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 FOREIGN CONSPIRACY 
 
 AGAINST THE 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
FOREIGN CONSPIRACY 
 
 AGAINST THE 
 
 XJ]S'ITEr) STA.TES. 
 
 
£44 
 
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CAUSES OF THE PRESENT CRISIS. 
 
 So much lias been said and written upon the slavery question, 
 that to add any thing seems almost a work of supererogation. 
 The intention of this pamphlet is not ^o discuss the right or 
 wrong, the advantages or disadvantages, of tkis institution ; but 
 there are considerations connected with this subject which have 
 hitherto been to a great extent, overlooked, while their importance 
 is such as to commend them to the attention of every American 
 patriot. Our path is beset with snares and pitfalls, and the ene- 
 mies of free institutions are plotting the destruction of our sys- 
 tem of government, while few even of eur Statesmen seem to be 
 aware of the dangers which environ us. An effort is here made 
 to point out and to prove that there are two formidable schemes 
 in operation to destroy this Government. 
 
 The two schemers, are the English Government and the Jesuits 
 or the Austrian Government. Diverse and antagonistic as they 
 are, still, in their scheming they sometimes act in concert. 
 
 At the first whisper of Jesuitism, the hue and cry of religious 
 intolerance, proscription and persecution will be raised. Accusa- 
 tion will be made, that it is desired to array Protestants against 
 Catholics. These, and various other pretexts, will be resorted to, 
 in order to divert attention from the true issue. 
 
 But when we find in our midst men who come purposely to per- 
 vert our institutions and destroy our liberties, shall we sit still 
 and let them do their work unmolested, simply because they make 
 use of a church as a cloak for their evil deeds ? 
 
 If we cannot, as a nation, do something to protect ourselves 
 without the reproach of being intolerant, then let us take the re- 
 proach. 
 
 When our ancestors settled the British colonies of North Ameri- 
 ca, they came here with a supreme regard to the enjoyment of 
 their liberty and their religion. They left home and friends, and ' 
 though they came here to find a new home, they ever looked to 
 and spoke of England, as home. 
 
 Enjoying the luxuries of peace and plenty, we can scarcely 
 realize the almost insurmountable trials and difficulties they had 
 to endure. And in all their troubles they had so little sympathy 
 
and aid from the home government, the wonder is not that they 
 became independent at last, but that thej did not revolt years 
 before. 
 
 The French, who had formed alliances with the Indians on the 
 St. Lawrence nearly a hundred years before the pilgrims landed, 
 were still on friendly terms with them, and as England and France 
 were rivals, the French with the Indians as allies, were constantly 
 encroaching upon the British colonies. 
 
 With these enemies, the Colonists had to contend from the year 
 1675, when the first general war, called "Philip's war" com- 
 menced, to the year 1783. Within this period there were seven 
 wars. 
 
 The first was excited by Philip, and was confined to the savages 
 against the English. The five following were stimulated by the 
 French, who supplied them with all the means that ingenuity 
 and wealth could command. These, added to Indian cunning, 
 treachery and cruelty, were sufficiently formidable ; but when 
 the expeditions were planned by European officers, who, in- 
 stead of discountenancing the inhuman and barbarous modes of 
 warfare practised by the Indians, actually encouraged them by 
 oiFering a reward for scalps taken by their savage allies, the re- 
 sults were too horrible to be thought of. 
 
 This devastation and slaughter were sanctioned by the Jesuit 
 priests, and these savages, while their hands were yet dropping 
 blood, were caressed and cherished by men, regarded by them as 
 superior beings, and professing themselves to be followers of the 
 Saviour. 
 
 The last of the seven wars was instigated by Great Britain du- 
 ring the Revolution. 
 
 By the treaty of Paris in 1763, Canada was secured to Great 
 Britain, and when the Revolutionary war commenced. Lord Suf- 
 folk, in the House of Peers, undertook to defend the employment 
 of the Indians, in the war. His lordship contended, that besides 
 its policy and necessity, the measure was also allowable on princi- 
 ple, for that, " it was perfectly justifiable to use all the means 
 that (rod and nature put into our hands to subdue America." 
 
 " I AM astonished! (exclaimed Lord Chatham, as he rose) 
 shocked ! to hear such principles confessed, to hear them avowed 
 in this house, or in this country — principles equally uncon- 
 stitutional, inhuman and unchristian. Spain armed herself 
 with blood-hounds to extirpate the wretched natives of America ; 
 and we improv^e on the inhuman example even of Spanish 
 cruelty ; we turn loose these savage hell-hounds against our 
 brethren and countrymen in America, of the same language, 
 laws, liberties and religion, and endeared to us by every tie that 
 should sanctify humanity." 
 
Notwithstanding this protest, the Indiana continued to be em- 
 ployed, and all the horrible consequences realized. 
 
 But, with all the means which God and nature had put into her 
 hands, after spending seven hundred and fifty millions of dol- 
 lars and at the loss of hundreds of thousands of her best men, 
 she lost her hold upon us as English colonies, and was obliged 
 to acknowledge our independence to the world, but never for a 
 moment giving up the idea, that she would, at some future time, 
 regain her dominion over us ; or at least, over the New Eng- 
 land States. 
 
 To accomplish this, it was necessary that her whole policy should 
 be changed, not only here but elsewhere. 
 
 With a superabundant and starving population which she must 
 keep employed in manufacturing and commercial pursuits, England 
 felt no intersst in the colonists, except as customers for her mer- 
 chandise. 
 
 There were magnificent ideas about the extent of commercial ex- 
 change as the population increased, and all the restrictions upon 
 the commerce, navigation, and manufactures of the colonies, were 
 imposed with the intention of confining the national industry to 
 agriculture, or to make us the producers of food and of raw ma- 
 terials to be manufactured in England. 
 
 While we were British Colonies, every vessel launched and 
 every sail flung to the winds was an addition to the maritime 
 strength of England ; but when she lost her hold upon us our po- 
 sition was entirely changed. 
 
 She has been called mistress of the seas, and a choice saying of 
 Englishmen has been " the sea is ours." To retain this position, 
 every thing must be done to prevent the commerce of America 
 from coming into competition with the commerce of England. To 
 accomplish, this it was essential that the East India trade^ should 
 be extended; and as the most effectual mode of producing this 
 desirable result, the slave trade must be broken up. 
 
 By the Assiento of 1713, a company of English merchants un- 
 dertook to supply the Spanish American Colonies Avith negro slaves 
 for thirty years. It soon passed into the hands of the English 
 government, and was vested in the South Sea Company. 
 
 By the twelfth article of the treaty of Utrecht, this Assiento 
 was confirmed, by which the Royal African Company gave to 
 Spain 200,000 crowns, and to the King" of Spain and Queen of 
 England, each, one quarter share in the profits of their trade. 
 
 Einding this trade exceedingly profitable it was extended to the 
 British Colonies much against the will of the people, both North 
 and South. 
 
 About this time, Queen Anne directed the colonial government 
 of New York "to take care that the Almighty should bo devout- 
 
6 
 
 ly and duly served according to the rites of the Church of Eng- 
 land, and also, that the Royal African Company should be encour- 
 aged, and that the colony should have a constant and sufficient 
 supply of merchantable negroes at moderate rates." 
 
 Thus it will be seen that English interest forced slavery upon 
 us. A want of laborers combined with an enervating climate, 
 made it a permanent institution at the South, where the slaves 
 thrived, whereas at the North, a cool bracing climate enabled the 
 white man to labor, while the slave, shivering v»^ith cold, was soon 
 frozen out. Besides being uEprofitable m the North, there was 
 more or less aversion on the part of the New Englanders to hold- 
 ing slaves. This too was the case in the South until it was de- 
 monstrated beyond question, that white laborers could not endure 
 the heat of the climate. 
 
 From the first dawn of maritime enterprise in Great Britian, 
 the trade of India was contemplated as its grandest object. Into 
 the sanguine conceptions formed on the subject much illusion en- 
 tered ; yet there were circumstances which., even at that early stage 
 of mercantile adventure, threw peculiar lustre on the trade of 
 India, enhanced, no doubt, by the remembrance of the immense 
 wealth brought by the ships of Solomon from Ophir, supposed to 
 be India. 
 
 All that had been done in the trade up to the year 160O, was by 
 private enterprise. At this time a company was chartered and 
 rechartered at various times until 1773, when the East India bill 
 was passed, placing the affairs in the hands of the Government. 
 
 England saw that if she could exchange her maaufactures for 
 the tropical products of India, she could still command the sea and 
 its commerce, because she v/ould find a market in every sea- 
 port. 
 
 To accomplish this, she must be able to undersell all the world. 
 
 Profitable as the slave trade had been and still was, it must be 
 sacrificed to prevent the Spanish American colonies, Brazil and 
 the United States, from underselling England in foreign markets. 
 ■This could only be done by cutting off the the supply of laborers. 
 Sir Robert Peel said, the Bast Indian coul-l ,:m{ successfully com- 
 |)ete with the American slave. 
 
 But England dare not avow her motives even at home, as too 
 much capital was invested in the slave trade. To conceal her 
 real intentions, the mask of religion and philanthropy was put on. 
 The proposition to abolish the slave trade was brought up, discuss- 
 ed, and voted down, time after time, in the British Parliament, 
 until 1807, when it was finally abolished. 
 
 When England found that breaking up the slave trade would 
 saot cripple our commerce as she hoped, she commenced a system 
 of outrageous aggressions upon our shipping. Her spies were 
 
scattered over the country, gatliering up all the information that 
 could be made available, as ^Yell as sowing dissensions among the 
 people. And in 1809, while peaceful negotiations were in pro- 
 gress to settle the difficulties between the two nations, Sir James 
 H. Craig, then Governor General of the British provinces in 
 North America, employed Captain J. Henry as a seci-et agent or 
 spy to go to Boston and enter into negotiations vfith those op- 
 posed to the Government. In his letter of instruction he says i. 
 " It has been supposed that if the Federalists of the Eastern States 
 should be successful in obtaining that decided influence which may 
 enable them to direct the public opinion, it is not improbable that,- 
 rather than submit to a continuance of the difficulties and distress 
 to which they are now subject, they will exert that influence to 
 bring about a separation from the general union. The earliest 
 information on this subject may be of great consequence to our 
 government, as it may also be, that it should be informed hoivfar^ 
 in such an event, they would look to England for assistance or be 
 disposed to enter into a connection with us." 
 
 Henry went to Burlington, Vermont, where he says : " I have 
 remained two days in order fully to ascertain the progress of the- 
 arrangements heretofore made for organizing an efficient opposi- 
 ion to the General Government." And the Governor makes no 
 secret of his determination, as commander-in-chief of the militia, 
 to refuse obedience to any command from the General Govern- 
 ment which can tend to interrupt the good understanding that 
 prevails between the citizens of Vermont and his majesty's sub- 
 jects in Canada." 
 
 In the eastern part of the state, secession was not so popular. 
 
 Henry went to Boston and there found so many opposed to the' 
 general government and so communicative, that he obtained all 
 the information necessary, without being obliged to produce his- 
 credentials. 
 
 He says "it does not appear necessary that I should discover 
 to any person the purpose of my visit to Boston. I have suffi- 
 cient means of information to enable me to judge of the proper 
 period for offering the co-operation of Great Britain, and opening 
 correspondence between the Governor General of British America 
 ajid those individuals who, from the part they take in the oppo- 
 sition to the National Government, or the influence they may pos- 
 sess in any new order of things that may grow out of the present 
 differences, should be qualified to act on behalf of the Northern 
 States." 
 
 ^ A few extracts from this correspondence, which i-s quite lengthy,- 
 ■will be sufficient to show the design of the mission. 
 
 " With regard to Great Britain, she can scarce mistake her 
 true policy in relation to America. If peace be the first object, 
 
every act which can irritate the maritime states ought to be avoi- 
 ded ; because the prevailing disposition of these will generally be 
 sufficient to keep the Government from hazarding any hostile 
 measure. If a war between America and France be a grand de- 
 sideratum, something more must be done, an indulgent conciliatory 
 policy must be adopted, which will leave the democrats without a 
 pretext for hostilities; and Bonaparte, whose passions are too 
 hot for delay, will probably compel this government to decide 
 which of the two great belligerents is to be its enemy. 
 
 To bring about a separation of the States under distinct and 
 independent governments, is an affair of more uncertainty ; and 
 however desirable, cannot be effected but by a series of acts and long 
 continued policy, tending to irritate the Southern and conciliate 
 the Northern people. The former are agricultural, the latter a 
 commercial people. The mode of cheering and depressing either 
 is too obvious to require illustration. This, I am aware, is an 
 object of much interest in Great Britain, as it would forever secure 
 the integrity of his majesty's possessions on the continent, and 
 make the two governments, or whatever number the present con- 
 federacy might form into, as useful and as much subject to the 
 influence of Great Britain as her colonies can be rendered. But 
 it is an object only to he attained by slow and circumspect pro- 
 gression, and requires for its consummation more attention to the 
 affairs which agitate and excite parties in this country, than 
 Great Britain has yet bestowed upon it." 
 
 " It should, therefore, be the peculiar care of Great Britain, to 
 foster division between the North and the South ; and by succeed- 
 ing in this, she may carry into effect her own projects in Europe 
 with a total disregard to the resentment of the democrats of this 
 country." "A war would produce an incurable alienation of the 
 Eastern States and bring the whole country in subordination to 
 the interest of England, whose navy would prescribe and enforce 
 the terms upon which the commercial states should carry, and the 
 agricultural states export their surplus produce." Should w^ar be 
 declared, the legislature of Massachusetts will give the tone to 
 the neighbouring states ; will declare itself permanent until a new 
 election of members ; invite a congress, to be composed of dele- 
 gates from the Federal states, and erect a separate government 
 for their common defence and common interest." 
 
