
London, there was grea* uncertainty as to what had become of Napoleon.
During this interval, Mr. Clay dined with Lord Castlereagh. The
Britisli ministers and the American commissioners were present. Among
the topics of conversation, v/as that of whither had Napoleon gone.-
»Some supposed he had sailed for America. " If he goes there," said
liOtd Liverpool, ''wUl he not give you, Mr. Clay, much trouble?"^
"None, whatever," promptly replied Mr. Ciay ; "we shall be glad to
receive such a distinguished though unfortunate exile, and wa shall
■soon make a good Democrat of him.'^

Mr. Clay was received in the British circles, and in those of both the
ministry and the opposition, with the most friendly consideration. The
JateSir James Mackintosh was one of his first acquaintances in Lon-
don ; and of the lamented Sir Samuel Romilly and his beautifuland
iiccomplished lady, Mr. Clay has been heard to remark, that they pre-
sented- one of the finest specimens of a happy mou and wife that he
had ever seen. He past a most agreeable week with his Ghent friend.
Lord Gambler, at Iver Grove near Windsor Castle. Of this pious and
excellent nobleman, Mr. Clay has ever retained a lively and friendly
recollection. He visited with him AVhidsor Castle, Frogmore Lodge,
the residence of the descendant of William Penn, and saw the wife of
George the Third and some of the daughters.

In September, 1SL5, Mr. Clay returned from. Europe to New York,
at which port he had embarked in March, 1814. A pidjlic dinner was
jriven to him and Mr. Gahatin in that city soon after his arrival. Mr.
Clay has received the compliment of more public dinners, perhaps, than
any man living.

Befoieh'is return home he had been unanimously re-elected a mem-
ber of Congress from the district he formerly represented. Doubts
arising as to the legality of this election, a nev.' one was ordered, and the
result was' the same. His return was . enthustasdcally hailed by his
numerous personal and political friends, and in Kentucky he v/as re-
ceived with every dcmoasLiutioa of aficction and respect. The board

272 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY.

of trustees of Lex in :^' ton adopted a resolution of joy at his return and
of gratitude for his servicey at Ghent.

At the comnieuccment of the next session of Ccngress, Mr Clay
Avas ag;ain elected Speaker of the House of Representatives, almost
nnanimonslv. Among- other important subjects whicli came up, that
of the new treaty VvT's, of course among the foremost. John Randolph
and the Federalids, after having resisted the war, now took frequent
occasion to sneer at the mode of its termination. On the twenty- ninth
of January, ISIG, Mr. Clay addressed the committee of the House
most eloqently in reply to ihese cavihers.

" I gave a vote," said he, "for the declaration of war. I exerted all
thelitL?e influence and talents I could conn«and to make the war. The
war was made. It is terminated. And I declare with perfect sincerity
if it had been permitted to lift the veil of futurity, and to have foreseen
the precise series of events v/hich has occurred, niy vote would have
been unchanged. We had been insulted, and outraged, and spoliated
upon by almost all Europe— by Great Britian, by Fiance, Spciin,Den-
mark, Naples, and to cap the climax, by the little contemptible power
of Algiers.

" We liad submitted too long and too much. We had become the
scorn of foreign pov/ers, and the derision of our own citizens."

It had been objected by the opposition that no provision had been
made ia the treaty in regard to the impressment of our seamen by- the
British. On this'subjeci Mr. Clay said, and in his argument is as con-
clusive as it is lofty : " One of the great cause of the war and of its
continuance, was "the the practice of impressment exercised by Great
Britian — and if this claim iLadbven admitted by necessary implication
or express stipulation, the rights of our seamen ivoidd have been
abandoned! It is witli utter astonishmert that I hear it has been con-
tMided in this country, tliat, because our right of exemption from the
practice had not liieen expressly secured in the treaty, it was, therefore,
given up ! It is impossible that such an argument can be advanced
on this floor. INo member, who regarded his reputation, would venture
to advance such a docliinc!"

In conclusion, iMr. Clay declared, on this occasion, that his policy,
in regard to the attitude in which the country should now be placed,
was to preserve the present force, naval and military — to provide for the
augmentation of the navy — to fortify the weak and vulnerable points
indicated by experience— to construct military roads and canals — and,
in short, "/o commence the great work of internal improvement.''^

" I would see," he said, 'a chain of turnpike roads and canals from
Passamaquoddy to New Orleans; and other similar roads inter sectiitg
the mountains^ to facilitate intercourse betii-een all parts of the country
and to bind and connect us toi^ether. I would also rerpectfully
PROTECT OUR iMANUFACTOiUES. I would alFord them protection, not
so much for the sake of the manufactures themselves as for the general
interest."

It was in this pahiotic spirit, . and with this far-sighted, liberal, arid

truly American policy, that Mr. Clay resumed his legislative Inbon io
the national councils. He has lived to carry out those truly great and
8tatesman-tike measures of protection and internal improvement, which
even then began to gather shape and hiipulse in a mind ever active in
the cause of his country. May he live to receive a testimonial of that
country's gratitude and admiration in the bestowel upon him of th»
highest honor within her gift !

€HAPTER VI.

Recharter of the UiWted States Rank— I^Ir. Clay's views in l8ll and 1ST6
— J*cene in the House willi Randolph — i>!i', CI sy's :elaiion!5 with >lr.
Wadlson— Inteniioi) of i'>ladison at one lime to a{>pnint him Comander-
in-(;hiefof liie army — t^lection of.l-rtnie^ Monroe— .IS r. Clay <-airies liis
measures in behalf of llie South American Slases— Litter Irom Bolivar
and Mr. Clay's reply.

The financial condition of the United States at. the close of the war
was extremely depressed. The currency was deranged — public credit
mpaired — and a heavy debt impending.

On the eighth of January, lS16,Mr. Calhoun from the committee en
that part of the President's Message, which relates to the currency,
reported a bill to incorporate subscribers to a bank of the United
States.

ft will be remembered that Mr. Clay in 1811, while a member of the
Senate, liad opposed the re chartering of the old bank His reasons
for now advocating the bill before the house have been fully and freely
communicated to the public.

When the application was made to renew the old charter of the bank
of the Unitad States, such an irvstitution did not appear to him to be so
necessary to the fulfilment of any of the objects specifically enumerated
in the Constitution as to justify Congress in assuming, by construction,
power to establish it. It was supported mainly upon the ground that
it was indispensible to the treasury operations. ' But the local institu-
tions in the several states were at tliat time in prosperous existence,
confided in by the community, having confidence in one another, and
maintaining an interco\n-se and connexion the most intimate. Many of
them were actually employed by the treasury to aid that department in
a part of its fiiscal arrangements ; and they appeared to him to be fully
capable of affording to it all the facility that it ought to desire in all of
them. Thej superseded in his judgement the necessity of a national
institution.

But how stood the casein 1816, when he was called upon to exam-
ine the power of the general government to incorporate a national bank?
A total change of circumstances was presented. Events of the utmosl
magnitude had intervened. A suspension of specie payments had taken
place. The currency of the country was completly vitiated. The
government issued papel bearing an interest of six percent, which it
pledged the faith of tlie coimtry to redeem. For this paper, guarantied
by the honor and faith of the government, there was obtained for eve-
ry one hundred dollars, eighty dollars from those banks which suspen-
ded their specie payments. The experience of the war therefore
thowed the necessity of a bank. The country could not get along

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENP^Y CLAT 3o

vithout it. Mr. Clay had then changed his opinion on the subject, and
'.Hi had never attempted to disguise the fact. lu his position of Speaker
■f tlie House, he might have locked up his opmiou in his own breast,
;J Lit with that candor and fearlessness, which have ever distinguished
lim, he had come forward, as honest men ought to come forward, and
•expressed his change of opinion, at the lime when President Madison
and other eminent men changed their course.

The constitution confers upon Congress tbe power to coin money
iind to regulate the value of foreign coins; and the States are prohibited
to coin nioney, to emit bills of credit, or to make anything but gold or
silver coin a tender. n\ payment of debts. The plain inference was,
that the subject of the general currency was intended to be submitted
exclusively to the general government. In point of fact, however, the
jegulation of the general currency was in the hands of the State gov-
.ernments, or, what was the same tiling, of the banks created by them.
Their paper had every quality of money, except thai of being made a
tender, and even this was imparted to it, by some states, in the law by
which a creditor must receive it, or submit to a ruinous suspension of
the payment of his debt.

It was incumbent upon Congress to recover the control which it had
lost over the general currency. The remedy cailed for was one of
caution and inodeiation, but of fiimness. Whether a remedy, directly
acting upon the banks and their paper thrown into circulation, Avasin
the power of the general government or not, neither Congress nor the
community were prepared for the application of such a remedy.

An indirect remedy of a milder character seemed to be furnished by a
national bank.. Going into operation with the powerful aid of the
treasury of the United States, Mr, (^lay believed it would be highly
instrumental in the renewal of specie payments. Coupled with the
other measure adopted by Congress for that object, he believed the
remedy elfectual. The local banks must follow the example, which
the national bank would sat them, of redeeming their notes by the
payment of specie, or their notes would be discredited and put down.

If the constitution, then, vyarranted the csfablis'iment of a bank,
other considerations, besides tiiose already mentioned, sUongiy urged it.
The want of a general medium was everywhere felf. Exchange varied
continually, not only between different parts of the Union, but between
different parts of the same city. If the paper of a national bank were
.not redeemed in specie, it would be much betterrthan the current paper,
since, although its value, in comparison with specie, migljt fluctuate, it
would alFord an uniform, stantlard

During this discussion of 1816, on the bank charter, a collision arose
between Messrs. Clay and Rirndolph, which produced great sensation
for the moment, and which it was apprehended might lead to serious
consequences. Although Mr. Clay had changed his own opinion in
regard to a ba.nk, he did not feel authorized to seek, in private intercourse,
to influence that of others, and observed a silence and reserve not usual
to him, on the subject. Mr. Randolpiwommented on rhis fact, antj
Vised language which might bear an offensive inicrpietatior?. When h«

376 MFB AKO ftJBLTC SERTICB5 OF UEXRT CiAT.

was done, Mr. Clay rose with perfect coolness, but evidently with z
firm determination, and adverting- to the offensive languuage, observed
that it required explanation, and that he should forbear saying what
it became him to say untii he heard the explanation, if any, which the
member from Virginia had to make, and sat down. Mr. Randolph rose
and made an explanation. Mr. Clay again rose, and said that the
explanation was not satisfactory. Whereupon Mr. R. again got up,
and disclaimed expressly all intentional offence.

During the transaction of this scene, the most intense anxiety and
the most perfect stillness pervaded the House. You might have heard
e pin fall in any part of it.

The new l;;ank bill was passed, and the wisdom of its supporters may
be best inferred from the fact that the institution more than realised the
most sanguine hopes of its friends. Daring the period of its existence
the United Slates enjoyed a currency of unexampled purity and uni-
formity ; and the bills of the bank were as acceptable as silver in every
quarter xDf the globe. In anotht^r part of this memoir will be found an
outline of such a fiscal institution as Mr. Clay woidd be in favor of,
whenever a majority of th" people of the United States might demand
the establishment of a ?ia/ional hank.
» * # * # %* * « «

During the admiriistration of Mr. Madison, Mr, Clay wns, on two
seperate occasions ofiered a seat in his Cabinet or the mission to Russia,
by that distinguished chief magistrate. He declined them both. Mr.
Madison appears to have had the highest estimate of his talents and
Tworth. Indeed, so impressed was he with the eminent and versatile
abilities of Mr. Clay, that he had selected him, at the coinmencement
of the war, to be Commander in Chief of the Army. The nomination
was not made solely because Mr. Clay could not be spared from Con-
gress, where his powerful mind and paramount influence, enabled him
to render services superior to any that could have been rendered in any
other position.

On the fourth of March, 181T, James Monroe took the oath prescri
bed by the constitution, and entered upon the duties of the Presidency
of the' Unsfed States. The first session of the fifteenth Congress com
menced the ensuing December. Mr. Clay. was again chosen Speaker.

During the preceding summer the President had appointed Messrs.
Rodney, Graham, and Bland, Commissioners to proceed to South
America, to ascertain the condition of the country. In March l81fi,
the appropriation bill being before the House, Mr. Clay objected to the
clause appropria ing ;$30,OOU for their compensation. He then offered
an amendment, appropriating eighteen thousand dollars as the outfit
and one yeor's salary of a minister, to be deputed from the Uijited
States to the independent provinces of the river La Plata, in South
America. The amendment Vv-as lost ; but Mr. Clay's speech in sup-
port of it was one of his most njernorable efforts. Both Congress and
the President were opposed to any recognition of the independence of
the South American Coloniets. In rising to promulgate views hostile

LIFE A^'D PUBLIC SERVICES Oi*' HENRY CLAY. 277

■to theirs, Mr. Clay said, that miidi as he valued t'liose fiiends, ia and
out of the House from whom he differed, he couhl not iiesifate \j'hen
reduced to the distressinf? alternative of comorniing hi.^ judgment to
theirs, or pursuing tlie deliberate and matured dictates of his own mind

Mr. Clay maintaijied that an oppressed people were authorizea
whenever they could, to rise and bretdc their fetters. This was the
great principle of the En;;li3h revolution. It was the great principle of
our own. Vattel, if authority were wanting, expressly sunports this
jtglit. We must pass sentence of condemn;i(ion upon the founders of
our liberty — say thatlh.ey were rebels— -traitors; and that they were, at
that moment, "lc?;!sh-.tii]g v/iibont competent powers, before we could
condemn t've cause of Spanish America. Our revolution was mainly
directed against the n^.e-re theory of tyranny. We had suffered com-
paratively but little ; we had, in I'omv-^-jcspec's, been kindiy treated ; but
our intrepid and' inte'li'j^eat f.uhers saw, in tlie usurpci-ion of the power
to levy an inconsideniiih; tax. ihe long tiaiii of oppressive acts that
were to follow. T'joy ro.^c; ihey breasted the sfoiiU ; tliey achieved
our freedom. Soani-ii A:; rlca lor centuries had bv^n t'ijomed to an
odious tyranny. If v/e were jpslUied, she was more than justified. '
# m m * # # V'# # *

On the eighth day of March, 1822, the President sent a message to
the House of Representatives, recommending the recogniiion of South
American independence. The I'ecommendation was referred to the
Committee on Foreign Relations, which on tho nineteenth of the same
month, reported in favor of the recommendation, and of an appropria-
tion to carry ii into effect. The vote of recognition was fmaliy passed
on the twenty-eighth,' wiCa but a single dissenting voice.
***** * ***

The instrumentality of h's appeals in cheering the patriots of South
America, was jnost gratifying and decided. His memorable plea of
March, 1 S13, v/as, as one of Iiis most embittered adversaries has told us,
read at the head of die Sontli American armies, to exalt their enthusi
asm in battle, ard quicken the consumation of their triumphs.

The following letter from Bolivar, Vv'ith Mr. Clay's reply, belongs to
this period of his history :

Bogota, 21st Kovember, 182T.

■ Sir I canyot omit availing myself of. t!ie opportnniry afforded me
Dy the departure of Col. Watts, Charge d Affairs of tlie LFnited States.
of taking the libeity of addressing your excellency. This desire has.
long been entertiiinded by me, for the purpose of expressing my admi-
jation of your 'excellency's brilliant talents and love oflibert3^ Al|
America, (/olumbia, and myself owe your excellency our purest gratis
tnde for the incomparable services jou have rendered to ns,by, sustaining
our course with a sublime enthusiasm. Acce[/, therefore, this sincere
and cordial testimony, whicli I hasten to offer to your excellency, and
to tbe government of the United J^latea, who have so greatly coniribu:
jted to the emancipation of your southern brethren.

273 LIFE AND PU3LIC SERVICES OF HEXRY CLAr.

" I liave the honor to offer to youi excellency my di3ling«isii€.d
.considciation.

" Your excellency's obedient servant,

"BOLIVAR."
The foliov.-ing isa cliaracieristic exn-act from jlr. Clay's reply :
Washington, 27ih October, 1S28.

" Sir It is very gratifying to nie to be assured directly by your ex-
cellency, that the course which llie government of the United States
took on this nieriioraMc orj-ii-iim, unil my humble clForts, have excited
the 2ra:i inI;; ::: :'robatit!n of your excellency. I

am T)!']-.;;;:'.,' -i . • ■-(, tiie fee'.iM'.v- of the people of

the Unitci; ! ■■;, tl'^^t the

interest u: ■ ^i America,

arose prinjipiM ■■■■', tii;;!, along wi.ii i!:? independence,

would be cstab;. ions, insuring all the blessings of civil

liberty To the accoi')vi\i<'.\'\\ri\l of that object we still anxiously look.
We a"re aware that great diificulties oppose it, among which, not the
least, is that which arises out of the existence of a large miliiary force,
raised for the- purpose Df resisting the power of Spain. Sianding armies
organized with tliem');' ru\-\:\iv.k intentions, are dangerous instruments.
They devour (I i lucti the morals, and too often destroy

the !i'3cr:i"^ of : ''j c-wt be ninre perilous or unwise than

to r ■ 1 ii~d tiieir formation,

(.-■-5 ij inc revenue of the

stale.

" But,notwit]istanding uV. ■■'cuhie?, we had fondly cherished

and still indulge the hope, lisat SiJiilh America would add a new tri-
umph to the cause of human liberty ; and, that Providence would biess
her, as He had her northern sister, \yLth the geniu? of some great and
virtuous man, to conduct her securely tiirough all her (rials. We had
even flattered ourselves, that we behold that genius in your excellency.
But I should be unworthy of the consideration with which your ex-
cellency honors me, and deviate from the fratikness which 1 have ever
endeavored to practice, if I f/id 7iot, on this occasion, state that atnbi
iious designs ha vi- been attributed by your enemi'S to your excellency^
which have created in viy mind great solicitude. They have cited late
e\^nts in Colombia as proofs of these designs. But slow in the with-
.drawal of confidence, which I have once given, I have been most un-
willing (0 credit the unfiivorable accounts which have from time to time
a-eached me. I cannot allow myself to believe, that your excellency
will abandon the bright and glorious path wliicli lies plainly before you,
/or the bloody road passing over the liberties of human race, on which
the vuigiir ciowd of-lyrants and military despots have so often trodden.
I will not doubt, that your excellency will, in clue time, render a satis-
factory explanation to Colombia an(.l to (he world, of the parts of your
public conduct which have excited any dislr; st; and that, preferring
the true glory of our immoilal Washington to the ignoble fame of the
destroyers of liberty, you have formed the patriotic resolution of ulti-
mately placing the freodom of Colombia^^upon afa-m and sure foundatioa.

LIFE A:,'3 PCBLIC SSRVICBS OF HKNRY C1.AT. 379

That your efforts to that end may be crowned with complete success, I
m 03 1 fervently pray.

" I request that your excellency will accept assurances of my sincere
wishes for your happiness and prospeiity.

" H. CLAY.-'

The high and disinterested character of Mr. Clay's motives in hk
course towards the South American Republics, v/as forcibly displayed
in this frank and open appeal to Bo! ivar. Had his object been to acquire
influence and popularity among the people of those countries, he would
hardly have addressed such plain sentiments and unpalataiile truths to
a chief, who was all powerful with them at that lime. But in a cause
where the freedom of any portion of mvinkind was implicated, Mr. Clay
was never known to hesitate, to reckon his own interests, or to weigh
the consequences to himself from an avowal of his opinions. On all
subjects indeed he is far above disguise; and tliough he may sometimes
incur the charge of indiscretion by his uncalculating candouand fearless
translucency, the trait is one which claims for hitn our alfection and
confidence. Independent in his opinions as in his acts, no suggesiion
of selfinierest could ever interpose an obstacle to the bold and magnan-
imous utterance of the former, nor to the conscientious performance of-
the latter.

CHAPTER VII.

Inicrnal L7iprnvemer,t — 3I/\'I\Ir>nrGQ'^ - ' ' J'ctions — Mr,

Clay replies to them — Discussion •> conduct in

th^. Seminole Campai'rn — Mr. Cluy s u^i.u^jnt,; that chief tcm in
1819 — A prophetic ^-limpfie — Mr. Adams and Gen. Jackson — Tho
Father of the Arnerican Srjstem — Bill to ?•■"'•■'''" -^'ities >^fc. — Mr.
Clai/^s speech in behalf of the protective pc ' ^f ^^'■^ country

— His unremitted exertions — Randolilis , ■ — Anecdote.

We havi" -■ ' -.vlh mi jidvocatc of

the docuinc . . iu C'on\;re;,:; in iSOa

had been in vin'i'.cri;; •■, aiiiiiorizia^- ;iie erectiou of a bridge

across the Potoaiac rivv jjassages, we have quoted from his

speech of January 18iu, w- uv, .ared hiujself in fai'or not only of a sys-
tem of international improvement but of protection to our manufactures.

It will be remembered that (lie bill appropriatinjif for purposes of inter-
nal improvement the bonus, wiiich v/as to be paid by the bank of the
Uaitetl States to the general go vern:ne!it, after having been pas^^ed by
Congress, had been returned by President Madison without his signature,
in consequpnce of constitutional objections to the bill. Mr. Ciay had
been much smprised at this act, for Mr. I\Iadison, in one of his mes-
sages, had said : " I particularly invite again the attention of Congress
to the expediency of existing j>:)v;er?, ar.d v.here necessary, of resorting
to the prescribed mode of cnlargiMg ihoin. in order (o effectuate a com-
prehensive system of roads and canals, such as will have the effect of
drawing more closely together every part of our country, by promoting
intercourse and improvements, and by incteasing the share of every part
m the common stock of national prosperity. "

Mr. Monroe in anticipation of the action of Congress, had expressed
an opinion in his message, opposed to the right of Congress to establish
a system of international improvement. Mr. Jefferson's authority was
also cited to show that under the constitution roads and canals could not
be constructed by the general government without the consent of the
State or States through v/hich they were to ptiss. Thus three succes-
sive Presidents had opposed the proposition.

Against this weight of j)recedcnt, Blr. Clay undertook to persuade
Congress of their power under the Constitution to appropriate money
for tiie construction of jnihtary roads, post-roads and canals. A resolu-
tion embodying a clause to this effect came before the House in March,
1818 ; and he lent to it his unremitting advocacy.

During the second session of the Fifteenth Congress, in January,
1819, the subject of Gen. Andrew Jackson's conduct in his celebrated

•LIFE AXD PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY. 381

Florkla^ainpiugM, came up for discussion. That cliieftan, after siib-
iecting (h« vanquished Indians to conditions tlie most cruel and im-
practicable, had hung two prisoners of war, Arbuthnot and Ambrister,
and concluded his series of outrages by lawlessly seizing the posts of
St. Marks and Pensacola.

Committees of the Senate and of the House made reports reprobatory
of his conduct; and resolutions were presented, containing four propo-
sitions: the first asserted the disapprobation of the House of tiic pro-
ceedings in the trial and execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister. The
second contemplated the passage of a law to prevent the execution
hereafter of any captive taken by the army, without the approbation of
the President. The third proposition was expressive of the disap-
proval of the forcible seizure of the Spanish posts as contrary to orders,
and in violation of the constitution. The fourth proposition was, that
a law should pass to prohibit the march of the army of the United
States, or any corps of it, into any foreign territory, without the previous
authorization of Congress, except it were in fresh pursuit of a defeated
enemy.

We shall not attempt an abstract of Mr. Clay's eloquent and argu-
.mentative speech, in support of these propositions; and far less disposed
^u-e we to repeat the painful liisiory of the wrongs and usurpations per
petrated by Heneral Jacksor. It may be proper to state, however, that
Mr. Clay, grateful for the puljic services of the general, treated him
with a forbearance and kindness, which rendered the sincerity of hi*s
animadversions the more obvious. '• With respect to the purity of his
intentions, " said Mr. Clay, " I am disposed to allow it in the most ex-
iensive degree. Of his «t'„'5 it is my duty to speak with the freedom
which belongs to my station. "

The speaker then proceeded to expose in a most forcible point of
■view, the dangerous and arbitrary character of those acts, and the con
stitutional violations, of which General Jackson had been guilty. There
lire many passages in this speech, which when we regard them in con-
nection v/ith the subsequent presidential usurpations of the same
military chieftan, seem truly like prophetic glimpses. Take, for exam-
ple, the concluding paragraph.

" Gendemen may bear down all opposition ; they may even vote the
General the public thanks ; they may carry him triumphantly dnougli
this house. But,if they do, in my humble judgment, it will bo a tri-
umph of tlie principle of insubordination — a triumph of the military-
over civil authority — a triumphover thepov/ers ofthishousc-a triumph
over the constitution of the land. And I pray mostdevoudy to heaven
that it may not prove, in its ultimate elTects, a triumph over the liberties
,oi the people. "

Even at diat distant day, Mr. Clay saw in the conduct of General
Jackson the germ of those principles of action — of that spirit of insub-
ordination — which dangerous as they were in a military commander,
were not less pernicious and alarming in a civil cheif magistrate. With
his Iceen instincdve faculty of penetration, he discovered the despotic
and impulsive character of the man. Every page of his speech on tfeft
Seraitole campaign furnishes evidence of this fact.

