©X«D TIMSI 
 
 OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 HISTORICAL REMINISCENCES OF 
 
 OLD MOETMOUTH COUNTY NEW JERSEY. 
 
 Being a series of Historical Sketches relating to Old Monmouth County, 
 
 Now Monmouth and Ocean Counties, originally published in 
 
 the Monmouth Democrat, Freehold, N. J. 
 
 EDWIN SALTER. 
 
 Printed at the office of the Monmouth Democrat, 
 
 Freehold, N. J. 
 
 1874. 
 
.*'♦. 
 
 '»,* 
 
 
 .A't 
 
oilmTD a?xiv££3]s; 
 
 IN 
 
 VI 
 
 (f3 
 
 t 
 
 THE MONMOUTH PATENT. 
 
 As tills noted instrument, though famil- 
 iar to those who have made the early his- 
 tory of our State a special study, is not 
 readily accessible to some of our readers, 
 we copy it lu-re for convenient re'"eren('d 
 to all interested in the history of Old Mon- 
 mouth : 
 
 "To all whom these jiresents shall ceme: 
 T Richard Nicolis Esq, Oovernor under his 
 Royal Highness the Duke of York of all 
 his Territories in America, send greeting. 
 
 •' Whereas there i« a certain tract or par- 
 cel of land within this government, lying 
 and being near Sandy Point, upon the 
 Main ; which said parcel of land hath 
 been with my consent and approbation 
 bought by some of the inhabitants of 
 Giaves«nd upon Long Island of the 
 Sachems (chief proprietors thereof) who 
 before me liav«» acknowledged to have re 
 ceived satisfaction tor the same, to the 
 end that the said land may be planted, 
 mauuie'l and inhabited, and for divers 
 other good causes and consideia lions. 1 
 have tluHightfit to giv« confirm and grant 
 and by the>.e pr«sents do give confirm and 
 grant unto William Glrlding, Samiei, 
 
 SiMCER, RiCIIARU GrlHBONS,/ RiCHARD SxOfT, 
 .1 AMES GrOVER, JOIIV BowX, .loUN TlLTON, 
 NaTHAMEI. SVl.VESTER, Wl!,I,IA.\I ReaI'E, 
 
 Walter Clarke, Nicholas Davis, Obadiah 
 Holmes, patentees, and their associates, 
 thpir heirs, successors and assigns, all that 
 tract and part of the main land, beginning 
 at a certain place commonly called or 
 known by the name of Sandy Point and so 
 running along the bay West North West, till 
 it comes to the mouth of the Raritan 
 River, from thence going alon^ the said 
 river to th# wt-stermostpart of the certain 
 marsh land, which divides the river into 
 two parts, and from that part to run 
 in a direct Southwest line into the woods 
 twelve miles, and thence to turn away 
 south east and by south, until it falls into 
 the main ocean; together with all lands, 
 soils, rivers, creeks, harbors, mines, min- 
 erals (Rejal mines e:xcepted) quarries, 
 woods, meadows, pastures marshes, wat- 
 ers, lakes, fishings, hawkings, huntings 
 and fowling, and all other profits, commo- 
 dities and hereditaments to the said lands 
 and premises belonging and appertaining, 
 with their and every of their appurtenances 
 and ofevery part and parcel thereof, to have 
 axd to hold all and singular the said lands, 
 hereditaments and premises with their 
 and every of their appurtenances herebv 
 given and granted, or herein before men- 
 tioned to be given and granted to the only 
 proper use and behoof of the said paten- 
 tees and their associates, their heirs 
 successors and assigns forever, upon 
 such ternts and conditions as here- 
 after are expressed, that is to say, 
 
OLD TfMKS TX OLD MONMorTif. 
 
 that the said patentees and their as- 
 sociates, their heirs or assigns slmll within 
 the space of three years, beginning from 
 the day of tlie date hereof, manure and 
 plant the aforesaid land and premises and 
 settle there one. hundred families at the 
 least; in consideration whereof I do 
 promise and grant that the said patentees 
 and their associates, their heirs, succt-ssors 
 and assigns, shall enjoy the said land and 
 premises, with their a[)i)urtenanees, for the 
 term of seven years next to come .iftor the 
 date of these presents, free from payment 
 of any rents, customs, excise, tax or lery 
 ' whatsoever. But after the expiration of tlie 
 said term of seven years, the persons wlio 
 shall be in possession thereof, shall pay 
 after, the same rate which others witliin 
 this his Royal Highness' territories shall be 
 obliged unto. And the said patentees and 
 their associates, their heiis successors and 
 assigns sliall have free leave and liberty to 
 erect and budd tlieir towns and villages in 
 such places, as they in their discretionsshall 
 think most convenient, provided that they 
 associate themselves, and that the hjuses 
 of their towns and villages be not too far 
 distant and scattering one from another; 
 and also that they make such fortifica- 
 tions for their defence against an enemy 
 as may be needful. 
 
 '' And I do likewise grant unto the said 
 patentees and their associates, their heirs 
 successors and assigns, and unto any and 
 all other persons, who shall plant and in- 
 habit in any of the land aforesaid that 
 they shall have free liberty of conscience, 
 without any molestation or disturbance 
 whatsoever in their way of worship. 
 
 "And I do further grant unto tlie afore- 
 said patentees, their heirs, successors and 
 assigns, that they shall iiav3 liberty to 
 elect l)y the vote of the major part ol' the 
 inhabitants, five or seven other persons of 
 the ablest and discreetest of the said in- 
 habitants, or a greater number of them ( if 
 the patentees, their heirs, successors or as- 
 signs shall s«e cause ) to join with them, 
 and they together, oi- the major part of 
 them, shall have full power and authority, 
 to makesuch peculiar and ))rudentiul laws 
 and constitutions amongst tlie inhabitants 
 for the belter and more orderly governing 
 of them, as to them shall seem meet ; pro- 
 vi(h^d they be not rej)ugnant to the public 
 •aws of tlie government; and they shall 
 also have liberty to try all causes and ac 
 tions of debts and trespasses arising 
 amongst themselves to the valu« of /.en 
 pnuyirf.'i. without apnea], but tlipy mny I'c- 
 
 rait the hearing of all criminal matters to 
 the assizes of New York. 
 
 '•And furthermore 1 do pi'oinise and 
 grant unto the said patentees and, their 
 associates aforementioned their hfirs, suc- 
 cessors and assigns that tliey shall in all 
 things have equal privileges, freedom and 
 immunitit^s with any of his majesty's sub- 
 jects within this government, these paten 
 tees and tlu-ir associates, tlieir heirs, suc- 
 cessors and assigns rendering and paying 
 such dutii's and acknovrledgments ;is now 
 ar^, or hereafter shall be constituted and 
 established f)y the laws of this government, 
 under obedience of his iioyal Highnoss. his 
 heiri! iind success irs, provided they do ni> 
 way enfringe tlie jjrivileges above specified. 
 
 "Given under my hand and seal at Fort 
 James in New York in Manhattan Island 
 the 8th day of April, in the 17th year of 
 the reign of our sovereign lord Charles 
 the Second by tlie grace of God, of Eng- 
 land, Scotlantl, France and Ireland, King, 
 Defender of the Faith &c., and in the 
 year of our Lord dad 106."). 
 
 Richard Nicolls. 
 
 ^'Entered in the o/'/ice of record in New York, 
 the day and year above written. 
 
 M.\TTiiiAs NicoM.s, Secretary.'" 
 
 About seven years after the date of the 
 above instrument, the following confirma- 
 tions to portions of it were agreed 'o by 
 Governor Cartertt and Council: 
 
 Nkw Jersev May liSth 1672. 
 
 rjpon the addres.s of James Grover, John 
 Bowne, Richard Hartshorne, Jonathan 
 Flolmes, patentees, and James Ashon and 
 John Hanse, a.%sociates, imj^owerea by 'the 
 patentees and a-ssociates of the towns of 
 Middlctown and Shrewsbuiy, unto the 
 Governor and Council for confirmation of 
 certain jirivileges granted unto them by 
 Colonel Richard Nicolls, as by patent un- 
 der his hand and seal bearing date the SUi 
 (Uiy of April Anno Domini (3ne thousand 
 si.v hundred sixty five, th" Governor and 
 Council do confirm unto thes:ud patentees 
 and associates, these particulars tollowing, 
 being their rights, contained in the afore 
 said patent, viz : 
 
 Imprimis: That the said patentees and 
 associates have full power, license and au- 
 thority to dispose of the said lands ex- 
 pressed in the said patent, as to them shall 
 seem meet. 
 
 11. That no ministerial power or cler- 
 gyman shall he imposed on among the in- 
 habitants of the said laiul. so as to enforce 
 any that are contrary mindi'il to (•(nitribtile 
 to their nnuntenance. 
 
OLD TJMKS [.V OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 ill. That all realises whatsoever ( crimi- 
 nals excepted ) sh-rfll first have a liearing 
 wiiiiin their cu^nizance, arxl that no ap- 
 jieals unto higher eourts where sentence 
 has been passed amongst them under tiie 
 value of ten pounds be admitted. 
 
 JV. That all crirninnls ,ind appeals 
 above the value of ten pounds, which are 
 to be referred unto the afore.'said iiighei' 
 courts, shall receive th«ir fletin-minalion 
 upon appeals to his Majesty, iioi to be 
 hindered. 
 ' V. That for all eomniission officers 
 both civil and militaiy, the iiateutees, as 
 sociates and Freeholders, hav« liljerty to 
 present two for each office to the Governor 
 when they shall think fit, one of which the 
 (iovf-rnor is to (kimrimt^ionule to execute the 
 said office, and that they have liberty to 
 make peculiar prudential laws and consti- 
 tuti(tns amongst themselves according to 
 the tenor of the said patent. 
 
 Pii. Carteret. 
 .Tolm Kenney, Lordue Andress, 8amuel 
 Kdsall, Jolin Pike, John Biahop, Council. 
 
 The causes which induced the following 
 veiy material modification in the grants 
 ;iu<l privileges to the Monmouth patentees 
 and their associates will be referred to 
 hereafter. 
 
 "Directions, instructions and ord"rs made 
 by the late L )rds Proprietors of the prov 
 ince of East New Jersey, to be observed by 
 the Governor, Council and inhabit.nls of 
 the said province, bearing date the 31st 
 day of July, Anno Domini, 1674, amonjjst 
 which there is as followeth, viz: as to in- 
 habitants of Nevisinks, considering tbeir 
 failhfulne.ss to thf Lords Pro[)rietors that 
 upon their petition, their tovrnshij) shall 
 be surveyed and shall be incorporated, and 
 to have equal privileges with other the 
 inhabitants of the Province, and that such 
 of them who were the pretemled patentees 
 and laid out money in purchasing 1 md 
 from the Indians, i^hall have in considera- 
 tion thereof five hundred acres of land to 
 each of tliem to be alloted by the Gov«r 
 nor and Council, in such places that it may 
 not 1)6 prejudicial to the rest of the inhab- 
 itants, and because there is much barren 
 land, after s n-vev taken, the Governor and 
 Council may give t'lem allowance." 
 
 OLD MONMOU'i'H DESCRIBED BY AN 
 ANCIENT WRITEIl. 
 
 .MlIJI)l,ET0W\, SlIRKH-SIil-RY AND I'RERHOI.D 
 
 I.N' 1708. — New Jersev a Paraui.«;e. 
 
 We copy the following from the cele- 
 brated but quite rare work ofOldmixon, 
 published in 1708. The Capitals, orthog- 
 raphy and italics are aI>out as in the origi- 
 nal. 
 
 After dosciibing Midillesex county, he 
 says : "We cross over the river fi'om Mid- 
 ddlesex into 
 
 Monmouth County ; Where we first meet 
 with Middleton a pretty Good Town con- 
 sisting of 100 Families and 30,000 Acres of 
 Ground on what they call here Out Plan- 
 tations. 'Tis about 10 or 12 miles over 
 Land, to the Northward of Shrewsbury 
 and 20 miles to the .Southward of Piscat- 
 tavvay. Not far off, theShoar winds itself 
 about like a TTook and being ?andy gives 
 N«me to all the Bay. 
 
 Shrewshury IS i\\e mo.st Southern Town of 
 the Province and reckon'd the chief Town 
 -of the Shire. It contains about IGO Fami 
 lies and 30.000 Acres of OmC Plantations, 
 belonging to its Division. 'Tis situated on 
 the Side of a fresh Water Stream, thence 
 Cidled Shrewsbury River, not far from 
 its Mouth. Between this Town and Mid- 
 dleton is an Iron Work but we flo not un- 
 derstand it has been any great Benefit to 
 the Proprietors. Col. Morris is building a 
 Church at the Falls. There's a new town 
 in the County called 
 
 Freehold, which has notbeenlaid outand 
 inhabited lo.,g. It does not contain as yet 
 abWvw 40 Families and as to its Om/! Planta- 
 tions we suppose they are much the ."iame 
 in nnmbei- with the rest and may count it 
 about .30,000 acres. 
 
 We have not <Iivided the counties into 
 Parishes and that for a good reason, there 
 l)eing none, nor indeed a Church in the 
 whole Province worth that Name. But 
 there are several Congrejrations of Church 
 of Kuf/land men as at Shrewsbury, Amhoy, 
 Elizabeth Town and Freehotd whose Minis- 
 ter is Mr. John Beak ; his Income is 6.51. a 
 year ; and a Church is building at Salem. 
 
 In another place Oldmixon in speaking 
 of the first settlers of New Jersey says : 
 
 " We must note that most of the first 
 English Inhabitants in this country (East 
 
OLD TIMES I^^ OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 and West Jersey) were Dessenters, and 
 most of them Quakers an<l Anabaptists. 
 These people are generally industrious ; 
 Be their Ifypocrisy to th«mselves it" they 
 are Hypocrites; but we must do them the 
 .Justice to own tliat they are the fittest to 
 inhabit a n«w discovered Country, as po- { 
 scssinji Industry, and shunning those pub- , 
 lick Vices which beget Idleness an<l Want. 
 Their enemies drove great numbers of 
 th«m out of England, and the Jerseys had 
 their share of them. The People here are 
 for this l\eason Dissenters to this Day. 
 their being but two Church of England 
 Ministers in both Provinces ; and this 
 may be one reason why there are no 
 Parish Churches, which the Inhabitants 
 may be afraid to build, least it might be a 
 temjitation for more Orthodox Divines to 
 come among them. 
 
 "A gentleman asking one of theProprie- 
 taries ' If there were no Lawyers in the Jer- 
 seys^ ' Was answered ' No.'' And then 
 ' If there were no Physicians f The Propri- 
 etor replied 'iVo' '■ Nor Parsdnaf adds 
 the Gentleman. ' No,' says the Proprie- 
 tor. Upon which the other crv'd ' What 
 a huppy placf ymist tJiis be and how loorthy the 
 name of Paradice !'' We do not perhaps 
 differ more from this gentleman than we' 
 agree with him." 
 
 Oldmixon derived his information of 
 New Jersey from two of the Proi)rietors 
 as will be seen by the following extract 
 from his preface : 
 
 " Mr Dockwra and Dr Cox were both so 
 kind as to inform him fully of the Jeiisevs 
 and Mr. Pen did him the same Favor for 
 Pennsylvania ; these three Gentlemen do- 
 ing him the Honor to admit him into 
 their Friendship." 
 
 OLD MONMOUTH UNDER THE 
 DUTCH. 
 
 Governor Parker, in his valuable address 
 before the New Jersey Historical Society, 
 produced the old town book of Middle- 
 town township, which gives the history of 
 this .section of East Jersey from 1667, to 
 1702. After tlie Dutch conqicest in 1673, it 
 was stated that little or nothing is recorded 
 in the town book during Ihoir biiof rule of 
 less than a year. 
 
 Your readers may remember tiiat the 
 Dutch had the sui)remacy in New York 
 and New Jorsev until 1664. when tlio 
 
 English conquered the Dutch. In 1673, 
 a war having agnin broken out between 
 England and Holland, a small Dutch 
 squadron was sent over and arrived at 
 Staten Island, July 30th. Captain Man 
 ning, the English officer temjiorarily in 
 command at New York, surrendered at 
 once without any effort to defend the 
 place and the Dutch again resumed sway 
 over New York, New Jersey and settle- 
 ments along the Delaware. They retained 
 it however only a few months, as by a 
 treaty made in February following, these 
 places were ceded back to England, 
 though the English appear not to have 
 taken formal possession until November 
 following. During this short time while 
 the Dutch were again in authority, em- 
 bracing the time that Governor Parker says 
 the Middletown township book records 
 but little or nothing, the following items 
 relating to Old Monmouth, are found 
 among the official records of the Dutch at 
 New York. The first is an order issued 
 shortly after their arrival ; the orthography 
 is given as we find it : 
 
 " The inhabitants of Middletovrn and 
 Shrewsbury, are hereby charged and re- 
 quired to senxl their deputies unto us on 
 Tuestlay morning next, for to tnat with us 
 upon articles of surrendering their said 
 towns under the obedience of their High 
 and Mighty Lords, the States General of 
 tlie saitl United Provinces, and his serene 
 Highness, the Prince of Orange, or by re- 
 fusall we shall be necetsitated to subdue 
 the placos thereunto by force of arms. 
 
 " Dated at New Orange this 12th day of 
 August. A. D. 1673. 
 
 "CORNELIS EVERTSF, Ir" 
 " J AC015 BeNCKES." 
 
 In compliance with the above order, 
 deputies from Shreivsbury. Middletown 
 and other places in East Jt-rsey, apjieareil 
 in court on tht» ISth of August, and upon 
 their verbal request the same privileges 
 were granted to them as to Dutch citizens. 
 
 " August 19th 1673. Mi<ldletown, Shrews- 
 bury and otiier towns in Achter Cod. to 
 name two deputies Ciich, who shall nunii- 
 nate three persons for .Schout and three 
 for Secretarys, ou» of whice said nominat- 
 ed per-ons l)y us shall be elected fur fach 
 town, three migestrates and for ilie six 
 towns, one .Schout, and une Secretary. 
 ".lACor. Bknckes." 
 
 ''CORN'EI.IS EVF.KTSE, Jr." 
 
 Achter Coll above mentioned, is said to 
 mean " beyond the hills," that is, beyond 
 Bergen Hiils. The [)utrl! in New York it 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MOl^; MOUTH. 
 
 is stated sometimes called Old Monmouth 
 and other parts of East Jersey, beyond 
 Bergen Hills, by this name. 
 
 " August 23d, 1673. Middletown and 
 Shrewsbury, reported that they had nomi- 
 nated double the number of magistrates. 
 
 "August 24th, from the nominations 
 made by the inhabitants, the following 
 were selected and sworn, viz : 
 
 "John Hanoe (Hance?), Eliakim War- 
 del, Hugh Dyckman. 
 
 " Sept. 6th, 1673. Captain Knyff and 
 Captain Snell were sent to administer the 
 oath of allegiance to the citizens of the 
 various towns in East .Jersey to tlie 
 Dutch. 
 
 •' 14th of 7 ber, Captain KnyfF and Li«ut. 
 Snell having returned yesterday from 
 Aghter Coll, report that, pursuant to their 
 commission, they have administered the 
 oath of allegiance in the form herein before 
 set forth, under date of to the inhabi- 
 tants of the undersigned towns, who are 
 found to number as in the lists delivered 
 to Council. 
 
 " Elizabethtown 80 men ; 76 took o.ath, rest absent. 
 
 Newark 86 " 75 " " 
 
 Woodbridge 54'" , 53 " 
 
 Piscataway 43 " 43 " " 
 
 Middletowu 60 " 52 •' , " 
 
 Shrewsbury 68 " 38 '• 18 Quaker)' 
 
 promised allegiance, the rest absent." 
 
 The following officers of the militia, 
 elected, were sworn in by Captain Knylf 
 and Lieut. Snell, by order of the Council 
 of War, viz : 
 
 Middletown, Jonathan Hulmes. Cap- 
 tain ; Jolin Smith, Lieutenant ; Thomas 
 Whitlock, Ensign. 
 
 Shrewsbury, William Newman, Cajitain, 
 John Williamson, Lieutenant ; Nicies 
 Brown, Ensign. 
 
 ''29th, 7 ber, 1673, Notice is this day sent 
 to the Magistrates of the towns, situated 
 at the Nevesin^s, near the sea coast, 
 which tiiey are ordered to publish to their 
 inhabitants, that on the first arrival of any 
 ship from sea, they shall give the Governor 
 the earliest possible information thereof. 
 
 "Sept. 7th, 1673, Whereas, the late chosen 
 Magistrates of Shoursbury, are found to be 
 Persons whoes religion Will NotiSufter them 
 to take on any oath, or administer the 
 same to others, whereof th«>y Can Not be 
 tit Persons for tliiit office, I have therefore 
 though fit to order that by ye sd inhabi- 
 tants of ye sd towne a New Nomination, 
 shall be made of four persons of true Pro- 
 
 testant Christian religion, oiit of which I 
 shall Elect two, and Continue one of ye 
 former for Magestrates off ye sd towne." 
 
 " Dated att ffort William hendrick, this 
 29th, 7 ber, 1673. A. Colve." 
 
 The date 7th ber, in the above extracts, 
 means September, and the persons in 
 Shoursbury [Shrewsbury] who could not 
 take the oath were Quakers.) 
 
 "March 8th, 1674, In council At fort Wil- 
 liam Hendrick : 
 
 " Read and considered the petition ot 
 Bartholomew Appelgadt, Thomas Appel- 
 gadt and Richard Saddler, requesting in 
 substance that they be allowed to purcliase 
 from the Indians, a tract of land, situated 
 about two lea!*nes on this side of Middle- 
 town, near the Nevesings, fit for settlement 
 of 6 or 8 families &c. Wherefore it was 
 ordered : 
 
 "The Petitionees request is allowed anil 
 granted on condition, that after the land 
 be purchased, they take out patents in 
 form for it and actually settle it within 
 the space of two years,' after having effect- 
 ed the purchase, on pain of forfeiture. 
 
 "April 18th, 1674, John Bound (Bowne?), 
 and Richard Hartshoorne, residing at 
 Middletown, both for themselves and 
 partners give notice that the land granted 
 to Bartholomew Applegadt, Tho. Apple- 
 gadt and Richard Sadler, in their petition 
 is included in tueir, the Petitioners patent, 
 requesting therefore that the said land 
 may be again denied to said Appelgadt. 
 
 " Ordered, That the petitioners shall 
 within six weeks fr®m this date, prove, 
 that the said land is inclu<led within their 
 patent, when further order shall be made 
 in the premises. 
 
 " April 19th, 1674, A certain proclama- 
 tion being delivered into Ueuncil from the 
 Magestrates of the Toune of Middletoune, 
 prohibiting all inhabitants from depart- 
 ing out of said toune, unless they give 
 bail to retui-n as soon as their business 
 will have been performed, or they be em- 
 ployed in public service &c., r^qtiesting 
 the Governers approval of the same, which 
 being read and considered, it is resolved 
 and ordered by the Governer General and 
 Council, that no inhabitant can be hinder- 
 ei changing his domicile, within the 
 Province unless arrested foi' lawful cause ; 
 however ordered that no one shall depart 
 from the toune of Middletoune, unless he 
 previously notifies the Magestrates of his 
 intention."' 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTIL 
 
 RANDOM REMINISCENCES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF 01,1) MuNMuUTll. 
 
 The Whites Entering Sandy Hook. 
 
 The earli(^st accounts vve have of the 
 whites being in the vicinity of Monmouth 
 countv is contained in a letter of John de 
 Verazzano to Francis 1st, King of France. 
 Verazzano entered Sandy Hook -p 'he 
 spring of 1524 in the ship Dolphin. Un 
 his return to Europe, h« wrote a letter 
 dated July 8th, 1524, to the King, giving 
 an account of his voyage from Carolina to 
 New Foundl^nd. From this letter is ex- 
 tracted the following : 
 
 "After proceeding a hundred leagues, 
 we found a very pleasaUt situation among 
 some steep hills, tlirough which a very 
 large river, deep at its mouth, forces its 
 way to the sea; from the sea to the estua- 
 ry of the river any ship heavily laden 
 might pass with the helj^ of the tide, which 
 rises eight feet. But as we were riding at 
 good berth we would not ventuie up in 
 our vessel without a knowledge of its 
 mouth; therefore we took a b(iat, and en- 
 tering the river we found the country on 
 its banks well peopled, the inhabitants not 
 differing much from the others, being 
 drei^sed out with featliers of birds of vari 
 ous colors. They caite towards us with 
 evident delight, raising loud shouts of ad 
 mira'ion and showing us where we could 
 most securely land with our boat. We 
 passed up this river about half a league 
 when we found it formed a ra(»st beautiful 
 lake thrc'! leagues in circuit, upon which 
 they were rowing thirty or more of their 
 small l)oat« fr'^m one shore to the otner, 
 filled with multitudes who came to see us. 
 • All of a sudden, as is wont to hit|)p?n in 
 navigation, a violent contrary wind blew 
 in from th;- sea and forced us to return to 
 our ship, greatlv regretting to leave this 
 region which seemed so commodious an<l 
 delightful, and which we i»upp«>sed must 
 ahso contain great riches, as the hills show- 
 ed many indication? of minerals.' 
 
 fli.^torians generally concede that the 
 furpgoiui; is the first notice we have of the 
 whitfs entering Sandy Hook, visiting the 
 harbor of New Y rk or ln'ing in the vicin- 
 ity of ohl Monmouth. 
 
 ARRIVAL OF .SIR HENRY HUDSON. 
 
 In the year 1609, Sir Henry Hudson 
 vi-sited our coast in the yacht or ship Half 
 Moon, a vessel of about eighty tons bur- 
 then. About the last of August he enter- 
 ed the Delaware Bay, but finding th« nav- 
 igation dangerous he soon "left without 
 going ashote. After getiing out to sea ho 
 stood northeastwardly and after awhile 
 liauled in, atjd mads the land probably 
 not tar distant from Great Egg Harbor. — 
 T.'e journal or log book of this vessel was 
 kept by the mate, Alfred Juet. nnd as it 
 contains the first notices of Monmouth 
 county by the whites, remarks about the 
 coun ry, its inhabitants and productions, 
 first binding, ard other interesting matter, 
 an extract is herewith given, commencing 
 with September 2nd. 1609, when the Halt 
 Moon made land near Egg Harbor. The 
 same day, it will be seer, the ship passed 
 Barnegat Iiilel, and at nijiht anchored 
 near the beach within sight of the High- 
 lands. 
 
 Their first impres-^^ion of old Monmouth, 
 it will lie seen, was ^' that it is a very gnnd 
 land to full in with, and a pleasant land to i'e'cy" 
 an opinion which in the minds of our peo- 
 ple at the present day show thai good 
 sense and correr t judgment were not lack-^ 
 ing in Sir llen'v Hudson and his fellow- 
 voyagers ! 
 Extract from the Li-g-Bork of the Half Moon. 
 
 Sept. 2nd, 1609. — When the sun arose 
 we steered nor h again and saw land from 
 the west by north lo the northwest, all 
 alike, broken islands, and our soundings 
 were eleven fathoms and ten fathoms. — 
 T"ie course along the land we found to be 
 north east. l)v norili. From tiie land wjiich 
 we fiist had sight of until we came to si 
 great ^ake of waier, as vve could judge it 
 to be, {Barnegat Bay,) being drowned land 
 which mude il rise, Ike island'^, which was 
 in length tvn lengues. The m aith of the 
 lake [Ba ncgat Inlet) had mapy sh->als, and 
 the sea breaks upon them as il is cast out 
 of the mouMi of it. And f'om ihnl lHk<' 
 or bay the land lies north by e>;st, and vve 
 had a great stream out of the bay ; and 
 from t^^enc- our sounilings ^-as t<;.i fatii- 
 oms two leagues fVom land, .^t five o'clock 
 we anchored, being light wind, and rode 
 'in eight fathoms water ; the night wasfnir. 
 This night 1 found the land to haul the 
 com])ass eight degrees. Far to the north- 
 ward of lis we saw high hilLs (Highland f) ; 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 for the day befoio we found not above two 
 degrees of variation. 
 
 This is a very good land to fall in uiili, 
 and a pleasant land to see. 
 
 Sept. 3d — The morning misty until ten 
 o'clock ; then it cleared and the wind 
 came to the south southeast, so we weigh- 
 ed and stoo'd northward. 'I'he land is very 
 pleasant and high and bold to fall withal. 
 At three o'clock in the afternoon we cuine 
 to tin ee great rivers \ Narrows., Bockaway 
 Inlet and the Bariian ); so we stood along 
 the northward [Rockaway Inlet,) thintiing 
 to have gone in, but we I'ound it to have a 
 very sho'-il bar before it for we had but ten 
 feet water. Then we cast about to the 
 souihward and found two fathoms, thre* 
 fathoms and three and a quarter, till we 
 came to the so'iihein sideof theni; then 
 we had five and six fathoms and returned 
 in an hour and a half. 80 we . weighed 
 and \yenl in and rode in five fathoms, ooze 
 ground, and saw many salmons and mul- 
 lets and ra\K ve y iri-eat. The hei^jht is 
 40° 30^ {Latitude.) 
 First Landing tif the Whites in Old Monmouth. 
 
 Sept. 4th. — In the morning as soon as 
 the day was liglit, we saw that it was good 
 ri'iing farther up; so we .«<ent our boat to 
 sound, and foui.d that it was a very good 
 Ir-irbor and four or five fathoms, two cable 
 lengths from the shore. Then we weighed 
 and went in with our shij). Then our boui 
 went on land with our net to fish, and 
 caught ten gr«'at mullers of a foot and a 
 h:df long, a pla.ioe and a ray as great as 
 four men could liaul into the ship. 80 we 
 ti'inimed < ui' bo it and rode still all day. — 
 At night the wind ble-w hard ai the nortii- 
 west, and our anclior came home, and we 
 drove on sliore, but took no hurt, and 
 thank God, foi- the ground iss'iftsand and 
 ooze. 'I'liis day the people of tlie country 
 came aboard of us and seemed very glad 
 of our coming, and brought gre<-'n tobacco 
 leaves and gave us of it for knives and 
 beads. They go in deer skins, loose and 
 well dressed. They have yellow copper. 
 They desire clothes and are very civi! — 
 Ttiey have a, great store of maize or Indian 
 wheat, whereof 'hey make good bread. — 
 The country is full of great and tall o»ks. 
 
 Sept. .5ih. — In the morning, as soon as 
 the day was light, tlie wind ceased and the 
 ■flo.^d came, "^o we heaved off the shij:) 
 again into five fathoms .'uid sent our boat 
 to sound the bay, and we found that there 
 was three fathoms hard by the southern 
 shore. Our men went on land then and 
 saw a great store of men, women and chil- 
 
 dren, who gave them tobacco at their com- 
 ing on lai d. So they went up into the 
 woods and saw a great store of very goodly 
 oaks and some curraVits, ( prohahly huckle- 
 berries). For one of them came on board 
 antl brought some dried, and gave me some, 
 which were sweet and good. This day 
 many of the people came on board, some 
 in mantles of feathers, and some in skins of 
 divers sorls of good fur.s. Some women 
 also came with hemp. 'They had red coi> 
 per tobacco pipes, and other things of cop- 
 per they did wear about their necks. At 
 night they went on land again, so we rode 
 very quiet but durst not trust them. 
 TIte First White Man Killed. 
 
 Sunday, Sept. 6th.— In the morning was 
 fair weather, and our master sent John 
 Colman, with four other men, in uur boat 
 over to the North side to sound the other 
 river ( AWj-om-'s ), being four leagues from 
 us. They found by the way shoal water, 
 being two ;athonis ; but at the north of 
 the river, eighteen and twenty fathoms, 
 and very good riding for ships, and a very 
 narrow river to the westward between two 
 islnnds ^ Staten Islaiul and Bergen Point.) — 
 T.ie land they told us, was as pleasant with 
 grass and flowers anil goodly trees as ever 
 they iiad seen, and here very sweet smells 
 came from them. So they went in two 
 leagues and saw an open sea ( Neivark Bag), 
 and returned, and as they came back they 
 ♦vere set upon by two canoes, the one hav- 
 ing twelve men and the other fourteen 
 men. The night cume on and if began to 
 rain, so that their match went out; and 
 they had one man slain in the fight, which 
 was an EngMshman named John Colman. 
 with an arrow shot in his throat, and two 
 more hurt. It grew so dark that they 
 could not find the ship that night, but la- 
 bored ^o and fro on their oars. They had 
 so great a strain that their grapnel would 
 not liold them. 
 
 Sept. 7th. — Was fair, and by ten o'clock 
 they returned aboard the ship and brought, 
 our dead m-^n with them, whom we carried 
 on land and buried and named the point 
 after liis name, C'olman's Point Then we 
 hois' ed in oitr boat and raised her side 
 with Waist boards, for defence of our men. 
 So we rode still all night, having good re- 
 gard for our watch. 
 
 Sept. 8th. — Was very fair weather; we 
 rode still ver\ quietly. The people came 
 aboard of us and brought tobacco and In- 
 dian wheat, to exchange for knives and 
 beads and offered us no violence. So we 
 fitting up our boat did mark them to see 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 if they would make any show of the death 
 of our man, which they did not.' 
 
 Sept. 9th. — Fair weather. In the morn- 
 ing two great canoes came aboard full of 
 men ; the one with their bows and arrows, 
 and the other in show of buying knives, to 
 betray us; but we perceived their intent. 
 We took two of them to have kept them, 
 and put red coats on them, and would not 
 suffer the others to come near us. So they 
 went on land and iwo ■others came aboard 
 in a canoe ; we took tne one and let the 
 other go : but he which we had taken got 
 up and leaped overboard. Then we weigh- 
 ed and went off nito the chanriftl of the 
 river and aLchored there all night. 
 
 The foregoing is all of the log-book of 
 Juet that relates to Monmouth county. — 
 The next morning the Half Moon proceed- 
 ed up the North River, and on her return 
 passed out to sea without stopping. 
 
 In the extract given above, the words in 
 italics are not of course in the original, 
 but are underscored as explanatory 
 
 THE COMING OF THE WHITE MAN. 
 
 What the Indians thought of the Whites 
 and their ships. — The Natives Astonish- 
 ed. — The Man in Red and the Red Man. 
 — Fire Water and its F'irst Indian Vic- 
 tim.— The First In<lians Drunk, &c. 
 Af er Sir Henry Hudson's departure 
 from til* shores of Monmouth he j)ioceed- 
 ed towards Manhattan Island and thence 
 up the river now bearing his name. The 
 following traditionary account, the coming 
 of the Whites according to Heckwelder. 
 was handed down among both Delaware 
 and Iroquois Indians. It is not often we 
 meet in fact or fiction a more interesting 
 story than 'his plain, simple Indian tradi- 
 tion. After explaining that ihe Indian 
 chief:^ of old Monmouth County, notifiea 
 the chiefs on York or Manhattan Island, 
 and that the cniefs of the surrounding 
 country finally gathered at tlie last named 
 place to give a I'ormal reception, the tradi- 
 tion says : 
 
 A long time ago oetore men with a white 
 skin had ever been seen, some Indians 
 fishing iit a place wh>-re the sea widens, 
 espied something at a distance moving 
 upon the water. They hurried ashore, 
 colle(!led their neighbors, who togetlier 
 returned and viewed intently this aston- 
 ishing phenomenon. What it could be 
 
 baflHed conjecture. Some supposed it to 
 be a large fish or other animal, others that 
 it was a large house floating upon the se-\. 
 Perceiving it moving towards the land, the 
 spectators concluded that it would be 
 proper to send runners in different direc- 
 tions t* carry the news to their scattered 
 chiefs, that ihey might send off for the im- 
 mediate attendance of their wariiors. — 
 These arrived in numbers to beiiold the 
 sight, and perceivinti that it was actually 
 moving towards them, that it was coming 
 into the river or bay, ttiey conjectured 
 that It must be a remarkably large house 
 in which the ManiU& or Great Spirit was 
 coming to visit them. They were much 
 al'raid and yet under no apprehen?ion that 
 the Great Spirit would injure them. They 
 worshipped him. The chiefs now assem- 
 bled at New York Island and consulted in 
 what rrumuei' they should receive their 
 Manitto; meat was prepared (or a sncri 
 lice. The women were directed to prepare 
 their best victtials. Idols or images were 
 examined and put in order. A grand 
 dan.-e they thought would be pleasing, 
 and in addition to the sacrifice might ap- 
 pease him if hungry. The conjuror.s were 
 also set t'M work to determine what this 
 phenomenon portended and what the result 
 would be. To tlie conjurors, men, women 
 and children looked lor protection. Ut- 
 terly at a loss what to do, and distracted 
 alternately between hope and ftar, in the 
 confusion a grand dance commerced. — 
 Meantime fresh runners arrived, declaring 
 it to be a great house of various colors and 
 'uU of living creatures. It now appeared 
 tliat It was their Manitto, probably bring- 
 ing some new kind of game. Others ar- 
 riving df-chired ii positively full of people 
 of different color and dress from theirs, 
 ami that one appeared altogether in red. 
 ( This was sujiposed to be Sir Henry Hud- 
 son.) This then must be the Manitto. — 
 They were lost in admiration, could not 
 imagine what the vessel was, whence it 
 came, or what all tliis portended. They 
 are now hailed from the vessel in a Ian 
 guage they could not understand. They 
 answered by a shout or yell in their way. 
 The house or large canoe as some call it, 
 stojas. A smaller cai1>oe comes on shore 
 with the red man in it; some stay by the 
 canoe to guard it. The thief and wise 
 men form a circb into which the red man 
 and two attendants enter. He salutes 
 them with friendly countenance, and they 
 return the salute nfier their manner. — 
 They are amazed at their color and dress, 
 
()ldtimp:s in old monmoutii. 
 
 paiticuhu'ly with him, who glitteiing in 
 I'ed wore Bomething, perhaps lace and but- 
 tons, they could not comprehend. He 
 must be the great Manittu, they thought, 
 but why should he have a white skin ? 
 
 A large elegant Hockhack ( gourd, i. e. 
 l)ot(le, decanter, &c.,) is brought by one of 
 the supposed Manitlo's servants, from 
 which a substance is placed into smaller 
 cups or glasses and handed to tlie Manitto. 
 Me drinks, lias the irlasses refilled and 
 handed to the chief near him. He takes 
 it, smells it, and passes it to the next, who 
 does the same. The glass in this manner 
 is p.Tssed around the ciiMe and is about to 
 be returned to the red clothes man, when 
 one of the Indians, a great warrior, har- 
 angues them on ihe impropriety of return- 
 ing the cup unemptied. It was handed 
 to them, he said, by the Manitto, to drink 
 out of as he had. To follow his example 
 would please him — to reject might provoke 
 his wrath; and if no one else would he 
 would drink it himself, let what would fol- 
 low, for it were better tor one man to die, 
 than a whole nation to be destroyed. He 
 then took the glass, smelled it, again ad- 
 dressed them, bidding adieu, and drank 
 its contents. All eyes are now fixed upon 
 tlie first Indian in New York, who had 
 "tasted the poison, which has since effected 
 so signal a revolution in the condition of the 
 native Americans He soon began to stag- 
 ger. Thfl women cried, supposing him in 
 fits. He rolled on the ground ; they be- 
 moan his f-ile ; they thought him dying; 
 he fell asleep ; they at first thought he had 
 expired, but soon perceived he still breath- 
 ed ; he awoke, jumped up, and <leclared 
 he never felt more liappy. He asked for 
 more, and the whole assemljly imitating 
 him became intoxicated. While this m- 
 toxication lasted, the whites confaned 
 themselves to their vessels ; after it ceased, 
 the man with the red clothes returned 
 and distributed beads, axes, hoes and 
 stockings. They soon became familiar, 
 and conversed by sii/ns. The whites made 
 them understand that they would now 
 return home, but the next year they 
 would visit them again with presents, and 
 stay with them awhile; but as that they 
 could not live without eating, they should 
 then want a little land to sow seeds, in 
 order to raise herbs to put in their broth. 
 
 Accordingly a vessel arrived the season 
 following, when they were much rejoiced 
 to see each other; but the whites laughed 
 when they saw axes and hoes hanging as 
 ornaments to their breasts, and the stock- 
 
 ings used as tobacco pouches. The whites 
 now put handles in the axes and hoes and 
 cut down trees before their eyes, dug the 
 ground, and showed them the use of stock- 
 ings. Here, say the Indians, a general 
 laugh ensued — to think they had remain- 
 ed ignorant of the use of these things, and 
 had borne so long such heavy metals sus- 
 pended around tlieir necks. Familiarity 
 daily increasing between them and the 
 whites — the latter prepared to stay with 
 them — asking them only for so much land 
 as the hide of a bullock spread before them 
 would cover; they granted the, request. — 
 The whites then took a knife, and, begin- 
 ning at a plane on the hide, cut it up into 
 a rope not thicker than the finger of a lit- 
 tle child. They then took the rope and 
 drew it gently along in a circular form, 
 and took in a large piece of ground ; the 
 Indians were surprised at their superior 
 wit, but they did not contend with them 
 for a little ground, as they had enough. — 
 They lived contentedly together for a long 
 time, but the new comers from time to 
 time asked for more land, which was read- 
 ily obtained, and thus gradually proceeded 
 higher up the Makicannittuck [Hudson River), 
 lantil they began to believe they would 
 want all their country, which proved 
 eventually to be the case. 
 
 The name which the Indians first gave 
 to the whites was Woapsiel Lennape, which 
 signified white people. But in process of 
 time, when disagreeable events occurred 
 between them, the Indians laid aside this 
 name and called Lhem Sckwonnack — the 
 salt people — because they came across the 
 salt water ; and this name was always after 
 apjilied to the whites. 
 
 The foregoing traditions are said to have 
 been handed down among both Delaware 
 and Iroquois. It has also been said that 
 th^ Indian name for the Island upon which 
 New York is situated ( Manhattan ) is de- 
 rived from a word signifying '• the place 
 where we all got drunk together." Home 
 New York writers take umbrage in this 
 statement, and say the drunken scene oc- 
 curred up the river ; but the exact place 
 where it occurred is immaterial. Perhaps ' 
 some may think the city has since that 
 time fairly earned that name ! Ancient 
 writers testify that the first Indians who 
 drank liquor generally became intoxicated 
 by one drink, by two at most. 
 
 The Delawares owned and were spread 
 over the whole country, from New York 
 Island to the Potomac. They say they 
 had a great many towns, among other 
 
10 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 places a number on the Lennapewihittack 
 or Delaware river, and a great many in 
 Sheyichbi on that part of the country now 
 named Jersey. That a place named Chi- 
 cAoAacJ, now "Trenton, on the Lannape- 
 wihittuck a large Indian town had been 
 for many years together, where their great 
 chief resided. The Delawares say Chick- 
 ohacki is a place on the east side of the 
 Delaware river above Pbdadelphia, at or 
 near a great bend where the white people 
 have since built a town which they call 
 Trenton. Their old town was on a high 
 bluff, which was always tumbling down, 
 wherefore the town was called Chieho- 
 hacki, which is lumbling banks, or falling 
 banks. 
 
 When the Europeans first arrived at 
 York Island'the Great Unami, chief of the : 
 Turtle tribe, resided southward across a 
 large stream or where Amboy now is. — 
 That from this town a very long sand bar 
 (Sandy Hook) extended far into the sea. 
 That at Amboy and all the way up and 
 down their large rivers and bays and on 
 /?reat islands they had towns when the 
 Europeans first arrived, and 'that it was 
 their forefathers who first discovered the 
 Europeans on their travel, and wlio met 
 them on York Island after they landed. 
 
 SIR HENRY HUDSON'S VISIT 10 OLD 
 MONMOUTH. ■ 
 
 A celebrated historian, in speaking of 
 Hudson's visit to Monmouth County and 
 vicinity in September, 1609, says : 
 
 '* For a vreek Hudson lingered in (he 
 U:)wer bay, admiring the goodly oaks 
 wliich garnished the neighboring shores, 
 and holding frequent intercourse with the 
 native savaiies of Monmouth, N. J. The 
 Half Moon visited in return by tiie wan- 
 dering Indians, who flocked on board the 
 strange vessel, clothed with niantles of 
 feathers and robes of furs and adorned 
 with rude copper necklaces. Meanwhik^. 
 a boat's crew was sent to sound the river 
 which opened to the northward. Passing 
 through the Narrows they found a noble 
 liarbor with very good riding for ships ; a 
 little further on they came to the Kills 
 between Staten Island and Bergen Neck — 
 a narrow river to the westward between 
 two islands. Thw lands on both sides 
 were as pleasant with grass and flowers 
 and goodly trees as ever they had seen. 
 
 and very sweet smells came from them. 
 Six miles up the river they came' to an 
 open sea, now known as Newark Bay. In 
 the evening, as the boat was returning to 
 the ship, the exploring party was set upon 
 by two canoes full of savages, and one of 
 the English sailors, named John Colman. 
 was killed by an arrow shot into his 
 throat. The next day Hudson buried, 
 upon an adjacent beach, the comrade who 
 had shared the dangers of his polar ad- 
 ventures, to become the first European 
 victim to an Indian weapon, in the placid 
 waters he had now reached. To coru 
 mem'orate the ev^nt, ■ Sandy Hook was 
 ^ amed Colman's Point. The ship was 
 soon visited by canoes full of native war- 
 riors ; but Hudson, suspecting their good 
 faith, took two savages, put red coats on 
 them, while the rest were not suffered to 
 approach.'" 
 
 In regard to the place where Colman 
 was buried, most writers have taken it for 
 granted that it was Sandy Hook, and one 
 that it was Coney Island. But mere is 
 much plausibility in tiie fallowing, from a 
 paper published many years ago in the 
 Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical 
 Society : 
 
 " Dr. Strong, in his Histoi-y of Flalbusli. 
 supposes Colman's Point to be Coney Island^ 
 and t4iat Colman had been corrupted into 
 Coney, but (in the opinion of the writer of 
 this paper), it is a point about seven miles 
 west ofS.»ndy Hook, called by the Indians 
 Mones-conk. and on Gordon's map called 
 Point Comfort. Hudson, on the fifihof 
 September, removed from his anchorage 
 in the Horse Shoe, not counting it safe to 
 remain there. A strong northwest wind 
 had the night previous brought home the 
 anchor and driven them ashore In the 
 morning, having got off without injury, 
 he sent the boat to sound the bay and 
 found three fathoms hard by the Southern 
 shore. If, then, he left the Horse Shoe, as 
 it is probaV)Ie, there is no such roadstead 
 as that described, with three fathoms hard 
 by the southern shore, untd we reach the 
 bay between Point Comfort and Brown's 
 Point, where the steaKiboatR now land. 
 The waters and a part of the shore in thi^ 
 vicinity were called by tlie Indians Chin- 
 garora — pronounced Shingarora — a name 
 which ought by all means to have distin- 
 guished the flourishmg village .{idjaeent, 
 instead of the uncouth name of Keyport." 
 
 The paper f'lom which the foregoing ex- 
 tract was made, was furnished to the N. J. 
 Historical Society by the Rev. Mr. Mar- 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 11 
 
 cellus. well known to the older citizens of 
 Freehold, who took great interest in all 
 matters j^iertaining to the early history of 
 Old Monmouth, and whose decease was 
 not only regretted by an extensive circle 
 of person il friends, but by every peison 
 interested in the early history of our 
 state, cognizant of hi'' earnest efibrts to 
 rescue from oblivion the fading records of 
 the pioneers of Old Monmouth. 
 
 In commenting upon Hudson's first 
 landing, Mr. Marcelius says : 
 
 " The firsr interview with Hudson and 
 his crew presented an interestingspectacle 
 —a grand subject for a painter. The 
 Indians had never before seen a ship. 
 The complexion of the men, their dress, 
 language and manners, the sails nnd tack- 
 ling of the ship — the vastness of the vessel 
 itself — all was wonderful." 
 
 The fourth of September, 1609, is a 
 memorable day in the annals of our state, 
 as on that day, on the soil of Monmouth, 
 occurred the first landing ofwhitesin New 
 Jersey. 
 
 'i'vvo days before- this — that is, on Sep- 
 tember 2nd — Sir Henry Hudson sailed 
 near the inlet now known as Jiarnegat 
 Inlet. The loy: book of his ship speaks 
 of the sea breaking upon its 'shoals, and 
 from this it derive'* its name. The first 
 Dutch exjjlorers named it on their chart 
 '■ Barende-gat," meani^ig " breakers inlet," 
 or an inlet with breakers. Barende-gat 
 was gradually corrupted to Barndegat, 
 Bardegf't, and finally to Barnegat. 
 
 RANDOM REMINISCENCES 
 
 OE THE 
 
 EARLY HISTORY OP ObD MONMOUTH. 
 
 TRAVELLING TWO CENTURjES AGO. 
 
 Distinguished Quakers Visit Old Mon- 
 mouth. 
 
 Crossing the State in Ancient Times — Per- 
 ilous Travelling — Indian Hotels and 
 Hospitalities — Singular Accident and 
 Remarkable Recovery— Friends' Meet- 
 ing, in Middletown and Shrewsbury — 
 Purgatory in Old Monmouth — Where 
 was it ? — Novel Life Preservers, &c. 
 
 It is dovibtful if any more ancient ac- 
 counts of travelling across New Jersey can 
 be found than the following, extracted 
 from the journals of John Burnyeate and 
 George Fox, distinguished members of the 
 Society of Friends ; in company with them 
 were Robert Withers, George Patison and 
 others, some of whoHi returned by the 
 same route a few months afterwards. — 
 These noted Quaker preachers left Mary- 
 land in the latter part of February, 1672, 
 and arrived at New Castle, Delaware, 
 about the first of March. From thence 
 Burnyeate gives the following account of 
 their journey across the State to Middle- 
 town : . 
 
 " We staid there (New Castle) that night, 
 and the next day we got over the river 
 (Delaware). When we got over we could 
 not get an Indian for a guide, and the 
 Dutchman we had hired would not go 
 without an Indian, so we were forced to 
 stay there that day. The next day we 
 rode about to seek an Indian, but could 
 get none to go ; but late in the evening 
 there came some from the other side ol 
 the town, and we hired one, and so began 
 our journeying early the next morning to 
 travel through the country, which is now 
 called New Jersey ; and we travelled we 
 supposed nearly forty miles. In the even- 
 ing we got to a few Indian wigwams, which 
 are their houses ; we saw no man nor wo 
 man, house nor dwelling, that day, for 
 there^welt no English in that country 
 then. 
 
 '' We lodged that night in an Indian 
 wigwam, and lay upon the ground as the 
 Indians themselves did, and the next day 
 we travelled through several of their towns, 
 and they were kind to use, and helped us 
 over the creeks with their canoes ; we 
 made our horses swim at the sides of the 
 canoes, and so travelled on. Towards 
 evening we got to an Indian town, and 
 when we had put our horses out to grass 
 we went to the Indian King's house, who 
 received us kindly, and showed us very 
 civil respect. But alas ! he was so poorly 
 provided, having got so little that day, 
 that most of us coi^ld neither get to eat or 
 drink "in his wigwam ; but it was because 
 he had it not — so we lay as well as he, up- 
 on the ground — only a mat under us, and 
 a piece of wood or any such thing under 
 our heads. Next morning early we jtook 
 
12 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 horse and trav*llefl through several 
 Indian towns, and that night we lodged 
 in the woods ; and the next morning go^ 
 to an English plantation, a town called 
 Middletown. in East Jersey, where there 
 was a plantation of English and several 
 Friends, and we came down with a Friend 
 to his house near the water-side, and he 
 carried us over in his boat and our horses 
 *.o Long Island.'" 
 
 Though Burnyeate says " there dw*lt 
 no English in that country then " it must 
 hot be inferreoi that the Europeans at this 
 time had no settlements in* West Jersey. 
 The settlements there were near the Del- 
 aware river ; Btirnyeate, Fox and their 
 companions had to travel inland some dis- 
 tance from the Delaware so as to be able 
 the more easily to cross the head of 
 streams which empty into that river. 
 
 These Friends were travelling in great 
 haste to get to a half yearly meeting at 
 Oyst«r Bay, L. I., " to settle som» difficul- 
 ties there, which was the cause of our hard 
 travelling." Crossing the State then in 
 three or four days was considered fast 
 travelling. 
 
 GEORGE FOX VISITS MIDDLETOWN 
 AND SHREW«r,URY. 
 
 The following is George Fox's account 
 of the same journey and also of his return 
 trip. 
 
 " We departed thence from New Castle, 
 Del., and got over ttie river not without 
 great danger of some of our lives. <iVhen 
 we were got over we were troubled to pro 
 cure guides ; which were hard to get and 
 very changeable. Then had we that 
 wilderi\ess to pass through since called 
 West Jersey not then inhabited by Eng- 
 lish ; so that we have travelled a whole 
 d<»y together without seeing man or wo- 
 man, house or dwelling place. Sometirnes 
 we lay in the woods by a fire and some- 
 t;me in the Indians' wigwams or houses. 
 We came one night to an Indian town 
 and lay at the king's house, who was a 
 very pretty man. Both he and his wife 
 received us very lovingly and liis attend- 
 ants (such as they were) were very respect- 
 ful to us. They laid us mats to lie on ; 
 but provision was very short with them, 
 having caught but little that day. At 
 another Indian town where we staid the 
 king came to us and he could speak some 
 English. I spoke to him much and als > 
 
 to his people, and they were very loving to 
 us. At length we came to Middletown, an 
 En^rlish plantation in East Jeisey, and 
 there were friend^ there, but we could not 
 stay to have a meotinL' at that time, being 
 so earnestly pres'-ed in our spirits to get to 
 the half yearly meeting of Friends of 
 Oyster Bay, Long Island, which was near 
 at hand. We went with a friend, Richard 
 Hartshorne, brother t -> Hugh Hartshorne. 
 the tipholster in Tondon, who received us 
 gladly to his liouse, where we refreshed 
 ourselves and then he carried us and our 
 horses in h'r- own boat over a great water, 
 which held us most part of the d.iy in get- 
 ting over, and set us upon Long Island.'" 
 
 From thence Fox proceedt-d to Graves- 
 end, L. I. In -lune tollr»wing he returned 
 to New Jersey. Of his return tri]> he 
 writes as follows : 
 
 " Being clear of this place we hired a 
 sloop and the wind serving set out for the 
 new country now called Jersey. Passing 
 down the bay by Conny Island, Naton Is- 
 land and Stratton Ish'.nd we came to 
 Richard Hartshornu at Middleton harbor 
 about bi-eak of day on the 27ih of sixth 
 month. Next day ve rode abo;it 'hirty 
 miles into that country tlirougli the woods 
 and over very l>ad bogs, on« worse than 
 all the rest, the descent into which wa- 
 so steep that we were fain to slide down 
 with our horses and then let th»m lie and 
 breathe themselves before thev go on.^ — 
 This place, the people of the place called 
 Purgatory. We got at length to Shrews- 
 bury in East Jer.5ey, and on First day had 
 a precious meeting there, to whi(;h Friends 
 and other people came far, and the bles>ed 
 presence of the Lord was with us. The 
 same week we had a men and women's 
 meeting out of most parts of New Jersey. 
 They are building a m<'eting place in the 
 midst <'f them, and there is a monthly and 
 a general raeeti..g set up, which will be of 
 great service in those parts, in keeping up 
 the gospel order and government of Christ 
 Jesus, of the increase of which thf^re is no 
 end, that they who are faithful may see 
 that all who profess the holy truth liv<^ in 
 pure religion and walk as hecometh the 
 gospel. While we were at .Shrewsbury an 
 accident befel which for a time was a great 
 exercise to us. 
 
 John Jay, a friend of Barbadoes who 
 came with us from Rhode Island and in- 
 tended to accompany us through the 
 woods to Maryland, being to try a horse, 
 got upon his back and the horse fell a run- 
 ning, cast him down upon his head and 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 13 
 
 broke his neck as the peaple said. Those 
 that were near him took him up as dead, 
 carried him a good way and hiid him on a 
 tree. I got to him as soon I could and feel- 
 ing liim, concluded he was dead. As I stood 
 pitying him and his family I took hold of 
 his hair and his head turned any way, his 
 neck was so limber. Whereupon I took 
 his head in both my hands and setting my 
 knees against the tree I raised his head 
 and perceived there was nothing out or 
 broken that way. Then I j^ut one hand 
 under his chin and the other behiud hio 
 head and raised his head two or three 
 times with all my strength and brought it 
 in. I soon perceived his neck began to 
 i;row stiff again and then he began to 
 rattle in his throat an ■ quietlj' after to 
 breathe. The people were amazed hui I 
 bade them have a .jood heart, be of good 
 faith and carry him into the house. They 
 did so and set him by the fire. I bid them 
 get tiim something warm to drink and put 
 him to bed. After he\had been in the 
 linuse a while he begifn to speak, but di i 
 not know where he had been. The next 
 day we passed away and he with us, pretty 
 well, about sixteen miles to a meeting at 
 Middletown through woods and' bogs and 
 over a river wliere we swam our houses 
 and got over ourselves upon a hollow tree. 
 Many hundred miles did lie travel with us 
 after this. 
 
 To this meeting came most of tb© people 
 of the town. A glorious meeting we had 
 and the truth was over all, blessed be the 
 gret Lord God forever. After the meeting 
 we went to Middletown harbor about five 
 miles, in order to take our long journey 
 next morning through the woods towards 
 Maryland, having hired Indians for our 
 guides. I determined to pass through the 
 woods on the other side of the Delaware 
 that we might head the creeks and rivers 
 ;is much as possible. The ninth of seventh 
 month we set forward, passed through 
 many Indian towns and over some rivers 
 and bogs. When we had rid over forty 
 miis we made a fire at night and lay by it. 
 As we came among the Inians we declared 
 the day of the Lord to them. Next day 
 we travelled fifty miles as we computed, 
 and at night finding an old house, which 
 the Indians had forced th^ people to leave, 
 we raad« a fire and lay there at the head 
 of Delaware bay. The , ext day we swam 
 our horses over a river about a mile, at 
 twice, first to an Island called Upper Dini- 
 dock and thence to the main land, having 
 
 hired Indians to help us over in their 
 canoes." 
 
 The island called by Fox Upper Dmi- 
 denk is now known as Burlington Island; 
 it was formerly called Matinicunk, which 
 name Fox has misunderstood. He also 
 calls the Delaware river here Delaware 
 bay as he does in other places. By his 
 journal it would seem no whites at that 
 time lived at Burlington though a few 
 whites had lived there and in the vicinity 
 many years before. 
 
