LIBRARY OF CONGRESS Ml mil III mil II 011 933 324 6 Hollinger Ck)rp. pH8.5 UNION AND PEACE! HOW THEY SHALL BE RESTORED. Si F> le: IHS O DEZ OF HON. CHA.IILES SUMNER, BEFORE THE REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION, AT WORCESTER, OCTOBER 1, 18G1. Therefore take heed How you awake our steeping sword of War. We charge you, in the name of God, take heed. — SHAKSPEARE, Henry V. To humor the present disposition and temporize is a certain, absolutely certain confirmation of the Evil. No nation ever did or ever can recover from Slavery by such methods. — Mr. Fox, Letter to Lord Holland, 18«/i June, 1804. [Upon the appearance of Mr. Sumner on the platform, he was most cordially {greeted by the whole Convention and the large audience in the galleries. Hon. H. L. Dawes, President of the Convention, introduced him in a few felicitous words, whereupon the warm applause of the vast assembly burst forth again with great enthusiasm, ending with three rousing cheers.] Fellow Citizens: — In meeting my fellow citizens of Massachusetts, who have come together on this occasion from all parts of the Commonwealth, I find myself in a familiar scene, but I feel that there has been a change. Yes ! there has been a great change, and it is manifest in our Convention. We are no longer met, as so often in times past, for purposes of controversy, or to sustain our cause by argument. That hour has passed. Formerly I have exposed to you the atrocities of the Fugitive Slave Bill ; I have rejoiced to show that Freedom was National and Slavery Sectional ; I have striven to prevent the extension of Slavery into the Territories ; I have vindicated especially Freedom in Kansas, assailed by slaveholding conspirators; I have exposed the tyrannical usurpations of the Slave Oligarchy, and I have dragged into light the whole vast intense Barbarism of Slavery. [Applause.] But these topics have now passed into history, and are no longer of practical interest. They are not of to-day. Let us rejoice that at least so much has been gained, and from the extent of our present triumphs take hope and courage for the future. Providence will be with the good cause in times to come, as in times past. Others may despair; I do not, Others may see gloom ; I cannot. Others may hesitate ; I will not. [Applause.] Already the country has been saved. Great as may seem to be its' present peril, its peril was greater far while it was sinking year after year under the rule of ^s^ Slavery. Often have I exclaimed, in times past, that our first great object was the Emancipation of the National Government, so that it should no longer be the slave of Slavery, ready to do its bidding in all things. But this victory has been won. It was won first by the ballot-box, when Abraham Lincoln was elected President of the United States; [applause] — and it was won the second time by the cartridge-box, when, at the command of the President, the guns of Fort Sumter returned defiance to the rebel artillery. [Three cheers.] Such was the madness of Slavery that the first was not enough. Unhappily, the second was needed to complete the work. God be praised ! Much has been already done. The Slave Oligai'chy, which, according to the vaunt of a slaveholding Senator, has ruled the Republic for more than fifty years ; which has stamped its degrading character upon the national forehead ; which has entered into and possessed not only the politics, but the litera- ture and even the religion of the land ; which has embroiled us at home and given us a bad name abroad ; which has wielded at will President, Cabinet and even judicial tribunals ; which has superseded Public Opinion by substituting its own immoral behests ; which has appropriated to itself the offices and honors of the Republic ; which has established Slavery as the single test and shiboleth of favor ; which, after opening all our Territories to this wrong, was already promising to renew the slave trade and all its unutterable woes ; nay, more, which, in the instinct of that tyranny through which it ruled, was beating down all the safeguards of human rights — freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and security of person, and delivering the whole country to a sway whose vulgarity was second only to its madness; this domineering Slave Oligarchy has been dislodged from the National Government, never more to return. [Immense sensation.] Thus far, at least, has Emancipation prevailed. The greatest dave of all is free. Surely, if at any moment, we are disposed to be disheartened — if the Future is not always clear before us, we may find ample occasion for joy in the victory already won. Pillars, like those -of Hercules, might fitly mark this progress. Among the results of this victory, is one which we may especially enjoy on this occasion. It is Slavery which has been the origin of our party divisions, keeping men asunder who ought to act together. But with the expulsion of this disturbing influence, the apology for these divisions has ceased. All patriots, — ^all who truly love their country — may now act together; no matter in what party combination they may have formerly appeared ; no matter, of what accent is the speech by which their present duties are declared. Call them democrats. Union men, natives or foreigners, what you will, are we not all engaged in a common cause ? Nor will I claim as yet the highest praise for those with whom I am most intimately associated. I have read history too well, not to remember that faithful allies are sometimes superior to domestic veterans. Hannibal, in his campaigns, relied less on his own Carthaginians than on his Spanish Infantry and Numidian horse. — The Government is assailed by a Rebellion without precedent. Never before since Satan warred upon the' Almighty has Rebellion assumed such a front ; [applause] — and never before has it begun in such a cause. The rebels are numerous and powerful ; and their cause is Slavery. [Sensation.] It is the very essence of rebellion to be audacious, unhesitating, unscrupulous. Rebellion sticks at nothing; least of all, with a rebellion which began in Slavery. Coruell Uiuv, a Fob 06 It can be successfully encountered only by a vij^or and enerfiy which shall surpass its own. Patriotism surely is not less potent as a motive than treason. It must be invoked. By all the memories of your fathers, who founded this Republic and delivered to you the precious heritage; and by all the sentiments of gratitude for the good you have enjoyed beneath its protecting care, you are summoned to its defence. Defence, did I say V It is with mortification that I utter the word ; but you all know the truth. The rebel conspirators have set upon us, and now besiege the National Govern- ment. They besiege it at Washington, where are the President and his Cabinet and the national archives. They besiege it at Fort INIonroe on the Atlantic, at St. Louis on the Mississippi, and now they besiege it in Kentucky. Everywhere we are on the defensive. [Sensation.] Strongholds have been wrested from us. Soldiers gathered under the folds of our national flag have been compelled to surrender. Citizens, whose only offence has been their loyalty, have been driven from their homes. Bridges have been burned. Railways have been disabled. Steamers and ships have been seized. The largest navy yard of the country has been appropriated. Coumierce has been hunted on the sea, and property, where- ever It can be reached, ruthlessly robbed or destroyed. Only within a few days •we have;read the order of one Buckner, a rebel commander In Kentucky, direct- ing the destruction of a most important lock, by which Green River had been rendered navigable. Pardon me if I ask your attention to this Intercepted order. It is instructive, as showing the spirit with which this rebellion is waged :— Bowling Gkeen, September, 18G1. Mr. George W. Triplett: My Dear Sir : Yours is received. Lock No. 1 must be destroyed. I rely upon our friends at Owcnboroush to do it. Not an hour must be lost. Its destruction is a great deal to me in crippling our adversary. Assemble our friends, without delay, in sufficient force to accom- plish the object. One of the best ways is to open all the gates but one, and to dig down behind the wall at both gates; to put one or two kegs of powder behind the wall, apply a slow match, and blow the wall into the lock. If possii)le, it should be done in such a way as to leave a strong current through the lock, which will empty the dam. Provide every thing iu advance. Do not fail. It is worth an eflbrt. (Signed) S. H. BUCKNER. It Is still doubtful if the work of destruction was accomplished according to this rebel order. But thus madly was It attempted to sweep away one of the most valuable of the internal improvements of Kentucky, a part of the pride and wealth of the State. Do you ask In whose name all this has been done. The answer is easy. Not «« In the name of God and the Continental Congress," as Ethan Allen summoned Ticonderoga; but "In the name of Slavery." Yes; In the name of Sla\'Bry, and nothing else, has all this crime, destruction and ravage been perpetrated ; and the work is still proceeding. Look at the war as you will, and you will always see Slavery. Never were the words of the Roman orator more applicable: Nullum /acinus extldt nisi per te ; nullum Jlacjitum sine te. " No guilt unless through thee, no crime without thee." Slavery Is Its inspiration ; Its motive power ; its end and aim ; its be-all and end-all. It is often said that the war will make an end of Slavery. This Is probable. But It Is surer still, that the overthrow of Slavery will at once make an end of the war. [Tumultuous applause and cheers.] K I am