282 LIFE AND'rL-BLTC SERVrcnS OF UENKY CLAY.

How ihcu, when the quesJion was presented lo liim of dcciiiiug
Uetwcen the quaiLQ.cations Q*'Johu (^u-incy Adahisand Andrew Jtickgon
for the Presidency of the United States' — how could Hcniy Cky, as a
consistent and lionoral'je miiu, hesitate for a moment in his choice?
And yet an amount orohiociuy and vilupeiation, such as never before
was Reaped upon a public servfint, has been lavished on hina because
of liis reiasing'to vole for General Jackson on that occasioii ! Had he
done so he Wbuid liave been false to his past professions and convic-
lious — false to conscience, to patriotism, and the plainest dictates of
duty.

The resoUitions of c<^iisure,^ bein^ streneously opposed by ]\IFr^ Mon-
)oe and his cabinet, were lf.stinthe House by a small majoritj^ The
dispassionate judgement of postefity will inevitably accord with thcJ
views so eloquently expressed by Mr. G'lay in regard-to General JacItsoD^s
conduct iij Florida.

'\Ve corne now to ttiht part of Mr. Olay's public Jiietory where he
is lo be identified with the protective policy, uliich has since built up
such vast inteiests in the United States In the opinion of a large
por-tion of thepeoploit is to his triumplmnt efforts in the cause of pro-
tection to A'mericaniiidiistr}^ and skill, that Henry Clay will be indebted
for ins most enduring claims" to the gratitude and fipprobatiori of hJa
cduptrynien. We have seen that as far back as 1810 he' laid' tjie
foi^ndftti-on-stone of that great and beneficent American system, of vyhicli
lie was the originator and the architect.

To specify and desciil^e rdl his labors in the est ablisu went nud ad-
yancemeiit of this noble policy, from that time to the period of his-retire-
ment from the Senate, would alone'fiU more space than we can give to
liis whole life. The journals of Congress and the political newspapers
of tlie country for the last thirty years will be found to be occupied to
no inconsidciable extent wiih the record of his efforts and arguments
ofld untiring appeals. We can present but a very imperfect oulline of
)]i]s glorious though pcacefid achievenicnts ip llic cause of human.
m^Vistryj ^^^^01- and prosperity.

On the twelfth day of March, 1816, Mr. Lowndes, of South Carolina,
from the Committee of Ways and Means introduced before the House
ti bill " to regulate the duties on impoits and tonnage, &.c. " The bill'
Ayas thcvouglily discussed in committee of the whole ; and through the
©exertions of Mr. Clay, a higlLcr duty was- adopted for the import^vai
!>rticlc of woolens. The amendment however was unfortunately lost
in (he house ; butthe bill, such as it was, was passed.

In the spring of IS20, tlie subject cf a (aritf again can^.e before Con-
gress; and Mr. Clay made a most interesting and impressive speech in
favor of protective dutie?. He described a visit he Jiad lately inadc to
(he ^yaUham manufactury, near Bostoi). There, some hundreds of
girls and boyswere (ccuple:d in seperate apartments. The grcolest
t)r^er, neatness, and u parent condort, reigned throughout the wlifile
(jstoljUshment. The daur^hters of respectable farmers— in one instance,
I^'e> rememl>cied, the daughter of a, Senator in tl,ic State IiCgislat-ure-—
were usefully ciTiploycd.' They \Wvdd come down lo the m^xufac.tojy-,

Ltf^k A^JD PUULtC SERVICES OP nftA^TlV CLAY 283

F6i*liam peVliaiSs sotiic months, ahcl.rfetnia \vilh tlveir eariimgs to dieiV
fartiflies tb assisl them tliroughoiU the year.

"I frankly own, " said Mr. Clay on tliis occasion, " that I feel great
solitiHitle for tlie success of this bill. Tlie ehtiie ipdependence of my
country on all foreign states, as it respects a supply of our essential
■Ctaiits.has ever been witli me a favorite oijj^ct. The war of our revo-
lution affected our political emancipation. The last War contributed
greatly toward accoinplishing our commercial freedom. But our com-

flefe indepeiittence will o^ihj be consuinmated after (lie policy of this
iils'htiU.bs recognized and adopted. We have indeed great difficul-
ties to contend with ; old habits — colonial usages— the enormous profits
Of a foreign trade, proseciUed under favorable circumstances, which rid
loWger continue. I will not despair. 'i"he cause, I verily believe, is'
the ca^iseof die country. It mhy be postponed ; it may be frustrrtted
fm lite moment, hut it finally must prevail. " And it^ ibas postponed ;
il mc(s fiUS'.rated for the moment ; but it finally did prevail. '

The tarifT was remodelled by the house, but their bill v.^as rejected
ty the Senate.

In 1823, the health of Mr. Clay , was very poor— so much so, that his
life was despaired o*" both by his friends and hiniself. lie had altendied
the Olympian Sprmgs in Kentucky, in the summer had been piaccct
utid6r a slrict regimen and subjected tb a long couise of medicine. In
spite of all remedies he felt a gtaduixl decline, and looked -forward to -ft
epeedy disolution. In November he was to start for Washington, and
fullf *anticipatedlhat, after reaching that city, if he reached it at all, he
sltouid be obliged to hasten to tho South as a last resort. He procured
a small travelling carriage and a saddle horse — threw aside all the
prescriptions of the physician, and coinmenced his journey. Daily he
walked on foot, drove in lys carriage and rov'.e on hoi^seback. He ar
rived at Washington quite well, was elected Speaker, and went through
more labor than he ever performed in the same Session, excepting,
perhaps, the extra-Session of ISJi.

^ ^i # * * * * * *

Such were the consequences of the benign legislation introduced and
carried into operation by Henry Clay. And ttiough the reverse of the
picture may now be presented to us through the violent Executive
taeasures of general Jackson, inflating and then prostrating the.currency,
and the course afterward pursued, we have the satisfaction of knowing
that Mr. Clay has never wavered in his course; and that had his warn-
ings been regarded and his counsels taken, a far diffarsut slate of things
would in all propabilily, have existed.

The unanimous voice gf the country has accorded to Mr. Clay the
merit of having been the father of the system, whicb has been justly
,ca.lled the American system- To his personal history belong the testi-
monials of the various State liCgislaturcs and conventions, and of the
innumerable public meetings, in all parts of the country, wliich award-
ed him the praise, and tendered him the grateful acknowledgements of
the community. To his individual exertion, the inanuAicturing indus-
try of the 'United States is indebted to a degree which it is now diilicult

2S4 LIFE AND riRLIC SEUYIC?:.? OF llEXRY CLAY.

to realize. By the m-agic power of liis dotjucncc, the rountiy war
raised from a state of proetralion and distress; cities were called into ex-
istence, and die wilderness was trul}^ nmde to blossom as the rose,

Mr. Clay's zealous and laborioits cfToriS in behalf of die tariff can
only be appreciated by a reference to the jounial of the House of (hat
period. It seems as if he had l>een called upon to battle for every il.em
of the bill, inch by inch. The whole power of a large and a]>lc opposition
was arrayed against iiim ; and every weapon that agument, iheioric and
ridicnle coidd supply wof? employed. John Randolph was, as on formev
occasions, an active and bitter antagonist. Once or twice he provoked
Mr. Clay into replying to his personal taunts. " Sir," said he on one
occasion, " the gentlemen from Viiginia was pleased to say that, in
one point at least, he coincided with me — in an humble estimate of my
grammatical and philological acquirements. I know my deficiencies.
1 Avas born to no proud patrimonial estate ; from my father 1 inherited
only infancy, ignorance, and indigence. I feel my defects; but, so"
far as my situation in early life is concerned, I may, without prcsump
lion, say they are moie my misfortune than my fault. But, however I
deplore my want o ( ability to furnish tothe gentleman a better specimeii
of powers of veiljal criticism, I will venture to say, my regret is not
greater than the dissappointment of this committee as to tjie strength of
his argument. "

The following is in a different vein. After the passage of the tariff
hill, on the 16di of April, 1824, when the House had adjourned and
the Speaker was stepping down from his scat, a gentleman who had
"voted with the majorit}^, said to him, " we have done pretty well to day."
— " Yes, " returned Mr. Clay, '' we made a good stand, considering we
lost both our i^rf^ "■ — alluding to Mr. Foot of Connecticut, and Mr.
Foote of New York, who l>otli voted against the bill, though it wa^i
thought, some time before, that they Avould give it their support.

CHAPTER VIII.

2^Ae Missouri Quesiion — Mr. Clay resigns the Hpnakors.-li\p~Thc
Union in dang-er — He resmncs his scat in Congress — Unparalleled
t.Tcitenient — His compromise of fh.R Qucsiien. — Pacification of
parties — Character of his rffoj-fs — Reception, of Lafayette in ths.
House — Welconted hij Mr. Clay — Lafayette's reply — Mr. Clay
and Mr. Mmwm.

During (he session of 1S26-'51, "llie discVacting question," as it was
feiined, which had heen the subject of many angiy and tedious debates,
of admitting Missouri into the Union, \\'a3 discussed in both branches
of Congress, The controvei ted point was, v/hcthcr she should be
«-dmitted as a slave slate.

Slaver}^ had been expressly excluded from Ohio,Tndiana, and Illinois
by acts of Congress, on their admission into the Union. But that re-
striction was, by virtue of an ordinance of the former Congress, under
the confederation, prohibiting the introduction of slavery into the north-
west leriitory, out of which these States were formed. Missouri was
part of the Louisiana territory, purchased of France in 1S03. And in
various parts cf that extensive territory, slavery then and had long existed.

Louisiana had been admitted into the Union without any restriction
■qI the kind proposed for Missouii. The States of Kentucky, Tennes-
see, Mississippi, and Alabama had also been admitted as separate States,
fiffevious to this p«iod, and as they were taken frosn Stales in which
slavery existed, were made subject to no such restriction. It was con-
tended, that ©n the same principle, Missouri should also be received,
VitUout rer-juiring, as a condition of admission, the exclusion of slavery.
•Ackd it was also insisted, that it vv'puld be interfering witli (he independ-
•fint character of a State, to enforce any such restriction, vvhich was
manifestly a subject of regulation by the State authority.

Oathe contrary, itw^as urged, that in the old States the subject was
"G>:pressly settled by the constitution, and Congress could not justly
kiterfere in those States; bat that it was otherwise with new Slates
Veceived into the Union ; in which case Consrresshad (he right to impose
sijch restrictions and conditions as it might clioose; that it was evidently
like intention of the old Congress not to extend slavery, having prohib-
ited its introduction or existence in new States to be formed out of the
northwest territory; and that slavery was so great an evil, and so ab-
horrs^ntto the principles of a free government, that it should be abolish-
«d oj; prohibited w+ierever it could be constitutionally effected.

The discussion 'vent on from month to month, and from session t«r
session, increasing in fierceness, and diverging fartlier and faitlier fioni
*lie prospect of an amicable setlement. Among the prominent advo-

286 LIFK AXD PUHLIC SERVICES OF MENRY CLAY.

cates for cxcluclin!^ slavery Aoiu Missouii were Rufus King from New
York, Oiis of Mas;3ac!uisetls, Dana of Connecticut., Seargenl and
Ilempliili of Penusylviatiia. Of those opposed to restriction, were
Holmes of jMassacliii3eit%, Tpaidyke and McLane of Delaware, Pinck-
ney of ?.Iaryiaru], Randolph and Carbon r of Vkgiaia, LowBcle^ of S.
Carolina, Olay and Johnson of Kentucky.

A bill lor tire adnissipn of Missouri had Ireen defeated during tlie
session of lSiS--'19; and the inilamatory subject had, during t!io vaca-
tion of Congress been a topic of incessant contention. The press
entered v/arndy into the controversy, "i'he most violent pamp|ilels
Were published on both sides ; public nuie'dugs thundered forth their
resolutions ; and the Union seemetl to be fearfully shaken to its centi-e.
It may be imagined, then, with \\\r.,l i:ii3to.-t the next session of Con-
gress was looked to by the peo-do

Mapy elof[uent speeches wore made in the House upon the cjucstion.
Mr. Clay spoke, at one time, van four'hours agaitist the restriction ;
but there remaim no puldisliod sketcli of his remadfs. The vote hi
the House of Represeiiiatives was several limes given to excluding
slavery ; but the Senate disasgreod, and would not yield to the House.

In 1S20, die peopk of the terr-ifory of Missouri proceeded to estab-
lish a cotistitution of government for the contemplated State. Amoiig
Other provisions, it was ordained in the twenty-sixth section the third
article, tiiat it should be the duty of the General Assembly, '■'■as soon as
might be^ to pass suck laws as loere 7iccessary to prevent free negroes
aiul tmdatloes from coming to and settling in the State, under any
pretext lohatevery Under this constitution, a State government was
organized, and went into operation.

This clause, for the exclusion of free negroes and mulattoes, fanned
into fresh life the liameof excitement, which had been partially allayed.
The whole country was now ihrovv'u irdo .commotion upon the questioii
Gf admitting Missouii.

Indie autumn of 1420, Mr. Clay, who had experienced iieavy pe-
cuniary losses by endorsing for a friend, resolved to retire from Congress
and iu the practice of the law, devote himself to the reparation of his
ftrivale alVairs. Accordingly at the meeting of Congress, the thirteenth
of November, 1820, the clerk having announced that a quorum was
Vre^^iit, said that he had received a letter from the Hon. Henry Clay,
'itvhich with .he leave of the House, he read as follows ;

LEXINGTO^^ K}^, Cctober28, 1S20.

■Sir : I will thank you io comm.unicate to the House of Repiesenfa-
^ivKig, that, owing to imperious circumstances, I shall not be able tp
xUtetid upon it until after the Christmas holidays ; and to respectfully
'ask it to allow me to resign the oflice of its Speaker, which I have the
honor to hold, and consider this as the act of my resignation. I beg
the House also to pennit me to reiterate the expression of my sincere
acknowledgments and imalfected gratitude for t!ie distingiushed con-
sideration which it has uniformly manifested for me. 1 liave the honor
^obe,&c., ,H. CLAY.

Til OS. Dougherty, Esq., Clerk H. of R.

LIKE A^D PUBLIC BEflVJ.CES OK IIErCUY CLAY. 2S7

In view of the agilatirig question before CongTess, Mi. Clay conscnleJ
to retain his seat as a iiicmber of tlic House^ tij] Jiis tcri)") of service
expired, akhough no longer iis presiding officer. Early in (he 'session
the Missouri question came up. Those ay.'io now opposed its admission*
contended, that free cilizeu.s and nuilattoes were citizens of (licir resi-
dence ; that as such, they htid a right, under the constitution, to remove
to Missouri, or any oi.her state of fne Unior, and theie enjoy all tho"
privileges and imnnwiitids of other' citizens of (he United Slates enji^
grating to the sam-e" place,; and, therefore, tliat the cia.tise in the consti-
tmio.n of Missouri, quoted above, was lepugnant to that of the Unitetb
S:ates, and she ought not to be received into the Union.

Qii the ot-}ier hand, il was iwaintained (hat the. African race, whether
bond or free, were not parties to our poJilica! insCituhoils ; that, tJiercforc;
f4-ee negioes and nndattoes were not citizens, M'ilhin the meanin.o- of
the constitution of the United Slates ; and that even if the constittilic!?
of Missouri w^ere repugnaiH t-o that of the United States, (he latter wxis
paraitwunt, and would overrule the conflicting provision of the former
vHthout the interference of Congress.

Such was tlie dlAkult and perilous question which r.ow^ ihrcatened
a disruption of the Union. In some shape or other it was jireseiited
almost daily and hourly to Congress ; and became, at length, a peifect
incubus upcni legislation. In this stale of things Mi-. Clay arrived in
AVashingtoti, ^nd took his scat in tiie House the sixlccntli of January,
L821. ^ On the second of February, he submitted a niotion to refer a'
resolu(it:)n'of the Senafe on (He Missouii question to a committee of
thirteen — a number suggesied by that of flie original states of the Union
'Hie motion wa^; agreed to, and "the following gentlemen were appointed
a committee aocordingl}^ :

Messrs. C-lay ofKy., Eustlsof Mass., Smith of Md., Sergeant of Pa
Lowndes of S. C , Ford of N. York., Campbell of Ohio, Archer of
Va., HacMey of N. York, S. Moore of Pa., Cobb" of Ga.- To'ntinson
(Jf Conn., Butler of W.H. ' "^

On the tenth of the same month, Mr. Clay made a repon, conclu-
ding with an amendment to the Senate's resolution, by which amend-
hlent Missotiri^vas admittedupon the foHov.ing fundamental condition i

" It is provided that the said state shall never pass any law preveutino-
any description of permns froni coming to and settling in the said state.,
who now are or hereafter may become citizens of any States of this'
Union, and provided also, that (he legislature of the said state, by iv
solemn public act, shall declare the absent of the said state, to the saici
funtlamentai condition, and shall transniit to the the President of the
Uniicd States, on or before the fourth Monday in November next an
authentic copy of the said act, upon tlie receipt whereof (lie Presideir^
by proclamation, shall announce the fact whereupon, and witlioiit any
further pioceedings on the part of Congress, the admission of the sairb
state iplo the Union shall be considered as complete ; and provided
fiH-tiier, that nothing herein contained shall be construed to take from.^
the state of Missouri, when admitted into the Union, the exercise of any
right or power which can nou- be constitulionallv cxciciscd by any o'''
^e original smtes." " j . ^ --

2S8 LIFE AXD PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRV CLAY.

*#*##*# » m

On llic fo'.uteentli of Febiviaiy, the Houses of Cougress met iti the
}mll of the Hoiis.eof Ileprensatives to pcrfomi the ceremony of couiuhig
the votes fof PresMeat and Vice PiesiderU of the United States. A
scene of great confusion occuiTed wheti the votes of the electors for
Missouri were announced by the Piesident of tlie Senate and handetl
to the tellers. The lucnibers of the Senate withdrew and a vioteni
discussion sprang up. By the exertions of Mr. Clay, oixler was at length
restored, and, on his motion, a Uiessage was sent to the Senate, (luuHte
House ivasrcaidj to proceed to the completion ofthe business of countiiig
the votes.

The Senate again came iii. Tlie votes of Missouri were reat>, am]
the result of all the votes having been read, it wss announced by the
President of the Senate, that the total number of votes for James Monroe
as President of the United States, was 231, and if the votes of Missouri
were not counted, was 22S ; that, iri oither event, James Monroe had
a mni'oritv of the whole number of votes given. James Monroe was
accoriliim'y re-elected President for four yeaia, commencing oq tiie eiv
suifjg fourlh of March.

While the proclaniafiou was making, two members of the Houso
claimed the floor to inquire whether the votes of Missouri Were or weie
not counted. Another scene of confusion hereupon ensued, and iho
House were finally obliged to adjourn in order to put an end to ii.

Tb.e rejection of Mr> Clay's report seemed to shutout all prospect of
an amicable compromise. He was not disheartened, however. He
never despaired of the republic. On the 22d of Februrry, he submitteti
lie following resolution :

" Resolved, That a committee be appointed, on the part of this house
jointly with such connnittce as may be appointed on the part of thiS
'Senate, tc consider and report to the Senate and to the House respec
lively, whether it be expedient or not to uiake provision for the admissou
of Missouri into tlie Union on the same footing as the original states,
mrd for the due execution of tiie laws of the United States with Missouri;
jind if not whether any other, and what provision, adapted to her actut^l
tjondition, ougiit to be made by law."

Tiii« resolution was adopted in the House by a vote of IQo to 55.—
'X^he Senate accecded to it by a large majority.

On the fifteenth of August, 1824, General Ijafayette, the nation'^
guest, arrived in New York in the Cadmus from Havre, accompanied
by ^l^is son George Washington Lafayette. The following tenth of
December he was introduced to the national house of representatives by
a select onunittee appointed lor the purpose. BIr. Clay, as Speaker,
i'e.ceived him with an address, so pertinent and elegant in its character,
that we cauuDt resist the tcn)ptation of quoting it entire :

" Gevbrvl- Tiie House of Roprcocntativcs of the United States_,
impelled ahkc by its own feelings and by those of tlic ^yhoIc American
people, could not have assigned to me a more gratifying duty than that
of presenting to you oiu- cordial congratulations upon the occasion of

LIKE AND PUULIC SlillViCK;^ OF HENRY CLAY. Zhv

■your recent arrival in the United Srates, in compjance wiLh tlie wishes
of Congress, anil to assure )'0U of the very high satisfaction which your
presence atibrds U3 on this early tlicatre of your glory and renown
Allhough but a few of the members who compose this body shared
with yoi; in the war of our revolution, all have, from impartial histiry,
or from faithful tradition, a knowledge of the perils, the sutlering-s, and
the sacraiices which you voluntarily encounterered, and the signal ser-
vices, ia America and in Europe, which you performed for an infant,
a distant, and an alien people ; and all feel and own the very great extent
ol the obligations uiKler which you have placed our country. But the
relations in which you have ever stood to the United States, interesting
and important as they have been, do not constitute the only motive of
the respect and admiration which tho House of Representatives enter-
tain for you. Your consistency (n't'iiiracter, your uniform devotion to
regulated liberty, in all the vici;.oilud vs of a long and arduous life, also
command its admiration. During ail die recent convulsions of Europe,
amidst, as after the dispersion of, every political storm, the people of the
United States have beheld you, true to your old principles, firm and'
erect, cheering and animating with your well ktVown voice, the votaries'
of liberty, its faithful and fearless champion, ready to shed the last drop
rf that blood v.h'ch here you so freely and nobly spilt in the same holy
cause.

The vain wish has been sometimes indulged, that Providence would'
allow the palriot, after death, to return to his own country, and to con-^
template the intermediate changes which had taken place — to view the
forests felled, the cities built, the mountains levelled, the canals cut, the
highways constructed, the progress of the arts, the advancement of learn-
ing, and the increase of population. General, your present visit to the
United States is a realization of the consoling object of that wish. You'
are in the midst of posterity. Everywhere, you must have been struck
with the great changes, physical and moral, which have occurred since
you left us. Even this very city, besuing a venerated name, alike en-
deared to you and to us, has since emerged from the forest which then'
covxied its site. In one respect you find us unaltered and that is in
the sentiment of continued devotion to libeity, and of ardent aftection'
and profound gratitude to your departed friend, the father of his country
and to you, and to your illustrious associates in the field and in the
cabinet, for the nuiltiplied blessings which surround us, and for the very
privilege of addressing you, which I now exercise. This sentimenty
now fondly cherished by more than ten millions of people, wil^ be
transmitted, with unabated vigor, down the tide of time, through the"
countless millions who are destined to inhabit this continent, to the
latest posterity. "

General Lafayette was much afTected by this address, uttered as it was
in the speaker's clear, sivect, and silvery tones ; and he replied to it in
a naanner that betrayed much emotion. He maintained to the last sC
strong attachment forMr. Clay.

We have seen that Mr. Clay was at variance willi President Monroe'
upon the subject of Internal Improvements, as well as in regard to the
mode of recognizing the independence of the South American patriots.

200 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY,

Notwithstanding these diflerences of opinion, the personal relations of
the speaker and the chief magistrate were friendly. Mr. Clay was
offered a seat in the cabinet, and a carte blanche of all the former mis-
Bions. Had j9^o!Ce; been his ambition and his object, he might have
attained it without any sacriiice of independence — without' any loss of
position as the acknowledged head of the great republican party. He
saw, however, that he could be more useful to his country in Congress.
Measures of vital importance were to be carried through. The tariff
was to be adjusted — the Missouri business to be settled — the constitu-
tsonality of internal improvements was to be admitted — South American
independence was to be acknowledged — how could he conscientiously
quit a post, where he wielded an influence mere potent than the Presi-
dent's while such momentous questions remained open ? They being
disposed of he would be at libeity to pursue any course, wliicli his inclj-
nations might indicate, or which the public interests might sanction.

CHAPTER H,

The Presidential question — Nomination of Mr. Clay — His qualijic&'
tions set forth^-Generai Harrison infaoor of Henry Clay — Slan-
ders in the House — Kremer's letter— Monstrous nature of the
charges against Mr. C. — His course in regard to them — Appoint-
inent of a commiltee of examination — -Complete refutation of the
calumny — Mr. Claij^s address to his constituents — Election of
John Quincy Adams by the House — Exasperation of Gen. Jack-
son'' s friends — Mr. Clay'^s independence of spirit — Motives of hif
jveferejice.

As Mr. Monroe's second Presidential term drew to a close, the ques-
tion of the next Presidency began to be busily agitated. Four promi-
nent candidates were presented by their friends for the suffrages of the
people : being John Q,uincey Adams of Massachusetts, Andrew Jackson
of Tennessee, Henry Clay of Kentucky, and William H. Crawford of
Georgia.