 "This congress would probably begin, by abrogating the offen- 
 sive laws and adopting a plan for the maintenance of the power 
 and authority thus assumed. They would, by such an act, be in a 
 condition to make or receive proposals from Great Britain, and I 
 should seize the first moment to open a correspondence with your 
 excellency. Scarce any other aid would be necessary and per- 
 haps none required, than a few vessels of war from the Halifax 
 
9 
 
 station to protect the maritime towns from the little navy whicb 
 is at the disposal of the National Government. 
 
 This correspondence was sent to Congress in 1812, by President 
 Madison, with the following message. 
 
 To the Senate and House of Representatives. 
 
 I lay before Congress copies of certaia documents vrliich remain in the depart- 
 ment of Skate. They prove that at a recent period, ■whilst the United States, not- 
 •withstandiug the wrongs sustained by them, ceased not to observe the laws of 
 peace and neutrality towards Great Britain ; and in the midst of amicable profes- 
 Bions and negotiations on the part of the British Gcvernment, through her public 
 minister here, a secret agent of that government Avas employed m certain states, 
 more especially at the seat of government (Boston) in Massachusetts, in fomenting 
 disaffection to the constituted authorities of the nation, and intrigues with the 
 disaffected for the purpose of bringing about resistance to the laws ; and eventu- 
 ally, in concert with a British force, of destroying the Union and forming the 
 eastern part thereof into a political connection with Great Britain. 
 
 In addition to the effect which the discovery of such a procedure ought to 
 have on the public councils, it will not fail to render more dear to the hearts of 
 all good citizens, that happy union of these states, which, under divine Provi- 
 dence, is the guarantee of their liberties, their safety, their tranquility, and 
 their prosperity. 
 
 This message and the correspondence was referred to the com- 
 mittee on Foreign llelations. The Committee met, and after an 
 examination, the authenticity of the papers transmitted, was es- 
 tablished beyond question, the signatures of Lord Liverpool, Mr. 
 Peel, Sir James Craig, &c., being recognized as genuine. 
 
 A few days after this, the British minister, Honorable A. J. 
 Foster, wrote to the Secretary of State, disclaiming all knowl- 
 edge of the aiiair and asking that the American Government and 
 Congress Avill suspend any further 'judgment ^ntil the circum- 
 stances shall have been made known to his majesty's government. 
 
 On the 5th of May, 1812, (notice having been given on the 
 28th of April, of this motion, when a discussion took place,) in 
 the House of Lords, Lord Holland asked for information on a 
 topic of great importance, because it affected the honor of the 
 country, and moved that the documents be produced to disprove- 
 any agency on the part of the government in the transactions, 
 but it was opposed by Lord Liverpool, who excused the Govern- 
 ment of Canada as only desiring information, &c. Earl Gray, 
 after refering to these excuses said, he would grant that all this 
 gave Sir J. Craig a right to assemble troops, to repair fortifica- 
 tions, to establish depots, and collect provisions and what was 
 necessary for a campaign ; but it did not give him a right to en- 
 deavor to seduce American subjects from their allegiance to their 
 own country. 
 
 After considerable debate, the motion was lost, the papers 
 were not produced, and no apology was made to this Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 To show what was thought of this affair in England, the fol- 
 
 o 
 
10 
 
 lowing extract from the London Statesman of April 29th, 1812, 
 is inserted : 
 
 " It will be seen by the alluaion mrsde last night, in both houses of Parliament 
 to the message of Mr. Madison, and the documents accompanying it, laid before 
 the Congress of the United States, that the base attempt to subvert the govern- 
 ment of that country, by exciting a rebellion amongst the American people, was 
 neither attempted to be denied or excused by ministers — but, said Lord Liver- 
 pool, ' I solemnly disclaim for myself and for his majesty's government, any in- 
 tention whatever, of fomenting disturbances in these States. As to the employ- 
 ment of any individual, it was entirely unauthorized by me and even ivithout my 
 knowledge. Government did not even know that Captain Henry was employed, 
 until after his return to Quebec." Now supposing every word which Lord Liver- 
 pool uttered to be true, we would ask why Sir James Craig, on whose shoulders 
 ministers now wish to throw the blame of this perfidious transaction, has not 
 only been permitted to go at large unimpeached, but has actually been promoted 
 in our service? Does not this conduct show, on the part of our Government, 
 that they highly approve of every step which that General to&k to overturn the Con- 
 stitution of the American States? It is impossible to doubt it; and therefore, 
 whatever solemn protestations ministers may now make to the contrary, they 
 must be held as implicated in this abominable affair — as those individuals only 
 who are responsible to the nation which they have so grossly insulted, and on 
 whose heads ought to fall that just retribution for the crime which they have 
 committed. But if such are the conclusions we are entitled to draw from this 
 relative state of the parties, what are the inhabitants of Great Britain to think ; 
 nay, what is the continent, the whole universe, to say if we shall be able to prove 
 "by the most undei>iable e\'idence that ministers not only knew of the employ- 
 ment of Captain Henry before he was engaged in the iniquitous mission, but that 
 Lord Liverpj»ol himself, afterwards actually and unreservedly approved of it ? 
 That we are able to do this, we feel little difficulty, even with the few documenta 
 which are now before the public. 
 
 It appears that Captain Ileni-y was employed by Sir James Craig in 1808, to 
 ascertain the state of parties and their political views in the United States. 
 The correspondence which passed at this time between Sir James Craig and the 
 Captain, was transmitted by the former to the British minister. This is proved 
 by the following extract of a letter, dated 28th of June last, written by Mr. 
 Peel, Lord Liverpool's secretary, to Henry himself, who was then in London : 
 " His lordship has directed me to acquaint you, that be has referred to the cor- 
 respondence in this ofBce of the year 1808, and tinds two letters from Sir James 
 Craig, dated 10th April and 5th May, transmitting the correspondence that has 
 passed during your residence in the northern states of America, and expressing 
 his confidence in your ability and judgment." Here then, is direct proof, that 
 the attempts made in 1808, by Captain Henry, at the instigation of the Governer 
 General of Canada, to excite commotions in the United States, were well known 
 to ministers at that period. Circumstances having rendered it probale in the 
 year 1809, that something further might be done to promote this very honorable 
 cause, Sir James Craig appears to have had some further communication with 
 the present ministers on the subject, and again to have recommended Captain 
 Henry as a fit person to carry thei.r views into effect. The result of this was, 
 that Sir James directed his secretary to write Captain Hcnr}', on the 26th of 
 January, 1809, as follows: "The iuformation and political observations hereto- 
 fore received from you, were transmitted by his excellency to the Secretary of 
 Slate, who has expressed his particular approbation of them und there is no doubt 
 that your able execution of such a mission as I have above suggested, would 
 give you a claim not only on the governor-general, but on his majesty's ministers, 
 which might eventually contribute to your advantage." Who can doubt, after 
 reading this, that all his majesty's ministers, and particularly Lord Liverpool 
 then Secretary of State, were fully acquainted with the mission of Captain Honry, 
 and that they actually instructed Sir James Craig to hold out to him a reward 
 for his services ? But the matter does not rest here. After Captain Henry ar- 
 rivsd in London, and submitted his claims for remuneration to Lord Liverpool, 
 
11 
 
 bis lordship, in the abovo letter, which ho directed his secretary, Mr. Peel, to 
 write, expressly recognizes the services of the captain. He speaks of the " abil- 
 ity and success" with which he executed the mission, and states, that "he is 
 convinced the public service will be benefitted" by his active employment in a 
 public situation. la another letter in the handwriting of Lord Liverpool, ad- 
 dressed to Sir George Prevost, now governor-general of Canada, on the IGth of 
 September last, he says : " I now fulfil the assurance which I have given of 
 stating to you my opinion of the abilit;/ and judgment which jNIr. Henry has mani- 
 fested on the occasions mentioned tK the memorial, and of the benefit the public 
 service might derive from his active employment in any public situation in which 
 you should think proper to place him." Here Lord Liverpool's entire approba- 
 tion of all that Captain Henry had done, is fixed beyond the possibility of a 
 doubt." 
 
 When the subject was under consideration in Congress, it was 
 asserted, that Mr. Erskine, former British Minister, was engaged 
 in the same business at the same time. 
 
 The aggressions continued, and both countries were in the 
 greatest distress ; meetings were held in Birmingham and other 
 manufacturing towns, deprecating the action of the British min- 
 istry ; and from Birmingham, a deputation was sent to Mr. Per- 
 ceval, (Lord Liverpool,) for the purpose of representing to him 
 the distressed condition of the district, and stating that, unless 
 something was done, seventy thousand persons would be thrown 
 out of employment, and of these, fifty thousand were employed in 
 preparing goods for the American market. Mr. Perceval said 
 he was fully a\?are of the distressed state of the manufacturers, 
 but being as fully convinced of the benefits accruing to the coun- 
 try at large from the orders in council, he could not from any con- 
 sideration of partial distress alter his opinion. Another of the 
 ministry said, after listening to their representations, " it does 
 not signify, gentlemen, we are like two men with our heads in a 
 bucket of water, and we must see which can stand drowning the 
 longest." 
 
 One of the resolutions passed at the meeting at Birmingjiam, 
 was this : 
 
 Resolved, That the direct tendency of the orders in council, is 
 to force America upon her own resources, and to oblige her to 
 become a manufacturing nation much earlier than in the natural 
 course of events, would be the case." 
 
 While these things were going on, the Indians in Canada and on 
 the frontier of the Western States, were supplied by English emis- 
 saries with arms and ammunition and presents of various kinds, to 
 induce them to take up arms against the Americans. 
 
 At last, when forbearance ceased to be a virtue, war was de- 
 clared. 
 
 There are hundreds alive to-day in the west, who can tell how 
 the English agents succeeded in employing the Indians, and how 
 faithfully they obeyed. At Maiden, Canada, a bounty was paid 
 for scalps, and every encouragement held out to make the Indiana 
 
12 
 
 more savage than they would have been. The conduct of Proctor, 
 after the battle of the river Raisin, stamps him as an inhuman 
 monster or the base hireling of a barbarous government. 
 
 Though the principal ports from New York to Maine were 
 blockaded, no attack was made upon New England except at 
 Eastport, Maine. 
 
 In the mean time, secession was gaining ground, and as speci- 
 mens of the feeling that existed, the following extracts from 
 newspapers of that date are sufficient : 
 
 "Salem, August lOlh, 1812. 
 
 "Great Britain has never clone us any injury. We were fools in 177G, and are 
 knaves in 1812, for quarrelling with her. She is fighting for the liberties and 
 the religion of the world." 
 
 " IIautford, Julu ZOth. 
 
 "It is only by the forbearance of Great Britain, that a single herring is per- 
 mitted to enter Chesapeake Bay." 
 
 Secession in the New England States, culminated on the 15th 
 of December, 181-1, when the delegates from the several state 
 Legislatures met at Hartford, to consider the grievances of the 
 people occasioned by a state of war, and to devise speedy meas- 
 ures for its termination. The sessions of the convention were se- 
 cret, and whatever plans may have been formed for secession or 
 disunion, they were rendered abortive by the declaration of peace, 
 soon after its adjournment. 
 
 Whenever an opportunity occurred during the war, the Eng- 
 lish captured all the slaves they could get, carried them to the 
 West Indies, and sold them. 
 
 Emissaries were sent to the south among the Seminole and 
 . Creek Indians, to iucite them to hostilities, and among the slaves, 
 to induce them to rebel. 
 
 This policy was kept up for several years, and it finally brought 
 on the Florida war. The Indians, with runaway negroes, com- 
 menced murderous depredations upon the frontier settlements of 
 Georgia and Alabama, and when General Jackson went there in 
 1818, he found two of these British emissaries whom he caused to 
 be executed. 
 
 Henry said : "An unpopular war can alone produce a sudden 
 separation of any section of this country from the common head." 
 
 The war ended, leaving the Union stronger than ever; the 
 British government therefore proceeded to follow out the other 
 course indicated by their secret agent, by encouraging dissentions 
 between the North and the South. 
 
 This being a vfork of time, required greater caution as well as 
 cunning. To get up a question that would irritate the South and 
 conciliate the north, was easily done, as there had already been 
 considerable agitation with regard to the slave trade. This waF 
 easily accomplished by using the British Association for the abo 
 
13 
 
 lition of the slave trade, which held its mcetini^s in the Old Jewry, 
 and afterwards in Exeter Hall, London. This was the grand 
 fountain head, and still continues to be. Millions of money and 
 scores of agents have been| sent from this society to the Uni- 
 ted States, where they found people who, Arnold-like, were wil- 
 ling for gold, to aid in sowing the seeds of discord'. 
 
 Mr. Seward tells us, that John Q. Adams originated the politi- 
 cal anti-slavery movement in this country. 
 