 It is impossible to read the accounts of 
 travelling at this early period without 
 being forcibly reminded of the contrast in 
 travelling ih«n and now. Many of the 
 Quaker preachers speak of crossing streams 
 in frail Indian canoes, with their horses 
 swimming by their side ; and one, the 
 fearless, zealous John Richardson, (so 
 noted among among other things for his 
 controversies with " the apostaie George 
 Keith") in substance recommends, in 
 travelling across New Jersey, " for safety, 
 travellers' horses should have long tails." 
 The reason for this singular suggestion 
 was that in crossing streams the frail 
 canoes were often capsized, and if the 
 traveller could not swim, he might prob- 
 ably preserve his life by grasping his 
 horse's taik Mr. Richardson describes how 
 one man's life was preserved by this 
 novel life preserver ; in this case the life- 
 preserver being the long tail of Mr. R.'s 
 own horse ; and in commenting upon it 
 he quaintly observes " that he always ap- 
 proved horses' tails being long in crossing 
 rivers." 
 
 Long before Fox and Burnyeate crossed 
 the state the whites, part'cularly the 
 Dutch, frequently crossed our state by In- 
 dian paths, in going to and fro between 
 the settlements on the Delaware and New 
 Amsterdam (New York), though they 
 have left but meagre accounts of their 
 journeyings, and their are strontr probabili- 
 ties that the Dutch from New Amsterdam, 
 after furs and searching for minerals, 
 crossed the state as far as Burlington Is- 
 land, Trenton, and points far up the Dela- 
 ware from forty to fifty years before the 
 trip of these Quaker preachers. 
 
 That their journeyings were not always 
 safe, is shown in the following extract of a 
 letter written by Jacob Alricks, Septem- 
 ber 20th, 1669 : 
 
 " The Indians have again killed three or 
 four Dutchmen, and no person can go 
 through ; one messenger who was eight 
 
14 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 days out returned without accomplishing 
 his purpose." 
 
 The next day he writes : 
 
 I have sent off messenger after messen- 
 ger to the Manhattans overland, but no 
 one can get through, as the Indians there 
 have again killed four Dutchmen. 
 
 At the time of writing these letters 
 Alricks resided in Delaware, and they 
 were addressed to the Dutch authorities 
 at New York. 
 
 CONFISCATION IN THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 Loyalists of Frebhold, Middletown, 
 
 Shrewsbury, Upper Freehold and 
 
 Dover. 
 
 The sales of property in New Jersey ad- 
 judged to be confiscated during the war, 
 appear to have been in accordance witli the 
 act of the Legislature, April 18th, 1778, 
 entitled '' An Act for taking charge of or 
 leasing the real estates and for forfeiting 
 the persona! estates of certain fugitives and 
 offenders, <fec." 
 
 We give below a copy of an official ad 
 vertisement of property to l.s sold in old 
 Monmouth under this act. While among 
 the names are found some who were quite 
 noted for their services inider the British, 
 of whom mention is made in another chap- 
 ter, yet there are probably several, who, 
 because of conscientious scruples against 
 war and to avoid being drafted, left the 
 county and sought refuge in the British 
 lines on Long Island or New York. This 
 was probably the case in the township of 
 Shrewsbury where Quakers were quite nu- 
 merous. How the Quakers fared who 
 stayed at home and risked drafting may 
 be inferred from an extract, which we pro- 
 pose to give hereafter, describing drafting 
 in Burlington county. 
 
 During the course of the war it would 
 seem that almost every man in the county 
 capable of bearing arms, except Quakers, 
 took an active part in the fearful strife on 
 one side or the other. 
 
 As an evidence of how not only neigh- 
 bor was arrayed against neighbor but rela- 
 tive against relative, it is only necessary to 
 compare the names in this advertisement, 
 with the names given in the list of the 
 Monmouth militia. Not only are old fami- 
 
 lies represented on both sides, but in some 
 cases persons of the same name are promi- 
 nent on both sides ; for instance, Elisha 
 Laurence, mentioned below, was a Colonel 
 in the Loyalists, while anothei' Elisha Law- 
 rence, was a Lieutenant Colonel on the 
 American side. 
 
 Most of the persons mentioned below 
 were of the most honorable class of tories, 
 or loyalists, as they called themselves — 
 persons of education, wealth and standing, 
 and for that very reason their activities in 
 and advocacy of the British cause was very 
 injurious to the Americans, so much so 
 that it is said that at one time in the early 
 part of the war the Refugees gained the 
 ascendancy and had possession of Freehold 
 village for about a week or ten days and 
 we find that about Nov., 1776, General 
 Washington "found it necessary to detach 
 Colonel Forman of the New Jersey militia 
 to suppress an insurrection which threat, 
 ened to break out in Monmouth county, 
 where great numbers were well disposed 
 to the Royal cause." 
 
 '^Monmouth Cou7ity,ss: Whereas inqui- 
 sition havf been found and final judgment 
 entered thereon in favor of the State of 
 New Jersey against persons herein men- 
 tioned — Notice is hereby given that the 
 real and personal estates belonginu' to Sam- 
 uel Osburn, Thomas Leonard, Hendrick 
 Van Mater, John Throckmorton, Daniel 
 Van Mater, Jo'm Longstreet jr, Alexander' 
 Clark, Joseph Clayton, Israel Britton, 
 John Oweson, John Thompson, Thomas 
 Bills and Benzeor Hinkson, all of thf' 
 township of Freehold, will be sold at ^"ree- 
 hold Court House, beginning on Wednes- 
 day the 17th day of March next and con- 
 tinue from day to day until all are sold. 
 
 "ThomHs Crowel, George Taylor jr, 
 James Stillvell, John Mount, boatman. 
 Conrad Hendricks, Joseph Baley, John 
 Cottrell, Richard Cole, Samuel Smith, 
 John Bown, James Pew, Thomas Thorne, 
 Ezekiel Tilton, Joseph Taylor, John Til- 
 ton, of Middletown and William Smith of 
 Middlesex having lands in said 'own, will 
 be sold at public vendue, beginning on 
 Monday tin* 22nd day of March next at the 
 house of Cornelius Swart and continue from 
 dav to day until sold. 
 
 '* John Taylor and William Walton at 
 New York but having property in Shrews 
 bury, John Williams, Christopher Talman, 
 John Wartiell, Michael Price, James 
 Mount, John Williams, Jr., John Pintard, 
 Clayton Tilton, Samuel Cook, James 
 Boggs, James Curlis, Asael Chandler, 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 16 
 
 John Morris, William Price, Robert Mor- 
 ris, Peter Vannote, James Price, John and 
 Morford Taylor, John Hankinson, Timo- 
 thy Scobey, William Laurence, Peter War- 
 del, Oliver Talman, Richard Lippencott, 
 Josiah White, Benjamin WooUey, Eben- 
 ezer Wardell, Robert Stout, Nathaniel 
 Parker, John Hampton, Samuel Layton, 
 Jacob Harber, Samuel Layton, Jacob Em 
 mons, Britton White, Tobias Kiker and 
 Daniel Lafetter, (Lafetra?), late of the 
 township of Shrewsbury, and Garnadus 
 Beekman of New York, having property 
 in said township, will be sold at public 
 vendue, beginning on Monday the 29th of 
 March at Tinton Falls and continue from 
 day to day until ail are sold. 
 
 '* John Leonard, Grisbert Giberson, Sam- 
 uel Stillweli, Barzilla, Joseph, Thomas, 
 William and SamuelGrover, John Horner, 
 Fuller Horner, John Perine, William Gi- 
 berson, Jr., Mallakeath Giberson, John 
 Polhemus, Jr.. Benjamin Giberson, Sam- 
 uel Oakerson, EHsha Laurence and /Jotin 
 Laurence sons of John, late of Upper 
 Frei-hold and Isaac Allen late of Trenton, 
 will be sold at public vendue beginning on 
 Monday the 5th day of April next at 
 Walls Mills and continue until all are 
 soil. 
 
 " John Irons and David Smith, of the 
 township of Dover, will be sold ai Free- 
 hold Court House at the time of sales 
 there. 
 
 "The two emissions called in and bank 
 notes will be taken in pay. No.credit will 
 be given. The sale will begin at 9 o'clock 
 each day. Also deeds made to the pur- 
 cliasers agreeable to act of Assembly by 
 " Samuj^l Forman 
 " Joseph Laurence 
 " Kenneth Hankinson 
 
 " Commissioners. 
 
 " February 17th. 1779." 
 
 CAPTAIN WILLIAM CUNNINGHAM. 
 
 How American prisoners were treated by 
 the British at New York. H(>rrible con- 
 fession by the British Provost Marshal. 
 The following is copied from the Ameri- 
 can Apollo, February 17th, 1792. In it will 
 be found some startling confessions, show- 
 ing how hellish wag the treatment of our 
 ancestors who were confined as prisoners 
 in New York during the Revolution by 
 this fiend in human shape. It furnishes 
 
 another reason why our forefathers so de- 
 tested the British. It will amply repay 
 perusal. Captain Joshua Huddy, and 
 many other old Monmouth patriots, were 
 for a time in this villain's charge : 
 " The life, confession, and last dying words 
 of Captain William Cunningham, former- 
 ly British provost marshal in the city of 
 New York, who was executed in London 
 the lOth of August, 1791. 
 " I, William Cunningham, was born in 
 Dublin barracks in the year 1738. My 
 father was trumpeter to the Blue Dragoons, 
 and at the age of 8 years I was placed with 
 an officer as his servant, in which station 
 I continued until I was 16, and being a 
 great proficient in horsemanship, was tak- 
 en as an assistant to the riding master of 
 the troop, and in the year 1761 was made 
 sergeant of dragoons, but the peace com- 
 ing the year following, I was disbanded. — 
 Being bred to no profession, I took up 
 with a woman who kept a gin shop in a 
 blind alley near the Coal Quay ; but the 
 iiouse being searched for stolen goods and 
 my doxy taken to Newgate, I thought it 
 most prudent to decamp ; accordingly set 
 off for the North and arrived at Drogheda, 
 where in a few months <?fter 1 married the 
 daughter of an exciseman by whom 1 had 
 three sons. 
 
 " About the year 1772 we removed to 
 Newry where I commenced the profession 
 of scowbanker, which is the enticing of 
 mechanics and country people to ship 
 themselves for America on promises of 
 great advantage, and then artfully getting 
 an indenture upon them ; in consequence 
 of which, on their arrival in America, they 
 are sold or obliged to serve a term of years 
 for their passage. I embarked at Newry 
 in the ship Needham, for New York, and 
 arrived in that port the 4th day of August, 
 1774, with some indented servants I kid- 
 napped in Ireland, but who were liberated 
 in New York on account of the bad usage 
 they received from me during the passage. 
 In that city I used the profession ot break- 
 ing horses and teaching ladies and gentle- 
 men to ride, but rendering myself obnox- 
 ious to the citizens in their infant struggles 
 for freedom, I was obliged to fly on board 
 the Asia man of war, and from thence to 
 Boston, where my own opposition to the 
 measures pursued by the Americans in 
 suoport of their rights, was the first thing 
 that recommended me to General Gage ; 
 and when the war commenced I was ap- 
 pointed provost marshal to the royal army^ 
 
16 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 which phxced me in a situation to w^reak 
 my vengeance on the Americans. I shud- 
 der to think of the murders I have been acces- 
 sory to, both ivith and without orders from gov- 
 ernment, especially while in New York, during 
 which time there were more than two thousand 
 prisoners starved in the difi'erent churches by 
 stopping their rations, lohich I sold. 
 
 " There were also two hundred and sev- 
 enty-five American prisoners and obnox- 
 ious persons executed, out of which num- 
 ber there w«re only about one dozen pub- 
 lic «xecutions, which chiefly consisted of 
 British and Hessian deserters. The mode 
 of private executions was thus conducted : 
 A guard was disp'atched from the provost 
 about half after twelve at night to the 
 Barrack street, and the neighborhood of 
 the uj^per barracks, to order the people to 
 shut their window shutters and put out 
 their lights, forbidding them at the same 
 time to i)resume to look out of their win- 
 dows and doors on pain of death, aftc^r 
 which, the unfortunate prisoners were con- 
 ducted, gagged, just behind the upper bar- 
 racks and hung without ceremony and 
 there buried by the black pioneer of th@ 
 provost. 
 
 '* At the end of the war I returned to 
 England with the army and settled in 
 Wales, as being a cheajier place of living 
 than in any of the populous cities, but 
 being at length persuaded to go to Lon 
 don, I entered so warmly into thy dissipa- 
 tion of the capital, that I soon found my 
 circumstances much embarrassed, to relieve 
 which I mortgaged my half pay to an army 
 agent, but that being soon expended, I 
 forged a draft for three hundred pounds 
 sterling on the board of ordnance, but be- 
 ing detected in presenting it for accept- 
 ance, I was apprehended, tried and con- 
 victed, and for that offence am here to 
 suffer an ignominious death. 
 
 "I beg the prayers of all good christians, 
 and also pardon and forgivness of God for 
 the many horrid murders I have been ac- 
 cessory to. 
 
 '' William Cunningham." 
 
 THE ATTACK ON TOMS RIVER. 
 
 Burning of the village. Capture of Cap- 
 tain Joshua Huddy. A day of horrors. 
 In giving an account of this affair we 
 shall first coi)y a brief statement from 
 Have's Collections, the editor of which 
 
 visited- the place in 1842 in search of his- 
 torical information relating to oiden times 
 in Old Monmouth: 
 
 " In the American Revolution, a rude 
 fort or blockhouse was erected a short dis- 
 tance north ol the bridge, at the village of 
 Toms River, on a hill about a hundred 
 yatds east of the road to Freehold, on 
 land now belonging to the heir.s of Elijah 
 Robbins, deceased. In the latter part of 
 the war, this blockhouse was attacked by 
 a superior force of the enemy. Its com- 
 mander. Captain Joshua Huddy, most gal- 
 lantly delended it until his ammunition 
 was expended and no alternative but sur- 
 render left After the little brave garrison 
 was in their power, it is said they deliber- 
 ately murdered^five men asking for quai- 
 ters. From thence Captain Huddy, Jus- 
 tice Randolph, and the remaining prison- 
 ers were taken to New York, where, suffer- 
 ing the various progressions of bai'barity 
 inflicted upon those destined to a violent 
 or lingering death, those two jzentlemen, 
 with a Mr. Fleming, were put into the 
 hold of a vessel. Captain Huddy was 
 ironed hand and foot, and shortly after 
 barbarously hanged on the shore of the 
 Highlands of Nave'sink." 
 
 During the war of the Revolution the 
 chief organ of the tories and Bfitish in 
 America was "Rivington's Royal Gazette," 
 published in New York, of which paper 
 and its editor we may have occasion to 
 speak hereafter. Quite complete filfP of 
 tins paper are pr*'served in the librai'v of 
 the New York Historictl Society. The 
 following is its version of the attack on 
 Toms River: 
 
 " The 'tuthentic account of the expedi- 
 tion against the rebel past on 'i'oms River, 
 New Jersey, undpr the Honorable Board 
 of Associated Loyalists : 
 
 " On Wednesday the 20th inst ( March 
 1782,) Lieutenant Blanchard of the armed 
 whale boats, and about eighty men belong- 
 ing to them, with Captain Thomas and 
 Lieutenant Roberts, both of the late Bucks 
 county volunteers, and between thirty and 
 forty other refugee loyalists, the whole 
 und«r the command of Lieutenant Bianch- 
 ard, proceeded to Sandy Hook under the 
 convoy of Captain Stewart Ross, in the 
 armed brig Arrogant, where they were de- 
 tained by unfavorable winds until the 23d. 
 About 12 o'clock on that nighl, the party 
 landed near the mouth of Toms River and 
 marched to the blockhouse at the town of 
 Dover ( now Toms River ) and reached it 
 ju.-it at daylight. On their way they were 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 17 
 
 challenged and fired upon, and when they 
 came to th« works they found the rebels, 
 consisting of twenty-five or twenty-six 
 twelve months men and militia, apprized 
 of their coming and prepared for defence. 
 
 " The post into which they had thrown 
 themselves was six or seven feet high, 
 made with large logs with loop holes be- 
 tween and ft number of brass swivels on 
 the top, which was entirely open, nor was 
 there any way of entering but by climbing 
 over. They had, besidf^s swivels, muskets 
 with bayonets and long pikes for their de- 
 fence. Lieutenant Blanchard summoned 
 them to surrender, which they not only 
 refused, but bid the party defiance ; on 
 which he immediately ordered the place 
 to be stormed, which was accordingly 
 done, and though defended >with obstinacy, 
 was soon carried. The rebels had nine 
 men killed in the assault, and twelve made 
 prisoners, two of whom are. wounded. The 
 rest made their escape in the confusion. — 
 Among the killed was a major of the mili 
 ti^, two captains and one lieutenant. The 
 captain of the twelve months men station- 
 ed there, is amongst the prisoners, who 
 are all brought safe to town. On our side, 
 two were killed — Lieutenant Ire'iell of the 
 armed boatmen and Lieutenant Inslee of 
 the loyalists, both very brave officers, who 
 distinguished themselves on the attack 
 and whose loss is much lamented. Lieu- 
 tenant Roberts and five others are wound- 
 ed, but it is thought none of them are in a 
 dangerous way. , 
 
 '' The Town, as it is called, consisting of 
 about a dozen houses, in which none but 
 a piratical set of banditti resided, together 
 w.th a grist and saw mill, wer«», with the 
 blockhouse burned to the ground, and an 
 iron canno:.i spiked and thrown into the 
 river. A fine large barge (called Hyler's 
 barge,) and another boat in which the 
 rebels used to make their excursions on 
 the coast, were brought off. Some other 
 attempts were intended te have been 
 made, but the appearance of bad weather, 
 and the situation of the wounded, being 
 without either surgeon or medicines, in- 
 duced the party to return to New York, 
 where they arrived on the twenty- fifth." 
 
 The attack on Toms River was made on 
 Sunday morning, March 24th, 1782. Cap- 
 tain Huddy received notice of the expect- 
 ed attack on the previous evening, and at 
 once notified the inhabitants ; sentinels 
 were carefully stationed, and towards 
 morning Captain Huddy sent a scouting 
 party to reconnoitre. This party missed 
 
 the British ; it is probable they went down 
 along the river, while the enemy, guided 
 by a refugee named William Dillon, cam6_ 
 up the road near where" the Court House 
 now stands. The sentinels staiioned some 
 distance outside of the fort, on the ene- 
 my's approach, fired their guns to notify 
 the little garrison. Before reaching the 
 fort, the British were joined by a band of 
 refugees under Dg^en port, whose stamping 
 ground was in old Dover township; him- 
 self and men had cabins and caves in the 
 woods, by the he^id waters of Cedar Creek, 
 Toms River and other streams. No Tory 
 or Tory sympathizer was tolerated in the 
 village of Toms River, which was the only 
 reason that caused Rivington's Royal Ga- 
 zette to call its people " banditti.'' 
 
 Upon the apjjroach of the British, the 
 Americans opened fire so effectually that 
 the British account acknowledges that 
 seven were killed or wounded, though the 
 damage inflicted upon them must have 
 been greater. A negro refugee killed, was 
 'eft by them outside of the fort for the 
 Americans to bury. On the side of the 
 Americans, among the casualities, were 
 Major John Cook, John Farr and James 
 Kinsley, killed ; Moses Robbins wounded 
 in the face; John Wainwright fought un- 
 til shot down with six or seven bullets in 
 him. From circumstantial evidr-nce it is 
 probable that Captain Ephraim Jenkins 
 was among the killed. Among the pris- 
 oners taken were Captain Joshua Huddy, 
 Daniel Randolph, Esq., and Jacob Flem- 
 ing. One of the guards named David im 
 lay, escaped and hid in a swamp until the 
 British left. Major Cooke ( at one time 
 of the 2nd regiment, Monmouth militia ), 
 it is said was killed outside the tort by a 
 negro. 
 
 All the houses in the village were burned 
 except two, one belonging to Aaron Buck 
 and the other to Mrs. Studson. Aaron 
 Buck was an active Whig, and one reason 
 why his house was spared was owing, it is 
 supposed, to the fact that his wife was a 
 neice of William Dillen, the refugee guide. 
 Mrs.Studson's husband, Lieutenant Joshua 
 Studson, had been murdered by the ref- 
 ugee Captain John Bacon, a short time 
 before, and the Britisli probably thought 
 injury enough had already been done to 
 her. Among the houses burned was one 
 belonging to Captain Ephraim Jenkins, 
 and also one in which Abiel Aikens lived 
 in which the first Methodist sermon at 
 Toms River was preached, by Rev Benja- 
 min Abbott, in 1778. 
 
18 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 What a terrible day to the inhabitants 
 of Toms River was that memorable Sab- 
 bath I Probably not less than a hundred 
 women and children were rendered home 
 less ; the killed and wounded demanded 
 immediate attention ; husbands and fath- 
 ers were carried away captive, their house- 
 hold goods, provisions — their all destroyed. 
 Some families were entirely broken up, the 
 heads killed, mothers and chilren scattered, 
 never as families meeting again. 
 
 Memoranda relating to persons mentioned 
 IN the foregoing. 
 
 William Dillon, the refugee guide, had 
 once been tried and sentenced to death 
 at Freehold, but subsequently pardoned, 
 and the first we hear of him afterwards 
 was as pilot of a British Expendition, which 
 came from New York into old Cranberrj^ 
 inlet, then open, opposite Toms River, to 
 recapture the ship " Love and Unity," 
 which a short time previous had been 
 captured by the Americt.rjs. 
 
 Aaron Buck was an active member of 
 the militia. The Dillon whose daughter 
 he married was a much better man than 
 his brother, who acted as guide to the ref 
 ugees. Aaron Buck left two daughters 
 from whom have descended several re- 
 spectable shore families. One married 
 Judge Ebenezer Tucker, formerly mem- 
 ber of Congress, after whom Tuckerton, in 
 Burlington county, was named. The other 
 married John Rogers, of Dover township, 
 ancester of many, persons now residing in 
 Ocean county. It is said that after the 
 war Mr. Buck in a temi3orary fit of in- 
 sanity, committed suicide by hanging 
 himself on board his vessel at Toms River. 
 
 Daniel Randolph, who then resided at 
 Toms River, was well known throughout 
 old Monmouth. A tory witness on tha 
 ti'ial of Captain Richard LippencoU, in 
 New York, testified that " Esquire Daniel 
 Randolph, was a man of prominence and 
 influence among the Whig?." He was 
 soon afterwards exchanged for Captain 
 Clayton Tilton. 
 
 Captain Epliraim Jenkins was in com- 
 mand of a militia company during the 
 war. After the fight at the Block House, 
 his family was scattered and his children 
 oared for by strangers. 
 
 Abiel Aikons suffered severely during 
 the war. In his old age (1808), the Legis- 
 lature passed a law for his relief. He was 
 the earliest friend of Methodism in that 
 vicinity. 
 
 TOMS RIVER DURING THE REVO- 
 LUTION. 
 
 Toms River during the Revolution wat. 
 a place of considerable importance owing 
 chiefily to the fact thai old Cranberry In- 
 let, nearly opposite, was then open and 
 perhaps the best inlet on our coast, except 
 Little Egg Harbor. On this account it 
 was a favorite base of operations for Ameri- 
 can privateers on the lookout for British 
 merchant vessels carrying supplies to the 
 enemy at New York. In another chapter 
 are given some extracts from ancient 
 authorities, showing that Toms River and 
 vicinity was the scene of many stirring 
 incidents during the war. The village 
 was occupied by the Americans as a mili- 
 tary post probably during the greater part 
 of the Revolution. The soldiers state- 
 tioned here were sometimes twelve months 
 men, commanded by diflerent officers, 
 among whom it is supposed were Captains 
 Bigelow. Ephraim Jenkins, James Mott, 
 John Stout and Joshua Huddy. The 
 duties of the militia stationed at Toms 
 River, appear to have been to guard the 
 inhabitants against dej^redations from the 
 refugees; to check contraband trade by 
 way of Cranberry Inlet to New York, and 
 to aid our privateers who brought vessels 
 into old Cranberry Inlet. 
 
 A TERRIBLE DAY FOR THE REF- 
 UGEES. 
 
 Peace Declared — How th« news was re- 
 ceived by the ^riends of the *' Lost 
 Cause " — Confisciition, Banishment, Des- 
 pair. 
 
 f ivil wars have ever been noted for being 
 more terrible than those where one na- 
 tion was against another; as in the last 
 named case stranger meets stranger on the 
 battle field, while in civil wars oftimes, 
 neighbor is arrayed against neighbor, 
 father against son, brother against brother. 
 In the war of the Revolution it was the 
 lot of our ancestors to be compelled to un- 
 dergo the hardships of both at the same 
 time. They had not only to face the 
 armies which England landed upon our 
 soil but also thousands of native born 
 Americans, who from what they thought a 
 sense of duty, or for plunder or revenge, 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 19 
 
 rallied to th« cause of Kin.^ and crown. — 
 The number of Loyalists, that is, Ameri- 
 cans who aided the British, was much 
 larger than is generally supposed. Sabine 
 in his history of the Loyalists estimat^es 
 the number who took up arms to aid the 
 enemy at 25,000. The Loyalists them- 
 selves, in an address to the King, 1779, 
 claimad that " the Americans then in his 
 Majesty^ s service exceeded in number the troops 
 enlisted by Congress to oppose them, exclusive 
 of these who were in pri?ite ships of war." 
 In 1782 they stated that there were many 
 more Loyalists in the King's service than 
 troops in the Continental army. At the 
 close of the war they claimed that their 
 losses were £7,046,178, besides debts to the 
 amount of £2,354,135. Of their claims the 
 British Government in 1788 had liquidated 
 about £2,000,000. 
 
 Old Monmouth suffered during the war 
 to an extent hardly equalled, certainly not 
 surpassed by any other section of the coun- 
 try, and when the welcome news of peace 
 was announced the patriots of this as well 
 of every other section of the Union were 
 overjoyed beyond exp'ession. But the 
 news which brought gladness to their hearts, 
 was a terrible blow to the Refugees. It 
 was not only the announcement to them 
 that the cause for which they had so long 
 fought was irretrievably lost, but also that 
 they must forsake the land of their birth 
 and seek homes elsewhere, that there 
 property here would be confiscated and 
 that without money or friends they 
 must commence life anew on the cold 
 shores of Nova Scotia or elsewhere. The 
 following from an ancient authority, de- 
 scribes how the news of peace was received 
 by the Refugees in JSTew York : 
 
 '' When the news of peace was known, 
 the city of New York presented a scene 
 of distress not easily described; adherents 
 ' to the Crown who wen- in the ai'my tore 
 the lappels from their coats and stamped 
 them under their ftet and exclaimed that 
 they were ruined ; others cried out that 
 they had sacrificed everything to prove 
 their loyalty and were now left to shift for 
 themselves without the friendship of 
 their King or country." 
 
 In September, previous to the final 
 evacuation of New York by the British, 
 upwards of 12,000 men, women and chil- 
 dreir embarked at the city and at Lone 
 and Staten Islands for Nova Scotia and the 
 Bahamas. 
 
 Some of these victims to civil war tried 
 to make merry at their doom by saying 
 
 that they were bound to a lovely country 
 whei'e there are nine months winter and 
 three months cold weather every year ! 
 While others in their desperation would 
 have torn down their houses, and had they 
 not been prevented would have carried off 
 the bricks of which they were built. 
 
 Those who went north landed at Port 
 Roseway (now Shelburne) NovaScotiaand 
 at St. Johns, whpie many, utterly destitute, 
 were supplied with food at public charge 
 and were obliged to live in huts built of 
 bark and rough boards. A mong the ban- 
 ished ones were persons whose hearts and 
 hopes had been as true as Washington's, 
 for in the division of families, which every 
 where occurred and which formed oije of 
 the most distressing circumstances of the 
 conflict, their wives and daughters, who 
 although bound by the holiest ties to Loy- 
 alists, had given their sympathy to the 
 right from the beginning, and who now in 
 the triumph of the cause which had their 
 pi'ayers, went meekly — as woman ever 
 meets a sorrowful lot — in hopeless, inter- 
 minable exile. 
 
 (3^E0RiE KEITH, THE FOUNDEtt OF 
 FREEHOLD. 
 
 The following outline of the life of Rev. 
 George Keith is by William A. Whitehead 
 Esq. author of the History of East Jersey 
 
 Among those selected by the Proprieta- 
 ries in England to serve them in East Jer- 
 sey was George Keith, a native of Aber 
 deen, an eminent Quaker, although origi- 
 nally a Scotch Presbyterian ; and among 
 all whose namt^s subsequently became 
 widely known, his was one of those which 
 obtained the greatest renown. Those who 
 first welcomed him to the province as a 
 fellow helper in subduing the wilderness 
 could hardly have prefigured for him the 
 course which events opened to him in this 
 and the adjoining province of Pennsylva- 
 nia. The circumstances which probably 
 led to his acquaintance with the leading 
 Scotch Proprietaries was his having under 
 his charge in 1683 at a school which he 
 taught in Theobalds, a son of Robert Bar- 
 clay. He was appointed Surveyor General 
 on the 31st of July, 1684, but did|n6t reach 
 the province until the spring of the follow- 
 ing year. On the 9th of April he present- 
 ed his credentials to the Council of Pro- 
 prietors, but as the office to which he was 
 appointed was already filled by William 
 
20 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 Haige, under a oommission emanating 
 from Deputy Governor Eudyard, they 
 found themselves delicately situated, and 
 postponed the consideration of Mr. 
 Keith's commission until their next meet- 
 ing. It was unanimously agreed, however, 
 that he should have one of their houses 
 as directed by the Proprietors. (Thomas 
 Warne was directed to " clear out '" the 
 one he inhabited to make room for him.) 
 
 The Council at the appointed time were 
 urged by Keith to deci le in his favor, and 
 they finally desired both of the apjilicants 
 to appear before them on the 12th of June, 
 when the office, in consequence of tha ab- 
 sence of Ml'. Haige and the inability, from 
 some cause of his deputy. Miles Forster, 
 was declared vacant and Mr. Keith au- 
 thorized to take the oaths and assume the 
 duties. 
 
 Besides performing the general duties of 
 his office, for which he was well qualified, 
 being " an excellent surveyor," he ran the 
 division line between East and West Jer- 
 sey in 1687 ; but in 1689 he left the pro- 
 vince for Pennsylvania. Then residing at 
 Freehold, of which settlement he was the 
 founder, and where at the time of his re- 
 moval he had " a fine plantation," he was 
 induced by the solicitations of the Qua- 
 kers of Philadelphia to accept the super- 
 intendence of a school in that city for fifty 
 pounds, a house for his family, and what- 
 ever profits might accrue, with the prom- 
 ise of an increase to one hundred and 
 twenty pounds after the first year, the 
 poor to be taught gratis. This is the first 
 and only allusion to his family I have 
 noticed. He did not remain long in this 
 humble situation (vacating it the next 
 year) and we are warranted in attributing 
 its acceptance to other inducements morp, 
 likely to aftect a man of his character 
 than the pecuniary remuneration named. 
 Having been eminent as a preacher and 
 writer among the Quakers for several 
 years, he became a public speaker in their 
 religious assemblies in Philadelphia. 
 Possessing quick natui'al talents improvad 
 by considei'able literary attainments, he 
 was acute in argument and able in logical 
 disputations and discussions of nice dis 
 tinction in theological matters ; but hav- 
 ing great confidence in his own suj^erior 
 capacity he was apt to indulge in an over- 
 bearing disposition, not altogether in ac- 
 cordance with christian moderation and 
 charity. 
 
 These peculiarities of mind and temper- 
 ament naturally impelled him to assume 
 
 the part of a leader, and he soon, through 
 his talents and energy, gathered a party 
 inculcating plainness of garb and language 
 and other points of discipline ; there be- 
 ing in his opinion " too great slackness 
 therein." Connected with these religious 
 tenets were the political doctrines of the 
 abandoament of all forcible measures to 
 uphold secular or worldly government 
 and the emancipation of the negroes after 
 a reasonable term of service. 
 
 Although his opinions and views met 
 the approval of a large number of Friends, 
 occasioning a serious division in that be- 
 fore united body — father and son, husband 
 and wife, friend« and relatives who had 
 usually worshiped together, though still 
 professors of the same faith in the main, 
 being seen going to different places of wor- 
 ship, '• heats and bitterness " being engen- 
 dered, occasioning "many labors and watch- 
 ing, great circumspection and patience;" yet 
 as they did not meet with the general ac- 
 ceptation he expected, Keith became cap- 
 tious and indulged in censure and re- 
 proach, accusing some of the most es- 
 teemed and approved ministers with pro- 
 mulgating false doctrines — although it is 
 said the points he now condemned had 
 been strongly advocated in his writings — 
 and declaring those only who were asso- 
 ciated with him true Quakers. 
 
 He was charged with exercising an over- 
 bearing temper and an unchristian dispo- 
 sition of mind in disparaging manv of the 
 society, and at a meeting of ministers in 
 Phlladelj^hia in June, 1692, ''a declaration 
 or testimony of denial " was drawn up, in 
 which both he and his conduct were pub- 
 licly denounced. 
 
 From this decision Keith appealed to 
 the general meeting of Fri^^ncls, at Bur- 
 lington, and in the meanwhile wrote an 
 address to the Quakers in which, as on 
 different occasions verbally, he spok* in. 
 such disparaging, if not calumnious man- 
 ner of the Deputy Governor and other 
 functionaries, as to bring ui:)on him the 
 ire of the civil magistrates (themselves 
 Quakers) and he was in consequence pro- 
 claimed in the market place, by the com- 
 mon crier, a seditious person and an ene- 
 my to the King and Queen's government. 
 The general meeting confirming the 
 declaration of the ministers, the sei)ara- 
 tion became complete, but Keith continu- 
 ed preaching and writing in support of his 
 views and for the establishment of his fol- 
 lowers until early in 1694, when he appeal- 
 ed to the yearly meeting in London and 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 21 
 
 appeared there in person ; but his behav- 
 ior was such as led to the approval of the 
 proceedings against him and his authority 
 and influence were at an end. 
 
 This controversy occasioned mucVi dis- 
 turbance in the province of Pennsylvania 
 and many of the pamphlets to which it 
 gavw birth are yet extant. 
 
 Excited it would seem by the opposi- 
 tion he had met with, although for a time 
 he retained a considerable number of ad- 
 herents in England, and disgusted with 
 the society from which he had received so 
 little sympathy while aiming for its ad- 
 vancement in what he conceived the es- 
 sentials of true religion, Keith abjured the 
 doctrines of the Quakers and became a 
 zealous clergyman of the established 
 Church of England. 
 
 He officiated for some time in his mother 
 country, and in 1702 returned to America 
 as a Missionary of the " Society for the 
 Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign 
 Parts ; sent out to travel through the 
 difFarent provinces for the purpose of in- 
 quiring into their true condition, their 
 wants in regard to their spiritual interests 
 and to arouse in the people a sens*^ of the 
 duties of religion." 
 
 His labors are said to have been very 
 successful, particularly in Pennsylvania, 
 New Jersey and New York to which he 
 devoted moi-e of his time than he did to 
 the other provinces — from his previous 
 acquaintance with the people. In the 
 first two especially a large number of 
 those Quakers who had adopted his views 
 in the dissensions of 1691 and 1692, be- 
 came converts to the doctrines and disci- 
 pline of the Church of England. 
 
 He retixrned to England by way of Vir- 
 ginia and received a benefice in Sussex, 
 worth one hundred and twenty pounds 
 per annum, where he continued until his 
 death to write against the doctrines of 
 the Quakers. Prund's History of Pennsyl- 
 vania says from well authenticated ac- 
 count it is asserted that he thus expressed 
 himself on his deatli bed : " I wish I had 
 died when I was a Quaker for then 1 am 
 sure it would have been well tor my soul." 
 
 SINGULAR INDIAN CLAIMS. 
 
 About the last remnant of Indians re- 
 maii^ing in our state, sold their lands to 
 thfi^hites about 1801, and the year fol- 
 loi'i,ing removed to New Stockbndge, near 
 O&v'^ida Lake, New York, from whence, 
 abo'yit 1824, they removed to Michigan, 
 
 where they purchased a tract of land of 
 the Menomonie mdians, on both sides of 
 the Fox river near Green Bay. 
 
 In 1832, the New Jersey tribe, reduced 
 to less than forty souls, delegated one of 
 their number named Barlliolomew .S. Cal- 
 vin, to visit Trenton and apply to our Leg- 
 islature for remuneration for hunting and 
 fishing privileges on unenclosed lands, 
 which they alleged had not been sold with 
 the land. Calvin was an aged man who 
 had been educated at Princeton, where he 
 was at the breaking out of the Revolution 
 when he joined the American army. Th-e 
 claim, so unusual, was met in a spirit of 
 kindness by our Legislature, who directed 
 the S!.aie Treasurer to pay to the agent of 
 the Indians, the sum of two thousand dol- 
 lars, thus satisfactorily and honorably ex- 
 tinguishing the last claim the Indians 
 brough'. against our state. Hon. Samuel 
 L. Southard, at the close of a speech made 
 at the time, said : "It was a proud fact in 
 the history of New Jersey, that every foot 
 of her soil had been obtained from the 
 Indians by fair and voluntary purchase 
 and transfer, a fact that no other st^te of 
 the Union, not even tlie land which bears 
 the name of Penn, can boast." 
 
 In 1678, a somewhat similar claim was 
 brought by the Indians, against Richard 
 Hartshorne, an early settler of old Mon- 
 mouth, who had previously bought of 
 them Sandy Hodk, and lands around the 
 Highlands. In that year, to prevent their 
 trespassing ujjon his lands, he iiad to pay 
 theto to relinquish their claims to hunt, 
 fish, fowl, and gather beach plums. The fol- 
 lowing it a copy of the agreement : 
 
 " The 8th of August, 1678. Whereas 
 the Indians pretend tjiat formerly, when 
 they sold all the land upon Sandy Hook, 
 they did not sell, or did except liberty to 
 plumbs, or to say the Indians should 
 have liberty to go an Sandy Hook, to get 
 get plumbs when they please, and to hunt 
 upon the land, and fish, and to take dry 
 trees that suited them for cannows. Now 
 know all men by these presents, that I, 
 Richard Kartshorne. of Portland, in tne 
 county of Monmbuih, in East Jersey, for 
 peace and quietness sake, and to the end 
 there may be no cause of trouble with the 
 Indians and that I may not for the future 
 have any trouble with them as formerly I 
 had, in their dogs killing my sheep, and 
 their hunting on my lands, and their fish- 
 ing, I have agreed as followeth : 
 
 "These presents witnesseth, that 1, 
 Vowavapon, Hendricks, the Indians sonn, 
 
22 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 haying all the liberty and privileges of 
 pluming on Sandy Hook, hunting, fishing, 
 fowling, getting cannovvs &c., by these 
 presents, give, grant, bargain, sell, unto 
 Richard Hartshorwe, his heirs and assigns 
 forever, all the liberty and privilege of 
 pluming, fishing, fowling, and huHting, 
 and howsoever reserved and excepted by 
 the Indians for him, the said Richard 
 Hartshorne, his heirs and assigns, to have 
 hould, possess, and injoy forever, to say 
 that no Indian, or Indians, shall or hath 
 no pretense to lands or timber, or liberty, 
 privileges on no pretense whatsoever on 
 any part a parcell of land, belonging to 
 the said Kichard Hartshorne, to say Sandy 
 Hook or land adjoining to it, in considera- 
 tion the said Hnrtshorne, hath paid unto 
 the said Vowavapon, thirtee?.' shillings 
 money; and I the said Vowavapon, do 
 acknowledge to have received thirteen 
 shillings by these presents. Witness my 
 hand and seal. 
 
 ''Vowavapon X his mark. 
 
 "Tocus X his mark. 
 " Signed, sealed and delivered in the 
 presence of John Stout." 
 
 THE RARITAN INDIANS. 
 
 An ancient work says that when the 
 wliites first came to this country, the 
 Raritans lived on the south side <if Raritan 
 bay and river, but they were flooded out 
 by a storm, previous to 1650, and then 
 removed to the north side. They after- 
 wards it is supposed mingled with the 
 Sa/ihicans or Wapingas, who finally left 
 the state and located on the east side of 
 the Hudson river, in New York state, near 
 Anthony's INose. 
 
 AN INDIAN DINNER— A SAVORY 
 DISH. 
 
 Bethsheba, tue Indian Queen. 
 
 The last remnant of the Indians who 
 frequented the lower part of old Mon- 
 mouth, had their principal settlement at a 
 place called Edgepelick or Edge Pillock 
 about three miles from Atsion in Burling- 
 ton county, from whence they removed to 
 Oneida Lake, New York, in 1802. Before 
 their removal, members of this tribe with 
 their families would visit the shore once a 
 year and spend some time fishing, oyster- 
 
 ing, making baskets, &c. The most noted 
 among the last Indians who regularly vis- 
 ited the shore were Charles Moluss, his 
 wife, and wife's sister, who bore the eu- 
 l^honious names of Bash and Suke, among 
 the ancient residents of old Stafford town- 
 ship, but in Little Egg Harbor, Burlington 
 county, where they also were frequent vis- 
 itors, Moluss' wife was known as Bathshe 
 ba, and considered as a kind of Indian 
 Queen, on account of the great respect 
 shovvn to her by her people and by the 
 Quakers of Burlington, becauseof herpos- 
 sessing more intelligence, and having amore 
 l>re.posessing personal appearance than the 
 rest of her tribe. At Tuckerton, when her 
 company visited there and put up their 
 teats, Bathsheba was generally invited to 
 make her home with some one of the 
 principal inhabitants of the jilace. At 
 Barnegat, her company generally camped 
 on the place now owned by Captain Timo- 
 thy Falkinburgh, wliere they were on 
 friendly terms with the whites and quite 
 disposed to be hospitable, but Bathsheba, 
 Indian Queen though she may hivve been, 
 occasionally prepared Indian delicacies for 
 the table which the whites seldom appre- 
 ciated. Some twenty years ago Eli Collins, 
 a well remembered aged citizen of Barne- 
 gat, told the writer of this, that when he 
 was K young man, one time he had been 
 out from Iiome all day, and on his wav 
 back, stopped at the hut of Moluss. His 
 wife Bash, or Bathsheba, was boiling some- 
 thing in a pot which sent forth a most de- 
 lightful odor to a hungry man, and he was 
 cordially invited to dine. As he had bees 
 without anything to eat all day he willing- 
 ly accepted the invitation ; but he soon 
 changed his determination when he found 
 the savory smelling dish was hop toad sovj) ! 
 
 INDIAN PETER. 
 
 A Tradition oe Imlaystown. 
 
 About a century ago an Indian named 
 Peter, said to have been connected by re- 
 lationship and in business with the noted 
 Indian Tom, after whom some, we 
 think erroneously, considered Toms 
 River to be named, resided at Toms River, 
 but owing to an unfortunate habit of mix 
 ing too much whisky with his water,^. he 
 became unfortunate, and about the timp of 
 the war removed with his family to (the 
 
OLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 23 
 
 vicinity of Imlaystown, wb©r« he built a 
 wigwam by a oond not far from the vil- 
 lage. 
 
 Shortly after he located here his wife 
 sickened and died. Peter dearly loved 
 his squaw, and was almost heart-broken 
 on account of the unlucky event. He 
 could not bear the idea of parting with his 
 wife, of putting her under ground out of 
 sight. For a day or two lie was inconsola- 
 ble and knew not what to do ; at length a 
 lucky idea occurred to him ; instead of 
 burying her where he never more could 
 see her, he would put a rope about her 
 neck and place her in the pond and daily 
 visit her. This idea he at once put into 
 execution, and as he daily visited her, it 
 somewhat assuaged his poignant grief. — 
 On one of his melancholy visits te the de- 
 parted partner of his bosom, he noticed 
 in the water around her a large number 
 of eels. To turn these eels to account was 
 a matterof importance to Peter, for though 
 he loved his wife yet he loved money too. 
 .So he caught the eels daily, and foraweek 
 or so visited the village regularly and 
 found a ready sale for them among the 
 villagers. 
 
 But at length the supply failed — his 
 novel eel trap gave out. A few days there- 
 after he was in the village and numerous 
 were the inquiries why he did not bring 
 any more of those good eels. 
 
 " Ah," said Peter very innocently, draw- 
 ing a long sigh, " me catch no more eels — 
 me squaw all gone — boo — hoo ! " 
 
 His grief and singular reply called for 
 an explanation, and he, thinking nothing 
 wrong, gave it. 
 
 The result was a general casting up of ac- 
 counts among the villagers, terrible anath- 
 emas upon the Indian, and a holy horror 
 of eels among that generation of Imlays- 
 town citizens, and even to this day it is 
 said some of their descendants would as 
 soon eat a sni.,ke as an eel. 
 
 (The above tradition we have no doubt 
 is substantially correct ; we derived it 
 froii; Hon. Charles Parker, for many years 
 State Treasurer, father of Gov. Parker, 
 who some sixty years ago, while at Toms 
 River, met with some of the disgusted pur- 
 chase! s of Indian Peter's eels.) 
 
 A BRAVE ^OUTH. 
 
 One fine morning in May, 1780, as the 
 family of David Forman, Sheriff of Mon- 
 mouth County, were at breakfast, a soldier 
 
 almost out of breath suddenly burst into 
 the room and stated, that as he and anoth- 
 er soldier were conducting to the Court 
 House two men taken up on suspicion at 
 Colt's Neck, they had knocked down his 
 comrade, seized his musket and escaped. 
 The Sheriff, on hearing this relation, im- 
 mediately mounted his horse and galloped 
 to the Court House to alarm the guard. — 
 His son Tunis Forman, a lad of about 17, 
 and small of his age, seized a musket load- 
 ed only with small shot to kill blackbirds 
 in the cornfields, and putting on a cart- 
 ridge box, dispatched his brother Samuel 
 (the late Dr. Samuel Forman of Freehold,) 
 upstairs for a bayonet, and then without 
 waiting for it, nurried off alone in the pur- 
 suit. 
 
 After running in a westerly direction 
 about a mile, he discovered the men sit- 
 ting on a fence, who on perceiving him 
 ran into a swamp. As the morning was 
 warm, he hasiily pulled off his coat and 
 shoes and dashed in after them, keeping 
 close upon them lor over a mile, when 
 they got out of the swamp and each climb- 
 ed into separate trees. As he came up 
 they discharged at him the musket taken 
 from the guard. The ball whistled over 
 his head. He felt for his bayonet, and at 
 that moment perceived that in his haste 
 it was left behind. He then pointed his 
 gun at the man with the musket, but 
 deemed it imprudent to fire, reflecting 
 even if he killed him, his comrade could 
 easily master such a stripling as himself. 
 He compelled the man to throw down his 
 musket bv threatening him with death if 
 he did not instantly comply. Then load- 
 ing the prize from his cartridge he forced 
 his prisoners down from the trees and 
 armed with his two loaded muskets, he 
 drove them toward the Court House, care- 
 ful however, to keep them far apart, to 
 prevent conversation. Passing by a spring 
 they requested permission to drink. 
 
 " No '' replied the intrepid boy, under- 
 standing their design. " You can do as 
 well without it as myself; you shall have 
 some by and by." 
 
 Soon after, his father, at the head ©f a 
 party of soldiers in ttie pursuit, galloped 
 past in the road within a short distance. — 
 Tunis hallooed, but the clattering of their 
 horses hoots drowned his voice. At length 
 he reached the village, and lodged his 
 jjrisoners in the county prison. 
 
 It was subsequently discovered that 
 these men, whose name was John and 
 Robert Smith, were brothers from near 
 
24 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 Philadelphia, that they had robbed and 
 murdered a Mr. Boyd, a collector of taxes 
 in Chester county, and when taken, were 
 on their wav to join the British. As ttiey 
 had been apprehended on suspiri<)n mere- 
 ly of buing refugees, no definite charge 
 could be brought against them. A few- 
 days after, Sheriff •'^ornian saw an adver- 
 tisement in a Pennsylvania paper df^scrib 
 ing them, with the facts above mentioned, 
 and a reward of $20,000 Continental mon- 
 ey offered for their appiehensi-^n. He, ac- 
 companied by his son, took them there, 
 where they were trie i and executed. On 
 entering Philadelphia young Tunis was 
 carried through the streets in triumph 
 upon the shoulders of the military. In 
 the latter part of the war this voung 
 man became very active, and was a pecu- 
 liar favorite of General David Forman. He 
 died not far from 1835. (The foregoing 
 account is as related by the late Dr. Sam 
 uel Formaai to Henry Howe, Esq.) 
 
 CAPTAIN JOSEPH COWARD. 
 
 In a Philadelphia work containing 
 Sketches of Revolutionary Heroos is found 
 ihe following notice of one of the patriots 
 of old Monmouth : 
 
 " Joseph Coward was a native of Mon- 
 mouth county, N. J. In view of his cogno- 
 men we may well exclaim, " What's in a 
 name, my Lord?"' He was a Coward; and 
 yet one of the bravest of the Revolutionary 
 Captains. He was a great terror to the 
 Refugees alias Tories. At the Battl'fe of 
 Monmouth and at several other places, his 
 undaunted courage was conspicuous. — 
 When the British fleet lay off vSandy Hook, 
 one of the supply ships ran loo near the 
 shore and stuck fast. Witli a few. Captain 
 Coward captured her in defiance of two 
 barges manned with superior numbers 
 that were sent to the rescue. At the clese 
 of the war he returned to his farm, became 
 the esteemed citizen and fully exemplified 
 the noble attributes of an honest man." 
 
 From his name we should not be sur- 
 prised if the above named liero was a rela- 
 tive of the late Captain Joseph Coward of 
 Toms River, formerly a member of the 
 Legislature, a gentleman much esteemed 
 and popular among his political opponents, 
 as well as friends. 
 
 A JERSEY BLUE AT THE BATTLE 
 OF GERMANTOWN. 
 
 Barkalow, of Old Moxmouth. 
 
 The following story which we find in an 
 old work is worth repeating: 
 
 " A Brave Fellow. — Among numerous 
 feats of valor performed by individuals of 
 the American Revolutionary army, none 
 has pleaded me more ihan the iollowing, 
 related by an eye witness. 
 
 " During the heat of the baltlir at Oer 
 mantown, while bullets flew thick as hail- 
 stones, one Barkalow, of Monmouth, N. J., 
 was levelling his musket at the enemy 
 when the lock was carried away bv a bull. 
 Undismayed, he caught up the gun of a 
 comrade, just killed by his side, and taking 
 aim, a bullet entered ihe muzzle and twist- 
 ed the barrel round like acorkscrewl Still 
 undaunted, our hero immediately ivneel- d 
 down, unscrewed the whole lock from the 
 twisted barrel, screwed it on the barrel 
 from which the lock had been torn, and 
 blazed away at the enemy. 
 
 " Can ancient Sparta or modern Bririan 
 boast a more brilliant display o* cool, de- 
 liberate, unshtvken courage? Tliis hero is 
 still livinj,.'' — Niles Prin. Revolution, 1822 
 
 THE REDSTt'NE COUNTRY. 
 
 Old Monmouth Citizens Emigratixo WtsT. 
 
 At dift'erent times between fifty and a 
 hundred years a^jo, a large number of the 
 citizens of old Monmouth emigr iied to 
 what then was termed "'the Redstone 
 country." These emigrants left behind 
 numerous relatives, and among their de- 
 scendants are often heard inquiries as to 
 the precise locality of this '' Redstone 
 country." The origin of the name at the 
 present day seems somewhat singular. 
 
 The term " Redstone settlements " or 
 " Redstone country," was employed to de- 
 note most fthe country in Pennsylvania 
 and Virginia west of the mountains. The 
 name Redstone was ap})lied to a creek 
 which enters the Monongahela below 
 Brownsville, Pa., upon which was a settle- 
 ment calleii " Redstone Old Fort." 
 
 In thatMay coal, as an article of fuel, 
 was unknown. It is .stated that "the hills 
 aboun<led with bituminous coal ; and along 
 water courses where the earth had been 
 washed off, the coal was left exposed 
 which often caught fire ; these fires came 
 in contact with the suri'ounding earth and 
 
OLD TIMES IX OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 2r. 
 
 stones and gave them a red appearance — 
 indeed so much so that when pulverized 
 they were used in painting a vSpanish 
 brown color. Hence the name. Many of 
 these red banks are now visible, the most 
 prominent of whieh are in Redstone Creek, 
 Fayette county, Pa." 
 
 The last considerable exodus of citizens 
 of old Monmouth bound for the Redstone 
 (Country, occurred some fifty odd years ago. 
 Some of the emigrants from the county 
 who went previous to this time, experienc- 
 ed great hardships, a;nd at one time were 
 so seriously annoyed by the Indians that 
 they had to return until the troubles were 
 over. One native of old Monmouth named 
 Conovea' during the Indian troubles, be- 
 came quite noted for his skill and bravery 
 in meeting the savages, and his adventures 
 wei-e so thrilling that we shall try to find 
 place for them liereafter ; it will be seen 
 that he did no discredit to the county that 
 gave him birth. 
 
 INDIAN WILL. 
 
 An EccK.NTRic .\boriginai. ok Old Mov- 
 
 MOLTH. 
 
 In days gone by the singular character 
 and eccentric acts of the noted Indian 
 Will, formed the theme of many a fireside 
 story among our ancestors, many of which 
 are still well remembered by our older 
 citizens, especially those belonging to the 
 Society of Friends. Some of the incidents 
 given below, derived many years ago from 
 aged Friends, differ in some particulars, 
 but we give them as related to us now, in 
 hopes some of our readers can furnisn cor- 
 rections and additions. The first story 
 given below, was published some thirty 
 years ago, and as will be seen differs from 
 other versions. 
 
 "About the year 1670, the Indians sold 
 out the section of country near Eatontown 
 to Lewis Morris for a barrel of cider, and 
 emigrated to Crosswicks and Cranbury. — 
 One of them, called Indian AVill, remained 
 and dwelt in a wigwam between Tin ton 
 Falls and Swimming river. His tribe were 
 in consequence exasperated, and at vari- 
 ous times sent messengers to kill liim in 
 single combat ; but being a brave, athletic 
 man, he always came ofi conoueror. On a 
 certain occasion, while partaking of a 
 breakfast of suppawn and milk at Mr. Ea- 
 ton's with a silver spoon, he casually re- 
 
 marked that he knew where there were 
 plenty of such. They promised if he 
 would bring them they would give him a 
 red coat and a cocked hat. In a short 
 time he was arrayed in that dress ; and it 
 is said that the Batons suddenly became 
 wealthy. About 80 years since, in pulling 
 down an old mansion in Shrewsbury, in 
 which a maiden member of this family in 
 her lifetime had resided, a quantity o\ cob 
 dollars, supposed by the superstitious to 
 have been Kidd's money, were found con- 
 cealed in the cellar wall. This coin was 
 generally of a square or oblong shape, the 
 corners of wliich wore out the pockets.'" — 
 {Howe's Hist. Coll.) 
 
 A somewhat similar or a variation of the 
 above tradition, we have fi-equently heard 
 as follows : 
 
 '• India Will often visited th« family 
 of Derrick Longstreet at Manasquan, and 
 one time showed them some silver money 
 which excited their surprise ; they wished 
 to know where he got it, and wanted Will 
 to let them have it. Will refused to part 
 with it. but told them he had found it in 
 a trunk along tlie beacli, and there wa.s 
 plenty of yellow money beside ; but as the 
 yellow money was not as pretty as tlie 
 white, he didn't want that, and Longstreet 
 might have it. So Longstreet went with 
 him, and found the money in a trunk cov- 
 ere 1 over with tarpaulin buried in the 
 j sand ; Will kept the white money and 
 ; Longstreet the yellow ( gold,) and this sat- 
 j isfactory division, made the Longstreets 
 quite wealthy." 
 
 It is very probable that Will found mon- 
 j ey along the beach, but whether it was 
 from some shipwrecked vessel, or had been 
 buried by pirates, is another question. — 
 However, the connection of Kidd's name 
 with the finding ol the money would indi- 
 cate that Will lived long after the year 
 mentioned in the first quoted tradition, 
 ( 1670.) Kidd did not sail on his piratical 
 cruise until 1696. And from the tradition- 
 ary information the writer of this has been 
 able to obtain, Will must have lived many 
 years subsequent. 
 
 In personal appearance, Willis described 
 as having been stout, broad shouldered, 
 with prominent Indian cast of fentures 
 and rings in his ear-, and a good sized one 
 in his nose. The following are some of 
 the additional traditions related of him: 
 
 Among other things which Will had 
 done to excite the ill will of other Indians 
 iie was charged with killing his wife. Her 
 brother named Jacob, determined on re- 
 
26 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 venge; so he pursued him and finding Will 
 unarmed, undertook to march him off cap- 
 tive. As they were going along, Will 
 espied a pine knot on the ground, and 
 managed to pick it up and suddenly dealt 
 Jacob a fatal blow, and as he dropped to 
 the ground, Will tauntingly exclaimed, 
 •'Jacob, look up at the sun — you'll never 
 see it again." Most of the old residents 
 who relate stories of Will, speak of his 
 finding honey at one time on the dead 
 bodv of an Indian he had previously killed, 
 but whether it was Jacob or some other is 
 not mentioned. 
 
 At one time, to make sure work of kill- 
 ing Will, four or five Indians started in 
 pursuit of him, and they succeeded in sur- 
 prising him so suddenly that he had no 
 chance for defence or fight, ffis captors 
 told him they were about to kill him and 
 he must at once prepare to die. He heard 
 his doom with Indian stoicism, and he had 
 only one favor to ask before he died, and 
 that was to be allowed to take a drink out 
 of his jug ot liquor which had just been 
 filled. So small a favor the captors could 
 not refuse. As Will's jug was full, it was 
 only common poUtene.--.s to ask them to 
 drink also. Now if his captors had a.nj'^ 
 weakness it was for rum; so they grateful- 
 ly accepted his invitation. The drink 
 rendered them talkative, and they com- 
 menced reasoning with him upon the 
 enormitv of his offences. Tiie condemned 
 man admitted the justness of their re- 
 proaches, and begged to be allowed to take 
 another drink to drown the stings of con- 
 science ; the captors condescendingly join- 
 ed him again — indeed it would have been 
 cruel to refuse to drink with a man so soon 
 to die. This gone through with, they per- 
 suaded Will to make a full confession of 
 his misdeeds, and their magnitude so 
 aroused the indignation of his ca})tors, 
 that they had to take another drink to 
 enable them to do their duty becociingly. 
 Indeed, they took divers drinks, so over- 
 come were they by his harrowing tale; and 
 then they become so unmanned, that they 
 had to try to recuperate by sleep. Then 
 crafty Will, who had really dr.ink but lit- 
 tle, softly arose, found his hatchet, and 
 soon despatched his would-be captors. 
 