In November 1822, Mr. Clay Iiad been nominated as a successor to
James Monroe, at a meeting of the members of the Legislature of Ken-
tucky. The nomination soon after met with a response from similar
meetings in Louisiana, Missouri, and Ohio ; and, as the period of elec?
tion approached, he was hailed by large bodies of his fellow citizens in
all parts of the country as their favorite candidate.

The campaign of 1824 was one of the most warmly contested ia
.pur annals. Some of the more unscrupulous of the friends of the
various candidates resorted to manoeuvres unworthy of their cause tQ
advance their ends. Ji.st as the election was commencing, a report
was industriously circulated in different quarters of the country, that
Mr Clay had withdrawn from the presidential contest. In consequence
of this report, Gen. William H. Harrison, and other of Mr. Clay's friends
in Ohio, published a declaration, in which it was asserted, that he
(Mr. Clay) " would not be withdrawn from the contest but by the fiat
ofhis Maker." Our late lamented chief magistrate was at that time
and ever after, his devoted political as well as personal friend ; and he
has often been heard to declare his preference for him over all other
candidates.

Early in the campaign it was discovered that there would be no
election of President by the people. By the constitution, the House of
Representatives would therefore be called upon to choose from the
three highest candidates. In December 1824, soon after the meeting
of Congress it was known that the three highest candidates were Jack-
son, Adams, and Ciawford, and that Mr. Clay and his friends would
liave it in their power, when the question came before the House, of
turning the balance in favor of any one of the three.

292 LIKE AKD rURLlC SKRVICF-S OF n-E:,-Jiv CLAy.

Mr. Clay's position now wns nn cxiicinely iiir.>oi!ont one. Scvciai
weeks were to inlervciic hrfoic iiie election ; vdid,An (he meantime, iho
parlizans of (he three candidatro looked with intense anxiety to the
Speaker's course. Mr. Clay's [r.cfercnces were distinctly known to his
personal friends, for lie Iiad expieseed thcni in iiis lelleis and his con-
versation ; but it would have been ii^idclicate and superiluous for him
to have electioneered in LeliJtlf of any one of tb,c rival "candidates —
to have given o-ccasiun for iuiiigucs and coalitions by ciccididg" the
question in advance.

While all parlies were ia this state of sn?pen?e. a pro*s and unprinci'
pliid attempt was made to brovvbcat ?.ir. t "':■> , ! '::m; Acni wlia'

was rightly supposed to be his position (f ■):■ ;■ Mr. .-dams'

A letter which was afterward avowed by iicorue ::,vcn,i i\ a member of
the House from Pennsylvania, appeared in a Philadelphia newspaper,
called the Columbia Observer, charging J\Ir. Clay and his friends \\illi
the most flagitious intentions — in short Vviih the design of selling their
vote to the highest bidder.

Monstrous as were these i:)tin:!ations, ihey were calculated to carry
some weight with the ignorant and unreflecting. By such persons it
would not be taken into consideration, that Mr. Clay had already de-
,clined oflices of the highest grade under Madison and Monroe — that, if
either Jackson or Crawibid liad iKcn elected through bis agency, the
first office in the gift of eifht r, v\'ould indubitably have been oflered
to bini — that, in acceprlng oiiice imder Mr. Adams, it was universally
xinderstood at Washington he was conferring rather than receiving a
favor — that, he might not inaptly have been accused of acting an un-

tenerous part, if, after bringing the Adajns administration into power
e had refused it the countenance so efscntial to its success — that he
would have neglected the solicitations i i' !!',■" sccietaryship — and, i^i
short, that in order tojustifj/^ his vote it Vv:-5s ii.cniubenton him to submit
to the united voice of tlie friends of the nev/ admiiiistralion, and bring
"to it as much of his western strength as he could lend.

The Columbian Observer, in whicii the precious espistle we liave
alluded to appeared, was a print sustained by Mr. Eaten, the friend,
"biogrtipher, a.nd colleague in the Senate of General Jackson. The
position of the writer of the letter, as a member of Congress, gave it a
consequence, which, utterly contemptible as it is, it would not other-
tvise, m any degree, liave possessed. Mr. Clay deemed it incumbent
.upon him to notice it ; and he published a card an the National Intel-
ligencer, pronouncing the author of the letter, wlioever he might be,
"a b\isc and infamous calumniator." 'J'his was answered by a card
from Mr. George Kremer, in which he said, he held himself ready to
■prove, to the satisfaction of unprejudiced minds, enough to satisfy them
bf the accuracy of the statements in the letter so far as Mr. Clay was
concerned

The calumny having been thus fathered, Mr. Clay rose in his place
in the House, and demanded an investigation into the affair.

A committJce was accordingly appointed by ballot on the fifth of Feb-
ruary, 183.5. It was composed of some of tire leading members oftho

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP HENRY CLA-Y. 293

House, not one of wliom was Mr. Clay's political frierul. Alibougli
Mr. Kremer had declared (o the House and to the public his willing-
ness to bring forward his proofs, and his readiness to abide the issue of
the inquiry, his fears on other counsels than his own, prevailed upon
him to take refuge in a miserable subterfuge. The committee repor-
,t)cd that Mr. Kremer declined appearing before them, alleging that he
^'•could not do so xoWiout appearing either as an accuser or a ivitness,
both of ichich he protested against .'"

And yet, this same Mr. Kremer, a day or two before, when the
subject to appoint ar: investigating committee »;ame up, had risen in
his seat in the House, and said : " If. upon an investigation being
instituted, it should appear that he had not suffici©,nt reason to justify
the statements he had made, he trusted Le should rer.eive the marked,
rebrobation which had been suggested by the speaker. Let it fall,
where it might, Mr. K. said, he was iDilling to meet the inquiry, and
abide the result.-'

But it is not on Mr. Kremer alono that or^' indignation should be
expended for this miserable attempt to bolster up a ptofligate calumny
jUst long enough for it to operate on an approaching election. He was
merely a looliu the hands of deeper rogues. A tliick-headed, illiterate,
foolish, good natured man, he was ready, in his blind attachment to
jGeneral Jackson, to do any servile deed that might propogate his
idols.

Mr Clay has himself given an interesting account of this affair in an
address to his constituents.

On the ninth of February, 1825, in the presence of both houses of
.Congress, Mr. Tazewell fiom the committee of tellers, reported the
votes of the different States, for President and Vice President of the
United States, 'ilie aggregate were as follows : John Q,uincy Adams,
had eighty-four votes; VYm. H. Crawford, forty one; Andiedw Jackson
yinety-nine ; and Henry, Clay thirty-seven.

The President of the Senate then rose, and declared that no person
had received a majority of the votes given for President of the United
'States; that Andrew Jackson, John Q,. Adams and Wm. H. Crawford
were the three persons who had received the highest number of votes,
and that the remaining duties in the cho'.ceof a President nov/ devolved
on the House of Representatives. He further declared that John C.
Calhoun, of South Carolina, having received one hundred and eighty-
two votes, was duly elected VicePresidentof the United States, to serve
for four years from the ensuing fourth day of March. The member?
Qf the Senate (hen retired.

The constitution provides, that "from the persons having the highest
numbers not exceeding three, on the list voted for as President, th^
House of Representatives shall choose immediately by ballot, a
President."

The friends of General Jackson now, as a matter of course, eagerly
advanced the doctrine, \\mt a plwrdity of votes for any candidate should
,be considered as decisive of the will of the people and should influence

291 LIFE -VXD PUBLIC SRUVICES OF HENRY CLAY.

tlie members of the IJoasc in their votes. As if a mere plurality forsooth
ought to swallow up a niajorJ,ty ! A more preposterous doctrine, and
one more directly in the face of tlie constitution, could not w^ll be im-
agined. Ii cannot he culled deniocratic, for it does not admit the preva-
lence of the will of ihe maj&rity in the election. It was in fact a dogma
engendered for the occasion by tlie friends of the candidate, who
happened to come into the House witli a plurality of votes.

Mr. Clay was not to be ch-agooned into the admission of any sudi
principle. He resolved to be gsiided by what v/as plainly the letter and
spirit of the coutdtution, and to give his vote to that man, whom he
believed to be the most coinpetcnt to preside over the destinies of the
republic. By a personal visit to Mr. Crawford he had satisfied himself
that that gentleman was too broken down in health, to discharge with
fitting energy the duties of the Chief Magistracy. His option therefore
lay between Messrs. Adams and Jackson.

We have seen what were Mr. Clay's views of the character of Gen.
Jackson as far back as 1819, when the Seminole questson w^as before
the House. Was it possible that he should regard those traits, which
in the soldier, liad led to conduct, at war with the constitution, ag

qualifications in the President? General Jackson was furthermore,
imderstood to be hostile to those great systems of internal improvement
and protection to home manufactures, which Mr, Clay had spent the
best part of his public life in establishing. At least the General's views
■\yere vacillating and undecided on these points. Could Mr. Clay be
called upon to sacrifice those important interests on the shiine of merely
sectional partiality — for the sake of having a western rather than an
eastern man to preside over the Union?

No ! Henry Clay was not to be influenced by such narrow and
unwortliy considerations. He lias himself said : " Had I yoted for
General Jackson m opposition to tlie well known opinions, wdiich I
entertained of him, one-tenth part of the ingenuity, and zeal which
have been employed to excite prciji'lM"-; r>o;,i.|f me, W'Ould have held
me up to universal contempt; «7^/ nkl havh been u-o?^se, I

should have felt (hat I really desn

CHAPTER X,

Iccount of Mr. Cla.ifs intercourse with Gnier'al Jackson — Cartlt
Beverly'' s letter charging hamain^ corruption and intrigue- General
Jackson the accuser of Mr. Clay — Mr. Buchanan of Pennsylvania,
giving the lie to Giueral JacksOn — Final refutation of the slander
by a cloud of u'itnesses, fVestern members of Congress and others.

Mr. Clay has himself given to tlie public a history of his intercourse
with General Jackson. It may be fouwd in his speech of 1838 in the
Senate on the Sub Treasury scheme.

^' My acquaintance," he says, " witli that extraordinary man com-
menced in this city, in the fall of 1815 or 1816. It was short, but
highly respectful and mutually cordial. I behold in him the gallant
and successful general, who, jjy the glorious victory of New Orleans,
had honorably closed the second war of our independence,, and I paid
him the homage due for that eminent service. A few years after, it
became my painful duty to animadvert,in the-House of Representatives,
with the independence which belongs to the Representative character,
upon some of his proceedings in the conduct of the Seminole war,
which I thought illegal and contrary to the constitution and the law of
nations. A non-intercourse between us ensued, which continued until
the fall of 1824, when, he being a member of the Senate, an accom-
modation between us was sought to bs brought about by the principal
part of the delegation from his. own State. For that purpose, we were
invited to dine with them at Claxton's boarding-house, on Capitol
Hill, AVhere my venerable friend from Tennessee (Mr. White) and his
colleague on the Spanish commission, wet-e both present. I letiretl
early from dinner, and was followed to the door by General Jackson and
the present minister ol the United States at the court of Madrid (Mr.
Eaton.) They pressed mo earnesdy to take a seat with them in their
carriage. My faithful servant and friend, Charles, was standing at the
door waiting for mc with my own. I yielded to their urgent politeness,
directed Charles to follow with my carriage, and they sat me down at
my own door. We afterward frequently met, with mutual respect
and cordiality; dined several times together, and reciprocated the hos-
pitality of our respective quarters. This friendly intercourse continued
until the election, in the House of Representatives, of a President of
the United States, came on in February, 1825. I gave the vote which,
in the contingency that happened, I told my colleague, (Mr. Ciitt en-
den,) who sits before me, prior to my departure from Kentucky, in
November, 1824, and told others, that I should give. All intercourse
ceased between General Jackson and myself. We have never since,
except once accidentally, exchanged salutations, nor met, except on
occasions when we were performing the last offices toward deceased

290 Llf E AND PUBLIC Si^llVlcES OF HENRY CLAY.

me'aibcrs of ConL'-^-c:^-:!, or oihor oiliccr^ of government Immetlmtely
after iny vote, a rar.coroiis v/nr was co:innet;icGcl ag-ainst nie, and aH the
baikiiig dog.i Id loose upon me. I shall not trace it during its ten
years' ijiiler continuance. But I tliank my God that I stand hcrejrm
and erect, nnbent, unbroken.unsubdnpu, ui!a\vcd,and ready to denounce
the nii.scitievous measures of this adiiiinisiia-ioa, and ready to denounce
this, its legitimate offspring, the most pernicious of all."

Directly after the adjournment of the 19di Congress, a letter dated
March 8, 1825, appeared in the newspapers purporting to relate a con"-
versaiion of thev/riterwilh General Jack^^on, in which the lattersaid that
Mr. Clay's friends in Congress propocr.l " ' T i-nds (Gen. J.'s) that
if they \voidd promise for hirn, that Mr. iihl not be continued

as Secretary of State, Mr. Clay and his fniiMis would at once elect Gen.
Jackson' President ; arid that he (General Jackson) indignantly rejected
the proposition. Mr. Carter Beverly, the author of this letter, wote ta
General Jackson, after its appearance, for a confirmation of its state-
ments.

Gen. Jackson replied, in a letter doled Jime 5, 1827 — more than
two years after t lie charge va'i first made; and in his reply, directly
charged the friends of Mr. Clay with having proposed to hint, (Jackson,)
through a distingtiished member of Congress, to vote for him, in case
he would declare that Mr. Adams should not be continued as Secretary
of State; and insinuated thai this proposition was made by authoiity of
Mr. Clay ; and, to slrcnglhen that insinuai ion, asserted that immediately
after the rejection of the proposition. Mr. Clay came out openly for Mr.
Adams.

To this propo:,ition, according to his own account, Gen. Jackson-
returned for answer, that before he would reach the presidential chair
by such means of bargain and corruption, "he would see the earth
open, and swallow both Mr. Clay and his friends and himself with
them. "

Gen. Jackson gave up the name of Mr. Buchanan of Pennsylvania
as the " distinguished member of Congress," to whom he had alluded
in his letter fo Mr. Beverly. Mr. Buchanan being thus involved in the
controversy, although a personal and political friend of Gen. Jackson,
made a statement which entirely exculpated Mr. Clay and his friends
from all participation in the alleged proposition. He? stated that in the
month of December, a rumor was in circulation at Washington, that
Gen Jackson intended, if elected, to keep Mr. Adams in as Secretary
of State. Believing that such a belief would cool his friends and
inspire his opponents with confidence, and being a supporter of General -
Jackson himself he thouglit that the Geneial ought to contradict the
report. He accordingly called on him, and made known his views ; to
which Gen. Jackson replied, that though he thought well of Mr. Adams,
lie had never said or intimated, that he would or would not, appoint
him Secretary of Slate. Mr. Buchanan then asked permission to repeat
this answer to any person he thought proper, which was granted, and
here the conversation ended. And out of such flimsy materials had
Gen. Jackson constructed his rancorous charge against Mr. Clay !

LIFE AND PUJJLIU SERVICKS OF HENRY CLAY. 297

Mr. Buchanan further stated, «hat he called on Gen. Jackson solely as ,
his frieiitl, and upon his own responsibility, and not as an agent for Mr|
Clay, or any other person ; that he had never been a friend of Mr. Clay
during the presidf^itial contest; and that he had not the most distant
idea that Gen.. Juc/:>:oit. /j^/iert^t/, or susoected, that he came on behalf
of Mr. Clay or his friends, until the jjublicationof the letter, making
that accusation.

Notwithstanding all grounrls for the charge were thus annihilated by
the testimony ol'tht; '• disiinguished nioniber of Congress" — himself a
warm partizan of Gen. Jafkrion — theasiiiine ciy of bargain and corrup-
tion was still kept up by the opponents of the administration ; and the
most audacious assertions were substituted for proofs.

At length, allhough not the slightest shadow of anything resembling
evidence had been produced in support of the calumny, a body of testi-
mony peifectly oveiwhclniing was produced against it. A circular
letter was addressed to the western nieinbers (for they alone were accu-
sed of being implicated in the aheged transaction) who voted for
Mr. Adams in the el eel ion by Congress in 1825, requesting to know
whether there ^vas any foimdation for the charge in the letter o/ Gen.
Jackson.

They all (with the exception of Mr. Cook, who was dead) utterfy
disclaimed the knowledge of any proposition made by Mr. Clay, or his
friends, to General Jaclcson, or to any other person ; and also explicitly
disclaimed atiy negociation with respect to their votes on that occas'ibh'.
On the contrary, the membeis fiom Ohio stated that they had determinr
ed upon voting for Mr. A(\a\us pre /nous to their being- informed of Mf.
Clay's inientioji, and without having ascertained his views.

The members from Kentucky, who voted with Mr. Clay, expressed
their ignorance of conditions of any sort having been ofiered by His
friends to any person, on compliance with which their vote was to
depend.

The membeis from liOuisiana and ^lissouri, (Coincided in these dec-
larations, and they all professed their belief in the falsehood of the chan-
ges made against Mr, Clay, on account of his conduct on that occasibn.

In addition to this testimony, le'lters were produced from well known
individuals, satisfactorily establishing the fact that Mr. Clay, previous
to his leaving his residence in Kentucky for Washington, in the
fall of 1824, repeatedly made declarations of his preference for Mr.
Adorns over General Jackson, tlirotigh the months of October, Novem-
ber, December and Janmuy following, until he executed that intention
on the ninth of February, 1825, in the House of Representatives.

We now commence publishing the mass of evidence, with which
we intend effectually to crush die acciTsation respecting the " bargain^
intrigue and corruption " cliaiged by Gen. Jackson and his tools, and
at the same time convince the public, that in voting for Mr. Adams,
Mr. Clay and his friends conscientiously discharged their duty ; and
that they could not have voted otherwise without palpable inconsisten •

^98 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY.

cy. We commence with the Statement of Gov, Vance of Ohio, then
a member of Congress, as were also the other gentlemen whose state-
ments are herewith given : —

Urbana, July 12th, 1827.
Sir : — On my return from a visit to "West Point, I found your favor
of the 5th of May, and with great cheerfuhiess answer the question
therein propounded.

you ask me as one of tlic friends of Mr. Clay, that voted for M..
Adams, if I knew of any proposition being made to General Jackson
or his friends, by Mr. Clay or his friends, iliatif he, Jackson, would
not appoint Mr. Adams Secretary of State, that we, tlie friends of Mr.
Clay would support him for the Presidency. I say without hesitation
that I' never heard of those, or any other ferms being thought of, as an
equivalent for the vote we were about to give; nor do I beheve that
the friends of Mr. Clay, or Mr. Clay himself, ever thought of making
or suggesting any terms to any one of the parties, as the grounds of our
acceptance or rejection of either of the three candidates returned to the
Houseof Representatives. As one of the oiiginal friends of Mr. Clay
I was in the habit of free and unreserved conversation both with him
and his other friends, relative to tliat election, and I am bold to say that
I never heai-d a whisper of any thing hke a condition on which our vote
was to be given, mentioned either by Mr Clay himself or any of his
friends, at any time or under any circumstances. That the friends of
Mr. Clay while tlie election was pending before the House, were treat-
ed with great kindness and courtpsy, by the friends of the other candi-
dates, is certainly true, and that v;e were strongly importuned to support
their respective favorites, is equally true : but 1 can say with truth, and
I say it with great pleasure, that I never heard a proposition from the
friend or friends of either of the candidates, or from any other person,
directed either to the ambition or avarice of those having a voice in the
election, calculated or intended to swerve them from a conscientious
discharge of their duty. Nor do I believe it was the opinion of any
well informed man, in the House of Representatives, until it was seized
hold of by the Combination as the best and only means to ruin Mr.
Clay.

I am, widi great respect, your obedient servant.

JOSEPH VANCE.
Hon. T. Watkins,

liANCASTER, May 21st 1S2T.
Dear Sir: — Absence from home, is the reason wliy I have not,
been before this answered your loiter, upon the subject of the letter
said to have been written by a ''highly respectable Virginian. "

I do not know that a friend or the friends of Mr. Clay ever made any
proposition to the friends of Gen. Jackson, respecting the election of
Mr. Adams as President in any way, or as respecting Gen. Jackson " not
putting Mr.Adams into the seat of Secretary of State," in case he
(Jackson) should be elected President.

LIFE AXD PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY. 299

Neither am I acquainted with a friend of Mr Clay's that would
consent to be aa agent in such a degrading transaction.

Nor can I admit tliat the friends of Mr. Cha_y had so contemptible an
opinion of each other or of Mr. Clay, as to suppose that the appoint-
ment or no'i-appointment of any n]an to any office would influence
thera ia (he discharge of an imporlaiit public duty.

Mr. Clay and his friends, preferred Mr. Adams to General Jackson

"inerely because they believed he, in a more eminent degree, possessed

'the qualilications necessary to tiic able performance of the higfh

duties assigned by the Constitution and Laws to the Presinent of the

United Slates.

I am, dear sir, with great respect, your obedient servant,

P. BEECHER.
Doctor Tobias Watkins, Wasliington.

WoQSTER, May 9th 1827.
Dear Sir: — Your favor of the 1st instant, has been received. I
had previously noticed the letter said to have been written by a " highly
respectable Virginian^ " to which it refers. ix\ answer to your inqui-
ries, I have to state, that 1 have always supposed iiiyself in the entire
contidetice of all Mr. Clays supporters and friends, who were members
of Congress at the time of (he Presidential election ;, and that I h?ive no
hesitation in saying that I never heard the most distant insinuation
from any of (hem that they would vote for General Jackson, if there
was any prospect of choosing either of the candidates That any of
the friends of Mr. Clay i\\ Congress ever made any proposition of con-
ditions, on which their votes would depend, to the friends of General
/ockson or any other person, I do not believe. Kad General Jackson
been chosen, they would have felt no concern as to who he might have
appointed memberi^ of his cabinet; and as to I\ Jr. <; lay's accepting an
appointment uader him, they vrould, to a man, have most certainly
opposed it, 1 judge of this from the opiiiion which I know they Qnter-
(ained of General Jackson's want of cupacit}', and the fact that it was
not until some tiine after tlic choice of Mr. Adams that they agreed to
advise Mr. Clay to accept the olilce lie now holds. His acceptance
lias ahvays been regarded by them as a favor done to the country, aiid
not as one conferred upon him.

If the disposition of General Jackson could have been judged of by
the importunity of some of his Congressional friends, I should have
supposed that a proposition of the kind mentioned, would have been
instantly closed v^'itii ; but no such propositions were ever made by the
friends of Mr. Clay, and none such would have been accepted by them.

In short I feel confident that the whole 75 a vile and infamousfalse-
/iooc/, such as honorable men would not resort to, more especially after
having upon full consrdtation and deliberate consideration declined an
investigation of the v/hole matter before a committee of the House of
ilepresentatives.

I am, sir, very respectfully, }our obcdi'^nt servant,

J. SLOANE.

Hon. Tobias Watkixs.

300 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY.

Steuben viLLE, Gtli Mc\y, 1827.
Dear Sir : — Yours of the 1st ciinent, stating," tliat Gen. Jackson is
reported to have said, at his table, " in the preseiKe of all his compa-
ny, " that Mr. Clay's fiiends niade a proposition to his iiiends that if
they would pvom'ise for hi/ii 7iot to put Mv. Adams into the seat of Sec-
retary of of State, Clay and his frientls would in o}/e //our make him,
Jackson, the President, " &c. &c. and askimjmeto inform you whether
I know, or believe that such a proposition was ever made ? Or,
whether conditions of any sort were proposed by the ftiends of ]\Ir.
Clay to any person, on a compliance with which their vote v^as n^ade
to depend ?

In reply I can only say sincerely and unequivocally, that I do not
know or believe that any proposition of the Lii.d iticniioned, as from
General Jackson, was ever made to the friends (■'■ iU ncwxl Jackson, by
the friends of ^h. Clay or any of them ; and tiiat ] am wholly ignoiaiit
of any conditions of any sort, being proposed to any one , by tlie friends
fit Bir. Clay on a compliance with which their votes was made to
depend.

Allow me to observe, in addition, that the vote of the Ohio Delega-
tion was determined upon by consultation among its members, so far as
I kno\y or believe, without any stipulation or agreement with the
Delegation of any other State, or individual, as to what that vote should
be. To ray knowledge, no influence whatever, other than the convic-
tions of each member, after a candid and serious exainination into the
fitness and qualifications o^ tlie three candidates before the House, for
the office of Chief Magistrate, and an ardent desire properly to discharge
the important duty devolved upon them by the Constitution, according
to its spirit, operated to control the vote of any one of Mr. Clay's
friends, or himself.

In great haste, sincciclv vo;]rs,

* ^ J. C. WRIGHT.

'^. Watkins, Esq.

Gallipolis, (Ohio,) May 27(h 18-13.