correct in this statement, which I believe is beyond question, then do reason, justice and policy all unite in declaring that the war must be brought to bear directly on the grand conspirator, and omnipresent enemy. [Here the vociferous cheers of the Convention interrupted the speaker.] Not to do this, is to take upon ourselves, in thejpresent contest, all the weakness of Slavery, while we leave to the rebels its boasted resources of military strength. [Cheers.] Not to do this, is to squander life and treasure in a vain masquerade of battle, which can have no practical result. Not to do this, is blindly to neglect the plainest dictates of economy, humanity and common sense ; and alas ! simply to let slip the dogs of war on a mad chase over the land, never to stop until spent with fatigue, or sated with slaughter. [Sensation.] Believe me, fellow citizens, I know all the imagined difficulties and unques- tioned responsibilities of this suggestion. But if you are in earnest, the difficul- ties will at once disappear, and the responsibilities are such as you will gladly bear. This is not the first time that a knot hard to untie has been cut by the sword; [cheeers] and we all know that danger flees before the brave man. Believe that you can, and you can. The will only is needed. Courage now is the highest prudence. [Applause.] It is not necessary even, according to a familiar phrase, to carry the war into Africa. It will be enough if we carry Africa into the war — [here the outburst of applause compelled the speaker to suspend his remarks ;] in any form, any quan- tity, any way. [Continued applause.] The moment this is done, rebellion will begin its bad luck, and the Union will be secure forever. [Cheers.] History teaches by examples. The occasion (ftes not allow me to show how completely this monitor points the way. I content myself with two instances of special mark — one from ancient Greece and the other from ancient Rome. The most fatal day for ancient Greece was that " dishonest victory " at Chero- DEea, when Philip of Macedon triumphed over combined forces, in which Demos- thenes was enlisted as a soldier. The panic was universal. Athens was thrown into consternation. Her great orator had fought bravely, but ineffectually. Another orator, called by Milton " the old man eloquent," died suddenly on hearing the report of the defeat. The book of Fate seemed about to close, while the proud Athenian State sank to be a Macedonian province. Then it was that a patriot orator, Hypereides, launched a ^proposition to emancipate the slaves. The effect was electric. The royal Philip, already strong in his victory, trembled. King and conqueror, he was also statesman, and he saw well that such a propo- sition, begun in Athens, would shake all Greece, even to his powerful throne, which the young Alexander was then preparing to mount. His triumphant course was at once arrested, and peace secured. The other instance is in Roman history. You will find it in Plutarch's Life of Caius Marius. This experienced general, — and his great experience gives to his example the highest authority^ — who in the civil conflicts of the time had been driven from Rome, and found shelter in the ruins of Carthage, was able at last to effect a landing in Italy. Thus is the incident recorded : — " Marius upon this news determined to hasten. He took with him some Marusian horse which he had levied in Africa, and a few others that were come to him from Italy, in all not amounting to above a thousand men, and with this handful began his voyage. He arrived at a port of Etruria called Telamon, and as soon as he was lawled proclaimed Liberty to the slaves; [immense applause,] and, joining to them the stoutest husbandmen and shepherds, freemen, who had flocked to the shore, he gathered in a few days a great force, witli which he filled forty ships." Thus far Plutarch. It is needless to add that Marius found himself soon master of Rome. [Applause.] These are historic instances. I do not adduce them that you should blindly follow them ; but simply that you should see how, in times past, defeat has been stayed and victory won, by a generous word for Freedom. Men die and disap- pear, but the Human Family continues the same, in passions and fears, as when Philip was frightened back from Athens and when Marius was borne in triumph to Rome. [Applause.] To these historic instances, let me add the authority of the ancient Roman law, and I refer you for it to the common Dictionary of Antiquities, now used in all our schools. According to that law, the state of Slavery might be terminated in at least three different manners : first, by manumission ; secondly, by enactments of reward to the slave: and thirdly, by enactments of punishment to the master. [Great sensation.] If the master had failed to be a good citizen, he might be punished — so that at the same time he sliould suffer in property and others should gain what is more than property — freedom. But I do not cite even this example of a time-honored jurisprudence for your absolute guidance. I will not doubt that, in the unparalleled circumstances by which we are now encompassed, justice will be done. Already the way is easy. A simple declaration — that all men coming within the lines of the United States troops shall be regarded as fi-eemen — will be in strict conformity to the Constitution, and also with precedents. The Constitution knows no man as a slave. It treats all within its jurisdiction as persons, while the exceptional provision for the rendition of persons held to service or labor, you will observe, is carefully confined to such as have escaped into another State, so that in Virginia, it does not require the surrender of a Virginia slave ; nor in Missouri of a Missouri slave. It is clear, therefore, that there can be no sanction under the Constitution, for turning a National camp into a slave-pen, or for turning military ofHcers into slave-hunters. Let this plain construction be adopted, and then, as our lines advance, Freedom will everywhere be established and our National flag in its march will wave with new glory. [Applause.] A brave General, whom Massachusetts has given to the country — though com- mencing his career with prejudices derived from the pro-slavery school of poli- ticians — has known how to see this question in its true light. I mean, of course, General Butler. [Immense cheering interrupting the speaker for some time.] He has declared in his letter to the Secretary of War, dated Fortress Monroe, 30th July, 1861, with reference to fugitive slaves, that it is his duty " to take the same care of these men, women and children, houseless, homeless and unprovided for, as he would of the same number of men, women and children, who, for their attachment to the Union, had been driven or allowed to flee from the Confederate States." These words are better for his reputation than a victory. [Applause and cheers.] Another General, born in Kentucky and living and dying in the South — Major-General Gaines of the army of the United States — laid down the same V rule as long ago as 1838. It will be found in the documents of Congress. " The military officer," said he, " can enter into no judicial examination of the claim of one man to the bone and muscle of another as property. Nor could he, as a military officer, know what the laws of Florida were Avhile engaged in maintain- ing the Federal Government by force of arms. In such case, he could only be guided by the laws of war ; and whatever may be the laws of any State, they must yield to the safety of the Federal Government.'' This proposition, though of seeming simplicity, would be of incalculable efficacy if honestly and sincerely enforced. Then would our camps become nurseries of freemen, and every common soldier would be a chain breaker. But there is another agency, that may be invoked, which is at the same time under the Constitution and above the Constitution : I mean Martial Law. It is under the Constitution, because the War Power to which it belongs is positively recognized by the Constitution. It is above the Constitution, because, when set in motion, like necessity, it knows no other law. For the time it is law and Constitution. The civil power, in mass and in detail, is superseded, and all rights are held subordinate to this military magistracy. All other agencies, small and great, executive, legislative and even judicial, are absorbed in this transcendent triune power, which, for the time, declares its absolute will, while it holds alike the scales of justice and the sword of the executioner. The existence of this power nobody questions. If it has been rarely exercised in our country, and never in an extended manner, the power none the less has a fixed place in our political system. As well strike out the kindred law of self-defence, which belongs alike to States and individuals. Martial law is only one form of self- defence. That this law might be employed against Slavery was first proclaimed in the House of Representatives by a Massachusetts statesman, who was a champion of freedom, John Quincy Adams. [Applause.] His authority is such that I con- tent myself with placing the law under the sanction of his name, which becomes more authoritative when we consider the circumstances under wliich he first put it forth, then repeated and then again vindicated it. It was as early as the 25th of May, 18.36, that Mr. Adams first expounded what he called " The war power and treaty-making power of the Constitution." Then it was that he declared : " From the instant that your slaveholdiug States become the theatre of war, civil, ser- vile or foreign, from that instant the war powers of Congress extend to