 A living witness. General Da-ff Green, confirms this statement 
 and furnishes the following valuable link in the chain of evidence. 
 "John Quincy Adams was one of the commissioners at Ghent, 
 (in Belgium,) and as such, signed the treaty of peace between the 
 United States and Great Britain, the eleventh article of which, 
 pledged the United States to unite with England in abolishing 
 "the traffic in slaves ;" he was afterwards our minister in London, 
 where he was intimate with Clarkson and Wilberforce. In 1816, 
 Daniel Pope Cook of Illinois, was appointed bearer of despatches 
 to notify him of his appointment as Secretary of State, and told 
 me, that upon his return he intended to remove to the South. In 
 October of 1817, I saw him in this city, and he then told me that 
 he had relinquished his purpose of going South, because Mr. 
 Adams had satisfied him that the migration to the Territories 
 north of the Ohio would be so great, as soon to enable the 
 freo States to control the political . destiny of this country, and 
 that instead of going South he was, under the advice of Mr. 
 Adams, going back to Illinois, with a view to coming to Con- 
 gress for the purpose of agitating the slavery question. He 
 said that he had already commenced the agitation by a series 
 of letters published in Mead's Register, and handed me a 
 pamphlet containing them. These letters, written at the sug- 
 gestion of Mr. Adams, give the basis of the anti-slavery agita- 
 tion from that date until now. I thus trace this treasonable 
 movement to Mr. Adams, for Mr. Cook did go to Illinois, and was 
 elected to Congress, and, although it does not so appear on the 
 record, was in truth, the person through whom Mr. Adams made 
 the movement in opposition to the admission of Missouri, which 
 resulted in the Missouri compromise." 
 
 Here a degenerate son of a patriot father, for political prefer- 
 ment, listens to the counsels of the bitterest enemies of his coun- 
 try, and allows himself to be used as the instrument for his 
 country's destruction. 
 
 The people thought the Missouri Compromise had settled the 
 question, and it was supposed by the South that she had achieved 
 a victory ; a line had been drawn over which the North could not 
 come to molest her. W'ith this adjustment of the question she 
 was content : and the people of the North, with the exception of 
 
14 
 
 a few ultra abolitionists, were willing to abide bj this compromise. 
 This, however, was not what the British Government desired. 
 Mr. Sumner in his speech of June 4, 1860, in the Senate says : 
 *' At a period when the ardors of the Missouri question had given 
 way to indifference throughout the North, William Lloyd Garri- 
 son stepped forward to denounce it. Afterwrrds, January 1, 
 1881, he published the first number of the Liberator, in which he 
 * declared, in the face of surrounding apathy, "I am in earnest/' 
 
 Here, even in Boston, a state of indifference and apathy exis- 
 ted. Soon after this the country was flooded with circulars, 
 handbills, and pamphlets, but the people paid little attention to 
 them. Spices and various other articles of family use, put up 
 and surrounded with incendiary wrappings, were scattered through 
 the South, and every means resorted to that the subject should 
 be kept before the people. Does any one suppose that all this 
 was done by the handful of abolitionists at the North ? By no 
 means ; the case was becoming desperate. Instead of disunion, 
 the Union was growing stronger; money was poured into the 
 country, and converts were made to abolitionism, but the mass of 
 the people remained indifferent. 
 
 Prosperity and abundance were so apparently the growth of 
 free institutions, that Canada began to look to the time when she 
 too would throw off the yoke. 
 
 In 1833 an act was passed by the British Parliament abolish- 
 ing slavery in the British Colonies and appropriating 20,000,000 
 pounds sterling, (or $100,000,000) for the purchase of the slaves, 
 and to encourage them to take care of themselves.* 
 
 By this act, Canada was made the grand asylum in which pious 
 abolitionists established their depot for the under ground rail- 
 road. What a burlesque upon morality, for men to rob their 
 neighbors, and pretend that it is all for the glory of God. 
 
 A few months ago the London times said ; "for all the good 
 that appropriation had done the money had better been thrown 
 into the Atlantic ocean," "The negro has been bought with a 
 price, the price of English taxation and English toil. He has 
 been redeemed from bondage by the sweat and travail of some 
 millions of hard working Englishmen. One hundred millions of 
 dollars have been distilled from the brains and muscles of the free 
 English laborer, of every degree, to fashion the West Indian ne- 
 gro into a free and independent laborer. Free and independent 
 enough he has become, God knows ; but laborer he is not ; and, 
 so far as we can see, never will be." 
 
 Mr. Sidney E. Morse, a gentleman of intelligence and integrity, 
 
 •About $100 was paid to tho owners, for slaves valued at from $1,200 to 
 JS 1,500. 
 
15 
 
 in the following communication to tho editor of Harper's Weekly, 
 gives a clear explanation of the objects of the British Government 
 in the West India Emancipation ; 
 
 In the fall of 1853 the writer met in Paris the late Mr. Aaro:n Leggett, for- 
 merly a wealthy merchant in this city, and a n^ember of the Society of Friends. 
 AVe conTersed freqaently on the political prospects of our country as aiFected by 
 the agitation of the Slavery question. Mr. L. said, that v>hen he was a young' 
 man, he was an active and zealous member of a Manumission Society, and 
 that he continued to cherish in after life a very compassionate feeling for the poor 
 negroes. At the time of the general emancipation of the slaves in the British' 
 West Indies Mr. Lcggctt's business called him to the city of Mexico, and while 
 residing there he met Deputy Commissary-Generat Wilso:^, of the British Army, 
 an ageirt appointed by the British Government to make the financial arrangement* 
 connected with the payment to the West India slaveholders of their portion of the 
 je'20,000,0000 voted by the Uritish Parliament as a compensation for the forced 
 sacrifice of their property. 
 
 Mr. LEfiGETT said that, when he learned Mr. Wilson's errand, he took occa- 
 sion, while he was sitting with him one day after dinner, to express his admira- 
 tion of the British Government and the British people, for that noble act, the 
 vote of J;l'0,000,000 sterling, to procure liberty for 800,000 negroes ! He gave 
 full utterance to his feelings, and almost exhausted the vocabulary of eulogy to- 
 find the commendatory epithets which he applied to England and Englishmen. 
 
 •' Mr. Wilson did not seem to symphathize with me," said Mr. L., " and where 
 I had finished, he simply turned to me, and said ''Do- you thin/i, 3Ir. LeggeU, that 
 this eviancipntion of the negroes icill prove to be a wise measure T" 
 
 " Certainly I replied," said Mr. L. "^ How can it be otherwise ?" 
 
 " Tho cool heads in England,'^ said Mr. Wilson, '' do not think that it will be' 
 .beneficial in its effects on the interests of the people either in the colonies or ia 
 the mother country. Nor do I think so. We think that the freed negroes tcill do' 
 very little xoork ; and that the West India colonies, as to their commercial value to the 
 mother country, will be ruined ?" 
 
 Mr. Leggett had been carried away with the representations of the enthusiatia 
 friends of emancipation — that free labor was more productive than slave labor ;; 
 that when the negroes were free they would receive wages, and that this would 
 stimulate them to raise sugar and cofl'ee in greater quantities ; that commerce 
 would feci the benefit of the new impulse to agriculture ; that lands would rise im 
 value ; that the income of the planters would be increased, etc. ; and his ardor 
 was at first cooled hy Mr. Wilson's gloomy view of the case. 
 
 " After a little reflection, however," said Mr. L., " I continued my eulogy of 
 tho British Government and the British people ; and I now went further than be- 
 fore in the expressions of my admiration, but I went on a new tack. I said that 
 the enemies of Englishmen, and of their government, were accustomed to represent: 
 them as always governed by mercenary considerations, and too willing to sac- 
 rifice justice, humanity, and all the virtues, to the lust of gain ; but here was Ot 
 case in which the cool heads that directed the action of the Government delibe- 
 rately burdened their country Avith an inmense debt, not to open new fields of wealth* 
 but in full prospect of destroying the commercial value of their West India colo- 
 nies, and of impoverishing the people there, and the proprietors in England — and 
 all from a humane feeling, and a high sense of justice — a high sense of what is 
 due to poor, helples, dowii-troddcn negro slaves. It was the noblest act recorded 
 ill liistory ! I knew of no parallel to it anywhere." 
 
 " When I had finished," added Mr. L., " Mr. W. again turned tome, and said,, 
 ' Mr. Leggett, do you really believe, that the men who control the action of the British 
 government were led by such motives as you ascribe to them, to sacrifice the commercial 
 interests of their country ?' " 
 
 " I repliid," said Mr. L., " that if the men who controlled the action of the 
 British goveniment really believed that the abolition of slavery in the British 
 West Indies would end in the commercial ruin of the islands, I could not conceive 
 of any other motive for their conduct than the noble one which I had assigned." 
 
 " ' Well Mr. Leggett,' eaid Mr. W., ' you may believe this, but I do not. / 
 
16 
 
 helieve thiii (he acfion of the. Britixh gnvcrimient is made to promote, as far as possible, 
 the iNTEEESTS of the English Aristocfacy." 
 
 ^Ir. L. then asked, " What interest of the English Aristocracy will be promo- 
 ted by the ruin of tlie British West India Islands ?" 
 
 Mr. Wilson said that the abolition of slavery in the British colonies would 
 naturally create an enthusiastic anti-slavery sentiment in England and America, 
 and that in America this would in process of time excite a hostility between the 
 free States and the slave States, which would end in a dissolution of the American 
 Union, and the consequent failure of the grand experiment of democratic govern- 
 ment ; and that the ruin of Democracy in America would be the perpetuation of 
 Aristocracy in England. — I do not undertake to give the language of Mr. Leggett, 
 but the following paraphrase conveys, in my own language, the impression made 
 upon my mind of the course of reasoning by which .Air, W. came to his con- 
 clusion. 
 
 "The English Aristocracy have ruled England for ages. Their position is more 
 enviable thau that of any similar class in any other country on tlie globe. They 
 rule the wealthiest empire in the world. Their laud estates embrace a large 
 portion of all the lauds in the kingdom; and these estates are entailed in their 
 families. The House of Lords is composed exclusively of the Aristocracy ; and 
 they have such influence in the elections that the members of the House of Com- 
 mons are to a great extent the near relatives of the Lords. Offices of honor 
 and power, and sinecure offices with large incomes, in the Church, the Army, the 
 Navy, the Colonies, at Foreign courts, and in all the departments of Home govern- 
 ment, are in their gift, and can be bestowed at their pleasure, upon their relatives 
 and friends. They have inherited these privileges from their ancestors, and their 
 great aim, their ruling desire, is to retain them in their families, and to transmit 
 them to their posterity. Their control of the public press, and of all the fountains 
 of popular opinion and sentiment in England, has enabled them to impress the 
 minds of the great body of the middle classes there with the belief that the English 
 Aristocracy, with its powers and privileges, is essential to the prosperity and glory 
 of the English nation. 
 
 "Recently, however, this belief has been seriously.shaken by the success of demo- 
 cratic institutions in America. Englishmen are now getting to be well aquainted 
 with America; and they see there a people of the same race with themselves, speak- 
 ing the same language, reading the same books, holding the same religious opinions, 
 loving the same pursuits; in short, like themselves in every respect except that 
 they have no aristocracy ; and yet, under their democratic institutions, Americans 
 are advancing even more rapidly than Englishmen, in commerce and the arts, in 
 the diffusion of knowledge among the people, in population, wealth, and all the 
 elements of national greatness ; and intelligent men of the middle classes in En- 
 gland are beginning to think that Aristocracy, with itsheavy taxation for the sup- 
 port of sinecure ofiices, may not be so essential as they have heretofore supposed 
 to the prosperity of England; and that the English people would perhaps make more 
 rapid progress if they should throw off this burden, by republicanizing or Ameri- 
 canizing their institutions. The great danger to the English Aristocracy lies in 
 this idea in the minds of the English people ; for, if it should take root and spread, 
 it might end in a revolution in which they would lose all their privileges.. Hence 
 they study every thing in America and in England with the deepest interest in its 
 bearings on this matter. 
 
 " The English Aristocracy know that the English people are a liberty-loving, a 
 liberty-vaunting people. They saw with what ease numerously-signed petitions 
 for the Abolition of Slavery could be obtained in districts, and among classes, 
 where there was no interest to check the current of the popular feeling. They knew . 
 that they could have found no difficulty in disposing of such petitions in Parliament 
 without granting them, for they could have continued to receive them respectfully, and 
 postjyone action upon i/icm e7idlessly, if their interest had required it. But after a 
 time they, doubtless, reasoned with themselves, thus : 
 
 " ' What will be the effect of encour.aging and finally granting these petitions ? 
 If Slavery shall be abolished in the British colonies, by compensating slaveholders 
 for their losses, nobody in England will then have any interest in opposing the 
 wildest and most enthusiastic expressions of auti -Slavery sentiment. Englishmen 
 
.17 
 
 win love to refer with pride and ho.vsting; to the large sum sacrificed by their 
 poverntnent, ■with their concurrence, on the altar of liberty, juatice, and human- 
 ity. They will then look to Ainericn, and they will see Slavery still there, for 
 Sontlicrn s'nvehoMers in Americo, ot course, will never ruin themselves and ♦heir 
 country by imitating Britain in abolishing it. Englishmen can then be easily ex- 
 cited, omiccouiit of American Slavery, to look down with scorn upnn Americans 
 and American institutions; and if any popular orator, or writer, in England shall 
 prcipnse to deprive the Aristocracy of their powers and privileges, and, to fortify 
 his argument, shall refer to the prosperity of America under democratic institu- 
 tioiiH, he will be met with this scorn, and defe-ited in his purpose.' 
 