Dear Sir: — On returning home, to-day from a short joxnuey, I had
^he pleasure of receiving your letter of the 1st instant, addressed to me
concerning the pul)iication of a leUer, that first appealed in the '' Fay-
etteville O'^server, " said to have been wri(U>n by '' a highly respectable
Virginian, " containing a statement, in substance to this etJcct — that
General Jackson, in answer to a question put to him by tlie writer, in
presence of his, (len. J. 's company, said that Mr. Clay's friends made
a proposition 1o his friends, that if they would promise fur him, Jackson,
hot' to make Mr. Adams his Secretary of State, that Mr. Clay and his
friends would make him President at the then approaching election by
Coino-ress. You request me to fifvor you with a statement concerning
my 'knowledge of this matter. Having been one of the friends of Mr.
Clay, who voted for Mr. Adams, I clieerfuUy avail myself of this
opportunity to say that I have no knowledge whatever of the above
mentioned proposition or any other proposiiiton having been made to

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES O:^^ HENRY CLAY. 301

Geo. JacksoR, or any of liis friend^;, as a condilion upon wliicli his or
their vx)ie was to be giveu (o Gen. Jackson foi the.Presidenc}^

It may not, perliaps. b;? ;'n:;ssto add, in relation to myself, that tliongli
I hold the public services of Gen. Jiukson in die highest estimation,
it was well known to my cons(itnents fov many monlhs previous to the
Iate_ Presidential election, that afieiMr. Clay, Mr. Adams was my next
choice among the disliiigtiislied individnals who weie then before the
people of the United .Siati's as caudidatcs for that exalted station.

SAMUEL F. YINTON
T. W ATKINS Esq.

PiQUA, Ohio, ISih May, 1827.
Dear Sir:— Yours of the first instant came to hand by the Last mail
and in compliance with your request I will answer the intenoo-atories
you propound. I had pnorto the reception of yonr letter re'ad thp
publication to whicli yon allude, said to have been written b'v a '' hio-
ly respectable Virginian," and dated at Nashville, theSthofMamh
l^st, which tirst appeared, I believe, in the Fayetteville Observer and
subsequently in several other p.,pcrs, in which the wiiter, after havino-
mentioned his visit to Gen. Jackson thus oroceeds. "He (GenenT
Jack5on,) told me thisinormng, beiore all his company in 'lenlV too
question I put to him, conrcrniug (he elcciion of .Tohn O Afim^t^
the Presidency, that Mr. (Jiay 's h icnds made a proposition t^I^'^"^^
thatif they would pronnse/or/«.-y/, not to put Mr. Adams into th^
s,atofSecretaiyofState Cla> and Ins hielids would f"o 1 ^
make hmi, Jackson the President. He most indignantly rejectecUhe
proposition,andcecku-.^l (hat he wo.dd not compromit himself ad
^r^\essmoslopeu|/ a.d rairh/mudcihe President he would not receive
it. He dec ared that he saiu to them he would see the whole earth
sink under hira,. before he would bargain or intrigue for it "

You ask me to inform you whether conditions of any sort were
made by the friends of Mr Uiay, to ...y person, on a compliance with
Which their vote was n.ade to depend ? I answer th.at no suci prooo
sition was ever made, withm my knovledge, nor have I any cJuse to
behevethat conditions of any sort, were made, at anv timef by Ue
friends of Mi Clay to any person, ou a compliance with which their
vote was made to depend. I v.iU Anther .ay, I cannot believe tm
Gen. Jackson made the declarafion attributed to him. in the fete
purpoiting to have been wriMen hy a "highly respectable Virginian.
I am very respectfully, your obedient servant

T. Watkins, Esq. Washington City. ^^^^' ^^'^'^^^^

Canfield, Trumbull couniy, Ohio, May 12 182T.

Dear Sir :— Your favor of the 1st was received this morning In

answei- to your enquiries, I reply, that I do not know or believe that

a^y proposition was ever made by any of Mr. Clay's friends to those

.of Gen. Jackson's, on the morning of the Presidential clcctioo, or at

302

LIFE AND PimLC SERVICES OF HEXIiY CLAY

any other liivic, Isav
from the three velu!
conditions ol' any '•
person, on a c. ;

l)Ut. I ClO !>Cl!CV<

by a " hin'hly yr -
characi.er, iiiipii''
iiiends, any iuip

nnv i'Ooiinp: on tlie candidare to l)e selected
! {() the lioM.-i-:, nor do I Icnow or heUeve that any
rcre proposed liy the friends of Mr. Clay to any
■ iiicli their vole was made to depend ;
:i made by Gen. Jackson, as reported
■'■ . " niid ail of tiie charges of a like
; !;i; or to TJr. CLay, or to their
i... .. , ,.:, : ciTupt or frnuihd.ent conduct, on
that interesting- and momentous occasions, are ba.':e r'aiidos, known to
be such by those who p\;t iliom in circulation, yet veiy honestly cj-edit-
ed by many worthy citizens lUy intercourse with tlie friends of Mr.
Clay was such tJiat. hat! any proposition been made by them, I should
have been very likely to have known of it. No man was elevated to
^n office l)y views more pure and patriotic than was Mr. Adams, The
assertion imputed to (.iencral .Tackson is ridiculous on the face of it.
Admitting that Mr. Clay and his fiiends were oscillating, previous to
the charges made against Mr. Clay, of which Mr. Kremer afterwards
assumed to be the author, those cliarges must have seperated them from
General .Tackson and his friends; l>nt, as between Mr. Adams and
General Jackson, ncitlip'- 7<.lv. Clay nor his friends doubted for a moment
whom to support, and if it had been kiiown on the day tliat Congress
met that Mv. Clny would not be retrnned, and the vote had then been
taken, (considering Mr. Crawfords ihness,) the result would have beeji
,the same as when ti;e election was held. Ifxilr. Clay's friends were
halting between two opinions, on tlie moining of the election, how
lud, corruption, bargain, and sale, were made
refhat>ime? If Genend Jack'son has any
to sustain his declaration, wliy does he with-

Yerv respectfuilv vours,

■ ' E. WHITTELSEY.

happens it llie ( !: _ ''
ten days or n i-
evide)ice in Ins ]ju--< .-M^i
hold it from the public ?

T. YfATKriNs, Esq.

Dear Sir : — Your
•a statement of the conl
cl.djlo Yir.i

Mansfield, O., May, 24th, 1827.

of the 2:iii iiislaot was just received, giving
'f a ii'tier said to iuive been written by a
, relative to a statement said to have been
n the subiect of the late Presidential Elec-

Cen-n

d, I will say tliat I do not

(ion i

iluded to l»y the writer of

whei!

the elect iou took place, and

•'highly res;

made by CJjuei-:d Ja

•tion.

Before I proceed, in jusiire to tli
'believe diathc ever made iii^' decia
.said letter, for the Genend v.a-^ thei

nmst inevitably liave known that sucli a statement would carr// faJsc-
Jiood onthe ven/face of it. It was well krown that some of the
.friends of Mr, Clay from Ohio, would not, m any event, give their
support to Gen. Jackson, because Mr. Adams was their second choice,
i\nd believed to be second choice of a majority of the people of this
State; and further. Gen, Jackson must knou' that two weeks previous
to the election, Mr. Clay and his friends were assailed in a vulgar and un-
gentlemanly laanncr, for declaring their intention to vote for the present

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP HENKY Cr W. 303

^.'Executive; yet this proposition is said to bavc been made (o die friends
' of Gen. Jackson duxt on certain conditions " tiie tvencial should be
President in one hour, " wliich if tuic, must, have been iiia(]e only one
honr before the Canvass took piaco in the House. This statement of
itself needs no refniaiion except for the respectable souice from which it
is said to hove enianaied. I was in tiie House, I believe, every day of
that session at v/Iiich t!ie President was electc d ; and liave no hesitation
in saying, that so far from niakin:;- any proposition or overture, were the
friends of Mr. Clay, in iavorof the General, that had die friends of the
General made such a proposition, ^\•e would b.ave considered it as an
indignity otfered to our integrity and understanding. I could not have
voted for the General in any event, for many reasons — two of which I
will mention ; First, I believed him (\\r inferior to all the other candi-
dates in point of talents : Second,! had dou!)ts of his being a real friend
to the Tariff to protect the msnnfactures of our ov/n country. I will
also mention that i had cnteriained doubts of his being friendly to inter-
nal improvement imdcr the direction of the Geiier/d Government.
These opinions have been, within the present year, verified by declara-
tions, and the course pursued by Uie GeneraFs leading friends, and his
silence on the subject, after being solicited to come out.

M. BARTLEY.
T. VY ATKINS, Esq.

St. Comsville, May, 9th, 1S27.
S'm:— Yours of the 1st instant was received the 7th, and in answer
to your inquiry 1 frankly state to yon iliat if any such propo^idon as you
state, was made by the friends of Mr. Clay to those of Gen. Jnckson, I
had no knowledge of it ; and I was one of t lie friends of Mr. Clay ;
I therefore beheve the report to be without an honest foundation.
Respectfully yours, &c.

JOHN PATTERSON.
T. Watkins, Esa.

liANCASTER, Ky., 26di Juuc, 1827.
Dear Sir : — Yours of the 2d May, did not reach me until a day or
two ago. Yen inc-piire whether I know any thing in relation to the
following statement, said to have been made by * 'diighly respectable
"Virginian": " He (General Jackson,) told me this morning, before all
his company, in reply to acpiesfion 1 put to him, concerning the elec-
tion of John Q,. Adams to the Presidency, that Mr. Clay's friends made
a proposition to his friends that if they would promise, for him^ not
to put Mr. Adams into the seat of Secretary of State, Clay and his
friends would, in one hour, make him Jackson, the President."

1 know of no such proposition or intimation, nor have I a knowledge
of any fact or circumstance which would induce me to believe that
Mr. Clay's friends or any one of them, ever made such a proposition to
the friends of Gen. Jackson.

With great respect, your obedient sen ant,

R. P. LETCHER,
T. Watkins, Esq,

304 LIFE AND PUBLIC SEUVICLS OF HENRY CLAY.

GKKcxr.!u:;;Gii, Kv., May 26, 1827.
Dear Sir: — Having been abseuf, iVom hoiue, foi* some time, yoiitB
of the 2d of this inonili was not received until a day or two since. —
You mention, a letter, said fo have been written by a "h.ig-hly respe<"la-
ble Yirginian," dated at Nashville, 8th of March last, which lirst ap-
peared in the Fayetteville 0i3server, in which Gen. Jackson is repre-
sented as having- said before all his company, in reply to a question put
to him by the Virginian, concerning the election of J. Q,. Jdams to
the Prcsideticy, that jlr Clay's friends made a proposition to Ids friend.5
that if they would promise, /'or hiin, i;ot to put jMr. Adams into tho
seat of the Secretary of Slate, Clay and his fiiends woidd, in one hour,
make him, Jackson, Piesident."

In answer to your inquiries on this su!)ject, 1 will remark thai I have
no reason to believe that an\" siicn proposition was made. Indeed no
proposition of any description, relating to tiie election of President was
made, so far as I know or believe, by Mr Clay's friends to those of
Gen Jackson, or of any other person.

Vv'iih great respect, your ol)edicnt servant,

RICHARD A. BUCKNER.
T. Watkevs, Esq.

Yellow Banks, lOtli June, 1627.

Dear Sir: — 1 did not answer your letter of the 2d of May last, and
the apology I otfer, I expected Gen. Jackson would have contradieteci
the report of the conversation he bad with \\\e.'- respectable Virginian,^'
or that he would have designated the fi lend of Mr. Clay who made
the proposition to make him President, if he would not make Mr. AcT-
ams Secretary.

If I had not have been disappointed in my expectations, an answer
from me would have been unnecessary.

General Jackson remains silent, and the only inference to be drawn
is, that he did have the conversation alluded to with the Virginian,

I now answer your inquiiy, and say I know of no proposition made
by the friends of Mr. Clay to the friends of General Jackson to make
him President if he v/ould noL select Mr.Adanisto tlie seat of Secretary;
and I do not believe a proposition of any kind was made, and I expect
if the friend of the General should ever speak on the subject, he will
be a second Kremer.

Yours, with respect,

P. THOMPSON.

T. AVatkins, Esq.

Baton Rogue, July 17, 1827.
Dear SiR: — In answer to your letter of the 1st of May, in whicir
you inquire whether I know or believe that the friends of Mr. Clay
during the pendency of the last Presidential election, proposed to the
friends oi General Jackson to make him the President upon condition
that he would not continue Mt. Adams Secretary of State. I have no
fenowledge of a«y piopositions having been made by the friends of

LU'is: ASU PUULtC ilKRVlGKS Oi' lJ£-VltV CLAY. 305

r\Ir. OUy or a;iy of thr.u lo t.lio fncn'.l:! of General Juckdon or to any
oiiiDr pira,)!!, ill rtilado!! to the election of Pra/iJent ; oriKa proposition
of con:lition"5- of any sort., oa a compliaiicc with w'nch tlieir vote
was to dep;;:n]. I bsliavo tiu cluii-;^a wholly cl^stituto of truth.
I am, very respeclfully, Yoitr obedient servanf,

H. ii. GURLEY.
DocToa T. Watxixs.

FiiAXK^'ORT, September 3d, 1827'.
?.Iy Dij.vii Srii : — I have received your letter of the 23nl of July
lust, and canuat hesitate to give yon the statement you have requested.

Soine time in t'le fall of 1824, converging- upon the subject of the
than" pendinaf presidential eleciion, and speaking in reference to your
exclusion from the contest, and to your being called upon to decide and
vote between the otlier candidates who might be returned to the House
of Representatives, you declared that you could not, or that it was
impossible for you to 'vote for Gen. Jackson in any event.' My im-
pression is that the conversatiosi took place at Capt. Weisiger's tavern
in this town [Fiankfort Kv-] not very long before you went on to
Congress in the fall preceding the last presidential eledion, and that
the declaration made by you as above stated was elicited by some
intimation that fell from mo of my preference for Gen. Jackson over all
the other cantlidales except yourself. It was one of the many casual
conversations we had together upon the subject of that election, and
various otiier subjects, and had entirely escaped from mv mind until
my attention vv^as particularly recalled to it after the election.

i will onlv add, sir, that I have' casuaHy learned from my frienil
Colonel Jaines Davidsoii, our state Treasurer, (what you may probably
have forgotten.) that you conversed with him, about the same time,
npon tl'io same suliject, and made to him, in substance, the same decla-
ration that you did to me.

Notwithstanding the reluctance I feel at having my humble name
tkawn before the public, I could not, in justice, refuse to give you the
rfbove stafcment of facts, with permission to use them as you may think
proper for the purpose of your own vindication.

I have tiie honor to be, yours, &c.

J. J. CKITTENDEx\.

Hon. 11. Clay, Secretary of State.

Washington, August. 14ih, 1827.
I certify that in the early part of the session of Congress '24-5; I dined
at the Columbian College witli Gen. Lafayette, and Mr. Clay and
others — on returning from that dinner to town, Mr. Clay and myself
(there being no odier person with us) came in the same hack. During
the ride our conversation turned on the then pcndirrg [residential
election I expressed myself, in the event of the contest being narrowed
down to Mr. Adams and General Jackson, in favor of Mr. A-tlttms, and
Mr. Clay expressed a coincidence of opinion,

^ JAMES BARBOUR.

206 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP IIExXRT CtAY^

RocKviLLE, Monii^omery County, Mtl. Nov. 3, 1S2T.
In the faU of the year 1424, I saw Gen, Call and several o(her
gentlemen, members of Congress, on their way to Washington, at a
tavern in Rockvillo; they were conversing on the subject of tlie pres-
idential election-, ^nd w^hen the vote which Mr, Clay Avould probably
give was spoken of, Gen. Call declared that the friends of Gen. Jackson
did not expect Mr. Clay to vote for him, and if he did so, it would be
an act of duplicity on- his part.

JOHN BRADDOCK.

I^HiLADELPniA, October 2, iS2T.

Sir: — In answer fa wars of yesterday's date requesting me to slate
to you the particulars (k'some remarks v\diich you were ii formed I had
heard General Jackson use on the subject of the Presidential election.
I have to state that on my way dou'n the Oliio fsom AVheeling to
Cincinnati, in the month of March, 1825, on board of the steamboat
General Nelville aniong many other passengers, were Gen. Jackson
and anumber of gentlemen from Pennsylvania, some of whom remarked
to the General,that they regretted that he had not been elected President
instead of Mr. Adams. General Jackson replied, that if he would
have made the same promises and offers to Mr. Clay, that Mr. Adams
had done, he (Gen. Jackson) vroukl then, in that case, been in flic
Presidential chair, but he would m.ake no promises to any : tliat if he
went to the Presidential chair, he Vvoukl go with clean hands and un-
controlled by an}^ one. These remarks were made by Gen. Jackson
in the hearing of Mr. James Parker, of Chester county — Mr. Vvilliam
Crowsdill of this city, and myself, and a number of other gentlemen
unknown to me.

I am with respect, vours, &c.

DANIEL LARGE.

Samuel "VYetiieriiile, Esq.

Philadelphia, October .5, 1S2T.
The statement made by Mr. Dan. Large in the prelixed letter, is a
faithful account of Gen Jackson's conversation on the occasion alluded
to. WM. CRCWSDILL.

The following is an extract from a letter written to Mr. Clay, by
General Lafayette, dated La Grange, October 10, ISIT, in answer
to interrogatories put to him on the subject of this slander : —

Blessed as I have lately been with (he welcome, and conscious, as
it is my happy lot to be, of the atfection and confldence of all parties
and all men in every party within the United States, feelings wiiich I
most cordially reciprocate, I ever have thought myself bound to avoid
taking any part in local or personal divisions. Indeed, if I thought
that in these matters my in^uence could be of any avail, ii should be
solely exerted to deprecate, not by far, the* free, republican, and fuU
discussion of principles and candidates, but those invidious slanders
which, although thesy are happily repelled by the good sense, the candor
and in domestic instances, by the delicacy of the American people

LIFE A^D PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY, j Zi^4,

Kond (0 give abroad iiicorrecL and disparaging impressions. Yet, tiiat
'line of conducL froai which I must not deviate except in ininiinei.i;
-cases novv' out of the question, does not imply a forge tfidness of facts
nor a refusal to state them occasionally. My rememhrance concurs
\rith your own on this point, that in the latter end of December, either
before or after my vssit to Annapolis, you being out of the presidential
candidature, and after having expressed my above mentioned motives
of forbearance, I, by 'v^ay of a confidential exception, allowed myself
to put a simple uuqualilied question, respecting your electioneeting
guess, and your intended vote. Your answer was that m your opinion
the actual state of health of Mr. Crawford had limited the contest to a
choice between Mr. Adams and Gen. Jackson, that a claim founded ca
military achievements did not meet your preference, and (hat you had
concluded to vote for Mr. Adams. Such has been, if not the literal
wording, at least the precise sense of a conversation which it would
kave been inconsistent for me to carry farther and not to keep«, secret
wii'iie a recollection of it, to assist your memory I should not now deny
not only to you as my friend, but to any man in a similar situation. —
Present my atrcctionate respects to Mrs. Clay — remember me lo all'
your fiiniily. and to our friends in Washington. I will write by the
sanse packet to the President. Believe mefoi-ever your sincere obligecf
friend. LAb'AYETTE.

Extract fiom a letter from Joseph Kent, Governor of Maryland, to a
geudemaa of Frankfort,Ivy. dated

RosEMONT, May 15th. 1S27.
" I havo seen so little of late from your s.ate upon the subject of
politics, that I do not know whether the violence of the opposi-
tion to the present administration has extended itself among you or
not. Our friend Mr. Clay appears to be the chief object of persecution
with the opposition. They are with great industry c onducting a sys-
tematical attack upon hira which connnenced with the Kiemer story
which was an entire fabrication. At the time the plot opened 1 was a
member iof the Rouse of Represeiitaiives and heard Kremer declare he
jaever designed to ciiaige Mr. Clay with any thing dishonorable in his
life. The old man, natmally honest, was imposed on at that time by
a powerful influence, and constrained to act his part in an atJair, which
from beginning to end, was^s much a fiction ^s tlu Merry Wives of
' Windsor or the School of Scandal. The attacic on IVIr. Claj-durrino-
the late sessioia cf Congress, by General Saunders, as far a-s I could
judge from the debate as published,provcd an entire abortion,\.V. I do not
know which sua-prise me most, the folly of the attack, or (he inconsisg
tency of t!ie General. You have seen, no doubt, that Mr. F. Johnson
stated in his reply to General Saunders, that at the time of the Presi-
dential election in the House of Representatives, he. Gen. S. \yas
decidedly in favor of Mr. Adams in preference to Gen. Jackson. In
confirmation of what Mr. Johnson has stated, I well remember that not
ten minutes before the election Gen. Saunders came to me, with an
anxious countenance, discovering deep concern indeed, and used these
emphatic words — "I hope to (4jd you may be able to terminate the
•lection on the first ballot, for fear we from North Carolina mav be

S08 UPE AKP rvnuc fEP.Ticnf* of iiizkry ciay.

forced to vote for Ccn. Jr.fi:ron." NoitJi Cr.roHiin. yoii krovv. vofcd
in the IIouFC of KrpicM ni.iiiN c?, for ?!]:•. Crawford, v.iid'c ric;s|;rc(s of
f-ucccps was hopelc.-^, ; 'ii!.< ; : ;• ti'o clcclor_s of tliat .'m;.!- ,'.;•.''" ii;r-ir votes
in favor ofCen. JeuIvN.Kj. AH'-vwiiig tlic- deep inierefci you iiavc always
taken in Air. Ciay's Vvelirae, 1 liave ijeen induced to give you for yoiir
pcrfcona! J^ati^fac'iicn, ;!.''se pariicui.'r.T. J-.l r. <.'iay 1 have known inti-
mately for tixlecn y( a!< ; jiio pullio c; i'rr :- « < ivipleteiy indentified
with every everit, of tlio cotnii ry fio;ii ifai p( r^c d to llic pvcseni time,
whetliei in peace or war. I)iJiii;g- Hie k-:(«: war i have ret-n die House
of Rcprcsrnlniivcs, afi-r !;;ivii!:j rionc cut of Ccirndifee of the wh.oie,
return to it, again, fnr l!^' fole piirpcfe of f^fj-rding Mr. Clay an oppor-
tunity (then Spealcer) of" piii'.iiy'.:^- dov.n th.c dceperaie riui infuriated
j'.dvocales of liriiish (y!'''nv.\A", iiiSnl! and injriry. Init jds enemies say
Mr. Adams haicained widi liim, Tlii:- ;;;Mr{i( n is wiilicut proof, and
is destitute of tiuth, a> il ]'. of mpuiy [■vi^kvx??. liis f-uperior quahfi-
eations placed ]ii)ii ir. ilu- 1 rpnr:r;.( i,i f ( .'iaie. and idstory furnislies
no instance wi.en fo fupfiior a nan rvrr iiad iol)arp"ain for a high sin-
tion, for wiiich his peculiar fitness was cvidfut io every one. In
Maryland (he Adniinis'italion is daily gaining ground, and hy tljc time
the election occurs, I hope we sliall be able to present on undivided
front in their suppori."

Ti'^STIMONY OF JATvIES B. EEYInOI/>, i:sa.— The fol-
lov.'ing is an extractfroma Circular letter of Jj\mf.s 13. Rfynoldp, hsq.,
formerly a member of Cong'ess from Tennessee, to his conslituents at
the close of the Session of l824-25,wh!ch we tnkefrcmrsilco' Register,
page 205.

Atthc period m.entioned, Mr. R. was a vs-arm advocate of the election
of General Jackson to the Presidency, on accouni, as he said, of the
"character, talents and services" of the General, andafiim and decided
though honorable opposcr of the claiins of Mr. Clay. He was on the
!?pot at the time the charge of "bargain, intrigue and corruption" was
made against Mecsrs. Clay and Adanis, and have an opporluniiy of
knowing every thing in roferenccc to the charge, and all the circumstan-
ces under which it originated. Testimony of this jdnd.and fiom such
a source, must have vrcight v.ith the candid and intelligent part of
mankind, of all paatics:

Extract from the circular letLcr of Mr. Rcyriolds of TcvMcssee to Ids

constituents, in the year 1S26.