interference with the institution of slavery in every way in which it can be interfered with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or destroyed, to the cession of the State burdened with slavery to a foreign power." Again, on the 7th of June, 1841, after many years of reflection, and added experience in public life, he terrified slavemasters by showing that Universal Emancipation might be accomplished through this extraordinary power. Afterward, on the 14th of April, 1842, for the third time he stated the doctrine in the House of Representatives, and challenged criticism or reply. I forbear to read the whole speech, though it is worthy of constant repetition. An extract will suffice : '' " I lay this down as the law of nations. I say that the military authority takes, for the. time, the place of all municipal institutions, slavery amon^j the rest. Under that state of things, so far from its heing true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive management of the subject, not otib/ the President of the United States, but the commander of the armij, has power to order the universal emancipation of the slaves." [Applause.] And then again he announces in words further applicable to the present hour ; "Nor is this a mere theoretic statement. Slavery was abolished in Colombia, first, by the Spanish General, Murillo, and secondly, by the American General 13olivar. It was abolished by virtue of a military command given at the head of the army, and its abolition continues to be law to this day." The representatives of slavery fumed and raged at these words and at their ■venerable author ; but nobody answered them. And they have stood ever since in the records of Congress, firm and impregnable as adamant. In the protracted controversy which is now drawing to its close, Massachusetts has done nuich. She first gave the example of Universal Freedom within her borders ; and ever since that early day she has taken a leading part in all efforts against Slavery. It is her children who have never failed in this cause, where any thing was to be done, whether by word or deed. Massachusetts has for years borne the burden of this discussion, and also the heavier burden of obloquy, which has long rested upon all who pleaded for the slave. It is Massachusetts, who, with patriotic ardor, first leaped to the rescue, when the Capital was menaced by Slavery [applause] and by a happy coincidence on the 19th of April of this year, consecrated herself anew by the blood of her children; [applause] thus being at the same time first to do and first to suffer. [Immense applause.] It was also a Massachusetts General who first in this conflict proclaimed that our camps could not contain a slave ; [vociferous applause] and it was an illustrious Massachusetts statesman who first unfolded the beneficent principle by virtue of which, constitu- tionally, legally, and without excess of any kind, the President or a Commanding General may become more than a conqueror, even a Liberator. [Applause and great sensation.] Massachusetts will be false to herself, if she fails at this moment. [Sensation.] And yet, I would not be misunderstood. Feeling most profoundly that there is now an opportunity, such as rarely occurs in human annals, for incalculable good ; seeing clearly that there is one spot, like the heel of Achilles, where this great Rebellion may be wounded to death — I calmly deliver the whole question to the judgment of those on whom the responsibility rests, contenting m}self with reminding you that there are times when not to act carries with it a greater responsibility than to act. It is enough for us to review the unquestioned powers of the government, to handle for a moment its mighty weapons, which are yet allowed to slumber, — without assuming to declare that the hour has come ■when they shall flash against the sky. But may a good Providence save our government from that everlasting regret ■which must ensue if a great opportunity is lost by which all the bleeding wounds of war shall be staunched — by -^vhich prosperity shall be again established, and Peace be made immortal in the embrace of Liberty. [Applause.] Saul was cursed for not hewing Agag in pieces when in his hands, and Ahab was cursed for not destroying Benhadad. Let no such curses ever descend upon us. 8 " So many slaves, so many enemies !" Unless this ancient proverb has ceased to be true, there are now four millions of enemies intermingled with the rebels, toiling in their fields, digging in their camps, and sitting at their firesides, con- stituting four millions of allies to the National government. Careful calculations demonstrate that out of this number, there are upwards of one million of an age for military service ; that in Virginia alone, there are 121,564 male slaves of an age for military service ; in Missouri, 21,334, and in Kentucky, 51,990. Can we afford to reject this natural alliance, inspired by a common interest, and conse- crated by humanity ? There is another motive to such an alliance which cannot be forgotten. Without it insurrection will be inevitable, and when it comes it will be wild and lawless. This should be prevented, if possible. But if Liberty does not descend from the tranquil heights of power, it will rise in blood, amidst the confusion of families. And what a difference between the two apparitions ! The one has the face of an angel radiant with celestial life ; the other has the front of a demon, " shaking from its horrid hair pestilence and war." [Great applause and cheering.] All this was clearly seen by the Emperor of Russia, when on the 21st of September, 1858, he called upon his people to unite with him in Emancipation, " which," he nobly declared, " ought to begin from above to the end that it may not come from below" and now this very year twenty millions of Russian serfs have peacefully passed out of the house of bondage. Cheered by this great example, let us not forget that it began from above. There is another practical advantage where the action proceeds from the government. The interests of loyal citizens can be protected. Compensation may relieve the hardships of individual cases, or of meritorious classes ; nor can I object. Never should any question of money be allowed to interfere with human freedom. Better an empty treasury than a single slave. A Bridge of Gold would be cheap, if demanded by the retreating fiend. Fellow citizens : I have spoken frankly ; for such has always been my habit. And never was there greater need of frankness. Let patriots understand each other and they cannot widely differ. All will unite in whatever is required by the sovereign exigencies of self-defence. All will unite in sustaining the govern- ment, and in driving back the rebels. But this cannot be done by any half-way measures, or by any lukewarm conduct. Do not hearken to the voice of Slavery, no matter what its tones of persuasion. It is the gigantic Traitor — not for a moment to be trusted. Believe me, its friendship is more deadly than its enmity. [Sensation.] If you are wise, prudent, economical, conservative, practical, you will strike quick and hard — strike too where the blow will be most felt — strike at the main-spring of the rebellion. Strike in the name of the Union, which only in this way can be restored — in the name of Peace, which is vain without Union, and in the name of Liberty also, sure to bring both Peace and Union in her glorious traiu. [As Mr. Sumner closed, the hearty approval of the sentiments of the speech, found utterance in the most enthusiastic and long-continued demonstrations of applause.] • Wright & Potter, Printers, 4 Spring Lane, Boston. SPEECH OF .^ MR. HENRY M. FULLEJl OF PENNSYLVANIA, '^^<\ DELIVERED IN THK HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, MAY 10, 1«56. Mr. Speaker: I desire to submit some remarks, partly of a perdonal ami partly of a general character. Sincerely do I rrgret the necessity which compels me to occupy the public time for any purpose of individual defence, but circumstances have occurred, deciaraitions have bi ei> made here and else- where, Consjressi'jiial letttrs have been written and widely circulated, now producing false im- pressions, which justice to myself and a proper regard for my constituents, as well as those with whom 1 am here associated, will not permit me to pass longer in aiJence. 1 should have solicited an earlier hearing, had not private business of an important characier, together with sickness in my family circle, summoned me home, and detained me away most of the time since the organization of the House. On the first Monday oi December last, I came here to discharge the duties of an American representative. 1 came here disapproving the territorial legislation of the thirty-third Congress; but, in view of existing and prospective difficulties, had determined to let it aione. My disposition was for peace. 1 desired to forgive and forget past offences — to lieal, not to inflame, wounds which had been inflicted — to compromise sectional differences, and to plant myself v/ith my party upon a broad, national platform, embracing all sections of the Union, and conservative of the rights and the interests of the whole country. Little supposed I, then, that we were entering upon'a drama in the performance of which I should unwillingly become a prominent actor. The partiality of friends asRigned me a position to which I felt 1 could lay no claim. The people, in consequence of past legislation, and in expectation of our probable action, were in a state of high excite- ment. Delay in the organization led to declarations of opinion, and avowals of intended action. I was unwilling to become a parly in making up a case for the North, or in making up a case for the South ; but determined, so far as lay in my power, to put an end to an unprofitable con- U'oversy — to make sacrifices, if need be, to restore harmony and secure the public peace. In advance of my coming hf re, I had so declared to my friends at home.