 " This will be the effect in England of the abolition of Slavery in the British 
 coV'nies : but the most important effect will be the effect in America. America 
 is divided almost equ^dly between liee States and Slave States; — between States 
 in which the negroes are si few that no harm result s fiom their emMncipation, 
 and Stites in which Slavery is so deeply rooted that it can not be safely abolished 
 without ruin to all classes of the population. In the free States, a tierce anti- 
 elavery tci.timent, a bitter hatred nf Slavery and Siavulu'lders, can be excited al- 
 most as easily as in England, atid, in process of time, by constantly fannina; tho 
 fl.ime, euch a hosii ity can be kindled between the peop'e of the two great sections 
 that it will lead to the df-strucuon of the American Union, and tho failure of the 
 grand expeiiment of democratic government by men of the Anglo-Saxon race. 
 And this fai'ure of Uemocr.icy in America will be a new lease, and a long lease, 
 to the English Aristocracy of their powers and piivileges. In short, Mr. Leggett, 
 ' / believe that the English Aristocracy lent thnr influence to the Abolition of Sluvenj 
 VI the British colonies that they viay use it as a wedge for the division of the American 
 Union. They dnl it to promote their own interest, to perpetuate their own privileges; 
 by the destruction of the Union and prosper ty of democratic Am-nca, and to secura 
 their object, they care no more for a (dibt of £20.000,0)0 sterling and the commercial 
 ruin of the British West India islands than for the ashes on that cigar you are smo- 
 king: " 
 
 In the above sketch, I repeat. I do not profes.? to give the language of Mr. L., 
 but h.ive endeavored, in my own language, to convey the impres&ion made upoa 
 my mind of the course of reasoning by which Mr. W. came to his conclu.-ijn. 
 The words in italics, hnwever, are very ne.irly the words used by Mr. Leggett. 
 
 Wh it struck me as particularly notewhorty in Mr. Leggett's narrative was, 
 that bijore the experiment of negro cmanc'palion in the British West Indies had been 
 ful'y tried, and while the friends and supporters of the measure professed to believe 
 that its ej/'ect would be happy upon those immediate y connected with it, both in the 
 i lands and in England, an agent of the British government, who must have had un- 
 common opporlunilies for forming a sound judgment in the case, expressed his belief that 
 they who comrull d the action of the government knew, rvhen they gave their sanction 
 to the meuaure, that there wa-i every reason to expect that it would be calamitous to 
 the negroes, to the planters, and to the British people, and knew too that they could 
 easily have prevented it, but that they still svpp rted and encouraged it, becjuse it 
 would promote the interests of the English Aristocracy, by enabling them tv excite, in 
 the free States af America, .•'uch an auti- slavery feeling, as would lead to a division of 
 the American Enion, and the desi ruction o* the threat democratic Bep'jblir. 
 
 A constant attendance at the meetings of religious an I philanthmphic societies, 
 and especially of atiti slavery meetings, during a residence of four years in London, 
 tliuroughly satisfied me that anti-s'avery meetings and esc tements are got up ia 
 Englaii I, not for the purpose of a removal, or an aaielioration of the evils of Sla- 
 very in any part of the world, hut chiefly, if not exclusively, with a view to keep 
 up in the hearts of the English people a hatred of the people and institutions of 
 Am> rica. 
 
 And, as to our own country, all who are acquainted with the history of the anti- 
 elavery movement here, know that, prior to tl)e Aliolition of Slavery intheBritish 
 colonies, the American anti-slavfr-.- mm-ement w.as eminent'y kind, considerate, 
 rational, and Christian; that it had itlready hippily effect-'d the gralual but total 
 abolition of shivery in all tlie Northern States, and was at the time very active in 
 the border Slave States, especially among the slaveholders, who, after individually 
 
 3 
 
18 
 
 iBmaucipatlng scores of thousands cf their own slaves uuiteJ whh each other in 
 anti-sl;ivery societies to promote the grailual, but eventually total abolition of 
 slavery by law in their respective States, with fair prospects of success in Deleware, 
 Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri, and with some hope even in North 
 Carolina and Tennessee — the emancipation of the slaves in most of these States 
 to go hand in hanil v;ith their removal t3 other lands. It is also well known that 
 immediactly after the Abolition of Slavery in the British colonies, anti-slavery 
 societies of a totally different character were formed in New England, and that 
 these societies were based on the principle of bitter hatred to all slaveholders, and 
 a fierce denunciation of the mesures which had been framed, with great conside- 
 ration and wisdom, by Southern slaveholders, for the welfare of their slaves, and 
 the elevation of the negro race. It is known that the supporters of these New 
 England anti-slavery societies established newspapers, issued tracst, employed 
 lecturers, and devised plans, evidently intended to irritate Southern men, and 
 provoke to acts which would irritate Northern men, and provoke retaliatory act, 
 and thus, by continued angry action and reaction, ripen a hostility between tlie 
 North and the South, which would naturally end in a dissolution of the American 
 Union. This system of hostility has been kept up now for twenty-five years, and, 
 with what effect, let the present state of the country answer. 
 
 How much of the large amount of money expended by American Abolitionists in 
 support of this organized system of hostility to the Constitution of the United 
 States has been contributed in England we know not, but we do know that, while 
 onservative Americans have often been publicly and wantonly insulted in England 
 in connection with the Slavery question, and without apology where apology was 
 due from members of the Aristocracy, other Americans, whose chief claim to no- 
 tice was the zi?al and success with which they had attacked a fundamental law of 
 their country and promoted bitter strife between the people of its two great sec- 
 tions, have been invited to the homes of the English nobility, flattered, honored, 
 and encouraged on their return to America to renew their warfare upon the people 
 and the institutions of the South. These facts are readily explained on the theory 
 of Deputy Commissary-General, Wilson, that the aim of the English Aristocracy 
 is to perpetuate their own power and privileges by destroying the great American 
 democratic republic, and they can not, we think, be satisfactorily explained on 
 any other theory. 
 
 SIDNEY E. MORSE. 
 
 The fear of losing Canada was an incentive to more vigorous 
 action. If a continual broil could be kept up in the States, the 
 Canadians would be better satisfied with their condition. Money 
 was supplied to send lecturers over the Middle and Western 
 States, but the people would not listen. Churches, school-houses, 
 and all other public places were closed to them. And if an at- 
 tempt was made to speak in the street or a public square, the 
 speaker was, in scores of places, pelted with rotten eggs, and in 
 some instances he was obliged to submit to a coat of tar and 
 feathers or a ride upon a rail. 
 
 Did these things stop the work ? Not at all. Those engaged 
 in it were too well paid to allow trifles to stand in the way. What 
 did they care for the Union, or the peace and tranquility of the 
 people. 
 
 Eighteen hundred and thirty-seven found the people of Canada 
 resolved to cut loose from the British throne. By a want of con- 
 cert in the leaders they failed, and were denounced as traitors. 
 While this excitement was at its heighth, long and angry dis- 
 putes about the boundary between Maine and New Brunswick 
 
19 
 
 ripened into warlike demonstrations, and preparations were macfe 
 to settle the matter by combat. 
 
 England finding sbe could not breakup or cripple our com- 
 merce or bring about a dissolution of the Union alone, called to 
 her aid the Catholic powers of Europe, France, Austria, Russia, 
 and Prussia ; and in December, 1841, the Quintuple treaty was 
 signed at London by representatives from each of these powers, 
 granting a mutual right of search. This treaty was ostensibly to 
 suppress the slave trade, but who docs not see that it was aimed 
 at the United States ? 
 
 The boundary between Maine and New Brunswick was finally 
 settled by the Ashburton treaty in 1842. This treaty provides 
 for the final suppression of the slave trade, and contains the only 
 extradition clause that could ever be obtained from England, and 
 that is in cases of certain crimos. Through the want of such a 
 treaty, our citizens have lost millions of money ; not only by fugi- 
 tive slaves, but by dishonest debtors. 
 
 Then came the question for the admission of Texas, when the 
 North, forgetting the Missouri Compromise, sprung upon Con- 
 gress the Wihnot proviso, and again a storm arose, the North op- 
 posed the annexation because it would increase the area and po- 
 litical strength of slavery. This question was decided by the 
 people in electing to the presidency, Mr. Polk, who was pledged 
 in favor of annexation. 
 
 England, still bent upon getting up a subject of strife, laid 
 claim to a large part of Oregon : this was finally settled by a 
 treaty, in which she got the lion's share. 
 
 In 1850, when California asked for admission, another storm 
 came up which shook the Union to its centre, another compro- 
 mise was resorted to, and the people rejoiced that a vexed ques- 
 tion was finally disposed of. Then Mrs. vStowe came to the res- 
 cue of the British party with Uncle Tom's Cabin, a tissue of 
 misrepresentations Avhich enlisted the sympathies of the whole 
 North, Before this, the abolition or anti-slavery sentiment was 
 comparatively limited in its extent. This book was read by every 
 body. Mrs. StoAvo being the daughter of a clergyman and the 
 wife of another, her statements were swallowed by the people, as 
 truth. 
 
 The Kansas and Nebraska bill, which was intended by its fra- 
 mers to affirra the compromise act of 1850, again set the whole 
 nation in an uproar. Ministers who were ordained to preach the 
 gospel, preached anti-slavery. And no class of nien have done 
 more to bring about the present condition of affairs than these 
 same ministers, who, under the garb of preaching " Christ and 
 Ilim crucified" have been step by step inflaming the public mind 
 of the North against the Institutions of the South, and those laws 
 
20 
 
 that liave been enacted by our National Legislature for the pro- 
 tection of the rights of the citizens of the southern half of our re- 
 public. Instead of following the example set them by Jesus 
 Christ and the founders of the Church, or the teachings of that 
 Book wiiich tliev pretend to follow, they have, Avhilst performing 
 their ministerial duties with an air of sanctity, put a new inter- 
 pretation upon the Scriptures and taught their followers, that an 
 observance of those laws which recognise slavery, is a heinous sm, 
 and that the requirements of the " higher law" demanded from 
 all believers in the Bible, their violation.* 
 
 Forbes and Bedpath, two violent abolitionists, were sent from 
 En.o-land to manage Kansas affairs, and thus to foment a civil war 
 which threatened to involve the whole country. 
 
 About this time a new party was formed professing to have 
 nothing in common with the Abolition party or its doctrines. 
 Though the anti-slavery hobby was mounted, the leaders intended 
 to ride it in the territories only. 
 
 The visit of the Price of Wales to this country Avas proposed 
 by those who believed in an "irrepressible conflict," and know- 
 ing if it did come, there would be a dissolution of the Union- — 
 then the old plan could be accomplished of uniting Canada v/ith 
 the New England States. These, with the Middle and Western 
 States, are to form that magnificent empire stretching from the 
 Atlantic to the Pacific, with the Prince of Wales as the sovereign. 
 You ask how the Prince of Wales is to become the sovereign of 
 the North and West, the answer is, by the request of the people. 
 The hope is to get the two sections into a war. And if this is 
 accomplished, such a war will be waged as the world has never 
 seen. Whether it will be a seven year's war or one of thirty 
 years, neither section will give up until they are in the hands of 
 some other power. The South may call upon France, and the North 
 upon England. For this, her forty-five million appropriation 
 was made, and not to defend herself against an invasion by France 
 as was given out. 
 
 The mission of Mr. Lindsay v»as made with the same end in 
 view — to ask that our coasting trade should be throAvn open to 
 England that she might have a force on our coast ready for any 
 emergency. 
 
 Enough has been said to lead the reflecting mind to ponder 
 seriously on the means which ought to be adopted to defeat the 
 machinations of the English government. Let us now turn to 
 the other branch of the subject, and consider the schemes which 
 the Jesuits have been employing with a similar design. 
 
 * We wish to bo entirely undcistooil here, ■when we speak of a. class. It ia 
 well know that there have been many boni.rable exceptions of those who have 
 seen the tccdency of this teaching and have warned their hearers against it. 
 
21 
 
 The advent of Christ established the christian religion. The 
 system at the first, was represented by a siaiple association of 
 men possessing the same faith and opinions, the same sentiments 
 ; nd feclinjTs. 
 
 In the fourth century, Christianity was no longer a simple be- 
 lief, it was an institution. Under the protection of Constantino 
 the Great, the church had been formed into a corporate body with 
 rules and regulations devised by men, and it was fallible, as all 
 human governments ever have been and ever will be. We need not 
 wonder then that it became corrupt, and in the eleventh century 
 claimed supreme dominion, both temporal and spiritual, over all 
 the States of Christendom. At the close of this century, the Cru- 
 sades wero undertaken to diivc the infidels or Mohammedans 
 from Jerusalem and the Holy Land. 
 
 The beginning of the thirteenth century found the power of the 
 I'opc supreme. Home mistress of the world, and kings and em- 
 perors her vassals. 
 
 The Crusades undertaken to augment this power, closed with 
 this century. Their influence was great — expanding the mind of 
 Europe, refining the general mannerse, xciting a spirit of geog- 
 raphical research and adventure, and promoting improvement in 
 the arts and sciences, thus undermining instead of strengthening 
 the power of papal Rome, by advancing liberal ideas and freedom 
 of thought. 
 
 Supreme power was too valuable to be relinquished without an 
 effort to retain it, and to this end resort was had to means lawful 
 and unlawful. 
 
 The cliurua had become so corrupt, that a hundred complaints 
 and aceusa'iions wero preferred against it at the Diet of Nurem- 
 berg, whieli Adrian VI acknowledged to be too well founded. 
 