 It was a rule with Will not to waste any 
 ammunition, and therefore he was bound 
 to eat all the game he killed, but a buz- 
 zard which he once shot sorely trie<l him, 
 and it took two or three days starving, be- 
 fore he could stomach it. One time when< 
 alone upon the beach he was seized with a 
 
 fit of sickness and thought he was about 
 to die ; and not wishing his dead body to 
 lie exposed, he succeeded in digging a 
 shallow grave in which he lay for awhile, 
 but his sickness passed off and he crept 
 out and went on his way rejoicing. He 
 would never, in the latter years of his life, 
 kill a willet, as he said a willet once saved 
 his life. He said he was in a canoe one 
 dark night crossing tlie bay, somewhat the 
 worse for liquoi', and unconsciously about 
 to drift out the inlet into the ocean, when 
 a willet screamed, and the ])eculiar cry of 
 tiiis bird seemed to him to sound, " this 
 way. Will; this way. Will!'' and that w&y 
 Will went and reached the beach just in 
 time to save himself from certain death in 
 the breakers. 
 
 When after wild fowl he had a singular 
 vvav of talking to them in a low tone : — 
 " Come this way, my nice bird, Will won't 
 hurt you; Will won't hurt you!" If he 
 succeeded in killing one he would say : 
 '* You fool, you believe me eh ? Ah, Will 
 been so much with the whites he learned 
 to lie like a white man .'" 
 
 An old resident of the present county 
 of Ocean, says that " Indian Will some- 
 times travelled down along shore as far as 
 Barnegat Inlet and always attended by a 
 lot of big, lean, hungrj' looking dogs, to 
 help him fight off other Indians." 
 
 Near the mouth of Squan River is a 
 place known as " Will's Hole.'" There are 
 two versions <itf the origin of the name. — 
 One old gentleman living in the vicinity, 
 s-ays it was so called because Will was 
 drowned in it. The other version is that 
 Will drowned his wife here. 
 
 The following traditions of Indian Will 
 were told last summer by the venerable 
 Thomas Cook of Point Pleasant, recently 
 deceased, to a correspondent of the i\ew 
 York World. Though copied in this paper 
 at that time, yet in this connection they 
 will bear republishing : 
 
 Along the <hore of Squan river a small 
 inlet was pointed out to me which is known 
 a,s " Imiian Will's Hole.' Some three 
 quarters of .i century ago, an old Indian 
 chief made his home in the woods attached 
 to the Cook farm. He was a brawny, 
 muscular savage, peaceably inclined to- 
 wards the whites and suffered no molesta- 
 tion from them. Many of his people lived 
 around him, but he preferred to occupy 
 his cabin alone with his wife, while he 
 spent most of his time in hunting and 
 fishing. 
 
 But one day Indian Will brought home 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 27 
 
 a muskiat, which he ordered his spouse to 
 prepare for dinner. She obeyed, but when 
 it was placed upon the table, refused to 
 partake of it. " Very well," grunted the 
 noble red man, '• if you are too good to eat 
 m.iskrat you are too good to live with me." 
 And thereupon took her down to the little 
 bay spoken of, and caused her to sink so 
 ett'ectually that she has not yet come to 
 the surface. 
 
 Indian Will liad three brothers-in-hiw, 
 two of Tfhom resided on Long Island, and 
 when in course of time word reached ihem 
 of the manner in which the chief had "put 
 away " their sister, they went dawn to 
 Jersey to avenge her deatli. When they 
 reached Will's c?bin^ he sat inside eating 
 clam soup. Knowing their errand, he in- 
 vited them in to dinner, telling them that 
 lie vtould figlit it out with them as soon as 
 the meal was concluded. "'Barkis was 
 Vs'illin " and they gathered around the ab- 
 original board, complimentiniz the steam- 
 ing scHip wliich was placed before them, 
 ami scooped it into their capacious jaws in 
 the very felicity of sensuous enjoyment. 
 
 Before dinner was over Indian Will pre- 
 tended that he heard some one approach- 
 ing, and springng up hurried out of his 
 cabin as if to meet him. But the instant 
 lie was out of sight of the two visitors, he 
 caught up their two guns, which they had 
 left leaning up against the cabin in full 
 trust of his honor, and through the open 
 ilooi' shot both, the last redskin falling 
 dead as he was rushing out to close in with 
 his treacherous iiost. 
 
 In those days it was the custom of the 
 Indians to hold a yearly meeting or coun- 
 I'il at a place now known as Burrsville, 
 somewhat like a <lozen miles from this 
 point. It was here that Indian Will en 
 countered the third brother-in-law, and 
 they started homeward together having 
 no weapons with them, but carrying a jug 
 of whiskey. Deep in the gloomy recesses 
 of the pine woods, when his blood was in- 
 flamed with fire-water, this Indian told 
 th'' chief that he must: die as the death of 
 his relatives must be avenyed. 
 
 They halted and closed in the deadly 
 ->truggle. Both were active and powerful 
 men and it was a fight unto death ; but 
 late in the evening Indian Will appeared 
 at liis cabin with no companion but his 
 whiskey jug. The next day he received 
 several visitors from his race who had been 
 at the Council the day before, aud who 
 had seen the two depart together. In 
 ([uiring as to what had become of his com- 
 
 rade, he told them to search and they 
 would probably find out. 
 
 They took the back trail of the chief 
 and after an hour's tramping found the 
 dead body. The crushed skull and a 
 bloody pine knot near told the tale. Hence- 
 forth Indian Will was let alone and quiet- 
 ly died in his own cabin many years after. 
 I find that in the deed of the Cook farm, 
 this '' Indian Will's Hole" is recognized, 
 and its margin is given as one of the land- 
 marks." 
 
 CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION- 
 PRINCIPLES INVOLVED. 
 
 Early Stand taken by the Citizens of Mon- 
 mouth. — Prooceedings of Meetings in 
 Different TowMships in 1774-5. — Free- 
 hold leads the State. — County Resolu- 
 tions. — An Admirable Document. — Pa- 
 triots Appeal to their Descendants. — " A 
 Faithful Record'' of 1774, audits Message 
 to 1873. 
 
 Historians of other States have always 
 conceded that the citizens of New Jersey 
 were among the earliest and most active 
 opponents of those tyrannical acts of Great 
 Britain which brought on the war, and fi- 
 nally resulted in separation. Large and 
 spirited public meetings were held in va- 
 rious parts of the State in 1774-5, to de- 
 nounce the obnoxious laws, and to organ- 
 ize for counsel and defence. 
 
 At this stage of affairs, sepiaration from 
 England had not been proposed, and most 
 of these meetings, while condemning the 
 acts of the British Ministry and Parlia- 
 ment, still expressed decided loyalty to 
 the King. Our ancestors warmly seconded 
 the stand taken by the people of Boston 
 and freely forwarded contributions to the 
 suffering inhabitants of that city. 
 
 We annex extracts from the proceed- 
 ings of some of these meetings in Old 
 Monmouth, as they exhibit the timely 
 zeal and firm and decided spirit of its citi- 
 zens, and also furnish the names of some 
 of the leading spirits who were prominent 
 in the early stages of political m ^vements 
 which brought on the Revolution. The 
 several counties of the State were request- 
 ed to send delegates to meet at New Bruns. 
 wick, July 21st, 1774, to consider what 
 
28 
 
 OLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 action should be taken by the citizens oi 
 the Province ol New Jersey. This conven- 
 tion was geHeraliy spoken of as the " Pro- 
 vincial Congress of New Jersey, " and was 
 a different' body from the Legislature: in 
 several instances, however, the same per- 
 sons were members of both bodies. A 
 number of persons named in these pro- 
 ceedings were afterwards, during the war, 
 conspicuous in military or civil life, for 
 their services in behalf of their country in 
 legislative halls and on the field of battle. 
 
 For a year or two tbe citizens of the 
 county appear to have been about unani- 
 mous in their sentiments, but when finally 
 the subject of a separation from the moth- 
 er country was boldly advocated, there 
 was found to be a diversity of opinion, and 
 some who were among the most active in 
 the meetings'of 1774-5, earnestly opposed 
 the ijroposition, and eventually sided with 
 England in the later years of that memor- 
 able struggle. The fearful consequences 
 of this division, in which it would seem 
 almost every man capable of bearing arms 
 was comoelled to take sides, we have en- 
 deavored to give in other chnpters. 
 
 The citizens of Freehold had the honor, 
 we believe, of holding tlie first meeting in 
 New Jersey to denounce the tyrannical 
 acts of Great Britain — of inaugurating the 
 movements in our State which finally re- 
 sulted in Independence. The date of 
 their first meeting is June 6th, 1774; thft 
 earliest date of a meeting in any other 
 place tliat we have met with, is of a meet- 
 ing at Newark, June 11th, 1774. 
 
 The following is a copy of the Freehold 
 Proceedings : 
 
 howRR Freehold Resomitxoxs. 
 
 " Freehold June 6th 1774. 
 
 " Atameeting of the Freeholders and In- 
 habitants of the Township of Ldwer Free- 
 hold in the county of Monmouth in New 
 Jersey, on Monday the 6th day of June 
 1774 after notice given of the time place 
 and occasion of this meeting 
 
 '• Resolved That it is the unanimous o\nn- 
 ion of this meeting, that the cause in wliich 
 the inhabitants of the town of Boston are 
 now suflPering is the common cause of the 
 whole Continent of North America; and 
 that unless some general sj)irited measures, 
 lor the public safety be speedily entered 
 into there is just reason to fear that every 
 Province may in turn sliare the same fate 
 with them; and that therefore, it is higldy 
 incumbent on thom all to unite in some 
 
 effectual means to obtain a repeal of the 
 Boston Port Bill and any other that may 
 follow it, which shall be deemed subver- 
 sive of the rights and piivileges of free 
 burn Americans. 
 
 "And that it is the opiiijoti of this meet- 
 ing that in case it shall Ijtreafter a()pear 
 to be consistent with the general opinion 
 of the trading towns and the commercial 
 part ot our countrymen, that an entire 
 stoppage of importation and exportatioii 
 from and to Great Brit.'iin and the West 
 Indies, until the said Port Bill and other 
 Acts be repealed, will be conduijive to tbe 
 safety and preservation of North America 
 and her liberties, they will yield a cheerful 
 acquiesence in the ipeasure and 'Earnestly 
 reccommend the same to all their iM'cth- 
 ren in this Province. 
 
 •'Resolved, ?noreo?er That the inhabitants 
 of this township will jom in an Association 
 with the several towns in the county and 
 in conjuction with them, with the several 
 counties in the Province (if, as w^e 
 doubt not they see fit to accede to the 
 proposal ) in any measures that may ap- 
 pear best adapted to tiie wea! and safety 
 of North America and all her loyal sons. 
 
 '• Ordered That 
 John Anderson Esq Peter Fokman 
 Hendrick Smock John Forman 
 AsHER Holmes Capt Jno Covenhoven 
 
 and Dr. Nathaniel Scxjdder 
 be a committee for the township to join 
 those who may be elected for the neigh- 
 boring townships or counties to co.^stitute 
 a General Committee for any purposes 
 similar to those above mentioned; and 
 that the gentlemen so appointed do im- 
 mediately solicit a correspondence with 
 tlie adjacent towns." 
 
 ( Dr. Scudder subsequently was a Colo- 
 nel in tlie First Regiment Monmouth 
 Militia, and killed October 15th, 1781. a> 
 described elsewhere.) 
 
 The following week the citizens of Essex 
 sent the following to the patriots of Mon- 
 mouth : 
 
 Essex to Mon.moi th. 
 " Elizabethtown -lune 13th 1774. 
 
 "Gentlemen: The alarming Measures 
 which have been lately taken to deprive 
 the Inhabitants of the American Cehnies 
 of their constitutional Rights and Privi- 
 leges, together with the late violent -itlacks 
 made u])on the rights and liberties of the 
 Colony of the Massachusetts Bay ( for as- 
 serting and endeavoring to maintain their 
 rights) manifestly intended lo crush them 
 without Mercv and thereby disunite and 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 29 
 
 wc-aken the Colonies, and at tlie same time 
 dare the.n to assert or own their Constitu- 
 tional Rights, Liberties or Properties, un- 
 der the Penalty of the like, and if jwssible, 
 worse treatment ; and ai the Assembly of 
 New Jersey are not like to meet in time 
 to answer the Design j^roposed, and the 
 neighboring Colonies are devising and ex- 
 pecting the immediate union of this Colo- 
 ny with them. 
 
 ''Bunclry of the hjhabitantsof theCounty 
 of E^sex by Advertisements, convened a 
 general Meeting of said County at Newark 
 on Saturday last, when the said inhabi- 
 tants unanimously entered into certain 
 Kesolves and Declarations upon that occa- 
 sion, a copy of which you have enclosed. 
 We the Committee appointed by the said 
 Meeting, do earnestly request that i^ou 
 will immediately by Advertisements or 
 otherwise, call a general Meeting of your 
 County for the purposes aforesaid as soon 
 as possible, as we have intelligence that it 
 is most probable the General Congress of 
 the Colonies will be held the latter end of 
 July next. We think New Brunswick the 
 most suitable i)lace for the committee to 
 meet, and with submission to them desire 
 they will meet lis at New Brunswick on 
 Thursday July 21st next at 10 o'clock in 
 the morning, unless some other time and 
 place more suitable shall in the meantime 
 be agreed upon. 
 
 " VVe earnestly lequest your answer as 
 soon as possible. 
 
 '• Letters of this Tenor and Date we now 
 despatch to the other Counties in this Col- 
 ony. We are. Gentlemen, 
 
 " your most ob't servants 
 "Stephen Craxe Chairman 
 
 '' Hy order : 
 
 " To Messrs Edward Taylor, Richard Law- 
 rence Elisha Lawrence, John Taylor and 
 Henry Waddeli, and other Inliabilants ot 
 the County of Monmouth, Friends to the 
 liiiierties and Privileges of the American 
 Colonies." 
 
 ( The above letter was directed to the 
 above named gentlemen " or to any body 
 else in Monmouth County.'") 
 
 Delegates IVdm the different townships 
 in the connty assembled at Fi'eohoiil, July 
 i9lh, and the result of their decision is 
 found in the following admirable docu- 
 ment. It is lengthy but will well repay 
 perusa'. In the closing paragraph they 
 trust that some fiithful record will trans- 
 mit the reasons which actuated them, to 
 til' ir posterity to whom they make a brief 
 but f>loquetit appeal. As they desired, this 
 
 record has been jjreserved, and as they 
 desired, we do what we can to place it be- 
 fore their descendants: 
 
 MoxMOUTH County Resolutioxs. 
 
 " On Tuesday July 19th 1774, a majority 
 of the Committees from the several town- 
 ships in the covinty of Monmouth of the 
 Colony of New Jersey met according to 
 appointment at the Court House at Free- 
 hold in said county ; and api)earing to 
 have been regularly chosen and constituted 
 by their respective townships, they unani- 
 mously agreed upon the propriety and ex- 
 pediency of electing a committee to repre- 
 sent the whole county at the approaching 
 Provincial Convention to be held at the 
 city of New Brunswick, for the necessary 
 purpose of constituting delegates from Ibis 
 Province to the general Congress of the 
 Colonies and for all other such important 
 purposes as siiall hereafter be found neces- 
 sary. 
 
 " They at the same time also recorded the 
 following Resolutions, Determinations and 
 Opinions, which they wish to be transmit- 
 ted to posterity as an ample testimony to 
 their lovalty to his British Majesty, of their 
 firm attacement to the principles of the 
 glorious Revolution and their fixed and 
 unalterable purpose, by every lawful 
 means in their power, to maintain and de- 
 fend themselves in the possession and en- 
 joyment of those inestima,ble civil and re- 
 ligious privileges which their forefathers, 
 at the expense of so much blood and treas- 
 ure, liave established and handed down 
 to them. 
 
 " 1st. In the names and behalf of their 
 constituents, the good and loyal inhabi- 
 tants of the county of Monmouth, in the 
 colony of New Jersey^ they do cheerfully 
 and publicly proclaim their unshaken al- 
 legiance to the person and government ot 
 his most gracious Majesty King George the 
 Third now on the British throne, and do 
 acknowledge^ themselves bound at all 
 times, and to the utmost exertion of their 
 power to maintain his dijznity and lawful 
 sovereignty in and over all his colonies in 
 America; and that it is their most fervent 
 desire and constant prayer that in a Prot- 
 estant succession, the descendants of the 
 illustrious House of Hanover, may con- 
 tinue to sway the British sceptre to the 
 latest posterity. 
 
 " 2d. They do highly esteem and prize 
 the happiness of being governed and hav- 
 ing their liberty and property secured to 
 them by so excellent a system of laws as 
 
30 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 that of Great Britain, the best doubtless in 
 the universe ; and they will at all times 
 cheerfully obey and render every degree of 
 assistance in their power to the full and 
 just execution of them. But at t}«e fame 
 time will, with the greatest alacrity and 
 resolution oppose- any unwarrantable in- 
 novations in them or any additions to or 
 alterations in the grand system which may 
 appear unconstitutional, and consequently 
 inconsistent with the liberties and privi- 
 leges of the descendants ot free borit 
 American Britons. 
 
 " 3d. As there has been for ages past, a 
 most happy union and uninterrupted con- 
 nection between Great Britain and her 
 colonies in America, they conceive their 
 interests are now become so intimately 
 blended together and their mutual de 
 pendence upon each other to be at this 
 time so delicately great that they esteem 
 everything which has a tendency to alien- 
 ate affection or disunite them in any de- 
 gree, highly injurious to their common 
 happiness and directly calculated to pro- 
 duce a Eevolution, likelv in the end to 
 prove destructive to both ; they do there- 
 fore heartily disclaim every idea of that 
 spirit of independence which has, of late, 
 by some of our mistaken brethren on each 
 side of the Atlantic, been so groundlefsiy 
 and injuriously held up to thr.- attention of 
 the nation, as having through ambition, 
 ])Ossessed tlie breasts of tlie Americans. — 
 And moreover they do devoutly bt-seech 
 the Supreme Disposer of all events, gra- 
 ciously to incline the heart of our Soverign 
 and all his Ministers, to a kind and im- 
 partial investigation ot the real sentiments 
 and disjjosition of his truly loyal American 
 subjects. 
 
 "4th. Notwithstanding many great men 
 xind able writers have employed their tal- 
 ents and pens in favor of the newly adopt- 
 ed mode of taxation in America, tliey are 
 J'et sensible of no convictive light being 
 thrown upon the subject; and therefore, 
 although so august a body as that of the 
 British Parliament is now actually endeav- 
 oring to enforce in a military way. tlie ex- 
 ecution of some distressing edicts upon the 
 capital of the Mas-^acliusetts colony, they 
 do freely and solemnly declare "that in 
 conscience they deem them, and all oth- 
 ers that are, or ever may be framed upon 
 tiie same principles, altogetlier unprece- 
 dented and unconstitutional, utterly in- 
 consistent wilh the true original intention 
 of Magna Charta, subversive of the just 
 rights of free born Englishmen, agreeable 
 
 and satisfactory only to the domestic and 
 foreign enemies of our nation, and conse- 
 quently pregnant with complicated ruin, 
 and tentling directly to the dissolution and 
 destruction of the Britisli Empire. 
 
 " 5tii. As they, on tlie one hand firmly 
 believe that the inhabitants of the Massa- 
 chusetts colony in general, and those of 
 the town of Boston in particular, are to all 
 intents and purposes as loyal subjects as 
 any in all his Majesty's widely extended 
 dominions ; and on the other, that (al- 
 though the present coercive and oppres.sive 
 measures against them may have taken 
 rise in some part from the grossest and 
 most cruel misrepresentat.on both of their 
 disposition and conduct ) the blockade of 
 that town is principally designed to lead 
 the way in an attempt to execute a dread- 
 ful deep laid plan for enslaving all Anipr- 
 icd. 'J'heyare therefore clearly of 0[)inion, 
 that the Bostonians are now eminently 
 sufi'ering in the common cause >.f Aim-ii- 
 can fretsdotn, and that their fate n:ay 
 probably pVove decisive to this very ex- 
 tensive continent and even to the whole 
 British nation ; and they do verily expect 
 that unle>s some generous ."^pii'lted meas- 
 ures for the public safety be speedily en- 
 tered into and steadily prosecuted, every 
 other colony will soon in turn feel the per- 
 nicious etiects of the same detestable re- 
 strictions. Whence tiiey earnestly entreat 
 every rank, denomination, society and 
 profession of their brethren, that,' laying 
 aside all bigotry and every party disposi 
 tion. tliey do now universally concur in 
 one- generous and vigorous etibrt for the 
 encouragement and support of their suf- 
 f'^ring friends, and in a resolute assertion 
 of their birth right, liberties and }>rivileges. 
 In consequence of vvliich t!?ey may reason- 
 ably expect a speedy repeal of ail the ar- 
 bitrary edicts re.>;pecting the MassHchusetts 
 government, and at the same time an ef- 
 fectual preclusion of any future attempts 
 of the kind from the enemies of our ha))- 
 l^y Constitution, either upon them or any 
 o< their American brethren. 
 
 "6th In case it shall hereafter appeiu- to 
 be consistent with t!ie result of the delib- 
 eration of the general Congress, that an 
 interruption or entire cassation of com- 
 mercial intercourse with Great Britain and 
 even ( jninful as it may be ) with the West 
 Indies, until such oppressive Acts \ e re- 
 ]ii'aled and the liberties of America fully 
 restored, stated and assorted, wiH on this 
 deplorable emergency be really necessary 
 ;intl conducive to the public good, they 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 31 
 
 promise a ready acquiesence in every mea- 
 sure ^nfi will recommend the same as far 
 as their ii;fluence extends. 
 
 " 7th. As a general Congress of Deputies 
 from the several American Colonies is pro- 
 posed to be held at Philadelphia soon in 
 iSeptember next, they ileclare their entire 
 approbation of the design and think it is 
 the only rational method of evading those 
 aggravated evils which threaten to involve 
 the whole continent in one general calam- 
 itous catastrophe. They are therelore met 
 this day, vested with due authority from 
 their respective constituents, to elect a 
 committee to represent this county of 
 Monmouth in any future necessary trans 
 actions respecting the cause of liberty and 
 especially to join the Provincial Conven- 
 tion soon to be held at New Brunswick, 
 for the purpose of nominating and consti- 
 tuting a number of Delegates, who in be- 
 half of this Colony ma, steadily attend to 
 said general Congress and faithfullv serve 
 the laboring cause of freedom and they 
 have consequently chosen and deputed the 
 following gentlemen to that important 
 trust viz ; y 
 
 Edward^'aylor John Anderson 
 
 John Tiiylor Dr Nathaniel Scudder 
 
 John Burrowes John Covenhoven u- 
 
 Joseph Holmes Josiah Holmes 
 
 Edward Williams James Crover 
 John Lawrence. 
 
 ' Edward Taylor being constituted chair- 
 man and any five of them a sufficient 
 number to transact business. And they 
 do beseech, entreat, insti'uct and enjoin 
 them to give their voice at said Provincial 
 Convention, for no persons but such as 
 they in good conscience and from the best 
 information shall verily believe to be am- 
 ply quaiified fnr so int'^resting a depart- 
 ment; particularly that they be men high- 
 ly aj^proved for integrity, honesty and up 
 rightness, faithfully Httached to his Maj- 
 esty's person and lawful government, well 
 skilled in tiie principles of our excellent 
 constitution and steady assertors of all our 
 civil and religious liberties. 
 
 " 8th. As under the present operation of 
 the Boston Port Bill, thousantls of our re- 
 spected brethren in Ijuit town must neces 
 sarily be reduced to great distress, they 
 feel themselves affected with the sincorest 
 sympathy and most cordial-commiseration; 
 and as they expect, under God, that the 
 final deliverance of America will be owing, 
 in a great degree, to a continuance of their 
 virtuous struggle, they esteem themselves 
 bound in duty and in interest to afforl 
 
 them every assistance and alleviation in 
 their power ; and they do now in behalf 
 of their constituents, declare their readi- 
 ness to contribute to the relief of the suf- 
 fering poor in that town ; therefore they 
 request the several committees of the 
 country, when met, to take into serious 
 consideration the necessity and expedien- 
 cy of' forwarding under a sanction from 
 them, subscriptions through every part of 
 the Colony, for that truly humane and 
 laudable purpose ; and that a proper plan 
 be concerted for laying out the product of 
 such subscriptions to the best andvantage, 
 and afterwards transmitting it to Boston 
 in the safest and least expensive way. 
 
 "9th. As we are now by our Committees 
 in this, in conjunction with those of other 
 colonies, about to delegate to a number of 
 our countrymen a power equal to any 
 wherewith liuman nature alone was ever 
 invested ; and as we firmly resolve to ac- 
 quiesce in their deliberations, we do there- 
 fore earnestly entreat them, seriously and 
 conscientiously to weigh the inexpressible 
 importance of their arduous department, 
 and fervently to solicit that direction and 
 assistance m the discnarge of their trust, 
 which all the powers of humanity cannot 
 afford thesn ; and we do humbly and ear- 
 nestly beseech that God, in whose hand 
 are the hearts of all flesh and who ruleth 
 them at his pleasure, graciously to infuse 
 into the whole Congress a spirit of true 
 wisdom, prudence and just moderation ; 
 and to direct them to such unanimous and 
 happy conclusion as shall terminate in His 
 own honor and glory, the establishment 
 of the Protestant succession of the illus- 
 trious House of Hanover, the mutual weal 
 and advantage of Great Britain and all her 
 l^ominions and a just and permanent con- 
 firmation of i.ll the civil and religious lib- 
 erties of Araerica. And now lastly, under 
 tlie consideration of the bare possibility 
 that the enemies of our constitution may 
 y«>t succeed in ■x desperate triumph over 
 us in this age, we do earnestly ( should 
 this prove the case ) call upon all future 
 generations to renew the glorious struggle 
 for liberty as often as Heaven shall afford 
 them any probable means of success. 
 
 •' May this notification, by some faithful 
 record, be handed down to the yet unborn 
 descendants of Americans, that nothing 
 but the most fatal necessity could have 
 wrested the present inestimable enjoy- 
 ments from their ancestors. Let them 
 universally inculcate upon their beloved 
 offspring an investigation of those truths, 
 
32 
 
 OLD TIMES IX OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 respecting both civil and religious liberty, 
 which have been so clearly and fully stated 
 in this generation. May they be carefulh' 
 taught in all their schools-, and may they 
 never rest until, through Divine blessing 
 upon their efforts, true freedom and liber- 
 ty shall reign triumphant over the whole 
 Crlebe. 
 
 " Signed by order of the Committes, 
 
 '' Edward Taylor Chairman " 
 Boston Gratefully Acknowledges Mon- 
 mouth Contributions. 
 
 The patriots of Monmouth promptly 
 and freely contributed to the suffering in- 
 habitants of Boston. In forwarding their 
 first contribution "they entreated their 
 brethren not to give up, and if they 
 should want a iurther supjjly of bread to 
 let them know it." 
 
 On the 21st of October, 1774, a letter was 
 written on behalf of the Boston ians, to 
 the citizens of Monmouth, in whicli they 
 say: ^ 
 
 " The kind and generous donations of 
 the County of Monmouth in the -Tersies 
 we are now to acknowledge and with 
 grateful hearfcB to thank you therefore, 
 having received from the Committee of 
 said county, per Captain Brown, eleven 
 hundred and forty (1140) bushels of rye 
 and fifty barrels of rye meal, for thesuffer- 
 ing poor of this town which shall be au- 
 plied to the purpose intended by the don- 
 ors ; and what further cheers our hearts, 
 is your kind assurances of a further sup- 
 ply, if necessary, to enable us to oppose 
 the cruel Parliamentary Acts, levelled not 
 only against this town, but our whole 
 Constitution." 
 
 " Committees of Observation and Inspec- 
 tion." 
 
 '• Freehold December 10th 1774. 
 
 " In pursuance of the recommendation of 
 the Continental Congress and for the pres- 
 ervation of American Freedom, a respect 
 able body of the freeholders of Freehold 
 townshij) met at the Court House and 
 unanimously elected the following gentle- 
 men to act as a Committee of Observation 
 and Inspection for said township : 
 .Tolin Anderson Hendrick Smock 
 
 John Forman John Covenhoven 
 
 Asher Holmes Dr. Nath'l Scudder 
 
 Teter Forman David Forman 
 
 Dr. T. Henderson. 
 
 " The committee were instructed by their 
 constituents to carry into e.xecution the 
 'several imjiortant and sahitniT measures 
 
 pointed out to them by the Continental 
 Congress and without favor or affection to 
 make all such diligent inquiry as shall be 
 found conducive to thd accomplishment 
 of the great necessary purposes held up to 
 the attention of Americans." 
 
 Upper Freehold, Dover and Middle- 
 town formed similar committees, and noti- 
 fied the Freehold committee. 
 
 Shi'ewsbury however failed to appohit a 
 committee. This may havf been owing 
 to the prevalence of Quaker principles in 
 the township. An attempt by the patri- 
 ots of Shrewsbury was made to have a 
 Committee appointed, as will be seen by 
 the following cojiy of an advertisement 
 put up in this township : 
 
 •' Advertisement. 
 
 "Shrewsbury January 2nd' 1775. 
 
 " Aiireeable to the Resolutions of the 
 late General Continental Congress — The 
 Inhabitants of the town of Slirewsbury, 
 more especially such as are properly qual- 
 ififcd for choosing Representatives to serve 
 in the Genend Assembly are hereby warn- 
 ed to meet at the house of Josiah Hal- 
 stead, in said Sh^-ewsbury, on '^esday the 
 17th of this instant January at noon, in 
 order to choose a Committee for the seve- 
 ral purposes as directed by thesai'l Con- 
 gress. 
 
 " As the method ordered by the Congress 
 seems to be the only peaceable method 
 the case will admit of, on failure of which 
 either confii'med Slavery or a civil war of 
 course succeeds ; the bare mention of 
 either of the two last is shocking to hu- 
 man nature, more particularly so to all 
 true friends of the English Constitution. 
 
 "Therefore it becomes the indispensable 
 duty of all such to use their utmost en- 
 deavors in favor of the first or peaceable 
 method, and suffer it not to miscarry or 
 fail of its salutary and much desired effects 
 by means of any sinister views or indo- 
 lence of theirs. Surely expectinir on the 
 one hand to be loaded with the curses 
 arising from sla'very to the latest posteri- 
 ty, or on the other band the guilt of 
 blood of thousand of their brethren and 
 fellow Christians to lay at their door and 
 to be jusily required at their hands. 
 
 "Think well of this before it be too late 
 and let not the |irecious moments pass." 
 
 A .number of the citizens of Shrewsbury 
 Hssemhled at the time and place mention- 
 ed in the advertisement but they failed to 
 appoint a committee." The following 
 -^iiows tho conclusion to which tb(^ meet- 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 33 
 
 ing came. It concludes more like a Qua- 
 ker Meeting epistle than a town meeting 
 resolve : 
 
 " Extract from a letter to a gentleman in 
 New York dated Shrewsbury N. J. Jan- 
 uary 18th 1775. 
 
 " In consequence of an anonymous ad- 
 vertisement fixed up in this place, giving 
 notice to freeholders and others, to meet 
 on Tuesday the 17th inst in order to 
 choose a Committee of Inspection etc, be- 
 tween thirty and forty of ^he most respect 
 able freeholders accordingly met and after 
 a few debates on the business of the day, 
 which were carried on vrith great decency 
 and moderation it was generally agreed 
 (there being only four or five dissenting 
 votes) that the appointment of a commit- 
 tee was not only useless, but they were 
 apprehensive would prove a means of dis- 
 turbing the peace and quietness which 
 had hitherto existed in the township, and 
 would continue to use their utmost en- 
 deavors to preserve and to gaurd against 
 running upon that rock on which, with 
 much concern, they beheld others, through 
 an inattentive rashness, daily splitting " 
 
 The Freehold Committee of Observation 
 and Inspection at a meeting held March 
 17th, 1775, took up the case of Shrewsbury 
 township, and after stating the subject in 
 a preamble they resolved that from and 
 after that day they would esteem and 
 treat the citizens of Shrewsbury as ene- 
 mies to their King and country and de- 
 serters of the common cause of Freedom ; 
 and would break off all dealings and con- 
 nections with taem " unless they shall 
 ttirn from the evil of their ways and testi- 
 fy their repentance by adopting the mea- 
 sures of Congress." 
 
 The New Jersey Provincial Legislature, 
 in May following, authorized other town- 
 shijis to appoint delegates for Shrewsbury, 
 but the same month the refractory town- 
 ship, as will be seen by the following, 
 chose delegates and also a committee of 
 Observation, and so the unpleasantness 
 ended. 
 
 Shrewsbury Falls Into Line. 
 
 "At a meeting f Freeholders and Inhab- 
 itants, of the township of Shrewsbtiry this 
 27th day of May 1775, the following per- 
 sons were by a great majority, chosen a 
 committee of observation for the said 
 town agreeable to the direction of the 
 General Continental Congress held at 
 Philadelphia September 5th 1774 viz. 
 
 Josiah Holmes John Little 
 
 Jos. Throckmorton Samuel Longstreet 
 Nicholas Van Brunt David Knott 
 Cor, Vanderveer Benjamin Dennis 
 Daniel Hendrickson Samuel Breese 
 Thomas Morford Garret Longstreet 
 Cornelius Lane. 
 
 I " Ordered : That Daniel Hendrick.son 
 and Nicholas Van Brtint, or eitherof them, 
 do attend t'ae Provincial Congress now 
 
 I setting at Trenton, with full power to rep- 
 resent there, this town of Shrewsbury. 
 And that Josiah Holmes, David Knott and 
 Samuel Breese be a sub committee to pre- 
 pare instructions for the Deputy or Depu- 
 ties who are to attend the Congress at 
 Trenton. 
 
 '• Josiah Holmes was unanimously chosen 
 chairman. Josiah Holmes. 
 
 '' Chairman and Town Clerk.'" 
 
 Freehold PxVTRiots Indignant. — Novel 
 Proceedings. 
 
 March 6th, 1775. 
 A Tory pamphlet entitled '• Free 
 Tho^ights on the Resolves of Congress by A 
 W. Farmer " was handed to the Freehold 
 Committee of Observation and Inspection 
 for their opinion. The committee declar- 
 ed it to be most pernicious and malignant 
 in its tendencies and calculated to sap the 
 foundation of American liberty. The 
 pamphlet was handed back to their con- 
 stituents who gave it a coat of tar and 
 turkey buzzards feathers, one person re- 
 marking that " although the feathers 
 were plucked from the mos^ stinking of 
 fowls, he thought it fell far short of being 
 a proper emblem of the authors odious- 
 ness to the friends of freedom and he 
 wished he had the pleasure of giving the 
 author a coat of the same material.'" 
 
 The pam^jhlet in its gorgeous attire was 
 then nailed to the pillory post. 
 
 The same committee severely denounc- 
 ed a Tory pamphlet written by James 
 Eivington, editor of Kivington's Eoyal Ga- 
 zette, the Tory paper, printed in New 
 York. 
 
 By the following resolves it will be seen 
 that the citizens of Upper Freehold favor- 
 ed arming the people if necessary, to op- 
 pose the tyrannical acts of Great Britain. 
 A striking illustration of the stirring 
 events of that perilous time is found in 
 the fact that before a year had elapsed 
 some of the prominent men in this meet- 
 ing were aiding Great Britain to the best 
 of their ability by voice, pen or sword : 
 
34 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 Upper Freehold Resolitions. 
 
 •' May 4th 1775. This day, agreeable to 
 previous notice a very considerable num- 
 ber of the principal inhabitants of tins 
 township met at Imlaystown. 
 
 "John Lawrence Es<i. in tlie chair; Wlien 
 the following resolves were unanimously 
 agreed to : 
 
 '' Resolved, I'liat it is our first wish to 
 live in unison with Great Britain, agree- 
 able to the principles of the Constitution ; 
 that we consider the unnatural civil war 
 which we are about to be forced into, 
 with anxiety and distress but that we are 
 determined to oppose the novel claim of 
 the Parliament of Great Britain to raise a 
 revenue in Amtrica and risk every possi- 
 ble consequence rather than to submit to 
 it. 
 
 •' Resolved. That it appears to this 
 meeting that there are a suflBcient num- 
 ber of arms for the people. 
 
 •' Resolved. Thatasum of money be now 
 raised to purchase what further quantity 
 of Powder and Ball may be necessary ; 
 and it is recommended that every man 
 capable of bearing arms enter into Com- 
 panies to train, and be prepared to march 
 at a minutes warning ; and it is (urther 
 recommended to the people that they do 
 not waste their powder in fowling and 
 hunting. 
 
 •' A subscription was opened tvnd one 
 hundred and sixty pounds instantly paid 
 into the hands of a person appointed for 
 that purpose. 'I'he officers of four com- 
 panies were then chosen and the meeting 
 bi'oke up in perfect unanimity. 
 
 " Emsiia Lawkrmk. Clerk.'' 
 
 THE OUTLAWS OF THE 1 INES. 
 
 Among the most noted of these scoun- 
 drels may be mentioned Lewis Fenton, 
 Jacob Fagan, Thomas and Stephen Burke 
 alias Emmons, Ezekiel Williams, Richard 
 Bird, John Bacon, John Giberson, John 
 Wood, John Farnham, Jonathan and 
 Stephen West, DeBow aud Davenport. 
 
 Bird and Davenport appear to have op- 
 erated principally in old Dover township. 
 Giberson's head quarters appear tj have 
 been in the lower part of Burlington, from 
 whence he made occasional raids into Staf- 
 ford, then the southern township of Mon- 
 moutii county. 
 
 In speaking of the Pine Robbers, Howe's 
 Collections give several items derived 
 chiefly from tra<litionary sources, relating 
 to some of these notorious scoundrels. 
 We give their substance below. ap2)en':ling 
 occasional corrections and a large amount 
 of additional matter. The compiler of 
 the above named work derived his infor- 
 mation Irom aged citizens of the country 
 over three score years after the events re- 
 ferred to occurred. By comparing their 
 traditionary accounts with letters written 
 from Freehold and vicinity at the time, it 
 will be seen that they differ only in minor 
 details. 
 
 jn speaking of Howell township. Howe 
 says : 
 
 '• Superadded to the other liorrorsof the 
 Revolutionary war in this region, the pines 
 were infested with numerous robbers, who 
 had caves Vnu-rowed in the sides of sand 
 hills, near the margin of swamps, in llie 
 most secluded situations, which were cov- 
 ered with brush so as to be almost undis- 
 cernable. At dead of night these miscre- 
 ants would sally forth from their dens to 
 plunder, burn and murder. The inhsihi 
 tants, in constant terror, w>ie obliged tor 
 safety to carry their muskets w'tii them 
 into the fields, and even to the house oi 
 worship. At length, so numerous and au- 
 dacious had tliey become, that the state 
 government ofi'ei'ed large rewards for 
 their destruction, and they were hunted 
 and shot like wild beasts, when they weri^ 
 almost entirely extirpated."' 
 
 The first of whom We shall speak i^ 
 
 Lewis Fenton. 
 
 Fenton wa« originally a blacksmith, and 
 learned h-s trade at Freehold. On one 
 occasion he robbed a tailor's shop in that 
 township. Word was sent him that if he 
 did not restore the clothing within a week 
 he should be hunted and shot, [ntimida 
 ted by the tiireat, he returned the proper 
 ty accompanied by the following fiendish 
 note : 
 
 "I have returned your d — d rags. 
 In a short time I am coming to burn your 
 barns and houses, and roast vou all liice a 
 pack of kittens." 
 
 In August, 177'J, this villain, at the head 
 of his gang, attacked, at midnight, the 
 dwelling of Mr. Thomas Farr. in the vi- 
 cinity of Imlaystown. The iamily. con- 
 sisting of Mr. Farr and wife (both aged 
 persons) and their daughter, barricaded 
 the door with logs of wood. The assail- 
 ants first attemj'ted to beat in the door 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 35 
 
 with rails, but being unsucpssful, fired 
 through a volley of ball;, one of which 
 broke the leg of Mr. Farr. Then forning 
 an entrance at the back door, they mur- 
 dered his wife and dispatched him as he 
 lay helpless on the floor. His daughter, 
 though badly wounded, escaped, and the 
 gang, fearing she would alarm the neigh- 
 borhood, precipitately fled without wait- 
 ing to plunder. 
 
 After perpetrating many enormitir-;, 
 Feriton was shot, about two miles helow 
 Blue Ball, under the following cir<Mim- 
 stances : 
 
 Fenton and Burke beat and robbed a 
 young man named VanMater of his meal. 
 as he was going to mill. He escaped and 
 conveyed the information to Lfp's Legion, 
 th«n at th« Court Housr. A part^ staited 
 otFin a wagon in pursuit, consisting of the 
 Sergeant. VanMater and two soldiers. 
 The soldiers lay on the bottom of the 
 wiigon concealed under the straw, while 
 tlie sergeant, disguised :is a ountryman, 
 sat with VanMater on th« seat. To in- 
 oi'ease the deception, two or th)'ee pmpty 
 barrels were put m the wagon. On pass- 
 ing a low grpggery in the pines, Fenton 
 came out with ■> pistol in hand and com- 
 manded tliem to stop. Addressing Van- 
 Mater he said : 
 
 " You d d rascal ! I gave you such 
 
 a whippin.' I thought you would not dare 
 to show your head ;" then changing the 
 subject inquired, ' where are you going?" 
 
 " To the salt works," was the reply. 
 
 " Have you any brandy ?" rejoined the 
 robber 
 
 " Yes ! will you have some ?"' 
 
 A bottle was given him^ he put his foot 
 on the hub of the wagon, and was in the 
 act of drinking, when rlif sergeant touched 
 the foot of one of the soldiers, who arose 
 and shot him through th^ head. His 
 brains werp scattered over the side of the 
 w-agon. Burke, then in 'he woods, hear 
 ing the report and supposing it a signal 
 from his companion, discharged his rifle 
 in answer. The party went in pursuit, 
 but he escaped. 
 
 Careh^ssly throwing the body into the 
 wagon, they drove back furiously to the 
 Court House, where, on their arrival, they 
 .jerked out the corpse by the heels, as 
 though it had been that of some wild ani- 
 mal, with the ferocious exclamation : 
 " Here is a cordial for your tories and wood 
 robbers f^ 
 
 In the above version it is stated that 
 Fenton's companion was Burke, but an- 
 
 cient papers published during the war say 
 it was DeBow. Of the two Burkes alias 
 Emmons, Th«mas and Stephen, we shall 
 have occasion to speak before concluding. 
 
 By the following extract it will he seen 
 that the brutal attack by Fenton and his 
 ganir on Thomas Farr and family, occurr- 
 ed in Juiy, instead of August, as stated in 
 the foregoing traditionally aitcouni fr,om 
 Howe : 
 
 '• July 31st, 1779.— Thomas Farr and 
 wife were murdered in the niL'ht near 
 Crosswicks Baptist meeting house, and 
 daughte- b;idly wounded by a gang sup- 
 posed to be under the lead of Lewis Fen- 
 ton. About the same time Fenton broke 
 into and robbed the house of one An- 
 drews, in M. n;nouth ('-ounty. Governor 
 Livingston offered £500, reward for Fen- 
 ton and £300, and £2-50 for persons assist- 
 ing him." 
 
 The Penn.sylvania Pacl<et (1779) gives a 
 notice of the attack on VanMater by Fen- 
 ■on, which corresponds with the foliowing 
 from another ancient paper. .Sept. 29, 
 1779, probably written by a Freehold cor- 
 respondent : 
 
 " On Thursday last (September 23d, 
 1779), a Mr. V^inM.iter was knocked ofF 
 his horsf^ on the road near Longstreet's 
 Mills, in Monmouth County, by Lewis 
 Fenton and one De Bow, by whom he was 
 stabbed in the arm and otherwise much 
 abused, besides being robbed of his saddle. 
 In the meantime another person coming 
 up, which drew the attention of the rob- 
 bers, gave VanMater an opportunity to 
 escape. He wnt directly and informed 
 a Serjeant's gaurd of Major Lee'i; liglit dra- 
 goons, who were in the neighborhood, of 
 what had happened. The serjeant im- 
 mediately impi'esed a wagon r.nd horses 
 and 6rdered three of his men to secrete 
 themselves m it under some hay. Hav- 
 ing changed his clothes and procured a 
 guide, he made haste, thus equipped, to 
 the place where Fenton lay. On the ap- 
 proach of the wagon, Fenton (his compan- 
 ion being gone) rushed out to plunder it. 
 Upon demanding what they had in it. he 
 was answered a little wine :;nd spirit. 
 These articles he said he wanted, and 
 while advancing toward tlie wagon to 
 take possession of them, one of the sol- 
 diers, being previously informed who he 
 was, shot him through the head, which 
 killed him instantly on the spot. Thus 
 did this villain end his days, which it is 
 to be hoped will at least be a warning to 
 others, if not to induce them to throw 
 
ot:i 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 themselves* on the rnerey of their Injured 
 country.'" 
 
 In the early part of September, 1779, 
 shortly before the VanMater affair, four of 
 Fenton's gang were captured by- the mdi- 
 tia and lodged in Freehold jail. 
 
 .Ij»lCOB Fagan. 
 
 F.iiXan, also a monster in wiekcdness, 
 was killed in Shrewsbury by n party of 
 militia under Mnjor Benjumin Denni.s. 
 The account here given, is from Mrs. 
 .\melia Coryel. a daughter of Mr. Denni'-', 
 living in JanUMvy, 1843, in Phi!adelph;a, 
 and who, as will be seen in the n;irration, 
 narrowly escii])ed death from the ruffians: 
 '' On Mond.iy in the autumn <^f 1778, 
 Fngnn, Bi^ke and Smith c;une to the 
 dwelling of Major Dennis, on the .soutli 
 side of Man;isquan river, four miles below 
 Howell Mills, to rob it of some plunder 
 captured from a British vessel. Fragan 
 had formerly been a ue-.w neigliboi-. 
 Smith, .in honest citizen, who liail j"ined 
 the otl>er tw", the most notorious lobbers 
 of their time, for the purpose of belrnying 
 them, prevailed upon th'jm 'o remain in 
 theii' lurking place while he entered the 
 house to ^iscertain if the v^aj' was clear. 
 On entering he appr'zed Mrs. Dennis of 
 her danger. Her daughter Amelia (after- 
 wards Mrs. Goryel), a girl of fourteen, hid 
 a pocket book contnining $80, in ;i bed- 
 tick, atid with her little brother hastily 
 retreated to a swamp near. Shf> had 
 scarcely left when they entered, searched 
 the house nnd the bed. but witliout suc- 
 cess. 
 
 "After tbri'atening Mrs. !)( nnis. and 
 ascertaining if she was unwilling to give in 
 tormsition where the treasure was conceal- 
 ed, one of tliein jtroposed to murder her. 
 •' No,'" replied his comrnd*- ; '' let the 
 
 d n rebel b h live. The counsel ot 
 
 the first prevailed. They took her to a 
 young cedar tree, and suspended her to it 
 by the neck with a bed cord. In her 
 struggles she got free and escaped. 
 Amelia, observing them from her hiding 
 place, just tlieii descried .John Holmes ap- 
 proachmg m her father's wagon over a rise 
 of ground two hundred y;'rds distant, and 
 r;in towards him. I'he robbers fired fit 
 lier; the bail whistled over her head and 
 buried itself in an oak. Holmes abandon- 
 ed the wagon and escaped to thf» woods. 
 They then plundeipd the wagon and went 
 off. ' 
 
 "Thene.xtday Major Dennirf renicyve I 
 his family to Shrewsbury, under ])rotec 
 
 tion of the guar< 
 companions, an( 
 
 Smith stole from his 
 informed Dennis they 
 were coming th<* next evening to more 
 thoroughly search his dwelling, and pro- 
 j)Osed thai he and his comrades should be 
 waylaid at a place agreed upon. On 
 Wednes'lay evening the Miijor.with a par- 
 ty of militia, lay in ambush at the appoint- 
 ed s])ot. After a wiiile Smith drove by in 
 a wagon intended for the })luiider, and 
 Fagan and Burke came behind on foot. 
 At a given signal fro u Smith, which was 
 something siid to tiie horses, the militia 
 fired and the robbers disappeared. On 
 Saturday, some hunters in a groggt>ry. 
 made a bet that Fagan was killed. 
 Se .rch was made and his body was found 
 and buried. On Sunday, the event becom- 
 ing known, the peojde assembled, disin- 
 twrred the remains, and alter heaping in- 
 dignilie.-. upon it, enveloped it in a tarred 
 cloth Mud suspended it in chains, with i«in 
 l)ands .irnund it, from a large chestnut 
 tree about a mile from 'he Court House, on 
 the road to Colts Neck. There hung the 
 corpse in mid air, rocked to and fio by the 
 winds, a horrible warning to his comrades, 
 and a terror to travellers, until ' he birds 
 of prey i)icked '.he flesh from its bono.- 
 and the skeleton fell piecemeal to the 
 ground. Tradition affirms that the skull 
 was afterwards })lace<l .-gainst tl^e tree. 
 with a pipe in its mouth in derision. 
 
 '' Mrs Dennis, wife of M ijor Dennis, on 
 anotlier occasion came n^e^ir neing kiiled 
 by a par.y of Hessians, who entered her 
 dwelling, and alter rudely accosting hei'. 
 knocked her down with their muskeis and 
 left lier for dead, in the July succeeding 
 the <leath of Fagan, her husband was 
 shot by liie robi^ers Fen 'on and Emmons, 
 as he was travelling from Coryel's Ferry 
 to Shrewsbury. After the murder of her 
 husband, she married John liaaibert. act- 
 ing fjrovernor of New .leisev in 1802. She 
 died in 1835. "" 
 
 Fagan's death ab'ove referred to oc- 
 curred in September. 1778. An ancient 
 paper has a communication dated October 
 1st, 1778, which says : 
 
 " About ten days ago -Jacob Fagan, wlio 
 having previously headed a number of 
 villain.s in Monmouth county that have 
 committed divers robl)eries and were the 
 terror of travellers, was shot. Since 
 whicii his body lias been gibbeted on the 
 ]iublic highvvav in that county, to deter 
 others from i>c-rpetrating the like detest- 
 able crimes." 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 37 
 
 THE OUTLAWS OF THE TINES. 
 
 Stephen Burke alias Emmon.s, Stephen- 
 West AND EZEKIEL WiLLIAMS. 
 
 The following is an extract from a let- 
 ter dated at Monmouth Court House, -Jan- 
 uary 29th, 1778 : 
 
 " The Tory pine robbers, who have 
 .their haunts and caves in the pines and 
 have been for some time past a terror to 
 the inhabitants of this county, have dur- 
 ing the course of the present week, met 
 with a very eminent disaster. 
 
 "On Tuesday evening last (January 26th) 
 Captain Benjamin Dennis, who lately 
 killed the infamous robber Fagan, with 
 a party of his militia, went in pursuit of 
 three of the most noted of ,the Pine Kob 
 hers and was so fortunate as to fall in 
 with them and kill them on the spot. 
 'I'heir names are Stephen Burke alias 
 Emmons, Stephen West and Ezekiel 
 Williams. Yesterday they were brought 
 up to this place and two of them it is said 
 will be hanged in chains. This signal 
 piece of service was effected through the 
 instrumentality of one John VanKirk 
 who was prevailed upon to associate with 
 them on purpose to discover thoir practi- 
 ces an"! to lead them into our hands. He 
 conducted himself with so much address 
 that the robbers and especially the three 
 above named, who were the leading vil- 
 lains, looked upon him as one of their 
 body, kejit him constantly with them and 
 eiitrusted him with all th.ur designs. 
 
 "VanKirk at proper seasons gave intelli- 
 gence of their movements to Captain Den- 
 nis who conducted himself accordingly, 
 'i'hey were on the eve of setting off for 
 New York to make sale of tiieir plunder, 
 when VanKirk informed Captain Dennis 
 of the time of their intended departure 
 (which was to have been on Tuesday 
 night last) and ot course they would take 
 to their boats. In consequence of which 
 and agreeable to the directions of Van- 
 Kirk. tlie captain and a small party of 
 his militia i)lanted themselves at Rock 
 Pond, near the sea shore, and shot Burke, 
 West and Williams in the manner above 
 related. 
 
 •'We were at first in hopes of keeping 
 VanKirk under the rose, but the secret is 
 out and of course he must fly the county, 
 for the Tories are so highly exasperated 
 against him that death will certainly be 
 
 his fate if he does not leave Monmouth 
 County. The Whigs are soliciting contri- 
 butions in his favor, and from what I have 
 already seen, have no doubt that they will 
 present him with a very handsome sum. 
 I question whether the destruction of the 
 British fleet could diffuse more universal 
 joy through the inhabitants ot Monmouth 
 than has the death of the above three 
 most egregious villains." 
 
 Refugee Version of the Death of Burke 
 a/zas Emmons, West and Williams. 
 
 William Courlies, of Shrewsbury, who 
 joined the British about the last of 1778, 
 testified before a British Court Martial in 
 answer to the question as to what he 
 knew respecting the deaths of Stephen 
 West, Stephen Emmons alias Burke, and 
 Ezekiel VVilliams, as follows : 
 
 " He (the deponent) was carried prison- 
 er to Monmouth in January, 1779, on the 
 'night of the 24th of that month. He saw 
 Captain Dennis of the itebel service bring 
 to Freehold Court House three dead bod- 
 ies ; that Ca[)tain Dennis being a neighbor 
 of his (the deponent's) he Jisked where 
 those men were killed. He replied, they 
 were killed on the shore, where they were 
 coining to join their regiments. Two of 
 them, he said, belonged to Colonel Morris' 
 corps, in General Skinner's brigade ; the 
 other had been enlisted in their service by 
 those two belonging to Colonel Morris' 
 corps. He said, also, he (Capt. Dennis) 
 had employed a man to assist them in 
 making their escape at a place where 
 he (Dennis) was to meet with them 
 on the shore, at which place he did meet 
 them ; that on coming to the spot he 
 (Dennis) surrounded them with his party; 
 that the men attempted to fire, and not 
 being able to discharge their pieces, begged 
 for quarters and claimed the benefit of be- 
 ing prisoners of war. He ordered them 
 to be fired on, and one of them by the 
 name of Williams fell ; that they were all 
 bayonetted by the party and brought to 
 Monmouth ; and that he (Dennis) receiv- 
 ed a sum of money for that action, either 
 from the Governor or General Washing- 
 ton ; which of the two he does not recol- 
 lect." 
 
 It is only necessary to say in connection 
 with the above by Courlies's own statement, 
 that at least two, if not all three, deserved 
 death by the usual rule of warfare. They 
 had evidently been noted for their ma- 
 rauding expeditions, as a reward was 
 offerei for them. They may have belong- 
 
38 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 ed to Skinner's " Greens " (the Loyalist 
 organization of Jerseymen, so termed from 
 their uniforms), but they had been noted 
 for their frequent visits witliin the Amer- 
 ican lines, plundering, acting of course as 
 R])ies, and endeavoring to enlist men for 
 the British service within the patriot lines. 
 The third man we infer remained m hid- 
 ing places in the county, and when the 
 others came over from the British lines 
 would join them in their marauding expe- 
 ditions, and he was shot while trying to 
 join the enemy. 
 
 Jonathan West. 
 
 •' Jonathan West, another of this lawless 
 crew, in an affray with some of the inhab- 
 itants of Monmouth, was taken prisoner to 
 the Court House. His arm, being horribly 
 mangled, was amputated. He soon after 
 escaped to the pines and became more 
 desperate than before. He used the 
 stump of his arm to hold his gun. Some-" 
 time later he was again pursued, and on 
 refusing to surrender, was shot." 
 
 Five Men Condemned. 
 
 The following item was published i)e 
 cember, 1782: 
 
 " Five men were convicted at Mon- 
 mouth Court House of burglary, felony, &c., 
 and sentenced to be hanged — three on 
 one Friday, the other two the next Fri- 
 day." 
 
 Three refugees named Farnham, Burge 
 and Patterson were executed at one time 
 at Freehold. Our impre.ssion is that they 
 are the three men referred to in the above 
 paragraph, and that the other two were re 
 prieved. We pre.sume that Farnham is 
 the same man who tried to shoot young 
 Russell (as mentioned in speaking of the 
 liussell outrage) while he was lying on the 
 floor supposed to be mortally wounded 
 but was prevented by Lippencott, who 
 knoci<ed uj) his musket. 
 
 ExEouTiox OF T110.MAS Burke and John 
 Wood. 
 The following is irom an ancient paper : 
 " July 22nd 177S. We learn that the 
 Court of Oyer and Terminer and (leneral 
 Jail delivery held in Monmouth in June 
 last, the following jiersoii.s were tried and 
 found guilty of burglary viz : Tlionias Em- 
 mons alias Bourke. Johti Wootl, Michael 
 Millery, Willia.m Dillon and Robert Mc- 
 MuUen. The two former were executed 
 on Fiiday last and the other three re- 
 fuieved. At the same time Ezekiel For- 
 
 man, John Polhemus and William Grover 
 were tried and convicted of hij;h treason 
 and are to be executed on the 18th of 
 August next.'" 
 
 William Dillon and Robert McMuUen, 
 mentioned above, were pardoned, but they 
 showed no appreciation for the favor, for 
 we find that shortly after, in September, 
 Dillon piloted a British expedition into 
 old Cranberry Inlet, opposite Toms River, 
 to endeavor to recapture the ship " Love 
 and Unity," which a short time before 
 had been made a prize of by the Ameri- 
 cans, the particulars of which will be giv- 
 en in s()eaking of privateering at Toms 
 River and other places in old Monmouth 
 during the war. When this expedition 
 arrived at the Inlet, Rob*rt McMullen, 
 who seems to have been on shore waiting 
 for them, siezed a small boat, hurrahed for 
 the British, and rowed off to join their 
 
 Executions at Freehold. 
 
 The late Dr. Samuel Forman stated that 
 no less than thirteen pine robbers, refu- 
 gees and raurdert^rs were executed at dif 
 ferent times on one gallows, wliich stood 
 near the tree where Fa^an was hung in 
 the vicinity of the Court House, and that 
 he assisted in the erection of the gallows. 
 
 We are not certain who the thirteen 
 were, but most of them are probably men- 
 tioned in the foregoing and other chap- 
 ters, if those hung in chains after lieiug 
 shot are included. 
 
 Stephen Edwards was executed at Free- 
 hold for being a spy. Thomas Emmons 
 alias Burke, John Wood, Farnham, Burge 
 and Patterson were hung for burghiry, 
 felony, &c. Ezekiei Forman, John Poihe- 
 mus and William Grover were sentenced 
 to be exccuteil, but wo have found no men- 
 tion of the sentence bt^ing carried into ef- 
 fect — but from circumstantial evidence ir. 
 is probable that they were reprieved. 
 Fagan was iiung in chains after being 
 shot, though not on the gallows. After 
 Stephen Burke, West and Williams were 
 shot and brought to Freehohf, the Ameri- 
 can account says the bodies of two of the 
 three were to be hung in chains. 
 
 In addition to executions, &c., al)ovo 
 mentioned, a refugee named James Pew, 
 ibrmerly of Middletown townshii), joined 
 the British and was taken })risoncr by the 
 Americans November lOtlr, 1779, ;ind con- 
 fined in Freehold jail, and five days after 
 was shot by James Tilley, who was acting 
 as sentry over him. It is probable that 
 Pew was shot in attempting to escape. It 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 39 
 
 is said that a coroner's jury condemned 
 Tilley, but after two or three days confine 
 ment he was discharged. 
 