* During the course of debate here, I felt myself called upon to embody these sentiments in a public avowal to the Hou.se, declaring that I should leave this whole question of slavery where the Constitution had left it — with the people of the States where it was tolerated, to regulate and determine for themselves. That for evil or for good, it was their concern, not mine; and whatever individual sentimc ts I or my people might entertain, upon the abstract question of morals, or of private rights, it was our plain duty to leave the .subject, with all its accountability, and every remedy it might require, to the wisdom and the conscience of those upon whom Providence, and 'he Constitution, had cast its responsibility. These were no*, recently fjrmed opinions-! My own limited experience, and the history of the country, had satisfied n e that the agitation of this question, in Congress and out of it, had produced, at;d was producing, nothing but evil and mischief, heart-burnings and bitterness ; that it had been, and must be, utterly barren of public good, injurious to both sections, and, if con^ tinued, would be destructive of th*! best interests of both races. I believed, further, that if this agitation should cease, the generous influences of our free institutions, in carrying our people onward in their career of high and rapid advancement, would lift up the slave, improve his condition, relax his bonds, and ultimately send him back, prepared to reclaim and redeem the land of his heathen fathers. The efforts of modern ohilanthropy, however well intended, have ia effect rrpreseed and defeated tne laoors of th- e who, by tneir position, ana its toleration, could aloae make for it effectual provision. Twenty-five years ago, Virginia, Maryland and Kentucl- y, had under serious consideration the adoption of measures looking to gradual emanciiiatio \. The influ- ♦See appendix (1.) t Ibid. (2.) t'SKX.; it'i hr.iiMim wt re q.iitily, hM ftul ofTeiiisiTPiy, pre&sin* upon shivery. The policy of eman- «fi»tion WIS frerly disrufscd by the ptopleof the ijouihern Stales, in Ugislative ussemblies and constitutionji! conveniions.* Unfortutiatfly, at this very pf rioiijaiiorg.iiiizaiion for the purpose ♦f «ystemaiio agitati it, utider the leadersliip of Georjie Thomp--*"!! ar.d other foreign emissa- ries, ;:pruny past legisla- tion, but we are aslu'd to legislate anew for the cstabliyhment of the restrictive clause, under the plea of a restoration to the status quo before the Kansas bill whs passed. That restoration is now impo.-^Bib'e. To attempt it ciin unly produce irritation, Beciioiiul alienation, aiul a dia- iurbance of she jv.ibiifi peace of the country. . Practically , s) fs.T ;\a the extension of slavery is concerned, the South has gained nothing; the •North has tost nothing by i'.s repeal. It ie conceded, I believe, by intelligent men of aU sections familiar witli the country, that neither the soil, or the climate, or the natural produciions of the Territories thus thrown open, can offer any permanent inducement for sla«ery to enter there. The cotton planter, the sugar grower, and the rice producer, will not feci it hia interest to leave iiis own warmer liiiitude, where, in the millions of acres of unoccupied territory, he has ample room for present gr well as prospective expansion. The law of inIer^st — the irrepealable law of jmlure— niu,9t opcnU: there as everywhere. True, there is nov/ a heated and angry controversy •jn the Territory of Kiinsas. The men of the border, in natural antagonism with aid societies else- where, have been stimulated to aftsociated fffort for the purpose of its establishment. Men taay engage it>, but will not continue, a struggle of unproductive l.ibor. If this be true of Kan- sas, it cannot be ksji wo of Nebraska. But whether slavt-ry will go into Kansas or not — whether it uill gointo Ncbriiska or not — is aqucstion I shall leave with the citizens who reside in those Territories to determine for themselves, when they come to form their State constitution and apply for admission into the Union. •. Entertaining these views, on the 19th of Dec'eraber las^t 1 declared, in the House, that I would vote for the admission of Kansas v/ith or without slavery. One of my colleagues (Mr. Todd) became suddenly and powerfully, and most unaccountably excited, and, in warm and fvaesionatu address, declared, with habitual cmphasi?, had he known such to have been my sentiments, his right arm should have withered before he would have given ane his support. I was naturally prompted to respond at the time, but felt restraii'ed by the position I then occupied, as well as the expressed wishes of members of the delegiuion from my State. Nor should 1 allude to it now, but for the fact that I have been charged by gome of the pub'ic journals in the gentlemnn's district, sustaining his course in the election of Speaker, with having led him to believe that 1 was a gotmd anti-Nebraska man, aocording to the standard by which he judged a man's soundness ; and tliaft my remarks here firet disclosed to him the real views I entertained on the .';ubject. The char-es thus made against me. implying concealment of my yiewa, and wilful deceit on any part, have not, I presunne, escaped his attention. [ am unv/illitig to believe that these accusations have b^en made at his instance, or by his authority; and etiil less can I suppi>se, that he would be willing to shrink from the responsibility of his support of rtie, fy having himself justified to liis cnnstituenis, by newspaper representa- tions which are unfiuaded in fact, and which he knows very well to be so. Such a construe- »ion lias, however, been given to the declaraticn made by the gentleman, by the press of his district. That declisration has been made the basis of a charge of deception against me; and he having thus in silence allowed himself to be vindicated, a simple iifrr.uion o.f facts will, I appre- hend, seithie matter right so far as I am concerned. They sire as follows : On Wedneeday evening of the first week of the session, ap my colleague will well remember, at a meetirvr of (he deleiiatinn from our Stale, at which he wns present, I declared ir> answer to specific inierrogatnrifs, that if Kansas should ppply for admission ms a State into the Union, with a population .^Hflicieni to entitle her to a Repn scmat ve in ('onuiress, and ker peojUe, by a ♦ Appendii (7.) cU'ttr adti u»)ini.Hicik<pon me no lon|;er, jirid he ciccoroini;!)', ihe followng vjay, vo'.ed fur ih-3 (;in;li'maii who tiliH ihe chair ; bui tiiy colleague from -he Curiiberland dis- irict (Mr. Todd) cunimutd to vole for medurmrf the next thirifen ballots, aiid then ct'mmenced with a niajnriiy of our deU i^miini to vote for the prcKmi Speaker, and had so voini for at least a week before 1 liddrpsned ilic I iouse and wn.s followed by his exiraordmary dpi:lara>ion. I had no previous iicqurtiniunce Willi my colleague. 1 met him here for the first time, and he will do me the jusiire lo say, ihal in no interview of ours had I announced any sti!iinie..l or opinion diirercol trom that Ht the meeting suited. I had said no more in the Houae thtm I lied paid to him out of it, and alter wliich he con- tinued his support of me; yet he arose in his place, and made that most remarkable speech, preferring mutilation and physical dismemberment to the dread aitcrnaiive of having voted for me. i had hoped, ihut witli the close of the contest the necessity for further explanation had ■teased al-o. But pentUnien, from some real or supposed necessity of their own, have felt f.hemselves cailt d upon to inquire into rny pnst history. A convenient instrumpnl zd home was found ready and wiHin?, a.s a volunteer, to ntreteh a dr.i2;-net over my Sttite aid district, to ascer- tain if, It) the uiiBuspec.tjiit: Initikne.ss of private corrc.spondi'nce, or in the confidence of per- sonal frieixlship, I had run written or said something which might be cniployec' to my preju- dice. His " piiiient search and vigil lorg " was rewarded by the discovery of an ancient manuscript, now wiilely known tis the Saxton letter. 1 find myself charged here, by the public press and m viiri 'Us letiprs addif ssed by Congressioni'l gentlt men to their consiituents, with having written a Witer, on the I8ih day of August, 1849, lo one B. F. S;ixton, soliciting the Free-soil nominaticn for CannI Commissioner of Pennsylvaniu, declaring niyfelf to be "a Wilmot proviso man up to the hub, and utterly opposed to the extension t.f slavery.'* This letter i pronounce here publicly — as I hpve done else^vhi re priviitely — a forgery. I do not know, and never knew, any man by the name of B. F. Saxton. 1 did know a Mr. F. Saxton, a luwycf m tny district, to whom I did write a private letter, in reply to one received from him. 'I his letter, acconlinir to Mr. Saxton's own etatement, which 1 htive here, was stolen from his poi^session, fr.nudulently altered, and then published. So far r'rcm soliciting: a Free-soil nomination, as I am rharged with havit'g done, the particular object of my letter ■*'aR, to induce Mr Saxion to exert himself to prevent any nomination whatever; and the lan- guase ascribed to me, of being n Wilmot provi^^o man up to the hub, nowhere ofipeared in the Tetter. This letter, thus surreptitiously obtained, and by some person to me unknov/n, was reconstructed by puiting together half sentenres, and th.e manufacture of who'c oi.es; and, thus reproduced, was palmed upon the puli'ic. The fraud was exposed at the time, and it sunk of itself into seven years' oblivion : for all this happened seven years ago, and, io my knowledge, has not been alluded to smcc, until a month or two ago, a bitter and unscrupulous enemy at home re-issued it as genuine. ! have here Mr. 8axton\s letter, written at the time of its original publication, stating the thefV, and pronouncing the published let'er to be a forgery.