 This pontiff, by his nuncio, frankly declared to the Diet : "that 
 all this confusion was originated by men's sins, and, above all, by 
 those of the clergymen and prelates — that for many years past 
 the IIoli/ Sec had committed many abominations — that numerous 
 abuses had crept into the administration of spiritual affairs, and 
 many superfluities into the laivs — that all had been perverted — 
 and that the corruption descending from the head to the body, 
 from the Sovereign Pontiff to the prelates was so great, that there 
 could hardly be found any one who did good." 
 
 Such was the condition of the Church when the Reformation 
 commenced. Nicolini, a protestant writer, says: '' While the 
 Word of God was rescuing multitudes from idolatry, the Spirit 
 of Evil, furious at the escape of so many victims whom he 
 had already counted his own, made a desperate effort to retrieve 
 his past and prevent future lo;-^ses. He saw, with dismay. Divine 
 truth, like a vast and ever extending inundation rapidly under- 
 
22 
 
 mining and throwing down one by one his many strong-holds of 
 superstition and ignorance 5 and, with the despairing energy of 
 baffled malignity, he set aboiit rearing up a bulwark which should 
 check the tide ere its work of destruction was completed. For 
 this bulwark, he devised the since famous order of the Jesuits, 
 >vhich arose almost simultaneously with the establishment of the 
 Reformation." 
 
 The Society of Jesus was established expressly to exterminate 
 Protcstanism. And every means is justified, that is made use of 
 to convert or destroy heretical protestants. 
 
 The bull or proclamation of Paul III, establishing the society, 
 gays: " Whereas, we have lately learned that our beloved son, 
 Ignatius de Loyola (and nine others whose names follow,) in- 
 spired, as is piously believed by the Holy Ghost; coming from 
 various regions of the globe ; are met together and become as- 
 sociates ; and renouncing the seductions of this world, have dedi- 
 cated their lives to the perpetual service of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ, and of UB and of our s2icee8Sors Roman Pontiffs; and 
 expressly for the instruction of hoys and other ignorant people 
 in Christianity, and, above all, for the spiritual consolation of 
 the faithful in Christ by hearing confessions. 
 
 Had they adhered to the principles they professed in the out- 
 set, and merely aimed at civilizing and converting savages and 
 increasing knowledge at home, the institution would have been as 
 justly praised for good achieved through it, as it is now de- 
 nounced for ambition, avarice, cruelly, and corruption. 
 
 The society is composed of a general, subordinate officers, and 
 members. The officers and members vow implicit obedience to 
 the general. 
 
 Ignatius Loyola, the first general, while aifecting acts of hu- 
 mility, was giving his serious attention to the state affairs of dif- 
 ferent nations, his desciples were sent all over the world, and in- 
 stead of attending to religion as their business, they have made it 
 a cloak under which they have meddled with the political affairs 
 of the people. At different times they have been driven out of nearly 
 every country on the globe. The Order, at first limited to sixty 
 members, was afterwards extended and has become unlimited, 
 and so formidable as to control the church. It had become such 
 a nuisance in various countries, that in 1773 it was suppressed by 
 Clement XIV, who said the members of the society hud-merited 
 their fall from the restlessness of their spirit and the audacity of 
 their proceedings. In the two centuries the society had existed, 
 it had so disturbed the peace of Europe, that thirty-seven states 
 had suppressed it before the Pope did so. A few extracts from 
 the Bull which abolished the order, are all that need be given to 
 show the estimation in which they were held. 
 
23 
 
 In tlie preamble or explanation of the right of a Pope to estab- 
 lish and abolish orders in the church, he says : *' We know, be- 
 sides that we are established b?/ Divine Providence, over King- 
 doms a7id Nations, in order to pluck up, destroy, disperse, dissi- 
 pate, plant, or nourish, as may best conduce to the right cultiva- 
 tion of the vineyard of Sabaoth. After a complete examination 
 into the origin and progress of the society, " we have seen that 
 the holy founder of the order did institute it for the salvation of 
 souls, the conversion of heretics and infidels, and in short, for the 
 greater advancement of piety and religion*" After enumerating 
 the privileges granted the society by other Popes, he says: 
 *' Notwithstanding so many and so great favors, it appears from 
 apostolic constitution, that almost at the very moment of its in- 
 stitution, there arose in the bo-om of this societ}', divers seeds of 
 discord and dissension, not only among the companions them- 
 selves, but with other regular orders, the secular clergy, the acad- 
 emies, the universities, the public schools, and lastly, even with 
 the princes of the states in v,'hich the society v/as received." 
 Here follow some of the causes for dissension, &c. "In short, 
 accusations of the gravest nature and very detrimental to (he 
 peace and tranquility of the christian republic have been co7itinu- 
 ally received against the said order. Ilence the origin of that 
 infinity of appeals and protests against this society, which so many 
 sovereigns have laid at the foot of the throne of our predecessors, 
 Paul IV., Pius v., and Sixtus V. 
 
 "The accusations against the society were multiplied without 
 number, and especially with that insatiable avidity of temporal 
 possessions with which it was reproached."* 
 
 " The kings of France, Spain, Portugal, and Sicily, found 
 themselves reduced to the necessity of expelling and driving from 
 their states and kingdoms and provinces these very companions of 
 Jesus ; pursuaded that there remained no other remedy to so 
 great evils, and that this step was necessary, in order to prevent 
 the christians from rising one against another, and from mas- 
 sacrceing each other in the very bosom of our common mother, the 
 holy Church." This brief was issued in July, 1773, and on the 
 22d of September, 1774, the Pope died from the effects of slow poi- 
 son. 
 
 The Jesuits have always said that Clement was forced into the 
 measure, but this did not save him from their poison. 
 
 A few years before this, Benedict XIV, in a terrible bull which 
 he issued against them, said they were disobedient, contumaciouSy 
 crafty, arid reprobate men. 
 
 * As a specimen of this, Bishop Ffughes holds for the the church in New York 
 city, property to the amount of $25,000,000. 
 
24 
 
 When iliey were snpnressed and driven from Rome, tliey took 
 refuge in Prussia and in Russia, where they were welcomed ag 
 teachers of youth. Nicolini says: ''No pages of ours could con- 
 vey to our readers a more accurate idea of the conduct of the 
 Jesuits in Russia, than a passage of the imperial decree, by which 
 Alexander expelled them from his capital in 1815." 
 
 After having recorded that while the Jesuits were persecuted 
 in the rest of Europe, Russia alone, from a spirit of humanity and 
 tolerance, had received and protected them. He then enumerates 
 the acts of base ingratitude they displayed in stirring up dissen- 
 sions, &c., in his dominions, and " after such actions we are no 
 more surprised that these monks are expelled from all countries 
 and no where tolerated. Where in fact is the state that would 
 tolerate in its bosom those who sow in it hatred and discord? 
 
 In 1814, the Order was re-established. And in 1849, catholic 
 Italians drove them from Rome. 
 
 According to the rules of the Order, no Jesuit is permitted to 
 mix in any way in political or secular matters, or engage in any 
 commercial operations. Notwithstanding these rules, they dis- 
 pose of the destinies of kingdoms almost at their pleasure, and 
 some of them are among the largest bankers in Eu'^ope. Instead 
 of punishing them for these transgressions, the most skilful poli- 
 ticians are raised to the important offices in the society. 
 
 This glance at the history of the Jesuits has been given to show 
 who and what they are. Ever since the establishment of the 
 Order, and in all countries, they have been distinguished by 
 an insatiable thirst for power; and while they have so often 
 been denounced by the catholic Church for their misdeeds, yet 
 they have succeeded in controlling the policy of that Hierar- 
 chy to a great extent, and have so far identified themselves 
 with the church as to be enabled to shelter their nefarious de- 
 signs under the cloak of religion. Our purpose is not to attack 
 any system of religious faith, but to point out the dangers to 
 which we, as a people, are exposed from this secret organization. 
 
 It is a police infinitely more exact and better informed than 
 has ever been that of any State. This police, this secret inqui- 
 sition carried to such a degree of perfection, may give some idea 
 of the strength of a government, so well informed, so persevering 
 in its projects, so powerful by its unity, (and as the constitutions 
 have it,) hy the union of its members. It is not hard to under- 
 stand, Avhat immense force must belong to the heads of this so- 
 ciety, and how the General of the Jesuits could say to the Duke 
 de Brissac : " From this room sir, I govern not only Paris, 
 BUT Ciii:^;a, not only China, but the whole world — and that 
 without any one knowing how it is done.'' 
 
 They arc now and have been for years, aiding the English 
 
government in destroying the Union. England is so bent upon 
 checking the tide of Democracy or Republicanism, that she can- 
 not see the viper she is fostering to her own destruction. 
 
 Ask the most ignorant Roman catholic if he believes this coun- 
 try will ever become subject tO' the Church? he will answer at 
 once, "yes, this country belongs to the catholics — -it was dis- 
 covered by Columbus, who was a catholic, and the means to fit 
 out his vessels for discovery, were furnished by the sale of Isabel- 
 la's jewels, who was a catholic, therefore, it of right belongs to the 
 catholics ;" besides, catholics maintain that France and Spain 
 took possession of America in the name of the Church, and the 
 Jesuits teach in the confessional and in their schools, that the 
 " Plymouth Rock Pilgrims were a band of robbers and pirates, 
 who fled from Europe to America on account of crimes committed 
 against the government of papal England." "Soon other sects 
 cast their scum on the same shores, and protestantism gained 
 sovereignty in the Thirteen colonies which were destined to be- 
 come the United States. Yet the catholic Church could never 
 abandon the invaded territory. 
 
 These being the sentiments of the Church, do not imply a conspi- 
 racy against the Government. 
 
 Professor Morse says: " What concurrence of circumstances, 
 aside from confession of the plot, is sufficient to prove conspi- 
 racy ?" 
 
 Is not the case proved if it can be shown ? — 
 1st. That there exists an adequate motive to conspire. 
 2d. That there exists ample means wherewith to conspire. 
 3d. That means capable of accomplishing the object of conspi- 
 racy are actually employed by those whose interest it is to con- 
 spire. 
 
 No one in the case before us can expect a confession from 
 the conspirators ; (though, in the case of England, we have the 
 confession of Henry,) let us have recourse then to the test pro- 
 posed : 
 
 1st. Have Austria and the Holy Alliance an adequate motive 
 /or conspiring against the liberties of the United States ? Can 
 there boa sti'onger motive than that o^ self preservation ? So 
 certain as this country exists in prosperity under its present demo- 
 cratic form of government, just so certain will its example oper- 
 ate on the people of Europe, as it has for two centuries operated, 
 and is now in an accellerated degree operating to subvert the 
 ancient oppressive systems of government of the old world. The 
 strongest motive, therefore, that can influence governments as 
 well as individuals, that of self preservation, impels Austria and 
 the other despots of Europe to seek, 5^ ant/ means in their 
 power, the subversion of this government 
 4 
 
20 
 
 2(1. Have they the means to conspire? No one can doubt 
 that the usuarmeans of conspiracy, money and intrigueing agents 
 are perfectly at the command of those governments which can 
 lavish their millions for the sole purpose of protecting their 
 thrones, and which keep in their pay for this vital object, stand- 
 ing armies, and a police of tens of thousands of spies. 
 
 od. Have they then employed, or are they actually employ- 
 ing means capable of accomplishing their object in this country? 
 
 Austria, in a combination with other powers, called the St. 
 Leopold Foundation, has sent and is still sending both moneg and 
 agents to this country; the former comes in the shape of religious 
 contributions to this St. Leopold Foundation, the society in Vi- 
 enna, established with express 7'eferenee to operations in the 
 United States ; the latter come the same quarter, in the shape of 
 hundreds of Jesuits ; a class of men notorious for their intrigue 
 and political arts, and who have a complete military organization 
 througrh the United States. The catholic religion is the cloak 
 which covers the design. 
 
 All the circumstances therefore necessary to prove conspiracy, 
 concur in fixing this charge upon Austria and her associates in 
 that umo7i of christian princes combined in the >St. Leopold 
 Foundation J' 
 
 ^ In 1828, Frederick Schlegel delivered a course of lectures in 
 Vienna, going to show the mutual support which popery and 
 monarchy derive from each other. He represented protestantism 
 as the enemy of good government, as the ally of republicanism, 
 as the parent of the distresses of Europe, as the cause of all the 
 disorders with which legitimate governments are afflicted. In 
 one oi" his lectures he thus speaks of this country : " The true 
 NURSERY of all these destructioe princip)les, the revolutionary 
 SCHOOL for France and the rest of Europe, has been North 
 America. Thence the evil has spread over many other lands, 
 either hg natural contagion or hy arbitrary communication. 
 
 The result of tliese lectures was the combination of the catho- 
 lic powers of Europe for the express purpose of extending popery 
 over these United States, and in time of building up or establish- 
 ing monarchies, through the St. Leopold Foundation. 
 
 To induce the people of Europe to become members of this 
 organization, the pope, in his letter approving of the society, 
 promises indulgencies for fourteen days in the year. 
 
 " Indulgencies were for the pardon of sins, and were sometimes 
 so extensive as to be for the past, present, and to come. They 
 were written upon parchment, and sealed and signed by the Pope 
 or his delegates." 
 