 Davenport, the Refugee Leader of Dover. 
 
 The refugee leader Davenport appears 
 to have confined most of his operations 
 within the limits of the old township of 
 Dover, then in Monmouth, now in Ocean. 
 The rnilitia stationed at Toms River were 
 so active thi.t Davenport and his band o( 
 desperadoes had but little chance to do 
 serious mischief except by plundering 
 dwellings at a distance from the principal 
 settlements. 
 
 The most noted aflfliir in which Daven 
 port was concerned vvas in aiding the 
 British expedition which captured the 
 Block House at Toms River, and burned 
 the village March 24th, 1782. One account 
 of this affair says that Davenport vvas 
 wounded when attacking ihe Block House^ 
 if so it must have been slightly ; as on tlie 
 first of June following helandedat Forked 
 River, ten miles below Toms River, with 
 eighty men, half white and iialf black, in 
 two barges. They first landed on the 
 nortli side of Forked River and plundered, 
 among others, the hou.ses ot Samuel 
 Woodmansee and hh brother who resided 
 on what are now known as the Jones' and 
 Holmes' places. They then proceeded 
 across the south branch to the place in 
 late years best known as " the Wright 
 place '" (formerly belonging to the father 
 of Caleb Wright, tlie nopular railroad 
 conductor) in which at this time livefl 
 Samuel Brown, an active member of the 
 old Moninout.h militia. 
 
 They plund.-red Mr. Brown's dwelling, 
 insulted his family, and burnt his salt 
 works and came new capturiig Mr. Brown 
 himself, who had barely time to escape in- 
 to the woods. They were particulnrly in- 
 Cv'-rnsed against him for his Jiciivity in the 
 patriotcause, he having, among other du- 
 ties, served a year at the military jjost at 
 Toms River. 
 
 After completing their work of destruc- 
 tion at Forked River, they proceeded 
 down Forked River to the mouth, when 
 one barge went up Barnegat bay, while 
 the other, witii Davenport himself, pro- 
 ceeded south to endeavor to destroy the 
 important salt works of Newlin's at Ware- 
 town, andotlK'r salt works along the bay. 
 Davenport expected to meet with no op- 
 position. av~! he supposed there were no 
 militij.1 near enough to check him. But 
 he had hardly jzot out of the mouth of 
 
 Forked River into the open bay when he 
 perceived a boat heading for him. His 
 crew advised him to return as they told 
 him the other boat must have some ad- 
 vantage or they would not venture to ap- 
 proach. Daven2wrt told them that they 
 could see the other boat was smaller and 
 had fewer men and he ridiculed their 
 fear. lie soon found, however, why it 
 was that the American boat, ventured to 
 attack them. Davenport's men had only 
 muskets with which to defend themselves; 
 the Americans had a cannon or swivel, and 
 when within proper distance, they fired it 
 with so effective an aim that Davenport 
 himself was killed at the first discharge, 
 and his boat damaged and upset by the 
 frightened crew. It happened that the 
 water where they were was only about 
 four feet deep*and his crew waded ashore, 
 landing near the mouth of Oyster Creek, 
 between Forked River and W^aretown, and 
 thus escaped, scattering themselves in va- 
 rious directions in tlie woods and swamps. 
 
 At Barnegat, some five miles south of 
 where Davenport was !:il!ed, lived many 
 Quakers who took no part in the war. 
 
 A day or so after Davenport's death 
 some of his crew in a starved condition 
 called on Ebenezer Collins and other 
 Quakers at Barnegat, begging for food, 
 which was given them, after which they 
 left for parts unknown. 
 
 Thus ended the career of Davenport 
 whose most noted exploit was in aiding a 
 foreign fee to murder men who were once 
 his neigtibors and friends, burn tlieir 
 houses, and turn their families adrift upon 
 the world. 
 
 Some distance back of Toms River is a 
 little stream called "Davenport's Branch," 
 which some suppose derives its name from 
 Davenport's having places of concealment 
 in the vvo^da and swamps along its banks. 
 
 Richard Bird, the Potters Creek Outlaw. 
 
 This scoundrel, who was probaoly con- 
 nected with Davenport's gang, was very ob- 
 noxious lo the Americans on account of 
 the many outrages in which he was con- 
 cerned. 
 
 He was intimately acquainted with all 
 the roads and bye paths in the woods and 
 swamps' in Dover tovynship, and for a long 
 time he managed to elude the vigilence 
 of the militia. One day, however, he with 
 a companion was seen along the road, a 
 little south of Toms River, by someone, 
 who at once notified the militia, two or 
 three of whom immediately started in pur- 
 
40 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 suit. Bird's comrade escaped by hiding 
 under a bridge over which the pursuers 
 passed, and Bird himself managed loelude 
 them till after dark. His pursuers had 
 heard that he occasionally visited a young 
 woman of low character who lived in a 
 lone cabin in the woods, and late in the 
 evening they approached the cabin, and 
 looking through the window saw Bird 
 seated in the lap of a young woman. One 
 of the militia fired through the window 
 and Bird dropped ott" the girl's lap on the 
 floor dead. The girl wa'< so little affected 
 by his death, that when the pursuers 
 burst open the door and entered the room 
 they found her busily engaged m rifling 
 his pockets. Bird appears to have made 
 his headquarters in the vicinity of the 
 village of Bayville, formerly Potters Creek, 
 in Dover township. • 
 
 Bird was a marrietl man, but when he 
 joined the refugees, his wife forsook him 
 and went to Toms River, where she resi- 
 ded many years after his death. While 
 he was pursuing his wicked career, she 
 bitterly denounced him, yet when she 
 heard of his death, she greatly grieved, so 
 much so that her neighbors expressed 
 their surprise, knowing the disgrace he 
 had been to her. The oimple minded 
 woman replied in substance, that it was 
 not the man she so much cared but he 
 often sent her a quarter of venison when 
 he had more than he could use, and she 
 should so miss such presents now ! 
 
 A Bayville correspond,ent of the New 
 Jersey Courier mentions the death of a 
 relative of Dick Bird, a lady named Mi's. 
 Mercy Worth, who lived to the remark- 
 able age of 106 years, 6 months, and 24 
 days, who died March 'ith, 1873. Her 
 tatlier was one of Washington's soldieis 
 and served throughout the war. Her 
 mother was a sister of the notovious Ricli- 
 a/rd Bird, and moved away from Cedar 
 Creek, Lacy township, for fear that Bird 
 would be killed at her house, near which 
 he had a cave where he stayed at 'light, 
 which can still be seen. 
 
 CAFIWIN WILLIAM TOM. 
 
 A West Jersey PionerT — After whom was 
 Toms River named ? — The coming oi" 
 the English — Indian Justice — Discove- 
 ry of Toms River. 
 
 In regard to the origin ot the name of 
 Toms River, we have two distinct tradi- 
 tions ; one alleging that it was named 
 after a somewhat noted Indian, who once 
 
 lived in its vicinity ; the otlier attributes 
 it to a certain Captain William Tom, who 
 resideil on the Delaware two hundred 
 years ago, and who it is said jienetraied 
 through tije wilderness to the seashore, on 
 '\n exploring expedition, where he discov- 
 ered the stream now known as Toms Riv- 
 er ; upon his return he made such favor- 
 able representations of the land in its vi- 
 cinity, that settlers were induced to couit- 
 here and locate, and these settlers named 
 it Toms River, alter Mr. Tom, becaiise he 
 first brought it to the notice of the whites. 
 While the ivriter of this, after patient in- 
 vestigation acknowledges that he can find 
 nething that co?ie/i<siv6'(y settles the question, 
 yet he is strong in the belief that tiie place 
 derives its ntane from Mr. Tom, for the 
 following reasons : First, Though there 
 was a noted Indian residing at Toms Riv- 
 er a century ago, known as '"Indi-tn Tom," 
 yet the phu:e is known to have borne the 
 name of Toms River when he was q'lite a 
 young man ; it is not reasonable to sup- 
 pose the place wae named after him when 
 he was scarce out of his teens. Second, 
 the position and business of Cajitain Wil- 
 liam Tom, was such as to render it ex- 
 tremely probably that the tradition relat- 
 ing to liim is correct. Much diftioulty li;is 
 been found in making researches in tliis 
 matter, as Capt. Tom was an active man 
 among our first settlers before our West 
 Jersey records begin, and information re- 
 garding him has to be sought for in tiie 
 older records of New York and New Castle, 
 Delaware. In his day 'outliern and West- 
 ern Jersey were under control of officials, 
 whose headquarters were at New Castle, 
 Del. ; these officials were appointed by the 
 authorities at New York. In his time 
 Capt. -lohn Carr appears to have be^-n the 
 highest official among the settlers on both 
 sides of the Delaware, acting as Commis- 
 sioner, &c. But at times it would seem 
 that (Japt. Tom was more relied upon in 
 managing public affairs by both the Gover- 
 nors at New York, and the early settlers 
 than any other man among them. In the 
 various [)Ositions which he iield, heap- 
 pe'irs to have unselfishly and untiringly 
 exerted himself for the best interests of 
 the settler? and the government. 
 
 He held at difierent times the position.- 
 of Commissary, Justice, Judge, Town 
 Clerk and Keei)ei of Official Records rela- 
 tiiiiito the settlements on bothsides of the 
 Delaware, collector of quit rents, Ac. As 
 collector of quit rents anil agent to sell 
 lands, his duties called him throughout 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 41 
 
 the .Southern half ®f our State, wherever 
 settlers were found, and in search of elig- 
 ible places for settlers to locate. And here 
 his duties seem to have been somewhat 
 -.inftilar to those performed for the rrojiri- 
 •^Aors by the late Francis W. Brinley> so 
 well remembered by oiu' citizens. We 
 Jind that Capt. Tom was continually trav- 
 eling to and fro in the performance of his 
 duties, was among the "first while men to 
 cross the State to New York, was on good 
 terms with the Indians, with whom he 
 ■ •ontitmally must have mingled, and it is 
 not at all unlikely in the performance of 
 his duties, he crossed to the shore by In- 
 dian paths, so numerousand so frequented 
 by the red men in his time, and thus vis- 
 ited the stream now known as Toms River. 
 
 As no f>utline of Capt. Tom's life and 
 services has ever been i)ublished, we give 
 the substance of the facts found lelating 
 to him, not only because of its probable 
 bearing on the history of cld Monmouth, 
 and that our citizens may know who he 
 was, but also because it gives an interest- 
 ing c lapter in the history of our State. It 
 will be seen that lie was a prominent, 
 uusted and influential man before the 
 founding of Philadelphia, Salem or Bur- 
 biigton, or before any considerable settle- 
 ments existed in New Jersey. In looking 
 back to the past, it seems a long while to 
 Indian Tern's day, but Capt. William Tom 
 lived nearly a century before him. The 
 followin;; items are coUecteii from New 
 York, Pennsylvania and Deloware records. 
 
 C.\rT. William Tom came to this coun- 
 try with the English expedition under Sir 
 Robert Carre and Col. Richard NichoJls 
 which conquered the Dntcii at New Am 
 sterdam, (New York) August. 1664. Im- 
 mediately after the English had taken f 'r- 
 mal possession of New Yoi;k. two vessels, 
 the- •• Guinea " and the " William and 
 Nicholas,'" under command of Sir Robert 
 • "arre were despatched to attack the Dutch 
 settlements on the Delaware river. After 
 a feeble resistance the Dutch surrendered 
 about the first of October of the same year 
 (1664). Capt. Tom accompianied this ex- 
 pedition, and that he rendered valuable 
 •service there is evidence by an order is- 
 sued by Gov. Nicholls JuneSO, 1665, which 
 states that for William Tom's " good 
 services at Delaware," there shall be grant- 
 ed to him the lands of Peter Alricks, con- 
 fiscated for hostility to the English. Capt. 
 Tom remained in his majesty's service un- 
 til August 27, 1668; during the last two 
 years of this time he was Commissary on 
 
 the Delaware. He was discharged from 
 his majesty's service on the ground as is 
 alleged " of good behaviour." in the ear- 
 ly part of 1668, a servant of Mr. Tom's was 
 killed by some evil disposed Indians, who 
 it is said also killed one or more servants 
 of Peter Alricks at the same time. The 
 Indians genera,lly were dispu-ed to live on 
 amicable terms with the whites, and these 
 murders were the result \i would seem of 
 selling liquor lo the Indians, the majority 
 of whom seeing its evil effects, requested 
 the white authorities to prohibit the sale of 
 it among them. The perpetrators of these 
 outrages were not apjirehended, and be- 
 cause this was not done, Gov. Lovelace at- 
 tributes another murder two years later ; 
 he severely censured the authorities " for 
 to* much remissness in not avenging the 
 previous murder on Mr. Tom's servant, 
 Ac." • 
 
 On the 12th of August, 1669, Capt. Tom 
 was appointed collector of quit rents, 
 which wei'e imposed on all persons taking 
 up land along the Delaware river on both 
 sides. 
 
 This office he held for three years when 
 he resigne<L Its duties must have been of 
 considerable responsibility and labor, as it 
 involved the necessity of visiting all places 
 where settlers located from the Capes of 
 the Delaware to the Falls of the Delaware 
 (Trenton.) While engaged in this busi- 
 ness it is probable that as he travelled 
 from place to place he made it a point to 
 search for eligible places for new settlers 
 lo locate, and acted as agent for the sale 
 of lands .-Vt one time he acted as land 
 agent for John Fen wick the noted Salem 
 proprietor. 
 
 We find that Capt. Tom noi only stood 
 well in the estimation of Gov. NichoUs, 
 but also in th^ opinion of his successor, 
 Gov. Lovelace, who at the suggestion of 
 Capt. T. issued several orders relating to 
 affairs on the Delaware. Aug. 12, 1669, 
 Gov. Lovelace at request of Wm. Tom, 
 giants certain special favors to Finns and 
 others lemoving near New Castle, Del. 
 By his order '• permission on request of 
 Mr. Tom " was granted to families from 
 Maryland to settle in the same vicinity 
 " to the end that the said jJace may be in- 
 habited and mamired, it tending likewise 
 to the increase of the inabitants." An 
 order oi the same date is preserved, which 
 allows William Tom to kill and mark all 
 wild hogs in the woods near his land. 
 
 In 1671 an extraordinary council was con- 
 vened in New York on the occasion of the 
 
42 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 arrival of William Tom and Peter Alricks, 
 just from the Delaware, with the parHcu- 
 lars of the Indians murdering two Cliris- 
 tians (Dutcli) near Burlington. Tliese 
 murders weie rommitted by two Indians 
 who were known and who resided at 
 " Suscunk," four miles eas' of Matinicoiik 
 or Burlington Island. Gov. Lovelace in a 
 letter to Capt. Tom dated ( )ctoder 6, ex- 
 presses great surpsiseat what he hasleai-n- 
 ed from Mr. Tom in regard to these mur- 
 derH. This letter gives stringent orders to 
 guard against evil disposed Indians in the 
 future, an<l from it we find that Burling- 
 ton Island was then occupied as a kind of 
 frontier military station. Tiov. Lovelace 
 " recommends a good work about Matitii- 
 conk house (on Burhngton Island) which 
 strengthened with a considerable guard 
 would make an admirable frontier." Vig- 
 oTous efforts were made to secure these 
 Indian murderers, and the result is se^n 
 in the following letter written by C.ipt. 
 Tom to Grov. Lovelace, Dec. 25th, 1671. 
 He says " that about 11 days :ince, Peter 
 .\lricks came from New York, and the 
 Indians desired t'> speak with us concern- 
 ing the murders, whereupon they sent 
 for me to Peter Rambo's. where comiui: 
 they faithfully ijromised within .^ix days 
 to bring in tlie murderers dead or alive • 
 whereupon they sent out two Indians to 
 ihe stoutest, to bring him in. not doubting 
 easily to take the other, he being an In° 
 dian of little courage ; but the feast In- 
 dian getting knowledge of the design of 
 the sachems, ran to advise his fellow, and 
 advised him 'o run or else they would 
 both be killed, who answered he was not 
 teady, but in the morning would gowitli 
 him to the Waquas, and advised him to 
 go to the next house for fear of suspicion, 
 wiiich lie did : and the two Indians, com- 
 ing to his house at night, the one being 
 his great friend, he asked him if lie would 
 Kill him, who answered /' No, but the 
 sacliems have ordered you to die;" wliei-^ 
 upon he demanded ''what his brothers 
 said ;" who answered "they say the like.'' 
 Then he. holding his hands" i>efore liis 
 eyes said " Kill me ;"' whereupon tiie In- 
 dian that comes with Cocker shot him 
 with two bullets in the breast, and gave 
 him two or three cuts with a bill on the 
 iiead and brought him flown to Wicaco, 
 from whence we shall carrs him tomorrow 
 to New Casile, there to hang him in cliains 
 for which we gave to th« Sachems tive 
 match coats which Mr. Alricks paid them. 
 When the other Indian .'lejid the sh(»t in ! 
 
 the night, naked as he was, he ran into 
 the woods ; but this sachem promised to 
 bring the other alive, tor which we prom- 
 ised three match coats. The sachems 
 brought a good nifiny of their young men 
 with them, and there before us ihey open- 
 ly told them " Now they saw a beginning, 
 and all that did the like, .>liOuld be served 
 in the same manner." They promised it 
 any other murders were committed to 
 bring in the murderers. How to believe 
 them we knew not. but liie Sachems seem 
 to desire no war." 
 
 What official position Capt. Tom held 
 in these transactions is uncertain, but he 
 appears to have been more relied upoi. 
 than any olhwr man to settle difficultie>. 
 at til is time. 
 
 In 1673 Capt. Tom was aj>j)ointed one 
 of four appraisers to set a value on Tini- 
 cum Island in the Delaware. Jn 1 674 he 
 was app>ointed secretary or clar/c for the 
 town of New Castle, and lit:; apjieais to 
 have had charge of the public records for 
 several years In 1673 the Dutch regain- 
 ed iheir power in New York, New Jersev 
 and Delaware, but retained it onlv a few 
 montlis : after lliey were- again displaced 
 in 1674, (iov. Andross appointed Captain.- 
 Cantwell and Tom to take possession tor 
 the King's use, of the fort at New Castl*. 
 with the public: stores. I'liey \Tere author- 
 ized to provide for the settlement and re- 
 pose of the inhabitants at New Castle. 
 Whorekills ( Lewesjand other places." 
 
 In 1675 some sett'ers complainetl 
 against Capt. Tom for molesting them in 
 the enjoyment of meadow lands which ad- 
 joined their plantation.-^. Che setllei> 
 })robably .-uj)posed because they owned up- 
 lands, iliey s.iould also have the use of 
 meadow land without paying for the same. 
 'I'lie (jrovernor ordered a compromise. In 
 1676 he was .ijipointed one of the .fustice,- 
 of the Peace and a .ludge of the court. 
 He sat as one of the .Judges ,n an impor- 
 tant suit in which the defendant was John 
 Fen wick, the Salem Proprietor. .ludg- 
 ment was given against Fen wick, and :■. 
 warrant issued to take iiim dead oi alive. 
 Fenwick finding it useless to re.-^ist, gave 
 himseit ufi, and ^^•as .sent prisoner to Ne" 
 York. 
 
 Capt. Tom was reappointed justice and 
 judge in 1677. Tow.nrds the latter part of 
 this year complaint Wivs made that the 
 town lecords of New Castle were in confu- 
 sion, and Mr. I'om was ordered to arrange 
 and attest them. It is not improbal-le 
 that ill health prevented him trom com- 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 43 
 
 l)leting this task, as we find his death an- 
 nounced January 12, 1678, coupled with 
 the simple remark that, " his papers were 
 in confusion." 
 
 From the foregoing and other facts that 
 are preserved, it would appear that Wm. 
 Tom was about the most prominent, use- 
 ful and trustworthy man among the sett- 
 lers from the time of the coming of the 
 English to his decease, th-it he enjoyed the 
 confidence of Governors Nicholls, Lovelace 
 and Andross, that his varied duties were 
 performed with general satisfaction to 
 settlers, Indians and officials, and we 
 may safely infer that he did as much or 
 more than any other man in his day " to- 
 wards the settlement and repose of the 
 inhabitants" on both sides of the Dela- 
 ware. It IS no discredit to the name of 
 Toms River that it should be derived 
 from such a man. 
 
 In speaking of Capt. Tom's discovering 
 Toms River, we do not refer to its original 
 discovery, nor wish to convey the idea 
 that he wtis the first white man who visit- 
 ed it. The stream was discovered by nav- 
 igators fifty years before Capt. Tom came 
 to Ameiica. They simply • maiked the 
 stream on their charts without naming it. 
 The particulurs as far as is known of the 
 original discovery of Toms River, and 
 other places along our bay ar*' too lengthy 
 to be given here and may hereafter he fur 
 nished in another chapter. We will say, 
 however, before concluding, that the fact 
 that this river had been previously visited 
 by tlie Dutch, was probably not known to 
 Capt. Tom and the English in this day. 
 
 CAPTAIN JOHN BACON. 
 
 The Refugee Leader of Monmouth and 
 Burlington— An Outlaw's Career and its 
 Dreadful End. 
 
 This noteJ refugee leader, whose name 
 is so well remembered by old residents of 
 Monmouth, Ocean and Burlington, ap- 
 pears to have confined his operations 
 chiefly to the lower part of old Monmouth 
 county, between Cedar Creek in what is 
 now Ocean county and Tuckerton in Bur- 
 lington county. His efforts were mainly 
 directed to plundering the dwellings or all 
 well known, active members of the old 
 Monmouth militia. Many old residents 
 in the section where his operations were 
 carried on, consic^ered him one of the 
 most honorable partizan leaders opposed 
 to the patriot cause. Himself and men 
 
 were well acquainted with the roads and 
 paths through the forests of Burlington 
 and old Monmouth, and had numerous 
 hiding places, cabins, caves, &c., in the 
 woods and swamps, where they could re- 
 main until some trustworthy spy informed 
 them of a safe chance to venture out on 
 what was then termed a picarooninci expe- 
 diiion. 
 
 The following items, gleaned from vari- 
 ous sources, give the most prominent 
 events in which he was an actor. They 
 aid to give a more vivid idea of the perils 
 by which our ancestors were surrounded 
 at home, and of the character of the man 
 who, probably with the except'on of Lieu- 
 tenant James Moody, was about the most 
 effective refugee leader in our state. 
 
 In ancient i>apers we have found notices 
 of refugee raids in Burlington county, but 
 they do not give the names of the leaders. 
 It is probable that Bacon commanded 
 some of these expeditions as he was well 
 acquainted in Burlington, and his wife re- 
 sided at Pemberton in the latter part of 
 the war. About iSeptember, 1782, it is an- 
 nounced that a man, supposed to be a spy 
 of Bacon's, was shot in the woods near 
 Pemberton, by some of the inhabitants 
 who went out to hunt him ; and we find 
 that the citizens of Burlington were so 
 much exa.-peraied against him that they 
 organized expeditions to tbliow him in old 
 Monmouth. 
 
 Bacon Kills Lieutenant Joshua Studson. 
 
 The New Jersey Gazette, published at 
 Trenton during the later years of the Kev- 
 olutionary war, has a brief item to the ef- 
 fect that " Lieutenant Joshua Studson 
 was shot, December, 1780, by a refugee, 
 near the inlet opposite Toms River.'' 
 
 Joshua Studson had been a lieutenant 
 in the Monmouth militia, and was also ap- 
 pointed lieutenant in the State troops in 
 Capt. Ephram Jenkins' company. Colonel 
 Holmes' battalion^ June 14, 1780. Here- 
 sided at Toms River. 
 
 The following particulars of his death 
 we believe to be substantially correct, 
 though derived from traditiontiry sources : 
 
 Three men named Collins, Webster and 
 Woodmansee, living in the lower part of 
 old Monmouth, hearing that farming pro- 
 duce WHS bringing exorbitant prices in 
 New York city among the British, loaded 
 a whole boat with truck from farms along 
 Barnegat bay, and proceeded to New York 
 by way of old "Cranberry inlet opposite 
 Toms River, which inlet though now 
 
44 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 closed, was, during the war, the next best 
 to Egg Harbor, as square rigged vessels 
 (ships and brigs) occasionally entered it. 
 These men were not known as refugees 
 but undertook the trip merely to make 
 money. They arrived safely in New York, 
 sold out their produce, and were about re- 
 turning home when Captain John Bacon 
 called on them and insisted on taking 
 passage back with them. Much against 
 their will, they were forced to allow him to 
 come on board. They arrived safely out- 
 side the b'each near the inlet before sun- 
 down and lay there until after dark, being 
 afraid to venture in the bay during day- 
 light, in the meantime the patriotic citi- 
 zens of Toms River had got wind of the 
 proceedings of these men, and being de- 
 termined to put a stop to the contraband 
 trade, a small party under command of 
 Lieutenant Studson took a boat and cross- 
 ed over to the inlet and lay concealed be- 
 hind a point inside, close to the inlet. 
 After dark the whale boat came in, hut 
 no sooner had it rounded the point, than 
 to the consternation of those in it, they 
 saw the boat of lliemiliiia soclose by, that 
 there was no apparent chance of esca})e. 
 Lieutenant Studson stood up in his boat 
 and demanded theirimmediatesurrender. 
 The unfortunate speculators were unarm- 
 ed and m favor of yielding, but Bacon, 
 fearing that his life was already forfeited, 
 refused, and having his musket loaded, 
 suddenly fired it with so deadly an aim, 
 that the brave lieutenant instantly dropp- 
 ed dead in the boat. The sudden, unex- 
 pected firing and the death of Studson, 
 threw the militia into momentary confu- 
 sion, and before thev could decide how to 
 act, the whale boat was out of sight in the 
 darkness. The militia returned to Toms 
 River the same night and delivered the 
 body of the lieutenant to his wife, who 
 was overwhelmed with sorrow at his sud- 
 den and unexpected death. 
 
 The crew of the >vhale boat, knowing 
 It was not safe for them to remain at 
 home, after this aftair, Hed to to the Brit- 
 ish army, and were forced into service, 
 but were of little use as " they were sick 
 with the small pox, and suffered every- 
 thing but death,'' as one of them after- 
 wards said, during their brief stay with 
 the British. Taking advantage of one of 
 General Washington's proclamations offer- 
 ing protection to deserters from the Brit- 
 ish army, they were after \fards allowed to 
 return home. 
 
 Skirmish at Maxnahawkin. 
 
 A Patriot Killed^ — Sylvester Tilton, an old 
 
 Colts Neck citizen — His Wounding and 
 
 Revenge. 
 
 Anotlier affair, in which Bacon was a 
 prominent actor, was the skirmish at 
 Mannahawkin, in Ocean County, Decem- 
 ber 30tli, 1781. The militia of this place, 
 under command of Captain Reuben F. 
 Randoli)h, having heard that Bacon, with 
 his band, was on a raiding expedition and 
 would probably try to plunder some of 
 tiie patriots in that village, assembled at 
 the inn of Captain Randolph's, prepareil 
 to give them a reception. After waiting 
 until two or three o'clock in the morning, 
 they concluded it was a false alarm, and 
 so retired to rest, taking the precaution to 
 j)Ut out sentinels. Just before daylight 
 tiie Refugees came down the road from 
 the north on their way to West Creek. 
 The alarm was given and the militia hasti- 
 ly turned out but were compelled to re- 
 treat, as the refugees trad a much larger 
 force than they anticipated. As they were 
 retreating. Bacon's party fired and killed 
 one of the patriots named Lines Pangborn 
 and wounded another named Sylvester 
 'filton. The refugees did not stop to pur 
 sue the Americans but passed on south 
 toward* Wesi Creek. 
 
 In regard to the wounding of Sylvester 
 Ti'ton, it is a well attested fact, that the 
 ball went through him below one of his 
 shoulders, and that the surgeon passed a 
 silk handkerchief through his body, in 
 search of the ball. He recovered his 
 health and strength, much to the surprise 
 of all who knew how seriously he luul 
 been wounded. He was convinced that a 
 refugee named Brewer, one of Bacon's 
 gang, was the man who had wounded him. 
 and he always vowed to have satisfaction 
 if he could evei- find him. After the war 
 lie heard that Brewer was living in a cabin 
 in some remote place near the shore, and 
 he started on foot, one time, to find him. 
 As he was on his way, he met a man 
 named James Willetts. then quite anoted 
 and highly esteemed Quaker, of old Staf- 
 ford, wiio upon finding out Tilton's er- 
 rand, vainly endeavored to persuade him 
 to turn back. Finding ti^ would not 
 WilU-ts asked permission to go along, hop- 
 ing something would turn, up to make a 
 peaceable ending of the affair. Tilton 
 consented to his going but plumply told 
 the Quaker that if he interfered he would 
 flog him too. 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 45 
 
 Arriving at the house where Brewer was 
 Tilton suddenly opened the door and 
 rushed ;n upon him before ne could reach 
 his musket, which he always kept in the 
 room expecting such a visit 
 
 Tilton WHS a powerful man and he 
 <lragged Brewer to the door and gave iiim 
 a most unmerciful pummelling, and then 
 told him " You scoundrel ! you tried 
 to kill me once, and I have now settled 
 with you for it, and I want you now to 
 leave here and follow the rest of your 
 gang." Most of the refugees had then 
 gone to Nova Scotia. 
 
 After this affair Tilton removed to Colts 
 Neck, near Freehold, where we believe 
 his descendants yet live. 
 
 Hacon at Goodluck, Forked River and 
 Warltown. j 
 
 On one of iiis picarooning or raiding ex- 
 peditions, Bacon with fifteen or sixteen 
 men plundered tlie dwelling house of 
 John Holmes at Forked River, who then 
 lived at the mill known in late years as 
 Francis Cornelius' mill. The party camp- 
 ed in the woods, near the house, until 
 daylight and then came and demanded 
 money. Mr. Holmes was supposed to be 
 .-omewhat forehanded and they hoped to 
 have made a good haul. In the expecta- 
 tion of s'lch a visit, he had buried many 
 of his valuables in his garden. The refu- 
 gees pointed a bayonet to his breast and 
 threatened to kill him if the money was 
 not forthcoming. Mr. Holmes' wife hap- 
 pened to have some money about her, 
 which she delivered up and this seemed 
 to satisiy tiiem as far as money was con- 
 cerned ; tliey then ransacked the house 
 and took provisions and such other things 
 as they wanted. 
 
 An ancient paper says that about the 
 last of April, 1780, " the refugees attacked 
 the house of John Holmes. Upper Free- 
 hold, and robbed him of a large amount 
 of Continental money, a silver watch, gold 
 rin>;, silver buckles, pistols, clothing, &c."' 
 It is possible that th's refers to the same 
 affair— if so it occurred in old Dover town- 
 ship instead of Upper Freehold. 
 
 While a part of the gang remained at 
 the mill a detachment went over to (iood- 
 luck, about a mile distant, to plunder the 
 houses of two staunch patriots named John 
 Price and William Price, iwu brothers 
 who h;id lived in West Jersey during the 
 first part of the war, but for the last two 
 or three years of the struggle, had resided 
 at Goodluck. Tliese men had not onlv 
 
 been active in the field during most of tbe 
 war, but, to the extent of their abilities, 
 aided the families of those who suffered 
 at the hands of the enemy. When tlie 
 dwelling of Capt. Ephraim Jenkins, at 
 Toms River, was burned, and his family 
 scattered, as described in a previous chap- 
 ter, Lieut. John Price, (in after years, bet- 
 ter known as Major Price,) took one of 
 the children, a-girl, and gave her a home. 
 The activity of thp Prices made them 
 marked objects of refugee attentions. 
 
 bacon's party, at this time, entered the 
 houses of the Price-;, and took whatever 
 they could carry, though, we believe, Miese 
 patriots, like others in those dark days, kept 
 buried in gardens and fields many things 
 they feared the refugees mightcovet. We 
 liave heard from an aged resident of Good- 
 luck, a tradition of the visit of the refugees 
 to the house of an American Lieutenant, 
 at this village, and that the officer saw 
 them. just before they revcheii the house ; 
 he sprang uj) and grasped his lieutenant's 
 commission, which he valued highly, from 
 a high shelf, and sprang out of the back 
 door just in time to escape. We presume 
 this officer must have been Lieut. Price, 
 as we know of no other officer then resid- 
 ing at Goodluck. Among other things 
 found at Major Price's was a musket, fife 
 nnd drum, the two last of which c;ime near 
 causing trouble among the tories them- 
 selves, for as i hev marched back to Holmes' 
 Mill to rejoin Bacon, they used them for 
 I heir amusements with such effect, that 
 Bacon thought it was apartyof Americans 
 after him, and he arranged his men on 
 tlie mill hill, prepared to fire as soon as 
 the parry emerged from the woods. Un- 
 foi'tunately for justice, he saw who the 
 men were in time to stop fir'ng. The 
 Refugees then impressed Mr. Holmes' 
 team to carry of the plunder they had 
 gaihered, and forced his son William 
 Holmes to drive it ; they went on to Ware- 
 town and took possession for a short time 
 of a public house (of David Bennet's ? ) 
 until they could find some safe way of 
 getting their plunder to one of theirsecret 
 rendezvous, one oi' which was supposed to 
 be at this time in Mannahawkin swamj). 
 
 Among other zealous Americans for 
 whom Bacon had strong antipathy were 
 Joseph Soper and his son Reuben, both 
 meml)ers of Captain Reuben F. Randolph's 
 militia comjiany. They lived about half 
 wav between Waretown and Barnegat at 
 a place known as "iSoper's Landing." His 
 attentions to the Sopers were so trequent 
 
46 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 that they often had to sleep in the adja- 
 cent swamps along Lochiel brook. 
 
 Mr. Soper's son Reuben was murdered 
 by Bacon on Long Beach about a mile 
 south of Barnegat Inlet, the particulars of 
 which will be given hereafter. 
 
 At this time tiiere lived at Waretown 
 an Englii-hman, named William Wilson, 
 better known as " Bill Wilson,'' whoseems 
 to have acted as a kind of jaekall for Ba- 
 con to scent out bis prey for him. Mi'. 
 Soper was a vessel builder ; at one time 
 he had received pay for building a^ small 
 vessel. Wilson accidentally w.as a witness 
 to his receiving the money, but he did not 
 know the amount. After Wil?owh!id left, 
 Mr. Soper suspected he would inform Ba- 
 con, and so he divided his money into two 
 parcels ; a small amount in one jiarcel, 
 and th^ larger part in arother, and then 
 buried both lots in separate places not far 
 from the house. Sure enough, in a verv 
 short time, Bacon and his gang visited ihe 
 house, piloted by a man with a black silk 
 handkerchief over his face that he should 
 not be recoiinized. This man was gener- 
 ally believed to be Bill Wilson, though 
 strong efforts were made 'o make the So- 
 pers believe it was another man then re- 
 siding at Waretown. Mr. Soper at this 
 time, liad taken refuge in the swamp, and 
 the house was occupied only by women 
 and young children. When the refugees 
 entered they at once begfin behaving very 
 rudely and boisterously, flonrishing their 
 weapor;s in a menacing manner, jambing 
 bayonets in the ceiling, and other similar 
 acts to frighten the women. Their threats 
 compelled the women to lead them into 
 the gardon, to the spot where the smallest 
 amount of money was buried, when they 
 received which they seemed to be satisfied, 
 thinking it was all they had ; they then 
 returned to the house and made a dean 
 sweep as they had done several times be- 
 fore, of provisions and clothing, and such 
 other articles as they cculd carry. Among 
 other things taken by Bacon at this time 
 was one of Mr. Soper's shirts, which after- 
 wards served Bacon's winding sheet, as be 
 was subsequently killed witii it on. Bill 
 Wilson could never be fairly convicted of 
 actual comjtlicity in overt acts with the 
 refugees, but all who knew him were con- 
 vinced that he was a spy of Bacon's. It 
 was alleged that he was with Bacon at 
 Holmes' Mill's and at the Price's, atOood- 
 luck. After the war closed he remained 
 for some years in thevicinityof Waretown, 
 but he found it a very uncomfortable place 
 
 for him to live, for though no legal hold 
 could be taken of him, yet occasionally 
 some zealous whig, who had occasion to 
 hate refugees, would take him in hand on 
 a very slight pretext, and administer off- 
 hand justice. At one time at Lochiel 
 brook, below Waretown, Hezekiah Soper, 
 whose brother was killed by Bacon, gave 
 Wilson a soi:nd thrashing and then nearly 
 drowned him in the brook. At length, 
 finding the place did not agree with him, 
 he left Waretown, and moved over to the 
 North beach, a few miles above the inlet, 
 where he lived a lonesome, miserable life 
 until his death, which occurred some sixty 
 odd years ago. 
 
 The Massacre on Long Beach. 
 
 Bacon Kills Capt. Steelman, Reuben So- 
 per and Others — Murder of Sleeping 
 Men. 
 
 This was the most important affair m 
 which Bacon was engaged. The inhuman 
 massacre of sleeping men was in keeping 
 with the memorable affair at Chestnut 
 Neck, near Tuckerton, when Count Pu- 
 laski's guards were murdered by the Brit- 
 ish and Refugees. 
 
 The massacre at Long Beach took jjlace 
 about a mile south of Barnegat light house, 
 and there were we think more men killed 
 and wounded then than in any other ac- 
 tion in that part of Old Monmouth now 
 comprised within the limits of Ocean coun- 
 
 A tory paper gives the following version 
 of the affair ; 
 
 "A cuttei from Ostend, bound to St. 
 Thomas, ran aground on Barnegat Shoals, 
 October 25, 1782. The American galley 
 Alligator, Captain Steelman, from Cape 
 May, with tweniy-five men, plundered her 
 on Saturday night last of a quantity of 
 Hyson tea and other valuable articles, but 
 was attf.ckeid the same night by Caj)tain 
 John BMCon with nine men, in a small 
 boat called the Hero's Revenge, who kill- 
 ed Steelman and wounded the first lieu- 
 tenant, and all the party except four or 
 five were either killed or wounded.'' 
 
 In this account the number of Steelman's 
 men is doubtless overestimated and Ba- 
 con's underestim'^ted. When the cutter 
 was stranded on the shoals, word was sent 
 across the bay to the main land for help 
 to aitl in saving tlie cargo, in consecjuence 
 of which a party of unarmed men, among 
 which were Joseph Soper and two of his 
 sons, proceeded to the beach to render 
 what assistance they (;ould. The party 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 47 
 
 worked hard while there to get the goods 
 through the surf on the beach. At night 
 they were tired and wet, and built fires, 
 around which they meant to sleep. It is 
 supposed that as soon as they were all 
 asleep that Bill Wilson who was there 
 arose up slyly, got a boat and rowed otf to 
 the main land to inform Bacon how mat- 
 ters stood. 
 
 THE LOYALISTS OF OLD MON- 
 MOUTH. 
 
 To fairly com})rehend the danjiers by 
 which our patriotic ancestors were sui"- 
 rounded during the early part of the 
 Revolution, it is necessary to remember 
 that those of its citizens v?ho openly or 
 secretly favored the enemy, were not a 
 mere handful of men, but ihey were num- 
 bered by hundreds, and among them were 
 men of all classes, from the highest to the 
 lowest ; clergymen, lawyers, physicians, 
 merchants, farmers, mechanics and labor- 
 ing men, and unprincipled men of no par 
 tioular profession oi' busine'^s, who rejoiced 
 at the opportunities given by the w,ar for 
 plunder, revenge and ofttimes murder. 
 
 The best class oftories were too honorable 
 to engage in midnight marauding expedi- 
 tions against their former friends and 
 neighbors, but cast their lot with the 
 British, most of them in the military rr- 
 ganiz'tion known as the " First Battalion 
 New Jersey Royal Volunteers," command- 
 ed by an ex-Sheritf of Monmouth county. 
 They rirt-ly committwd acts dishonorable 
 as soldiers, yet their former high standing 
 and influential positions served to exert 
 a most injurious influence on the patriot 
 cause among their former friends md ?c- 
 quaintances ; the example of such men 
 served to entice many to the ranks of the 
 enemy and to cause others secretly to 
 wish tliem well, or a least, to strive to re- 
 main neutral at a time when their country 
 most needed their services and in a coun- 
 ty wliich sufl^ered probably more severely 
 • luring the war than did any other in the 
 country. When (ve remember that our 
 patriotic ance.stors had to contend with 
 stich men, and with bands of marauding 
 refugees, and also lawless robbers scattered 
 through the pint's — ^all in addition to a 
 foreign foe, we cannot too highly extol the 
 determined, vigilant, ceaseless efforts, the 
 wisdom in planning, the skill and bravery 
 in execution, shown by those noble patriots 
 during the long, bloody and at times 
 seemingly hopeless struggle. Though we 
 
 may concede that some who deserted their 
 country were in some respects wise and 
 brave, yet they were no match for those 
 left behind. 
 
 As was the case in the late war for the 
 Union, the Revolution brought out from 
 obscurity men whose abilities were never 
 before known or suspected. 
 
 For the first year or two of the war our 
 ancestors were seriously annoyed by Tory 
 sympathizes who remained at home, some 
 of whom had sons, brothers or other rela- 
 tives in the British army. Some of these 
 remained at home because age or other 
 disability unfiitted them for field service. 
 These men for a time endeavored to in- 
 jttre the American cause by their insidious 
 wiles wherever and whenever opportunity 
 offered, when their acts came to the 
 knowledge of the whigs, fchey were at once 
 ordered to leave, while those who remained 
 quiet, though closely watched were rarely 
 molested. 
 
 Thotigh the names Loyalist or Royalist 
 would properly include all who favored the 
 cause of the Crown, yet they were often lim- 
 ited to the more honorable class who joined 
 the Royal Volunteer organization, todistin- 
 s;uish them from the small marauding 
 bands commonly known as Refugees. — 
 Among th« tnost prominent of these loy- 
 alists, were some noticed below ; it will be 
 seen they numbered among them men 
 of wealth, position, and learning; one suc- 
 ceeded in raising five hundred men to 
 follow him over to the enemy, and it is 
 not a little curious to find that from two 
 of these tories, descended certain men 
 who, in after years, nobly served our coun- 
 try in many a hard fought battle. 
 
 In this connection io is well to add, that 
 as an offset to the Tories who left Mon- 
 mouth and other parts of our state, to join 
 the enemy, there were a large number of 
 whigs, who came here and into other 
 decided patriotic counties, from Long and 
 Staten Islands, when the British took pos- 
 session of those places. 
 
 Another fact should not be lost sight of, 
 as it furnishes additional evidence of tne 
 peculiar troubles the patriots had to con- 
 tend against, and that is, that many lead- 
 ing men who sided with theui in this and 
 other counties of the state, during the first 
 year or two of the war eventually abandon- 
 ed them and went over to the Royalists. 
 Of some of these and their alleged reasons 
 we shall endeavor to speak in -another 
 chapter. 
 
48 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 For much of the following we are en- 
 debted to Sabine, but we have added many 
 items from other sources which we deem 
 reliable. 
 
 Notices of Prominent Loyalists. 
 
 Thomas Crowell, of Middletown, joined 
 the Loyalists and was commissioned Cap- 
 tain. His property was confiscated and 
 advertised to be sold at the house of Cor- 
 nelius Swart in Middletown, March 22d, 
 1779. During the war Governor Franklin, 
 of the Refugee Board, ordered him to exe- 
 cute, without trial, a Monmouth officer, 
 probably one of tlie Smocks, but the 
 refugees who captured him protested so 
 earnestly that the order was not executed. 
 
 Lawrence Hartshoune, of Shrewsbury, 
 made himself so obnoxious as a Royalists, 
 that he was compelled to fly to New York. 
 He was a merchant and gave the British 
 valuable information. 
 
 John Taylor, formerly Slieriffof Mon- 
 mouth County, a gentleman of great 
 wealth was born in 1716. When Lord 
 Howe arrived in this country to offer terms 
 of reconciliation, he appointed Mr. Taylor 
 " His Majesty's Lord High Commissioner 
 of New Jersey." This office, as well as 
 the fact that all his children adhered to 
 the Crown, and were in the British army, 
 made him obnoxious to the whigs. He 
 was indeed once tried for his life but ac- 
 quitted. His property was applied to 
 public use, but not confiscated, since he 
 was paid for it in Continental money, 
 j'et such was the depreciation of that cur- 
 rency that payment was little better than 
 confiscation. He died at Perth Amboy, 
 in 1798, aged 82 years. His grandson was 
 the celebrated Commodore Bainbridge, his 
 daughter Mary having married Dr. Bain- 
 bridge, father of Commodore's William and 
 J«seph Bainbridge. A Dr. Absalom Bain- 
 bridge was surgeon in " Skinner's Greens,'" 
 the Royalist organization, elsewhere no- 
 ticed. 
 
 William Taylor, son of tlie above named 
 John Taylor, had his estates confiscated, 
 but after the war he purchased them 
 again. He was a lawyer by profession and 
 atone time Chief Justice of Jamaica. — 
 He died at Amboy 1806. 
 
 Colonel Taylor, of the New Jersey Roy- 
 alists who sent Stephen Edwards as a spy 
 into Monmouth, was from Middletown. — 
 it IS possible that he may have been one 
 of the Taylors whose property was con- 
 fiscated- and advertised to be sold at Mid- 
 dletown, March 22d, 1779. He may have 
 
 been a son of the John Taylor mentioned 
 above, as it seems he had more than one 
 son in the British service. 
 
 Rev. Samuel Cooke, D.D., of Shrewsbury, 
 Episcopal minister, was educated at Cain's 
 College, Cambridge, England, and came to 
 America as a missionary of the Society 
 for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign 
 Parts, in September, 1751, locating in 
 Shrewsbury a,^ successor of Rev. Thomas 
 Thompson, in the care of the churches in 
 Freehold. Middletown and Shrewsbury. — 
 The Revolution divided and dispersed his 
 flock. As a minister of the Church of 
 England he thought it his duty to con- 
 tinue his allegiance to the Crown, and 
 joined the British in New York. At the 
 Court Martial trial of Captain Richard 
 Lippencott, in New York, in June, 1782. 
 he was a witness and tilyled " Reverend 
 Samuel Cooke, c^erk, deputy chaplain to 
 the brigade of guards." His property we 
 believe was confiscated and advertised to 
 be sold at Tinton Falls, March 29th, 1779. 
 
 In 1785, he settled at Fredericktown, 
 New Brunswick, as rector of a church 
 there. In 1791. he was commissarj^ to the 
 Bishop of Nova Scotia. He was drowned 
 in crossing the river St. John, in a birchen 
 canoe, in 1795. His son who attempted 
 to save his life perished with him. 
 
 Thomas Leonard, a prominent citizen of 
 Freehold, was denounced by the patriot 
 committee for his Tory principles and 
 every friend of freedom advised to break off 
 all connection with him on that account. 
 He went to New York and after the war 
 went to St. John'*, New Brunswick. 
 
 Joseph Holmes, by adliering to the 
 Tories, lost £900. After the war he went to 
 Nova Scotia and settled at SJielburne. 
 
 Andrkw Bell, a name familiar to our 
 older citizens on account ol its frequent 
 recurrence in deeds relating to Proprietor 
 lands, joined tlie British army as secretary 
 to Sir Henry Clinton. A diary kept bj 
 him up to the battle of Monmouth is pre- 
 served in the library of the New Jersey 
 Historical Society. He died in 1843. — 
 Though we believe he was not a resident 
 of Monmouth yet he was well known and 
 influential throughout the county. 
 
 John Lawrence, of Monmouth county. 
 was born in 1709. He was a justice of the 
 court and a surveyor, and ran the division 
 line known as " Lawrence's line,'' between 
 East and West Jersey. Advanced in life 
 at the beginning of the Revolution he did 
 not bear arms, but accepted from the 
 enemy the important duty of granting 
 
OLD TIxVlES IN OLD MONMOITTIL 
 
 49 
 
 British protections to such Americans as 
 he could induce to abjure the cause of 
 their country and swear allegiance to 
 Great Britain, for which he was arrested 
 by the Americans and confined in Bur- 
 lington jail for nine months. He died in 
 1794 aged 86 years. We propose to refer 
 to John and Elisha Lawrence, in giving 
 the proceedings of the patriot meetings in 
 Upper Freehold and elsewhere in the 
 county in 1774-5, and in oth^r chapters 
 
 Elish.! Lawrence, son of the above, was 
 horn in 1740 At the beginning of the 
 Revolution he was Slieriff of Monmouth 
 County ; he foon joined the British, and 
 raised by his own efforts chiefly, five hun- 
 nrea men whom he commanded, and was 
 commissioned by the British, Colonel of 
 the First Battalion, New Jersey Royal 
 Volunteers. He was taken prisoner on 
 Staten Island V;y Colonel Ogden under 
 General Sullivan in 1777. His property 
 was confiscated and advertised to be sold 
 at Wall's Mills, April 5th, 1779. At the 
 conclusion of the war he hft with the 
 British army, retained his rank as Colonel 
 and retired on half pay. He was awarded 
 by the British Government n large tract 
 of land in Nova Scotia, to which he re- 
 moved, but finally went back to England, 
 and from ihence to Cardigan, Wales, 
 where he died. He man led Mary Ash- 
 field, of New York. 
 
 John Lawrence, son of the above 
 named John, and brother of Elisha, was 
 born in 1747, graduated at Princeton Col- 
 lege, studied medicine in the Philadelphia 
 Medical College and became a physician 
 of repute. In 1776 he was arrested 
 by order of General Washington, and or- 
 dered by the Provincial Congress to re- 
 mam at Trenton on parole, but leave was 
 afterwards given him to remove to Morris- 
 town. As his father and brother held 
 office under the British, he was narrowly 
 watched. Fired at, after mucn annoyance 
 (says one account — apparently a Tory 
 one) by a party of militia, fie retired to 
 New York among the British, where he 
 practiced medicine and commanded a 
 company of volunteers for the defence 
 of the city. After the war in 1783, he re- 
 turned to Monmouth, where he lived un- 
 molested. He died at Trenton, April 29th, 
 1830. In the list of names of persons in 
 Upper Freehold whose property was con- 
 fiscated and advertised to be sold at Wall's 
 Mills, April 5th, 1779, are found the 
 names of "Elisha and John Lawrence, 
 son of John." 
 
 John Brown Lawrence was a member 
 of Council and a lawyer. Because of his 
 official relations to the Crown, he was ar- 
 rested and imprisoned in Burlington jail 
 for a long time on the charge of holdiui^ 
 treasonable intercourse with the enemy 
 but was tried and aoqui.ted. He went to 
 Canada after the war, where he received 
 a large tract of land. Hi* son was the 
 celebrated Commodore Lawrence of 
 " Don't give up the shit) " fame, and Com- 
 modore Boggs, distinguished in the late 
 rebellion, was a descendan;. 
 
 Clayton Tilton, of Slirewsbury, joined 
 the loyalists and was commissioned as 
 Captain. He was captured by the Ameri- 
 cans in the spring ol 1782, about the same 
 time that Phil White was, and confined in 
 Freehold jail, but shortly exchanged for 
 Daniel Randolph, Esq, He probably went 
 to the British Provinces at the close of the 
 war, as mention is made of a certain Clay- 
 ton Tilton, a loyalist from New Jersey, 
 marrying the widow ot Thomas Green, at 
 Musquash, New Brunswick, shortly after 
 the war. 
 
 John Warueli., of Shrewsbury, an asso- 
 ciate judge of Monmouth, on account of 
 his tory proclivities, sought refuge within 
 the British lines. His property was con- 
 ficated and advertised to be sold at Tin ton 
 Falls, March 29th, 1779. He was a neigh- 
 bor and warm Iriend ot Captain Ricliaid 
 Lippencott. 
 
 Captain Richard Lippencott, the Refu- 
 gee who Hanged Captain Huddy. 
 
 This refugee who obtained such unen- 
 viable notoriety for hanging Captain Josh- 
 ua Huddy, was born in New Jersey in 
 1745, and died at Toronto, Canada, in 1826, 
 in his 82d year. At the breaking out of 
 the war he was a resident of Shrewsbury 
 township. Early in that mtmorablestrug- 
 gle he left Monmouth and went to New 
 York and expressed to the Board of Asso- 
 ciated Loyalists a desire for authority to 
 raise a company, which was given him by 
 the Board upon his signing the usual 
 articles requiring him to obey the orders 
 of Governor William Franklin, its Presi- 
 dent. On account of his activity in the 
 Royal service, his property was confiscated 
 and advertised to be sold at Tinton Falls, 
 March 29th, 1779. He appears to have 
 had many relatives among both the pa- 
 triots and loyalists. The character he bore 
 among tlie adherents of the Royal cause 
 is shown by the following extracts Dur- 
 ing the Briiish Court Martial trial held in 
 New York in June, 1782, to try him for 
 
50 
 
 OLD TIMES I\ OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 the murder of Captain .foshua Huddy, 
 Colonel John Morris, commander of the 
 second battalion of the brigade of New 
 Jersey Royal Volunteers, testified as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 " He had known the prisoner (Lippen- 
 cott) many years ; he always suppoited a 
 good cnaracter ever since deponent has 
 known him ; and he always endeavored 
 to serve the Government all in his power, 
 and that with propriety. Deponent has 
 never known him guilty of plundt^ring or 
 :iny action of that kind." 
 
 Jotin Wardell, late of Shrewsbury town- 
 ship, and formerly an associate judge of 
 Monmouth, testified that " he had been 
 acquainted with Lijjpencotl more than 
 •en years : that he was his neighbor and 
 was always looked upon as a peaceable, 
 inoflensive man.'' 
 
 Rev. Dr. Samuel Cooke, the noted Epis- 
 copalian clergyman who settled in Shrews- 
 bury in 1751, where he remained until the 
 breaking out of the Revolution, and to 
 whom reference is made in other chapters, 
 at the time of Lippencott's trial was depu- 
 ty chaplain to the brigade of guards in the 
 British serv'ce ; upon being sworn he 
 said : 
 
 " He had not known Lippencott before 
 the rebellion, but has been acquainted 
 with him upwards of three years since 
 Lippencott has been within his Majesty's 
 lines. That lie has been particularly ac- 
 quainted with him. and has every reason 
 to think liis character stood as fair as that 
 of any refugee within his Majesty's lines." 
 
 After the Revolution, Lippencott went 
 to England to claim compensation for his 
 lost-es and services. He obtained the half 
 pay of CcXptain for life, and the grant of 
 300 acres of land at York, (now Toronto) 
 in Canada, upon wuich he settled about 
 1794. His only child, Esther Borden 
 Lippencott, married George Taylor Den 
 nison, and her son, George T. Dennison, 
 some twenty odd years ago, was a member 
 of the Canadian parliament. Sabine, in 
 the first edition of his history of the loyal- 
 ists, having made some remarks not very 
 complimentary to Captain Lippencott, his 
 grandson, George T. Dennison, addressed 
 liim a letter in which he endeavored to 
 defend the acts "itid character of his grand- 
 father. He says : 
 
 " Lippencott was naturally a person of 
 the most harmlesn and quiet disposition. 
 Philip White was half brother to his wife, 
 and Lippencott was exasperated by the 
 butchery of an innocent relative (Stephen 
 
 Edwards ? ) who, found on a visit to his 
 mother's house, was treated by Huddy as 
 a spy. The old man (Lippencott) was re- 
 spected by all who knew him in the coun- 
 try, rich and poor, and was so well known 
 to all old loyalists who settled there, that 
 persons came uninvited thirty or forty 
 miles to pay tribute to his memory : hun- 
 dreds still living will repudiate the unfa- 
 vorable character as a man and a siildier 
 given him by tlie American historian. — 
 He was true to his Sovereign both in prop- 
 erty and peril, and nobly maintained the 
 Lippencott family motto, " Si'cundus du- 
 husque rectus.^' Indeed the trutij is, as I 
 have always heard it declared by himself 
 and others, ihat he had the autkonty from 
 Sir Henry Clinton himsell to hang HudcJy 
 in retaliation for White.'' 
 
 As to what Mr. Dennison says in regard 
 to the character of Lippencot' aft^^r the 
 war, it may be all quite true but it has 
 but little to do withtiie hanging ot Huddy 
 during the wai. Mr. Dennison is in error 
 in saying th^i-t Sir Henry Clinton authoriz- 
 ed the execution. On the contrary he 
 was so indignant at the act that he at <.nce 
 ordered LiiJ|H-ncott to be Court Mai tialed, 
 and Sparks, the historian, says tiiat while 
 in London, he; saw original letters from 
 Sir Henry Clinton and his succ<>ssor, Sir 
 Guy Carleton, expressing in the strongest 
 terms their indignation at Buddy's mur- 
 der. The fact probably is, that Mr. Den- 
 nison errs only in the ni.me of the person ; 
 it is probable that his grandfather •stated 
 that he had the autiiority of his superior 
 officer to hang Huddy, and from this Mr. 
 D. inferred that this suijerior officer was 
 Sir Henry Clinton. Who this superior offi- 
 cer really was will be seen by extracts we 
 shall hereafter give from official iiiitish 
 records, which show quite >:on(;lusivel}' 
 how far Lippencott was responsible foithe 
 murder of Huddy. It will be seen that 
 Lippencott was not the only guilty party ; 
 as to whom the most guilt should be at- 
 tached may be judgi.d from the evidence 
 produced on his trial. 
 
 The New Jersey Royal Vounteeks. 
 
 The following are the names of some of 
 the offitiers «f this noted organization, 
 composed mainly of Jerseymen, who aid- 
 ed the British during the Revolution. — 
 The commandini: officer was Cortland 
 Skinner, and his brigade was often called 
 "Skinner's Greens." The officers and 
 men were from different counties, chiefly 
 in East Jersey. Most of the Old Mon. 
 
OLD TIMES IN (3LD MONMOUTH. 
 
 51 
 
 mouth Loyalists joined.the Fiist battalion 
 of this brigade. 
 Cortland Skinnkr, Brigadiek General. 
 First Battalion. 
 
 Elisha Lawrence, Colonel. 
 
 B. G. Skinner, " 1781. 
 
 Stephen Delancej', Lieut. Colonel. 
 
 Thomas Millidge, Major. 
 
 William Hutchinson, Captain. 
 
 Joseph Crowell, " 
 
 Jatnes Moody, Lieutenant. 
 
 John Woodward, " 
 
 James Brittain '' 
 
 Ozias Ausley, Ensign. 
 
 Joseph Brittain, '' 
 
 Second Battalion. 
 
 John Moi'ris, Colonel, Second battalion. 
 
 Isaac Allen, Lieut. Colonel " '• 
 
 Charles Harrison, Captain, " '* 
 
 Thomas Hunlock, " " " 
 
 John Combs, Lieutenant " " 
 
 Third Battalion. 
 
 Abraham Van Buskirk, Lieutenant 
 Colonel, Third battalion. 
 