* 1 have '.he letter of a gentleman who :embY (H.) Ibid. (4.) , t il'*'!- (&•) lllltxi. ((I.) 4 than any I had ultered, that 1 really did not recognise it as my own production ; and remarked,, as I well remember, this fact to the publisher of one of the journals in which the report ap- peared, fie informed me that it had been written out from memory, and not from notes taken at the meeting. If I know myself, I have never entertained or expressed any sentiment in fa- vor of Northern interference, to secure the abolition of slavery, and feel quite certain that I could not have uttered the sentiment attributed to me. So far from uttering sentiments hostile to the South, and endeavoring to excite an unfavor- able sentiment to it in the North, I have always advocated the cultivation of good feeUngs and kindly relations between the two sections of the Union. That I did so, at this particular time, I have the strongest assurance; for on examination of my notes, prepaied for my addresses in Allegheny city and Pittsburg, I find myself to have held the following language: " [ believe, among our brethren of the South, there is as high a sense of honor, as noble a spirit of pa- triotism, as much of self-sacrificing devotion to country, as is to be found anywhere. I cherish ■with pride the recollections of our early history. I believe in a strict adherence to all the com- promises of the Constitution. The Constitution recognises slavery, and guaranties its exist- ence. That Constitution was itself a compromise, made at a time when an inUependent exist- ence could not have been secured without it. I say, then, if the people of the South are still disposed to chensh this institution, let them. It is their right to do so." These v/ere my views of constitutional duty then, as they now are. That I expressed my- self adverse to slavery I shall not deny. I may have expressed myself stiongly on that subject, but not in lannuage of reproach towards the South. I may have said, and would say now, ■with Henry Clay, "the Searcher of all hearts knows that every pulsation of my mind beats high and strong in the cause of civil liberty. Wherever it is safe and practicable, I desire to see every portion of the human family in the enjoyment of it. But I prefer the liberty of my own country to that of any other people, and the liberty of my own race to that of any other." True it is, I am a Pennsylvanian — ready, I trust, to do battle in her behalf I am a Northern man, sharing the opinions and sentiments ot" my people, and ready to contend for my section ; but in relation to my fellow-citizens in other parts of the country, I will treat their leelings with respect, and make no war upon their constitutional or legal rights. In times past, and in the ardor of controversy, I may, without reflection, have expressed myself in a manner which my cooler judgment tvould condemn. I had then no expectation that anti-slavery agitation would erect itself into a formidable element for political power. Nothing could have been farther from my thoughts, than that which since has taken place, and is nov/ being realized — that efforts should so far succeed in creating a belief that ihere is such a real diflVrence of local interests and views, as to organize any considerable party on a geographical basis. Errors of opinion [ have doubtlesyly entertained and expressed upon many subjects. Who has not' 1 have no such pride of consistency, no such obstinacy of opinion, as would induce me to cling to mistaken views, and refuse to embiacethe truth when persuaded ihat I had been in the wrung. Standing amidst the mist of former errors, we may well exclaim with Ajax, when battling in the cloud — " Dispel tliis cloud — the light of heaven restore ; Give me to see, and Ajax asks no more !" But, I am charged with having an " oblivious" memory, in stating that " I was not a mem- ber of the Congress of 1850," and had never been called on to either affirm or deny the consti- tutionality of the Wilmot proviso;" that "my political existence commenced since that flood," and that " having never taken any public position," I was " willing, in all frankness and can- dor, to do so now." It is alleged that 1 had taken such a position in the political canvass of 1849, in my own State. In employing the language I did, 1 of course meant, and was under- stood as meaning, that I had never been called on officially to speak or act upon the subject; that my political, meaning my Congressional, existence had commenced since. Taken in con- nection with my other remarks, I could not have been understood otherwise by any one dis- posed to examine with fairness and treat with candor. Candidate as I was in 1849, for an office the duties of whibh were purely of a local character, and in the performance of which I could not possibly be called on to act officially on the subject of slavery, I was not guilty of the folly of undertaking to argue a great constitutional question like that of the Wilmot pro- viso. It is true, that slavery, in consequence of our then recent acquisition of territory from Mexico, was discussed by both parties, not only in our own but other States. I discussed itj" in the tone and spirit already stated. As that canvass has been referred to and made the subject of so much epistolary productionj it may be refreshing to our Democratic friends briefly to review the past history of Pennsyl- vania politics. Let us inquire who are without sin, and therefore permitted to cast the first stone. As gentlemen interested in my antecedents have only gone back to 1849, I will refer them to an earlier period. I would have been willing, as remarked early in the session, to let the dead past bury its own dead; but, as Members have indulged themselves in antiquarian re- searches, i will read a few tombstone inscriptions also. Passing along ihe political graveyard of buried opinions, I find it recorded that on the :23d d-y of November, A. D. 1819, no less ilistinguisbf d a personage than James Buchanan, in Lancaster county Convention, presented the following' resolutions: "i?esoive(i, That the Representatives in Congress fron thia district be, and they are hereby most earnestly requested, to use their utmost endeavor.-, as members of the National Legisla- ture, to PRKVEiJT THE EXfSTENCE OF suvERY ill any of the Territories or Stales ivliich may be erected hij Congress. "Ilrsolved, 'I'hat in the opinion of this meeting, the members of Congress, who at the last session sustained the cause of justice, humanity and patriotism, in opjiosing the introduction of slavery into tlie State then endeavored to be formed out of the IMissouri Territory, are en- titled to the warmest thanks of every friend of humanity." I am charged herp, and by some of the Buchanan organs in my State, with being an abolition- ist, hecau:*e of my allcired antecedents. Surely, in this respect, in view of tlie resoUuions just reiid, I miiy yieM with respectful deference to " Pennsylvania's Favorite Son." In 1819 he declared against the Missouri line. In 1847, in hi.s celebrated Berk's county letter, he declared in favor of the extension of that line to the Pacific, and his solemn belief that the stability of the Union itself depended upon the passage of such a measure. In his last bulletin, recently issued, he declares the repeal of that compromise must be sustained, in de- fiance of any and of every storm that may be raised zigainst it. The political as well as tiie physical world has underi^one many extraordinary changes : Here are three revolutions in a sliort iialf century. Has not his ^'backbone been xoonderf idly stiffened? " Has not he, too, like the blind man in Scripture, been staggering about these many years, waiting for that miraculous Vision when he should no longer see men as trees v.'alking? Hoping that tlie scales of error may all fall from his eyes — that he may no longer look throu:;h a glass darkly — and recommendmg him kindly to the generous consideration of the Cincinnati Con- vention, I pass to anoiher chapter of Pennsylvania Democratic history. Iii»1847, I find, by reference to the public journals, that on t!ie 13th of January resolutions were introduced in our Siate legislature, instructing the Senators from Pennsylvania to vote in favor of the Wilniot proviso, by a sry." The truth is, Mr. Gamble's election was iirsied and eufiported on the ground of bin opposition to the oxien«ion of slavery; and in a leiti r, written by himself, in reply to inif rrojjaiones put to him by a committee of Fret soil Dtmorrntsof T ora county, in the Wilniot di.stric', lie took ihti position, that Congress has the coiisiitutionul powfr to prohibit slavery in i he Territories, and that he wan in favor of its exercise, to prevent ihe- further ex- tension of human bondage.! I have his letter, aiwl v/iil publish with tiie rest. The returns of the election hhnw that he received the support of those who held cxiremeanti-slaverv views, lu, the Wiimot distnci.compo.'ied ofthe counties of Brail lord, Susqnehannali and I'ioo;;), Mr. Gamble had a majority of 131.3 votes, being near two hundnd naore th m my wi-rthy and able rolleaijuPj (Mr. Grow,) whose opinions were well understood, reccivid at the nextniary, 18501, frankly declared, that "when the Wiimot proviso was first propo.scd, * » * had it been pushed to a vote, he should have voted tor it;" giving- as a reison, that he ''had never examinefi the con.'