After nientioning the clcclion of Mr. Adams. Mr. Reynolds eays:—
"This event I know, is contrary to ycvir best wislKS and i believe
cnnlraiy to the will of a majoriiy of the people of tins Union. And
if I a.m not greatly deceived in tjie disposition and delcrmination of
them the hero of New ( rlcans will be the next President, who f^hall
preside over the destinies tf this great and growing Republic. Ten-
ncgsce, on (hie occasion did her duty. The delegation was tinanimdus

Life iKD pcsijc stiRVicss OF rrc.vRT c:,.iT. 309

^TV her Jackson, it i}cing' almost (lie univpr?al voice of iljcircon^ritucnis.
' ' course wjts coasistcnt with your dionity and iiosjor, and my own
lings. I found ao concert, or jnanygcaieal among (he friends of
General Jackson. I sought for ao coji:; hi n;U ion, it any ihr-re were, to
promote his election, by phicing him under obligations beyond iiis^dnty
afterwards to perform. 1 reiterated (o every gentleman, with whom I
conversed on the snhiact, his ciiaracter, talents and services, and sub-
mitted his claims to their consciences and judgment. If ciny improver
rombmation^ or comcpiioiis hove hecii emploijcd in the elevalion of
Mr. Adams^ it is unkiisxn to me. I should most inevitably Isave
exposed it to public view. But, in (he absence of a. I proof, who has
made me ijie arbiter of men's motives, aiid actions, and pronounce
Hiem infamous, j^ecaus-e they differ vvith me on siibjects of deep interest
(o the country, acting under ihe same solemn obligations of honor and
duty which binds us all to Heaven? I hope (he charges arc unfounded.
Men of 2T?nt talents, Vv'ho have herctofoie stood jiigli in the regard and
affections of iheii- fellovz-citizens, for (heir patriotic and distinguished
services, and who have been honored v,'ith the most important offices
witiiin the g'.ft of t b.e people, o/vci ?/c?fJ enjoy them, ought not to he
2rat down, on slight ground of jealous suspicions. But, it is possible
to fix guilt by evidence, the biisiness ought net to rest on nevx's-paper
issues, and tlie murmurs of tlic disappointed ; for, much r.s I esteem
and honor some of them, 1 would not hesitate a moment to hurl (liem
from their high efiices, in tire manner pointed out b}^ \\\q, constitution, I
had no favors personally to ask of any of thofe eminent men, who
migh.t succeed to the pr?sidential chair, I want, nor expect, no office. —
My duty aai obligations ara exclusively yours v/hile in your
services.

Mr. Adams is a man of eminent and distinguished talents, and I
trust will have an honorable, prospe'-ous and happy administration,
during the term of his election, for t'C benefit and glory of our common
country. But it cannot be concealed that h^; is novr placed in a sin^rtilar
and unpleasant dilemma, unknown to our puHtical history. He has
been elected president of the U. Stales, wiih a minority smaller than the
votes of the electoral coilrges to Gen. Jackson. This is a circumstance
of great moment, and demands (lie serious attention of the
people of this Tnion. The constitution ought to be amended,
ana (he election given to (he people ; for I deem it of vilal
importance to the well being and prosperity of ou.r ccurUiy, that
the chief magisfiate should liave, at tlie commencement of his
administration, the confidence and esteem of at least a mnj.oriiy
of li's fellow-citizens.

TESTIMONY OF JU :^ >-x. i vj l^\u Z :^. — las following is an extract
from a letter published in the Nasliville Banner of Nov. 18di 1812, by
JanciE Greex, now on the Bench of the Supreme Court of Tennessee
Judge Green was a member of the Tennessee Legislatm-e, and of the
Jackson party, in 1S2T, when Brown's celebrated resolutions on the
subject of "bargain, intrigue and corrupsion, " was acted on, and

310 LIFE AND VUBIJC SERVICES O^ HENRY CLAY.

made a spoocli in f;ivor of tiie resoJutions, and against Mr. Clay. IMie
defence of i/'" rc:--'i'fri:r! in Hic Senate, devolved on the Judge, and
Insargiirnent w.is iniiii^'M a;id sj:)t abroad in thousands of coppies of
" E-Viia ll.-nn'jlic;iii:, '' a. p:;|>er wiiici! uTis (hen trie organ of the Jack-
son party in 'rv.iao.~---:'p.

The leftcr of Judi^e Gicen, from which tiic following- cxtracis are
taken, was in rs^ply to sonic icllections on tlic suppcitcrs of tlic^^e reso-
lutions, by tjic Nasliville •• liig:

It is poor reasoning, (o t^ay, that because t!ie evidence noio before tlie
public is snflicient to exonemte Air. Clay kcxn the charge, it follow?
that pievious to the [)nblicaiion of Mr. Clay's defence, there was no
evidence against hini. 'J'hat is assuming the absurd position, that
the accusatory evidence, nnist nocpssaiily be connected «-;V/(., and ac-
con)panietl b>j^ the exculpatory pisof. a.- if an accusation may not be
weirmade out by proof, and if the accused stand mute, be sufticient to
convict him, — when at the same time he njay be a'^^leto adduce ample
testimony to explain away circinr,stances ag;u;']st him. — The arginnent
of the " Whig-, " in the paragraph I have quoted, is equally untenable.!

My purpose lias not l>een to show thatiiilS2T, tlje Tennessee •
Legislature had suljicieiit evidence of the facts assumed in Browni's
resolutions, and accompanying argument; but to show, that though
Mr. Clay was innocent of the charge — yet until he made that innocence
to appear by his su!)sequcnt defence, circumstances Vv'ere ag-ainsf him.
These circumstances I alluded tola my speech, the suktance of which
was printed in the extra Hepublican.

Indeed, it is idle to assume, that there were no such circumstances,
when Mr, Clay hiniseif deemed, the cliaige sufficiently grave, and
rendered sufficiently plausible, to re-quire from him an elaborate defence.

Let it be conceded that (hat defence was full, ai-id satisfactory— that
the letters of Cen. La-Fayetic, Mr. Crittenden, and others, stating that
jVTr. Clay had, before Congress convened, declared that should it
devolve upon him to choose between Mr. Adams, and Gen. Jackson, he
should vote for the former, sufficently show tliat his purpose was
formed without reference loathe office of Secretary of State; and therefore,
^'lat the charge against him, of giving his vote in consideration of thai
office is (M\ovxDU\i-:s.

J have felt it incunib(;nt upon me, liolding the siluatioi: I do, to
rescue my honor from ih.ii impuialiun (he Whig casts upon it, and
therefore request (he publicoiion of this defence.

KATlJAxN GKt:EN.

TESTIMONY OF JOHN A. ROGERS.— Col. John A. Rogers
was a member of the House of Representative, of the Tennessee Leg-
islature, from Hawkins county, in 1827, wlien (his charge was made,
and he (ookan jictive part in (he deliberations of the House, then, as h.o
did on all occasions. In (he Nachville Union, (he organ of Tcnncpscs

LIFE AND PfBLC SEfiViCfig OF HEiVRY CLAt 311

Locotocoism, of Nov. 5, 1842, Uie cdiior of that print, under ihe liead
of" Powerful Witness," introduced Col. Rogers a.s a witness to sus
tain the charc^e of '' bargain, intrigue and corruption " against Messrs.
Clay and Adams, and compliments t'^e Colonel very higlily The
Colonel replied to him from Grenada, Miss, undef date of Nov. IS,
1842. The editor of the Union, refusing to publish this letter, it
appeared in the Nashville Banner of Dec. 5, 1S42, from which ihe
following extract is taken :

" When it was discovered by those who were so zealous to liurry
througli the House the preamljle and resolutions, thatmy delermination
was to have action upon the resolution introduced by myself, an i-.dvan
tagc was taken of my indisposition, and the resolution called up by a
member (now dead) who was a warm advocale of the preamble and
r^sjlutions sent from the Senate, and a motion made byanotl/er
fidvocate to indefinitely postpone the resoloution of inquiry introduced
by me, the friends and advocates of the preamble and resolution.^ voting
v,'ith the mover, indclinitely postponing the resolution. Here the
farce ended, which will fully appear on the Journal of the House of
Representatives. I then became satisfied it was gotten up as a political
" humbus^ " — for effect at tiie time wiih^a view of misleading the public
mind. — I did not then believe the charge or report. I have since
inquired into the facts in relation to the charge, and am fully satisfied
there was no truth or any plausible foundation for such a report.

Tiie expose given sli or tTy after that occurrence by the Hon. James
Buchanan, a, Senator in Congress from I^ennsylvania^ whose integrity
and veracity you cannot doubt, and tho frank and honorable acknowl-
edgement of Carter Beverly of Virginia, published in 1841, who v^^as
a confidential actor in- the scene, fully satisfied me that it was a slander
ous fabrication, and one Earn satisfied, no intelligent impartial American
citizen will believe. I feel it a duty I owe to the citizens who have
so often honored me with their confidence, (as I have been presented
as a witness by the leading Democratic paper of the State) to speak the
whole truth on that all important subject, and not to permit them to be
misled as to my views and action in the business. I flatter myself
with the hopo, as you honored mc in placing my name in front of those
" powerful wimesses " of the House of Representatives, you will do-
me the justice of giving this commuirication, as part of niy tes'imonyj^
an insertion in your Avidely extended journal. — And accept my grai;itr.trej
for the high expression of confidence you have expressed on the intra-'
duction of my name as a witness.

Very respectfully.

Your most ob't humble srv't.

JOHN A. ROGERS.

In addition to the foregoing, we remark, that the Hon. Adaji
Huntsman, now a leading Locofoco in this State, and then a Jackson
Senator in the Legislative, who voted for the resolutions of Brown, has

3ii^ Llffi AXD PUBLIC StllVICJ-S UJ?' IILI.N'UT CLAY.

fcstifiecl iiiat !io " ii-.A:D ^oisviDKNCF. that'tuf.: charges v/krj: tuue/'

,- , .' . ,. ',.,,...-....,,...(:,,.;,,;: '^■;;. Gakuett, nia^ls

■;•:: ': cirvKiiKs to be

. ' ; ; I 7J iliai. iiu voicd

..• i ;;..,' uT G ';i. Jackson tu llie

. . :.;''l to i.).^ iho \vicilP:3 of his COIl-

Locofoco doubt these fads, we refer
i 327 — they can be had in the Clerk's

[ : ^.:;;iiy iu iho 'Jtate.

EeaiL

ic th:

when

Join

ii:

Tiiuii;

for ih

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oiric^

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buskf

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Y'S

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ION.

— -The following

of 7

:■:/!! na, liic

,'erv

lijan

who, of all otliers,

,;,:- ro;;l

cai

Li inn \

, ihially j^ins Ihe

m-NXA, >li(! I'.'sox County, ViiT^itiia.
\)\ It will Ir^ • :' some as<onithnienf, lo

yo;i ■ iV'V!! Piir- ■ I v»'ill not preface it

.wiiii • :•, : ■.■■■:■■■ ■ .: ■- ■- :■■ ;. i. i jiisiify niy mind in

\\\::' iV.r 'i: . ■■/ ' .::r^': ■ '■ ■' i.i..\ ;, C.^.:v ihvA 1 f'cei the ulmcst

AU. •-;;:■;,. f';ir ■■.;::- since I became very innocently

!ns!n:;r. ■;:';; :i: ' -'lie country, n very grave aitack

nnoa \ m;;;- cl?;!: c^nllenian, and certainly a very

Iteavy o-v- ;■- ;. > ; , , , . 'rcdin^ly desirous (o relieve you,

as far iss I ci^;, t':'y;i I'm- sI;';!i' r. ;i!: ! -.Dy own feelings from the sev-ere
cornnnnction th;i! is v/ilhin mo, oT 'saving been, though neiiher directly
nor indirectly your personal accuser, yet that I was drawn indiscreetly
jntothc representation of an attack upon you.

It is altogcllicr unnecessary to enler i;:(o (he minute circumstances,
fit so distant perio;!, of i;!>'v i: iinppened, and the particulars of it all'.
The Public were at i! ,i:iently informed why and wherefore,

I became the rclai.n- ci .;li, t-o which Ispecially allude.

I did not solicit the account that gave the gross, abominable scandal
of you, but merely asked if it waa so, or could possibly be true. I had
long before heard of it, and was at the sea-t of Giovernment when it was
represented to have occurred. The reason of my having mentioned it
upon which the answer was given to me, was, that I thought it an
infinite scandal upon the country if true; and, if not true, it would
give you a fair opportimity of exculpating yourself. I had therefore
two objects in view, v/hich are easily seen ; and from either or both I
conceive that I ought to be exoneialed, at least from any design to do
you justice. Imagine yourself what motive I could possibly have had
to irijure you— a gerttleman with whom 1 !iad no difierence, with
whoin I iiud been variously acquainted, and though never intimately
so, yet theie was always an urbanity and interchange of civilities betweea

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY, 313

113 that never failed to make quite a favorable impression upon me; and
if it was not reciprocated, il was my misfortune. 1"'o strew difliculty
in your way Vvith design was utterly improbably, at least. You, a
distinguished man in the eyes of the nation — what advantage could I
have. expected from a derision of you? Surely it was improbable. —
I most assuredly and most certainly never entertained the smallest
prejudice or unfavorable idea of you until the affair W the Fayettevillo
letter, that appeared under my signature; upon which was founded, I am
quite sorry to say, the charge which galloped through the Union against
you. i"

Your memorable pamphlet, and some letters that came out in you
defence, were expressive of the whole transaction;. and although I
thought at the time that you had not properly conceived me, I studi-
ously forbore to say more than had been expressed in my correspondence
at VVheeling which Mr. JXoah gave.

My entire object now is, a desire I have to be exoner?.ted from the
belief of any special desire to injure you ; for, I again declare that I
never felt the smallest degree of unkindness toward? you, other llian
what was at the time impressed upon me by what had been communi-
cated. I have never since the afilair fallen in c®mpany with you but
once, and that was for a moment only, and it took place in the Hall
of the House of Representatives, when a ballot was going for a Public
Printer, I was standing alongside of Governor Branch, then Senator of
the United States, when you passed on at my back, and, without
perceiving who I was, before you got up to us you asked how the ballot
had gone, Mr. Brancii had not attcnted to it, and I had just taken it
down with a pencil. I handed to you the paper, and after looking at
it you returned it. bov/ed and passed on. Mr Branch then asked me
if that was the first time you and I had met since the affiiir of the
Fayetteville letter. I said yes. The matter then vanished, and I have
never met u'ith you since.

This letter is intended to show you that the long la])se of time, and
the many growing circumstances of the country and Government, have
long ago convinced me that the very greatest injustice was done you ia
the charge made. I had, too, an opportunity lately of reading over
very calmly and dispassionately a file of newspapers containing tbo
whole affair and carefully dilated upon it. Mr. Buchanan, who was
remesented to be your accuser, exhibited no proof whatever against you;
awl' he even denied having ever made the charge upon you. I hav«
discharged my mind in addressing myself so fully to you, and can only
add that if a publication of this letter, can render }7^ou an essential service,
(though I do not deserve it,) you have full liberty from me to let the
public see it.

^Diic circumstance I beg to assvn-e you of, that whatever my verbal
|[P^viitten expressions of you were, (and I suppose I luust have given
iTitlch scope to both, though I recollect now nothing of what I did say,)
I again say that I am most thoroughly convinced that you were most
untruthfully, and therefore, unjustly treated, for I have never seen any
evidence to substantiate at all the cliarge.

Before I take final leave of you, (as it may be, Snd, very likely will
40

314 LII'K AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENUY CLAY,

bs the last time that any intercourse will take place between us,) I mtisl-
be allowed to malcea few more obseivalions, though 1 am quite sensible
that my letter has already exceeded the proper limit; yet I hazard,
with a; gentleman of libciatit}^, nothing, I am sure, in asking a little
furthei' indulgence. From tiic temper of the nation, and the peculiar
state of things, it is presumable that you are to be the Whig candidate
for the next election of President of tlie United States. You have I
am sure, too high respect for public opinion, as you have too much
veneration for the higii dignity of that situation, to be negligciit of it. —
The greatest objectio]! that has bceiT yet started against you for that
high post I am constrained to say hinges upon the old affair — which
has been the subject of this letter ; and I am sure, as far as 1 bore any
influence, or the representation I made against you I sincerely hope it
will be peifectly removed by vrliat I have aheady expressed to you
I know a great many respectable, independent, high-minded politicians
of the country, now extending to a gr'^at distance in the Union, that
would have supported you through the thickest vapor that has hitherto
cast a blind upon the nation but for the circumstances referred to. It
can surely be now no longer a matter of doubt upon their minds ; for he
who was generally believed to be the circulator of the egregious slander'
against you, hereby revokes his belief of it, and unequivocally declares
that it is unproved, and standsutterly unsupported to this time, a periotl
of 15 or 16 years, — But, like all spirited malevolence, it will be still said
by some, that, even in this explanation I have given you of the pait I
bore m it, tiiere is an understanding between us, and that it is all
designed for political efTect. You and I can most readily meet the
charge, I am sure. I have had no intercourse or interview (as is
expressed in my letter with you for at least ten or eleven years — and
there has been no sort of interchange h-ctween us.

But you and I have become old enough to expect all such matters
to arrive, and are thevefore prepared I dare say, for the coming of them.
Then, let it be so — and I am sure w^e shall neither of us regard it.

I sincerely wish yon heakh and happiness, and remain dear sir,
most respectfull}', your obedient servant.

GARTER BEVERLY.

To the Hon. Henry Clay.

CONCLUDING REMARKS.— The declaration of Mr. Beverly^
ii? certainly a very remarkable, as well as decisive statement, touchinlir
this memorable &, slanderous accusation. It is veiy truly an ancient wrong
redressed, as the Whig newspapers have said. Its publication seems
clearly due, not only to Mr. Clay, whom it greatly injured, but to the
country at large, still possessed in some quarters with a belief that th^
charge in question had been well grounded, and had been substantia^BW-

This letter, then, must forever disabuse all honest men — all men
whose good opinions are worth enjoying, of any such impressions, and
vindicate the eminent Kentuckian beyond all fuidier possibility of doiibt.
Th^ very makers ajid defenders of the charge have now confessed it

LIFE .AND PUBLC SERVICES OP HENRY CLAY 315

explodeil and utterly untrac. And any man, licli or poor, bond or
free, " high land or low land, prince or peer, " who will reiterate this
calumny after reading this mass of testimony, we hesitate not to pro-
nounce a VILLAIN, in the most extensive meaning of the epithet.

What more can now be asked of the friends of Mr. Clay? By all
means possible to men, his entire innocence is proven — the charge
against him is shown to he groundless. And without multiplying
remarks, we, as one of the friends and admirers of Mr. Clay, are
willing to rest our appeal to the mq-jnanimity of the PEOPLE in his
behalf.

CHAPTER XL

Gcveral Jackson's meditated war icitli France. — Mr. Clay in the
'Ihcenty-seventh Congress. — Mr. Clay''s Speeches. — BIr. Clay an
American. — Mr. Clay'' s private fortune. — The person of Mr. Clay
— his manners — eloquence. — Mr. Clay the candidate of tlie people
for the Presidency ia 1844. — Gratitude — Ingratitude. — The Har-
risburg Convention. — A Contrast-— Pyrantid of Mhig States —
Evidence of Whig success in ISAA — A IThig pj-edictiou.

[From ihe Life of Clay by Junius.

The first instalment of ilie indcranily of 55,000^000 ol fmnce, nearly
^;5.000,009, as negociated in the treaty of 1831, for French spoilations
on our commerce from 1800 to 1815, was not paid by reason of the
refusal of the French Chambers to make an appropriation ; but the
King- and his ministry desired to pay. Arf our Executive only had to
do with the Executive of France in the matter, there was no difference
between them, and some courtesy was due to the King of tlie French
in tiis inability. Bui General Jackson in his message of December,
1834, recommended a law, authorizing rcpriscds, in case the t rench
ChaiP-bers should not provide for the debt during the then approaching
session. That this menacing attitude of the President of tlic United
States should deeply wouncl the King of the Fiench, and exasperate
the Frencl) Chambers, and the nation, is not sirange. Louis Philippe
recalled his minister from Washington, tendered passports to our minister
at Paris, and we were at once on the eve of war, when Mr. Ckw brought
in his celebrated ''■French Report,^- on the Gth of Jan, 1835, the result
of which, in connexion with a corresponding resolution of tlie Senate,
v.'aslhe restoration of good feeling and the payment of the debt, while
the honor fof our country was maintained This ^/jwy/ time was the

nation saved from the horrors and calamities of war by Henry Clay.

So bent was General Jackson on a fight with France, that he stayed at
the Capitol till 12 o'clock the last night of the Session, urging an appro
priatiou that would put the business in his own hands.

Wliat thai (yongressdid. has been shown in our first tract. The Test;
what they couldnot f/o,by reason <;f treachciy, everybody knows already.
The Cliief that was set up by the people, had been stricken down by
the hand of the Almighty, and in his place came one, second only, in
the violations of trust, lo him who sold his Lord and Master for thirty
pieces of silver.

But Mr. Clay, schooled in the misfortunes of his country, and never
despairing of the republic, stood erect in tl)e common disappointment,
and witnessed the complete redemption of the country deftrred again
by an inscrutable Providence. Shoulder to shoulder with political
associates, himself leader, he fought tlwoiigh the Extra-Session for the

LIFE AND PIFLIC SERVICER OF UENHY CLAV. 317

pvinciplos and Pleasures lie had contended for (.hvotigli life, and though
lie had wished and purposed lo retire ft'oni the councils of the nation
at an earlier date, he yielded to tlie claims of duty, in the unexpected
exigency of public aflairs, to attend the next Session, Failing of the
measures which the counfry wailed for, and had a right to expect, Mr.
Clay embraced this last opportunity to propose some amendments in
the Constitution of the United Slates, and to bring forward his views,
in the form of sundry resolutions offered to the Senate, as to the policy
and measures required in the present state of the country. Each of
these resolutions, eleven in number, was discussed at large by him the
2st of March, 1S42. They regarded chiefly the revenue and financial
policy of (he Government, the disposal of the public domian, retrench-
ment and reform in (he different branches of the public service, and
proposed to require of the Heads of the departments detailed reports on
these several modes of reform preparatory to legislative action.

The amendments of the Constitution proposed, were : 1. To restiict
and limit the Veto power. 2. Tosecme to Congress (he control of the
Treasury, by vesting in that body the appointment of the Secretary.
And 3. To prohibit the President from appointing members of Congress
to office, during the term for which they were elected.

Having at the Extra Session given his aid for the repeal of (he Sub-
treasury, and labored in vain to re-establish a sound national currency
system, and 'having finally at the Session of 1841-2, propounded a
system of national policy in the resolutions above referred to, together
with the aforesaid amendments of the Constitution, he bade farewell
to the Senate on the 31st of March, and retired to private life.

In the speeches of Mr. Clay will be recognized the intellectual and
moral stamp of ^his great American Statesman. There will be found,
in his own peculiar diction, (wanting, indeed, the charm of his wia«/;er,)
his American system, v/ith the facts and reasons, by which he so ably
set it forth, and so triumphantly defended it; his general views of
national polic}', as well as his views of particular questions; and most
of the things that have made him so eminent and surpassingly influential
in human societ3^ Hundreds of his speeches, and some of his most
brilliant eflbrts, have been lost, for want of a hand to record them at
the time of utterance.

Although born in Virginia, and adopted by Kentucky, however proud
of him they may be, he does not belong to them, be it known ; but he
is the property of the whole country, >o which he has devoted the labors
of hislile. From the character of his mind, and the influence of his
position, it is morally impossible thathe should be infected wilh seclional
prejudice. His heart, his soul is Jmeiican — all American — and he
belongs to the Union. Can another individual be found among us so
ENTIRELY the property of the American people ?

Sometime previous to 1820, Mr. Clay suffered deeply by sure(3'ship,
and was obliged to be absent from Congress two or three years, to get
his affairs righted in the practice of liis profession. No man has sacri-
ficed more to his country in a pecuniary point of view, than Mr. Clay.
As no lawyer ever had better chances, he might have acquired one of

;SlS LIFE A\ii 1»L;BI,IC SEHTICES OF IIEXIIY CI.AY.

the .largest fortunes in tlie Union, if, instead of devoting his life to the
public, he had spent it, in liis profession. Mr. Ciay is frugal in his
iuibits, though not parsimonious. " Here is a Jnuidrcd dollars ^^^ said
Mr. Clay to a young man, handing it over to him, when he come to
consult liitn for the recovery of an estate that belonged to him by right-
ful inheritance. " Take this, " said Mr. Clay, " and when you v^'ant,
aiore, call on mc. " This is a fair specimen of the man. Notwith-j
standing this liberality of disposition, Mr. Clay has saved a comfortable \
^nd uncmbariased estate. '

Mr. Clay is tall, and slenderly, but tightly built, light-haired, and
blue-eyed. He is accused by phrenologists of eagle-eyed perception.
They aver, that he observes all, and sees through all, and is apt to hit
game when he fires. Some one has also suggested, th<it his mother a
long time ago gave him a " mellow — mellow horn " to wind. Certain
it is. if it was not naturally inusical, and of surprising compass, he has
made it so by practice. It h^s thundered deep tones, piped shrill notes,
and performed all manner of niusical functions between these extremes ^
Though it may be a little worse for wear, it is good yet, and preferred
to all others.

Mr. Clay has grace, dignity, and command — the first to charm, the i
second to beget respect, and the third to excite awe. Mix them all 1
together, and they make a vety perfect man.