 Robert Timpanv, Major, " " 
 
 PhilipCortiand(N.Y.') '' " 
 
 Jacob Van Buskirk, Capt. '' " 
 
 .lames Servanier, Lieut. " " 
 
 rhilipCortland, Jr., Ensign" " 
 
 John Van Orden, " '• " 
 
 The Ibllowing named were also officers 
 in this organization : 
 
 Elisha Skinner, Lieutenant Colonel, 
 John Barnes. Major, R. V. Stockton, Ma- 
 jor, Thomas Lawrence, Major, John Lee, 
 Captain, Peter Campbell, ditto, John Bar- 
 bara, ditto, Richard Cayfoid, ditto, Wil- 
 liam Chandler, ilitto, Daniel Cozens, ditto, 
 
 Keating, ditto. Lieutenants, Troup 
 
 and Fitz Randolph. Absalom Bainbridge, 
 Surgeon. Peter Myer, Ensign. 
 
 Lieutenant James Moouy. 
 
 In the above list of Loyalist officers will 
 1)6 noticed the name of .Times Moody, 
 Lieutenant in the First Battalion, in which 
 were so many former residents of Mon- 
 mouth. At the close of the war, Moody 
 went to England, and shortly after his ar- 
 rival there published a pam[)hlet entitled, 
 " Lieutenant James Moody's Narrative of 
 his Exertions and Sufferings in the cause 
 of the Government since the year 1770; 
 authenticate<l bv proper certificates. Lon- 
 don, 1783." 
 
 As this publication is rare, we propose 
 hereafter to extract the substance which 
 will be found to contain many things of 
 
 value to the historian, and of much inter- 
 est to the general reader. As a matter of 
 course he strives to depreciate the Ameri- 
 cans and their cause, and to exalt Tories 
 and Toryism to the best of his ability, and 
 on this particular account his narrative 
 deserves a place in our local history, for 
 to obtain a comprehensive view of life and 
 times in the Revolution it is necessary to 
 look at the causes and effects from a Tory 
 stand-point. As during the war all who 
 joined the Americans were not Avholly 
 good, so all who joined the British were 
 not wholly bad, and to one who is curious 
 to know what reasons werts offered for 
 their course by the more honorable Tories 
 and what versions they gave to scenes in 
 which they were actors, Lieutenant 
 Moody's narrative will have peculiar val- 
 ue. His career, it will be seen, furnishes 
 exciting incidents sufficient to form the 
 grou'.id work for half a dozen modern sen- 
 sational novels. He made many raids in- 
 to New Jersey, and on one expedition in- 
 to Monmouth it was alleged that he caused 
 the death of two Monmouth militiaofficers 
 under circumstances so contrary to the 
 usual rule of warfare, that when, afterward, 
 he was captured, he was sentenced to be 
 executed, but escaped almost miraculous- 
 
 ly- 
 
 THE FIRST SETTLERS IN OLD MON- 
 iMOUTH. 
 
 The Stout Famii,t. 
 
 Indians on the War Path — Firm Stand of 
 the Settlers — A League of Peace Never 
 Broken. 
 
 Among the first whites who permanent- 
 ly settled in old Monmouth, was Richard 
 Stout, who, with his own family and five 
 other families, it is said, located in Mid- 
 dletown in 1648. The history of the Stout 
 family, though familiar to those versed in 
 the ancient history of our state, yet is so 
 remarkable on account of the wonderful 
 preservation of the life of Mrs. Stout, and 
 of so much general interest because their 
 descendants in our county and elsewhere 
 are so numerous, and also because this 
 family were among the first Baptists in 
 New .Jersey, that it will bear rejjeating, 
 especially as it may prove new to many of 
 our readers. Tlie version of the remarka- 
 ble history of Penelope Stout, as given in 
 Benedict's History of the Baptists, is the 
 one most familiar to our older citizens 
 
52 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 but believing that many of our readei's 
 may wish for preservation both this ver 
 sion and the one given in 1765, by Smith 
 in his history of New Jersey, we append 
 them with additional items from other 
 sources. 
 
 The ship in which Penelope came to 
 this country was wrecked on the coast of 
 Monmouth, some two hundred and fifty 
 years ago. The story of her remarkable 
 preservation was handed down by tradition, 
 in various parts of the state, for a century 
 and a half with little variation except that 
 some traditionary versions, at one time, 
 located the place of the shipwreck on the 
 Delaware. 
 
 The following version is the one pub- 
 lished by Smith in 1765 : 
 
 '' While New York was in the possession 
 of the Dutch, about the time of the Indian 
 war in New England, a Dutch shi]"*, com- 
 ing from Amsterdam, was stranded on 
 Sandy Hook, but the passengers got ashore 
 — among them was a young Dutchman 
 who hacl been sick most of the voyage ; 
 he was so bad "after landing that he could 
 not travel, and the other passengers, being 
 afraid of the Indians, would not stay until 
 he recovered ; his wife, however, would 
 not leave him, and the rest promised to 
 send for them as soon as they arrived at 
 New Amsterdam (New Yotk.) They had 
 not been gone long before a company of 
 Indians, coming to the water side, discov- 
 ered them on the beach, and hastening to 
 the spot, soon killed the man and cut and 
 mangled the woman in such a manner 
 that they left her for dead. She had 
 strength enough to crawl to some logs not 
 far distant, and getting into a hollow one 
 lived within it for several days, subsisting 
 in part by eating the excrescences that 
 grew from it. The Indians had left some 
 fire on the shore, which she kept together 
 for the warmth. Having remained in that 
 manner for some time, an old Indian and 
 a young one coming down to the beach 
 found her ; they were soon in high words, 
 which she afterwards understood was a 
 dispute ; the old Indian was for keeping 
 her alive, the other for dispatcliing her. — 
 After they had debated the point awhile, 
 the oldest Indian hastily took her up and 
 tossing her upon his shoulder, carried her 
 to a place near where Middletown now 
 stands, where he dressed her wounds and 
 soon cured her. After some time the Dutch 
 at New Amsterdam, hearing of a white 
 woman among the Indians, concluded who 
 it must bQ, and some of them came to Iier 
 
 relief ; the old man, her preserver, gave 
 h'r the ctioice to go or stay ; she chose to 
 go. A while after, marrying one Stout, 
 they lived together at Middletown among 
 other Dutch inhabittints. The old Indian 
 wlio saved her life used frequently to visit 
 her ; at one of his visits she observed him 
 to be more pensive than common, and sit- 
 ting down, he gave three heavy sighs ; 
 alter the last, she thought herself at liber- 
 ty to ask him what was the matter, lie 
 told her ho had something to tell her in 
 friendship, though at tlie risk of his own 
 life, which was that the Indians were that 
 night to kill all the whites, and he advised 
 her to go to New Amsterdam ; she asked 
 him how she could get off? He told her 
 he had provided a canoe at a place which 
 he named. Being gone from her she sent 
 for her husband out of the field, and dis- 
 covered the mattei" to him, who, not be- 
 lieving it, she told him the old man tiever 
 deceived her, and that siie with her children 
 would go ; accordingly at the place ap- 
 pointed thev found the canoeand paddled 
 off. When they were gone, the husband 
 began to consider the matter, and sending 
 for five or six of his neighbors, they set 
 vtpon their guard. About midnight they 
 heard the dismal warwhoop; presently 
 came up a company of Indians ; they first 
 expostulated and then told the Indians if 
 they persisted in their bloody designs, they 
 would sell their lives very dear. Their 
 arguments prevailed, the Indians desisted, 
 and entered into a league of i^eace, which 
 was kept without violati n. From this 
 womar, thus remarkably saved, is descend- 
 ed a numerous posterity of the name of 
 Stout, now inhabitants of New Jersey. At 
 that time there were supposed to be about 
 fifty families of white people, antl five 
 hundred Indians inhabiting ttiose parts." 
 
 The account of Penelope Stout, as given 
 in Benedict's History, is as follows : 
 
 " She was born in Amsterdam, in Hol- 
 land, about the year 1602 ; her father's 
 name was Vanprincis. She and her first 
 husband (whose name is not known) sail- 
 ed for New York (then New Amsterdam) 
 about the year 1620; the vessel was strand- 
 ed at Sandy Hook ; the crew got ashore 
 and marched towards New York ; but 
 Penelope's (for that was her name) hus- 
 band being hurt in the wreck, could not 
 march with them ; therefore, he and his 
 wife tarried in the woods ; they had not 
 been long in the place before the Indians 
 killed them both (as they thought) and 
 stripped them to the skin ; however, Pen- 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MOXMOUTIL 
 
 53 
 
 elope came to, though hei" skull was frac- 
 tured an'd her left shoulder so hacked that 
 she could never use that arm like the oth- 
 er ; she was also cut across the abdomen 
 so that her bowels appeared ; these she 
 kept in with her hand ; she continued in 
 this situation for seven days, ta'? ing shel- 
 ter in a hollow tree, and eating the ex- 
 crescence of it ; the seventh day she saw 
 a deer passing by with arrows sticking in 
 it, and soon after two Indians appeared, 
 whom she was glad lo see, in hope they 
 would put her out of her misery ; accord 
 ingly, one made for lier to knock her on 
 the head ; but the other, who was an el- 
 derly man, prevented him ; and, throwing 
 his match coat about her, carried iier to 
 his wigAVam and cured her of her wounds 
 and bruises ; after that he took her to 
 New York and made a present of her to 
 her rountrymen, viz : an Indian [)resent, 
 expecting ten times the value in return.— 
 It vv^s in New York that one Richard 
 Stout mariied her ; lie was a native of 
 England, and of good family: she was now 
 in her 22!id year, and he in his40''h. !She 
 bore him seven sons and thrf>o daughters, 
 viz : Jr'nathan, John, Richard, James, 
 Peter, David, Benjamin, Mary, Sarah and 
 Alice ; the daughters married into the 
 families of the Bound?, Pikes, Throck- 
 mortons and Skeltons, and so lost the 
 name of Stout ; the sons inarrird into the 
 familiesofBullen, Crawford, Ashton.Truax, 
 !ic., and had many children. Themother 
 lived to the age of 110, and saw her oft- 
 spri-g multipli d into 502 in about 88 
 years.'" 
 
 Richard Stout, who married Penelope, 
 w.^s the son of John Stout, of Nottingham- 
 shire, in Eogland. His father interfered 
 in a love affair with a young woman be- 
 neath his rank, so he got angry and went 
 to sea in a man of war, and served seven 
 years. He was discharged at New York 
 (then "New Amsterdam) and lived tliere 
 some years, when he fell in with the Dutch 
 widow, whoia he afterwards married. 
 
 INDIAN CLAIMS IN OLD MON- 
 MOUTH AND VICINITY. 
 
 Confeience of Whites and Indians — Des- 
 cription of last lands claimed by Indians 
 — Names of leading Indians — Indians 
 satisfactorily paid for all their land — 
 Our ancesters as " doers ofjustice." 
 The last lands in Old Monmouth claimed 
 by the Indians were described in certain 
 p ipers, powers of attorney, (fee, presented 
 
 to a conference between the whites and 
 Indians held at Crosswicks, N, J., in Feb 
 ruary, 1758. For several years previou.s 
 the Indians had expressed much dissatis- 
 faction because they hud not received pay 
 for several tracts of land, some of them of 
 considerable ext'^nt in this and other 
 counties. When the ill feeling of the In- 
 dians became apparent, the Legislature 
 appointed commissioners to examine-into 
 the causes of dissatisfaction. Several con- 
 ferences were held at Crosswicl<s. Burling- 
 ton, Easton, Pa., &c. At the second con- 
 ference at Crosswicks the commissioners 
 on the part of the state were Andrew 
 Johnson and Richard Salter, of the Coun- 
 cil, and Charles Read, John Stevens, Wil- 
 iam Foster and Jacob Spicer. 
 
 The Indians were Teedyescunk, king of 
 the Delavvares ; George Hopaycock, of the 
 Susquehannas ; Andrew Wciolley, George 
 Wheelwright. Peepy, Joseph Cuish, Wil- 
 liam Lonlax, Gabriel Mitop, Zeb Conchee, 
 Bill Nevvs, John Pembolus, of the Cross- 
 wick Indians ; Moses Totsimy and Philip 
 of the Movmtain Indians; Tom Evans, of 
 the Rarilans ; Robert Kekott, Jabob 
 Mullis, Samuel Gosling of the Rancocus 
 Indians ; Thomas Store, Stephen Calviri, 
 John Pompsliire, Benjamin Gh'.us, Joseph 
 Woolley, Josiah Store, Isaac Still, James 
 Calvin, Peter Calvin, Derrick Quaquay, 
 Ebenezer Woolley, Sarah Store, widow of 
 Quaquahela of the Cranbury Indians ; 
 Abraham Lacques, Isaac Swanelea, South- 
 ern Indians. 
 
 John Porapshire acted as interpreter. 
 
 The Indians informed the Commissioners 
 that the lands they claimed could not by 
 them be described by lines very intelligi- 
 ble to persons not on the spot, as they 
 went to hollows and small brooks which 
 had no certain names, but that they had 
 described them as well as they could, and 
 they delivered lists of the tracts they es- 
 teemed unpurshased.as follows: 
 
 No. 1. A power of at'.orney from Ca- 
 poose and Telamen, to Moses Totamy, dated 
 I January 30lh, 1743-4, for lands 'on the 
 south and fouihvvest side of the south 
 branch of the Raritan river, joining there- 
 to, as explained by said power. 
 
 No. 2. A paper declarinti ilie lands 
 from the half wav, from the mouth of 
 Motetecunk to Toms River, from the heads 
 of the rivers, belong to Captain John, 
 Totamy Willockins; and from John 
 Eastels (Estells?) to Hookanetcunk on 
 Crosswicks ; then on a straight course to 
 Mount Holly and so up Rancocus creek 
 
54 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 and along the said creek to Jarvis Pharo's 
 mill and so lo the sea. Pompshire and Ste- 
 phen Calvin say they are concerned in the 
 tract. 
 
 No. 3. A power of attorney to Twtamy 
 and Captain John, dated February 21st, 
 1747, from Tawlayenum, Tohokenum, 
 (jrooteleck, to sell lauds in Egg Harbor be- 
 tween Mount Holly and Crosswieks. 
 
 'fhey have a tract of land beginning at 
 the Old Ford by John Fowler's; then in 
 a line to Doctor's Creek, above but in sight 
 of Allentown ; then up the creek to the 
 lower end of Irnlaystown ; then in a line 
 to Cros.ewicks creek by Duke Horseman's; 
 then along said creek to the place of 
 beginning. Teedyscung an<l Totamy are 
 concerned in the above lands. 
 
 Then they said that from the mouth of 
 Squan to No. 2, belongs to Sarah Store, 
 to whom it was given by her husband, to 
 the heads of the branches, and so across 
 from one branch to the other. 
 
 Tom Store and Andrew WooUey, claim 
 a tract beetween Cranbury and Devil's 
 Brook, possessed by Josiah Davidson'ssons 
 that has two new houses built thereon, in 
 which is included the whole tract of the 
 late President Hamilton probably John 
 Hamilton, governor from 1736 ^o 1738) ; and 
 also Mr. Alexander's surveys where Thomas 
 Sowden lives ; he has sold part of this 
 aract to Holiinshead where McGee lives; 
 also has sold some to Josiah Davidson, to 
 Doore Marlet, John Wetherill and Jarans 
 Wilson. He claims lands from Cranbury 
 brook to trie cross roads lying on the 
 right hand of the road, and is claimed by 
 William Pidgeon ; James Wall and John 
 Story live upon one corner of it. They 
 also claim from the mouth of Squan to 
 the mouth of Shrewsbury, by the streams 
 of each to their heads and across from one 
 head to another. Also Vannole's place on 
 the west si<le of Squan river. Also a piece 
 at Topauemus bridge; in this piece Ben 
 Claus is concerned. 
 
 Tom Store and Andrew WooUey, also 
 claim a piece on the north aide of South 
 River — Polly Ritchies place. 
 
 Also a piece between Allentown and 
 Millstone brook, where Hockan Gapee 
 used to live, joining on the east side of the 
 post road to Aniboy, part of Dunstan's 
 tract. 
 
 Also Vance's place, adjoining Millstone 
 brook, on Amboy road, part of Fullerton's 
 tract. 
 
 Also a swamp near Gawen Watson's 
 place, belonging to llie Johnston -families 
 and the Furmans. 
 
 Jacob MuUis claims pine lands oa Edge 
 Pillock Branch and Goshen Neck 
 Branch, where Benjamin .Springer and 
 George Marpole"s mills stands and all 
 the lands between the head branches of 
 those creeks to whv-ne the waters join or 
 meet. 
 
 The Indiai.;s in gtmeral, claim their 
 settlements near Cianbury on Menolapan 
 river, near Falkner's tract, whereon many 
 Indians now live. Also a few acres below 
 the plantation of Robert Pearson's, on the 
 North side of Crosswieks creek. 
 
 Hiiving delivered these claims to the 
 Commissioners, the Indians present ex- 
 ecuted a power of attorney to Tom Store, 
 Moses Totamy, Stephen Calviw, Isaac Still 
 and John Pompshire, or the major part of 
 tliem, to transact all future business with 
 the state government respecting lands. 
 
 In 1757 the government had appro- 
 priated £1,600 to purchase a release of 
 Inciian claims; one lialf to be laid out in 
 purchasing a settlement for the Indians 
 on the south side of 'he Raritan, whereon 
 they might reside ; the other lialf to pur- 
 chase latent claims of back Indian^ not 
 resident in the province. At the confer- 
 ence at Eastoii, in Oclober, 1758, it was 
 decided to purchase a tract of land in 
 Evesham township, Burlington, containing 
 over 3,000 acres, for the Indians to locate 
 upon. There was there a saw mill and 
 cedar swamp and satisfactory hunting 
 ground. The Indians soon removed to 
 this reservation, named Brotherton ; in 
 removing their buildings tliey were assist- 
 ed by government. A house of worship 
 and several dwellings were soon put up. 
 
 In 1765, it is said, there were about sixty 
 persons settled there. 
 
 The remn;int of these Indians sold out 
 the tract and left the slate in 1802, as 
 elsewhere described. We believe they 
 left behind a lot of half breeds, who al'io 
 left the state some thirty years later. 
 
 HOW THE BRITISH REWARDED 
 THE TORIES. 
 
 Dazzling Promises and liovv they were ful 
 filled — Loyalists die broken hearted. 
 The following is from the Albany States- 
 man, Sept. 1820: 
 
 By the following extract from the pro- 
 ceedings of the British House ofCommons 
 June 19th, 1820, it will be seen that the 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 bh 
 
 Tories of the Revolution were but poorly 
 rewarded for their loyalty to England and 
 their base desertion of their own country. 
 It seems the most fortunate of them re- 
 ceived but seven shillings in the pound, of 
 what had been promised them, as a re- 
 muneration for their losses and treason- 
 able services. The conduct of the British 
 government towards these miserable be 
 ings v>'ho were dazzled with promises and 
 anticipations of princely wealth and 
 princely honors, furnishes a monitory les- 
 son of the wretched fate of the traitor. 
 Many of them, it is said, died oj broken hearts 
 conscious of their own degradation, ne- 
 glected and despised by those they had 
 served, and treated with scorn and re- 
 proach by their own countrymen. How 
 different was their lot from that of the 
 revolutionary patriot and soldier, who was 
 true to his country and whose motto was 
 '• Liberty or Death."' 
 
 American Loyalists. 
 
 A. vote of £9, 000 was proposed for Amer- 
 ican Loyylists. 
 
 Mr. Hume asked the Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer whether government meant to 
 take into consideration the claims of those 
 loyalists who had been resident in Ameri- 
 ca at the breaking out of the war, and 
 who had been assured by their govern- 
 ment that any losses they might sustain, 
 would be made good by this country ? 
 Whereas in violation of the public faith 
 they never had been remunerated. 
 
 The Chancellor of the Exchequer ad- 
 mitted that the people alluded to were a 
 most ineriiorioMS and unfortunate class of men, 
 but on the other liand, if the claims of in- 
 dividuals loere to he listened to by his majes- 
 ty's ministers, a dangerous precedent 
 would be established and a door opened 
 for their endlesss repetition. 
 
 Mr. Courtney observed that this claim 
 stood on tlie plighted faith of the country. 
 His conviction was, their case was quite 
 diflferent from that of all other claimants, 
 and was, at least, entitled to tlie serious 
 consideration of i)arliament — [Hear.) 
 
 Mr. Williams added his testimony to 
 that of the last speaker. It was consider- 
 ably moie than thirty years since the 
 claims accrued. Three fourths of the 
 claimants were dead, and many of them 
 of broken hearts. 
 
 Mr. Lockhart said that the American 
 loyalists had never received any compen- 
 i^ation for their losses. It was the mer- 
 chants trading to America who consented 
 
 to accept of £500,000 to b© distributed 
 amongst them by commissioners ; and 
 when the resident loyalists ajjplied to the 
 courts in America, they were met with 
 the plea of being attainted persons and 
 traitors to their counting. 
 
 The Chancellor of the Exchequer said 
 the individuals in question had received 
 their fair proportion of the £500,000 from 
 the commissioners. 
 
 Mr. J. Smith said that they had receiv- 
 ed but seven or eight shillings in the pound of 
 their reduced debt or claim. 
 
 The resolution was postponed to the 
 following week. 
 
 EPISCOPALIANISM IN OLD MON- 
 MOUTH. 
 
 Pioneers of the Society. — Rev. Messrs. 
 Keith, Talbot and Inness — First Converts 
 to the Protestant Episcopal Church — 
 One Hundred and Seven*y Years Ago. 
 The most noted among the first clergy- 
 men of the Protestant Episcopal Church, 
 who held services in the county, was the 
 celebrated Rev. George Keith, an outline 
 of whose life has been given in an other chap- 
 ter. When he first located at Freehold 
 he was an active member of the Society of 
 Friends, as it would seem were others of 
 the first settlers. He left Freehold in 
 1689 and went to reside in Philadelphia. — 
 In 1694 he went to London and soon after 
 abjured the doctrines of the Quakers, and 
 became a zealous clergyman of the Church 
 of England. He officiated some time in 
 his mother country, and in 1702 he was 
 sent to America as a missionary o? the 
 " Society tor the Propagation of the Gos- 
 pel in Foreign Parts." He sailed from 
 England April 28, 1702, in the ship Cen- 
 turian bound for Boston. After his arri- 
 val he travelled and preached in various 
 parts of New England and New York, ac- 
 companied and assisted by the Rev. John 
 Talbot, who had been cliaplain of the ship, 
 and who, a few years later, located at Bur- 
 lington, JN. .[., in charge of the Protestant 
 Episcopal Society there. Mr. Keith ar- 
 rived at Amboy, and preached his first ser- 
 mon in NeAv Jersey in that place, October 
 3d, 1702. He saysthatamongthetiudience 
 were some old acquaintances, and some 
 had been Quakers but were come over to 
 the church, particularly Miles Forster and 
 John Barclay (brother to Robert Barclay, 
 who published the " Ajjology for Quakers."' ) 
 After stopping a few days with Miles For- 
 ster, he left for Monmouth county, where 
 
56 
 
 OLD TIMES I^[ OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 he i^reached his first sermon, October 10, 
 1702. Of his tr.avels and services in Mon- 
 mouth we give his own account from his rare 
 and curious Httle work entitled " A Jour- 
 nal of Travel from New Hampshire to Car- 
 atuck, on the Continent of America, by 
 George Keith, A. M., late Missionary from 
 the Society for the Propagation of the Gos- 
 pel in Foreign Parts, and now Rector of 
 Edburton, in Sussex. London : printed by 
 Joseph Downing, for Brab. Aylmer at the 
 Three Pigeons over against the Royal Ex- 
 change, Cornhill, 1706."' 
 
 It will be noticed that he speaks of the 
 Quakers at Freehold holding meetings 
 separate from other Quakers. The cause 
 of this separation is explained in the chap- 
 ter giving an outline of his life. 
 
 01 his visit to Monmouth he says : 
 
 October 10, 1702.— We went to the 
 meeting of the Quakers at loponcmes in 
 Freehold in East Jersey, who used to keep 
 a separate meeting from the other Quakers 
 for their gross errors and joined witli me 
 and my friends in the separation about 
 1692 ; and it happened to be their yearly 
 meeting where divers came from West 
 Jei"sey and Pennsylvania. One of their 
 preachers prayed and preached before I 
 began. After he had done, I used some 
 Church Collects 1 bad by heart, in Prayer; 
 and after that I preached on Heb. 5 : 9.^ 
 There was a considerable auditory of di- 
 vers sort*, some of the Cliurch, and some 
 Presbyterians, besides Quakers. They 
 heard me without interruption and the 
 meeting ended peaceably. Their two 
 speakers lodged in the same house with 
 me that evening at the house of Thomas 
 Boels, formerly a Quaker but now of the 
 church. I had some free discourse with 
 them about several weighty things. 1 told 
 them so far as they used their gifts to in- 
 struct the ignorant and reclaim the vile 
 errors of Quakerism, they were to be com- 
 mended ; but that they had taken upon 
 them to administer baptism and the Lord's 
 Supper to any, they were greatly to be 
 blamed, having no due ciill or ordination 
 so to do. 
 
 We met again next day and after that 
 I pi'ayed, using the same Collects as the 
 day before and preached on 1st Thes. 5 : 9 
 without any interruption, and the meeting 
 peaceably ended. 1 could blame nothing 
 in the matter of the second speaker, nor 
 in the former, except where he said m his 
 discourse " That they who were in Chrisi,need 
 not fear IJcliy I endeavored to clear the 
 matter in my discourse by distinguishing 
 
 between an absolute fear of hell, such as 
 wicked men ought to have and a condi- 
 tional fear which good men, even such 
 who are in Cin'ist, ought to have ; and 
 about this he and I had some private dis- 
 course also betwixt u.'^^, but he wasdissatis 
 fied and would not own that any who werein 
 Christ, ought to have any les? of hell, so much 
 as conditional. 
 
 Sunday, October 17th, 1702. I preached 
 at Middletown in East Jersej', where be- 
 fa)re sermon Mr. Talbot read the Church 
 Prayers, and I preached on Matt. 28: 19,20. 
 One main part of my sermon being to 
 prove Infant baptism to be included in the 
 Apostle's commission as well as that of 
 adult persons, their being several of the 
 audience who were Anfibapiists, who heard 
 me civilly vvithout interruption ; but most 
 of the .<iuditory were Church people orwoli 
 affected to the Church. 
 
 October 24th, 1702. I preached atShrews- 
 bury at a houKC near the Quaker Meeting 
 House, and it happened it was the time of 
 the Quaker Yearly Meeting at Shrewsbury. 
 My text was 2d Peter, 2:1,2. Th«ChurcIi 
 Prayers being read before sermon, we liad 
 a great congregation, generally well affect- 
 ed to the Church, and divers of them were 
 of the Church, and that day I sent some 
 lines in writing to the QuaReis at their 
 Yearly Meeting ; which Mr. Talbot did 
 read to them in their meeting, wherein I 
 desired them to give me a meeting with 
 them some day of that week before their 
 meethig was concluded; in which meeting 
 1 offered to detect great eri'ors in their 
 Author's books, and they should have full 
 liberty to answer what they had to say in 
 their vindication. But they altogether le- 
 fused my proposition, and several papers 
 l)assed betwixt us. In some of their pa- 
 pers they used gross reflections on the 
 Church of England as much as on me. — 
 We continued our meeting three days, as 
 the Quakers did theirs. And the second 
 day of our meeting at the . same house, 
 where we had formerly met, I detected 
 Quaker errors out of their printed books, 
 particularly out of the Folio Book of Ed- 
 ivard Burrou(jh''s Works^ collected and pub 
 lished by the Quakers after his death, and 
 did read (juotations to tiie Auditory, lay- 
 ing the pages optn before such as wore 
 willing to read them for their better satis- 
 faction, as some did read them. 
 
 (Mr. Keith here quotes what he consid- 
 ers some of their errors.) 
 
 October 26th. I preached again at 
 Shrewsbury, on Matt. 7 : 13. In these 
 
OLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 57 
 
 meetings in Shrewsbury, Middletown and 
 Topsnemes, or where else in the Nethesiuks 
 (Nevisinks) Mr. Louis Morris and divers 
 others of the besl note in that county, fre- 
 quented the congregations and places 
 where we preaclied and did kindly enter- 
 tain us at their houses where we lodged as 
 we travelled too and again, particularly at 
 Mr. Morris, Mr. Inness, Mr, Johnson, Mr. 
 Boels and Mr. Read. Mr. Inness being in 
 Priest's orders often preached among them 
 and by preaching and conferences frequent- 
 ly with the (Quakers and other sorts of peo- 
 ple, as also by his pious conveisation, has 
 done much good among them and been 
 very instrumental to draw them off from 
 their errors and bring them over to the 
 Church. 
 
 Mr. Keith left Monmouth about the last 
 of October, 1702, for Burlington and else- 
 where. He returned in December, and 
 says : 
 
 December 20th, 1702. I preached at 
 Dr. Johnstons at Nethersinks, on Rev. 
 22:14. 
 
 Dec. 25th, Friday, being Christmas. I 
 preached at the house of Mr. Morris, on 
 Luke 21.10, 11. iVud after sermon divers 
 of the auditoiy received with us the Holy 
 sacrament ; both Mr. Morris and his wife, 
 and divers others. Mr. Talbot did admin- 
 ister it. 
 
 December 27th, Sunday. I preached at 
 Shrewsbury Town, near the Quaker Meet- 
 ing House, at a Planter's house, and had 
 a considerable auditory of Church people, 
 lately converted from Quakerism, with 
 divers others of the Church of best note in 
 that part of the country. My text was 
 Heb. 8.10, 11. 
 
 January 1st, 1703, Friday. I preached 
 at the house of Thomas Boels, in Freehold, 
 in East Jersey. My text was Isaiah 59.20, 
 21. Before sermon, after the Church 
 Prayers, I baptized all his children, two 
 sons and three daugliiers. He was for- 
 merly a Quaker, but is now come over to 
 the Church ; also a son of Samuel Dennis, 
 a late convert from Quakerism. 
 
 Jan. 3d, 1703. I preached again at his 
 house on the sanie text, and before sermon 
 Mr. Talbot baptized two persons belonging 
 to the family of John Read, formerly a 
 Quaker, but was lately come over to the 
 Cnurcli, with all his children, one son and 
 two daughters. His two daughters were 
 baptized by Mr. Talbot, October 20th, 
 1702 ; as also the same day was baptized 
 William Leads (Leeds?), and his sister 
 Mary Leads, late converts from Quakerism 
 
 to the Church. And some days before at 
 the house of John Read, Mr. Talbot .bap- 
 tized the wife of Alexander Neaper and 
 his three children. Both he and his wife 
 had been Quakers, but were come over to 
 the Church. 
 
 January 4th, 1703. I came to the house 
 of Robert Ray, in Freehold, in East Jer- 
 sey, accompanied with Thomas Boels, and 
 lodged at his house that night. At his 
 and his wife's desire, I baptized all his 
 children, some boys and some girls, in 
 number five. His wife is come over to the 
 Church, but he was not then come thor- 
 oughly out of Quakerism. 
 
 Mr. Keith after this proceeded to Bur- 
 lington, Philadelphia, and so on to Mary- 
 land, Virginia, and elsewhere ; in October, 
 1703, he returned to Monmouth, and of 
 his services here he adds in his journal 
 the following ; 
 
 " October 10th, 1703, Sunday. I preach- 
 ed at Toponemes, in Freehold, in East Jer- 
 sey, on Acts 24:12, and had considerable 
 auditory, divers of them late converts from 
 Quakerism to the Church. Mr. Inness 
 above mentioned, did read the Prayers. — 
 Mr. Talbot stayed to preach in several 
 places in Pennsylvania and West Jersey 
 tor some time. 
 
 October 17th. I preached at Shrews- 
 bury, near the Quaker Meeting House 
 there, on Psalms 103 : 17, 18. 
 
 October 24th. I preached again there, 
 on Heb. 8 : 10, 11, and Mr. Inness baptized 
 two men and a child. 
 
 On the 31st of October, Mr. Keith 
 preached at Amboy, after which he pro- 
 ceeded to New York and New England. 
 On tiis return he says : 
 
 January 9th, 1704. I preached at the 
 house of Dr. Johnston, in Neverthesinks, 
 on Psalms 119 : 5, 113, and had consider- 
 able auditory. 
 
 January 16th. I preached at Mr. Mor- 
 ris's house at the Falls of Shrewsbury, in 
 East Jersey, on 2 Cor. 5 : 17. 
 
 January 23d. I preached again at Mr. 
 Morris's house, on 2 Peter 1 : 5. 
 
 January 30th. I preached at the house 
 of Mr. Thomas Boels, in Freehold, in East 
 Jersey, - n 1 Cor.^15 : 58. 
 
 February 6th. I preached at the house 
 of Mr. John Read, in Freehold, East Jer- 
 sey, on Psalms 119 : 96. 
 
 After this Mr. Keith went to Burlington, 
 Philadelphia, and shortly sailed for Eng- 
 land. 
 
58 
 
 OLD TLMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 LIEUT, JAMES MOODY, THE KEFU- 
 GEE PARTISAN. 
 
 A Daring Renegade — Raid in Monmouth 
 — Refugee Versions and Boasts — Death 
 of Captain Chadwick and Lieutenant 
 Hendrickson. 
 
 In the days of the Revohition, about the 
 most shrewd and effective partisan leader 
 in New Jersey, was James Moody. During 
 the war we do not believe there was a sin- 
 gle other Tory who was more noted 
 througout the State for his daring opera- 
 ations, than was he, and yet it is rare to 
 find his name in any general or local his- 
 tory of New Jersey. 
 
 In Howe's Historical Collections of New 
 Jersey, mention is made of a certain refu- 
 gee, said to have been named Bonnell 
 Moody, as having been active against the 
 whigs in Sussex county. We very much 
 doubt if ever there was a prominent refu- 
 gee of that name in our State ; we have 
 no doubt but James Mooiy was the man 
 referred to ; certain it is that some of the 
 deeds attributed to Bonnell Moody were 
 performed by James Moody. An interest- 
 ing account of James Moody's career in 
 New Jersey, was published shortly after 
 the war in London ; though dictated by 
 himself, and consequently more or less 
 one sided, yet it contains many things of 
 value to the historian and of interest to 
 the general reader. At some future time 
 we shall endeavor to give place to the sub- 
 stance of his narrative with the high 
 British endorsements it obtained, but for 
 the present we can only copy the substance 
 of so much of it as relates to one of his 
 raids in Monmouth. It will be seen that 
 where he strives to depreciate Americans 
 and laud the Tories to the best of his abil- 
 ity, yet he mentions some things worth 
 recording in our local history. 
 
 " June 10th, 1779, Lieutenant James 
 Moody requested a Tory friend named 
 Hutchinson, with six men and some guides, 
 to join him in a raid into Monmouth. — 
 Moody had besides sixteen men. 'J'hey 
 started from Sandy Hook ior Shrewsbury, 
 and managed to elude the Rebel guard, 
 and gained a place called tJie Falls (Tinton 
 Falls.) There tliey surprised and took 
 prisoners one Colonel, one Lieutenant 
 Colonel, one Major and two Captains, with 
 several other i)risoners of lesser note, and 
 without injury to private property, de- 
 stroying a considerable magiizine of pow- 
 
 der and arms. With these prisoners and 
 such public stores as they were able to 
 bring off, Mr. Hutchinson was charged, 
 whilst Moody brought up the rear with 
 his sixteen men to defend them. They 
 were as they expected, soon pursued by 
 double their n ember and soon overtaken. 
 Moody kept up a smart fire on his assail- 
 ants, checkin^!; and retarding them till 
 Hutchinson with his booty had got ahead 
 to a considerable distance. He then also 
 advanced for the next advantngeous posi- 
 tion, and thus proceeded from one good 
 spot to another, still covering the prison- 
 ers till they gained a situation on the 
 shore at Black Point where the enemy 
 could not flank him. But just at this time 
 the enemy was reinforced by ten men, so 
 they were near forty strong. Hutchinson 
 with one man crossed the inlet, behind 
 wliich he had taken shelter, and came to 
 Moody's assistance ; and now a warm en- 
 gagement ensued which lasted three quar- 
 ters of an hour. By this time all their 
 ammunition, amounting to 80 rounds was 
 exhausted, and ten men, only three of 
 whom were wounded, were in any capaci- 
 ty to follow a charge. 
 
 "The bayonet wasMoody's only resource, 
 and this the enemy could not withstand ; 
 they fled, leaving eleven of their number 
 killed or wounded. Unfortunately for 
 Moody, his small but gallant party could 
 not follow up the blow, being in a manner 
 utterly exhausted by a long harassed 
 march in hot weather. They found the 
 rebel Captain dead, and their Lieutenant 
 also exi^iring on th© field. There was 
 something peculiarly shocking and awful 
 in the death of the rebel captain. He was 
 shot by Moody whilst with the most bitter 
 oaths and threats of vengeance, after hav- 
 ing missed fire once, he was again leveling 
 his piece at him. Soon after the engage- 
 ment, one of the rebels came forward with 
 a handkerchief on a stick, and demanded 
 a parley. His signal was returned and a 
 truce agreed upon, the conditions of which 
 were, that they should have leave to take 
 care of their dead and wounded, while 
 Moody and his party were permitted to 
 return unmolested to the Biitish lines. — 
 None of Moody's men were mortally 
 wounded. The public stores which they 
 brought qway, besides those destroyed, 
 sold far upwards of £500, every shilling of 
 which was given by Moody to his men, as 
 a rewartl for meritorious." 
 
 From a subsequent paragraph in Moody's 
 narrative, it appears that the names of the 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 59 
 
 officers killed were Captain Chadwick and 
 . Lieutenant Hendrickson. 
 
 Moody was afterwards captured by the 
 Americans, and was to liave been hung 
 for the murder of Captain Chadwick, but 
 he managed almost miraculously to escape. 
 
 Some circumstances mentioned in dif- 
 ferent accounts of this raid, lead to a sus- 
 picion that Moody placed Captain Chad- 
 wick and Lieutenant Hyndrickson in the 
 rear of their company to prevent the firing 
 or the Americans upon them, and that 
 Chadwick and Hendrickson were shot in 
 attempting to escape or after escaping. 
 
 The following is an American version of 
 this raid from an ancient paper : 
 
 " A party of about fifty refugees landed 
 in Monmouth and marched to 'llnton 
 Falls undiscovered, where they surprised 
 and carried off Colonel Hendrickson, Col- 
 onel Wyckotf', Captain ChadwicK and Cap- 
 tain McKnight, witli several privates of 
 the militia, and drove off sheep and horned 
 cattle. AHout thirty of our militia hastily 
 collected and made some resistance, but 
 were repulsed with the loss of two men 
 killed, and ten wountled, the loss of the 
 enemy unknown." 
 
 Moody's Capture and Escape. 
 
 The following is Moody's own account 
 of his capture, imprisonment for the kill- 
 ing of Captain Chadwick and Lieutenant 
 Hendrickson, and escape. After referring 
 to a raid in which he had been engaged, 
 liis narrative states that while he was re 
 tracing his steps witli thirteen men to- 
 wards New York, on the 21st of July, 
 1780, Moody and llie greater part of his 
 men fell into the hands of General Wayne, 
 much to tlie joy of his captors, and to the 
 whigs of New Jersey. •' Moody is in tlie 
 toils at last," was the word far and near. 
 He was first sent to a place called the 
 Slote, thence to Stony Point, thence to 
 West Point, thence to Esopus, and thence 
 brick to West Point. Arnold who was 
 then plotting to surrender the latter post, 
 treated Moody with absolute barbarity, 
 for by his order he was placed in a dun- 
 geon excavated in a rock, the bottom of 
 which was ankle deep in water, mud and 
 filth. In this dismal hole the wretched 
 prisoner was fettered hand and foot, and 
 compelled to sleep on a door raised on 
 four stones above the disgusting mixtuie 
 and proffered food at which he revolted 
 which was brought to him in a wooden 
 bowl that was never washed, and that whs 
 encrusted with dougli, dirt and grease. — 
 
 I The irons upon his wrists were ragged on 
 the inner side and caused sores which gave 
 him great pain, while his legs became ir- 
 ritated and swollen. He implored Arnold 
 for relief, declaring that he preferred 
 death to sufferings so intense. Some days 
 after his second petition to be treated as 
 a prisoner of war, an officer came into his 
 prison and asked, "are you Moody, whose 
 name is a terror to all good men ?" Wlien 
 answered, the officer pointed to a gallows 
 near by, and said : "A swing upon that 
 you have long merited." Moody replied 
 thai he hoped to live to see him and a 
 ' thousand other villains like him hanged 
 for being rebels. The fetters were exam- 
 ined but not removed. His case was at 
 last reported to General Washington, who 
 ordered the irons to be taken oft", and the 
 serving of wholesome provisions, with 
 ' leave to purchase milk, vegetables, &c. — 
 ' Soon the prisoner was transferred to the 
 : Chief's own camp, where the Adjutant 
 I General examined his limbs and shocked 
 at their condition, gave instant orders for 
 humane treatment. While Moody was re- 
 covering he felt himself much ac ease, ex- 
 pecting soon to be exchanged, when he 
 WMs unexpectedly told that in two day?, by 
 order of Dr. Livingston, he was to be 
 brought to trial ; the court-martial was to 
 be composed of picked men, and that 
 Moody was sure of conviction — that he 
 was charged with assassinating a Captain 
 Chadwick, and a Lieut. Hendrickson. — 
 These were the two officers who had fall- 
 en fairly in battle, near Black Point, in 
 Monmouth county, as elsewhere related. 
 The Ensign replied that lie felt himself 
 much at ease on that account, as it could 
 be sufficiently cleared up by their own 
 people who had been in and survived the 
 action, as well as by some of their officers, 
 who were at that time prisoners. He was 
 told that this would oe of little avail, as he 
 had been so obnoxious to the whiys, and 
 besides he had enlisted men in the State 
 for the King's service, and this, by their 
 laws, was death. 
 
 Moody says he affected an air of uncon- 
 cern at this information, but at the same 
 time he believed it was too serious and 
 important to him to disregard. He re- 
 solved therefore, from that moment, to 
 escape or perish in the attempt. His place 
 of confinement was near the centre of the 
 rtbelcamjj. A sentinel was placed with- 
 in the doors of his prison, and another 
 without, besides four others close around 
 and witliin a few yards of the place. Tiie 
 
60 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTPI. 
 
 time now came on when he must either 
 make his attempt or forever lose the op- 
 portunity. On the night of September 
 17th, busy in ruminating on his project, 
 he had under pretence of being cold, got 
 a watch coat thrown across his shoulders, 
 tha+ he might better conceal from his un- 
 pleasant companion the ojierations he 
 meditated against his hand cuffs. While 
 he was racking his invention to find some 
 possible means of extricating himself from 
 his fetters, he happened to cast his eye on 
 a post fastened to the ground, through 
 which a hole had been bored by an auger, 
 and it occurred to him that it might be 
 possible, with the aid of this hoi?, to break 
 the bolt of his hand cuffs. Watching the 
 opportunity therefore from time to time 
 of the sentinel's looking another way, he 
 thrust the point of the bolt into the above 
 mentioned hole, and by cautiously exert- 
 ing his strength and gradually bending 
 the iron backwards and forwards he at 
 length broke it. Let the reader imagine 
 what his sensations were when he found 
 the manacles drop from his hands. He 
 sprang instantly past the inside sentinel, 
 and rushing on the next, with one hand 
 he seized his musket, and with the other 
 struck him to the ground. The sentinel 
 within and the four others who had been 
 placed by the fence surrounding the place 
 of his confinement, immediately gave the 
 alarm, and in a moment the cry was gen- 
 eral, "Moody is escaped from the provost!*' 
 It is impossible to describe the uj^roar 
 which now took place throughout the 
 camp. In a few minutes every man was in 
 a bustle, every man was looking for Moo- 
 dy, and multitudes passed by him on all 
 sides — little suspecting that the man they 
 saw deliberately marching along with a 
 musket on his shoulder, could be the fugi- 
 tive they were in quest of. The darkness 
 of the night which was also blustering and 
 drizzly, prevented any discrimination of 
 his person, and was indeed the great cir- 
 cumstance that rendered his escape possi- 
 ble. But no small difficulty still remained 
 to be surmounted. To i:)revent desertion, 
 which at that time was very frequent, 
 Washington had surrounded his camp 
 with a cliain of sentinels, posted at about 
 forty or fifty yards from each other ; Moo- 
 dy was unacquainted with their stations ; 
 to pass there undiscovered would certain- 
 ly'be i'atal. In this dilemna Providence 
 again befriended him. He had gained 
 their station without knowing it, when 
 luckily h® heard their watchword, "Look 
 
 sharj) to the chain — Moody is escaj^ed 
 from tlie Provost." From the sound of ■ 
 their voices he ascertained the resj^ective 
 situations of the sentinels, and throwing 
 himself on his hands and knees, he was 
 happy enough to crawl through the vacant 
 space between two of them, unseen by 
 either. Judging that their line ofqursuit 
 would be towards the British army, he 
 made a detour into the woods on the op- 
 posite side. Through the woods he made 
 his way with as much sijeed as the dark- 
 ness of the night would permit, steering 
 his course alter the Indian manner by oc- 
 casional groping and feeling the white 
 oak ; on the south side thfi bark of this 
 tree is rough and unpleasant to the touch, 
 but on the north side is smooth ; hence it 
 serves the sagacious traveller of the woods 
 by night as well as by day, for his compass. 
 Through the dismal woods and swamps he 
 wandered until the night of the 21st, a 
 space of 56 hours, during which time he 
 had no other sustenance than a few beach 
 leaves, ( which of all the woods afforded, 
 were the least unpleasant to the taste, and 
 least pernicious to the health ), which he 
 chewecf and swallowed to abate the craA'- 
 ings of hunger. In every inhabited dis- 
 trict he knew there were friends of the 
 British, and he had learned where and 
 how to find them our, without endanger- 
 ing their safety, which was always the first 
 object of his concern. From some of their 
 ffood men he received minute information 
 how the pursuit was directed, and where 
 every guard was posted. Thus assisted he 
 eluded tiieir keenest vigilance, and at 
 length by God's blessings, to his unspeak- 
 able joy, he arrived safe at Paulus Hook 
 ( Jersey City )." 
 
 PHIL WHITE, HIB CAPTURE AND 
 DEATH. 
 
 A correct version of the affair — Refugee 
 slanders refuted and vindicated— .affi- 
 davits of Aaron White and of Philip 
 White, guards — Statement of Gtneral 
 Forman, &c. 
 
 Though the death of the refugee Philip 
 White, generally called Phil White, is oc- 
 casionally referred to in modern historical 
 works, there are none which give complete 
 or correct accounts of the atfair. In the 
 brief statement given in Howe's Collec- 
 tions unjust imputations are cast upon 
 his guard, as will hereafter be seen. When 
 Captain Iluddy was so brutally murdered 
 by the Refugees near th« Highlands, it 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 61 
 
 will be remembered that a label was fast- 
 ened to his breast, the last sentence of 
 which was 
 
 Up goes Hxiddy for Philip White. 
 
 Though the Kefugees atone time assert- 
 ed that Captain Huddy had an agency in 
 the death of Phil White, yet this prepos- 
 terous charge was at once shown to be an 
 infamous falsehood, as when White was 
 killed, Captain Huddy was a prisoner, con- 
 fined in New YorK in the old Sugar House 
 ( Duane's sugar house.) The British as- 
 serted that *' he had taken a certain Philip 
 White, cut off both his arms, broke his 
 legs, pulled out one of his eyes, damned 
 him and then bid him run.'' 
 
 How much of this was true will be seen 
 by the conclusive evidence hereafter given, 
 before quoting which we will copy the 
 version of the affair given in Howe's (Jol- 
 lections, derived in 1842, from a tradition- 
 ary source : 
 
 " White, the Refugee, was a carpenter 
 and served his time in Shrewsbury. Six 
 days after Huddy was taken, he was sur- 
 prised by a party of militia light-horse, 
 near Snag Swamp, in the eastern part of 
 the township. After laying down his arms 
 in token of surrender, he took up his 
 musket and killed a Mr. Hendrickson. — 
 He was however, secured, and while being 
 taken to Freehold, was killed at Pyle's 
 Corner, thiee or four miles from there. — 
 He was under a guard of three men, the 
 father of one of whom was murdered at 
 Shrewsbury the year previous, by a band 
 of refugees, among whom was White, and 
 he was therefore highly exasperated 
 against the prisoner. Some accounts state 
 that he was killed while attempting to 
 escape ; others with mure probability that 
 they pricked him with their swords and 
 thus forcing him to run, cruelly murdered 
 him." 
 
 There are several errors in the foregoing 
 and it is to be regretted that the untrue 
 charge of wanton cruelty, should have 
 found its way into so use:ul a book. Cor- 
 rect versions of this affair are found in an- 
 cient pajiers, but for the present we will 
 give several affidavits taken at the time as 
 being tfie most conclusive evidence. Tliese 
 affidavits were forwarded to General 
 Washington, and by him transmitted to 
 Congress, April 20th, 1782. 
 
 Thess affidavits are of Aaron White, 
 taken prisoner with Phil White, and of 
 each of Phil White's guards. Before quot 
 ing them, we will say in regard to the 
 statement in the extract from Howe's Col- 
 
 lections that after Phil White had sun'en- 
 dered, " he took up his musket and killed 
 a Mr. Hendrickson," that as no allusion is 
 made to it in these affidavits, it may have 
 occurred at some previous time, and this 
 murder as well as his participation in the 
 murder of John Russell, and in other out- 
 rages, undoubtedly caused the patriots to 
 be anxious to capture him. 
 
 Deposition or Aaron White. 
 
 County of Monmouth, ss : Aaron White 
 being duly sworn* deposeth : 
 
 That he was taken prisoner with Philip 
 White; that the deponent left New York 
 in company with Philip White, Jeremiah 
 Bell, negro Moses, John Fennimore and 
 Robert Howell, on Thursday night, the 
 twenty-eighth of March last ; that they 
 sailed from New Y®rk to the Hook, where 
 they remained till next morning, being 
 Friday, the twenty-ninth ; that Phiiip 
 White and negro Moses were landed at 
 Long Branch that morning ; that the de- 
 ponent understood that Captain Joshua 
 Huddy was then a prisoner ; that on the 
 day following, being Saturday the thirtieth, 
 the deponent being ofi' in a boat with 
 Fennimore, and having observed that the 
 said Philip White and Moses had an en- 
 gagement with some of the troops on 
 shore, he ( the deponent ) went in a boat 
 to their lelief, meaning to take them off; 
 that when he came on shore he joined the 
 said Phiiip White and negro Moses, and 
 pursued one Thomas Berkley, with whom 
 they had been engaged ; that in their pur- 
 suit, the light horse came down, and the 
 deponent with the said Philip White 
 were made prisoners ; that they were put 
 under guard to be sent to Freehold for 
 confinement ; that on the way from Colt's 
 Neck to Freehold, between Daniel Grand- 
 io's and Samuel Leonard's, the deponent 
 was told by one of his guard, that Philip 
 White was running away ; that the depo- 
 nent looked back and saw the horsemen 
 in pursuit of something, but being about 
 half a mile distant, could not distinguish 
 after whom or what the pursuit was ; that 
 the field in whicii they were pursuing was 
 near the brook next to Mr, Leonard's, ad- 
 joining a wood ; that Lieutenant Rhea 
 and Georee Brindley left the deponent 
 under guard of two men, and ran their 
 iiorses hack towards the plac« the other 
 men were pursuing ; that the deponent 
 afterwards understood that it was Philip 
 White they were pursuing, and that he 
 was killed in the pursuit: that Captain 
 
62 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 Joshua Huddy was not one of the guard 
 or party, and the deponent understood 
 and verily believes, that he was then a 
 prisoner in New York ; and the deponent 
 further and lastly declares, that the above 
 is the truth as related without any fear, 
 threats or compulsion whatever. 
 
 Aaron White. 
 
 Sworn before me this 1,5th dav of April, 
 1782. ^ David Forman, 
 
 Justice of Peace, Monmouth County 
 
 That a clear idea of the order of the 
 principal events referred to in these affi- 
 davits may be obiained, we will here state 
 that Cajttain Joshua Huddy was taken 
 prisoner at Toms RiTer, on Sunday, March 
 24th, 1782; on Saturday, the 30th of 
 March, six days after, Phil White and 
 Aaron were taken jH'isoners by the Mon- 
 mouih militia; the same day (March 30th), 
 Philip White was killed, at which time 
 Captain Huddy wag confined in the sugar 
 house i^rison in New York, where he had 
 been put on Tuesday, March 26th, and 
 remained here and in provost jail, until 
 M'^nday, April 8th, when he was taken 
 on b®ard a sloop and put in irons, and 
 four days later, April 12th, 1782, he was 
 hanged near the Highlands; his body was 
 delivered to the Americans, sent to Free- 
 hold and buried with the honors of war. — 
 Three days after his death — -on the 15th 
 of April, these affidavits were taken while 
 the recollections of all the circumstances 
 referred to, were fresh in the minds of tiie 
 witnesses. 
 
 Statements of Phjl White's Giauds. 
 
 Phil White's guards were William Bor- 
 den, John North and John Russell, They 
 were probably at the time attached to 
 Captain John Walton'sjtrooi)|of light horse, 
 but Ivussell and perhaps the other two 
 had been in the regular Continental army 
 previously. Their statement of the de- 
 tails of Phil White's death are undoubted- 
 ly ^correct. We shall hereafter, in the 
 court martial trial at New York, of the 
 Refugee captain, Richard Lippincott, give 
 the Tory evidence, and it will be seen that 
 there was nothiiig offered to invalidate 
 the affidavits of the guards. The first 
 statement we give is the 
 
 AFFIDAVIT OF WiLMAM BoKDF.N. 
 
 County of Monmouth, ss : William Bor- 
 den, of full age, being duly sworn, depos- 
 eth : 
 
 That he with a certain John North, and 
 John Russell, were ordered to guard a cer- 
 tain L'hilip White, mentioned in an ad- 
 
 dress to his excellency. General Washing- 
 ton, to Freehold. That the guard was 
 ordered to shoot him if he attempted to 
 escape, of which the said Philip was in- 
 formed ; that on their way the said Philip 
 jumped off his horse, and on pas.^ing a 
 fence next to the woods, the deponent 
 fired and shot him through the body, the 
 bullet entering his back and coming out 
 of his right breast ; that the said Philip 
 at first fell, but recovered again, and at- 
 tempted to get into the woods about two 
 hundred yards distant ; that the deponent 
 having leaped the fence on horseback, in- 
 tercepted him in the way to the woods ; 
 upon which he turned and threw himself 
 into a bog, where the said John North 
 met him and gave him a stroke with his 
 sword ; that as the said Philip White turn- 
 ed, the deponent struck him with the butt 
 end of his carbine, and he still continued 
 to run till he was struck by the said John 
 North as aforesaid ; that this deponent, 
 three or four times called to him, " White 
 give up and yon shall have quarters yet."' That 
 Caj^tain Joshua Huddy was; not one of the 
 guard nor in coinj)any, but the deponent 
 understood, antl has no reason to doubt, 
 that he was then a prisoner in New York. 
 That the above hapjiened between Daniel 
 Grandin's and Samuel Leonard's in a field 
 adjoining tlie woods, and through which 
 the brook next to said Leonard's did run. 
 On Saturday, the 30th of March last. 
 
 Wii,i,iAM Bgrdex. 
 
 Sworn before me this 15th day of April, 
 1782. David Forman, 
 
 Judge of Court of Common Pleas Monmouth Co. 
 Affidavit of John North. 
 
 County of Monmouth, ss : John North 
 being duly sworn, deposeth and saith : 
 That he, the deponent, was one of a cer- 
 tain guard that had custody of Philip 
 Whit* mentioned in the memorial to his 
 excellency General Washington ; that the 
 said guar(l was ordered to conduct the 
 said Phili]) White from Long Branch 
 (the place at which he with one Aaron 
 White was token prisoner,) to Freehold; 
 that the said guard was ordered, if he at- 
 tempted to make his escape, to kill him ; 
 that they were both inf\)rmcd that if they 
 attempted to run they would be killed; 
 that on the way to Freehold, the said 
 Philip White went sideways off his horse 
 and ran to the fence next to the wood ; 
 that the deponent fired at liim but be- 
 lieves the bail did not t*ke place upon 
 him ; that William Borden, another of 
 the guard, fired at him also, about the 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 63 
 
 same instant of time, and shot l)im 
 through the body, the bullet entering his 
 back and passing out under his right 
 breast; that he fell upon his hands and 
 knees, but recovered himself and arose 
 and ran across a small field making for 
 the woods ; that the deponent left his 
 horse and dropped his gun and pursued 
 with his drawn sword ; that the deponent 
 overtook him in a bog, and as ho was 
 passing, gave him a stroke across tlie face 
 with his sword, upon which he fell and 
 cried he was a dead man ; that the said 
 William Korden several times called to 
 him saying : '* White, if you will give up 
 you shall have good quarters yet;" that 
 notwithstanding lie continued to run to 
 the last moment, when he was cut down 
 by this deponent as aforesaid ; and was 
 within three or four paces ot a fence, 
 which if he had passed, he would in all 
 j)robability have elfecled his escape, pro- 
 vided the gunshot should not have proved 
 i'aial ; that Captain Joshua Iluddy was 
 not one of the guard, it being notoriously 
 well known that he was then a prisoner 
 with the enemy. That the above haj)- 
 pened between Daniel Grandin's and 
 Samuel Leon 'rd's in a small field ; that 
 the brook nearest Leonard's runs through 
 the field ; that it was on Saturday the 
 thirtieth day of Marcli last. 
 
 John Noktii. 
 Sworn before me this i.5th April 1782. 
 David Forman, 
 Justice C. C. Pleas Monmouth Co. 
 
 Affidavit of John Russei.l. 
 
 Ceunty of Monmouth, ss : John Russell 
 of full age, being duly sworn deposeth : 
 
 That he was one of the guai'd appointed 
 to conduct Philip White and Aaron 
 White to Freehold ; that the deponent 
 was present at the timi; of the said Piiiiii) 
 White's attempt to make his escape; that- 
 lie has heard tire ;dhdavits of WiUiam 
 Borden and John North and knows every 
 circumstance therein mentioned to be 
 true ; and in addition informs that in 
 cour.se of their jnusuit after the said 
 White, he passed the said deponent, and 
 he, the deponent, gave him a sliglitwound 
 in the forehead, but he still continued to 
 run, although frequently desired to give 
 up and he should have good quarters ; 
 tliat this was the first blow he received ; 
 tliat it was entirely his '^■wn fau't ; that 
 he received a single stroke with a sword, 
 he runni'ig and refusing to submit to the 
 last minute; tliat Joshua Iluddy was then 
 
 a prisoner in New York : that this hap- 
 pened on Saturday the thirtieth of March 
 last. John Russeij,. 
 