^titulional |)ower of Congress," and, because, "when the subject was prop sed it did not excite that opposition from the South which we have since witnessed, nor lead rtflfcting men to doubt whether such a provision could be enforced without danser to the Union "J; If Geri, Cass, who all iiis lite has been engaged in the public service, as Territorial govcriior, as Secre- tf^ry of War, as Minister to France, as a Senator of the United States, as a randidare for the Presidency itself. — if he, with all his vast opportunities, an'l his acknowledged iriti llect, ha create unkind ieelings betsvcen the ililf-retit parts of ihe con^ federacy. In 1850 the Compromise measures were passed. The represfiiiative from my disiiict, (Mr. Duller,) than whom no purer or better man ever lived, advocated their pas^sage, He was my political friend and i^eiahbor. In the canvass of that year, I becime the Whig candidate for Congress against my late competitor. 1 was supported by many lealins; national Democrats in my district, for I was known to be a friend of the Compromise mjasurts. I was elected. Of that I hold a twu-fold certincate. • , At a pubi c meeting, held in Wilkesbarre on the llih day of November, lb<50, convened fo? , the purpose — in the lansrua-ieorihecall, "to take into consideration the subject of ihe Fui^itive- slave bill, and to assert the supremacy of the lav/" — I, among others, adi'ressed the largn meeting there assembied in tavor of the Compromise measure.^, urging all good citizens to abide by them as a settlement, and (o sustain the govcrntncni in miintainini; the supn niacy of the laws. The retsoiutions passed at that meeting 'received the unaninous vote of those present, and ppeak for themselves. jj During my term of Lservicc in Congress, I pursued the same course. 1 regarded the Compromise as a permanent settlement of the question, nnit so voted on alt occasions, when present, as the record will show, and as my colle;'gMe, (Mr. Ai.lirov.) who •was then ulso a menibtr, will well recollect, and which, as lie informed me himself, tit the cnntj- mencement of the present session, formed one of the reasoiss for not voiinj; for me us Speaker. It is true, 1 made no speech on the subject during '.he entire term of my service-, but [ refraineti! from 80 doin? for the very reason that II v/as then, a.? I am now, opposed to all n^itatirn antf discussion of the subject. ! desired harmony and peace. My object wis r- concilmtion Though I voted for the so-called finality re.solutions, whenever a vote was taken that I was in my ^eat, I doubted the wisdom and propriety of their introduction. I was aa^ainH' h'I >iitempt9 'Appendix ('J.) fibid. flO.^ libid, :1].) Jj liiid. (19.) at renewing, in Congrosy ov out of ii, \he agitation of the slavf ry quCKtion, no miitu r how, or under whatever Bhajie or color the attempt might be rnad^. This was my position then, and this IS my position now. But I am char;ied with inconsiRtency, for havintieaiil in my first remarks to (he Houuc, iha! if the Miysouri compmrniee line could be restored, 1 would be in favor "f iIh rthioraiion, but in view of the' difficuliies which .■■urroundcd that question, and must defeat tliciicfinrls, 1 was opposed to its a«;itntion ; while I subscqurmly declared, thai Con'j;rcHs lutd no conyiiluiionaJ authority eiiht-r to lej;i^li«te Hlavery into or txcUtde it from a Ternt'«rv. These ded .rulionn, QSt'jie and learned ncnilemcii say they Hre incapable of roconrilin;;. Let tia see: I waa in favor, of resiorrtiion. What kind of resioratiori, .itid what dilii<"uliies? If ilic country could be r«- stured — if the peoplr cou'd be carried back — to ihe t:ame condiiion of quiet, of repoue, iind of social harmony whiih exi.sied two yenrs a;,'o ; if past legiHlaiion could be wiped out mid for<,'otten ; if KansMs could be reinstated, r>nd v;e jill miidu to stand, i>a before, upon the Compromise of 1850 as a finality — M eectioos of tlie country as.sentins; to and al)i(lin<{ by ii : — it ihiB wen^ possible, without invokioj; any action of mine, i would certainly be in fuvur of nuch rc.siorution4 Dut I said there were difficnilies which surrounded the question. What difliiniliies? l*t. Thai in the present aiaie of parties it waa impossible to legisl.iie upon the- qncsiiou ; and secondly, then; were consiilutioual difficulties: a grave question rc'tardiis thepo^ver ofConirees to diviil* the people of this country by j^en-j'raphic.d Imes — questions alVeclino; State sovereignty, Stale equality, and other cmbaira.^'siiii; diffii:ultie>f, which I do »ot profioi-e to ttificus.i at thirf time. i There is no inconsiHiency here — nunc whatever. " He,mnst have optics keen, I wfeen, ^ Who sees what is not to be seen." Why was 1 opposed to the territorial lesis'ation of the la.st Con«;res.^? iVIy imawer is I'omni in the published declarations of Deniocraiic Senators who voted for its putsage. What arc they? ,.,.,, , Judge Douslas, in a Hpeech at Springfield, in IS-JS, is reported to h"ve ustd the following languaije : " All the evidem-es of public opinioii at that day seemed to indicate that the Ci">n»- promise hail beco ne canonized in the hearia of the American people a>- a sarred ihin^, which no ruthless hand wmld ever be reckless enough to disturb." On. the 23d of Drc^mber, 1851, he made it a matter of self-coH!i;ratul ition thsit all his public act^ on the subject of slavery were in perfect harmony with the Compromise of 1820. On (he 4th of January, 1854, in hi:^ report from the Committee upon Territories, be expressed, hi.s unwi!l.n;incBs to, depart from the Com- promi.'tion. It is riirihcr alleged, that in the last ca.ivas-a I defeated my competitor becawie of his support of the Kansa.-? and Nebra-ka bill, and that alone. Th-^t I waa elected, the official roiuris de- clared : that he was defeated ber.avse of his support of that bi 1, 1 deny. Tliti a maioriiy of -d,(jQ|} pei>ple disapproved of his action in reirard t.> that measure, 1 fully believe; but it is well knuwn it horn*?, ihiii there were, particularly in the county where we both resitie, hical i8.«ue«ofa more nbsorliins: character, which injluenced, and to a far (greater extent conir-'lli-d, thai eli ction. The Democratic candidate for grivtrimr carried a majority in our disirict, while my competitor was defeiited over 2,000. Four tinvs has my comj^etitor canvassed the disirit^t, and. thrice has he been defeated. True, it was once contested, but a Democratic Consie.^s havinj 54 majority decid d honorably and justly ail verse to his claim.. Twice have I sinnrd in hi.H defeat, ai:d for thfse olTences I neither ask nor expect forgivrne.«s. The pfOfde decided between us, and to their dei'islon i shall always bow with respectful deferenr*. For, whom they will, they wdl fi^t up. and whom ihcy will, ibey W'll set down. , While upon this .subject, 1 will further say, that 1 am afforded the asreeabje sati.sfaction of bein II assurr-d, exhibited cxr-mrdi- nary evidence.} of vitality, in the shap^ of epistolary correspondence lier>\ as will as certain re- wurkablc Rtar prodiieiions at home. Those remark.^ may not i>« oonsidere^ nniiiely in oiHw 8 iierc, bui their pmpiieiy will be well understood at liome, atfU that I make them simply upon the principle of just compensation for compliments receivpd. I have funhf-r to express the hope, that his measure of usefulness is not yet filled; and while his desires to "do Ihe SlaUsome service" may not have all been realized, there is yet "ample room and verge enough" for all his future a£;iirations. I am chiirgfd, also, with the singular enormity of having voted for the gentleman froni'New Jersey, (Ml'- Peknington.) I plead guilty to the char;;e. I did vote for that gentleman. I knew him before I came here. I be'ieved him capable of discharging the duties of the Speak- ership with credit to himself and honor tn the country. Further than that, I knew his con- stituents. [ knov/ the tieoplc of New Jersey; and while it may illy become me to speak of them in the presence of her able and more eloquent representaiives, I may yet say, tint having paused eight years of my life among them, that no truer pfople, none more loyal to the Consti- tution, more devoted to the Union, exist anywhere than are to be found in that :e of disagreement) I shall refer to the gen- tleman from New Jersey, (Mr. Pennington,) who was present when the ariangement was made. H While members of the House and others have been engaged in represen'in^ne to the peo- ple of the South as an Abolitionist, a portion of the public press in the North have, on the contrary, assigned me another position, that of a pro-slavery propagandist. Under other cir- cumstances, I should be disposed to suffer these antagonistic assumptions to answer each -other; but as considerable surprise, real or affected, was expressed here and elsewhere, because of my position, and many gentlemen for whose opinion I have great respect have taken differ- ent views of public duty, I am induced, now that the smoke of the conflict has passed away, calmly and dispassionately to review the past, to re-examine my own position, to ascertain if 1 am really changed — if 1 have become suddenly translated, and made unconsciously to wheel into some new orbit of political relation. My declaration, in substance, was, that I would vote for the admission of States without reference to the question of slavery. What is the past history of the Government.' Eighteen new States have been admitted — nine free, nine