As ,to his eloquence it must have been matchless in his youth, judg-
iiig from its effects. The couits, juries, and Legislature of Kentucky,
popular assemblies there and elsewhere, and both Houses of Congress,
have successively, for nearly half a century, been swayed by him.

We have never yet seen the Whig man that could make up his mouth
±0 say otherwise. The simultaneous rush of the Whig piess, of \*» hig
.conventions, of Whig assembles, formal and informal, of nineteen
.twentieths, if not ninety-nine hundreths of the Whig parly throughout
the Union, to put forward the name of Henry Clay "for 1844, after the
faithlessness of the Acting President was placed beyond ejuestion, is a
Jiiost extraordinary fact ; and the constantly augmenting power of this
general feeling, is another remarkable fact. The suggestion, that it
ivas unseasonable, cannot well be sustained. It was an extraordinary,
smparalleled position of the public mind. All confidence in the unfoi-
lunate choice that had been made of the second on the ticket of 1840,
%yko, by a melancholy event of Providence, succeeded as principal, was
lost The great and victorious party of 1S40, was without a'chief, and
temporarily doomed to a most vexatious overthrow of their hopes.* If
they could not rally without delay, and concentrate s their afi'ectious
elsewhere, they would be scattered to the winds. So far from .being
linseasonable, it was 7?ecfS5iV7/. It was the irresistable action of the
instincts of self preservation. And where else sJioidd they — could they
go? AVait they Quust, but not to know v;hat they might hope for in
the end, was like the agony of final dissolution — like the winding-sheet
of despair-.

Most fortunately, fortunate beyond all example in such a case, (here

UPE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLaY. 3 {^

was a niaa not unknown to fame — a man whom they wouMvuid sliouM
have had before — a tried and faithful man — a nian equal to an)^ and
all emergencies, as proved by almost every variety of public service for
forty 3^ear5 — who never faltered or made a mistake in the great exigen-
cies of the nation — who filled the eye of the great world, and for whom
the world cherished a profound regard — a man equally respected at
home and abroad — and whoso high endowments and rare gifts seemed
to have been made and modelled for tl'e occasion. Upon him, without!'
pause, and with unexampled unanimity, they fixed their eyes and their
hopes. A more seitled, or more determined purpose has rarely, if ever
characterized a state (*f ihc public mind. As well im'ght you turn back
the rivers, or roll back tlie tide of the ocean, as to oppose these accumu-
lating forces.

If there has been occasion for \\\q saying, that " republics are un-
grateful, " -we do not yet consent that the libel describes tiie American
people. It ^vas gratitude that led the people of this country into one of
the greatest mistakes they ever committed. Gen. Jackson did us great,
eminent, heroic service, as a soldier. Not to confess it, would indeed
be ungrateful. And military achievements are always attractive, impo-
sing and captivating with a susceptible and generous people. But the
very qualities which made Andrew Jackson a great general, unfitted hrni
to guide the helm of 6tate. That strong and unbending will, which is
the best qualification to lead an army, is the worst possible to preside
over a true democracy, the will of all is to be consulted ; that despotic-
authority which is necessaiy in tlie field, is most unsuitable in the Chief
Magistrate of a free people ; and that impetuosity which bears down a
foe^ in the onset of batde, will carry away the pillars of a republic.
Here is the secret of the misfortunes of our country in having chosen-
fov President such a man as Andiew Jackson. But it was gratitude
that made him President

While Gen. Jackson was the military idol of the nation, Mr. Clay
Avas borne down by the calumnies already noticed' — calumnies which for
a long period, poisened the public min'J, but which have since been
driven and chicfiy eradicated from the field they occupied. He noiv
stands before the whole country a patriot as spotless as he is disinteres-
ted, having the advantage, not only of his recognised merits, but of a
man, who, emerging from a. dark cloud of aspersion, justified by th<5
certificates of his foes, and ennobled by tlie dignity of his bearing while
suflTering injustice, is received into the bosoms of a generous people with
a thousand fold more enthusiasm, than would otherwise have been felt
for him, with all his exalted gifts, " He is too good to be President, "
w^as all that could be urged against his nomination at Harrisburg in-
in 1839. We shall see whether such a libel on the Amrican people
will be proved, now ihey know what he h. Not till it is proved^ will
we conaant to the charge of ingratitude on this republic towards such a
man.

We may assume it as a principle, that a departure from demo-
cratic or republican practice, in the action of the representatives of the
people, will result badly. All know that the Harrisburg Convention,
of 1839, dissappointed the wishes of the great majority of their constit-

320 LIFE A^D PUBLIC ^EilViCES 01<^ HEXUY CLAr,

ueacy^ aiiil that tlie uuj rmura of the Wliig party were alarming, when
the result was anaounced. Nothing but the pccaUar and distressing
state of the country, so imperatively demanding a change in the Govern-
ment, could have united them on such a romiaatioii for the campaign
oflS40. Nay, if Mr. Clay had not himself gone forward as captain,
taken the colors into liis own hand, and dashed into the thickest of the foe, '
nt the head of his own legions, saying, " il is for the countnj, and there-
fore for me, for us all, ''^ the summons to the onset would have
failed. " If, " t'le Convention f^hall lead them to the choice of
another, " (than himself,) " as the candidate, far from feeling any
discontent, the nomination will have "my bf>st Irishes, and receive
MY CORDIAL SUPPORT, " Sucli magnanimity is not common in the
selfish squabbles of this world.

Such being the facts, the inference is fair, tiiat the nomination gen-
erally desired by the people, would have been successful in a much
o-realer degreee. Availability, if anything other than the wishes of the
people be brought into the question, is a dangerous doctrine to act upon
in such a Convention, as it takes the question out of the people's hands,
and is hostile to the true principles of democracy. Did not n. feiv, txvcry
decide the nomination at Ilarrisburg, a.o-a^'^snhe wishes of the people?
The result has been immeasurably disastrous. Who ever thought of
John Tyl''r for the Vice Presidency, in the appointment of the members
of that Convention ? Tt was the Ar.s^ error which led to that fatality in
the second. Once break loose from sound principles, and there is no
knowinf where we shall land. An impromptu nomination, made at
the discretion, and on the responsibility o( representatives, is a perilous
one. We say not this for reproach or rebuke, but because we still have
before us the selection of a 5eco«^ to him who is already pointed out
by the acc'nmations of the people, and because the saddest experience
of the nation, has taught us, that tJiat selection may be momentous.

In 1829, at the end of Mr, Adams' Administiation, it could be said,
that Congress laid been independent, and the dominant power in the
republic, as the immediate representatives of the people ever ought to
be. Then our commerce, agriculture, and manufactures were in a
most flourishing condition, never so much so ; our currency systj^m was
sound, the hest in the world: labor was sure of employment, and of a
fair reward ; there were ^<d\Y brokers, usurers, and money-lenders ; work,
and not speculation, was the business of the people ; our habits were
simple and democratic ; and our nntionnl honor and commercial credit,
without a stain. We were a prosperous, wealthy, thrivihg, happy
people Such Was the state of the country when its Government "was
conducted on the principl-^s of Mr Clay, and he a j:ait of the Govern-
ment.

But in 1829, democracy was superseded by One ?>Ian Power ;
Congress became a mere Fjxecutivc tool: a train of devastation, social
and commercial, moral and physical, such as no other conutry ever
experienced in so short a time, from similar causes, followed; our
manufactures were nearly prostrated ; trade was paralyzed ; agriculture
was depressed -, the currency .vasruincti; general morals were corrupted ;

yAL'E AXD PUBLIC SKKVICE:^ OF HtuN'Rr CL^Y

331

our honor sullied and our crrdit n-one ; wild and miaous speculations

drove industry and ecoii-i ' i

jobbers lode ilie nation v
meat ofthe country, in aii .10 .m,.,.c
auction to the hialiest bidders in a s'

ic lic'.d of enterprise > brokers and
;;tul outofllesh. and the Govern-
ics and aj^encies, was put up at

:ieni of utter poUlical venality and

" Look on this picture — then on that. "
PYRA.MID OF WHIG STATES.— We present our readers with
a Pyramid of Whig States, tliat have irone for "Harry of thk West,"
in t!ie Legi.slafive, Gubenalorial, or Congressional elections. By turning
to page 229 of tliis woik, \h^ reader will see, that these J/fieen.
States, are entitled to | 5i t Electoral Votes, under the late appor
tionment law, in the r-Icclion of President and Vice President Of tho
United States — while It^S only are required to elect!

This glance at out capital in hand, our "stock in trade," will serve
as an important matter of reference \n tire aporoaching contest; — it will
give new and additional vigor tothe heaite and arms of those who iiavc
never faltered, and ensure cconstancy and courage to those, who have
felt like fainting by the way, in the dark hour of adversity. _ Let us see
how stands our accounts. Fhe following balance sheet, in the form
ef a Pyramid, presents an exliibit which must banish from the minds
of all true Whigs, the last remaining doubt of our fmal succes

m^.

CLAY STATES ^

o n I o

]v[ A I N E

GE'-'RGIA

VERMONT

DELAWARE

I N D I A N N A

KENTUCKY

MARYLAND

LOUISIANNA

TENNESSEE

CONNECTICUT

RH(*DE ISLAND

PENNSYLVANIA

MASSACHUSETTS

NORTH CAROLINA

f^ -LIFE A^D P8B2,C SERVICES OP OEXKY CLAY

Here then are fifteen States, entitled to one hundred and fift^-
ONE Electoral Votes, every one of which is nlorally certain for
Henry Clay ! In this estimate we have not claimed a single State
which any iinpredjudiced Loeofoco will not readily grant us. Wer
assume nothing which is not' ours, and yet we start out in May next,
with a positive and available capital of THIRTEEN more votes than
are required lo elect !

And now, where are the States our adversaries can claim with equal
certainity? Tan Buren will get New Hampshiie certain; Calhoun is
swQ of South Carolina, and Col. Johnson can carry little Arkansas, if^
he try ! Cass is as good for rvlichigan as if her vote had already been- ,
cast. Where can either of these Presidential a?pirants name another
State, certain, with, perhaps the exception of Missouri and Alabama?
One of which is for Van Buren, and the other claimed for Calhoun !

We pray our Whig friends to look at this state of things — cast all
doubts to the wind — act like men — fight like soldiers — and the battle
is ours!

A POLITICAL PREDICTION.— Though we are not a prophet
nor yet the son of a prophet, we nevertheless venture an important
prophecy, twelve months in advance of its fulfilment. In addition to
the above named 15 States, giving 151 Electoial Votes, we predict that
Virginia, New Jersey, and New York, casting 60 votes more — in all,
211, will certainly be given to Henry Clay ! 1 hus,out of the 26 States ^
giving 275 Electoral Votes, Mr. Clay will get 18 States, giving 211
votes! Mark our predictions, and if it fail, denounce us as a false
prpohet !

APPENDIX,

[FroBji the Joiiesborough Whig of December 27, 1843.]

THE X-ASl'^JONESBOROUGH CARD!

Allow me, gentle reader, to say a very lew words to you. through
the columns of my paper, in vindication of my character, from a slan-
.■derous attack which has been made upon me, personally, by an infa-
mous old blackouard,thougk amembct of the Church to which I belong
(/. M. Smith) and repeated by the Tennessee Sentinel, Abingdon
YiRGiNiAN, Boston Olive Branch and Sanders ville (Ca.) Tel-
escope — four infamous papers, conducted by convicted liars, expelled
Metbodist Preachers, thieves and debauchees. This man Smitii, of
himself, is not worth notice ; and but for the fact that he baa beeu
encouraged in his dirty course by a portion of the leaders of LocofocoiBOi
here — such as even go to the Legislature, and his slanders taken up la
three other States and re published, I would treat him and his pubhea-
tionsvvith the contempt they deserve, and have heretofore received at
my hands. But I am no longer at liberty to remain gilent in rclatioa
to a slander which has been published in four different newspaper*,
within the last three years, and that too in four different States Justice
to my children, to the Church wuh which I am identified, and to the
great pelitical party with which I am associated, require a refutation of
the foul slander in question.

The reckless originator of the slander alluded to, has been a constant
writer for the Sentinel, for yetu's, and in that time has villified every
Methodist and Presbyterian Preacher whose name has been connected
with VVhig politics, wdiether justly or unjustly, and every female in
East Tennessee who has dared to appear at a Whig Convention,
whether they have resided in Jonesborough, Greenville, Elizabethton
Rogersville, Rullcge, New-Market or Knoxville. In turn, 1 published
his son John Smith, to the world, for having fled from this town to the
" far off west, " for stealing money out of Eason's Store, in the true
style of Locofocoism.

The Editor of the Sentinel, I have published to the w^orld, with the
evidence, as guiUy of almost every crime known to the criminal laws of
the country ; and by way of retort, he has takeii up the slander of Smith,
and published it, altho' he confessed in an open Methodist Conference,
in April last, that Smith's character was such that even he could not
eftdorse it !

.'334 APPENDIX.

Boih the Editors of iho Abingdon papor, arc ivhat has been mis-
called Ref'ormsd Meihodists^ and frora iCAtarkn malice have been led
to oppose me. One of them, a private nienibei of that. Church anly,
is a renegade irorn the .lletl^odist E{)U':<>2jal (^Inncli, and from the
iiocofoco party He has been in Xim prboi hounds of Abingdon, and
lived in aduJlery witii a notorioiis Vv'oman, fo tlie annoyance of a decent
\^ife. The other Editor of that paper, a Preacher, once fled into private
l{fe\ for stealing some money from a Mr. iMayo of Abingdon !

The Reverend Editor of the Olive Bra^^ch, after making a violent
assault upon me, I published to the world, as having been expelled
from the Methodist Episcopal Church, for the sin — rather the Locofoco
virtue of seduction ! The more contemptible Editor of the Georgia
paper, after an unpiovoked attack upon me, I held up to public gaze,
for his unmentionable and disgraceful associations, on one occiision, in
Alabama. And now, forsooth, in order, if possible, to bring me
dov/n to their degraded level, thes'e miscreants have coppied into their
columns the unfounded slander of Smith.

^ The object had in view in fabricating the story, the particulars of
■Wv-hich will be given, parcniheticalJy, was to provoke me to some act
fey wdiich my enemies would be enabled to get at me in the Church,
*• a consummation most devoutly to bo wished for, " and one they
have tried to effect, annually, for the last foui yeara, but without tho
least degree of success.

To those who know me personally, I need scarcely say, it is
unnecessary for me to repel such foul aspersions as those in question,
but to those at a distance, who know me not, I beg leave to submit the
fullowing very short, but certainly conclushe documents :—

To THE Rev. V/. B. Winton : „. . ,

Siu— As you are travelling m charge
of theJonesborough circuit, I ta" '' ^ " ' ' -r ■^;;r-ing Jeremiah
M. Smith ofliie Jonesl, n w,.;, ^ :; LAI^uancl

MALlOIOlJy SLANDKi:, ;„ ;:. ... ...M, minebentmel,

and otherwise, that 1 was whip^ .nity of iNashyiile,^ during

the time of the Convention oj L- i , ^ " -ling Jewelry. Lpon thi9
charge I demand his trial in the Churcii.

Resnectfidly, &c.

W.G. DROWNLOW.

Nov 6th, 1843.

Mr J M Smith:— You will plcnsc be at the Church in Jonesbo-
rough, on Tiiesday the oth of Ixcrr.-bvr, at iO oVlcck, prepared to
answer to the above ciiarges. . ;,: , ^vr lyiNTON

Not. 6th, 1843. Pnachcr in charge, 6^-0.

AFI'ENDIX. 325

V/heri the day of trial came, i!ie Circuit Picacher appf!ared with a
Committee of five x-)}cai, to &et us (rior-s — (luce of wluTn were Demo-
}-cats, and two were V»'hii;-s, Ii- vr]:-r,> .-'.aiii'i piil.>licly sta'ixl \i". v^ms
willing to be tried. \\"c hru: .! i>o!;ces on oiht-r, ;o aiiend at

divers points to take tesii.n ;,-. . ,^ m ,hj. tc^iimouy i desired,

but he utterly -/adcd to g-cl any, ai; ' :;._;:!■>. Me then denietl

having made any su.fdi eliarge r.o;. in , i;;/, l.'iii ihcn i prodnced two
numbers of the Sentinel in which !^e hud m;uie the char'^e direct, over
his proper signature, ami two an;. • in which !.io had

repeated it, beside several ofiicr ur- ; ofliers b.ad charged

it upon his authoiity ! He li; —

The Committee enquire:! '.jf '.. ' : .Mid

him, whether or n,' ::noiiy to su^tam hi.^ charge —

to which he leplieJ l....„ .... l „:;..- ..,:, >,;;if i/uU he could 'p^ui^e otkev
things !

As the affirmation was not made out by my accuser, I of course was
not required to prove a negative, arid here I'ae trial v/ould have termin-
ated in the conviction and expnlnon of Snnlh; but as my conduct
while at Nashville liad been mifinvues-nited in vo;!<n:s re.-spects, I asked
and obtained leave, to reaJ the foUovving documents, that I migiit be
mi right before the Church :

Nashville, Tep;., November 20th, 1843.
Deay Sir: — I received your letter, just on the eve of leaving home
pn a trip of 8 or 10 days, Aom v/luch i h,a\e jii^t returned. That it
might certaiidy receive attend". i li -.'•-; i: . ■ ■"■•■■ r,:>M!^ \'orvell, with a
note, in wliicli I informed liii: ome for some

days, and requesting him to <■

You request my statement on ;;; '■ ii ■ lajs legard I have

for you, and the hiendsb!;) r-:i- ;. ,;:,.;■ aii me to do

you any favor in my p- io make

proof that you arc nui :■ ^^pt^d for

stealing. No mail li\ i: lios. 1 uu should

ziot deem them wortliy , . with a forma! array

of evidence. Tidnlc of tin;:;.

Very sincerely, Your Friend,

F. K. ZOLLICOFFEE.

Wm. G. Brown^low, PISQ.

AT:iEN?^,T!;-., November 9th, 1S43.
Wat. G. Brownlow : — IJear Sir, your letter of the 0th iVist is before
me. The object of your enemies about Jonesborough, is to provoke
you to acts of rashness, bui I hope you have prudence enougii to defeat
them. Tlie story to which you allude, is too ridiculous to excite any
other feelings than those of pity and contempt for its vile author ; and
if he be a member of the Methodist Episcoptd Church as you say, it

326 APPEXDIX,

proves that, Gliurch (o have, at lea.?t, one unworlhy member. He
certainly did not fabricate it witli fin expeciaiion of it? jjeing believed,
and if he did yon nec;l no proof till the afnroiati- n is niade out, which
will not only never bo done, but never even o:tei,}:j-,::d. As, hov^'ever,
you desire to i;-o further {han simply to defer.d, and prove a negative, I
cheerfully subjoin a

STATEMENT.
I state and certify, that I was at i^as'iville during said Convention
of 1840, wbere, duiing said ConveniitMi, I had the pleasure of associa-
ting with W. G. Brovvnlow. His conduct so far as it came, under ray
observation, and so far as 1 lieard from others, v/as unexceptionable, no
charge of any kind being made against him. I have been at Nashville
frequently since, and never heard there, from fiiend or foe, an accusa-
tion against Mw Brownlow's moral character. I never before heard
of the ridiculous story of his stealing jewelry, I know it is not possi-
ble, that such a thing could have occurred there, and not been
heard of by me, particularly as I k;io\v he had there political enemies,
anxious to assail his character, and eagerly v/atcliing for an opportunity.

SPENCER JARNAGIN.

MuRFREESBORo,' Ten., Nov. 20^1,1843.

Mr. Brownlow : — Being requested to state what we know of your
conduct in this part of tiie State, in the summer of 1840, when a
Delegate to the Nashville Convention, we remember that you and
John'^M. Lea Esq, being called upon as East Tennesseeans, addressed
the Convention at MmlVeesboro' a few days previous to the great
Convention at Nashville.

We were frequently with you at Nasliville during the Convention,
where you went with the crowd from Murfreesboro.' You returned
to this place after the adjournment of the Nashville Convention, to
whness the great combat between Messrs. Giundy and Peyton.

As to the foolish charge of stealing jewelry, now brought against
you, we never heard of it till we received your letter of the 6th inst. —
We are certain that if any thing of the kind had ever occurred here, or
.even been charged, we would have heard of it, and if we had not, your
political enemies would, and they would have given it to the world.
■ Had this wicked slander not gone beyond the limits of this State, it
would need no attention from you, for even vom- enemies will never
^believe il DAYiD W. DICKINSON,

VVM. LEDBETTER.

The two following lei I ;ms are from the Stationed Preacher in Hunts
ville, and the Presiding Elder of the Nashville District — gentlemen who
have been acquainted with me for years :

PIuNTSviLLE, Ala., Nov. 21st, 1843.

Bro. 15rowolow : — A few days since, I received yours of the lOrh
inst., touching a publication made by Mr. Smith ; in which, you say,
he charges, that during the Convention of 1810 in Nashville, you were
publicly whipped in the vicinity of that City for stealivg jewelry.

In reply fo y©ur first question • " How lor.giiaveyou been acqainted
U'ith me, and finm vour aoquaiiilancc wvald yon siip[)os'; me capable
of such an act ?" i have to ?ay, that i niuL'.e your actjuaintance about
twelve years a^'o, and fioin my knowledge of you, do not thnik you
capable of such an act.

* To your 2nd : " How lono- jiave you been residing in Nashville, and
in what years .did you live litere ?" I answer, I have resided in Nash-
ville above four years; and lived there in the years J 836, '39, '41, & '42.
In answer to your ;?;d (jiicsUon : " Did you not frc(|uent]y see me in
Nashville durino- the se.v^ion of the Legislature in 1841; — was I not
generally at Churc'n ; and was I not invited by H. 11. W. Hill to his
house to dine, in company with yourself and A. L. P. Green, the Pre.
siding Elder of the Na.^hville District?" I saw you frequently in
Nashville during the session of the Legislature of 1841— and met you
several times at Church ; you also dined at H. R. W. Hills' with A.
L. P. Green then Presiding Ehlerof the Nashville District and myself,
and you was by him invited to preach in the McKendrie Church.

To your fourth question: 'Could any such thinghave occurred atNa&h-
ville in reference to me without your having heard it?" I reply, that
I am fully persuaded, if such thing had occurred at Nashville in refer-
ence to you, during the last ten years, I should have heard it;' and I
knew not, until I received your letter, that any one had ever charged
you with having been whipped ui any way for stealing any thing
whatever, at Nashville or elsewhere.

Respectfully,

JNO. W. HANNER.

NASHVILLE, November 22nd. 1843.
W. G. Brownlrw :

Rev. and Bear Sir — On )iiy return to this city
after an absence of several days, I found your fiivor awaiting me, and
HOW hasten to answer.

You inform me that some person in yoin- section of country, a mem-
ber of the Methodist Church has published or circulated, a false and
slanderous report on youiself [y\z.) that you was whipped in the neiglv
borhood of Nashville sometime since, for stealing Jewelry - and that a
Religious Newspaper, called the Olive Branch has given credit to the
report and that from the fact that the circulator of the report is a
Member of the Church, and that credit seems to be given to the report
of the newspaper abovementioned, iias made it necessary that you -
should pay the subject a passing notice, and wish me to say something
of what I know of you and your character and your conduct while in
Nashville at the tifne in which you are accused of being whipped &c.
In answer I would say, that as well as I recollpct, my acquaintance
began with you in 1827, and at first our acquaintance was intimate
and on my part at least, agreeable, but of late years I have seen you
but seldom, and the principal information that I have recieved, from
you has been through the columns of political newspapers.

With respect to your conduct v/hile in Nashville, I take pleasure in

328

JiPi'E.\DIX.

savins' t,i,-;i, i lici

bill, \f;.,.l -.i:^ i:,

neyi^i-:, ,

a repoil m llii.-i p

a report evi-!ed \

heen f- .

have g^

report i:.. ;■, ■

Mv£e!f LU.

of your 57yi«^ ox. doing anytbing"

'■]i,'!i-,iiirr ofa gentleman, and I may

liy, Of being whipped, 1

. :,iither was there ever such

I have heard of — and had such

ould lint have a tingle individnal

^Lcquainted with you, Avho would

'suppose some person lias raised the

y — :i:r.y God bless you
;.!i'j ;iiiccUuna!elv.

A. 1.. P. GREEN.

15ih. 1S43.

3Ir. \<:i. G

. Bnow:s

Lu\v :

ing some foi

'/ shin del

«;

showii ]n;\ ;

,,.l 1>,. ;,.

-M: ,■,:

huiubl:? ;■-■ ;i

.,;';i;r iii

\\.\V.

I was at the

Convent

ion i;i

and remained for manv day

thmg of the

chai'cr:' ■/■

such circnm

ilanc;:

it and indee

1 the r

3'our vilest e

nemv

association^

whn":

never heard

at ihatjOr en

\ I'Atx to Gen. Zollicolfer, touch-

;^?j'ated agair;st ycu, has been

' pleasure in bearing my

; r from the base a~pe;s:on.