 That the object of this society is to subvert this government, 
 we have, among other testimonies, the following by the Duke of 
 
Zi 
 
 Riclnnond, formerly governor of the Canadas, who said in a speccli 
 at Montreal : " The Government of the United States ought not to 
 stand, and it will not stand, but it will be destroyed by subver- 
 sion and not by conquest. The plan is this : to send over the 
 surplus population of Europe. They will go over with foreign 
 views and feelings, and will form a heterogenous mass, and in the 
 course of time will be prepared to rise and subvert the govern- 
 ment." He then adds : " The Church of Rome has a design 
 upon that country. Popery will in time be the established re- 
 ligion, and will aid in the destruction of that republic. I have 
 conversed with many of the sovereigns and princes of Europe ; 
 and they have unanimously expressed their opinions relative to 
 the Government of the United States, and their determination 
 to subvert it." 
 
 ^^ The M-eemans Journal" says: "The Pope of Rome has 
 supreme authority over every diocese and over every square foot 
 of surface on this"^globe." The United States is divided into forty- 
 one dioceses, Avith thirty-nine bishops and two apostolic vicars, and 
 some two thousand priests. The bishops and most of the priests are 
 foreigners, sent here as agents for this foreign organization ; they 
 serve their time, and if they are successful in the cause, they are 
 recalled and promoted. These men have no love for our govern- 
 •ment or institutions, as a few extracts from their letters will show : 
 Bishop Flaget of Bardstown, Kentucky, in a letter to his pa- 
 trons abroad, speaking of the difficulties in converting the Indians, 
 says the last difficulty Ys I " their continual traffic among the whites, 
 which cannot be hindered as long as the republican govern- 
 ment SHALL SUBSIST." Mr. Baraga of Michigan, in giving an ac- 
 count of some persons who vefused to have their children baptized, 
 lays the fault on this too free government, 
 
 ""The Catholic Telegraph," in commenting upon the mob who 
 burnt the Convent at Charlestown, Massachusetts, says : " A sys- 
 tem of government which admits a feeling of alarm in the execu- 
 tion of the laws, from the vengeance of the mob which Mr. Aus- 
 tin, (the prosecuting attorney.) distinctly allows to be the case — 
 a vengeance exhibited by letters to the public officers, and threats 
 to the public authorities— may be very fine in the theory, very 
 fit for imitation on the part of those who seek the power of 
 the mob in contradistinction to justice and the public interest, 
 but is not of a nature to invite the- reflecting part of the 
 world, and shows at least that it has evils. A public officer 
 in England, Avho would publicly avow such a fear of executing his 
 duty and carrying into eflcct the law of the realm, ought and 
 would be thrust out of office by public opinion. This one fact 
 is condemnation Of the system of American institutions, con- 
 lirmcd lately by numerous other proofs. Such comments came 
 
28 
 
 with a very good grace, after some of these same citizens were 
 threatened by the mother superior of the convent, with a mob of 
 20,000 Irishmen, whom she said the Bishop had under his con- 
 trol. 
 
 The greatest fault which they find with this government, is the 
 religious liberty enjoyed. In the letters of an independent irish- 
 man addressed to Bishop Fitzpatrick, the following passage is 
 found: says Bishop Kendrick: "No faith with heretics ;" and, 
 says Bishop O'Connor of Pittsburg:' "Religious liberty ia 
 merely endured until the opposite can be carried into execution 
 without peril to the Catholic world." This bigoted sentiment is 
 the same in kind with that quoted from the Catholic Review, " no 
 rights for Protestants or any body else except Catholics." Fine 
 docti-ine for a republic ! Of precisely the same nature was the 
 sentiment lately uttered by the Bishop of St. Louis : " Catho- 
 licity will one day rule America, and then religious liberty is at 
 an end.'' 
 
 To show what they mean by religious liberty, we make a quo- 
 tation from the London Rambler : " Religious liberty, in the 
 sense of a liberty possessed by every man to choose his own re- 
 ligion, is one of the most wicked delusions ever foisted upon this 
 age by the father of all deceit. The very name of liberty^ ex- 
 cept in the sense of a permission to do ceriain definite acts, ought 
 to be banished from the domain of religion. It is neither more 
 nor less than a falsehood. JSo man has a right to choose his re- 
 ligion. None but an atheist can uphold the principles of religious 
 liberty. Shall I, therefore, fall in with this abominable delusion ? 
 Shall I foster that damnable doctrine, that Socinianism and Cal- 
 vinism and Anglicanism and Judaism are not, every one of them, 
 mortal sins like murder and adultery ? Shall I hold out hopes 
 to my erring protestant brother; that I will not meddle with his 
 creed if he will not meddle with mine? Shall I tempt him to for- 
 get that he has no more right to his religious views 1:han he has to 
 my purse, or my house, or my life blood ? No. Catholicism is 
 the most intolerant of creeds. It is intolerance itself; for it is 
 the truth itself. We might as rationally maintain that a sane 
 man has a right to believe that two and two do not make four, 
 as this theory of religious liberty. Its impiety is only equalled by 
 its absurdity." 
 
 This was republished .and endorsed in some of the Catholic pa- 
 pers here. Bishop Kenrick says: "Heresy and unbelief are 
 CRIMES ; that is the whole of the matter. And in christian coun- 
 tries, as in Italy and Spain for instance, where ail the people are 
 catholic and where the Catholic religion is an essantial part of the 
 law of the land, they will be punished as other crimes." Another 
 Bishop savs : 
 
29 
 
 Protestantism of every kind, Catholicity inserts in her cata- 
 logue of mortal sins ; she endures it when and where she must ; 
 bnt she hates it, and directs all her energies to effect its destruc- 
 tion. If the Catholics ever gain, which they surely will do, an 
 immense numerical majority, religious freedom in this country ia 
 at an end.*' 
 
 Are Americans ready for this state of affairs ? if they are, there 
 are some other things that will have to be taken into the account. 
 Popery does nor acknowledge the right of the P'-opIe to govern ; 
 but claims for itself tiie supreme right to govern all people, and 
 all rulers, by divine right. 
 
 It does not tolerate the liberty of the press; it takes advantage 
 indeed' of our liberty of the press to use its own press against our 
 liberty, but it proclaims in the thunders of the Vatican, and with 
 a voice which it pronounces infallible and unchangeable, that it is 
 a liberty never sufficiently to be execrated and detested." 
 
 Liberty of conscience is denouncad as a most pestilential error, 
 and liberty of opinion " a pest of all others most to be dreaded in 
 a state." 
 
 It is not responsible to the people in its financial matters. It 
 taxes at will, and is accountable to none but itself. 
 
 These are the political tenets held by catholics in close union 
 with their religious belief, yet these are not religious, but civil 
 tenets ; they belong to despotic government. 
 
 Lafayette knowing by the history of his own country the dan- 
 gers of this insidious foe warned us in these words : — American 
 liberty can be destroyed only by the Popish clergy." 
 
 Tiie Ilomish Hierarchy declares to the people of the United 
 States the following determination, through its chief organ in our 
 country '"'■ Brownson s Review" "The church is a kingdom and a 
 power, and us such must have a supreme chief (pope), and this 
 authority is to be exercised over States as well as individuals. If 
 the pope directed the Romanc atholics of this country to overthrow 
 tho Constitution (and put down the American flag) sell the natio- 
 nality of the country, and annex it as a dependent province to 
 Napoleon the Little (a papist sovereign) they would be bound to 
 obey. It is the intention of the Pope to possess this coun- 
 try." 
 
 When most protestants read these things, they will say no ! the 
 Pope can never control this country, they are numerically too weak. 
 Let us see how weak they are. They boast that they hold the 
 balance of power now, and have done so for years. 
 
 In 1841, Bishop Hughes, in effect, offered the Roman catholic 
 vote for sale at Carroll Hall in the city of New York, if the 
 Bible would bo excluded from the public schools. 
 
30 
 
 Afterwards for the same vote, the public funds were divided and 
 they now educate their children in separate schools. 
 
 In 1852, the battle ground for the presidency being Pennsyl- 
 vania, and the Catholic vote the balance between the two parties, 
 it was of vast importance where it was thrown. General Pierce 
 was reported as opposed to Catholics holding, office arid of course 
 he could not have it unless he declared for them. Ho did not 
 answer their letter of inquiry and it was decided that General Scott 
 should have the vote. Such was the determination when James 
 Campbell went to the Western part of the State and took the stump 
 for Pierce, he was elected, and James Campbell was rewarded by 
 a seat in the Cabinet. This was a direct insult to the protestants 
 of Pennsylvania, as only a few months before, this same James 
 Campbell had been defeated as a candidate for supreme Judge, 
 because he was a catholic. 
 
 They were so elated wdth success in the election, they thought 
 they could accomplish the grand object with regard to the 
 schools. 
 
 In the winter of 1852 and 1853, a simultaneous movement was 
 made in several of the States to abolish the Bible in the public 
 schools or to divide the school fund. In Michigan they, went so 
 far as to threaten the Legislature. In Maryland, they declared 
 that they would not give up until it was accomplished. 
 
 In 1854, Bedini was sent here as Nuncio. In the letter of the 
 pope to the president he says, " in as much as we have been en- 
 trusted by Divine commission with tlie care of the Lord's Jiock 
 throughout the world, we cannot allow this opportunity to pass 
 without earnestly entreating you to extend your protection to the 
 catholics, in habiting those regions, and to shield them at all 
 times with your power and authority." 
 
 Bedini came here 'expecting to be recognized as a Nuncio or 
 Diplomatic representative of the Church ; had this been done, he 
 ■would have established the " court for spiritual affairs," which is 
 nothing more nor less than the Inquisition. This would have 
 brought into use the prisons and dungeons that are built under 
 the Cathedrals all over the country. Not quite certain of the 
 success of the mission, it was given out that he was on his way to 
 Brazil, and merely came this way to compliment the President, 
 in the name of the Pope. This was a Jesuitical loop-hole to get 
 out in case of failure. Another part of Bedini's mission was, to 
 establish the Society of the San Fidesti. The emblems of this 
 society are destruction and death. A part of the oath taken by 
 its members, is this : " I swear to defend myself in the cause 
 which I have embraced, never to spare a single individual belong- 
 ing to the infamous combination of the Liberals, whatever may be 
 
:J1 
 
 his bivtli, parentage, or fortune, and to have no pity for tlie cries 
 of children, nor of old men or women, and to slied the blood of 
 the Liberals even to the last drop, without regard to age, sex or 
 rank. Finally, I swear implacable hatred to all the enemies of 
 our Holy Roman Catholic religion, one and true." An emble- 
 matical card of this society here has on it the American flag and a 
 liand grasping an instrument aimed at it. 
 
 The daggers, poniards, and bowie knives used by these holy 
 societies, arc blessed by the Bishop or priest before they are used. 
 
 The Know-nothing party which sprung up about this time, is 
 said to have been a Jesuitical ruse, gotten up for the purpose of 
 creating a sympathy in favor of the church; because the church 
 thrives by persecution. The fate of the party leads to the be- 
 lief that this may bo true, for a genuine American party would 
 not have become the corrupt thing that it did in its ephemeral 
 existence. The Democratic party Avith its accustomed zeal, took 
 up the cause of the oppressed church, and annihlated the Know- 
 nothing party. For this service, and a hundred thousand dol- 
 lars added to it, the Catholic vote was given to the Democratic 
 party in 185(5. 
 
 A further history of the manner in which the Church has exer- 
 cised power over political aftairs since 1850. would involve indi- 
 viduals, and this is not our purpose. Sufficient has been given to 
 show that if they are numerically weak, they make use of their 
 strength to control in a measure, political affairs. Many persons 
 express surprise at the comparative ease with which Catholics 
 sometimes obtain offices and appointments, while Protestants 
 can do nothing. An extract from the secret instructions to 
 the Jesuits, will explain to a certain extent, how this is done: 
 
 Chapter II treats of the way to become familiar with the Great 
 of any country : "You must manage to get the ear of those in 
 authority, and then secure their hearts, by which way all persons will 
 become our creatures, and none will dare to give the society dis- 
 quiet." "The priests are to wink at the vices of the powerful, and 
 , to encourage their inclinations whatever they may be, but this 
 is to be done in generals, always avoiding particulars." Sect. 4 : 
 " It will further us in gaining favor if our members artfully 
 worm themselves by the interest of others into iionorable em- 
 bassies to foreign courts in their behalf, but especially to the Pope 
 and great monarchs. Further, great care must be taken to curry 
 favor with the minions of the great, who, by small presents and 
 many offices of piety, we may find means to get faithful intelli- 
 gence of the master's inclinations and humors, and thus be better 
 qualified to chime their tempers." 
 
 "In confessing, noblemen seem to have nothing in view but 
 God'9 glory ; but by degrees, and sensibly to be directed towards 
 
3-2 
 
 political or secular dominion, but in a solemn manner, affirm that 
 the administration of public affairs is what we, with reluctance, 
 interfere with." Care should be taken to lay before them the 
 virtues persons should be furnished with, who are to be admitted 
 into public employ, not forgetting slyly to recommend to them 
 such as are sincere friends of our order." 
 
 "Wherefore, let the confessors and preachers be informed by 
 our friends, of persons proper for every office, and, above all, of 
 such as are our benefactors, and whose names let them care- 
 fully keep by them, that when proper opportunities occur, they 
 may be palmed upon the prince or government by the dexterity 
 of our members or agents." 
 
 By such means, we plainly discover how Protestants and Jesuits 
 co-operate in the United States, and why leading political men 
 bend and fall before their supremacy at the ballot box. This bal- 
 lot box which we boast is the palladium of our liberties, is thus 
 prostituted by dishonest and corrupt politicians of all parties, who 
 would sell their country for a railroad grant, or the liberties 
 of the people forever, provided they could get control of the 
 government for the term of four years ! 
 