slave. It has thus been nine times solemnly affirmed, that it is no objection to the admission cf a State that its constitution recognises slavery. It has been as often affirmed that it is no objection to the admission of a State that its constitution prohibits slavery. . The proposition to admit a State with or without slavery has thus been eighteen times, in the history of the Government, solemnly affirmed. It stands upon the solid basis of repeated sanction. There is no principle more firmly established. President Taylor took the ground, with reference to California and New Mexico, that the people of the Territories should decide the question of slavery for themselves, when they came to form their State constitutions. In his annual messajje to Congress, in December, 1849, he recommended even non-action as to the establishment of Territorial Governments for New Mexico and Utah, preferring that the peo- ple of those Territories should remain under military government until prepared to settle their own domestic policy by forming State Constitutions, and be admitted into the Union as States; and these recommendations were strongly reiterated by him in his so-called California mes- fiage on the 21sf of January, 1850. This policy of Gen Taylor was sustained by leading popular journals at the North. The New York Courier and Enquirer, edited then as now by a gentleman of admitted ability and of wide reputation, in May, 1850, held the following language: " What i.^ the precise .point in controversy ? The North insists upon positive legislation pre- cluding slavery. The South insists upon positive legislation j-ecog-nisin^ slavery, either in terms or by silence. Here is the "wound," General Taylor recommends that Congress let the matter entirely alone, and leave the people ihemselves to legislate upon the matter to suit themselves. Genera! Taylor does "deign to disclose" the operation by which the evil will be cured. He proposes a resort to the fundamental principle of republicanism — the right of the people to gov- ern themselves. In this he takes ground coincident exactly with that of the South m 1847, when Mr. Calhoun asserted the right of the inhabitants of the Territories to just such self-gov- ernment as the President proposes to give them. Is this doing nothin reference to any other. Mr. Cabiy. I em it) fuvor of the principle ; but if that ia the intention and view with \i7hir>„ the amendment is ofl'ered, I am opposed to it. i\lr. Ikge. 1 will eay (listt the princji'e is true in its application to all the Territories. iVlr. CASiiT. If it is made lo apply to all, I will vn'e f now in time of peace let ihem move arm in aim to ide pnHse..5>io:i of a connnoii heritaijc — let the hardy pioneers talili.-e. Lei us, then, each and all resolve, with ''steadfast and inflexible ptirpog-e, to preserve again*':. all tntmies aiid with uur hearts' iiesi blood, this glorious Union indissjlulile and forever ,^' APPENDIX, (i.) LttUr addreestd to Horn/ ConncUy, E^q., of Philadelpkic, before Ike inetting tf Congress, and ti*M ■ yublished in, Ike nexospapers. WiLKivi^BARRE, Wednesday, J^ovembtY 2\, ^S5b^ MtdearSih: Absence from lioiiic has delayed reply to your esteemed favor of the 12l>/ instani. In regard to my opinion in the niaiter to whicii your leUer refers, I will simply remark, tlwt I supported the Comproniit^e measures of 1850, and have not changed my \iew8 upon the sub- jects iliey (Mnliriiced. The quesiKin ol slavery 1 have ever been disposed to leave with the people of the Siatee wliere it exist». Kno\vin» that iia discussion licreioforc ban been productive of evil and mia- chief, I am opposed to its further ai;itation. Had I be^jn a member of the last C^ rnpmbers nf the Americ;^n party; but owing- to the contradictory Hiatements in reference to the position of that gentleman, wc re- frained from appliiiiilin*: or censuring his course; and while Mr. Fuller may exfire.''8 opinions contrary to our own, ye' we have unsh-ik'n confidence in his integrity and in his devotion tc the great princifilen ih.it beat the founilalion of the Ajpcrirnn [arlv; nor can we believe that he would abfln(li>n tie 2i"<'nd on which he was eleried, for a \ p'atc in the gift of ConL-ri'ss — knowing, too, that the doelrints o) rmn-inttrvintinn on (he suljcct ofsUvery were cvc'-orsed by liivi prt- vious to his election.''^ (3.) , Archibald, St^i. 13, 1849. My dear Sir : Your letter of the 12lh inst. is before me. I am ex.^et'dingly mortified aboul this matter, mid nni;ry also, and more angry than monined. Mr. Fuller wrote me a private- letter about the middle of last m«nth, v/hich has been s-tolen from my pos.session. 1 cannot tell how, nor by wliom, though i luive my suspicions. The pul) ished letter has been .moel i/ainnno/j altered, and niade considerably Btronger than wht-n 1 sa^v it. I will try to set it right. I wish you would write to Mr. Fuller and explain it, as without explanation he will think very meanly of me. My acquaintance with Mi-. F. is limited, having only met him on two or three occasions ai the Wayne county couria. From what I have seen and heard of him, I have taken a liking to him, and mean to help him. We'll try to pay off these scurvy rascals for puttin;: this trick upon me. Fuller ought to be elected, and 1 think he will be. If he was only a Democrat, hf- would knock tlie siiota nff from these fellows. We can't make much iinpre.-^siim on ouv side, as I unilerstanil Giiniblc goes all in on our freosoil views Siill, wc will do all we can, ami I .shalS work nil ihe harder n'"W. If you should be coming up this way !>■ fore the election, 1 .should like to have y u call ; I v/ant lo explain this matter more fully. When will Fuller be buck? It wou! letter, written by H ci- ry iVL Fuller to yon under date of IHib August, ult. 12 But a few days prior to the departure of Mr, Fuller, on his canvass of the State, he exhibited to me a letter addressed to you, on the Euhjert of the probable a.clion to be taken by your con- vention, soon to meet at Hyde Park; but, really, sir, I am unable to recognise, in the letter now publislied, hardly a fe-iture of the original. Standins; in the relation of a personal lind political friend of Mr. Fuller, I deem it my duty, in his absence, to call your attention to the publication, and request that you will, at tlie earliest convenient date, furnish rne with such an explanation as the facts of the ca»e must certainly warrant. 1 cannot believe that you would become a paity to so sross a fraud upon the public, or be instrumental in such a groundless misrepresentation of Mr. Fuller's views; and I confidently hope that yo*,! will be able to give me a full and satisfactory explanation. With sentiments of high reg.ird, I am, very truly, "&c., GARRICK M. HARDING. (5.) Archibald, March Q6, 1836. Hon. Hevrv M. Fuller. Dear Sir: My attention has recently been called to a letter published in the Luzerne Union, purporting to have been written by you on August, 18 J9, to Mr. B. F. Saxton, of this place. It appears to me there must be some mistake about this matter. Just previous to your nomi- Jiation for Canal Commissioner, I well remember, Frederic Saxton, a lawyer of this place, (and no other Saxton has ever resided here,) exhibited to me a letter from you to l;im, but, to the best of my recollection, a very different one from that now published. A short time after, he informed me that the letter had been stolen, altered, and pulilished in Philadelphia. That publication, however, I never saw; but the more recent one, in the Luzerne Union, I have read, as well as the comments of the press thereon. 1 deem it but justice to you to state my recol- lections of this matter There was not, to the Lest of my recollection, any mention of the Wiimot proviso in your letter. You did express yourself adverse to slavery extension, but did not avow any sympathy with the Free-soil party; and being my.self, at that time, a member of that party, and knowing well your political sentiments, I may say, truthfully, t do not believe you felt any sympathy for us. If I remember ari^'ht, the main objf^ct of your letter was, to influence Mr. Saxton to exert himself to prevent any nomination or any distinct party action by the Free-soilers whatever. I have known your political sentmnenls ever since you entered upon political iife; they have always been moderate and conservative — never ultra or extreme. \ou have always been known distinctively as a Whig — a conservative Whig — but never as an Abolitionist, or as having entertained any abolitton tendencies or sentiments. I make these remarks to you lor the reason that my name was alluded to in the letter to Saxton ; and from the fact of my having seen the letter, my silence might be construed as evidence that the letter, as published in the Union, was a true copy of the original. 1 have no doubt but that the letter, as p\ib!i?hed in that paper, has been materially altered. I am, truly, your.?, JOHN P. FARNHAM. (6.) WiLKESEARRE, I8//« ^UgUSt, 1849. My DEAR Sir: Your favor of 15th instant was duly relieved, and the matter of Mr. Hack- ley shall have immediate attention. I will write you fully in a few days. Let us have a little private talk on the subject of our State election. You state that a Freesoil convention will meet at Hyde Park on the 30th instant, and that you will attend as a delegate. The Whig convention met at Harrisburg day before yesterday. We have received no intelligence yet, but will this evening or in the morning. My friends here are confident of my nomination. I have really very little feeling on the subject. The office is not to my liking — still, if nominated, I sliall desire an election. If your friends should persist in maintaining a distinct organization, and make a separate nomination as has been suggested, it will do injury. You say you ar friendly and de&ire to aid my election. I believe you are so, and would suggest therefore that you prevail upon your friends to make no nomination. How this is to be accomplished you will be.