 Sworn before me this i,5th April, 1782. 
 David Forman, 
 Justice of Peace Monmouth (Jo. 
 Second Affidavit of Wiij.iam Bordkn. 
 
 Four days after the foregoing affidavits 
 were taken, it was thouglit advisable to 
 take additional evidence, and William 
 Borden was again sworn, and deposed as 
 follows : 
 
 County of Monmouth, ss : William 
 Borden, of full age, being duly sworn, 
 saith : 
 
 That he, the deponent, was one of the 
 guard appointed to conduct Philip White, 
 a refugee piisoner, taken and killed as is 
 at large set forth under oath of this de- 
 ponent, taken the L'ith of April instant; 
 and farther this dei)onent saith that ^Ae 
 aforesaid Philip White re.eeivedno other wounds 
 to the knowledge or belief of this^depo- 
 nent than those set forth and described 
 in this deponent's oath as aforesaid ; that 
 the report said to be circulated in New 
 York, viz : that the said Philip White 
 had his arms cut off, and one of his (the 
 said White's) eyes pulled out and both 
 his legs broken, is false and without any 
 the least foundation ; for that he, the 
 aforesaid Philii) White, did not to this de- 
 ponent's knowledge or belief receive any 
 the least wound or hurt on either his 
 (ttje aforesaid Philip White's) arms or legs 
 neither was either of Ids (the aforesaid 
 Philip White's) eyes pulled out. 
 
 Lastly, this deponent saith, that he this 
 deponent was jiresent at the time the 
 aforesaid Philip White attempted to make 
 his escape ; was in pursuit of him, the 
 aforesaid Philip Whito, and was present at 
 the time that the aforesaid Philip White 
 was kdled •, that this deponent saw John 
 Kussfcll and John North carry and put his 
 (the aforesaid Philip White's) body in a 
 wagon and attended the wagon up to the 
 village of Freehold where his (the afore- 
 said Philip White's) body was the same 
 evening buried ; and further this depo- 
 nent saith not. WlI.MAM BoKIHCN. 
 
 Sworn before me this 19th April, 1782. 
 David Forman. 
 
 Certificate ofCai'Tain John Walton. 
 
 This may certify that the within depo- 
 nent, Williano Borden, has for several years 
 last past, resided a near neighbor to me ; 
 that.he was at the time the within men- 
 tioned Philip White was killedj a soldier 
 
64 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 in my troop of horse ; and that during 
 my acquaintance with him, the deponent, 
 William Borden, he has on all occaaions 
 been reputed a manof strict veracity and 
 humanity. 
 
 Given under my hand this 19th April, 
 1782. JoHX Walto.v, 
 
 Captain Light Dragoons. 
 
 Certificate OF Judge David Forman. 
 
 This may certify that on Saturday the 
 30th of March, 1782, or thereabouts, I the 
 subscriber, was present at the village of 
 Freehold, when the body of Philip White 
 was brought up ; that I went to the wfigon 
 and saw the corpse ; the guard attending 
 showed me the gun shot wound on his 
 breast, pIso the cuts of a sword on his face. 
 At that time the corpse appeared to be 
 laid with as much decency as could be, 
 and without any appearance of wounds in 
 either of his arms or legs ; neither did I 
 ever hear that his (the aforesaid Philip 
 White's) arms had been cut off or his legs 
 broken, &c. until after the execution of 
 Captain Joshua Iluddy, viz.; on Saturday 
 the 13th of April instant, and then I 
 heard by a person from the British lines 
 that a rep irt prevailed there that the 
 aforesaid Philip White had been most 
 cruelly murdered by having Ips arms cut 
 off, liis legs broken, &c. 
 
 Given under my hand this 19th day of 
 April, 1782. " David Formax. 
 
 The foregoing affidavits and certificates 
 furnish a clear, satisfactory account of the 
 cause and manner of Phil White's death, 
 and completely exonerate his guard fiom 
 the charge of wanton cruelty toward him. 
 The probability is that Phil White sup- 
 posed if he was taUen to Freehold jail 
 that he would be tried and hanged for his 
 participation in the murder of the father 
 of John BuFsel, one of his guards, and for 
 other misdemeanors and so he determined 
 to try to escape and he made the effort at 
 a place where he thought the woods, 
 marsh, and brook would favor him and 
 impede the light horsemen. 
 
 The accounts published in ancient pa- 
 pers are substantially the same as given in 
 these affidavits. A month or so afterward 
 the British at New York made desperate 
 efforts to trump up evidence of wanton 
 cruelty aiiainst North, Borden and Russell, 
 the three guards, but that it signally 
 failed, will be seen by an abstract of the 
 second affidavit of Aaron White, taken 
 June 19th, about six weeks after Phil 
 White's 4eath. Aaron White, it will be 
 
 remembered, was taken prisoner at the 
 same time that Phil White was captured, 
 and his affidavit while at Freehold, has 
 already been given. It is probable that 
 Aaron White was exclianged a few days 
 after his first affidavit was taken, as we 
 find by a copy of an order from the Board 
 of Associated Ijoyalists that the officer in 
 charge of prisoners at New York was- 
 ordered to deliver up Daniel Randolph 
 and Jacob Fleming, two Americans cap- 
 tured at Toms River, with Captain Buddy, 
 to be exchanged for the refugee, Captain 
 Clayton Tilton and another refugee name 
 not specified; but it is stated on the trial 
 of Captain Richard Lippencott, tiiat they 
 were to be exchanged by Governoi Frank- 
 lin's order for Captain Clayton Tilton and 
 Aaron White. A British military com- 
 mission, of which Major General James 
 Paterson was president, was organized 
 in New York, to examine into the cir- 
 cumstances of Captain Huddy's death 
 and Captain Richard Lippf' icott's respon- 
 sibility therefore, a.id before this commis- 
 sion Aaron White testified substantially 
 as follows : 
 
 " That he was taken j^risoner by the 
 rebels at Long Branch ; that one of the 
 rebel militia named George Brindley told 
 him if they did not take Phil White, 
 that they would put him (deponent) to 
 death ; that after Philip White was taken, 
 he heard the said George Bridley swear 
 by God that Phil White should not go 
 alive to Freehold ; that the rebels stopped 
 at Colts Neck and changed guard; that 
 while at Colts Neck, Philip White told 
 him he was afraid the rebels would mur- 
 der him before they got to Freehold ; 
 that when they started from Colts Neck 
 he (deponent) was taken on ahead and 
 Philip White kept behind under a guard 
 of three men ; that these three men were 
 John Russell, John North and one Borden 
 who he had heard called three of as bad 
 persecuting fellows as any in the country ; 
 that it was his opinion the rebels intended 
 to murder Piiilip White ; that the sergeant 
 of the guard that had charge of Philip 
 White as far as Colts Neck, informed him 
 in Freehold jail that if Phil White had 
 not been removed from his caro lie would 
 not have been killed ; that General David 
 Forman with a lawyer came to him while 
 he was in jail at P'reehold and wanted 
 him to make affidavit that Phil White 
 was killed while endeavoring to escape ; 
 that ^le told General Forman that he 
 would die before he made such affidavit : 
 
 1 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 65 
 
 that after he escaped (was exchanged?) 
 from Freehold jail, his friends all unani- 
 mously told him that their opinion was 
 that Philip White was most cruelly and 
 inhumanly murdered ; that he did make 
 an affidavit before General Forman, re- 
 lating the circumstances of his leaving 
 New York, of the skirmish, of a light 
 horseman leaping over a fence and that 
 the people of Freehold told him that 
 Philip White was killed fairly ; that if 
 (■reneral Forman sent in any other affidavit 
 ii must have been forged." 
 
 The foregoing was the strongest evi- 
 dence the British and refugees could bring 
 against Phil White's guard, and it will be 
 seen that it amounts to but little and in 
 no particular does it sustain the charge of 
 wanton cruelty. It is a matter of pro 
 found satisfaction that the evidence pre- 
 served is so conclusive not only because it 
 exonerates the guards from the malicious 
 charges made against them, but also be- 
 cause many descendants of these guards 
 now live within the limits of old Mon- 
 mouth, as do also multitudes of descen- 
 dants of the four hundred citizens who 
 assembled at Freehold, on the 14th of 
 April, 1782, who inquired into and justi- 
 fied the acts of the guard. 
 
 The Refugees were very profuse at all 
 limes in their charges against the Mon- 
 mouth patrriots ; because the citizens of 
 old Monmouth would not remain quiet 
 and allow these precious scoundrels to 
 roam at will throughout the county, rob- 
 bing and murdering, they were denounced 
 as guilty of inhumanity, wanton cruelty, 
 persecution, &c. 
 
 The Refugees had a very simple way of 
 avoiding trouble from Monmouth patrriots 
 — they had only to refrain from attempt- 
 ing to commit outrages among them. 
 
 ATTACK ON THE RUSSELL FAMILY. 
 
 As this outrage was an unusually aggra- 
 vated one even for the Refugees, and as 
 mention of some of thw parties concerned 
 in it is made in other chapters detailing 
 other events during the Revolution, wti 
 give the particulars as derived from vari- 
 ous sources. The first extract is from Cei- 
 lings New Jersey Gazette : 
 
 '•On the 30th of April, 1780, a party of 
 negroes and refugees from Sandy Hook, 
 landed at Shrewsbury in order to plunder. 
 During their excursion, a Mr. Russell, who 
 attempted some resistance to their depre- 
 dations, was killed, and his giandchild 
 
 had five balls shot through him, but is yet 
 living. Captain Warner of the privateer 
 brig Elizabeth, was made prisoner by 
 these ruffians, but was released, by giving 
 them two half joes. This banditti also 
 took off several persons, among whom 
 were. Captain James Greene, and Ensign 
 John Morris of the militia." 
 
 The following statement is from Howe's 
 Collections : " Mr. Russell was an elderly 
 man, aged about 60 years ; as the party 
 entered his dwelling, which wai in th« 
 night, he fired and missed. William Gil- 
 ian, a native of Shrewsbury, their leader, 
 seized the old gentleman by the collar, 
 and was in the act of stabbing him in the 
 face and eyes with a bayonet, when the 
 fire blazed up and shedding a momentary 
 light upon the scene, enabled the younger 
 Russell who lay wounded on the floor, to 
 shoot Gilian. John Farnham, a native of 
 Middletown, thereupon aimed his musket 
 at the young man, but it was knocked up 
 by Lippincott who had married into the 
 family. The party then ^-ent off. The 
 child was accidentally wounded in the af- 
 fray." 
 
 The Lippincott above referred to, we 
 presume, was Captain Richard Lippincott, 
 who had command of the party which ex- 
 ecuted Captain Joshua Huddy. An out- 
 line of his life will be given elsewhere. In 
 regard to John Farnham, a refugee of this 
 name was afterwards captured, tried and 
 hung at Freehold — probably the same 
 m»n. 
 
 1'! the extract from Howe's Collections, 
 it will be noticed that a younger Russell is 
 referred to as being wounded and lying on 
 the floor. This was .John Russell, at this 
 time belonging to the Continental army, 
 at home on a furlough to see his wife and 
 parents. After the war, John Russell 
 removed to Cedar Creek, in Ocean county, 
 where he lived to quite an advanced age. 
 His account of the affair was substantially 
 as follows : 
 
 There were seven refugees, and he (John) 
 saw them through the window, and at one 
 time they got so that he told his father he 
 was sure they could kill four of them, and 
 he wished to fire, as he believed the otiier 
 three would run. His father persuaded 
 him not to fire, but to do so when they 
 broke into the house. When they broke 
 in, the father fired first, but missed his 
 aim ; he was then fired upon and killed. 
 John Russell then fired and killed the 
 man (Gilian) who shot his father. Dur- 
 ing the affray young Russell was shot in 
 
66 
 
 OLD TIMES IX OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 the side, and the scars of the wound were 
 visible until he die i. After being wound- 
 ed he fell on the floor and pretended to be 
 dead. The refugees then went to plunder- 
 ing the house. The mother and wife of 
 John were lying in a bed with the child ; 
 the child -.iwoke and asked, " Grandmoth- 
 er, what's the matter?'' A refugee pointed 
 Ins gun at it and fired and said " that's 
 what's the matter." Whether he really 
 intended to wound tlie child, or only to 
 frighten it, is uncertain, but the child, as 
 before stated, was badly wounded but 
 eventually recovered. As the refugees 
 were preparing to leave, one of the num- 
 ber pointed his musket at young Russell 
 as he lay on the floor, and was about firing, 
 saying he didn't believe he was dead yet, 
 whereupon another (Lippincott?) knocked 
 up his musket, saying it was a shame to 
 fire upon a dyin«,r man, and the load went 
 into the ceiling. After the refugees were 
 gone, John got up and had his wounds 
 dressed and exclaimed to his wife, "Ducky! 
 bring me a glass of whisky — I'll come out 
 all right yet." He did come out a!l right 
 and we have good reason to believe that 
 before the war ended he aided in visiting 
 merited retribution on the refugees for 
 their doings at this time. Among the 
 party was the notorious Phil White who 
 was killed near two vears later ( March 
 30tl., 1782.) 
 
 Of the seven refugees concerned in this 
 outrage, at least three are known to have 
 met with their just deserts, viz: Gilian, 
 killed at the tinje, Farnham, hanged at 
 Freehold, and Phil White, killed while at- 
 temptmir to escape from his guards between 
 Colts Neck and Freehold. 
 
 EXECUTION OF A SPY. 
 
 One affair which caused the most intense 
 excitement throughout old Monmouth, ' 
 and elsewhere during the war of the Rev ! 
 olution, was the arrest, trial and execution ! 
 of a young man named Stephen Edwards, 
 on tne charge of being a spy for the Brit- 
 ish. Though reference to it is rarely met 
 with in our histories, yet there were but 
 few events in the county during the Rev- 
 olution, that created a greater sensation 
 than did this. 
 
 One of the officers who tried Edwaids, 
 and assisted at his execution, was Captain 
 Joshua Huddy, and this furnished one of 
 the excuses the refugees gave lor his in- 
 human murder near the Highlands some 
 three years after. On the trial of the ref- 
 
 ugee leader, Captain Richard Lippincott, 
 by a British Court Martial at New York, 
 in the summer of 1782, for bis participa- 
 tion in the hanging of Huddy, refugee wit- 
 nesses testified that even while Huddy 
 was a prisoner in their hands, and but a 
 few days before his death, he boldly ac- 
 knowlfdged his participation, and justified 
 it on the ground that he was found with 
 treasonable papers in his possession, which 
 conclusively proved him to be a spy. On 
 this trial, VViliiam Courlies, husbandtnan. 
 late of Monmouth, then one of the Asso- 
 ciated Loyalists ( as the refugees called 
 themselves,) testified — 
 
 "That in regard to the death of Stephen 
 Edwards, he ( Courlies ) then resided at 
 Shrewsbury, in Monmouth county. Ed- 
 wards was taken out of his bed at his own 
 house and carried to Freehold ; the follow- 
 ing day he was brought to some kind of a 
 trial, and the day following executed. — 
 The ott'ense alleged against him was said 
 to be his having some papers found in his 
 packet. Edwards bore an excellent gooil 
 character. Deponent heard there was 
 complaint made to General Washington 
 or tiie Governor, about Edwards' death, 
 but he cannot tell the result. General 
 Forman was one of the Judges who pre- 
 sided at Edwards' trial; Huddy was anoth- 
 er of the judges ; he had the information 
 from Huddy himself; did not recollect 
 heai'ing who the otlier judges were ; depo- 
 nent was not present at the execution of 
 Edwards, but was present at his burial. — 
 Understood Edwards was tried for treason 
 in consequence of papers found on his per- 
 son." 
 
 Captain Wm. Cunningham, who then 
 was the British Provost Marshal at New 
 York, and who by his own confession, 
 (which has been given,) just previous to his 
 execution in London, in 1791, wasas heart- 
 less a wretch as ever lived, testified on 
 this trial that he ( Cunningham ) told 
 Huddy while he was a prisoner in the pro- 
 vost, that he, the deponent, had he^rd 
 tliat Huddy had hanged a refug'.e on a 
 large oak near the Court House at Free- 
 hold, and deponent asked Huddy concern- 
 ing this rej)ort. Huddy^avowed, it saying: 
 "By God he did, and he slushed the rope 
 well, and that Colonel Forman assisted in 
 pulling the ro])e hand over hand " — that 
 was the very expression Huddy used. 
 
 John Tilton, carpenter, a refugee from 
 Monmouth, testified that when the refu- 
 gee party was putting Captain Huddy in 
 irons on board the sloop which conveyed 
 
OLD TIMES IX ODL MONMOUTH. 
 
 67 
 
 him to the Highlands, " he, the deponent, 
 was present, and he asked Huddy if he 
 thought it was good usage to iron him.— 
 Huddy replied that he did not tliink it 
 was ; but as he expected to be exchanged 
 in a day or two, he did not mind the irons; 
 and Huddy also said he expected to have 
 the killing of deponent and many more 
 yet. Deponent then asked Huddy if he 
 expected to hang deponent as he had done 
 poor Stephen Edwards ? Huddy replied 
 that he did not hang Stephen Edwards, he 
 only tied the knot and greased the rope 
 that it might slip easily." 
 
 The foregoing give the strongest points 
 that we have been enabled to find against 
 Captain Huddy for his ])articipation in the 
 trial and execution of Edwards. It will 
 be seen that there was no attempt to dis- 
 prove the charge that Edwards was a spy. 
 From all the information tliat we have 
 been enabled to obtain, we are satisfied 
 that the following account of Stephen Ed- 
 wards arrest, trial and execution, from 
 " Howe's Collections" is substantially cor- 
 rect : 
 
 Stephen Edwards, a young man, in 
 the latter part of the war, leit his home in 
 Shrewsbury and joined the loyalists ( ref- 
 ugees ) in New York. From tlience he 
 was sent bv Colonel Taylor of the refugees, 
 a former resident of Middleiown, back to 
 Monmouth county, with written instruc- 
 tions to ascertain the force of the Ameri- 
 cans there. Intormation having been con- 
 veyed to the latter, Captain Jonathan For- 
 man of the cavalry, was ordered to search 
 for him. Suspecting he might be at his 
 father's residence half a mile below Eaton- 
 town, he entered at midnight with a party 
 of men, and found him in bed with his 
 wife, disguised in the night cap of a fe- 
 male. 
 
 "Who have you here?" said Forman. 
 '• A laboring woman," replied Mrs. Ed- 
 wirds. 
 
 The captain detected the disguise, and 
 on looking under the bed, saw Edwards' 
 clothing, whioh he examined, and in which 
 he found the papeis given him by Colonel 
 Taylor. 
 
 He then said " Edwards, I am sorry to 
 find you ! You see these j^apers ? You 
 have brought yourself into a very disagree- 
 able situation — you know thefateof spies!" 
 Edwards denied the allegation, remark- 
 ing that he was not such and could not so 
 be considered. • 
 
 This occurred on Saturday night. The 
 prisoner was taken to the Court House, 
 
 tried by a Court Martial next day, and ex- 
 ecuted at 10 o'clock on Monday morning. 
 Edwards' father and mother had com^^ up 
 that morning to ascertain the fate of their 
 son, and returned with the corpse. Ed- 
 wards was an amiable young man. The 
 Forman and Edwards families had been 
 on terms of intimate friendship, and the 
 agency of the members of the former in 
 the transaction, excited their deepest sym- 
 l^atkics for the fate of the unfortunate 
 prisoner. 
 
 The guilt of Edwards was conclusively 
 proven ; deep sympathy was felt for his 
 parents and wife, but the perils of the pa- 
 triots at this time were so great that prompt 
 and decisive action was necessary for their 
 own preservation. 
 
 Tiie foolhardiness of Edwards in keep- 
 ing treasonable papers about him was re- 
 markable. Some features of this affair will 
 remind the reader of the unfortunate Ma 
 jor Andre. It is probable that Edwards 
 was executed about September, 1778. 
 
 PRIVATEERING ON OUR COAST. 
 
 Toms River During the Revolution. 
 
 Prizes taken — Americans captured — An 
 
 enemy searching for. water loses his rum 
 
 — Old Cranberry Inlet, &c. 
 
 Toms River appears to have been occu- 
 pied by the Americans as a military post 
 daring the greater part of the Revolution. 
 The soldiers stationed here were generally 
 twelve months men, commanded by dif- 
 ferent officers, among whom may be men- 
 tioned. Captains Bigelow, Ephraim Jen- 
 kins, James Mott, John Stout and Joshua 
 Huddy. Captain Mott had command of a 
 company called the " Sixth company " of 
 Dover, and Captain Stout of the Seventh 
 company. The Fifth company was from 
 Stafford, and commanded by Capt. Reu- 
 ben F. Randolph. These companies all 
 belonged to the militia organization ef old 
 Monmouth. 
 
 The duties of the militia stationed at 
 Toms River, appear to have been to guard 
 the inhabitants against depredations from 
 the refugees ; to check contraband trade 
 by way of old Cranberry Inlet to New 
 Y"ork,and to aid ourj^rivateers who brought 
 prizes into the Inlet, which was a favorite 
 resort for New Jersey, New England and 
 other American privateers. 
 
 By the following extracts, it will be seen 
 that old Dover township was the scene of 
 many stirring incidents during the war. 
 
68 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 About the 1st of April, 1778, the govern- 
 ment salt works near Toms River, were de- 
 strv>yed by a detachment of British under 
 Captain Robertson. One building they 
 alleged belonged to Congress and cost 
 £6,000 The salt works on our coast at 
 Manasquan, Shark River, Toms River, 
 Ba -negat and other places, were so impor- 
 tant lo the Americans during the war that 
 we propose to notice them in a separate 
 article. 
 
 May 22d, 1778, it is announced that a 
 British vessel with a cargo of fresh beef 
 and pork, was taken by Captain Anderson 
 and sixteen men in an armed boat, and 
 brought into Toms River. 
 
 In the early part of August following, 
 the British ship •' Love and Unity." with 
 a valuable cargo w.is brought into the In- 
 let : the cargo was saved but the ship was 
 subsequently retaken by a large Biitish 
 fo.'ce ^ the particulars of the capture and 
 recapture are as follows from ancient let- 
 te 's : 
 
 "August 12th, 1778. We learn th^at on 
 Thursday night, the British ship " Love 
 and Unity" trom Bristol, with 80 hhds of 
 loaf sugar, several thousand bottles London 
 po.'ter, and a large quantity of Bristol beer 
 and ale, besides many other valuable ar- 
 ticles, was designedly run ashore near 
 Toms River. Since which, by the assist- 
 arce of some of our militia, she has been 
 bio loijc mto a safe port and her cargo pro 
 per'y taken care of.'* 
 
 The cargo of this siiip was advertised to 
 be sold at Manasquan, on the 2r)th of Au- 
 gust, by John Stokes, U. S. Marslial. The 
 articles enumerated in the advertisement 
 show that the cargo must have been a very 
 valuable one. The Americans were not 
 qi'ue so lucky with the ship as with the 
 cargo, as will be seen by the following ex- 
 tract, 
 
 " Friday, September 18th, 1778. Two 
 British armed shijis and two brigs, came 
 close to the bar off Toms River (Cranbury) 
 Inlet, where they lay all night. Next 
 morning between seven nnd eight o'clock, 
 they sent seven armed boats into the In 
 let, and re-took the ship Washington for- 
 merly "Love and Unity '' which had been 
 taken by the Americans ; they also took 
 two sloops near the bar and captured most 
 of the crews. 
 
 The cajjtain of the ship and most of his 
 oflficers escaped to the main hmd in one of 
 the ship's boats. Alter they .;ot ashore a 
 man named Robert McMullen, who had 
 been condemned to death at Freehold but 
 
 afterwards pardoned, jumped into the boat, 
 hurrahing for the British, and rowed off 
 and joined them. Another refugee named 
 William Dillon, who had also been sen- 
 tenced to death at Freehold and pardon- 
 ed, joined this party of British as pilot." 
 
 By the following extract it will be seen 
 that the regenades McMullen and Dillon, 
 had been out of jail but a very few weeks, 
 when they aided the British in this expe- 
 dition : 
 
 "July 22d, 1778. We learn that at the 
 Court of Oyer and Terminer, held at Mon- 
 mouth in June last, the following parties 
 were tried and found guilty of burglary, 
 viz: Thomas Emmons alias Burke, John 
 Wood, Michael Millery, William Dillon 
 and Robert McMullen. The two former 
 were execute<l on Friday last, and the 
 other three rejjrieved." 
 
 McMullen probably had some connec- 
 tion with the expedition — perhajis to spy 
 out the whereabouts of the captured car- 
 go, as he would not have been in th^t vi- 
 cinity unless assured that a British force 
 was'at hand. 
 
 One tradition states that when he jump 
 ed into the boat he was flying for his life 
 — " that he was pursued by the Americans 
 and escaped by swimming his horse across 
 the river near its mouth to a point which 
 he called Goodluck Point to commemorate 
 his escape." 
 
 Goodluck Point near the mouth of Toms 
 River, tindoubtedly received its name 
 from some person flying for his life in the 
 above manner, and it is possible that it 
 might have been McMullen. 
 
 " On tbe 9t.h of December, 1778, it is an- 
 nounced that a British armed vessel, bound 
 from Halifax to New York, and richly 
 laden, came ashore neur Barnegat: The 
 crew, about sixty in number, surr»^ndered 
 themselves prisoners to our militia. Goods 
 to the amount of five thousand pounds 
 sterling were taken out of her by our citi 
 zens, and a number of prisoners sent to 
 Bordentown, at which place the balance of 
 prisoners were exp<^cted. About March, 
 1779, the sloop Success, came ashore in a 
 snow storm, at Barnegat. She had been 
 taken by Uie British brig Dihgence, and 
 was on her way to New York. She had a 
 valuable cargo of rum, molasses, coffee, 
 cocoa, <fec., on board. The Prize master 
 and three hands were made prisoners and 
 sent to Princeton. In the case of this ves- 
 sel and the 8ne previously mentioned it is 
 probable the Toms River militia aided, as 
 the name of Barnegat was freqtiently ap- 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 plied to the shore north of the inlet, both 
 on the beach and on the main land. 
 
 Feb. 8th, 1779, the sloop Fancy and 
 schooner Hope, with cargoes of pitch, tar 
 and salt are advertised for sale at Toms 
 River by the U. S. Marshal. They were 
 probabl}*. prize*!. The Major Van Emburg 
 mentioned in the following, belonged to 
 the 2d Reg. Middlesex militia; he was ta- 
 ken May 14, 1780. 
 
 On the 5th of June, 1780, an ancient pa- 
 per says: "On Sunday morning, Major 
 Van Emburg and pight or nine men from 
 West Jersey, on a fishing party, were svtr- 
 prised in bed at Toms River by the Refu- 
 gees, and put on board a vessel to be sent 
 prisoners to New York, but before the 
 vessel sailed they fortunately managed to 
 escape." 
 
 Toms River then did not seem quite as 
 desirable place for pleasure resort as it is 
 in the present day. History does not tell 
 us whether the Major was successful in 
 catching fish ; all we know is that he got 
 caught himself. 
 
 About the middle of December, 1780, a 
 British brig in the West India trade, was 
 captuivd and brought into Toms River. — 
 This bri^ was short of water and provisions 
 and mistaking the land for Long Island, 
 sent a boat and four men ashore to obtain 
 supplies. The militia hearing of it man- 
 ned two boats and went out and took her. 
 She had on board 150 hhds of rum and 
 spirits, which our ancestors pronounced 
 '• excellent,'' by which we conclude they 
 must have considered themselves compet- 
 ent judgies of the article! With the 
 British, rum must have been a necessity, 
 as in every prize taken from them rum 
 was an important part of the cargo. 
 
 The British brig Molly, was driven 
 ashore in a snow storm near Barnegat ; 
 her prize crew were taken prisoners by 
 the militia and sent to Philadelphia. 
 
 In December, 1780, Lieut. Joshua Stud- 
 son of Toms River, was sliot by tlie refu- 
 gee Bacon, inside of Cranberry inlet. The 
 particulars of this affair are given in a 
 notice of Bacon's career, and therefor it is 
 unnecessary to repeat them. 
 
 March 19, 1782. The privateer Dart, 
 Capt. Wm. Gray, of Salem, Mass., arrived 
 at Toms River with a prize sloop, taken 
 from the British galley Black Jack. The 
 next day he went with his boat and seven 
 men in pursuit of a British brig near the 
 bar. Unfortunately for Capt. G-ray, in 
 stead of taking a prize he was taken him- 
 self. For a long time after, tlie Toms Riv- 
 
 er people wondered what had become of 
 him. In August following they heard 
 from him. After getting outside the bar 
 he was taken prisoner, and carried to Hali- 
 fax, and subsequently released on parole. 
 He stated he was well treated while a 
 prisoner. 
 
 A few days after Capt. Gray was taken, 
 the British attacked and burned Toms 
 River. This was the last affair of any im- 
 portance occuring in the immediate vicini- 
 ty of Toms River during the war. But 
 south of Toms River several noted affairs 
 afterwards occurred. Davenport burned 
 the salt works at Forked River, and was 
 himself killed in June ; in October, Bacon 
 attacked and killed several men on the 
 beach south of Barnegat lighthouse ; in 
 December, occurred the skirmish at Cedar 
 Creek, where young Cooke was killed ; on 
 the 3d of April ibllowinjr, (1783,) Bacon 
 was killed near West Creek 
 
 A Rhode Isl.\nd Prize. 
 
 The original and following certificate is 
 in pressession of Ephraim P. Empson, Esq., 
 of Colliers Mills: 
 
 Providence, Feb. 21, 1777. 
 
 This may certify that Messrs. Clark and 
 Nightingale and Captain William Rhodes 
 have purchased here at vendue, the 
 schooner Pope^s Head, which was taken by 
 the privateers Sally and Joseph (under 
 our command) and carried int« Cranberry 
 Inlet, in the Jersies, and there delivered 
 to the care of Mr. James Randolph by our 
 prize masters. James M.\ro. 
 
 John Fish. 
 Miscellaneous Items. 
 
 During the war tbere were interesting 
 everts occurring at Toms River, outside of 
 military and naval matters. 
 
 In January. 1778, t4ie sloop Two Friends, 
 Capt. Alex. Bonnett of Hispaniola, was 
 cast away near Barnegat, with 1,600 bags 
 of salt, 49 hhds molasses, also a lot of 
 rum, sugar. &c. Only 160 galls, rum 
 saved. The shore people went to their 
 assistance but one man was lost. The 
 Capt. of the Two Friends, Alex. Bonnett. 
 then shipped as a passenger in the sloop 
 Endeavor of Tom.=. River, for New York, 
 but sad to relate, while she lay at anchor 
 in the inlet, a storm at night parted the 
 cable and all on board were drowned in 
 the bay. 
 
 In December, 1778, Capt. Alexander of 
 the sloop Elizabeth of Baltimore, was 
 taken by the British, but he wj'S permitted 
 to leave in his small boat, and landed in 
 Toms River inlet. 
 
70 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 It was during the war, in the year 1777, 
 that Rev. Benjamin Abbott, expounded 
 the then new principles of Methodism, to 
 the people of Toms River, first at tlie 
 house of Esquire Abiel Aikens, and then 
 at another place when "a Frenchman fell 
 to tlie floor, and never rose vxntil the Lord 
 converted his soul. Here (at Toms Riv- 
 er), we had a happy time," so sa.ys Abbott 
 in his journal. 
 
 During the war there was of course no 
 communication with New York, but the 
 people of Toms River had considerable 
 overland intercourse with West Jersey, 
 Philadelphia and Freehold. 
 
 THE REFUGEES. 
 
 Historians generally concede that no 
 state among the old thirteen suffered dur- 
 ing the war of the revolution more than 
 did New Jersey ; and it is generally ad- 
 mitted that no county in our State suffer- 
 ed more than did old Monmouth. In ad- 
 dition to the outrages to which the citizens 
 weie subjected from the regular British 
 army, they were continually harassed by 
 depredations committed by regularly or- 
 ganized bands of Refugees and also by 
 the lawless acts of a set of outcasts known 
 as " the Pine Woods Robbers," who 
 though pretending to be Royalists yet if 
 opportunity offered, robbed Royalists as 
 well as Americans. 
 
 The Refugees or Loyalists, as they call- 
 ed themselves, were renegade Americans, 
 regularly organized with officers commis- 
 sioned by the " Board of Associated Loy- 
 aliBts " at New York. Of- this body the 
 first president was Daniel Coxe, a Jersey- 
 man. It was organized in 1779, and its 
 objects were the exanjination of captured 
 Aracicans and suspected persons, and the 
 planning of Eieasures for procuring i itel- 
 ligence, and otherwise aiding the Royal 
 cause. Coxe wss appointed President 
 (said a Refugee) to deprive Iiim of the op- 
 portunity of speaking, as " he had the gift 
 of saying little with many words." Anoth- 
 er President of the Board was William 
 Franklin, a natural son of Benjamin 
 Fi'anklin, and the last Tory Governor of 
 New Jersey. 
 
 It is not probable that all who were 
 called Jersey Refugees where natives of 
 the state ; too many were it is true : but 
 the thrift and industry of the inhabitants 
 of old Modmouth, once the richest county 
 in the state, the advantageof deep swamps 
 for hiding, the proximity of Raritan Bay 
 
 and the seaboard rendering it convenient 
 to send plunder to New York, all formed 
 attractions to draw here villains from 
 other parts whose chief object was plun- 
 der, who scrupled at no crime to obtain 
 booty or to gratify revenge. 
 
 The character of some of these men is 
 clearly set forth in the following %xtracts, 
 the first from Whig and the other from 
 Tory authority. 
 
 Gov. Livingston, the able, fearless and 
 eloquent first patriot Governor of New 
 Jersey, in a message to the Legislature in 
 1777, says : 
 
 " The Royalists (Refugees) have plun- 
 dered friends as well as ibes : effects capa- 
 ble of division they have divided ; such as 
 were not they have destroyed. They have 
 vsii Ted on decrepid old age and upon de- 
 fenceless youth ; they have committed 
 hostilities against the professors of litera- 
 ture and against the ministers of religion ; 
 against public records and private monu- 
 ments, books of improvements a.nd papers 
 of curiosity, and against the arts and sci- 
 ences. They have butchered the woixnd- 
 ed when asking for quarter, mangled the 
 dead while weltering in their blood ; re- 
 fused to the dead their right of sepulture, 
 suffered prisoners to perish for want of 
 sustenance, violated the chastitj' of vro 
 men, disfigured private dwellings of taste 
 and elegance, and in their rage of impiety 
 and barbarism, profaned edifices dedica- 
 ted to Almighty God." 
 
 Strong and emphatic as is the foregoing 
 language of the patriotic Livingston, yet it 
 fails to jjortray the brutality . of some 
 wretches who pretended to be Refugee 
 Loyalists as clearly as the following brief 
 extract from the evidence of a Tory nam- 
 ed Galloway, of Pennsylvania, given un- 
 der oath before Parliament. At the breaK- 
 ing out of the Revolution, Galloway, a 
 Pennsylvanian of wealth and standing, 
 sided with the Whigs, but soon turned 
 Tory, and his property to the amount of 
 £40,000 was confiscated. Speaking of 
 Refugee outrages, he said : 
 
 " Respecting indiscriminate plunder it 
 is known to thousands. In respect to 
 rapes, a solemn inquiry was made and af- 
 fidavit taken by which it appears that no 
 less than twenty-three were committed in 
 one neighborhood in New Jersey, some of 
 them on married women, in presence of 
 their helpless husbands, and others on 
 daugliters while their unhappy parents 
 with unavailing tears and cries could only 
 deplore their savage brutality." 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 71 
 
 This was the evidence of as reliable a 
 man as ever sided with the Tories. In 
 corroboi-ation of the foregoing we might 
 instance, among other things, the burn- 
 ing of churches in Essex county, of ravish- 
 ment of women (one of them nearly sev- 
 enty years old), &c. And Jerseymen have 
 the mortification of knowing that wretch 
 es pretending to be natives of this state 
 disgraced the soil that gave them birth 
 by acts of brutality elsewhere, among 
 which may be mentioned the cold blood- 
 ed murder of the brave Col. Ledyard at 
 Fort Griswold, Conn., by a wretch known 
 as the " Jersey Refugee, Bromfield." Af- 
 ter the Americans had surrendered the 
 fort, Bromfield asked who commanded it. 
 The heroic Ledyard replied " I did, but 
 you do now," and he delivered his sword 
 to Bromfield. The cold blooded villain 
 took it and immediately stabbed Ledyard 
 to the heart. 
 
 That all the regularly organized Refu 
 gees or Loyalists as they called themselves 
 were not as hardened villains as above de- 
 scribed we shall endenvor to show here- 
 after. The best class of them were to© 
 honorable to engage in midnight marau- 
 ding expeditions against their former 
 friends and neighbors, but cast their lot 
 with the regular British army, most of 
 them in a military organization known as 
 the " First Battalion New Jersey Royal 
 Volunteers,'' of which aprominent officer 
 was an ex-sherifF of old Monmouth. 
 These New Jersey Royalists were some- 
 times termed " the Greens " and " Gene- 
 ral Skinner's Greens." General Skinner 
 was their most noted commander, of whom 
 a notice will be given hereafter, as also of 
 other prominent officers. 
 
 To give an idea of the troublous times in 
 which lived the citizens of old Monmouth, 
 the following extracts from various sour- 
 ces are furnished, before which, we give 
 the names of some of the officers of 
 
 The Monmouth Militia in the Revolution. 
 
 The following are some of the officers of 
 the militia of old Monmoutn during the 
 war: 
 
 First Regiment. 
 
 George Taylor, Colonel. (Deserted to the 
 enemy.) 
 
 Nathaniel ScudrJ^r, Lieutenant Colonel, 
 Colonel. 
 
 Asher Holmes, First Major, Colonel. 
 
 John Smock, Captain, Major, Lieuten- 
 ant Colonel, Colonel. 
 
 Thomas Seabrook, First Major, Lieuten- 
 ant Colonel. 
 
 Elisha Walton, Ensign, Captain, Second 
 Major, First Major. 
 
 Thomas Hunn, Captain, Second Major. 
 
 Kenneth Anderson, Adjutant. 
 
 David Rhea, jr.. Adjutant. 
 
 John Stilwell, Quartermaster. 
 
 John Campbell, Quartermaster. 
 
 Richard Hartshorne, Quartermaster. 
 
 Thomas Barber, Surgeon. 
 
 Jacob Hubbard, Surgeon. 
 
 John Scudder, Surgeon's Mate. 
 Second Regiment. 
 
 David Brearlf^y, Colonel. 
 
 Joseph Salter, Lieutenant Colonel. 
 •--Samuel Forman, Captain, Lieutenant 
 Colonel, Colonel. 
 
 Elisha Lawrence, jr., First Major, Lieu- 
 tenant Colonel. 
 
 William Montgomery. Captain, First 
 Major. 
 
 James Mott, Second Major. 
 
 John Cook, Captain, Second Major. 
 Third Regiment. 
 
 Samuel Breese, Colonel. 
 
 Daniel Hendrickson, Colonel. 
 
 Auke WikofF, Lieutenant Colonel, Colo 
 nel. 
 
 Dennis Denise, First-Major. 
 
 Hendrick VanBrunt, Lieutenant, Cap- 
 tain, Second Major. 
 
 Of the First Regiment the first Colonel 
 (Taylor) went over to the enemy ; its next 
 Colonel, Nathaniel Scudder, was kilied at 
 Black Point, Oct. 15th, 178L Asrier 
 Holmes appears to have been transferred 
 to a State Regiment. 
 
 A more extended list of officers and 
 privates in these and other organizations 
 will be furnished hereafter. 
 
 REFUGEE RAIDS IN OLD MON- 
 MOUTH. 
 
 " June 3d, 1778. We are informed that 
 on Wednesday morning last, a jiarty of 
 about seventy of the Greens from Sandy 
 Hook, landed near Major Kearney's ( near 
 Keyport ) headed the Mill Creek, Middle- 
 town Point, and marched to Mr. John 
 Burrows, made him prisoner, burnt his 
 mills and both his store houses, all valua- 
 ble buildings, besides a great deal of fur- 
 niture. They ?lsotook iJrisoners Lieuten- 
 ant Colonel Smock, Captain Christopher 
 Little, Mr. Joseph Wall, Capt. Joseph Co- 
 venhoven ( Conover ) and several other 
 persons, and killed Messrs. Pearce and 
 
72 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 Van Brockle, and wounded another man 
 mortally. Having completed this and 
 several other barbarities, they precipitate- 
 ly returned the same morning to give an 
 account of their abominable deeds to their 
 bloody employers. A number of these 
 gentry, we learn, u'ere formerly inhabi- 
 tants of that neighborhood." 
 
 April 26th, 1779. An expedition con- 
 sisting: of seven or eight hundred men un- 
 der Colonel Hyde, went to Middletown, 
 Red Bank, Tinton Falls, Shrewsbury and 
 other places, robbing and burning as they 
 went. They took Justice Covenhoven and 
 others, prisoners. Capt. Burrows and Col. 
 Holmes assembled our militia and killed 
 three and wounded fifteen of the enemy. 
 The enemy, however, succeeded in carry- 
 ing oft' horses, cattle and other plunder. 
 
 In May, two or three weeks after the 
 above atfair, some two or three hundred 
 Tories landed at Middletown on a ''pica 
 rooning'" ( plundering ) expedition, but 
 were repulsed before doing much harm. 
 
 June 9th, 1779. A party of about fifty 
 Refugees landed in Monmouth and march- 
 ed to Tinton Falls undiscovered, where 
 they surprised and carried off Col. Hen- 
 drickson. Col. Wyckoff", Capt. Chadwick 
 and Capt. McKnight, and several privates 
 of the militia, and drove off sheep and 
 horned cattle. About thirty of our mili- 
 tia hastily collected, made some resistance, 
 but were repulsed with t!ie loss of two 
 men killed and ten wounded, the enemy's 
 loss unknown. 
 
 April 1st, 1780. About this time the 
 Tories made another rakl to Tinton Falls, 
 ana took seven prisoners. Another party 
 took Mr. Bowne prisoner at Middletown, 
 who but three days before had been ex- 
 changed and had just got home. 
 
 About the last of April llie Refugees 
 attacked the house of John Holmes, Up- 
 per Freehold, and robbed him of a large 
 amount of continental money, a silver 
 watch, gold ring, silver buckles, pistols, 
 clothing, Sec. 
 
 June 1st, 1780. The noted Colonel Tye, 
 a mulatto, and formei'ly a slave in Mon- 
 mouth county, with his motley compa,ny 
 of about twenty blacks and whit^es carried 
 off' prisoners Captain Barney vSmock and 
 Gilbert Van Mater, spiked an iron cannon 
 and took four horse's. Their rendezvous 
 was at Sandy Hook. 
 
 The Attack on Captain Huudv at Colts 
 Neck. 
 Sept. 1780. It is perhaps proper to give 
 first tiie version of this affair as found in 
 
 Howe's Historical Collections of New Jer- 
 sey, as the compiler of that work probably 
 obtained his information from aged per- 
 sons living in 1842, when he visited the 
 locality. 
 
 After mentioning that the dwelling in 
 which Captain Huddy resided during the 
 war, was then owned by Thomas G. Haight, 
 Esq., and standing in a central part of 
 Colts Neck, he say> : 
 
 Huddy distinguished himself on various 
 occasions during the war, and became an 
 object of terror to the Tories. In the sum- 
 mer of 1780, a party of about 60 refugees, 
 commanded by Tye, a mulatto, one even- 
 ing attacked this dwelling. Huddy, as- 
 sisted only by a servant girl aged about 
 twenty years, defended it for some length 
 of time. Several muskets were fortunate- 
 ly left in the house by the guard generally 
 stationed there, but at this time absent. — 
 These she loaded, whil^ Huddy by appear- 
 ing at different windows and discharging 
 them, gave the impression that there were 
 many defenders. He vvovmded several 
 and at last, while setting fire to the house, 
 he shot their leader, Tye, in the wrist. — 
 Huddy finding the flames fast increasing, 
 agreed to surrender, provided they would 
 extinguish the fire. 
 
 It is said that the enemy on entering 
 were much exasperated at the feebleness 
 of the defenders, and could with difficulty 
 be restrained by their leader from butcher- 
 ing them on the spot. They were obliged 
 to leave, as the militia soon collected and 
 killed six on their retreat. They carried 
 off with Huddy several cattle and sheep 
 from the neighborhood, but lost them 
 fording the creeks. They embarked on 
 board their boats near Black Point between 
 Shrewsbury and Navisink rivers. As the 
 boats pushed off" from shore, Huddy jump- 
 ed overboard and was shot in the thigh as 
 was supposed by the militia, then in close 
 pursuit. He held up one of his hands to- 
 wards them exclaiming, " I am Huddy ! 1 
 am Huddy /" swam to the shore and es- 
 caped. 
 
 The name of the heroine who loaded the 
 muskets for Huddy. says the above writer, 
 was Lucretia Emmons, afterwards Mrs. 
 Chambers, and she died at Freehold about 
 20 years before his visit. 
 
 Titus or Col. Tye as he was commonly 
 called, usually commtinded a mongrel 
 crew of negroe.s and tories. He died ot 
 lockjaw, occasioned by the wound in his 
 wrist. He was a slave of John Corlies, and 
 was born and bred in the south part of 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 73 
 
 this township. He was an honorable, 
 brave, but headstrong man. Several acts 
 of generosity are remembered of hiai, and 
 he was justly more respected as an enemy 
 than many of his brethren of a fairer com- 
 plexion. 
 
 Marks of tue fire were plainly discerna- 
 ble when the above writer visited the 
 house in June, 1842, and on the eastern 
 end of the house were several bullet holes. 
 
 In a Philadelphia paper published at 
 the time, is a letter from Monmouth coun- 
 ty dated Sept. 9tli, 1780, which gives a 
 version of this afiiiir, stated to have been 
 on the authority of Captain Huddy him- 
 self. The following is the substance ot the 
 letter : 
 
 " There were 72 men attacked him at 
 his residence at Colts Neck. They were 
 under the command of Lieutenant Joseph 
 Parker and William Hewlett, and com 
 menced the attack about an hour before 
 day. They commenced staving a window 
 to pieces, which aroused Huddy ; the girl 
 helued him to defend himself. Mrs. Hud- 
 dy and another woman tried to persuade 
 him to surrender, as defense was usehss. 
 Tye, •' one of Lord Dunmore's crew," re 
 ceived a severe wound. After Huddy sur- 
 rendered, they plundered the house. The 
 tight lasted two hours. Six militia men 
 came near and fired and killed their com- 
 mander. Ensign Vincent and sixteen of 
 the State Regiment attacked the refugees 
 as they embarked, and wounded Huddy. 
 The firing made confusion in the boats, 
 and one overset and Huddy swam ashore.'" 
 
 The letter adds that the refugees made 
 a silent, shameful retreat, loaded with dis- 
 grace, and the Americans made quite mer- 
 ry over the fact that it took seventy-two 
 of the enemy two hours to take one man. 
 
 Oct. 15th. 1781 A i)arty of refugees 
 from Sandy Hook, landed at night at 
 Shrewsbury and marched undiscovered to 
 Colts Neck and took six prisoners. The 
 alarm reached the Court House about four 
 or five o'clock, P. M., and a number of in 
 habitants, among whom whs Dr. Nathaniel 
 Scudder, went in pursuit. They rode to 
 Black Point to try to recapture the six 
 Americans, and while firing from the bank 
 Dr. Scudder was killed. 
 
 Dr. Scudder was Colonel of the First 
 Regiment Monmouth Militia, and one of 
 the most prominent, active and useful 
 patriots of Monmouth, and his death whs 
 a severe loss to the Americans. He was 
 bviried with all the honors of war. Gen- 
 eral Forman's original order to Captain 
 
 Walton to bury Dr. Scudder with all the 
 honors of war. was presented to the New- 
 Jersey Historical Society in May, 1847, by 
 Mrs. Forman, 
 
 About the beginning of August. 1782 
 Richard Wilgus, an American, was shot 
 beiow A llentown, while on guard to prevent 
 contraband trade with the British. 
 
 February 8th, 1782. About fortv refu- 
 gees under Lieutenant Steelraan,' came 
 over Sandy Hook »o Pleasant V;dley. — 
 They took twenty horses and five sleighs 
 which they loaded with plunder ; they 
 also took several prisoners, viz; Hend'ick 
 Henderson and his two sons, Peter Coven- 
 hoven, Esq., ( Esq. Covenhoven or Cone 
 ver as the name is now called, was made 
 prisoner once before, in 1779, as before re- 
 lated,) Garret Hendrickson, Samuel B wne 
 and son and Jaques Denise. At Garret 
 Hendrickson's a young man named Wil- 
 liam Thompson got up slyly an'^ went and 
 informed Captain John Schenck, of Colo- 
 nel Holmes' regiment, who colh-cted ail 
 the men he could to pursue. They over- 
 took and attacked the refugees, and the 
 before mentioned VViiliam Thompson was 
 
 killed and William Cottrell wounded. 
 
 They however took twelve refugee prison- 
 ers, three of whom were wounded. But in 
 returning, they unexpectedly fell in with 
 a party of sixteen men under Stevenson, 
 and a sudden firing caused eight of the 
 prisoners to escape. But Captain Schenck 
 ordered his men to charge hayonet and 
 the tories surrendered. Captain Schenck 
 retook nineteen horses and five sheep, and 
 took twenty-one prisoners. 
 
 The first of the foregoing extracts relat- 
 ing to the raid of the British in Middle- 
 town township in 1778, and then landing 
 near Major Kearney's in the vicinity of 
 Keypo 1, is probably the affair referred to 
 in a tradition given in Howe's Historical 
 Collections, which we append, as it ex- 
 plains whv the refugees fled so precipitate- 
 ly. It will be noticed, however, that it 
 does not agree with the extract quoted as 
 to damage done, but we are inclineo to 
 believe tiiat t' e extract coj^ied from the 
 ancient paper (Collins' Gazette) is correct, 
 as it was written but a few days aVter the 
 affair took place. 
 
 "The proximitv of this part of Mon- 
 mouth county to New York, rendered it, 
 in the war of tfie Revolution, peculia'ly 
 liable to the incursions of the British 
 troops. Many of the inhabitants, although 
 secretly favorable to the American cause, 
 were obliged to feign allegiance to the 
 
74 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 crown or lose their property by maraud- 
 ing parties of refugees from vessels lying 
 off Sandy Hook> Among those of this 
 description was Major Kearney, a resident 
 near the present site of Keyport. On one 
 occasion, a party of thirty or forty refugees 
 stopped at his dwelling on their way to 
 Middletown Point, where they intended 
 to burn a dwelling and some mills. Kear- 
 ney teigned gratification at their visit, and 
 falsely informed them that there were 
 probably some rebel troops at the Point, 
 in which case it would be dangerous to 
 march thither. He ordered his negro ser- 
 vant Jube tliither to make inquiry, at the 
 same time giving him secretly the cue to 
 act. In due length of time, Jube, who 
 had gone but a short distance, returned 
 and hastily entered the room where Kear- 
 ney and the refugees were, and exclaimed, 
 " (3h, Mafsa ! Massa I the rebels are at the 
 Point thick as blackberries! They have 
 just come down from the Court House and 
 say they are going to march down here 
 to-night." The ruse succeeded ; the ref- 
 ugees, alarmed, precipitately fled, retreat- 
 ed to their boats, leaving the Major to re- 
 joice at the success of the stratagem which 
 had saved the property of his friends from 
 destruction." 
 
 The probability is that the ruse prevent- 
 ed the refugees from doing as much dam- 
 age as they had intended, although they 
 remained long enough to inflict considera- 
 ble injury (is has been related. 
 
 CAPTAIN JOSHUA BUDDY, THE 
 HERO MARTYR OF OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 Among the multitude of heroic men fur- 
 nished by our State in aid of the struggle 
 for independence, the name of Captain 
 Joshua Huddy should ever occupy a con 
 spicuous place in the memory of Jersey- 
 men. Yet when we recall his daring deeds, 
 his patriotic efforts and sacrifices and his 
 unfortunate end, it is doubtful if les« jus- 
 tice has been done to the services and 
 memory of any other hero of his day. — 
 Though the Continental Congress, as well 
 as General Washington and other noted 
 men testified their warm appreciation of 
 his services ; though his name at one time 
 was a household word, not only through- 
 out this country but at the courts of Eng- 
 land and France ; and though his unfor- 
 tunate death and its consequences, for a 
 time, caused the most intense excitement 
 on both sides of the Atlantic, yet in the 
 substance of the language of a report 
 
 adopted by Congress in 1837, " It is fear- 
 ful to state that after a lapse of fifty years, 
 wnile the services of others of so much less 
 merit have been made the theme of the 
 biographer and the poet, the memory of 
 Huddy has not been honored with an epi- 
 taph. His country, it would seem, has 
 outlived the recollection of his services, 
 and forgotten that suoh a victim was sac- 
 rificed tor American liberty." 
 
 Outline of Captain^ Huddy's Lite. 
 
 The following extracts from the archives 
 of the State Department of New Jersey, 
 were furnished in 1837 to a Congressional 
 committee at the request of the chairman, 
 by the late Governor Philemon Dickenson: 
 
 *' Joshua Huddy signs his name as Cap- 
 tain, to a petition from the militia officers 
 of the county of Monmouth, to the Legis- 
 lature, which is dated the 12th of May, 
 1777. 
 
 ''Captain Joshua Huddy is appointed by 
 an act of the Legislature, passed Septem- 
 ber 24th, 1777, to the command of a com- 
 pany of artillery, to he raised from the mi- 
 litia of the State, and to continue in ser- 
 vice not exceeding one year. 
 
 "In the accounts of the paymaster of the 
 militia there is an entry of a payment 
 made on the 30th of July, 1778, to Captain 
 Joshua Huddy, of the artillery regiment 
 for services at Haddonfield, under Colonel 
 Holmes. In the same accounts a payment 
 is also made to Captain Huddy on the 1st 
 July, 1779, for the use ot his horses in the 
 artillery. 
 
 "I find a petition to the Legislature from 
 the people of Monmouth, dated December 
 10th, 1781, recommending Captain Joshua 
 Huddy as a proper person to command a 
 guard, to be stationed at'l^oms River. On 
 examining the minutes of both houses of 
 the Legislature, I find no action had on 
 this petition ; in fact there is no mention 
 of its being presented. The Legislature 
 adjourned on the 29th of December, and 
 did not meet again until May 15th, 1782. 
 Huddy was taken liy the tories at Toms 
 River, Sunday, March 2'4th, 1782, and it is 
 not unlikely ( as the Legislature had no 
 action on this petition ) he was ordered to 
 that post by tlie Council of Safety, which 
 exercised legislative potvers during the re- 
 cess of the LegisKture. The minutes of 
 the Council of Safety must be either lost 
 or destroyed, as thay cannot be found." 
 
 The above extracts were made and fur- 
 nislied to Governor Dickenson by George 
 C. Westcott, then secretary of State. ( In 
 the original is an error corrected above : 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 75 
 
 it says that Captain Huddy was taken 
 prisoner April 2d ; it should be March 
 24th.) 
 
 The details of the attack on Toms River 
 have been given. 
 
 Captain Huddy, with other prisoners, 
 was taken to Mew York and lodged in the 
 noted Sugar House prison, from whence 
 he was taken on Monday, April 1st, 1782, 
 to the prison of the Provost Guard in New 
 York, where he was cloFely confined 'until 
 Monday, April 8th, when he, with Daniel 
 Randolph and Jacob Fleming, ( both of 
 whom wfre taken prisoners witu Huddy 
 at Toms River, but soon exchanged for 
 two tories. named Captain Clayton Tilton 
 and Aaron White.) were taken on board a 
 sloop and ironed. 
 
 The following is a copy of the order to 
 the Commissary of Prison at New York, to 
 deliver him to the care of Captain Richard 
 Lippincott, of the Refugees, to be taken 
 on bo^rd the sloop : 
 
 New York, April 8th, 1782. 
 
 Sir : — Deliver to Capt. Ricliard Lippen- 
 cott the three following prisoners : Lieu- 
 tenant Joshua Huddy, D;iniel Randolph 
 and Jacob Fleming, to take down to the 
 Hook, to procure the exchange of Captain 
 Clayton Tilton and two other associated 
 loyalists. 
 
 By order of the Board of Directors of 
 Associated Loyalists. 
 
 S. S. Blowers, Secretary. 
 To Mr. Commissary Challoner. 
 
 Huddy, Randolph and Fleming were 
 kept in irons in the hold of the sloop, until 
 Tuesday evenirg, April 9th, when they 
 were transferred to *^heguardship at Sandy 
 Hook, where they were confined between 
 decks until Tuesday, April 12th, on the 
 morning of which day, Hud^y was taken 
 on shore by a party of refugees under com- 
 mand of Captain Richard Lippencott, and 
 at about ten o'clock executed. One refu- 
 gee account says the hangman was a ne- 
 gro. Captain Huddy executed his will 
 under the gallows, signing it on the barrel 
 from which he was a few moments after 
 launched into another world. 
 
 Captain Huddv's Will. 
 
 The following is a copy of the will of 
 Captain Huddy, signed by him under the 
 gallows : 
 
 " In the name of God, amen : I, Joshua 
 Huddy, of Middletown, in the county of 
 Monmouth, being of sound mind and- 
 memory, but expef^ting shortly to depart 
 this life, do declare this my lasst will and 
 testament : 
 
 "First : I commit my soul into the hands 
 of Almighty God, hoping he may receive 
 it in mercy ; and next I commit my body 
 to the earth. I do also appoint my trusty 
 friend, Samuel Forman, to be my lawful 
 executor, and after all my just debts are 
 paid, I desire that he do divide the rest of 
 my substance whether by book, debts, 
 notes or any effects whatever belonging to 
 me, equally between my two children, 
 Elizabeth and Martha Huddy. 
 
 "In witness whereof I have hereunto 
 sunned my name this twelfth day of April, 
 inthe year of our Lord one thousand seven 
 hundred and eighty-two. 
 
 "Joshua Huddv." 
 
 The will was written on half a sheet of 
 foolscap paper, on the back of which was 
 the following endorsement, evidently writ- 
 ten shortly after the will was executed : 
 
 '■ The will of Captain Joshua Huddy, 
 made and executed the same day the ref- 
 ugees murdered him, April 12th, 1782." 
 
 The will was found some years ago 
 among the papers of hie executor, the late 
 Colonel Samuel Forman. It was signed by 
 Captain Huddy, but was apparently writ- 
 ten by another person. Captain Huddy's 
 daughters subsequently became Elizabeth 
 Gieen and Martha Piatt — the last named 
 lived to an advanced age. In early life 
 she removed to Cincinnati, Ohio ; both 
 daughters we believe left descendants. 
 