 There is a society in Europe called the Christian League, orga- 
 nized for " the circulation of the Holy Scriptures ; for the advo- 
 cacy of human rights and to give to all nations religious liberty." 
 Against this society the present Pope issued a bull declaring that 
 *' all those who enroll themselves in such societies, or who presume 
 to aid or abet them in any way, are guilty of a most grievous sin 
 before God and the Church." "It is your duty to remove from 
 the hands of the faithful (all) Bibles translated into the vulgar 
 tongue. We especially reprobate the aforesaid Christian League, 
 it he'mgtheir determination to give to all nations, religious liberty." 
 
 Another society, embracing nearly all the wealthy Roman 
 Catholics of Europe, has been organized, with the express design 
 of establishing Roman Catholic Colonies in our Western States. 
 London is its head-quarters, but it has branches in almost every 
 capital in Europe. 
 
 The prospectus of this society, proves clearly that its objects 
 and designs are : 
 
 1st To provide the means for colonizing the surplus Roman 
 Catholic population of Europe in our Western States. 
 
 2d. To do this in. such a manner as to create a large demand 
 for articles of European manufacture. 
 
 3d. To make Romanism the predominant religion of the United 
 States. 
 
 In connection with this pamphlet, the society also published a 
 map of North America, showing the proposed field of Papal occu- 
 pancy and ultimate ascendency. This field comprises the States 
 
3S 
 
 of Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Michigan and Wisconsin, together 
 with Canada West. 
 
 Protestant Americans may think of such a map as they do of some 
 of our western cities which look very well on paper, but can never 
 be built up. But who will deny that the West is rapidly oeina-; 
 settled by a foreign Cath;,..o population, acknowledging the Popo 
 as their head. They come here, declare their intention of be- 
 coming citizens, take the oath of allegiance, and in six months, in 
 most of the western States, have all the political rights that a na- 
 tive citizen has. 
 
 This oath of allegiance by the way, is taken with a reservation 
 in favor of the Pope. The Jesuits direction for such an oath is 
 this : " When we begin for instance, to say I swear (then in the 
 proper place insert in a subdued tone, the mental restriction,) then 
 conclude in the same loud voice ; for thus the whole speech is 
 true." 
 
 " Land for the landless," is one of the schemes that will aid in 
 building up this power. Free farms to those who are colonized 
 by these societies, will enable them to advance their interests to 
 almost any imaginable extent. 
 
 Another kingdom is to be formed of Pennsylvania, New York, 
 the New England States,' and Canada East. Americans, do you 
 believe this ? if not, read the following from the London Ramb- 
 ler concerning the increase of Romish power in the United 
 States : " Churches, schools, seminaries, colleger, religious com- 
 munities, bishoprics and arch-bishoprics are rising as if by enchant- 
 ment, in all parts of the republic. In the archi-episcopal province 
 of New York, at the present time (1858,) there are over eight 
 hundred churches and nearly one million of Catholic souls. The 
 city of New York, which, twenty years ago could number but 
 seven, can now boast of over thirty places dedicated to catholic 
 worship within its precincts." 
 
 The third kingdom is to be composed of the Southern States, 
 and in this they will soon succeed unless something is done to 
 bring the people to a knowledge of the true state of affairs. 
 
 This society was formed in London shortly after the Quintuple 
 treaty was was made.* How much the English Government gives 
 toward advancing the causc» we do nat know ; but soon after this 
 
 ■*It must bo remembered in this place, *at in 184], when the Quintuple treaty 
 was made, Loui.s Phillipe was King of France. In 18-15 he determined to expel the 
 Jesuits from bis kingdom, and succeeded in obtaiuing from the Pope an order for 
 this purpose. From that moment, Louis Phillipe was doomed to fall. With the 
 unbounded love the French have for the memory of Napoleon, it was an easy 
 matter for the Jesuits to bring about the elevation of Louis Napoleon, with the 
 hope of lea'iing him just as they felt disposed ; but they made a terrible mistake. 
 When Louis Napoleon discovered their ambitious designs, he determined to 
 thwart them, and he has done so to an extent that ages qf success cannot remedy." 
 5 
 
the Jesuit college at Maynooth, Ireland, was permanently en- 
 dowed at the instance of government, with 26,000 pounds a year, 
 and an appropriation of 30,000 pounds to enlarge the buildings. 
 In this way, England is selling herself into the hands of the 
 Jesuits to accomplish the ruin of this Union. 
 
 The Orangemen in Toronto were very much censured, both in 
 England and here, for trying to draw the Prince of Wales into a 
 party demonstration. 
 
 Perhaps it was not remembered by either, that when the Prince 
 landed at Halifax, and the first demonstration and procession was 
 to come off, a question arose with regard to the place to be as- 
 signed to the different clergy. The established church came first 
 of course ; the protestants claimed the next place, and so did the 
 catholics. 
 
 The Duke of New Castle decided in favor of the catholics. 
 This very small matter was suflBcient to show the power of the 
 catholics. England pretending to be protestant, it was expected 
 that the decision would be in favor of the protestants. 
 
 In an English work called the "Statesmen of America in 
 1846,^' a chapter is devoted to Bishop Hughes, and which we 
 have every reason to believe Avas revised by that prelate previous 
 to its publication. He is spoken of thus : "He assumes his po- 
 sition among the statesmen of America, not as an active politician, 
 but as the representative, priest, controller and guardian of a 
 powerful body now incorporated in [the democracy of the repub- 
 lic. I allude to the Roman catholics, both native and foreign. 
 The Bishop is the greatest temporal prince of America, and he is 
 the greatest spiritual prince in the world."* 
 
 " In the prevailment of the catholic religion, lies the best 
 safeguard for this great country of America, against the evils, 
 both public and private, which spring from the excess of liberty." 
 They (the Catholic's,) " have laid the foundation stone of real 
 education ; education of the heart ; the formation of character, 
 withoiit tvhich liberty/ is licentiousness ; and compared to which the 
 mere accomplishments of the mind and fingers are airy nothings, 
 unsubstantial in possession and useless in application. In the nu- 
 merous and crowded catholic schools of the United States are 
 taught the exercise of prayer, the practice of morality, the laws of 
 obedience and responsibility, and self sacrifice and moral and spiri- 
 tual humility, and good works as well as saving faith, and charity 
 and brotherly love and tolerance ; and here the strong hand of 
 DISCIPLINE is felt." 
 
 After speaking of the Established Church of England, the 
 writer continues, " But I am not, cannot be blinded to the many 
 
 *BiBhop Hughes is here placed above th« Pope. 
 
35 
 
 excellencies of the Catholic Church, and especially as its Institu- 
 tions regard America ; they are, beyond comparison, the best adap- 
 ted to curb the passionsof a young, a fierce, impetuous, intelligent, 
 generous and high minded democracy — to protect the religion 
 of a republic from annihilation; to subdue the struggling and 
 discordant interests of an immense territory into harmony, and to 
 enchain the sympathies of a whole people in one magnificent scheme 
 of morality and devotion. — " They shall be one fold under one 
 shepherd." 
 
 If these things were really true, where is the patriot in the land 
 who would not say amen! and amen! besides doing all that ho 
 could to hasten this millennium ? 
 
 We can, however, only reason from analogy, let us then take two 
 examples of nations who have been for centuries under this benign 
 influence. What is the condition of Italy after the long experiment 
 of priestly rule ? Travellers tell us, that there are whole villages 
 whose inhabitans are numbered by hundreds, where no one can 
 read or write but the priest. Mexico is in much the same or a 
 worse condition, and both are making desperate efforts to place 
 themselves under a different government. 
 
 "Catholics are taught obedience;" obedience to what? not to 
 the constitution and laws of the country, because the Church is to 
 them a higher law, and as we have seen Avhat her intentions are 
 with respect to these, we know how far they will be obeyed if they 
 come in conflict. They will obey the priests, but not officers who 
 administer the laws. As a specimen of this, a few months ago 
 there was a rendezvous for catholics of a low order, both black and 
 white, just in the rear of the E street Baptist church. Whenever 
 there was worship in the church, these rowdies made so much 
 noise as to disturb the congregation. The police made several 
 efforts to disperse them, but failed ; at last, a priest was called 
 upon, and the moment he appeared every man was dumb. By a 
 motion of the hand they moved off, and the place was closed to 
 them. 
 
 In 18G0, when the clergy of all denominations in New York were 
 notified of their duties with regard to the registry law, we all 
 know the ground Bishop Hughes took when he refused to obey it. 
 In his reply to the inspector, he closed the communication with 
 this sentence : " I am prepared for a prison or a scaffold, but I 
 am not prepared to obey a requisition which would violate the ob- 
 ligation of my conscience in a country like this, in which it is 
 said that civil and religious liherty is the right of every citizen," ^ 
 
 The Jesuits are sworn to educate this country into their princi- 
 ples and practices, in order to subjugate it. To this end, bishops, 
 priests, monks, and nuns, all labor to destroy the Bible. Their 
 maxim is : " give us the education of the children of the present 
 
day, and the next generation will be ours — ours in maxims, in 
 morals, and religion." They aro now doing with education in 
 the United States, precisely what they have done in every Euro- 
 pean kingdom. They aifect all the learning of the world ; they 
 establish their academies and their professional honors, to win the 
 young into their embrace. The highest honors of their schools 
 are for christian doctrine, and if protestant children go to these 
 schools, they can only contend for them by such study. 
 
 In 1859, during the progress of the war in Italy, among the 
 American citizens who visited Rome, there was a gentleman whose 
 opportunities for observation were such as to make his opinions 
 of some importance ; for this reason his acquaintance was sought 
 by some of the dignitaries of the Government. Knowing that he 
 was born and reared a catholic, he was spoken to as one. 
 
 After he returned to the United States, in answer to the ques- 
 tion : What do they think in Rome of their prospects here ? he 
 replied: "they speak just as confidently of their success in ob- 
 taining control of this country, as if it was a settled matter, but 
 how they are to accomplish the design is more than I can tell." 
 He then said, " you know with Jesuitical policy, they always 
 have men exactly suited to whatever they wish to accomplish. 
 They now have in Rome a priest who is said to be a descendant of 
 Columbus; he is to be sent to the United States whenever a pro- 
 pitious time arrives, and then it is expected that he will draw every 
 body after him, just as other celebrities do who come here." If 
 we had doubted this statement, the doubt would have been re- 
 moved by some late news from Cuba, in which it was said the 
 remains of Columbus were taken from one cathedral, placed in a 
 silver urn, and removed to another. A grand parade, with all the 
 ceremony to make it effective, was gone through on the occasion. 
 Now, it is well known to those who have read the life of Colum- 
 bus, that his remains have never been in Cuba. The coffin or 
 sarcophagus in which the remains were said to be, was known to 
 have nothing in it when taken to Havana. 
 
 Had this news made any impression upon Americans, no doubt 
 before this, the arrival of Father Columbus would have been an- 
 nounced. 
 
 A French letter-writer says, " the political questions that agi- 
 tate Italy, France, England, and more or less all Europe, are so 
 much more worthy of attention, as they all rest upon the religious 
 question. The existence of Roman Catholicism is in question in 
 the struggle ; and as it is ostensibly connected with political abso- 
 lutism represented by the Austrian Government, the ancient Gov- 
 ernment of Naples and the Duchies of Tuscany, Parma, and 
 Modena, the great triumph of Italian independence and unity will 
 Efivo tho death blow to the power of the Roman Catholic church." 
 
37 
 
 In Europe he should have added, for this is the secret of the gi- 
 gantic efforts made by the Church in this country. Knowing 
 that her power is almost gone in Europe, she is determined to es- 
 tablish a firm hold here. 
 
 When the St. Leopold Foundation was formed, the Emperor of 
 Austria, in speaking of the destruction of liberal opinions, said, 
 " it may require a hundred years — I am not unreasonable, I give 
 you a whole age, but you must work without relaxation." Others 
 a few years since, thought thirty years would accomplish the de- 
 sign. 
 
 A few days after the secession of South Carolina, a gentleman 
 then in Charleston wrote to Washington: "the only exultant 
 people here are the Jesuits." They knew what they were about, 
 but others had launched upon an unknown sea without being able 
 to see the opposite shore ; they were anxious not axultant. 
 
 The result of our inquiries, after hearing this, has satisfied U3 
 that this is the Jesuitiail plan to subvert this Government. The 
 case would not admit of the delay to obtain a numerical majority, 
 so they have brought about the secession movement. While En- 
 glish interest is keeping up the flame of abolitionism at the North 
 the Jesuits at the South say, " why dont you secede— go out of 
 the Union, &c." These sentiments have been adopted by a set 
 of political demagogues who have used them as the anti-slavery 
 sentiment has been used at the North, until there has become so 
 large a disunion party that it threatens to sweep the whole of the 
 Southern States. 
 
 There is no other way of accounting for some of the feelings 
 manifested since this movement commenced, than to attribute 
 them to Jesuitism. 
 
 Some time ago the Bishop of Cincinnati said, that if the Union 
 was destroyed every catholic could hold his hand over the defunct 
 body and sa3% 1 had nothing to do with the death. Now, this 
 means something or it means nothing, but every one knows that 
 the catholics in the South arc the most ardent secessionists, and 
 in the North, they are just as zealous unionists. In ordinary cases, 
 when a man tries to exculpate himself from a crime of which he 
 has not been charged, it is looked upon as j^rma facia evidence 
 of gilt. 
 