:;i iTiis city, in August, 1840—

urned. I did not hear any-

i:.!, and am persuaded that no

' occurred witliout my hearing,

jise and base ^ tliat no one — even

eve it for one moment. I know your

.- most honorable character, and I

ii char.\cter, during your visit to this city,

Vc'.T Respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

JAMES C. JONES.

Nashville, Nov. 12. 1S43.
Dear Sir :— The infamor - S.cih I learn from your letter

to Gen. Zollicoffer, has been . r you by one of your neighbor?,

touching your visit to Nashviiie m August 1840, strikes me with the
utmost Vstonisliment. Fro: ii a personal knowledge of your whole
conduct on that occasion, I laiow the charge to be ultcrly destitute of
truth. A few jiours after your airival, on the Saturday afternoon pre-
ceding the Convention, I found you aiMr. Samuel D. Morgan's wath
part o1" the Alabama delegation. At my urgent request, you consented
to join a number of the Editorial fraternity, in attendance on the Con-
vention, at mv house, where you remained till Wednesday or Thursday
of the succeetlinfif week, and until you left for East Tennessee. Your
conduct during the time was gentlemanly and entirely unexceptionable
and a'^'reeable, as all my Editorial friends who were with us, would
doubifess bare me out if now called upon. Nor did I hear the remotest
suspicion of or allusion to any word or deed of yours during your stay
in town calculated to reilect discredit upon your character as a gentle-
man much less to impeach your name as an honest man. And sure I
am, from my intimacy \n\h " the leading Whigs of Nashville," that

APPENDIX.

320

if anv thing like the li-ansartion charged by your enemies had taken
place, the facts woukl have been made known tome. I am equally
sure thatsach a transacuoii had never been heard of /iere, till published
in East Tennessee, and I venture to add, it will nevsi^ be believed even
by those who are bitterly opposed to you in politics,resideiit in Nashville.

You were here again in Octeber 1841, for several weeks,in free and even
confidential intercourse, not only with ''the leadining Whigs of Nash-
ville," but with the Whigs of the Legislature, and no one, I presume, is
so intolerant in his political sentiments as lo believe, that such an asso-
ciation would have been countenanced or tolerated, if even the suspicion
of the transaction alluded to above had taken place in 1840, had been
entertained. You are at liberty to make such use of this letter as you
may deem riglit and proper. I leave home in a few hours for New
Orleans, and have had no opportunity since reading your letter to Gen.
Zollicoffer, to confer with those, who, I presume are included by your
accuser, among " the leading Whigs of Nashville." They will, I
have no doubt, join me in acquitting you of the infamous charge re-
fered to. Very Respectfully,

C. C. NORVELL.
W. G. Browmloav, Esa. Jonesboro,' Ten.

Nashville Nov. 17th 1843.
Rev Wm. G. Brownlow :

Dear Sir — Your letter of the 6th inst., to
Gen. Zollicoffer has just been submitted tome, in which I learn, to
my great surprise, it has been publicly charged against you in substance
that you were " taken up by the leading Wliigs of Nashville, during
the Convention of A.ugust 1840, for stealing jewelry, and tied to a
ceder-tree in the vicinity of the city, and whipped and made to give up
the properly: " and I am desired to say what I know of the truth or
falsehood of the charge.

It would be a difficult task with me to imagine a more unfounded
SLANDER. I met you the evening before the Convention, horse in
hand, and before )'^ou had gone to quarters — I was with you every day
during your stay here, you were at my house at times, and dined with
my family as M»s. Foster told me, the day you started on your way
home — you were here again at the meeting of the Legislature in 1841,
and during that sojourn, spent iwo nights with me on my invitation.
The,7i, before nor sincc^ did I ever hear o^ihe, false and slanderous
charge, not until it met my eye this evening in your letter to General
Zollicoffer referred to above. Of iis uilcr falsity I do not entertain a
moments doubt : for it is impossible that the circumstance, so heinous
and disgraceful could have occmed, and at the same time escape my
knowledge, and the knowledge and observation of the liiourands who
filled this city on that occasion. I feel confident that the wicked fabri-
cation, if it was now made public here, would surprise the people of
Nashville of all parties, as much as it has surprised and astonished me.
You can make any use you please of this faithful statement.
Your friend, and servant,

EPHRAL^IH. FOSTER.
42

330 APPENDIX.

REPORT.

The Committee appointed to try tlie case of J. M. Smith, unanim-
ously agree, upon the evidence produced by W. G. Br«wnlo\v, (See
Documents) that the charge made hv J. M. Smith, contained in tlie
Tenneosee Sentinel, IS WHOLLY WITHOUT FOU.NDATION
IN TRUTH, and that the proof produced and read by Biowniow,
triumphantly acquits him of the charg^e made by Smith, in the Sentinel,
and thai i/ie said Sinit'i is g-j^lltu as charged by said Brownlow. —
All (,f which is respectfully submitted.

LANDON C. HOSS, [Whig.-]

ISAAC G. WATSON, IDern.'

JOHN T SMITH, IDem.

.Tonesborough,Tenn.,^ SAMUEL MILLER, [Dem.'

December 5th, 1843. C JOHN LACKEY, [Whig-:

I read the above report to the parties, and informed Mr. Smith that
lie was no longer a membei of of the Methodist Episcopal'Church, his
crime being such as is forbidden in our Discipline, and by the Word of
God. From this decision J. M. Smith took an appeal to the (Quarterly
Meeting Conference, to be held in Joncsboro,'o:i vV'ednesday the 20lh
December, 1843. W. 13. WiNTON, Chairman.

J. D. Gibson, Secretary.

Well, gentle reader! (for gentle I presume you to be, in the perusal
of so grave a matter as this — and if you are otherwise this calm address
is not made to you) — the time for holding the Quarterly Conference
arrived— a full Conference, composed of men of both political parties —
and after a patient and full investigation of the whole affair, that body
adopted the following preamble and resolutions, by a unanimous vote: —

WiiEiiKAS, J. M. Smith, a member of the Methodist Church in
Jonesboro,' lias been expelled by a committee of live, on a charge of
wicked slander and malicious lying, preferred against him by W. G.
liiownlow, and whereas said Smith has appealed to the Quarterly
Meetino- Conference for the Jonesborough circuit now in session (Dec.
20, lS43.)in the town of Jonesboro', thercfcie,

Resolved, by this Conference, that from (he abundant evidence
before us, the charge made liy Smith, against Brownlow, upon which
Brownlow charged him, is without foundation in truth, or any pretext
for its fabrication and circulation. See charge.

Resolved, that the decision of the Committee finding Smith guilty,
be, and the same is hereby confirmed, and that this preamble and these
Resolutions, be spread upon the records of this conference, and that a
copy of the same be furnished said Brownlow, injustice to him, and
that a copy be furnished to tire C. A. &- Journal, Richmond Christian
Advocate, and S. W. C. Advocate, for publication, signed by the
Chairman and Secretary of this Conference.

C. FULTON, Chairman.
S. GREER, Secretary

In addition to all this tcslit'.try, Smith liimself, when he was about

APPENDIX.

331

to bedis graced, by his expulsion from (he Church, rose up in open
Conference— confessed he had done wrong;— and declared tliat he
never beheved (he foul charge himself! And had it not been for the
factSj'hat the conference had no confidence inthe sincerity of his pxetetided
sorrow, and that he had long deserved expulsion, they might have
been disposed to sympathise with hiin. They, however, had either to
confirm the decision of "the court below," oi grant him a new trial, and
they chose to do the forme.

The proof of this groundless calunmy is now before the public-
proof which show^s most conclusively, that there never was, e? en the
shadow of suspicion upon which to fabricate a tale of the kind— ocida?'
and cuianeous proof, from tbc highest sources in the State, of its entire
falsehood.

Persons at a distance Avill wonder wtiy I did not no(ice this slander
sooner, and in some other wa/j, as it has been repeated by its filthy
author for more than three years in succession. Tiic author. Smith,
though a constant writer for the Sentinel, and a prominent member of
the Locofoco party in this tov/n, is wholly destitute of character, save
what chai-sicter his membership in tlie Church gave him— he is ragged
and lazy, and Avithout credit, having neither the sensibilities of man or
beast. "Hence, the feelings vrhich have induced me to withhold from
the public any'noticc of him, still 'perate— feelings I assure the pub-
lic in which he has no share.

And now, I have no controversy Avith Smith ; and had not other papers
taken up his slander, and qfj'ecicdio believe it, there is no point beyond
which consideratiors of contempt, for this old loafer and vagabond,
would cease to inlluence my silence in reference lo anything he might
charge. His opinions, and the opinions of as many more I'ke him, us
could stand between the Gulf of Mexico and the Cod Fisheries of
Maine, upon any subject personi-dly aflecting me, Avouldbe a inattet of
supremecontemptjifit were of importance enough to insprie even
that emotion.

In conclusion, my vindication in this matter, wMth all honorable men,
IS now complete. This assault I have termed the last Jonesborough
card ; and in fabricating this slander, faction and party spirit have cer-
tainly done their vrorst. Combined party influences, acting on a few
reckless prints, have caused them to give it circulation, v/hen, at heart,
their conductois did not believe one word of the whole story. Time,
which tests all things, has seen Truth rise in his giant strength, in this
affair, throw of the trammels of party spirit, and personal hatred, and
do justice lo one who has ^'f aught witli beasts at Ephes:'.s, " and for
a series of years, has had an eye' constantly and exclusively to (he good
of his country. And in the midst of all the snares set around me, I
content myself wi(h the poetical and philosophical consohaiun in regard
to the malice of my foes, that

" Time at last set all things even,

And if we do but watcii the hour,

^^here never yet was human power

Which could evade if unforgiven,

Tlie patient search and vigil long
Of him who treasures up a v/rong. "

332 APPENDIX.

[From the Joiicsborougli Wlug of Feljruaiy S, 1843.]

'' MURDER WILL OUT "— xlTTEMPTED ASSASSINATION^

In the Spring of 1S40, a vile an;l cowardly affompt was iimde to as-
sinate the imdeisigaed, wlio thea resided in the viiiag(; of Elizab' ':itoi),
by his personal and political eneiiiie.:-!, of whom, he believers that arch
hypocrite, L. C. Hai/iies, to have been ihe chief. This man, logelher
with a few oth^r kindred spirits of his, luis industriously sought to make
the impression ihat tlie attempted assassination was the v^'ork of the
undersigned, and his personal and political associates, in order to destroy
said Haynes and his associates, in public estimation. The design of
this publication is to convince every impartial and unprejudiced mind,
that such an inference is wholly inadmissible. And if, in giving a brief
liistory of this affair, together with the testimony which has come to
light, the undersigned succeeds in sliowing where guilt is apparent, he
will expect, and iii return demand the revjuirements of justice.

For this recourse to the "immortality of print," at this day, by the
undersigned, Mr. Haynes may blame himself and his prompters. This
course is deemed necessary by the writer, not only as a protection to
himself against the slanders of the malicious, but likewise to those of
his friends v/ho have been unjustly assaulted, by this band of assassins.
In the face of the facts, therefore, which the writer proposes to submit
to the public, it will require no ordinary measure of credulity, to believe
either Haynes or his brother-in-law, Doct. Powell, innocent of a prin-
cipal agency in this matter.

The undersigned, in submitting the facts in this case, intends brevity
and not ^. war of woid? — not a wai- which begins with luords, and ends
with words — but a war of facts — a war in which trutJt is llie weapon
employed. Of course the writer wages no other war with a band of
unprincipled men, who hold themselves irresponsible in person for the
licentious liberty of their slanderous tongue^-, — men, who shelter them-
selves from responsibility under the plea of having " obtained more
Grace," or that of having made a profession of roligion— and crying out
against the immorality of the practice of carrying concealed weapons?
Mr, Haynes is now a licenced preacher, it is true, but he has "stolen
the iivery" of the profession, to give him access to the unsuspecting
confidence of olheis. His depollment is any thing else, than the in
dication of a devout and serious mind. The writer knows him well
and sees too plainly, that while with his lips he affects to be the servant
of the people for Christ's sake, his heart is imbued with a lying and
hostile spirit. Already with the pcc.ple, have "coming events cast their
shadows before," and Mr. Haynes feels the necessity of something else,
than clerical vestments, to vindicate him before the public. He cannot
go "unwhipt of justice" any longer, and thereby continue unsuspected,
to practice his impositions upon the communiiy. The moral sense of
the communiiy is shocked at his conduct, and the curient of popular
sentiment has "set in strong against him. A man who has sought to
villify others, as he has done, under a hypocritical pretention to piety,
whose soul is steeped in moral polulion, cannot now expect the public

w) judge asfavoraljlyof liim, as they would of a more unostentatious
■ nd less pretending iikva.

It is not becnise he is ofthe IiO"oforo parfv, that tlie undersigned
urns expose him, had h' : ■ ^ical persuasion, the same

justice would liave Wee, Iter, under siunlar cir-

cumstances. Neither are inc rou-ious pnacipies of the Methodists less
true, because Mr. Ilaynes, a newly licenced preacher is an iniposter;
«ot a religious sect in the country co-^' ' ^'•> ;■! were it (o be tested by this
rule. _ There have been among ail -lers, who like this man

crept into their respective churches, , .. ..cw to accomplish what

they could net otherwise efiect. Even in the days ol' the Aposiles, there
crept into the Church, "wolves in sheep's clotl\ing, who spared not the
flock " But the cause of Christianity, with the developnrents already
made, has nothing to fear from the vile and pointed toucli of this
jgnoininous impostor.

EDITOR OF THE V/HIG.
STATE A:ENT

On Monday night of the Circuit Court in Elizabethtoa, March 2nd,
1840, between the hours of b and 'J o'clock, of a dark and cloudy
night, while i was setting by njy iireside wiiting, a gun ol some descrip
tion was tired at me, througii the window on me back part of the house
out of the garden — a distance of some tv/elve or fifteen steps, loaded
.with two small rifle or pistol balls — breaking one pane of glass, and one
small bar of the sash, some twelve inches irom the sill of the window.
Both balls passed near my breast, over the candle stand, on which I was
writing— one entering into the chunney piece, and the other penetra-
ting the ceiling close by — both of whicn were afterv/ards extracted by
the company present. I instantly sprung to my feet— and the back
door of the room being open, dashed into tlie gaicien — drawing a pistol
from my bosom — and pursued ihe vilhan ni the direction I heartl him
run through sonte dry weeds, and over a few old planks, to a low gap
in the garden fence— and as he was crossing, lired at him, a distance
of not exceeding twenty steps.

From various considerations, 1 was induced to expect an attack
during the week, but expected an attempt would be made to mob me^
not to shoot me in this way. — Accordingly, and at my request, James
W. Nelson, was in the house with mc, and had come to spend the
night. Mr. Nelson from a slight indisposition, occasioned by head.
ache, liad thrown himself on the bed, but with his pistol in his pocket.
he had lain down on the bed, about three or live minutes before the
fire. He sprang to his feet instantly, and aiVer I fired, or as I lired
passed me, and snapped at the siVme villian three times, between iho
lime of his crossing the garden fence, and the fence of the outside lot.
Upon returning to the light, however it was ascertained that Mr. Nelson^
in running and cocking his pistol, lost the cap oil", and had each Inne
snapped without a cap.

My wife, a black boy, and a young lady, living with me, were in
the kitchen, not exceeding ten or twelve steps from the house door,
bakcing some pies, with a good lire and the kitchen door open. The

334 APPENDIX.

nurse was ill the house willi me, and said, thai, at, the moment of the
report, she was in the act of hiying- the child into the cradle.

There seems to liave L'cen two viliians concerned, though hut one is
beheved to have ciosried ialo the garden. H. O. Macken, my next
door neighbor, upon Iieanag tlie repoit of tlie gun or pistol, which ever
it may have been, ran out mto his back yard, and heard one man cross-
ing his lot, towards tlie River, and making in the direction from my lot
The next morning, in company with .Tames W. Nelson, and various
other citizens, I examined the tracks of two different persons, the one
about common size, the other quite large — the ground being a light,
sandy soil.

^^ . G. EROWNLOW.

" I hereby certify, ihntthe foregoing statement by Mr. Browuiow, of
the shooting into his window — of my being at his house, on the bed —
of the part 1 acted — and of the other statements therein named, is
correct, as I personally know. I could and would, if required go into
further particulars, but the above statement gives all the facts, and the
snbstance of what I would have to state. I have ever been satislied as
to the source whence the shooting came, and concur with Mr.
I^rowulowin his suspicions ofitsorigui.

JAMES W. NELSON.

" I do hereby certify that I was at Wm. G. Brownlow's house, on the
Monday night of the March Term of the Circuit Court in Ehzabeth
ton., in i84U ; and that after I had returned home and had been seated
some 8 or 10 minutes, I heard the report of a pistol or gun in (he direc-
tion of Mr. Brownlow's house, whereupon my hearing him call for
myself and Nelson, I sprung up and ran into my back yard, when I
saw the Hash of Mi. Brownlow's pistol, after v/hicli I heard the footsteps
of one or more persons crossing tlie upper end of my lot.

The situation of my lot is such that a person would have to cross it,
in running from the back door of Mr. Brownlow's then residence into
the main street.

11. O. MACKEN.

Nov. 20, 1840.

DEFENCE OF HAYNES.

The defence set up by Haynes, against the charge of being concerned,
•will be fourid in the following extract of a letter, published in the
■^' MuKFREEs BOROUGH Ti MI'S, "' of August 29th, 184(), over his proper
signature,. The reader w ill ::ee liiat he makes false charges, charges,
never alleged by his opponents, and then answer them :

" He has charged us with an attempt lo assasshmle bim ! It is
believed here, that if any suclr atlvmpi. was ever made, that it was
perpetrated by no one else, than by the iicv. William G. Brownlow.
Thus he stands in the estimation of luuidreds of the lirst men of East
Tennessee, as the infamous perpetrator of an attempt at his own mock
assassination. Hear the circumstances.

1. He says, (hat he received intelligence of his contemplated assassi-
nation two weeks before it was to transpire, on (he Monday night of tliC

APPEXDIX. OOJ

circuit, court. The people here think, (hat if any man had intended to
have assassinated Mr. Browulow privately, that he would not have
informed liJm of his intention to do so, on a certain night — but would
have kept it a profound secret in his own breast. But it was not kept
a secret, and therefore it is reasonable to be supposed that, Mr. Brown-
low originated the scheme in his own heart — perpetrated the deed with
his own hand, that he miglit once again command the commiseration
and sympatliies of the people.

2. As he says that he was informed the assassin would do, he accor-
dingly came on the said Monday night of said Court, and atS o'clock
as he sat writing by the iiYejircd in upon him, the people here think,
that no man would have selected a public occasion at 8 o'clock at
night upon which to have perpetrated a crime so horrible — and that
Mr. Brownlow having beeniniormed that this same Monday night, was
the night of his intended assassination, could not have been writing in
V e\v of immediate death, any thing else than his last will and Tesia-
ment — and that nothing less than a desire to have departed to an
unknown world could have induced him to have left unclosed his
window on that evening.

3. Ke says, that the assassin after having fired on him, Avalked off
and sat upon the yard pailings,and renuiined there, until he Brownlow,
went out and fired a pistol at him once and some other gentleman
snapped three times. The people here think, that after firing, the
assassin Avould have immediately lied. They cannot believe, that he
w^ould thus have sat in perfect indifference while pistc^ls were firing
and snapping around him. And it lastly has been said by other gentle-
men, that Mr. Brownlow could not have been sitting where he says he
was and have escaped the ball. "

To the foregoing statement by Haynes, we add the sworn testimony
of Ben Dulaney, before Turkey town Bill Carter^ published by
Haynes, in the Sentinel of Nov. 14, 1840, which constitutes his defence
and which is all we understand him to rely upon for evidence to acquit
him of guilt in this affair. I^et the reader examine carefully both sides^-
and he will see where suspicion rests :

'* Having been called upon to give a statement of facts, relative to
the charge made by the Rev. William G. Brownlow, against Landoii'
0. Haynes, of an attempt to assassinate him at Elizabethton, on the-
Monday of the circuit court for 1840, I now state that I was at Mr.
Brewer's hotel in Elizabethton on the said Monday night, and distinctly
heard the reports of two pistols or guns, in the direction of Mr. Brown-
low's house, which were nearl> simultaneous; at which time, I wa»
engaged in conversation with the said Haynes, at Mr. Brewer's hotel
aforesaid and do further state, that from my personal knowledge said
L. C Haynes could not have been present at Mr. Brownlow's, at the
time the reported attempt at his (Brownlow's) assasination was to have
been made.

B. L, DULANEY,

August 30th, 1840.

I^ersonally came, Benj. L. Dulaney, with whom I am well acquain-

336 APPENDIX.

ted, before me William CLiiler, an actiu:^ Juf-tice of the Peace, for
Carter counLy, and made uatii that the a.bjvc MaatA'iiieat of facts is true,
as above stated. Tiiis iJist Ausfust, 1S40.

WM. CARTER, J. Peace."

OUR REPLY.

Having given the dofenco of Haynes, we next subjoin the testimony
of our witnesses without comment, leaving the public to draw their
own inference :

Elizap^etiitox, Carter C0|Lmt} , Nov. 16, 1S4.0.

Under a sensd of feeling that ju.=iilcc is due to all men, I am alone
induced to give t he follov>'iii^' st.if Lament of facts. On Blonday night
of our last March Circuit Court 1 was at Mr. Brewer's tavern, where
there was divers persons, some of them seemed engaged warmly in
political discussions, and in a few minutes. Dr. Joseph Powell rose
from his chair, said to Col. Landon C. Haynes "we had belter go,"
or something to that effect, and as ho passed by him \\c touched I'liiii on
thz shoulder and they v/'al:ed to (he fiont door of the house where
Ben]. Dulany was, they all three sto;id and talked a few minutes in
the door, then they stepped to l/i ' ' : of tlie tavern , they there
seemed to hold a chat, a few m' r, and Doct. Powell and

Landon Haynes set off to Vv-ards tii'j rsKni ivjuse along the street, and
Dulany returned into Mr. Brewer's house. I then came home and
in a few minutes I stepped in the porch, next the main street, just as
I stepped out I heard the report of guns or pi^iols, as I supposed and
thought the sound was ia the direction of Mr. Brov/nlow's. I then
returned into tlie house and went to bed, and m a short time I was told
whilst ia my bed, tliat soiiie person had shot at Brownlow through his
window. Witness my hand, the dale above written,

JAMES P. T. CARTER.

■E!,:::ai;[-tittox, Nov. 20lh, 1840..

Rev. Wm. G. Bcowxt.ow :— Oear Sir, You request me by my
friend Fletcher, to st;iic \vltai I know in relation to a matter of contro-
versy between yourself and Col. L. C. Haynes.

You ask me to say whether or not Col. Powell and Haynes were in
Benj. Brewer's House, at the time a Pistol or Gun was liredatyou the
Monday nigiit our Circuit Court, at March term 1840. I was boarding
at Esq. Brewer's, at trie time this occurrence took place, and was in the
Bar-room with several gentlemen together with Cols. Haynes and Pow-
ell, loho 1 mdicsitatinghj SCI) f left the House in company previous to
the report of the Gun or Pistol.

This communication is made to you sir, not for the purpose of
offending any individual, but in justice to yourself.
I am, with respect, vours, vfcc.

'DAVID W. CARTER.

Piedmont Furnace, Nov. 28th, 1840.
Dear Sir :

Yours of the ISlh inst, is before me. In answer to your
inquiry in relation to your impressions of the person or persons who

APPE^/DIX. ' 337

attempted to assassinate you, 011111115 ^^^^ ciicuit court at Elizabetlilon,
Ten., ill the spring of 1840, I remark, that at the time of the firing of
the pistols or guns, I was in the back room of the biiikhng which I then
occupied with my family, «/p?f minutes after the reports of the ^u?is
or pistols, il being about S o'clock at night. I heard some person or
persons cry out at the top of their voice, " niidnigh assasins. " I has-
tened to the store-room where 1 had left my son, H. . P. Murphy, S.
Patterson, T. J. Powell and William Rockhold, Jr. They had stepped
out on the platform, in front of the Store. I inquired what that hol-
lowing meant. Some one spoke and said that some person had shot
at Brownlow, and that Garland and Robert Powell were quarrelling.
Meantime Landon Haynesand others, came to where we were standing.
Haynes as did others of the party, who were opposed to Brownlow,
appeared to be 7iiuch agitated, while those who were friendly towards
the latter, seemed to be composed and collected. This agitation which
was so apparent, caused me at first to suspect that they had some knowl-
edge of the awful deed ; but on second thought, I think it might have
been produced from the fact that Robert W. Powell was in a dispute
with Mr. Garland.