 After Captain Huddy's inhuman murder 
 his body was left hanging until afternoon, 
 when the Americans came and took it to 
 Freehold, to the house of Captain James 
 Greene, where it was April 15th. He was 
 buried with the honors of war. His fun- 
 eral sermon was preached by the well re- 
 membered Rev. Dr. John Woodhull, pastor 
 of the First Presbyterian Church, Free- 
 hold. 
 
 CAPTAIN .JOSHUA HUDDY, THE 
 HERO MARTYR OF OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 MEASURES FOR RETALIATION. 
 
 The execution of Huddy was regarded 
 by General Washington as a matter of so 
 much importance, that he directed that a 
 number of general officers of the army 
 should meet at West Point to decide on 
 what measures should be adopted. At this 
 council it was unanimously decided that 
 retaliation should be made, and that it 
 should be inflicted on an officer of equal 
 rank, and the designation should be made 
 by lot from among prisoners of war, unless 
 
76 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOLTTIL 
 
 the British surrendered Captain Richard 
 Lippincott. A formal demand was made 
 for the surrender of Lippincott and refus- 
 ed, and in consequence on the 13th of 
 May, lots were cast among the British of- 
 ficers held as prisoners, ( at this time con- 
 fined at Lancaster, Pa.,) and the unfortu- 
 nate victim was Captain Charles Asgill, 
 ( afterwards Sir Charles Asgiil ) of a noble 
 family, at this time but nineteen years old 
 He was among the prisoners captured at 
 Yorktown, Va. 
 
 The particulars of the casting of lots 
 and the events consequent upon the selec- 
 tion of Caj^tain Asgill, are of thrilling in- 
 terest, and excited so much attention at 
 the time that the celebrated Baron de 
 Grimm speaking of the affair being made 
 the ground work of a tiagedy brought out 
 in Pans, in 1789, says: 
 
 " The public prints all over Europe re- 
 sounded with tlie unhappy catasti-ophe 
 which for near eight months impended 
 over the life of this young officer. The 
 general curiosity in regai'd to the events 
 of the war yielded, if I may say so, to the 
 interest which young Asgill inspu'ed, and 
 tie first question asked of all vessels from 
 any port in North America, was always an 
 inquiry as to the fate of that young man. 
 It is know)i that Asgill was thrice con- 
 ducted to the foot of the gibbet, and tliat 
 thrice General Washington, who could not 
 bring himself to commit the crime of pol- 
 icy without a struggle, suspended his pun- 
 ishment; his humanity and justice mad? 
 him hope that the P^nglish general would 
 deliver over to him the author of the 
 crime Asgill was condemned to expiate.— 
 Sir Henry Clinton, either ill-advised or 
 insensible to the fate of young Asgill, per- 
 sisted in refusing to deliver up the barbar- 
 ous Lippincott. In vain the King of Eng- 
 land, at whose feet the unfortunate family 
 of AsgilU fell down, had given orders to 
 surrender up to the Americans the author 
 of a crime which dishonored the British 
 nation ; George the Third was not obeyed. 
 "In vain the States of Holland entreated 
 the United States of America the pardon 
 of the unhappy Asgill. The gibbet erected 
 in front of his prison did not cease to offer 
 to his eyes those dreadful preparations 
 more awful than deafih itself. In these 
 circumstances, and almost reduced to de 
 spair, the mother of the unfortunate vic- 
 tim bethought herself that the Minister of 
 a King armed against her own nation, 
 might succeed in obtaiviing . that which 
 was refused her own King. Madam Asgill 
 
 wrote to the French Minister, Count de 
 Vergennes, a letter, the eloquence of which, 
 independent of oratorical forms, is tliat of 
 all people and languages, because it de- 
 rives its power from the first and noblest 
 sentiment of our nature." 
 
 Before giving farther details of Captain 
 Asgills' case, his mother's letters, and the 
 course of the French court, of Gen, Wash- 
 ington and of the Continental Congress re- 
 lating to the affair, it would perhaps be 
 proper to return tu Captain Huddy and 
 recall the particulars of such of the events 
 of his life as have been preserved. The 
 following, a part of which at least will be 
 familiar to most of our readers, comes first 
 in order: 
 
 Buddy's Capture and Execution. 
 
 The next important affair in which we 
 find Captain Huddy engaged, was in the 
 defence of the military post at Toms Riv- 
 er. As we gave elsewhere a detailed ac- 
 count of t!ie attack of the British on tliis 
 post, burning of the village, massacre of 
 the men after asking for quarters, and oth- 
 er particulars relating to this affair, it is 
 not now necessary to repeal them, except 
 af tiiey are incidentally given in some im- 
 portant papers, which will be copied here- 
 after. These papers contain many authen- 
 tic, inteiesting particuliirs which should 
 be preserved by the citizens of Old Mo.i- 
 mouth. Before copying these, we quote 
 the following extracts from " Howe's Col- 
 lections :" 
 
 While Huddy was confined on board 
 the guardsliip, he was told by one of tlie 
 refugees, that he was. to be hanged. " for 
 he had taken a certain Philip White, a 
 refugee in Monmouth county, cut off both 
 his arms, broVe his legs, pulled out one of 
 his eyes, damned him and bid him run." 
 He answered, "It was impossible I could 
 have taken Philip White, I being' a pris- 
 oner in New York, closely confined, and 
 for many days before he was made a pris- 
 oner." .One or two of his., comrades cor- 
 roborated this slatenient. Four days after 
 ( April 12th,) Huddy was taken, by 16 ref- 
 ugees under Capt. Lippencott, to Gravelly 
 Point, on the seashore , at the foot of Navi- 
 sink liills, about a mile north of the Iligli- 
 land lighthouse where he w^is deliberate- 
 ly^ executed. He met his fate with an. ex- 
 fo'S^grrliriary dejjree of firmness and sereni- 
 ty.. It is said he even executed his will 
 tender the gallows, up.6n the head of that 
 b.arrel from which he was to make his exit, 
 and in a hand writinsj fairer than usual. — 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 The following label was attached to his 
 
 breast : 
 
 " We, the refugees having long with 
 grief, beheld the cruel murders of our 
 brethren, and finding nothing but such 
 measures daily carrying into execution ; 
 we therefore determined not to suffer 
 without taking vengeance for tlie numer- 
 ous cruelties ; and thus begin, havmg 
 made u^e of Capt, Euddy as the first ob 
 ject to present to your view ; and further 
 determine to hang man for man while 
 there is a refugee living. 
 
 "Up (tObs Huddy for Philip White." 
 
 The gallows was formed of three rails, 
 and stood on the beach, close to the sea. 
 Tradition states that Capt. Lippincott, ob- 
 serving reluctance in some of his men to 
 take hold the rope, drew his sword and 
 swore he would run the first through, who 
 disobeyed orders. Three ol the party, 
 bringing their bayonets to the charge, de- 
 clared their determination to defend them- 
 selves — that Huddy was innocent of the 
 death of White, and that they would not 
 be concerned in the murder of an inno- 
 cent man. 
 
 Tiie British version of the execution of 
 Huddy will be given in the account of the 
 trial of the refugee Captain Richard Lip- 
 pincott. 
 
 CAPT. JOSHUA HUDDV, THE HERO 
 MARTYR 9F OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 MEETING AT FREEHOLD. 
 
 As soon as the citizens of Old Monmouth 
 received information of the barbarous mur- 
 der of Capt. Huddy, a large meeting num- 
 bering some four hundred of the most re- 
 spectable citizens of the countv, assembled 
 at Freehold to take appropriate action. — 
 This meetinji; was held on the 14th of 
 April, one day before Huddy's burial, and 
 wiiile his corpse was lying at the Louse of 
 Capt. James Greene. This meeting con 
 sidered and approved the following ad- 
 dress : 
 
 To his Exc. llency George Washington, 
 Esq., Commander in Chief of the com- 
 bined Armies of America and France, 
 acting in N.-rtli America, &c., &c., &c. 
 Tiie inhabitants of the county of Mon- 
 mouth, being assembled on account of the 
 horrid and almost unparalleled murder of 
 Capt. Joshua Huddy, by the refugees from 
 New York, and as we presume by appro 
 bation, if not by the express command or 
 
 the British commander in chief. Sir Henry 
 Clinton ; hold it as our indispensable duty, 
 as well to the United States in general, as 
 ourselves in particular, to show to your ex- 
 cellency, that the aforesaid Captain Joshua 
 Huddy, late commanding the post at Toms 
 River, was after a brave and gallant de- 
 fence made a prisoner of war, together 
 with fifteen of his men, by a party of ref- 
 ugees from New York, on Sunday, the 
 24th of March, last past. That five of the 
 said Huddy's men were most inhumanly 
 murdered after the surrender ; that the 
 next day at night, to wit, on Monday, the 
 25th of March, aforesaid, the said Capt, 
 Huddy and the other prisoners who had 
 been spared from the bayonet, arrived at 
 New York, and were lodged in the main 
 gtxard, during that night ; thiit on Tuesday 
 morning, t,ie 26th of the same month, the 
 said Hviddy was removed from the main 
 guard to the sugar house, where he was 
 kept closely confined, until removed from 
 thence to the provost guard, on Monday, 
 April 1st, where he, the said Captain Hud- 
 dy, wasclosely confined, until Monday, the 
 8th of April, instant; when the said Cap- 
 tain Huddy, with two other prisoners, was 
 removed from the provost jail at New 
 York, on board of a sloop, then lying at 
 New York dock, was put in the hold of 
 said sloop in irons ; and then the said 
 Captain Huddy was told he was ordered 
 to be hanged, although the said Captain 
 Huddy had yiever been charged, or brought to 
 any kind of trial. That the said Captain 
 Huddy demanded to know upon what 
 charge he was to be hanged ; that a refu- 
 gee by the name of John Tilton, then told 
 him that he, ( the said Captain Huddy 
 meaning.) was to be hanged for that he 
 had taken a certain refugee by the name 
 of' Philip White, and that he, ( the said 
 Captain Huddy, meaning,) had, after car- 
 rying him, theaforesiid Philip White, five 
 or six miles, cut off his ( the aforesaid 
 Philip White's ) arms, broke both his legs, 
 ^lulled otit one of his eyes, and most cruel- 
 ly murdered him, the aforesaid Philip 
 White; and further said, that he, the 
 aforesaid Captain Huddy, was ordered to 
 be hanged for the murder aforesaid; that 
 Cap". Huddy replied that he had never 
 taken the aforesaid Philip White prisoner ; 
 and further said, that he, the aforesaid 
 Philip White was killed after he, the said 
 Captain Huddy, was taken prisoner him- 
 self, and was closely confined at New York 
 at the time the said Philip White was kill- 
 ed. Which in fact, and in truth, was ex- 
 
78 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 actly as the said Captain Huddy had relat- 
 ed; for he, the aforesaid Philip White, was 
 in New York, on Wednesday, the 27th of 
 March, last past, and did oii the night of 
 that day, sail from New York to Sandy 
 Hook, where he lay until Friday, the 29tli 
 of March ; that late tiie same night, he in 
 comjjany with Aaron White, .lolin Fenni- 
 more, negro Moses, John Worth ley, and 
 one Isaac, all refugees, weighed anchor for 
 Sandy Hook, and ran down to Long Branch, 
 in the townehip of Slirewsbnry ; tliai the 
 said Philip VVliite, ( so as aforesaid men- 
 tioned to have been killed by the said 
 Captain Huddy,) and the said negro Mo- 
 ses, landed on Long Branch, in Shrews- 
 bury afoiesaid, on Saturday morning, tiie 
 30th of March ; he, the said .loihua Hud- 
 py, being then a close prisoner in the su- 
 gar house at New York. 
 
 That he, the said Piiilip White, was 
 taken pr<so ler on the same 30th of March, 
 in the afternoon, and as a guard was con- 
 ducting him, the aaid Piiilip Wliite to jail, 
 the said Philip in attempting to escape, 
 was killed by his guard. That on Friday, 
 the twelfth instant, a party of refugees, 
 said to iiave been commanded by a Capt. 
 Richard Lippencott, brought the said Capt. 
 Huddy over to the Highlands of Middle- 
 town, lianged Inm at ten o'clock in the 
 forenoon of the same day, and left him 
 hanging until four o'clock in the after 
 noon, witii the paper herewith annexed 
 pinned upon his breast ; at which time a 
 parly of the inhabitants having been in- 
 formed of the cruel murder, went to the 
 place of his execution, and cut the unhap- 
 py victim from the gallows. 
 
 These bemg a state of induitable facts, 
 fully proven, we do, as of right we may, 
 look up to your excellency, as the person 
 in whom the sole power of avenging our 
 wrongs is lodged, and who has lull and 
 ample authority to bring a British officer 
 of the same rank to a similar end ; for 
 what man after this instance of the most 
 unjust and cruel murder, will presume to 
 say that any officer or citizen, wliom the 
 chance of war may put into the hands of 
 the enemy, will not suffer the same igno 
 minious death, on some such groundless 
 and similar pretence. 
 
 And we do with the fullest assurance 
 rely upon receiving effectual support Irom 
 your excellency, because, 
 
 First, the act of hanging any person 
 without any (even a pretended ) trial, is in 
 itself not only disallowed by all civilized 
 people, but is considered as barbarous in 
 
 the extreme, and most certainly demands 
 redress. 
 
 Secondly, because the law of nature and 
 of nations, points to retaliation as the only 
 measure which can, in such cases, give 
 any degree of security, that the practice 
 shall not become general. 
 
 Thirdly, because the honorable, the Con- 
 tinental Congress, did on the 30th day of 
 October, 1778, resolve in the following 
 words : 
 
 ''We, therefore, the Congress of the 
 United States of America, do solemnly 
 declare and proclaim, that if our enemies 
 {)resume to execute their threats, or persist 
 m thei)' present career of barbarity, we 
 will take such exemplary vengeance as 
 shall deter others from a like conduct.— 
 We appeal to that God who searcheth the 
 hearts of men, for the rectitude of our in- 
 tentions, and in his holy presence declare, 
 that as we are not moved by any light and 
 iiasty suggestions of anger or revenge, so 
 through every possible change of fortune, 
 we will adhere to this, our determination." 
 
 Fourthly, because the minds of the peo- 
 ple are justly irritated, and if they have 
 not compensation through a public chan- 
 nel, they may, in vindicating themselves, 
 open to view a scene at which humanity 
 itself may shudder. 
 
 The al)Ove and within, was read to, con- 
 sidered of, and approved, by upwards of 
 four hundred respectable citizens. 
 
 Ordered hy them, that the Committee by 
 us appointed, do in our names sign it. 
 
 Ordered. That General Forman and Col. 
 Holmes be requested to wait on his excel- 
 lency, General Washington, with it, and 
 that they do wait his excellency's final 
 determination. 
 
 Monmouth, April 14, 1782. 
 John Covenhoven, Samuel Forman, 
 Thomas Seabrook, William Wilcocks, 
 Peter Forman, Asher Holmes, 
 
 Richard Cox, Llisha Walton, 
 
 Joseph Stillvvell, Stephen Fleming, 
 Barnes Smock, John Smock, 
 
 John Schanck. Thomas Cbadwick. 
 
 Accompanying the address is a copy of 
 the label ( elsewhere given ) fastened to 
 Huddy 's breast. The committee appoint- 
 ed to wait on General Washington, in ad- 
 dition to the foregoing address, furnished 
 him with the affidavits of Aaron White, 
 John North, William Borden and John 
 Russell, in relation to Philip White's case. 
 These have been given in speaking of Phil- 
 ip White. They also furnished the affida- 
 vit of Daniel Randolph, a copy of which will 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 79 
 
 begiven hereafter. When General Washing- 
 ton received their papers, he at once trans- 
 mitted them to the President of Congress, 
 with the following letter : 
 
 Head Quarter*, | 
 Newburgh, April 20, 1782. j 
 
 Sir : — The enclosed papers, which I have 
 the honor to transmit to your excellency, 
 contain a state of facts, with their testi- 
 monials, respecting the death of Captain 
 Joshua Huddy ; who after being a prison- 
 er sume days, with the enemy at New 
 York, was sent out with a party of refu 
 gees, and most cruelly and wantonly hang- 
 ed on the heights of Middletown. 
 
 This instance of barbarity, in my opin- 
 ion, calls loudly for retaliation ; previous 
 however, to adopting that measure, ami 
 for my own justification, in the judgment 
 of an impartial world, I have made a rep- 
 resentation by letter, (a copy ot which is 
 herein transmitted,) to Sir Henry Clititon, 
 and have demanded from him, the actual 
 perpetrators of this horrid a-^t. 
 
 If, by Sir Henry's refusal. I s-hould be 
 driven to an net of retaliation, a Bsitish 
 officer of equal rank must atone foi- the 
 death of the unfortunate Huddy. 
 
 Happy, if I find that my resolutions 
 meet the approbatinn of Congrcsf, I have 
 the honor to be, with the sentiments ot 
 sincere resuect and esteem, Youi' Excel 
 lency's inost obedient, and most humble 
 servant, (iEU. WASHINGTON. 
 
 His Excellency, the President of Con- 
 gress. 
 
 CAPT. JOSHUA HUDDY, THE HERO 
 MARTYR OF OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 AFFIDAVIT OF DANIEL RANDOLPH 
 ESQ., OF TOMS RIVER. 
 
 vSt.\te of New Jersey, ) 
 
 Monmouth County, J 
 Personally appeared before me, David 
 Forman, Esq.. Judge of the Court of Com- 
 mon Pleas, of the county aforesaid, Daniel 
 Randol[)h, Esq., o'" full age, who, being 
 duly sworn according to law, deposeth 
 and saith, that he, this deponent, did 
 reside at Toms River, in the county afore- 
 said ; that on Saturday nikdit of the 23d 
 of March, they, the inhabitants of Toms 
 River, aforesaid, were informed by Cap 
 tain Joshua Huddy, then commanding 
 the guard at that post, that he, the afore- 
 
 said Captain Joshua Huddy, had informa- 
 tion that a body of refugees were ap- 
 proaching to attack that iwst ; that this 
 deponent did join himself to the guard ; 
 that just as day befzan to appear on Sun- 
 day morning. Captain Huddy detached a 
 party of his guard to make a discovery, 
 where the enemy were, and to bring him 
 accounts; that as this deponent expects, 
 and believes the guard so sent out, as 
 aforesaid, entirely missed the enemy, for 
 that soon after, viz: before it was yet broad 
 dayliiiht, the enemy appeared in front of 
 their small and unfinished block liouse, 
 and immediatelv commenced an attack, 
 without any previous demand ot a surren- 
 der ; that Capt. Huddy, aforesaid, dia all 
 that a brave man could do, to defend him- 
 self against so tuiserior a number; that 
 after qtxarters were called f)r, and the 
 bluckhuuse surrendered, this deponent 
 saw a negro, one of tlie refugee party, 
 bayonet Major John Cooke, and he also 
 saw a r umber of the refugees, as aforesaid, 
 jump into the blockhouse, and heard them 
 say that they would bayonet them, but 
 this deponent did not see the deed done 
 to any other person but. Major John 
 Cooke. This deponent further saith, that < 
 the same day, viz : Sunday, the 24th day 
 of Mirch, they were carried on board the 
 refugees' boats, and arrived iit New York 
 the evening of the same day ; that he, 
 this deponent, Capt. Huddy, und the other 
 prisoners, were th it night lodged in the 
 main guard at New York ; that on Mon 
 day morning, the 25th pif March, afore- 
 said. Captain Huddy, this dejionent, and 
 the other prisoners, were carried and con- 
 fined in the sugar house, where they re- 
 mained close confined, until Monday, the 
 1st day of April ; that on Monday, the 1st 
 day of April, instant, afor-said, Capt, 
 Hudtly, this deponent, and tbe other 
 pritoriii^rs, aforesaid, were removed from 
 the sugar house, aforesaid, to the provost 
 guard at New York, aforesaid, and were 
 there closely coiifined, until Monday, the 
 8th of Api'il, instant, when this deponent, 
 Capt. Joshua Huddy. and a certain Jacob 
 Fleming, were taken out of the provost 
 guard, aforesaid, and carried immediitely 
 on board a sloop, put down in her hold, 
 and ironed ; the aforesaid Jost/ua Huddy 
 having irons on both feet and both hantls 
 And further, this deponent saith, that a 
 certain refugee, called John Tilton, told 
 the aforosaici Capt. Joshua Huddy, that 
 he, the aforesaid Joshua Huddy, was or- 
 dered to be hanged ; that the aforesaid 
 
80 
 
 OLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 Capt. Huddy, then asked the aforesaid 
 John Tilton, what charge was brought 
 against him : that the aforesaid Tilton re- 
 plied, for that he, the aforesaid Capt. Hud- 
 dy, had taken a certain Phihp White 
 prisoner, and after carrying him, the afore- 
 said Philip White, six miles up in the 
 country, that he, the aforesaid Capt. Hud 
 dy, had cut off both his, (the aforesaid 
 Philip White's,) arms, broke both his, (the 
 aforesaid Philip White's,) legs, pulled out 
 one of the aforesaid Philip White's eyes, 
 and then had damned him, the aforesaid 
 Philip White, and bade him run ; that he, 
 the aforesaid Captain Huddy replied, and 
 said, he never had taken Philip White ; 
 and moreover said, that it was impossible 
 that he could have taken him, for that he, 
 the aforesaid White was taken and killed, 
 while he, the aforesaid Huddy, was a pris- 
 oner closely confined m New York. This 
 deponent further saith, that he, this de- 
 ponent, so said that the aforesaid White, 
 was taken and killed, while Capt. Huddy 
 was a prisoner, and therefore could not 
 possibly be chargeable ; upon which this 
 deponent was told that he, this deponent 
 should be hanged next ; further this de- 
 ponent saith that the aforesaid Capt. Hud- 
 dy, was frequently charged with the mur^- 
 der of the aforesaid Philii) White, in man- 
 ner and form aforesaid. This deponent 
 saith that he and Capt. Huddy were kept 
 in irons, on board the sloop aforesaid, un- 
 til they were put on board the guard ship 
 at Sandy Hook, which was done on Tues- 
 day evening, the 9th instant; that on 
 board this guard ship, this deponent. Cap- 
 tain Hviddy, and Jacob Fleming, were con- 
 fined between decks until Friday, the 
 12th instant; that on Friday, the 12tli inst., 
 some men, strangers to this deponent, 
 came between decks and told him, the 
 said Capt. Huddy, to be prepared to be 
 hanged immediately, for having murdered 
 Philip White, as aforesaid, and took off 
 the said Cai>t. Huddy's irons ; that Capt. 
 Huddy again said he was not guilty of 
 having killed the albresaid White, and 
 should die innocent, and in a good cause ; 
 and with uncommon composure of mind 
 and fortitude, prepared himself for his end; 
 that they, then for the first time since the 
 capture of this deponent, and the said 
 Capt. Huddy, took the aforesaid Capt. 
 Huddy from this deponent. That about 
 noon of the same day, the aforesaid John 
 Tilton told tliis deponent, that he, the 
 aforesaid Capt. Joshua Huddy was hanged, 
 and further said he, that Capt. Hud- 
 
 dy died iviih the -firmness of a lion. Further, 
 this deponent saith, that the aforesaid 
 Capt. Joshua Huddy was never taken from 
 him, this deponent, until he was taken off 
 to be executed, and that he, the aforesaid 
 Captain Huddy, never was called to any 
 kind of trial, or allowed to make any de- 
 fence ; and lastly, this deponent saith, the 
 corpse of the said Cajjtain Joshua Huddy 
 is now at the house of Capt. James Greene, 
 and that he verily believes he came to his 
 death by being hanged. 
 
 DANIEL RANDOLPH. 
 Sworn before me, this 15th of April, 1782, 
 David Fokman, Judge of the C't of C. P. 
 
 A COUNCIL OF WAR. 
 
 The execution of Huddy was regarded 
 by tfie Commander-in-Chief as a matter of 
 such high import, that, in anticipation of 
 the action of Congress upon his letter, he 
 had directed that the general oflScers of 
 the army, and the officers commanding 
 brigades and regiments, should assemble 
 at West Point, and decide on what meas- 
 ures should be adopted. On the 19th day 
 of April, tha meeting was held at the 
 quarters of General Heath, when the fol- 
 lowing questions propounded by Wash- 
 ington were stated : 
 
 " Shall there be retaliation for the mur- 
 der of Huddy ?'' 
 
 " On whom shall it be inflicted ?" 
 
 " How shall the victim be designated !" 
 
 General Heath in his Memoirs describes 
 the deliberations of the ofBcers as inde- 
 pendent of each other ; no conversation 
 was permitted between them on the ques- 
 tion submitted, but each one was to write 
 his own 0}iinion, seal it itp, and address it 
 to the Commander-in-Chief. By this i>ro- 
 cess, it was found the decision was unani- 
 mous that retaliation should take jjlace ; 
 that it should be inflicted on an officer of 
 equal rank ; and the designation should 
 be made by lot from among the prisoners 
 of war who had surrendered at discretion, 
 and not under convention or cai)itulation 
 
 This decision was approved by Washing- 
 ton, who gave immedifito information of 
 his intention to retaliate, to the British 
 Cammander, unless the perpetrator of the 
 bloody deed shotild be given uj) for execu- 
 tion. 
 
 No farther action for a time was taken, 
 that Sir Henry Clinton might have oppor- 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 ' 81 
 
 tunity to decide upon Washington's de- 
 uaand. 
 
 In the meantime occurred the following 
 proceedings in Congress. 
 
 Proceedings in Congress, AjDril, 1782. 
 
 The letter of General Washington to 
 Congress, when received, was referred to 
 a Committee consisting of Mr. Boudinot, 
 
 Mr. Scott and Mr. Bee. The committee 
 reported on the 20th day of April, 1782, 
 and the following proceedings were then 
 had : 
 
 A letter of the 20th, from the Com- 
 mander-in-Chief, was read together with a 
 memorial from the inhabitants of the 
 county of Monmouth, in the State of New 
 Jersey, and sundry affidavits, respecting 
 the death of Capt. Joihua Huddy, who 
 after beini; a prisoner some days with the 
 enemy in New York, was sent out by a 
 party of refugees, and wns most cruelly 
 and wantonly hanged on the heights of 
 Middletown. 
 
 These papers being committed, and the 
 committee having reported thereon : 
 
 Resolved, That Congress having de- 
 liberately considered the matter and the 
 paper attending it, and being deeply im- 
 pressed with the necessity of convincing 
 the enemies of these United States, by the 
 most decided conduct, that the repetition 
 of their unprecedented and inhuman cru- 
 elties, so contrary to the laws of nations 
 and of war, will no longer be suffered with 
 impunity, do unanimously approve of the 
 firm and judicious conduct of the Com- 
 mander-in-Chief in his application to the 
 British Gen. of New York ; and do here- 
 by assure him, of their firmest support in 
 his fixed purpose of exemplary retalia- 
 tion. 
 
 General Washington to Sir Henry 
 Clinton. 
 Head-Quarters, ] 
 
 April 21st, 1782. j 
 Sir : — The enclosed representation from 
 the inhabitants of the county of Mon- 
 mouth, with testimonials to the facts, 
 (which can be corroborated by other un- 
 questionable evidence,) will bring before 
 your excellency, the most v.aiton, unpre- 
 cedented, and inhuman murder that ever 
 disgraced the arms of a civilised p' »ple, 
 
 I shall not, because I conceive it alto- 
 gether unnecessary, trouble your excel- 
 lency with any animadversions upon this 
 transaction. Candor obliges me to be ex- 
 
 plicit. To save the innocent, I demand 
 the guilty. Capt. Lippencott therefore, or 
 the officer who commanded, at the execu- 
 tion of Captain Huddy, must be given up: 
 or if that officer was of inferior rank to- 
 him, so many of the perpetrators as will, 
 according to the tariff of exchange, be 
 equivalent. 
 
 To do this, will mark the justice of your 
 excellency's character; on the fnilure of 
 it I shall feel myself justifiable in the 
 eyes of God and man, for the measure to 
 which I shall resort. 
 
 I beg your excellency to be pursuaded, 
 that it cannot be more disagreeable to you 
 to be addressed in this language, than it 
 is for me to offer it; but the subject re- 
 quii'cs frankness and decipion. 
 
 I have to request your speedy deter- 
 mination, as my resolution is suspended 
 but for your answer. 
 
 I have the honor to be, sir, your excel- 
 lency's most obedient servant. 
 
 GEO. WASHINGTON. 
 His Excellency, Sir Henry Clinton. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton replied to Gen. Wash- 
 ington on the 25th of April. He express- 
 ed surprise at the strong language which 
 had been used. He refused to give up 
 the perpetrator of the murder, but inform- 
 ed the American commander, that he had 
 ordered a court martial to examine the 
 charge against Capt. Lippencott before 
 he received the letter. He did not pre 
 tend to justify the conduct of the loyalists, 
 and expressed his regret for the fate of 
 the sufferer. On the Ist of May, General 
 Robertson, who had succeeded Clinton, 
 reiterated the same sentiments which had 
 been previously expressed by his prede- 
 cessor, but still the culprit was protected 
 in New York ; and the American com- 
 mander replied, in the strongest terms, 
 that he had resolved upon retaliation, and 
 given orders that a British officer should 
 be designated to suffer. When Sir Guy 
 Carleton took comm-ehd of the British 
 forces, in May, he communicated to Gen- 
 eral Washington his intention to preserve 
 " the name of every Englishman from re- 
 proach, and to pursue every measure that 
 might tend to prevent these criminal ex- 
 cesses in individuals." He did not hesi- 
 tate '' to conr^emn the many unauthorized 
 acts of violence, which had been commit- 
 ted," and concluded that . he should do 
 every thing to mitigate the evils of war. — 
 Fiom these extracts, as well as the history 
 of that daj'', it is evident that the British 
 commander disavowed any participation 
 
!0- 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 in the death of Huddy, on the part of the 
 British authorities. And it is said, by Dr. 
 Thatcher, that the British Government 
 were inclined to direct that Lippenctt 
 should be jriven up to Gen. Washington, 
 but were finally prevented by the influ- 
 ence of the American loyalists, (or refu- 
 gees. ) 
 
 Baron de Grimm, in his celebrated 
 Memoris, states, wiihou^ any qualifications, 
 that George III gave orders '■'that the author 
 of a crime which dishonored the English nation, 
 .should be given up for pvnishme.nt,'" but he 
 was not obeyed. It is highly probably tliat 
 this statement is true ; the writer recorded 
 it in 1775, and from the advantageous posi- 
 tion he occupied, must be presumed to 
 have known the fact. (vol. iv. p. 272. ) 
 
 The people of New Jersey were exas- 
 perated beyond measure at the bloody 
 catastrophe ; but when it was ascertained 
 that the murderer would not be surren- 
 dered or punished, their indignation 
 prompted the bold attemi>t to seize the 
 miscreant by force. To efiect this pur- 
 pose, Capt. Adam Hyler, of New Bruns- 
 wick, having ascertained that Lippencott 
 resided in Broad street. New York, with a 
 crew disguised as a British press gang, 
 left the Kills at dark, in a single boat, and 
 arrived at White Hill about nine o'clok. 
 Here he left the boat in charge of a few 
 men, and passed directly to Lipp^ncott's 
 house, where, on inquiry, it was ascertain- 
 ed he had gone to Cock Pit. (Naval Mag. 
 Nov., 1839.) The expedition of course 
 failed ; but the promptness with which it 
 was conducted, proves the devotion of the 
 brave men who were engaged to the com- 
 mon cause, and their execration of Huddy's 
 assassin. 
 
 (Capt. Adam I Tyler, above referred to, 
 is the one who commanded the barge 
 taken by the British at Toms River. In 
 their accounts they boasted, it will be re- 
 membered, of capturing "one of llyler's 
 barges." We hai'e accounts of a large 
 number of the exploits of Hylcr, in the 
 waters around Old Monmouth, which we 
 trust to find room for at some tiuie, for it 
 is rare to find, in hict or fiction, more skil- 
 fully planned and fearlessly executed 
 deeds than those performed by ('apt. 
 Adam Hyler and his heroic companioll^s. ) 
 
 CASTlNd LOTS. 
 
 Exciting Scene— Captain Asgill the Vic- 
 tim — .\ffecting [ncidfMits— Courts of Eu- 
 roi)e Excited. 
 
 The demand for Lijopencott having been 
 refused. General Washingten, on the 4th 
 of May, directed Brigadier General Hogan 
 to designate by lot, from among the pris- 
 oners at either of the posts in Pennsylva- 
 nia or Maryland, a British Captain who 
 had been unconditionally surrendered ; as 
 it was ascertained that no such officer was 
 in his power, a second order was issued on 
 the thirteentn of May, extending the .se- 
 lection to the officers who had been made 
 prisoners by convention or capitulation. — 
 Under this last despatch, the British Cajv 
 tains, who had been captured at York- 
 town, were assembled at Lancaster, Penn- 
 sylvania, and the lot fell upon Captain As- 
 gill. 
 
 Charles Asgill was a Captain of the 
 guards, of a noble family, and at the time 
 he was designated to suffer, but ninetee»i 
 years of age. lie was captured at York- 
 town, confined during the winter of 1781- 
 82 at Winchester, in Virginia, and had 
 been removed but a short time to York, 
 Pennsylvania, when the lot was cast against 
 him. The officers from whom the victim 
 was to be selected, were ordered to Lan- 
 caster, and were there informed by Gener- 
 al Hogan the object for which thev were 
 assembled. Major Morgan, who was the 
 senior British otlicer at that place, remon- 
 strated, and used the following language : 
 
 "Ttiese gentlemen form but a small pro- 
 portion, out of the total number of Cap- 
 tains who became prisoners at Yorktown, 
 and I am sure, if time be afforded, there is 
 not one of their comrades who will not 
 hasten, even from England, for the pur- 
 pose of placing himself by their side, in so 
 trying an emergency, and staking his life 
 with theirs.'" 
 
 The (reneral, however, replied his orders 
 were peremptory, but feelingly remarked, 
 "when the lot has been declared on whom 
 this blow shall fall, then you may rely 
 upon it that every indulgence shall be 
 shown which you could e.xpect, or my 
 own feelings dictate.'' The ceremony is 
 minutely described by an eye witness, the 
 lale Gen. Graham, Lieutenant (Governor of 
 Sterling ( astle, who've manuscript is pub- 
 lished in the United Service Journal, Novem- 
 ber, I S;U. To use his language : " 
 
 "The excitement of the scene was now 
 ov<'r, and we gazed ui)on poor Asgill with 
 n liitterness and intensity of feeling, such 
 as defied control. He was barely nine- 
 teen vearsofago; livclv. bravi% Iiandsome: 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 83 
 
 an only son. as we all knew, and an espe 
 cial favorite with his comrades. To see 
 him as we did, at that moment, in the full 
 bloom of youth and beauiy, and to know 
 that his days, nay, his hours, were num- 
 bered — that was a demand upon the forti- 
 tude of those who loved him, suoli as they 
 could not meet. We lifted up our voices 
 and wept ; and while a warm pressure of 
 the hand was exchanged with each in his 
 turn, the object of so much commiseration 
 found it no easy matter, himself, to restrain 
 his tears. Nor, to do them justice, were 
 the Americans, either within or without 
 the house, inditterent spectators to the 
 drama. The Brigadier at once consented 
 to delay the removal of the victim till the 
 following morning ; and readily granted a 
 pass{)ort to enable an officer to set out on 
 the instant for New York." 
 
 Captain Asgill was conducted to Pliila- 
 delphia, and from thence was removed to 
 C'hatham. He was accompanied by his 
 friend, Major Gordon, who attended him 
 with the devotion of a parent to a cliild. 
 
 In the meanwhile the execution was 
 suspended, but every effort was exerted, 
 every plan that ingenuity could devise or 
 sympathy suggest, adopted to save tlie in- 
 nocent sufferer. Major Gordon appealed to 
 the French Minister, then in Pliiladelphia; 
 he wrote to the Count de Rochembeau, 
 and despatched messengers to numerous 
 influential Whigs throughout the Colo- 
 nies, to interest them in behalf of his 
 friend ; and so eloquent and importunate 
 were his appeala, that it is said by General 
 Graham, " thpt even tliefrtmily of Captain 
 Kuddv became themselves sup]>liants in 
 Asgill's favor.'" These untiring exertions, 
 unquestionably contributed to postpone 
 the fate of the victim, until the final and 
 successful intercession of the Fiench Court 
 obtained his release. 
 
 When Lady Asgill heard of the peril 
 whicli impended over her son, her husband 
 was exhausted by disease, and wliile the 
 effect of the intelligence was pent power- 
 fully up in her mind, it produced delirium 
 in tliat ot her daughter; under all tliese 
 embarrassments she applied to King 
 (leorge the III, wlio, it is said, ordered 
 the cause of this measure of retaliation, 
 the wretched Lippencott, to be delivered 
 up. wliich Clinton contrived to avoid. She 
 did not cease lier importunities, until she 
 had dictated ihe following letter to the 
 Count de Vergennes, who laid it before 
 the King and <,},ueen of France, and was 
 
 immediately directed to communicate with 
 General Washington, and implore the re- 
 lease of the sufferer. A letter, says the 
 Baron de Grimm, "the eloquence of which, 
 independent of oratorical forms, is that of 
 all people, and all languages, because it 
 derives its power from the first and noblest 
 sentiment of our nature." 
 
 Lady Asgill to Count de Vergennes. 
 Eloquent Pleadings of a Mother for the 
 
 Life of an only Son. 
 
 Sir : — If the politeness of the French 
 court will permit a stranger to address it, 
 it cannot be doubted but that she who 
 unites in herself all the more delicate sen- 
 sations with which an individual can be 
 penetrated, will be received favorably by a 
 nobleman who reflects honor not only on 
 his nation, but on human nature. The 
 subject on which I implore your assistance 
 is too heart-rending to be dwelt upon ; 
 most probably the public report has al- 
 ready reached you. This relieves me from 
 the burden of so mourniul a duty. My 
 son, my only son, dear to me as he is brave, 
 amiable as h3 is beloved, only nineteen 
 years of age, a prisoner of war, in conse- 
 quence of the capitulation of Yorktown, is 
 at present confined in America as an ob 
 ject of reprisals. 
 
 Shall the innocent suffer the fate of the 
 guilty ? Figure to yourself, sir, the situa- 
 tion of a family in these circumstances. — 
 Surrounded as I am with objects of dis- 
 tress, bowed down by fear and grief, words 
 are wanting to express what I feel, and to 
 paint such a scene of misery ; my husband 
 given over by his physicians some hours 
 before the arrival of this news, not in a 
 condition to be informed of it; my daugh- 
 ter attacked by a '"ever, accompanied with 
 delirium ; speaking of her brother in tones 
 of wildness and without an interval of rea- 
 son, unless it be to listen to some circum- 
 stances which may console her heart. Let 
 your sensibility, sir, paint to you my pro- 
 found, my inexpressible misery, and plead 
 in my favor. A word — a word from you, 
 like a voice from heaven, would liberate 
 us from desolation, from the last degree of 
 misfortune. I know how far General 
 VV'ashington reverences your character. — 
 Tell liim only that you wish my son re- 
 stored to liberty, and he will restore him 
 to his desponding family ; he will restore 
 him to happiness. The virtue and cour- 
 age of my son will justify this act of clem- 
 ency. His honor, cir, led him to America; 
 he was born to abundance, to independ- 
 
84 
 
 • OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 ence, and to the happiest prospects. Per- 
 mit me once more to entreat the interfer- 
 ence of your high influence in favor of in- 
 nocence, and in the cause of justice, of 
 humanity. Despatch, sir, , a letter from 
 France to General Washington, and favor 
 me with a copy of it, that it may be trans- 
 mitted from hence. I feel the whole 
 weight of the liberty taken in presenting 
 this request; but I feel confident, whether 
 granted or not, that you will pity tlie dis- 
 tress by which it is suggested ; your hu- 
 manity will drop a tear on my fault and 
 blot it out forever. 
 
 May tiiat heaven which I implore, grant 
 that you may never need the consolation 
 which you have it in your power to bestow 
 on. Theresa Asgill. 
 
 A NOBLEMAN TELLS ASG ILL'S 
 STORY. 
 
 Excitement in Holland and throughout 
 Europe — The Gibbet— Asgill thrice con- 
 duced to it — Intense anxiety in Eurojje 
 to hear of his fate, &c. 
 
 The statement of Captain Asgill's case 
 would not be complete without tlie follow- 
 ing extract, which contains some interest- 
 ing facts not elsewhere given. It is from 
 Baron de Grimm, who was led to notice 
 the case on account of its b^inji made the 
 ground work of a tragedy called " Abdir," 
 by de Sauvigny, represented in Paris in 
 January, 1780. 
 
 " You can well remember the general 
 
 interest which Sir Asgill inspired, a 
 
 young officer in the English guards, wlio 
 was made prisoner and condemned to 
 death by the Americans, in reprisal for 
 the death of Capt. Iluddy, who was hanged 
 by order of Capt. Lippencott. The public 
 prints all over Europe resounded with 
 the unhappy catastrophe, which for eight 
 months impenled over the life of tliis 
 young officer. The extreme grief of his 
 mother, the sort of delirium which cloud- 
 ed the mind of his sister, at hearing the 
 dredful fate which menaced tlie life of 
 her brother, interested every feeling mind 
 in the fate of that unfortunate family. The 
 general curiosity in regard to the events 
 of the war, yielded, if I may say so, to the 
 interest which young Asgill inspired, and 
 the first question asked of all vessels that 
 
 arrived from any port in North America, 
 was always an inquiry into the fate of that 
 young man. It is known that Asgill was 
 thrice conducted to the foot of the gibbet, 
 and that thrice Gen. WashingtoiT, who 
 could not bring himself to commit this 
 crime of policy without a great struggle, 
 suspended his punishment : his humanity 
 and justice made him hope that the P^n- 
 glish general would deliver over to him 
 the author of the crime Asgil was con- 
 demned to exj^iate. Sir Henry Clinton, 
 either ill advised or insensible to the fate 
 of young Asgill, persisted in refusing to 
 deliver up the barbarous Lippencott. In 
 vain the King of England, at whose feet 
 the unfortunate family fell down, had 
 given orders to su' render up to the Ameri- 
 cans the author of a crime which dishon- 
 ored the English nation : George the 3d, 
 was not obeyed. In vain the State of 
 Holland entreated the United States of 
 America the p.rdon of the unhappy As- 
 gill. The gibbet, erected in front of his 
 prison, did not cease to offer to his <ye« 
 those dreadful preparatives, more awful 
 ihan death itself. In these circumstances, 
 and almost reduced te despair, the mother 
 of the unfortunate victim beihonght her- 
 self that tlie Minister of a King, armed 
 against her own nation,, miglit succeed in 
 obtaining that which was refused to her 
 King, Madam Asgill wrote tothe Cnuntde 
 Vergennes a letter, the eloquence of vvhicli, 
 independent of oratorical forms, is that of 
 all people and languages, because it de- 
 rives its powe-r from the first and noblest 
 sentiment of our nature." 
 
 For seven months, the fate of this intei- 
 M esting young officer remained suspended, 
 when, cheitfly through the intercession of 
 the French Court, he was set at liberty. — 
 The following are the proceedings of Con- 
 gress directing his discharjje : 
 
 Till RSD.AV, Novembe'' 7th, 1782. 
 On the repoit of the Committee, con- 
 sisting of Mr. lUitledge, Mr. Osgood, Mr. 
 Montgoniery, Mr. Boudiirot, and Mr. 
 Duane, to whom were referred the ielter 
 of the 19th of August la'^t, from the Com- 
 mander-in-Chief, the report of a committee 
 thereon, and the motives of Mr. William 
 son and Mr. Kutledge; and also, another 
 letter^ (rom the Commander-in Chief, with 
 a copy of a letter to him from the Count 
 de Vergennes, dated July 29th last, inter- 
 ceeding for Capt. Asgill : 
 
 Resolved. That the Commander in-Chief 
 
OLL) TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 be, and he hereby is directed, to set Cap- 
 tain Asgill at liberty?" 
 
 A copy of the foregoing proceedings and 
 resolutions was forwarded by Gen. Wash- 
 ington to Capt. Asgill, together with a let- 
 ter, given below, which exhibits the moral 
 excellence, the great and commanding at- 
 ribiites that always distinguished the 
 Father of liis Countrj\ "The decision of 
 Gen. Wiisliington in this delicate aftair, 
 tlie deep interest felt by the American 
 people for theyoiithfui sufferer, the pathet- 
 ic appeals of Lady Asgill to the Count de 
 Vergennes in behalf of her son, (in the 
 language of Congress, in 1837,) forms one 
 of the most impoitant and instructive 
 portions of revolutionary history.'' 
 
 Gexerai. Washington to Captain Asgill. 
 
 SiK: — It affords me singular satisfaction 
 to liave it in my power to transmit to you 
 the enclosed copy of an act of Congress of 
 the 7th inst., by which you are reli^^ved 
 from the disHgreeable circumstances in 
 which you have been so long. Suppos- 
 ing that you would wish to go to New 
 York as soon as possible, I al-*o enclose a 
 passport for that pur])Ose. Your letter of 
 ihe 18th came regularly to my hands. I 
 beg of you to believe that my not answer- 
 ing it sooner did not proceed from inat 
 tention to you, or a want of feeling for 
 your situation- but I daily expected a de- 
 termination of your ca"se and I thought it 
 better to awa.t that, than to feed you witii 
 hopes tha"; miLdit in the end prove fruit- 
 less. You will attribute my detention of 
 thf enclosed letters, which have been in 
 my possession a fortnight, to the same 
 (viuse. I cannot take leave of you, sir, 
 without assuring y6u that, in vvhatever 
 light my asency in this unpleasant affair 
 may be viewed, I was never influenced 
 throughout the whole of it Uy sanguinary 
 motives, but what I conceived to be a 
 sense of duty, wliich loudly called upon 
 me to use measures, however disagreeable, 
 to prevent a repetition of those enormities 
 wliich liave been the subject of discussion ; 
 and that this important f^Ld is likely to b« 
 answered without the effusion of the blood 
 of an innocent person, is not a greater re- 
 lief to you that it is to me. 
 
 Sir, &c. George Wasuington. 
 
 Immediately after this letter released 
 him, Cuptain Asgill prejiartd himself to 
 return to England, arid in a short time 
 embaiked. The following letters from 
 
 his mother exhibi<^ a tone of high-wrought 
 gratitude that was worthy of her exalted 
 spirit : 
 Second Letter of Lady Asgill to Count de 
 
 Vergennes — Outpourings of a Grateful 
 
 HeaVt. 
 
 Exhausted by long suffering, overpow- 
 ered by an excess of unexpected happiness, 
 confined to my bed by weakness and lan- 
 guor, bent to the eartJi bj' what I have un- 
 dergone, my sensibility alone could supply 
 me with strength sufficient to address 
 you. 
 
 Condescend, sir, to accept this feeble 
 effort of my gratitude. It has been laid 
 at the feet of the Almighty ; and believe 
 me, it has been presented with the same 
 sincerity to you, sir, and to your illustrious 
 sovereigns. By their august and salutary 
 intervention, as by your own, a son is re- 
 stored to me, to whom my whole life was 
 attached. I have tlie sweet arsurance 
 that my vows for my protectors are heard 
 by the Heaven to whom they are ardently 
 offered. Yes, sir ; they will produce their 
 effect before the dreadful and last tribu- 
 nal, wtiere I indulge in the hope that we 
 shall both meet together — you to receive 
 the recompense of your virtues; myself, 
 that of my sufferings. I will raise my 
 voice to that imposing tribunal ; I will 
 call for those sacred registers in which 
 your humanity will be found recorded — I 
 j will pray that blessings may be showered 
 j on your head — upon him, who, availing 
 himself of the noblh'st privileges received 
 from God — a privilege no other tlian di- 
 vine — has changed misery into happiness, 
 has withdrawn the sword from the inno- 
 cent head, and restored the worthiest of 
 sons to the most tender and unfortunate 
 of mothers. 
 
 Condescend, sir, to accept this ju°t tri- 
 bute of gratitude due to your virtuous 
 sentiments. Preserve this tribute, and 
 may it go down to your posterity as a testi- 
 mony of your sublime and exemplary 
 beneficence to a stranger, whose nation 
 was at war with your own, but whose ten- 
 der aff ctions had not been destroyed by 
 war. May this tribute bear testimony to 
 my gratitude, long after the hand which 
 expresses it with the heart, which at this 
 moment only vibrates with the vivacity of 
 grateful sentiments, shall be reduced to 
 dust; even to the last day of my existence, 
 it shall beat but to offer you all the re- 
 spect and all the gratitude with which it 
 is penetrated. Thehesa Asgill. 
 
86 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 LADY ASGILL TO MAJOR GORDON. 
 
 A Grateful Mother to a True and Tried 
 Friend of her Son. 
 
 Sir : — If distress liice mine has left any 
 expression but for grief, I sliould long 
 since addressed myself to you, for whom 
 my sense of gratitude makes all acknowl- 
 edgments poor indeed. Nor is this the 
 first attempt ; but you were too near the 
 object, of my anguish to enter into the 
 heart-piercing subject. I constantly pray- 
 ed to Heaven that he might not add to 
 his sufferings the knowledge of ours. He 
 had too much to feel on his own account, 
 and I could not have concealed the direful 
 efiect of his misfortune on bis family, to 
 whom he is as dear as he is worthy to be 
 so. Tnfit as I am at this time, by joy 
 almost as insupportable as the agony be- 
 fore, yet sir, acc-^-j^t this weak effort from 
 a heart deeply affected by your humanity 
 and exalted conduct, as Heuven knows it 
 has been torn by affliction. Believe me, 
 sir, it will only cease to think in the lust 
 moments of life, with the most grateful, 
 affectionate, and respectiul sentiments to 
 you. But a fortnight, since, I was sinking 
 under a wretchedness I could no longer 
 struggle with. Hope, resignation, had 
 almost forsaken me. I began to experi- 
 ence the greatf-st of all misfortunes— that 
 of being no longer able to bear them. — 
 Judge, sir, the transition the day after tlie 
 blessed change takes place. My son is 
 released; recovered; returned; arrived at 
 my gate; in iny arms. I see nim unsub- 
 dued in spirits, in health ; unreproached 
 by himself, a])proved by his country in ; 
 the bosom of tiis family, and without anx- 
 iety, but for the happiness of his friend; 
 without regret, but i'or having left him 
 behind. Your humane feelings that have 
 dictated your conduct, to him, injured and 
 innocent as he was, surely will participate 
 in our relief and joy. Be that pleasure 
 yours, sir, as well as every other blessing 
 that virtue like youis and Heaven can be- 
 stow. This prayer is offered U(> for you in 
 the heart of transport, as it was in the, bit- 
 terness of my anguish. My gratitude has 
 been soothed by the energy it has been 
 offered with. It has ascended to the 
 throne of mercy and is, f trust, accepted. 
 Unfit as 1 am, lor nothing but suscei)tibil- 
 ity so awakened as mine could enable me 
 to write; and exhaust<-d by too loni; anx- 
 iety ; confined at this time to a bed of 
 .sickness and !Mn<_'uor — vet T fould not 
 
 suffer .another interval to pass, without 
 this weak efrbrt. Let it convey to you sir. 
 the most heartfelt gratitude of my husband 
 and dav.ghters. You have the resjject 
 and esteem of all Europe, as an honor to 
 your country and to human nature, and 
 the most zealous friendship of, my dear 
 and worthy Major Gordon, 
 
 Your affectionate and obliged servant, 
 Theresa Asoill. 
 
 The fate of Captain Asgill, while it was 
 suspended in doubt, " tilled the public 
 i;)rints all over Europe witn anxious wishes 
 for his release ;" and in the year 1785, 
 when the excitement of a former period 
 had subsided, the story of this intenaed 
 reprisal was made the groundwork of a 
 tragic drama by the celebrated French 
 writer, M. de Sauvigny ; while in Ander- 
 son's History of the American War, pub 
 lished immediately after the peace, the 
 author has deemed the incidents so mem- 
 orable, that lie has given a portrait of the 
 young Asgill in the costume of the day. 
 
 While Captain Asgill's fatewa.s in doubt, 
 the Britisli instituted acourtmarti.il to try 
 Captain Lippencott, who was sui)pose(l to 
 be the principal agent in the murder of 
 liuddy. It will be seen, by extracts from 
 the evidence of witnesses, hereafter given, 
 that Governor Franklin, the President of 
 the Board of Associated Royalists, gave 
 veibal orders for the execution of Huddy, 
 and that he afterwaids basely endeavored 
 to throw the whole blanip on Lippencott. 
 When Franklin gave the verbal or<iers, 
 he designated Huddy as a proper subject 
 for retaliation, as he said Huddy had been 
 a chief prosecutor of refugees, and partic- 
 ularly instrumental in lianging '^tei)hen 
 Edwards, the refugee spy. Tlie decision 
 of the court, will be given hereafter. It 
 clenred Lippencott — perhai)s justly. If so, 
 Gov. William Franklin should huve been 
 hanged for Iluddy's murder. Sir Guy 
 Carle- ton, who was the British commander 
 at New York, wlien Lippencott was ac- 
 quitted, appeared disposed to do justly, 
 and assured Wa^^hington, "that notwiili- 
 standing tlie acquittal of Lippencott, he 
 repiobated the measure, and L'ave assur- 
 ance of i)rosecuting a further inquiry." — 
 Thanks to Sir Guy, he broke up tiiis Board 
 of A.ssociated Royalists The war was 
 about closing, and the necessities for retal- 
 iation about over; and hence the request 
 of the King and cineen of France, through 
 Count Verirenne.s, for the release of A*gill, 
 were favorably receiv(-d. 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 Petition to CoNYiKESS of Martha Piatt, 
 
 Daughter of Captain Joshua Huddy, 
 
 Presented December 21st, 1836. 
 
 To the Congress of the United States : — 
 Your Moinorialist, Martha Piatt, now 
 residing in Cincinnati, State of Ohio, 
 Respectfully represents : 
 
 That she is the only surviving child of 
 Captain Joshua lluddy, who was inhuman- 
 ly put to death by a party of lories under 
 the imniedi-ite command of Captain Lip 
 pencott, in the month of April, 1782. 
 
 Her deceased father, ever ready at the 
 call of his country, had for from the com- 
 mencement of the revolutionary war, Irom 
 his devotion to the cause uf liberty, be- 
 come obnoxious to the enemy, lie was 
 nia''e a prisoner of war by the refugees, in 
 March, 1^72, while he commanded a block- 
 house in Monmouth county. N. J.: 
 having dei'ended that post with great 
 bravery, until his ammunition was entire- 
 ly expended. He was then taken to New 
 York, and detained in close confinement 
 for two or three weeks, when, without 
 form of trial, he was told that he was or- 
 dered to be hanged. In pursuance of this 
 lesolution, he was carried over to the New 
 Jersey shore, and executed, in a manner 
 so barbarous, that the anisals of savage 
 warfju-e do not present an instnnce of hu- 
 man sacrifice more wantonly cruel. 
 
 This act. so dishonorable to the British 
 character, (for Sir Heniy Clinton,- the 
 Commander-in-Chief, refused to give up 
 the perpetiator of the crin:!e), was not less 
 disastrous to the family of the iamented 
 patriot, who was not permitted to die a 
 soldiers' death, much less to enjoy the 
 last kinfl ulKces of those dear to him by 
 the stronge.-it eartidy ties. The first in- 
 telligence they received of his decease, 
 wa.s that he hid perished on the scaffold. 
 His widow left desolate, with two daugh- 
 ters of tender age, in common with the 
 highsouknl females of the revolution, 
 trusted in Providence, and hoped that the 
 country lor which her husband's life had 
 been sacrificed, would not fortiet her or 
 her children. 
 
 The subject of Captain Huddy's mur- 
 der, (for such is the appropriate name it 
 deserves,) was referred to the American 
 Congress by Gen. Washington, and the 
 mode of retaliaiion he adopted unanimous- 
 ly ap(..roved by that body ; and the people 
 of New Jersey, roused by the bloody deed 
 a sj)irif-stirring 
 
 !o vengeance, adilressed 
 
 memorial to the Commander-in-Chief, de- 
 tailins the facts, and requiring exemplary 
 as well as summary retributioii at his 
 hand. While in obedience to these claims, 
 a British officer was selected by lot, as the 
 victim of retaliation, and while the melan- 
 choly interest whicli youth and innocence 
 associated with the name of Captain Asgill, 
 excited the deep sympathy of the Ameri- 
 can people ; while the heart-rending ap- 
 peal ©f his noble mother to the Count de 
 Vergennes. in behalf of her devoted son, 
 induced the mediation of the French 
 Court to effect his release; the name and 
 fate of Capt. Huddy are only remembered 
 as .nmong the many instances of cruelty 
 incident to a state of war. And the wid- 
 ow and the children of that martyred 
 hero, have been left hitherto without the 
 least token of the gratitude of their coun- 
 try . 
 
 Your petitioner appeals to the .Justice 
 of Congress. Slie is now seventy years of 
 age: her mother is dead, and her sister 
 also ; she alone survives to feel anew the 
 horrors of that dreadful moment, when 
 she was told that she was fatherless, and 
 that her gallant sire m^t the death of 
 a malefactor; while his only crime wns 
 his ardent attachment to the cause of 
 American liberty. The gratitude of the 
 country has been long deferred, and 
 1 hough late, your petitioner asks, that in 
 common with the representatives of her 
 deceased sister, she may be allowed such 
 sum in moncv, and such quantities of land 
 as her father wouid h\ve been entitled to, 
 had he served unril the conclusion of the 
 revolutionary war. 
 
 She commits iier appeal to Congress in 
 the lull assurance that her claim will not 
 be disregarded. And as in duty bound, 
 i&c. Martha Piatt. 
 
 This petition was presented to Congress 
 December 21st, 1836, and referred to a 
 special convnittee, consisting of Mr. Storer, 
 ot Ohio; Mr. . Buchanan, of Penn.; Mr. 
 Hardan, of Ky. ; Mr. Elmore, ofS. C. ; and 
 Mr. Schenck, of N. J., in February follow- 
 iuL', reported a bill extenaing to the heii's 
 of Captain Huddy the benefits of existing 
 pension laws, the same as if he had been 
 in the regular army, and also granting 
 them six hundred acres of land, and also 
 paying the sum of twelve hundred dollars, 
 being the sum due Captain Huddy for 
 seven years' service as Captain of Artillery. 
 The report of this committee, adopted 
 by Congress Febiuary 14, 1837, is so ably 
 written, and contains such vivid pictures 
 
0\A> 'I [.\IK8 IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 of Old Monmouth during the war, and of 
 Captain Huddy's services and sacrifices 
 tiiHt it is well worth perusal and preserva- 
 tion, and we tlierefore append so much of 
 it as has not a' ready been quoted. 
 
 REPORT ADOPTED BY CONGRESS, 
 
 IN RELATION TO PETITION OF 
 
 MARTHA PIATT. 
 