 Some of the secession leaders say they have been waiting thirty 
 years for this opportunity to get out of the Union. This just 
 coincides with the formation of the Austrian League. The first 
 fruit of this league against the Government, was the nullification 
 of South Carolina. 
 
 Bishop England the Bishop of Charleston and of South Carolina, 
 boasted more than twenty-five years ago, of the votes he could 
 control at an election. He was one of the agents of the Leopold 
 
Foundation, and the most active man in the country. With such 
 agencies at work for so many years, we can scarcely be surprised 
 that a hatred of the Union has grown up, and urged to a crisis 
 by the aggressions of the North. 
 
 With these facts before her, where is the South to find protec- 
 tion and sympathy ? Not in Europe, unless she adopts a monarch- 
 ical government, and even then with an export duty on her cot- 
 ton sufficient to defray the expenses of the confederacy, she will 
 drive England to other quarters for a supply, as she will not buy 
 a single bale if she can get it any where else. New England will 
 adopt the same course and buy where she can, at the lowest price ; 
 where then will the South find a market for her cotton? 
 
 The whole affair, from the first anti- slavery agitation to the 
 last act of secession, is part and parcel of a most suicidal farce, 
 which will end in a grand tragedy unless the actors adopt com- 
 mon sense instead of acting at cross purposes. 
 
 Both the North and the South have been magnificently hum- 
 bugged into doing what neither would do with their eyes open. 
 
 Every day demonstrates that extremes meet as the Northern 
 abolitionist and the ultra secessionist are both determined to ac- 
 cept of no compromise. 
 
 A large party at the North talk of coercing the Southern 
 States to keep them in the Union. If, instead of such feeling, 
 they would extend to the real majority their sympathy, and of- 
 fer their aid in getting out of the trouble in which political dema- 
 gogues have plunged them, there would be more Christianity dis- 
 played. 
 
 We do not admit that the Union has been dissolved. "We 
 the people adopted the Constitution, and if there is any way of 
 dissolving this contract, it must be done by the people. 
 
 When the people elect representatives to a legislature, they 
 have nothing to do with the matter but to obey the laws passed 
 by their representatives. The judiciary decide upon the constitu- 
 tionality of the laws ; but when a convention meet to make or 
 amend a constitution, the acts of that body are submitted to the 
 people for their confirmation. Now, if the people of the South 
 have delegated to their representatives the right to take away 
 their liberties they must abide by the consequences ; but if they 
 have not, then the Federal Government is bound to see them pro- 
 tected. 
 
 Our enemies glory in our divisions; by them they declare 
 boastingly that they shall prevail over us. Let us show them 
 that freemen can be united by noble principles, by the love of 
 God, of our country, of freedom, of humanity, more closely than 
 the vassals of superstition by terror and chains. Divided, we are 
 less potent than a rope of sand ; United, we can defy the world 
 
39 
 
 and tlie Jesuits. Let us demoQstrate to them that they have 
 mistaken the people, and over estimated their power. And if 
 they designed to take the Capitol by a plot, they ■will find (thanks 
 to the President and General Scott,) that they cannot do it, 
 thoucrh they may have their churches filled with arms and ammu- 
 nition. But this is not the first time they have made a grand 
 mistake. The result of the Popish plot of 1678 in England, was 
 the writ of habeas corpus which can penetrate their prisons and 
 dungeons, no matter how far they are placed under ground, and 
 the present struggle may perhaps result in the establishment of 
 religious liberty throughout the civilized world. 
 
 in the words of Henry Clay : " We are fighting a great moral 
 battle for the benefit, not only of our country, out of all man- 
 kind. The eyes of the whole world are in fixed attention upon 
 us. One, and the largest portion of it, is gazing with contempt, 
 with jealousy, and with envy ; the other portion, with hope, with 
 confidence, and with affection. Every where the black cloud of 
 legitimacy is suspended over the world, save only one bright 
 spot which breaks out from the political hemisphere of the West, 
 to enlighten and animate and gladden the human heart — ob- 
 scure that, by the downfall of liberty here, and all mankind are 
 enshrouded in a pall of universal darkness." 
 
 American citizens to be forewarned is to be forearmed. In the 
 light of these facts can we hesitate a moment as to our duty ? 
 Shall we suffer ourselves to be the dupes of British intrigue and 
 Jesuitical cunning, or shall we not rather frown indignantly on 
 all attempts, come from whatever source they may, to array one 
 section against another, and thus jeopard the fair fabric of liberty 
 to which the eyes of the oppressed of all nations are turned 1 
 
 The collection of facts here presented, was made for the pur- 
 pose of showing to the people the means used by designing per- 
 sons to destroy our liberties, and thus bring discredit upon a re- 
 publican form of Government. Having accomplished the object, 
 we intended to leave the subject at this point. A providential 
 delay in the publication, with an accumulation of startling events, 
 has determined us to add a few pages. 
 
 Every one who has paid any attention to political parties and 
 thoir leaders has seen, that instead of radical difference of opin- 
 ion and principles being the cause of opposition, it is simply the 
 individual interests of the parties. The desire of power and of 
 plunder, which, as all cannot share, each is desirous of seizmg and 
 holding. 
 
 Our public men, instead of doing all they can to advance th« 
 
40 
 
 interests of tlie country and of the people, marshall themselves in 
 alliances and hostilities for their own interests. Principles are 
 professed for the purpose of better compassing their objects, by 
 maintaining a character and gaining the support of the people. 
 
 For many years the Democratic party has monopolized the power 
 and of course the plunder. The party had become so corrupt that 
 the people determined to make a change. The opposition was 
 composed of parties with all sorts of interests and a diversity of 
 of principles. Opposition to slavery was the first question embra- 
 cing those of every grade from the ultra British Abolitionist down 
 to the men who imagine that the slave may come in competition 
 -with their grand children in the territories. The question being 
 a sectional one, the people soon found that there was really some 
 danger of the Union — there were then thousands and thousands 
 ■who determined to vote the Republican ticket because they were 
 satisfied that Mr. Lincoln was a conservative, honest, and upright 
 man, who would administer the laws with equal justice to all. 
 
 As soon as the election was over, the different parties or inter- 
 est in the dominant party, commenced a fierce contest to deter- 
 mine which should control the President, and of course the Ad- 
 ministration. 
 
 The people both North and South desired peace, but the leaders 
 of both sections had determined upon war. The secessionist 
 wishes to get out and remain out of the Union. The British 
 Abolitionist says, " the Union without slavery, or break it up.'' 
 To accomplish this, the President was forced into the course pur- 
 sued with regard to Fort Sumpter, in order to get up the war 
 spirit both North and South, and he is now menaced with threats 
 from this same disunion party at the North, that if he does not 
 push on a war of aggression upon the whole South, that they will 
 not only impeach, but depose him. 
 
 The Republicans, as a party, we believe, have no desire to 
 meddle with slavery, but if they permit themselves to be made 
 the instruments of the Abolitionists, and on the pretence of saving 
 the Union, go to fighting for it, they will find, when it is too late, 
 that they have destroyed it. Who has not heard the story of the 
 man "who ran up stairs when the house was on fire and threw a 
 looking-glass out of the window to save it. The position occupied 
 by the majority of the people at the North and the West, is just 
 the same as that of this man. Their love of the Union amounts 
 to adoration, and they are Avilling to give themselves and all they 
 have, to save it, but in their zeal and devotion, they 'are more 
 likely to destroy it forever. Send an army South under existing 
 circumstances and you may retake all the property that belongs 
 to the Federal Government, but this can only be done by a sacri- 
 fice of human life worth infinitely more than all the property in 
 
41 
 
 the States, and after it is done, where is the Union ? and how is 
 it to be maintained ? The Union will, no doubt, be very much 
 like that between Ireland and England, or of Hungary and 
 Austria, or of Poland and her plunderers, and like them, must 
 be maintained by a large standing army. 
 
 There are now two parties, one of the Korth and one of the 
 South, each actuated by the most bitter and revengeful feelings. 
 The Northern party say, " we will whip the rebels back into the 
 Union ;" while the Southern party say, " we will never go back 
 to be under abolition rule." "VVhile this is the case, there is no 
 Union. One side is just as nucdi revolution as the other. 
 
 Had Mr. Buchanan, in December last, issued a proclamation '''^- l^ 
 assuring the Union men of the South that they would be sustained T" 
 if the whole force of the Federal Government was required to do 
 so, secession would have died a natural death, or have been put 
 down by those who have become secessionists in self defence. 
 
 The Union men of Virginia did all that could be done to bring 
 about a peaceful solution of the diflRculty. The Peace Convention 
 would have been a success if the delegates had been sent here by 
 the people ; but, the abolition element being the strongest in the . 
 Republican party, and most of the governors in the states rep- 
 resented being republicans, a majority of the delegates appointed 
 came here to advocate the interests of themselves or their friends 
 in the plunder about to pass into the hands of the party. On the 
 other hand, ultra secessionists in the disguise of Union men, rep- 
 resented a part of the South. With such men nothing could be 
 expected that would be of service to any but themselves. Sum- 
 ner said, " we have achieved a victory and we intend to enjoy 
 the benefits thereof." The benefit to the disunion party which 
 he represents, is the abolition of slavery, and to do this, every 
 slaveholder must be exterminated if it can be done in no other 
 way. Are the Union men of the North and West willing to be 
 used for any such purpose ! We think not. 
 
 We will no doubt be told that all party lines have been sunk 
 and nothing but Union is thought of. Ihis is true we believe and 
 the disunion party can well afiord now to ignore party lines when 
 they have led the people into the snare just as Jesuitism has led 
 the people of the South into secession. 
 
 We might feel satisfied with the apparent war policy if such 
 men as Governer Andrew, Sumner, leecher, Greely k Co., were 
 not at the head of the movement Or if they are not at the 
 head of it, they so cordially endorse the proceedings that it is time 
 to suspect there is something wrong about it. Men who have for 
 years declared that the "Constitution is a league with hell," arid 
 have prayed for the advent of " an anti-slavery constitution, an 
 
42 
 
 anti-slavery Bible and an anti slavery God," can have no genuine? 
 love for the Union and the Constitution as our fathers left it to 
 us. Is there not then ground for suspicion that the men who sym- 
 pathized with and endorsed John Brown and his acts, are engaged 
 in getting up another invasion upon a grand scale with the aid of 
 the Government. It is time the people should know what they 
 are doing. The abolition and politico religious papers at the North 
 Bay the army is to be sent to " aid the brethren and set them f ee" 
 and ''the downfall of slavery is at hand." These are the things 
 that have driven thousands into secession, they were satisfied if 
 the abolition clique obtained the control of the party that their 
 their threats would be carried out. Giddings, who is in Canada, no 
 doubt suggested the employment of the fugitive slaves offered for 
 the war. Canada would be glad to get them out of her terri- 
 tory. 
 
 If this abolition movement is carried out, and the slaves are 
 set free, where are they to go ? Are the people of tlie North 
 ready to admit them as competiors for the work by which they 
 and their families are sustained ? We leave the question to be 
 answered by those interested in the matter. 
 
 We have our own opinion about the course to be pursued, in 
 order to correct some of the blunders that have been made, and 
 we give it for what it is worth. If any one has a better plan, 
 let him send it on. 
 
 We would never acknowledge secession, but the people want 
 peace and not war, and the only way which we can see to get out 
 of the present difficulty, is to blockade every port from Cap May 
 to the Rio Grande. Encircle the seceded States with a line of 
 troops, and cut off all supplies except provisions. Offer a reward 
 for the heads of the leading conspirators, and then send an army 
 large enough to protect the Unionists and to prevent insurrection 
 of the slaves. Even these things cannot be done peacefully unless 
 there is some change in public opinion both North and South, and 
 this change must commence in the North. In 1850, Union meetings 
 ■were held all over the North — speeches were made and resolutions 
 passed, deprecating disunion, but no measures were taken to put 
 doAvn disunion. Laws in violation of the Constitution, were pas- 
 sed in several of the States, and when the people were called 
 upon to vote, they too often forgot the Union, and voted against 
 it. The underground railroad was sustained, and the people per- 
 mitted such things to be done. Again, when John Brown made 
 his raid upon Harper's Ferry, the same kind of Union meetings 
 were held, Brown was denounced, and when votes were to be 
 given, his aiders and supporters obtained them. Such meetings 
 have been played out, they will do no good, as no reliance can bo 
 placed upon them. 
 
43 
 
 If the people are for Union and Peace, let them declare their 
 determination to maintain the Union peacefully. 
 
 Let meetings be held in every village or in every place where 
 votes are polled, and say to the South and to your representa- 
 tives in Congress, we are determined to sustain the Unionists of 
 the South, and just as determined to put down disunion, both 
 Morth and South. Do this, live up to it, and there is yet hope 
 of the Union. Can any one doubt that the South would accept 
 such terms ? All they have ever asked (we mean the people, not 
 the demagogues,) has been, to be lot alone with their domestic 
 institutions to suit themselves. Northern demagogues will tell 
 you that Southern politicians have ruled the country for so many 
 years. If this is true, it was time to make a change, but Ave do 
 not want a Northern rule ; no section has a right to rule where 
 all have equal rights. Again, we are told that the South want 
 to force slavery upon the North, there is ju-^t as much truth in 
 this assertion as there is in declaring that the whole North are 
 abolitionists. 
 
 The people hold the game in there own hands ; they have the 
 fighting to do as well as the bills to piy. The whole Union is the 
 stake and the players are the Unionist on one side, and on the 
 other, the Disunionists. 
 
f o„ n 'T