I should not have made the statement which I have, only from the
fact that I see an eflbrt making to induce tlie public to \)elieve that the
whole matter originated with yourself. This belief may be entertained
abroad, but certainly not in this section of the country, for all the cir-
cumstances connected with the case, go to establish the fact that some
person attempted to assassinate you. From my long acquaintance
with you, your own statement would*be sufficient to satisfy my mind.
But tli-^. public have the concurrent testimony of James W. Nelson, who
was with you at the time, and tvho is above suspicion in point of
veracity. Yours, Respectfully.

A. MURPHY.

Being called on by Mr. W. G. Brownlow, to state what I know
telative to his suspicions as to Landon C. Haynes having shot at him,
after night during the week of the circuit court in Elizabethton, last
Spring. I have thought proper to state that I, together withT. J. Powell
Samuel Patterson, and William Rocklrold Jr. were in my father's store
on the public square, where I had been engaged all day in selling
goods, when, somewhere about 8 o'clock we were suddenly called to
the door by the sound of a voice exclaiming " muderers, midnight
assassins, " &c, or words to that import. There was an unusual rush,
^pjparently from all quarters towards Brownlow's residence, and on inqui-
ry, some one passing by, said that Brownlow had been shot at through
his window. Immediately Landon C. Haynes came up from the
Direction of Dr. Powell's residence, and seemed as did others of the
party piesent, opposed to Brownlow, greatly agitated. He forthwith
enquired, with seeming great surprise, and a faltering voice, what was
(he matter, and what shooting that was. On being told that Brownlow
bad been shot at through his window, he spoke of it as a very strange
circumstance, wondered who could have done it, and after making
some other remarks, all of which I do not now recollect, he went out of
my presence. About the same time two other gentlemen walked up

338

jiPl'EKDlX.

before the siore door, one of whom I took to be Mr. Brewer tavern
keeper at EIizabelhton,and who remarked quite composedly, addres-
sing myself, my father, and others, that such proceeding were out of
the question, and asked whether the citizens of the place ought not to
unite and put a stop to such conduct.

HAWKINS P. MURPHEY.

Nov. 2Sth 1840.

Carter County, Nov 21st, 1840.
Tiiis is to certify that a few days previous to March court in 1840, I
asked Landon C. Haynes to loan me a pistol, to which he replied, "/
have but one and I intend to keep that for Brownloiv'''^ After which,
he spoke of Brownlo-v's parents, and other relatives in severe terms,and
seemed greatly embittered against him.'

Some three or four days after the above interview with Haynes, I
went from this county to Athens in McMinn county, where I read in
the "Whig," an account of Mr. Brownlow having been fired upon
through his window, after night, which instantly brought to my recol-
lection the above expression of Col. Haynes. (i^iven under my hand
the day and dato above mentioned. GEO. W. DUNCAN.

Marion, Va., Feb'y 5, 1841.

Having been requested to state tlie facts in relation to an attempt
made upon the life of Win. G. Brownlow, this is to certify, that from
the circumstances, together with former threats, as also from certain re-
ports, that it is my firm, and deliberate opinion that Landon C. Haynes,
is the very identical man, who made the attempt, or at least who en-
couiaged others to execute this dastardly and fiend-like attack, when
the sable curtain of darkness had screened him, from public view, upon
the life of a fellow being. I furthermore certify, that the charge of
Browulow's having perpetrated the act,of wliich Haynes is, as I belieue
justly accused, or of having obtained some friend to do it for him, is
false, — knowingly false, and could only have originated in a heart ma-
lignant and coirupt. I denounced Flaynes and the Powells next morn-
ing, in the street and to their faces, as the guilty miscreants, as the citi-
zens of Elizabethton well remember. Given under my hand and seal,
this 5th day of February, 1841. VALENTINE GARLAND.

CONCLUDING REMARKS.

The evidence of Haynes' guilt in this matter, and the respectability
of the witnesses, we have introduced, all and singular, have from that
day to this, induced us to view him as an assassiou, and to treat him
as such. '1 he ox\\y proof of his innocence, as given by himself, is the
statement ofDulaney, who, in those days, never drew a sober breath, —
and this statement is set aside by the certificates of the two Messrs Car-
ters, sons of A. M. Carter, and gentlemen whose characters can't be
assailed with any success. The other six witnesses, with the exception
of Messrs Garland and Duncan, are members of the same church to
which Haynes belongs, and of unquestionable veracity. Mr. Garland
is a practical Printer,"and is well known in this section of the country,
as a man of truth. Mr. Duncan is a school teacher, of Carter county,

APPE-xnix. , 339

aud a young man of the first standing in point of morals and veracity.
One oilier remark and we are done. The next morning after the
shooting, Mr. Gaston Powell, the uncle of Dr. Powell and Haynes, was
confined to his bed, where he remained for three mouths or more, ow-
ing to his having pitched out oi the upstairs window of the Doctor's
house, as his friends alledged, in a drunken frolick. Since that lime,
"he confessed to Edniond Williams, Samuel Angel (we believe) and
other gentlemen, that we sliot him ! He was very drunk when he
made the admission, and these gentlemen were about assisting him in
mounting iris horse. We do not know that he was the man we fired
at, or that our ball took effect, but we believe such to be the fact, and
until he proves to tlie contrary, by having his person examined by com-
petent and disinterested witnesses, we siiall continue in this belief, as
will many others. It is dne to this old gentleman that he submit to an
examination; and if he proves to be innocent we wdl do him the justice
to publish his innocence. We have never applied to any of the gen-
llemon present, when he stated that we had shot him, for a certificate
to that elfect, but will do so if the fact is disputed.

For the reasons given in this publication, we believe Playncs to be
guilty of a knowledge of this attempt to assassinate us, if he did not
directly aid and abet in the nefarious work— to which latter opinion
we inchne. And for these and other reasons, we have no confidence
in him, and cannot and will not. whedier in oi out of the Church, re-
pose confidence in him, or extend to him l!ie hand of fellowship.

From the Jonesborough Whig, of May 20th ISlO;
OUR LATE RENOOUNTRE.

Below we give the statements of four gentlemen who witnessed the
fight between ourselves and Haynes, on '1 hursday last. We submit no
oiher account of the afFray, than that which these gendemen have
given, believing their statements to be correct, and them better qualified
to give ihc particulars, under the c.'rcumstances, t!mn we are. Beside
we write in some pain, supported in our bed by a chair and somepillosws.

Our motive for^approaching Haynes in the way we d.d, was to induce
him either to take back an insinu'.^.tion he had published against our
mother, or to render personal satisfaction for it. Knowing our mother to
have been a coriect woman la every respect — to have died a christiau
— and to have been in her grave twenty-four years — no man c'a;t or
shall assail her character, or disturb her ashes with impunity.

Notwithstanding, we knew Haynes not to be possessed of one honor-
able principle — ancl to have been guilty of attempting to assassinate us
— we nevertheless offered him an honoiable fight. — offered him time to
draw his pistol and defend himself like a man. But with that cowar
dice which has ever characterized his short and infamous career ns
well as those who are associated with him, he denied three times
having arms, and never pretended to exhibit his pistol till he saw we
had shifted ours into the wrong liand, and had only a cane to use upon
him.

When we had tended tlic contes, those ^cw houses who have nil
along harbored the villain, and used him as a tool, in a political poi.-'

340 APPENDIX.

of view, rallied around him ; and one perjured 3'outh — one mixed-
blooded mechanic, — one dehaucJied store-keeper ^ and one or two young
Democratic ^/(ieyes, accompanied him out of town as a sort of /j/b-
guard^ rejoicing at the prospect of our death. True, we received a
severe wound, but we liust in a few v/eeks at most to show them that
their boastings are premature :

MR. EMMERSON'S STATEMENT.—" On the 14di day of
May 1840, I was sitting on (he steps of the porcli in front of the store
ofR. L. Bkur, &, Brothers, in Jonesborough. Mr. Brownlow was
sitting in a chair on the pavement. Mr. Morrison and Mr. Charles
Meek was sitting on the porch. We were all engaged in conversation.
I saw Mr. Brownlow rise from his chair and step briskly across the street
entering the pavement near the front of Kenney's store, looking up
the street towards Crawford's store, and drawing his pistol just about
the time he stepped on the pavement. I saw Landon C. Haynes
walking along the pavement in the directior from Crawford's to Ken-
ney's and so as to meet Mr. Biownlow. About the timeMr. Brownlow
drew hio pistol, Haynes stopped, holding his right hand behind him
which was the position in which he held it Irom the time I first saw him.
Brownlow asked Haynes if he had his pistol ready. Haynes replied
no. Brownlow said 1 have mine ready, Sir you see it, holding it up
at the same time, but not presenting it at any lime during the conflict.
They were then from ten to fifteen steps apart. Brownlow advanced
towards him and asked him if he had not his pistol behind him. He
agair. replied no, or language to that effect. Hajnes stepped back
some iwo or three steps. Brownlow approached still nearer and asked
him a third time, if he had not his pistol in his hand behind hjn-i.
Haynes answered that he had not, Brownlow was at this time near
enough to have struck or shot Haynes without any difficulty, but when
Haynes for the third time denied that he had a pistol, Brownlow then
changed his pistol to his left hand, and shifted iiis slick into his right^
taking hold of it below the joint where the sword fits it. Brownlow
then asked him if he would retract what he had said about his (BrovNU-
low's) mother. I did not distincdy hear Haynes' reply but thought he
had declined doing so. Brownlow laised his stick and struck Haynes.
Haynes then fired his pistol which he luid held concealed under his
coat. I do not know v/hich occured fiist — the blow with the stick or
the report of the pistol. I think they were simultaneous. Haynes did
not use his left hand in cocking the pistol, nor did he cock it in my
presence. Had he done so I believe I could have seen it. I saw the
pistol aftei the fracas, laying on tlie ground. I believe it was a pocket
rifie, with the lock underneath, and do not think it could be cocked
with one hand. After the pistol fired, the paities closed. Brownlow
struck him while they were in grips, with liis stick over the head.
Haynes took hold of Brownlow's pistol. Brownlow got it away from
him, held Haynes' head under his left arm,and struck him seveial limes
on the head with the pistol. Haynes when he closed in with Brown-
low,, threw him against the railing, but Biownlow turned him from the
railing and got his left arm aroimd his neck as above slated. The parties
were separated by Col. Jackson. I did not believe that Haynes' ball

•APPENDIX. 3iW

fiad taken effect, nor do I imagine that any one else thought so, as
Uiownlow seemed to fight very vio-orously. Had it been known he
was shot, 1 presume the bystanders would have interfered sooner. So
soon asthe parties were separated, Haynes went off, leaving Brownlow
standing on the pavement against the railing. About the lime Col.
Jackson proposed to part them, I discovered blood on Brownlow's
pantaloons, and saw the bullet hole, which was about the centre of the
thigh, three or four inches below the groin. 1 saw that Brownlow iiad
v<.ry little use of his leg, and J esse J, Williams and myself assisted him
accross the gti'eetto the store of Messrs. Yancey, Gammon, <fc Co, where
we put him on a bed in the counting room.
Thisl5thday ofMay 1840.

THOMAS B. EMMERSON. "

MR. MORRISON'S STATEMENT.— ' I have heard the above
statement made by Mr. Emmerson read, and concur with him in all
the facts and opinions therein expressed, except that I did not see that
Brownlow was wounded until after the separation. When J3rownlow
asked if Haynes would retract what he had said about his mother,
Haynes referred him to his hand-bill. I saw Haynes throw his pistol
away inunediately after he fired. My impression is that Haynes fired
before Brownlow struck him. During the co^ifiict, arid after the pistol
fired, 1 heard Brownlow say don't part us. / saw Haynes come oiil
of CrawforcVs doQr before Brow)dow rose. Haynes then had one or
both hands behind him, under his coat tall, and continued to hold his
right hand in that positionuntil he fired. From this circumstance,
and fiom ihe fact that the lock of the pistol was underneath, I believe
that Haynes had his pistol cocked when he came out o/ the store, and
continued to hold it so until he fired, although he denied having a pistol
three times, as stated by Mr. EmmersOn.

TlatS 15th day of -may 1840.

WM. MORRISON. "

MR. WILLIAMS' STATEMENT.—" I have heard both the
above statements read and witneissed all the facts related by Mr. Em-
merson, except that I did not see where Haynes' ball struck jirownlow,
until after they were separated, i Was silting in front of the store of
Yancey, Gammon <k, Co, but did not see Haynes when he came out of
Crawford's, though I saw him before he stopped. I concur with Mr.
Morrison in his statement as to Haynes reply to Brownlow^ question in
regard to his raother,and also in hearing Brownlow say,after he was shot
don't part us. I also believe with Messrs. Emmerson and Morrison that
Haynes had his pistol cocked when he and Brownlow first approachei*
each other, as he held his right hand under his coat behind him, anc
cpntinued to hold it there until he fired. I also heard him der-iy, a|
those gentlemen state, three times, that he had a pistol, but think thn
the report of the pistol and the blow with Brownlow's cane were sirii-
ultaneous.

This 15th day of May 1840.

JESSE J. WILLIAMS. "'

" I was setting with Mr Williams in front of Yancey ,Gammon (fcCo's

343 APPENDIX.

Store when Messrs Brownlovy and Haynes approached eacli other, on
the opposite side of the street, and I fully concur with him in the above
statement.

Thi3 May 15th 1840.

JOHN W, GIBBONS. "

CONCLUDING REMARKS.— This Appendix has been added to
this Work — not because it is of any importance to the Public to know
what the private grievances of the writer are — but because it refutes
the only three slanders whic will be urged, asase^ o/T, against the facts
arguments, and disclosures herein brought to bear against modern De-
mocracy. This Appendix is given, moreover, because it illustrates much
of the real character of the leaders of "the party" here, and of that,
prince of villians, hypocrits, and political prostitutes, by which they are
iieaded, the veritable Editor of the Jonesborough Sentinel.

This man Haynes, of the Sentinel, who had been a Whig, became
a Locofoco, in 1839, when Polk was elected over Cannon. He had
been a Methodist in sentiment, and in 1841, joined the Presbyterian
Church. In the fall of 1842, he came forward at a Camp Meeting — -
made a hyocritical profession of religion— joined the Methodist Church
turned out to war against the Presbyterians, and applied to the Quar-
terly Meeting Conference of the M b^ Church in Joijesborough,in Novem-
ber 1842, for a liscence to preach — which, unfortulatcly for the Church
he ebtained. He was liscnced by a small Conference, in which only
eleven votes were cast. Six weeks from the time he obtained a licenscj
G. W. C. Harris, a respectable Local Preacher of this county, had
him silenced, on a charge of slander and falsehood. Some two
months thereafter, he was convictled of these charges in the Conference
£)f tliis county, by tlie votes oi fourteen members; and by the votes of
thirteen members, his lisence were taken from him. Of the eleven
who gave him lisence to preach, six voted for his conviction, and three
,others, Messrs Roberts, Dillworth and Watson, have said they would
Jiave voted to convict him if they had been present !

How brief has been the career of this truly infamous man ! And
^\\x)X a veiy singular position he occupies before the country ! Here is
a case for you, reader, in the person ef Laudon Culprit Hapies ; a
man having no settled principles., of any kind — a vain glorious creature
always seeking expedients or hobbies, to gain popularity, or noloriet}^,
and always, for the same reason, loosing more and more the confidence
of all parties! He is a living, moving, j»w/ri^ec?monument of hisown
folly and crimes ! In him is all want of principle brought to a focus.
Reader, in all soberness, we ask you the question, what thiiJc ye of

APPENDIX.

343

Hayiies 9 The question cannot be better answered, than it is in the
following highly f^e5cnj9/we lines of the Poet: —

" A wretch wfiose honor's hourhj sold and bought^

Who 7iever had an independent thought,

Whose very scalHsty modicum of brains

Will barely, scarcely serve to count his gains —

Who would, if he had lived in times of old,

liike Judas^ sold his very God for gold,

A lank, lean xorttch, who crouching moves along,

Despised, and knowing it, by the passing throng ;

Who scoffs at aught like decency control,

And makes his dollar— though he damns his soul."

INDEX

Dedication, Page 6

To the Reader, ...... 7

Introduction, ...,,. 9
CHAPTER 1.

Predictions of eminent Men — State Banks — Who chartered them —
Ascendency of parties in the several State Legislatures — Hard money-
prices of lS43^Population and Public Debts of the States — Imports
and Exports of Specie — Facts to be remembered, . . 15

CHAPTER 11.

The great issue— Bank or no Bank — The Bank of 1780— The
Bank of 1791 — The Bank of 1816 — Who for a Bank and who against
it-^Tts constitutionality — Gen. Jackson and Paper Money-His late letter
— His plant of 1834— A contradiction, &c., . „ . -29

CHAPTER III.

Price of Labor— Metalic Currency - Tlie Van Buren doctrine,

Avowed by Benton, Buchanan and Walker, leaders of the Party 50

CHAPTER LY.

Foreign Stockholders— Gov. Polk and Sterling Bonds— Gen. Jackson
for a National Bank in four different Messages, ... 55

CHAPEER V.

The National Debt —Who created it — Condition of the country on
Mr. Van Buren's accession to the Presidency — Extract from General
Hamilton's letter — American credit abroad — Opinions of English
Newspapers, &c, 5g

CHAPTER VL

The Tariif Question— Its increasing popularity— Its importance—
Who have been its supporters — A Democratic measure, . 64

CHAPTER VII.

^ Union of Church and Sta^— Designs of the Catholics against this
country— Popery and Locofocoism blended— Martin Van Buren's letter
to the Pope— The sayings of Bishop England and other Priests-
Signs of the times, 75

CHAPTER VIII.
A word to Laborers— The Tariff auestion—A -National Bank—

346 INDEX.

Henry Clay and the Presidency — Treasury Notes repudiated, 120

CHAPTER IX.

Hypocrisy of Modern Locofocoism— Repudiation and thefts — Party
names — Definition of Democracy, &c, .... 123

CHAPTER X.

Distribution of the Land Fund — Gen. Jackson and Distribution— Mr.
Yan Buren and Distribution — A Democratic measure Avhen introduced
by these men — A Federal measure when advocated by Mr. Clay and
the Whig Party, 12T

CHAPTER XL

The Subtreasury Scheme, ,.:... 132

CHAPTER Xn.

A candid statement of the factious conduct of the "Lit mortal Tli'rteen"
Senators of the Tennessee Legislature, in refusing to elect United States
Senators — To which is added a history of the election of Scnat'ors to
Congress, in Tennessee, from the organization of the State down to the
present date— Also Polk's endorsement of this vile and revolutionary
conduct— With concluding remarks, &c., .... 138

CHAPTER Xm.

The Bankrupt Law — A Democratic measure — Evidence of the-
fact, MG'

CHAPTER XIV

The Bank of the State of Tennessee — Refusal of the " Immortal
Thirteen" to allow an investigation, or change its Directors — Insolvency
of the Bank and its Branches — Directors Candidates for the Legislature
General favoriteism and corruption, .... 15T

CHAPTER XV.

Troubles in the camp— Five Presidential aspirants opposed to a Bank
—Mr Calhoun against a National Convention in 1834— Calhoun going
for Harrison in 1835— The Richmond Enquirer's opinion of Calhoun
in 1833— "Turn about and wheel about" Calhomi— Jackson's Procla-
mation against South Carolina— Mr. Van Buren's principles— His
Standing Army, Abolition notions, &c, .... 166

CHAPTER XVI.

The o-rand result of the Tennessee Elections— Causes thereof— Suc-
cess of the Whigs— The true state of the case, . . . 198

CHAPTER XVII.

Sketch of the Life and Public services of Gov. Jones, . 217

INDEX. 347

CHAPTER XVIIL

The last Will and Testament of James K. Polk, . . 228

CHAPTER XIX.

Electoral Votes for President and Vice President in 1840— New and
Old Ratio— Causes of Van Bureii's defeat-Tlie Calhoun papers against
the Van Buren Organs— Opposition meetings in Neiv York . 229

CHAPTER XX.

Snynopsis, showing the year in which each State of the Union was
settled and by what people— The number of square miles— Time of
holding elections— Qualitiications of Voters, and number of Represen-
tatives and Electors of each State— A list of Officers of the United States
Government from 1789 to 1841, 235

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY.

CHAPTER I.

Introtrodtictory remarks— Mr- <^^iay'3 present position— Prospects of
the V^hig Party- Periodical discomfiture of the Whigs— Causes of these
d'wcomfitures- Different pursuits of the Whigs and Locofocos in life-
Present condition of the Whig party compared to what it was in 1839—
Whig opinion in Georgia, Ohio and Pennsylvania— Lafayette's opinion
of Mr Clay— Benton's'opinion of Mr Clay— Jefferson's opinion of Mr
Clay — Judge McLean's opinion of Blr Clay, . : . 241

CHAPTER II.

■Birtli and Parentage— His early days— The Mill boy of the Slashes-
studies Law— Hears Patrick Henry— Removes to Kentucky— Debut
ai a Debating Society— Beconies a successful Practitioner-He advocates
t^e policv of gradually Emancipating the Slaves of Kentuck}' — Opposes
the Alien and Sedition Law— Is elected to the General Assembly-Instan-
ces of his eloquence— Affair with Col. Daviess— 4ppeais at the Bar for
Aaron Burr — Subsequent interview with Burr in N. York, . 250

CHAPTER III.

, Elected to the Senate of "the United States— His first speech in favor
of Internal Improvement — Is chosen speaker of Kentucky House of
Assembly— Duel with Humphrey Marshall— His seDtiraents in regard
to duelling-Takes his seat a second time in the U. S. Senate — Speaks
ia behalf of domestic manufactures — Lays the foundation of the Amer-
ican system — The United States Bank — He becomes a member of the
United States House of Representatives— Is chosen Speaker on the first
baUQt--Critical stateof Affairs— Is in favor of a war with great Britain-
Speech on the bill for raising troops— On a Naval establishment — Carries
his measures — Our naval successes, 257

348

CHAPTER, IV.

Mr. Clay prefers a seat iu the House to one in tlie Senate-Reasons for
making him speaker — His intercourse with Randolph — War declared —
Madison re-elected President — Mr. Clay resigns the Speakers chair, be-
ing appointed Commissioner to Ghent— His service during the war, 265

CHAPTER V.

Meeting of the Ghent CoBimissioners— Mr Clay visits Brussels — An-
ecdote — Controversy between Messrs Adams and Russel— Mr. Clay's
letter;.Goes to Paris; Introduced to the duke of WeUington by Madame
de Stael — Hears of New Orleans — Visits England — Waterloo and Na-
polean— Mr. Clay's reception in England— Declines going to court-iSir
James Mackintosh — liOrd Gambier — Mr Clay's return to New York —
Keception — Re-elected to Congress — Vindication of the war — Internal
improvements — His countiy, his whole country, . . 269

CHAPTER VL

Recharter of the United States Bank-Mr. Clay's views in 1811 & 1816
— Scene in the House with Randolph — Mr Clay's relation with Mr.
Madison — Intention of Madison at ono (ime to appoint him Comander
in-Chief of the army — Election of James Monroo — Mr. Clay carries his
measures in behalf of the South American State&— Letter from Bolivar
and Mr. Clay's reply, 274

CHAPTER VII.

Internal Improvement — Mr. Monroes constitutional objections— Mr.
Clay replies to them — Discussion of Gen. Jackson's conduct in the
Seminole Campaign — Mr. Clay's opinion of that chieftain in 1819 —
A phrophetic glimpse — Mr. Adams and Gen. Jackson — The Father of
the American System-Bill to regulate duties — Mr. Clay's speech in
behalf of the protective policy — Voice of the country — His unremitted
exertions — Randolph's sarcasms — Anecdote, . . . 280

CHAPTER VIIL

The Missouri Question — Mr. Clay resigns the Speakeiship-The
Union in danger — He resumes his seat in Congress — Unparalleled ex-
citement — His compromise of the Question — Pacification of parties —
Character of his efforts— Reception of Lafayette in the House — Wel-
comed by Mr. Clay — Lafayett'e's leply — Clay and Monroe, 285

CHAPTER IX.

The Piesidential question —Nomination of Mr Clay — His qualifica-
tions set forth— General Harrison in favor of Henry Clay — Slanders
in the House— Kremer's letter — Monstrous nature of the charges against
Mr. C— His course in regard to tliem— Appointment of a committee of
<'xamination — Complete refutation of the calumny— Mr. Clay's address
to his conctitucnts — Election of John Q. Adams by the House — Exas-

INDEX- 349

peratjon of Gen. Jackson's friends — Mr. Clay's independence of spirit—
.Motives of his preference, 291

CHAPTER X.

Account of Mr. Clay's intercourse with Gen. Jackson — Carter Bever-
ly's letter charging bargain, corruption and intrigue-- Gen. Jackson the
accuser of Mr. Clay — Mr. Buchauan of Pennsylvania, giving the lie to
-<jien. Jackson— Final refutation of the slander by a cloud of witnesses,
' ' ... 295

APPENDIX,

The last Jonesborough Card, . . ... 323

"Murder will out"— Attempted assassination, . . 332

Our late rcncountre-— Concluding Remarks, . . 339

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