-st understand — perhaps by resolution; consult with our mutual friends, Farnham and riackiey — they are both substantial, sensible men, and competent to advise in tiie matter. On the subject of Freesoil, I believe our people here and everywhere are in favor of free labor and free men. I certainly am opposed to extending slavery, and desire whatever can rightly be done to restrain or ameliorate it should be done. It is an exciting question, c dculated to produce much inflammation and extreme opinions. I would avoid undue excitement, but at the same time insist upon the rights and interests of my sicticm, doing no injustice to any other. Birt enough of this — ours is a State canvass, and this question can hardly be considered an issue. If I ."hould be nominated by the Harrisburg con- vention, my chief desire in securing the election will be, to obtain a popular endorsement of the 13 measure I advocated in tho !e£;is!ature last winter, and about which we had so rr.acii trouble — the completion of the North Branch Canal ; its completion, in my jude;meni, will not only be of lari^e benefit to us here, but very materially increase the State revenue. It is destined to do a large business. Its m rits are not understood. I shall stump the State, probably, and talk lo the people on that subject. Let me hear from you soon. Yours, respectfully, . H. iVI. FULLER. Extracts from Uit Debates of Mr. Randolph''s proposition in Ike Virginia House of Delegates for Iht gradual abolition ofslavtry, in January, 1832. Mr. BoLLiNG, of Buckingham, said : " This is a grave and imnortnnt subject — one that ought to be and will be considered. lis importance demands that it should be tunsidered and debated here; and is not, as some gentlemen think, ii renson that it should be |.assed in silence, and acted upon in secret. No, sir, our action .should becalm and dispnsaionate, but open, bold, and manly. Sir, that it is an evil, a great and appalling evil, he dared believe no sane man would or could deny. "Nor, sir, can it be denied that it deprives us of many of those advantages, facilities, and bless- ings which we should enjoy had we a more dense white population. That it is a blighting, withering curse upon this land, is clearly demonstrated by this very discussion itself. " Notwithstanding Eastern gentlemen had waxed so warm, there are many, very many in Eastern Virginia wlio had rather resign their .'fUves gratuitousli; than suUniit to the ills of slavery ; many who had rather turn tliein lorse and leave them behind, while they should seek a happier clime — a land alike a stranger to slaves and slavery." Mr. Marshall, of Fauquier, said : "The utmost latitude of debate had already been tole- rated, and no injury could now accrue from a temperate expression of his sentiments on the general question. He felt himself at liberty to say that he was opfiosed to slavery as a practical evil. He objected to slavery, not because it implies moral turpitude, or liecause it.is a sin to be the owner of a slave. If it be a sin, let it fall on those who introduced the evil and have trans- mitted it to their offspring. * * Wherefore, then, object to slavery? Bf-cause it is ruinous to the whites; retards improvement; roots out an industrious popularinn; banishes the yeomanry of the country; deprives the spinner, the weaver, the smith, the shoi maker, the carpenter, of employment and support. Our towns are stationary, our villages almost everywhere declining, and the general aspect of the country marks the curse of a wasteful, idle, reckless population, who have no interest in the soil, and care not how much it is impoverished." Mr. Chandler, of Norfolk : " I took occasion to observe that I believed the people of Norfolk county would rejoice could they, even in the vista of time, sec some scheme for the gradual removal of this curse from our land. I was desirous to see a report from the committee declaring the slave population an evil, and recommending to the people of this Commonwealth the adoption of some plan for its riddance." Mr. Berry, of Jefferson : " Sir, I believe that no cancer on the physical body was ever more certain, steady, and fatal in its progress than is this cancer on the political body of the State o? Virginia. I admit that we are not to be blamed for the origin of this evil among us; we are not to be blamed for its existence now, but we shall deserve the severest censure if we do not take measures, as soon as possible, to remove it." Mr. Faulkner, of Berkeley : " Sir, there is one point in which I do most sincerely a^rec with those who are arrayed against me in this discussion. It is that the proposed inquiry is one of great delicacy and transcendant importance. The revolution which agitated this Commoa- wealth fifty years ago, great and important as it was, involved in its results but a change of our political relations with the moth>-r country This measure, should it prove successful — and that it must, sooner or later, no individual in this House can now rea.^onably doubt — must in- volve in its consequences a moral, physical, and political revolution in this St^tte ; a revolution which will be beneficially felt by every great interest in the Commonwealth, and by every slave- holding State upon thi:i continent. I shall ever reckon it amongst the proudest ncidents of my life that I have contributed my feeble aid to forvxard a revolution sot;r'nd and patriotic in its results. The idea of a gradu^l emancipation and removal of the t-iaves from this Comrnon- wealth is coevai with the declaration of your independence of the British yoke. It sprung into existence during the first session of the general assembly sut)Spquent to the formation of your republican government. It was proper ; there was a fitness of things in the fact that so beneficerit an object as the plan for the gradual extinction of slavery in this State should have been the twin offsjiring of that mind which gave birth to the Bill of Rights and to the act for religious free- dom. A fact so honorable to the public sprint and humanity of that age, so worthy of the ge- nius and expanded philanthropy of those with whom it originated, cannot be too often recurred to, nor too proudly cherished. Slavery, it is admitted, is an evil. I is an institutioir which presses heavily against the best interests of the State. Being thus injurious^ have we not a right to demand its ex crmi nation.'" Mr. McDovfell, of Rockbridge: "We know that the blessings of our po.sition and soil and climate are countervailed by tlie apathy of our public couiiset-g, and by O'lr excli* iva reliance i4 !p»;>ji voluriidry labor. Our inif vesta and senses proclaim the progress of genera) dedinc; covi' science and ('X)>eiieiice attest that slavery is its principal cause. Do we not contemplate Vir- ginia justly when we regard her as meagre, hagijard, and enfeebled, with derrepittidc stealing jpon her litnhs, as given over to leanness and innpotency, and aa wasting away under the im- providence and the inactivity which elernaily accompany the f^ital insiitution which rhe cher- ishes, i nd cherishes, loo, as a mother who will hazard iier own life rather than part even with f.he nionstri'us offi«prin;; that afflicts her? If I am to judge from the lone ofour debate, and from Uie conceHsiiini^ on all haiids^ expressed, there is not a man in thia bo'ly, not one, perhaps, that £3 even represented here, who would not ha\e thanked tlie generations that have gone before us, !f', acting as public men, ihey had broui:ht this bondage to a clor^e; who would not have :hanked ihcm, if, aciin? as private men, on private motivea, they had relinquished tlie property which their mistaken kindness has devolved upon us. In this investigation there is no difficulty; nothing has been heft to speculation or inquiry; for, however widely gentlemen have differed 'ipon tlic po\*er and the justice of touching this properly, ihcy havi- yet united in a common ■'.fatimimy to its cliaraeier. // has been frtrnkty and vneqiiivocally di dared . from Ike very commevce- ment if litis debate, by Ihe most d'Ciiled evnmix of abclilion llumuhes, as well as by otlieis, that this property u 'an evil,'' that it is a dangerous property-''^ (S.) Rantuiion of the Democratic State Ccnvenlioit of Pennsylvania, at Piltiburg, in 1849. Resnlved, That the Democratic pa>ty adhere now, as it ever has done, to fl e Consti'uiion of ^,e country. Its I- ttrr and spirit they will neither weaken nor deptrny, and they re-declare that letely dissiputofl by the irsolution adopted I y the Bradford Democracy — thus leaving to every meml>er of the D( mnrratic party the right of e nter'ainirg and urging w hatever sentiments upon fie subject may seem to him best, without hazarding his political position, or losing the confi- ■ieinc«: of hie party. (10.) letter fromMr. Gamble, Democraik candidate for Canal Commissioner of Penmylvafiia in 1849. Jersey Shore, Sept. 13, '49. l'. E. Smith, U, C. WrBB, and Levi Bicelow, E."»quire8. QiiWTLKMEN: I have the honor to arknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 4th instant, i'H-opoundint; lo me the following quratioiis, in pursuance of your (qvpointment as a committe* •for that )jur^>o9€ by a Hieeting of " Freesoil Democrats," held at Tiof^a, on the 3d of September •natant Il'-wcver reliictarit I feel to give publicity to my "views" upon a subject so foreign and i^ijjtirct fninn the