 Huddy's services appreciated by Congress — 
 Graphic picture of affairs in Old Mon- 
 mouth ; — Is the nation grateful ? — Elo- 
 quent ext'acts. 
 
 Tlie memorialist is the only surviving 
 daughter of Captain Jushua Huddy of 
 New Jersey, who was a soldier of the war 
 of the revolution. Her father in 1776, 
 was an officer in the militia of his native 
 state, and in the autumn of 1777, was ap 
 pointed by the Legislature to command a 
 company of artillery, wlio were enlisted 
 for twelve months. In 1779. he was en- 
 gaged in the same duty ; and in 1781, the 
 people of Monmouth Couiity, having le- 
 oommeded him for the {)urpo.'e, he was se- 
 lected to command the post at Toms Riv- 
 er. While gallantly defedi.ing himself 
 against a superior force, he was there 
 taken prisoner in 1782. and reserved for 
 an ign minious death on the scaffold. 
 
 Tlie tours of duty thus detuiled, aro ex 
 tracted trom ofiici 1 records, as will ap- 
 pear by papfern attached to this report; 
 but the histoiy of the whole war 'n that 
 region, if it sliould be minutely described, 
 was a series of bold and haziudous efforts 
 to sustain the cause of liberty ; in all 
 which Capt. Huddy was eminently con- 
 spicuous. Brave, patriotic and persever- 
 ing, he perilled liis propel ty and his life 
 for his country, and at last perished in 
 her defence. 
 
 Perhaps the annals of ihe civilized 
 world do not present a more melancholy 
 spectacle than was exhibited in. New .Jer- 
 sey, while the British array, occupied tiie 
 city of New York. The people were all a 
 arms, their substance wasted by the enemy, 
 their farms unfilled their families, dispers- • 
 ed. In iiddition to the constant and har- 
 assing inroads of the Tiritisii, there was a 
 fhe within her very borders more watch- 
 ful and more relentless than the common 
 enemy. Traitors to American liberty filled 
 tlie land, willing to sacrifice their former 
 friends to gratify their malignant passions, 
 or to i)rove their loyalty to their King. — 
 These men combined together for the 
 avowed object of murder and plunder, | 
 
 were to be met at all points ; and it re- 
 quired the titmost energy, activity and ad- 
 dress to oppose them. Their movements 
 were sudden, and from their intimate 
 knowledge of the country their march was 
 often unknown until their object had been 
 effected. Hence, the most untiring vigi- 
 lance was required to counteract their 
 plans ; and Ccipt. Huddy became so zeal- 
 ously engaged as a partizan leader, that he 
 was more obnoxious to the tories that any 
 individual in the American service. To 
 tliese de.^perate men, it was then all im- 
 portant that one whcwii they so much 
 dreaded should be deprived of power toop- 
 pose them and no means were left unat- 
 tempted to effect their purDose. 
 
 (The report her^ proceeds to give an 
 account of Capt. Huddy's capture, impris- 
 onment and execution, which we have 
 given elsewhere, after which it says: ) 
 
 The documents which the committee 
 have annexed to the report, minutely de- 
 scribe the horrid tragedy, and they for- 
 bear to sta e here the incidents which are 
 there recorded in the language of eye wit 
 nesses. riiere is sometlimg so revolting 
 in the mode a brave soldier was doomed 
 to die: something sofiendlikein the haste 
 to saci ifice Iiiiu without tlie parting fare- 
 well of Ids friends and the consolations of 
 religion that no age hovvever barbarous 
 can furnish a stronger 'nslance of refined, 
 deliberate cruelty. Yet, even here, th? 
 devoted sulfeier sustained his high ret u- 
 tatioii for moral firmness and heroic devo- 
 tion to liberty. Mr. Randolph testifies tlint 
 when the refugees were taking the irons 
 fiom Capt. Huddy, to conduct liim to the 
 gallows, the brave man sai<l that be sh<^uld 
 die innocent, and in a good cause; and 
 with uncommon composure and fortitude, 
 prepared himself for his end.' And to use 
 the* language ot one who assisted at the 
 execution, 'he met his fate with all the 
 firmness of a lion.' His executioner was a 
 negro. 
 
 The immediate agent in this oeed of 
 blood, was Richard Lippencott, .a native 
 of New .Jersey, and then a Captain in the 
 British service ; he was the instrument qi 
 a board of assoiiated loyalfvts in New- 
 York, at the head of wliich was William 
 Franklin, once the royal Governor of New 
 Jersey, and Sampson S. Blown s, formerly 
 of Boston. Secretary. The members of 
 this board, after the murder had taken 
 place, endeavored for a time to deny that 
 they had directed it: but the evidence ad 
 duced on the trial of the perpetrator as 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 89 
 
 well as on the subsequent publications of 
 the loyalists themselves, abundantly prove 
 that without the courage to act them- 
 selves they had the baseness to authorize 
 th*' deed to be committed and the mean- 
 ness to attempt the concealment of their 
 privitv to its perpetration. 
 
 Immediately after the murdei', the peo- 
 ple of Monmouth assembled and address 
 ed to General Washington the spirit-stir- 
 ring and oloquent memorial which he 
 afterwards communicated to Congress, 
 with the memorable correspondence which 
 he held on the same subject with 8ir Hen- 
 ry Clinton. These documents the com- 
 mittee annex, and would recommend their 
 persual, not only as an authentic narra- 
 tive of facts, (which are buL ,ittle known 
 at the present day,) but as proud exam- 
 ples of the lofiy patriotism which distin- 
 guished the men of llie revolution. 
 
 (The committee here recite Washing- 
 ton's measures for retaii;ition, and the 
 action of the Congress of 1782, given else 
 where, and then continue as follows : j 
 
 It is painful to state that after a lapse 
 of fifty years, while the story of Asgill's cap- 
 tivity has been made the theme of the 
 biographer and poet, the memory of the 
 murdered Huddy h^s not been honored 
 with an epitaph. His country it would 
 seem, has outlived the recolleciion of his 
 services and forgotten that such a victim 
 was sacrificed for American liberty. The 
 resolution of Congr^ ss, isdopted on the day 
 subsequent to the discharge of Asgill, and 
 which required thai, '"the British com- 
 mander should be called to fulfil his engage 
 meni to make further inquisition into the 
 murder of Capt. Huddy and to pursue it 
 with all the effect that a due legard of 
 justice will admit," is yet unfulfilled and 
 unrequited; and the only memorial *on 
 the public journals of America, gratitude 
 for the services of the livii.g and the chai- 
 acter of the dead are resolutions of retalia- 
 tion — none of sympathy or condolence. 
 
 The committee in the consideration of the 
 case, cannot account for i he silence of an 
 Americ.m Congress u])on a claim Uke this 
 present which the history of the revolution 
 so amply established. It is true, his repre 
 seiilatives have made no appeal until they 
 ottered their memorial at this session, but 
 it is believed the principles of natural 
 justice are independent of all such agency. 
 If their modesty has hitherio deterred 
 them, it is at least the gratifyint; evidence 
 tliat there is an American family who have 
 forborne to remind the Legislature of the 
 
 nation of its high duties and are contend- 
 ed to await the judgment of their country- 
 men, however tardy raay have been its 
 annoucement. 
 
 The children of Captain Huddy were 
 both females, and were left at an early age 
 to their mother's protection. She strug- 
 gled as did the highsouled women of the 
 revolution with the ordinary vicissitudes 
 of war, and sustained himself by the pros- 
 pect of future independence. When her 
 gallant husband was in the field, she knew 
 he was engaged in a holy cause and pre- 
 jiared hei>elf for whatever result might 
 occur ; bus when she found that she was 
 left desoeate and the father of her children 
 '• had been cruelly and wantonly murdered, 
 she thenceforward lived but for them. — 
 ' These orphans after the return of peace 
 ] were married : one of them with her 
 mother is dead ; the survivor, who is the 
 memorialist, at the advanced age of seven 
 I ty years, now resides in the west and asks, 
 ere she joins those who have already de- 
 parted, that the sufferings of her lathei 
 might be remembered and tiis services, 
 ] even at this late day, requited by some 
 token of national gratitude. 
 
 As Captain Huddy was not in the regu- 
 lar army there is no one of the resolutions 
 of the old Congress that would include 
 i ^his case, were it a claim for military ser- 
 ', vice merely. But when it ,is considered 
 that he was actively engaged from 1776 
 until 1782 in a most hazardous and import- 
 ant dutj', at a time when ordinary zeal 
 would have become cold and ordinary 
 courage crushed, when they regard hisex- 
 j pose, his position and his untimely death, 
 ! the committee can not but conclude that 
 I the spirit of these resolutions should be 
 extended to your memorialist; and if 
 there is such an attribute as national grati- 
 tude, it should now be exerted. 
 -, The committee report the following res- 
 olutions for the consideration of the 
 House : 
 
 Resolved, That the Congress of the Unit- 
 ed States hold in high estimation and 
 grateful remembrance the servi(!e of Cap- 
 tain -Joshua Huddy, of New Jersey, in the 
 war of the revolution, and unites in the 
 opinion of the Continental Congress of 
 1782, that he was wantonly and inhuman- 
 ly sacrificed by the enemy while in the 
 heroic discharge of his duty. 
 
 Besolved, That in consideration of the 
 services rendered to his country by Cap- 
 t.iin Joshua Huddy, and in the perfor- 
 mance of which he was taken prisoner 
 
90 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 and afteawards executed for no other 
 crime than his devotion to liberty, it is 
 tlie duty of Congress to appropriate to liis 
 children tiie same sums they woul i havt- 
 received liad their hither been a conlinen- 
 t il officer and had continued in llje service 
 until ilie close of the war ; and the wii.-le 
 henetit of ttie I'esoluiions ot 8ept» mber 
 19ih, 1777, and August 24ih, 1780, be ex- 
 tended to them. 
 
 To carry which resolutions into effect, 
 your cominitlee report a bill. 
 
 (The substance of this bill has already 
 been given.) 
 
 CAPTAIN ASGILL AND HI^ COM- 
 PANIOJNS. 
 
 Humorous Account of a Serious Affair. 
 
 In speaking of casting lots among | 
 British officers for the puipose o\' retail i- j 
 lion for tije murder of Captain .Joshua ! 
 Huildy, extracts were quoted from British 
 writers who enUeavorfd to make <iut tliat [ 
 Captam AsgilTs compani(jns acted very ' 
 unselfishly and generously lowardo him, but 
 by the following extract il will be seen ; 
 that their conduct was tiothing to boast 
 of. It is from James Smith, one of lh>i i 
 authors of that celebiated woi k "Reject- 
 ed Address." Smith o.ca&iunally used lo 
 visit CoU)nel Greville, once a somewhat 
 noted ciiaracter in connection vvitli several 
 literary journals. Un one visit the Colonel 
 related ihe particulars ot what he term>-d 
 the most curious circumstance of .lis life. 
 He was taken prisoner iluiing the Ameri- 
 can Kevoluiion along with three other 
 officers of the same rank ; one evening 
 they were summoned into the presence of 
 General Washington, who announced to 
 them that the conduct of the British gov- 
 ernment in cotniemning one of his officers 
 (Cap'ain Hufldy) to death a- a rebel lom- 
 pelled him to make reprisals; ami that 
 much to his regiet he was unuer the ne- 
 neftsity oliequiring them to east lots with- 
 out delay, to decide which of them should 
 be hanged. They were then bowed out 
 and retuintd to their quarters. P'our sliji!- 
 of paper weie put into a hat and the short- 
 est was drawn by Captain Asgill. who ex- 
 claimed " 1 knew how ii would be, 1 never 
 won so much as a hit at backgiimmon in 
 my life." Greville said he then was se- 
 lected to set uv) with Captain A.-gill, under 
 pretext of cnmpani(.)nship, but in reality 
 to prevent Asgiil trom escaping and leav- 
 
 ing the honor of being har.g d lo be set- 
 tle<i between the reniaining tin eel 
 
 '"And whit," said Siiiitii, "d d ^ ou say 
 to c-'Uifort hui; ?" 
 
 '• Why I r. meinl)er saying to him, wiien 
 he left us, D — n ic, old fellow, nei'tr miiid ; " 
 but it may be doubled, added Smith, 
 whether Asgill drt w much comort Irom 
 the exhortation 
 
 This Colonel GrevilU was the one upon 
 whom Lo d Byron has coiiferre<i a not 
 very enviable noioriet} in the toJlowing 
 lines : 
 
 "Or lial at unee the patron and the [lile 
 
 Of vicu an I fi'llv, (irt-vilL- an 1 /irg\k-." 
 
 — Law Qiuirteili) Mjyazine London' 
 
 THE REMARKABLE TRIAL OF REV. 
 WILLIAM I'E.NWh-NT Full PERJUllY. 
 
 The remarkable trial of Rev. William 
 reiinent. of the old reiinent church, for 
 perjury, took [)Iace at I re litem in 1742 be- 
 fore Ciiief Ju tice Robei t Hunter Morris. 
 
 Tne indictment upon which Mr. reii- 
 nent was II ied was one of a series of in- 
 dictmenis all growing out ol the same tran- 
 saction — the alleged stealing ol a horse by 
 the Rev Ml. liowland ; and the iniiiv<dual 
 I who w^ s the cause ol all the w<jes and 
 perils whi h betel the unlortuiiate gentle- 
 men who Were supposed to be implicated, 
 was a no oiious si;oundit-l nailed lorn Bell, 
 I whose exploits would n^t suti' r l^y a com- 
 parison with thost- of Jonathan Wild or 
 • Jack SiK ppard. Hew s an iidepl in all 
 1 the arts ol fraud, ihelt, robbery and for 
 ! gery. But his chief amusement consisted 
 m travelling from on« part of the country 
 j o another |)ersonating ditferenl Individ. j- 
 j als and as>uming.a vanely ol chiraciei's. — 
 i t>y turns he was a sailor, a merchant, a 
 \ lawjer, a doctor, a preaciier, and su.-tained 
 eacli cha act< r in such a way for a lime as 
 to impose on the uublio. I'he late Jmlge 
 Richaid S. Field, in a p.ii>er e id before 
 t e N, J. Hisioii ai Soc.ety m 1851, re 
 viewing the reports of this remaiKable 
 irial, furnishetl qu te a list of tne misueeils 
 
 this villian. 
 , By far the most bill iant of all Tom 
 
 Bell'o achievements v as unquestionably 
 
 1 hat out of which grew the indicimiiil of 
 Rev. William Tennen! for peijury. 1 1 so 
 happened that Bell oore a striking le- 
 seinulance to the Rev. Mr. Rowland, a 
 populai- jiieaiher (t the day, and a triend 
 and as-ociate of Whu field anil the Teii- 
 neiits. 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 91 
 
 One fvt'iiinfr B.Il made hi- (ippearaiice i 
 at a tavern in P iiu-elon (lri's^e<l in a daik 
 irrey t:oat. lli" there met John SiocUtoii, | 
 b.,<(]., fyther (if Richard Stocktt-.n, a sijjinr j 
 of ilie l)fclaration o\' Inde^ enth.'nce, wiio 
 coming up to him a> one accosted liim as [ 
 the liev. Mr. Rowland and invited him to 
 Ills h use. Bell assured Inm that lie was 
 mistaken — thai his name was 'not Row- 
 land. Mr. Stockton acknowledj^ed ids 
 t-rrorand told him it pr ceedetl from the 
 verv close resenddance he hope to that 
 genlUman. This link was enough for Tom 
 Bell. It at once occurred to him that here 
 was a chance for phiying one of his tricks. 
 The Vf^rv next day he went into wli;it was 
 then the county of IJ ufiterdon and stopped 
 at a place where tlie Rev. Mr. Rowian<l 
 had occ sionally preached, hut wliere he 
 was not well kn iwn. Here he introduce d 
 liim>elf as Mr. Row'and, was invited to 
 the liouse i>\ ageiulcman in tlu neighlior 
 hood, and asked to preach on the fl low- 
 ing Sabhath. Fie coi .-enled to do so. and 
 notice to that ettect was accordlngis giv- ii. 
 When the day arrived lie acjompanied tlie 
 laihes to church in ih»^ faniiy wa<.on while 
 the master rode alongside, on a very fine 
 hoise. A* they app -ouclie i the chur.h, 
 Bell suddenly discovered that he had leli 
 his notes benird him and propo ed riding 
 back after them on the fine h rse. i his 
 was at once agree<i to and B II m mmed 
 tlif horse, rode back to the house, riflid 
 • lie desk of lii.i host nd took liis depart- 
 ure, leavin>i tlie assemided con-rt-g ition 
 to wonder wiia' had become of the Rev. 
 Mr. Rowland. 
 
 We UKiy imagine the sati-f iction which 
 Bell must have derived from this exploii. 
 Mr. Rowland was a noted pre ^cher ol great 
 punjzeniiy aiid pov\er, and thundered the 
 ttiiorsol the law again.-t ail iaipHiiilent 
 sinners. He wis caileil by the pro'essed 
 vvi s of the day '* JJel/ Fire liowlaiuW He 
 was literally a. tt-rior to evil doeis, and 
 therefore it may be [(resumed an object of 
 peculiar aveision to Tom liell. The idea 
 ilit-n of bringing such a man into disgracf 
 and at the .-■ame tune of pursuing his fa- 
 vorite occupation must have been doubly 
 pb-asing to him. 
 
 Rfv. Mr. Kowiuiid was at this tim^ ab- 
 sent Irom New Jersey. He had gone for 
 t he purpose ot preaching in Pennsylvania oi- 
 Mary hind in company vvitli Rev. Wm. 
 Teiinent and two pious laymen of the 
 county of Hunterdon by the names of 
 Jushu.i Andt r-on and Bt-nj''min Stevens, 
 membei's of a church coniigujus to the 
 
 one at whicliTotnBell proposed to officiate. 
 As soon as they returne<l Mr. Kovvladd 
 was cbaiged wilh tne lobbery of the hor-«e. 
 A I the next lerm of Oyer and Terminer for 
 Hunterdon county an indictment was pre- 
 fe red against him. 
 
 Great was th'^ excitement produced by 
 this event, owing in part to the peculiar 
 .-tate of the Colony at the time. Through 
 the labors of Mr. Whiifiehi and his as- 
 sociates, among whom were Me.ssrs. Ten- 
 neul and Rowland, a great revival of re- 
 ligion had taken ulace in the Pi evinces. 
 But there was a party in the Colony who 
 were very hcslilo to this religious move- 
 ment, who den 'unced its authors as fanat- 
 ics and enthusiasts, and some of whom did 
 not hesitate to braml ihem as hypocrites 
 and imposters. Conspicuous among this 
 par'y was the Chief Justice, Piobert H. 
 Morris, who what(^ver claim he may have 
 had to lesj) ct, was certainly not distin- 
 guished eiMier for religion or morality. 
 To such men this charge against Mr. Row- 
 land, one of til'- pieachei-^ who were turn- 
 iDii everything ujiside down, vvas ol course 
 Decision of great triumph and rejoicing, 
 and the most strenuous eti'ir's made to 
 procure his conviction. The grand jury 
 at first refu.-ed to find a bill aiiaiiist liim, 
 but they were reproved tiy the Court and 
 sent out again. Tiiey again returned with- 
 out an itidic: men t but the Court sent them 
 out a second lime with threats ot punish- 
 ment if they persislwd in iheir refusal, and 
 th^n tliey consented to find a true bill. 
 
 Thus Ml. Rowland was sulijected lo the 
 ignominy of a trial. A clear case was 
 made out on the part of the prosecution. 
 A large numlier of witnessts swore po.'=- 
 itively that he was the identical person 
 wiio hail c 'mmiiti'd the robbery. Un the 
 other hand, the defendants called as wit- 
 nesses, Me.Bsrs. Tenneni, Anderson and 
 Stevens, who testified that on the very 
 • ay on which the rot)bery vvas committed 
 they were in company with Mr. Rowland 
 at some pit ce in Pennsylvania or Ma-y- 
 'and, and. heaid him preach. An alibi 
 being thus clearly proved, the jury with- 
 out hesitation acquitted him. 
 
 But still the putdic mind was not satis- 
 fien. The person whose horse had been 
 stolen and whose house Iiad been robbed 
 was so convinced that Mr. Rowland was 
 th^ robber, and i-o many individuals had, 
 as thry supposed, seen him in [lossession 
 of the horse that it was resolved not to let 
 
 the matter drop. Messrs, rennent, An- 
 derson and Stevens weie tlierefure arraign- 
 
92 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 ed before the Court of- Quarter Sessions, of 
 Hunterdon, u}>on the charjie of having 
 swo-n falsely upon the trial of Mr. Row- 
 land, and indictments were found against 
 each of them for peijuiy. 'Iluse indict- 
 ments were all removed to the .Su{)ren)p 
 Court. Anderson, conscious of his inno- 
 ct nee and unvviliing to be under tiie im- 
 putation of such a Clime, den)anded his 
 trial at the next term of Oyer and 'iVinii- 
 ner. What evidence he offered in his de- 
 fence does not appear, but he was con- 
 victed and condemned to stand one hour 
 on the Court House steps with a paper on 
 his breast whereon was written in large 
 letters, " This is for loilful and corrupt per- 
 jury."' Thetiials ofTennent and Sttn'ens 
 were postponed. 
 
 Ttnnent, we are told, being entirely un- 
 used to legal matters and knowing no per- 
 son by whom he could i»rove his inno- 
 cence, had no other resource but to sub- 
 mit himself to Divine will, and thinking 
 it not unlikely that he might be convicted, 
 had prepared a sermon to preach from the 
 pillory. True he employed Mr. John 
 Coxe, an eminent lawyer of the Province 
 to assist, and when he arrived at Trentftn 
 he found that William Smith one of the 
 most distinguished members of the New 
 York bar, who had voluntarily attended 
 on his belialf ; and Mr. Tennent's brother 
 Gilbert who was then pastor, of a church 
 in Philadelphia, had brought with him Mr. 
 .lohn Kinsey, an eminent lawyer of that 
 city, to aid in his defence. But what could 
 they do without evidence? When Mr. 
 Teiinent was desired by his counsel to call 
 on his witnesses that they might examine 
 them before going into Cour(, he declared 
 he knew no witnesses but God and his 
 conscience. His counsel assured him, that 
 however well founded this confidence 
 might be, and however important before a 
 ln-avenly tribunal, it would not avail him 
 in an earthly court. And they therefore 
 urged thai an application should be madf 
 to postpone the trial. But this he would 
 by no means consent to. They then in- 
 formed him they had discovered a flaw in 
 the indictment and proposed that advan- 
 tage should be taken of it. (Mr. Stevens 
 took advantage of this flaw and was clear 
 ed ) Mr. Tennent resisted with great ve- 
 hemence sf.ying it was another snare of 
 the devil, and before he would consent to 
 it he would suffer death. In the mean- 
 time the bell summoned them to theCourt. 
 While on the way to the Court House Mr. 
 Tennent is said to have met a man and 
 
 his wife who stopped and asked if his 
 name was Tennent. He said it was and 
 begged to know if they had any business 
 wiih him. They replied '' You know best." 
 They then ini'ormed him that they re- 
 sided in a certain j/lace in Pennsylvania 
 or Maryland, and that upon one occasion 
 he in company witti Itowland, Anderson 
 and Stevens, had lodged at their house: 
 that on the following day they had heard 
 him and fiowland preach : that some nights 
 before they lelt home, they had each of 
 them dreamed that Mr. Tennent was at 
 Tienlon in the greatest possilile distress, 
 and that it was in theii power, and in theirs 
 alone to relieve him ; tnat ihis dream was 
 twice repealed and in preci-ely the same 
 manner to each of them, and that it made 
 so derp an impression o i their minds that 
 they had at once set off upon a journey to 
 Trenton, and were there to know of him 
 what thev were to do. Mr. Tennent hand- 
 ed them over to his counsel, who to their 
 astonishment found that their testimony 
 was entirely satisfactory. Soon after, Mr. 
 .lolin Stockton, who mistook Tom Bell for 
 Rev. Mr. Rowland, a!f.o appeared and was 
 examined as a witness for Mr. 'fennent. 
 In short the evidence was so clear and con- 
 clusive, that notwithstanding the most 
 strenuous exertion of the Attorney Gen- 
 eral to procure a conviction, the jury with- 
 out hesitation acquitted Mr. Tennent. 
 
 MEMBERS OF THE NEW JERSEY 
 
 PROVINCIAF. ASSE.MBLY FliO.M 
 
 MONMOUTH COUNTY. 
 
 Fkom their First Session began November 
 
 10th, 1703, AT Perth Ambov, to the 
 
 Revolution. 
 
 In the list of members of the Assembly, 
 or " fiouse of Representatives of the Prpv- 
 ince of Nova Cesarea or New .Jersey," from 
 1703 to 1709, during which time there 
 were four sessions, the names of the coun- 
 ties to which they severally belonged are 
 not given. The records simply mention 
 that they are from East or West Jersey as 
 the case may be. Among the members 
 from East Jersey it is probable that the 
 following are from Monmouth County : 
 
 1st Assenilily, 1703, Obndiuh Bowiic, Uich'il Uartshorne, 
 n .„^, j Ricliurd Iliirtsl'orne. .lolin Bowne. 
 
 '^" ^'"*'1 Iliclinnl Salter, OI>adiiiIi Bowne. 
 
 ,_-,_ J .John BowiiC, William Lawrence, 
 •*•' ' '^"''tLH wis Morris. 
 
 4tli " 1708-9, Gorshom Mott, Rlislia Lawrence. 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 93 
 
 Tm- 
 
 
 lAftjerithisi'Sessi'Oia' th^ nana^sn of. the 
 counties to ^^hicb the imembers belonged' 
 
 are. giveui. ; 
 
 5tb AiseniWy, 1709. Elieh<t Lawrence, Gershom Mott. 
 6th., 1 i"; ,1710, (3ers)iora Mutt, WiHiitm Lawrence. 
 7th .. " 1716, WilliMni Lawrence, ElisliaLawreuce. 
 
 8th" '^ 1T21, William Lawrence, Garret Schenck.' 
 9th,.' !' 1727, John Eaton, .James Grover. . •■ •, 
 
 10th •. " 1730, John Eaton, James Grover. . , . , 
 
 11th, "■ ■ 1738, John Eaton, Cornelius Vandervere. , 
 12th' " '<'> V740, John Eaton, Cornelius Vandervtre. 
 13tlii ' .!!',..ii')17.43, John Entou, Robert Lawrence.; 
 14th " " 1744, Joliii Eaton, K^-'liert Lawrence. 
 15tli' ' ' '• ' ' ' iVUS, John Eaton, Rol.ei-t Lawrenfe."'-" '"' 
 lekhii' '.' Mnl746, John Katon, Robert LnwroBcei> ^f/i 
 17th '.' \ ,|, 1749, John Eaton, Robert Lawrence. 
 18th' ," ' 't751, Robert Lawrence, James Holmes. ., 
 19th' i *' i!l I1764, Robert Lawrence, Jamos Ilohhes.' ' 
 20^h " 1761, James Holmef,* lUcharu Lawrence. 
 
 21st " 1769, Robert IIartsli..rne, Edward Taylor. 
 
 23d " 1772, Ed-ward Taylor Richard Lawrence. 
 
 Robert Lawrence was speaker of the As- 
 sembly in 1746-7, and again fr6m 1754- 
 1758. . . I'll! ,r.nir<i 
 
 TtiE pROtlNCIAIj CoN'GRiSS 'Oi*' NeW -JERSE^. 
 
 The delejiates appointed by ih^ peyeral, 
 counties to take action in rejrard |to th^. 
 tyrannical acts of Great Britain, assemble^, 
 at New Brunswick, July 21vt, 1774, an<l 
 continued in s'^ssion thteedays.: Sevpnty- 
 two delegates were present. The fallowing 
 had been elected from Monmouth c-'>unfy 
 by a meeting held at Freehold C'pMilt, 
 House, Juiy 19th, viz: iijil 
 
 Edward Taylor, John Anderson, John Taylor. ' 
 James Grover, John Lawrence, Dr. Nath'l Scudder. 
 .Fohn Burrowes, Joseph Holmes, .Josiali Holmes ' 
 Edward Williams. 
 
 Edward Tsykr was appointed chairman 
 of thf delegation. Tlje Provincial Con- 
 gress elected feiephen Crane, of Essex, 
 Cliairman, and Jonathian D. Sargent, of 
 Somerset, clerk. . Resolutions were passed 
 similar in charactei' to those adopted by 
 the Monmoutii meeting, recently publish- 
 ed. 
 
 * James Holmes died and! Johni-.iAiirjdjer 
 soDi was chosen in his planeaioo oi miinAl 
 
 ii'Mi' — »_i_^;.>'('i 'If) *'i-^iiFiH>l')i 
 
 WASHINGTON AND LEE 1t' l"UE' 
 
 • ■ BATTLE O'f MONMOUlii, '' ' ' 
 
 ■ :■.; ■ ■■. , ; ■ • , : . ■ : ! ., i ^ • / i" • 1 1; >i: (ill 
 
 In the^bstttle of 'MoriWtiuV'h^hWn Ma'- 
 jor General Charles' Lee' htld v^i'jf ' h'^arfy 
 lost the dAy by ordering a retreat, it is' Ve 
 lated by Irving 'that WfishiiVgtbn '" gal 
 loped forward to stop the retreat, his in- 
 dignation kindling as l)e rode." "The 
 commander-in-chief soon encounterediLae 
 apjiroaching with the body of his? com- 
 mand in full retreat." "By this time" 
 says Irving he was thoroughly exaspera- 
 ted. 
 
 " What is the meaning of this sir? ' de»d 
 manded he, in the st(rne.st and evefa 
 fiercest tone as Lee rode up to him. Le¥, 
 stung by the manner more than by the > 
 words of demand, made an angry reply and 
 provoked still sharper expressions which;- 
 are variously vepoited., 7/ ./:!.' 
 
 The "yariotisly reported " expressions 
 are the swearing, iqoncerning' the quality 
 of 'which all the great historians inclu- , 
 di^^gjlryingare^ilept^,.^ l,o)i;r.q...x-. oa e-i^v/ 
 
 Oil ^;d iwii^T LA'FkYiiTTE sAli) ^'c^^' ■/"•"''* sJfl 
 
 I iioioi / n; . ,11 : - , , , '^.1 i;; J'ffj. •I'^l! 
 
 B^t, -t^e, Marquis. deLafayettej/VYh,en.j;ej;.'^ 
 latjng .the circumstance toGovernor Tom.p-v 
 kins, Qf New York, in 1824, said that ' thi§. , 
 wap., th,e only Vme .1 ,(jver , hieiud Genej:;.^!,, 
 Ws^ghingtoj); 3wea^', . Hie called Lee a,; 
 dqrr).7ied .pclffocm, and ;;W^as. in ft towering, 
 rf:ge. AiPPthpr w'itDes>|Said that Washiog-ij 
 ton. cried to Lj^e "in tj^ie devil's namj}, s^ij, j 
 go. back, to tl^e, front, or go to hell.'j j , ; ,,, , ,,., 
 
 '1 '^ A' 'Profane ViiiGiNrAiN's VfiHsiioj^. "''' '•'' 
 
 ■(;').-, iiii,- l.i'ii ■'; /■-■-■;■;; ; /:MI jji'VrtC'jl'. 
 
 The late Gen^riil Charles Scott., of TJ?;v , 
 ginia, wlio had himself a most inveterate 
 habit of swearing, being asked, after the 
 Revolutionary war, whether it was possi- 
 ble that thebe.lojvedi and admired Wash- 
 ington 6ver;8w'(brb^ii;eiplied ih ihifi; dhiinitJa-!;! 
 lalewaiy;: -..V/ h-a-i..-.' - i ' - !■ ;•.,l■ 
 
 ^' Yes sir, he did.once. It was at Mon- 
 mouth and on a dayr that • would luive 
 made;any man swear.' Yes sir, he svRore 
 that day Till the leaves shook in the trees^u 
 charming, delightful. Never have I enjoyed 
 such '.sweaiing. befoi*e or since. Sir, on:. 
 that memorable, day l^e s,wore,'Jikeian.aHriJ 
 gel from heaven. I" .;, ,iij i. : ■ i •1 ':'.■,- 1'*/ 
 The foregoing would seem to . justifjfi! 
 General Lee's statement on his Court Marl"; 
 tial trial, that he was ," discQccerted, ast.j 
 tonished and confounded','; b.y . IW asjbttingr, , 
 ton's.^ordiS^eaid manner; ,;■ -ili 1:^ lijuri 
 
 I ^' '^#^^MV'-'Atichtri},t'6'i-!'rii^^]«MVi'f •'"'/' 
 
 , - fno>; :.'(!!■,: .1 ^-iil; ■.'■, -.: 'iini.siis 'jill 
 ' -Says Weems, in his life of Washington;;// 
 
 ■" As' Washington was advancing, to hja- 
 infijiitte aStOnisliment he met L«e retreaW/ 
 ing »n<J the en?my pursuing. Wr. >\ 
 
 I } Fov; God's sake,, General Z^ee,' Baid Wash-J 
 ingtoij, in gveAt warmth, Myhat ip tiie;; 
 ca\i;se of this ill tiniQd prujJence?' j "kIi. 
 
 ' No' man sir,' replied Lee, ' Oan boastj.Ari 
 larj^f r poj'tion of tha.t rascaillyi virtue ftfcan-; 
 your Excellency. f ;;: ; il • 1 ir- f, ,;!,[--)'i 
 J D/trtiflg a,lGngf]jJ<e; a madmeun,! Washing-/; 
 ton rode up to his. troops, who at sight of 1 
 Mm rent the air with "God save gre:tt' 
 Washineton." 
 
94 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 '' My brave fellows can you tight?" said 
 he. 
 
 They answered with three cheers. 
 
 " Then face about, my heroes, and 
 chaj'ge !" 
 
 This order was executed with infinite 
 spirit. 
 
 Rev. C. W. Upham's Account. 
 
 Upham in his life of Washington says : 
 
 " When General Washington met Lee 
 retreating at the battle of Monmouth he 
 was so exasperated as to lose control of 
 his feelings for a moment and in his an- 
 ger and indignation burst forth in violent 
 expressions of language and manner. — 
 Very harsh words were exchanged be- 
 tween him and Lee and a sharp corres 
 pondence ensued, which resulted in Was.h- 
 ington's putting Lee under arrest. He 
 was tried by Court Martial, convicted of 
 disobedience of orders, of misbehavior be- 
 fore the enemy in making an unnecessa- 
 ry and disorderly retreat, and of disrespect 
 to the Commander-in-Chief in the lettei^s 
 subsequently addressed to hun and sen- 
 tenced to be suspended for one year," 
 
 Ax Old Citizen of Monmouth tells the 
 Stohv. 
 
 The late Dr. Samuel Forman, whose 
 father, David Forman and P.^ter Wikoff, 
 acted as guides to General Washington, 
 trave in 1842 the following version of what 
 transpired on this memorable occasion. 
 
 " The action commenced in the morn- 
 ing after breakfast, in the vicinity of Briar 
 Hill, distant a half or three quarters of a 
 mile beyond the Court House. From 
 thence the Americar^s under Lee slowly 
 retreated before the enemy ab ut three 
 miles to the vicinity of the Parsonage, 
 where a final stand was made and the 
 principal action fought. Here Washing- 
 ton met Lee in the field immediately 
 north of the dwelling, and ri(>ing up to 
 him, with astonishment asked "What is 
 the meaning of this?" Lee being some- 
 what confused and not distinctly under- 
 standing the question, replied : '' Sir ! sir !" 
 Washington the second time said "What 
 IS all that confusion for and retreat?" — 
 Lee replied " He saw no confusion but 
 arose from his orders -not being properly 
 obeyed." Washington mentioned that " he 
 had certain information that it was but a 
 strong covering party of the enemy." Lee 
 replied that " It might be .so, but they 
 were rather stronger tlian he was and that 
 lie did rot think it proper lo risk so 
 piMohi " or word- to that (^H'ect. W^'sll1^g- 
 
 ton said " You should not have underta- 
 ken it," and passed by him. Shortly after 
 Wa:shington again met him and asked " if 
 he would take command there ; if not, he 
 (Washington) would; if General Lee 
 would take command there, he would re- 
 turn to the main army and arrange it." — 
 Lee replied that *' nis Exellency had be- 
 fore given him the command there." — 
 Washington told him he expected he 
 would take proper measures for checking 
 the enemy there. Lee replied that iiis or- 
 ders should be obeyed and that he would 
 not be the first to leave the field ; and 
 Washington then rode away. Immediate 
 ly after this General Hamilton, in a great 
 heat, rode up to Lee and said " I will stay 
 here with you, my dear General, and die 
 with you; let us all die here rather than retreat.'' 
 
 Other Historians. 
 
 Marshall, Bancroft and Sparks in their 
 lives of Washington merely s'ate in sub- 
 stance that " Washington spoke in ternis 
 of warmth, implying disippiobation of 
 Lee's conduct." 
 
 Mr. George H. Moore, librarian of the 
 New York Historical Society published in 
 1860 a small volume entitled •' The Trea- 
 son of Charles Lee, &c " which gives some 
 important facts in General Lee's career to 
 which we shall endeavor to refer hereaft- 
 er, but his work sto))s snort of the battle 
 .)f Monmoutii. 
 
 Gen. Washington rarely used profane 
 language, but. there is no doubt that he 
 did on this occasion, being exasperated at 
 Lee's conduct, which gave suspicion of 
 treachery. The charge of treason against 
 l,ee we shall endeavor to examine here- 
 after. 
 
 Our older readers remember the story 
 of the College Divinity Professor wlio al- 
 ways held up Washington as a model for 
 ills })Ui)iis in all tilings. One day he was 
 laboring to convince his scholars of- the 
 wickedness of profanity when one ot them 
 loseuD and said ; " Professor yi;u told us 
 to take Washington as an example in all 
 things and you know he swore terribly at 
 the battle of Monmouth." The Professor 
 WIS nonplussed, but finally stammered 
 '• Ahem? ah, well — if ever any body did 
 liave an excuse for swearing it was Wash- 
 ineton at the battle of Monmouth ! 
 General Lee's Own Version. 
 
 General Lee, in his defence before the 
 ('curt Martial, said : 
 
 " When I arrived first in hi-; (Washing- 
 ton's) ijr^^seuce, oonsoiou-^ (•(' having doiie 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 95 
 
 nothing which could draw ®n me the least 
 censure, but rather flattering myself with 
 his congratulation and applause. I confess 
 J was disconcerted, astonished and con 
 founded by the words and manner in 
 which bis Exellency accosted me. It was 
 so novel and unexpected from a man 
 whose discretion, humanity and decorum 
 I had from the first of our acquaintance 
 stood in admirauon of, that I was for some 
 time unable to make any coherent answer 
 to questions so abrupt and in agreat meas- 
 ure unintelligible. The terms I think 
 were these: ' I desire to know, sir, what 
 is the reason wiience arises this disorder 
 and confusion V" The manner in which he 
 expre.'sed them was much stronger und 
 more severe than the expressioiis them- 
 selves. When I recovered myself sufS- 
 ciently I answered that I saw or knew of 
 no confusion but which naturally arose 
 from disobedience of orders, contradictory 
 intelligence and the impertinence and pre- 
 suni]»tion of individuals who were invest- 
 ed with no authority, intruding themselves 
 in matters above their sphere ; That the re- 
 treat in the first instance uas contrary to my or- 
 ders and wishes. 
 
 Washington replied all this might be 
 true but he ought not have undertaken 
 the enterprise unless he intended to go 
 through with it." 
 
 EPLSCOPALlANlfsM IN OLD MON- 
 MOUTH. 
 
 Freehold. Middletown, Shrewsbury, Staf 
 ford, &c. Missionary Efforts from 1745 to 
 to 1751. Freehold Presbyterians and 
 Episcopalians — Strife in Good Works. — 
 Heathens (?) in the Pines. Rogerine 
 Baptists, &.G. 
 
 The following account of the missionary 
 efforts of Rev. Thomas Thompson in old 
 Monmouth, some cenliuy and a quarter 
 ago is worthy of preservation by all inter- 
 ested in the early religious history of the 
 county. We have seen it stated that but 
 two copies of Mr. Thompson's work were 
 to be found in America, one in the Con- 
 necticut Historical library and the other in 
 the Astor library at New York. In our 
 visits to the latter library in past years we 
 have been surprised to see the value pi .ced 
 upon this little old fashioned book by peo- 
 ple versed in the history of olden times in 
 Ameiica, and it is almost as well known 
 among them as Gabriel Thomas' History 
 of West Jersey, &c., published 1698, of 
 which the only known copy of the original 
 
 edition is in the Franklin Library, Phila- 
 delphia, a copy of which we hope to find 
 room for, before concluding these sketches. 
 Lately another copy of Mr. Thompson's 
 little book was discovered in an Episcopal 
 library in South Carolina, and placed in 
 the Congressional Library, at Washing- 
 ton. 
 
 In Mr. Thompson's account of his visit 
 it will be noticed that he sj^eaks disparag 
 ingly of the early settlers in the lower part 
 of the county. His zeal for the tenets of 
 this society by which he was employed, 
 seems to have led him to make animadver- 
 sions against the people there, which it 
 would appear were not entirely deserved 
 according to the testimony of ministers of 
 other denominations, which we may give 
 hereafter in sketches of the early history 
 of other societies. It will be noticed that 
 while he accuses them of great ignorance, 
 yet he acknowledges having many con- 
 ferences and disputes on religious topics 
 with them, which shows that they were 
 considerably posted in scriptural matters, 
 but undoubtedly opposed to the Church of 
 England. 
 
 Mr, Thompson's little work gives an ac- 
 count of his visi*^ to Monmouth and also to 
 Africa. We give all that relates to Old 
 Monmouth. His remarks about heathen- 
 ism in the pines is rather severe, when it 
 is remembered that it was made after his 
 visit to the negroes in Guinea, Africa. The 
 society he terms "Culvers" were Rogerine 
 Baptists, who were located some eleven 
 years at Waretown, Ocean county, and 
 then left and went to Schooley's Moun- 
 tains. 
 
 An Account of the Missionarv Voyages by 
 
 the Appointment of the Society for 
 
 the Propagation of the Gospel in 
 
 foreign parts. The one to New 
 
 Jersey in North America, 
 
 and then from Amer 
 
 ica, to the coast 
 
 of Guiney. 
 
 By Rev. Thomas Thompson, A. M., Vicar 
 
 OF Reculver, in Kent. 
 London ; printed for Benj. Dod at the 
 Bible and Key, in Ave Mary* Lane, 
 near St. Pauls. 
 MDCCLVIII. 
 In the spring ot the year 1745 I embarked 
 for America, being appointed Missionary 
 of the Society for the Propagation of the 
 Gospel in Foreign Parts upon recommen- 
 dation of my Reverend Tutor Dr. Thomas 
 Cartwright, late Archdeacon of Colchester 
 
96 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 and a member of the Society, myself then 
 a Fellow of Christ's College Cambridge. 
 I went in a ship called the Albany, belong- 
 ing to New York which sailed from Graves- 
 end on the 8th day of May and providen- 
 tially escaping some inst'^nt dangers on the 
 passage, arrived at New York on the 29th 
 of August. The Sunday following I preach- 
 ed both Morning and Afternoon at the 
 Episcopal Church in that citv. whereof the 
 Eeverend Mr. Commissary Vesey had then 
 been rector more than forty years. On the 
 next Sunday I passed over to Elizabeth- 
 town in New Jersey on piy journey to 
 Monmouth County in the Eastern Division 
 where I was appointed to reside and have 
 the care of Churches in that county, being 
 also licensed thereto by the Right Rev- 
 erend the late Lord Bishop of London. 
 
 Being come to the place of my mission 
 I presented my credentials and was kindly 
 received and took the first opportunity of 
 waiting upon the governor Lewis Morris 
 Esq., at his seat at Kingsburg wiiich is in 
 the Western Division, and took the oath 
 of allegiance and supremacy and also the 
 abjuration oath and subscribed the Declara- 
 tion in presence of his Excellency. 
 
 Upon making inquiry into the state of 
 the churches within my District. 1 found 
 that the members were much disturbed 
 and in a very unsettled state, insomuch, 
 that some of them had thoughts of leaving 
 our communion and turning to the Dis 
 senters. The particular occasion of ttiis I 
 forbear to mention. 
 
 As I came to gather more information, 
 it presented to me, that many of those who 
 frequented the Church worship never had 
 been baptized ; .some heads of families and 
 several others of adult age, besides a num- 
 ber of young children and Infants. 
 
 1 perceived that it was not altogether 
 neglect, but there was something of princi 
 pie in the cause, that so many persons had 
 not received the sacred ordinance of bap 
 tism and others did not procure it to their 
 ciiildren. That part of the country abound- 
 ing in Quakers and Anabaptists, tlie inter- 
 course with these sects was of so bad in- 
 fluence, as had produced among tlie Church 
 people thus conforming with their teiiets 
 and example. However the main fault 
 was rather carelessness of the baptism and 
 a great deal was owing to prejudice res- 
 pecting the matter of god fathers and god 
 mothers. 
 
 I seriously declare that the reconciling 
 this order of the Church to the minds of 
 people in the American colonies, is of more 
 
 difficulty and trouble to the Missionary 
 than almost all their work and business 
 besides. And I am well assured that many 
 nf the Sectaries dislike nothing in the 
 Church so ciuch as that; and some I am 
 apt to think, do stand out from our Com- 
 munion purely upon that account and for 
 no other reairon. 
 
 I had many tedious arguments with my 
 people upon this head. I also made it the 
 subject of some of my discourses in the 
 pulpit, till by one means or other, I nt 
 length brought them to a better under- 
 standing thereof and to be in a good de- 
 gree satiii-fied with it. 
 
 After sometime they began to bring their 
 children to Baptism, and when some had 
 led the way, the rest followed, and pre- 
 sen ted those of their children which were 
 under years of maturity, to be received in- 
 to the Church and I christened thirteen 
 in one day. After this it went on regular- 
 ly. Parents had their children baptized as 
 soon after they were born as conveniently 
 could be done and one whole family, the 
 man (whose name was Joseph West) his 
 wife and nine children were baptized all 
 at one time. 
 
 By frequent exhortations to the elder 
 sort c.nd often calling upon them to con- 
 sider how they deferred a thing of that 
 consequence to their salvation. I prtvail- 
 ed with many to take upon themselves the 
 baptismal engagement, to whom 1 gave all 
 necessary instiuction both to inform their 
 understanding and prepare their minds 
 thereto. 
 
 The Churches which 1 served were well 
 filled every Sunday and divers families that 
 lived out of the county came to 3ivine 
 service from several miles distance and 
 were very constant devout attendants. — 
 Besides these some of the Dutch Church 
 often made a considerable addition to the 
 number of my hearers. 
 
 I had three churches immediately in my 
 charge, each of them situated in a ditl'er- 
 ent township, which had regular duty in 
 such proportion as were agreed upon and 
 subscribed to at a general vestry meeting 
 soon after my coming there. The names 
 of the townships ai'e F'reehold, Shrewsbury 
 and Middletown. I also officiated at Allen- 
 town in Upper Freehold while that church 
 was destitute of a minister, which was af- 
 terwards supplied by Mr. Michael lloudin, 
 a convert from the Church of Rome, and 
 a worthy clergyman, now the Society's 
 missionary. Tluse four townships com 
 prised the whole county althcntgli 40 or 50 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH, 
 
 97 
 
 miles in length and in some parts of it con- 
 siderably wide. 1 also did occasional duty 
 at other places as will be farther men- 
 tioned. 
 
 'iliis mission to Monmouth County had 
 been very eaily recommended to the So 
 ciety but was not presently established. 
 Dr. Humphrey's in his Historical account 
 makes mention '' that Colonel Morris, a 
 genllemaii of character and considerable 
 interest in New J(rsey (the same who was 
 afterwards governor of the province) did 
 in a letter in the year 1703 very earnestly 
 solicit Dr. Beveridge (late Bishop of St. 
 Asaph, a member of the Society) to send 
 a missionary to Mun mouth county in East 
 •Jersey where a considerable body of ( hurch 
 people had formed themselves into a gath 
 ered church and had promisea all the belp 
 their narrow circumstances could afford 
 their minister. The Society were noi then 
 able to support a missionary there, but the 
 Reverend Alexander Innis, hapjiening to 
 be in those parts took the care of that peo- 
 ple upon him. After a worLiiy discharge 
 of his functions he died ;" and by his last 
 will and testament appointed ten acres oi 
 land lying in Middletown to the service of 
 God, whicli is the ground whereon the 
 church now stands. Since that Mr. Wil- 
 liam Leeds became a benefactor to the 
 church by making over his house and plan- 
 tation to the society for the use and habi- 
 tation of a missijuarv to be appointed to 
 preach the gospel to the inhabitants of 
 Middletown and Shrewsbury. 
 
 As to the church buildings I have found 
 them all much out of condition, especially 
 the church at Middletown, which was be- 
 gun to be built, but the year before I came 
 there, and had nothing done on the inside, 
 not even a floor laid. So that we had no 
 place for the present to assemble in Divine 
 worship, only an old house which had 
 formerly been a meeting house 
 
 I had now a great and very diflBoult task 
 of it to bring people to the communion. 
 They that were conformable to this sacred 
 ordinance were in very small numbers. 
 Many persons of 50 or 60 years of age and 
 .someolder had never addressed themselves 
 to it. In this case it appeared to me that 
 their will was less in fault than their judg- 
 ment, which hung so much on the side of 
 fear, that it overbalanced the sense of du- 
 ty. 1 took all possible pains to satisfy their 
 scruples, gave them frequent opportiini- 
 ties of the communion, ami by the blessing 
 of God gained most of the ancient people, 
 
 besides many others, who gave due and de- 
 vout attention to it ever after. 
 
 That i might lay a good foundation for 
 the children and build them up in sound 
 christian principles I began to catechize ; 
 at first onlv asking questions in the Church 
 catechism, but after a while I changed the 
 method with them, so as still to keep the 
 words of the catechism but raised other 
 questions to the several clauses and mat- 
 ters contained therein to trv what they un- 
 derstood of it ; and by this means led them 
 further into the sense and meaning of every 
 part of it. 
 
 The number of my catechumens began 
 now to increase and several of riper years 
 presented themse'lves with a teeming ear- 
 nestness to receive the benefit of this in- 
 struction. So I carried it further and put 
 Lewis' Exposition into their hands and ap- 
 pointed them a day about once a month to 
 come to the Court House and say the parts 
 which I Set them to get by heart, and this 
 course I continued till some of them could 
 recite it from end to end. 
 
 There were others willing and desirous 
 to be put forward in the way of godly, 
 knowledge who had not so good memories. 
 To these 1 propounded two or three ques- 
 tions at a time upon some point of doc 
 trine which ihey were to prepare them- 
 selves to answer the next meeting and to 
 have the Scripture proofs written down to 
 be then also produced. To this they ap- 
 23lied themselves with great industry and 
 gave extraordinarv instances of their good 
 understanding as well as diligence. 
 
 When the others had no more of Lewis's 
 catechism to learn 1 made them repeat the 
 Thirty Nine Articles of religion and then 
 taught them to divide these into questions 
 and answers, and they gave me in month- 
 ly the texts they had collected in proof of 
 them. 
 
 In the interim I was not unconcerned 
 for the poor negroes who wanted enlight- 
 ening more than any, and therefore sjjake 
 to their Masters and Mistresses to be at 
 the pains to teach them the Catechism. 
 And thus was taken good care of in some 
 pious families and I catechized them in the 
 Church a certain Sunday, and sometimes 
 at home and after due instruction, those 
 whom I had good assurance of I received 
 to baptism, and such afterwards as be- 
 haved well I admitted to the communion. 
 
 Speaking here of negroes I will mention 
 the case of one in whom it pleased God to 
 give an example of his influencing favor 
 under circumstances of a condemned crim- 
 
98 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 inal. This man was a servant at a place 
 called Crosswicks, to a Quaker and had 
 been convicted of a rape. He after his ap- 
 prehension, and also at his trial did seem 
 to be a very hardened wretch. According 
 to the strictness of the laws, a negro is to 
 be executed immediately after sentence; 
 but the Judges were pleased to be so far 
 favorable as to allow him the space of a 
 fortnight to be prepared for death ; which 
 Christian indulgence gave me an opportu- 
 nity to perform those offices to him which 
 by the blessing of God and with the assist- 
 ance of a neighboring clergyman, worked 
 upon him by degrees, and at length brought 
 him to a true repentance. For some time 
 he held in a very obstinate temper, but 
 when it begun that I could get anything 
 from him, I found he was not wholly ig- 
 norant in the principles of Christianity ; 
 and as he became more disposed to seri- 
 ousness, bis readiness of apprehension and 
 ajitness to learn made it easy to supply to 
 him the further knowledge of religion, 
 which, if he had considered sooner, might 
 have prevented his coming to that untime- 
 ly end. (^ne particular in my dealing with 
 him I shall speak of, as it may suggest a 
 useful hint to those whose office may call 
 them upon a like occasion and which prac- 
 tice I can from other experience recom- 
 mend. 
 
 I took out of the Psalms such verses as 
 are proper to a penitent sinner; which I 
 made him repeat verse by verse after me, 
 every now and then bidding him raise up 
 his mind and thoughts to Heaven and con- 
 sider that Ne was speaking to Almighty 
 God. By this means putting the best words 
 of devotioiv into his mouth, the most per- 
 tinent to his use; also holding up his at- 
 tention ; calling him to awe and reverence 
 the poo»" criminal was drawn out into a 
 sort of involuntary confession of his guilt 
 and the sense of his soul soon correspond- 
 ed with what his tongue uttered and he 
 felt in himself, those affections which 
 worked duly and properly after they had 
 thus been excited. Being thorousihly in- 
 structed and grounded in tbe christian 
 faith and there being no room to doubt the 
 sincerity of his repentance, tlu'ee days be- 
 fore his execution 1 baptized him and on 
 that day gave him the communion. 
 
 In the year 1746 tbe Churcii at Middle- 
 town which had stood useless, being, as 
 I have before mentioned, only a shell of a 
 building, had now a floor laid and was oth- 
 erwise made fit to have divine worship per- 
 i'ormed in it. The congregation of this 
 
 church was but small and as the service 
 could not be nftener than once a month, 
 it was morally impossible to increase the 
 number much, especially as there was a 
 weekly meeting of Anabaptists in that 
 town, so that it was the most I covdd pro- 
 pose to prevent those that were of the 
 church from being drawn away by dissent- 
 ers. 
 
 After necessity had been answered its de- 
 mand in the fitting up of one church, ex- 
 pediency came next to be consulted for the 
 finishing another, viz; : St. Peters in the 
 township of Freehold, which had been 
 built many years but was never quite com- 
 pleted. The ground on which the church 
 stands was the gift of one Mr. Thomas 
 Boel, who had been a Quaker, but was 
 brought over with many others of that per- 
 suasion by Mr. George Keith, one of tlie 
 Society's first Missionaries, who himself 
 had been one of that people but became a 
 very zealous member and diligent servant 
 of the church and was a person well learned. 
 After his return from abroad he had the 
 living of Edburton in Sussex and jDublished 
 his journal of missionary travel. 
 
 The situation of St. Peteis clmrch at To 
 poncmes, whicli is distant from any town, is 
 however convenient enough to tlie congre- 
 gation and WMS resorted to by mai y fami- 
 lie? in Middlesex county living within tlie 
 several districts of Cranberry, Machepo- 
 neck, and South River ; their missionary, 
 my friend and brother Mr. Skinner gladly 
 remitting to me thecare of them, which he 
 could not well attend to by reason of a 
 wide and often dangerous Ferry over tlie 
 RaritMn which divides Middlesex county. 
 
 I was therefore uilling to give them idl 
 Dossible attendance and did often meet 
 them and baptize theii- child'-en and ap- 
 pointed certain days to preach at ilioso 
 places and there also catechize. 
 
 At a town called Middletown Point I 
 preached divers times, the place being re- 
 mote and few of tlie settlers having any 
 way for convenience of coming to church. 
 
 The inhabitants of Freehold t(Mvnshii>, 
 were at least half of them Presbyterian. 
 Tiie church people and these interspersed 
 among each other, had liyed less in cliarity 
 and orotherly love than as becomes church- 
 es. But they began on both sides to think 
 less of the thiius in which the.' differed in 
 opinion than of tliose in which theyagreed. 
 And when bickering and di.'<puting were 
 laid down, which was done at hisf^ with tiie 
 full consent of botli ])arties, another strife 
 arose from a better spiiit in tho way oV 
 
(ILD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 99 
 
 peace, to provoke love and to do good works, in 
 which neither side was less lorward than 
 the other. 
 
 Ti)e Church of Enirland worship had at 
 Shrewshury been provided lor by the build- 
 ing ot'a church, before there was any other 
 in the county ; but this church was now 
 too small for the numerous congregation. 
 People of all sorts resorted thither and of 
 the Quaker which are agreit body in th;<t 
 township, there were several who made no 
 scruple of being present at divine service 
 and were not too piecise to uncover their 
 heads in the house of God. 
 
 I went sometimes to a place called Man 
 asquan almost twenty miles distant from 
 my habitation where, and at Shark River, 
 wliich is in that neighborhood some 
 church families were settled who were glad 
 of all opportunities for the exercise of Ke- 
 ligion. I baptized at Manasquan two Ne- 
 gro brethren, both servants to Mr. Samuel 
 Osborne an eminent and very worthy mem- 
 ber of the church, in vvhosn family they 
 had been taught good cliristtan orincii)les. 
 The honest nien were so gratified th'it each 
 of them otTered me a Spanish dollar in ac- 
 knowledat-ient and would liave thought 
 themselves more obliged if I had not re- 
 fused their ])resents. 
 
 From Manasquan for twenty miles furth 
 er on in the country, is all one pine forest. 
 1 traveled thiough tiiis desert four times 
 to a place called Barnegat, and thence to 
 Mannahawkin, ahnost sixty miles from 
 home and preached at places where no 
 foot of minister had ever come. On'y at 
 Munnahawkin. one Mr. Neill, a dissenting 
 minister, who is now a presbyter of the 
 Church of England (then living at Great 
 Eijg Harbor) visited Mannahawkin. 
 
 In tliis section I had my views of heath- 
 enism ju-t ^!S thorouglily as 1 have ever 
 since beheld it. The inliabitants are thinly 
 scattered in regions of solid wood. Some 
 are decent peof)le who had lived in better 
 places, but those who weie born and bred 
 here, have neither religion nor manners 
 and do not know to much as a letter in a 
 book. 
 
 As Quakerism is the name under wliich 
 all those in America shade themselves that 
 have been brought up to none, but vvculd 
 be thought to be of some religion ; so these 
 poor people call themselves Quakers, but 
 they have no meetings and many of them 
 make no distinction of days, neither observ- 
 ing Lords Day nor the Sabbath ; only some 
 New England families were then lately set- 
 tled 1 liere who Wf-re filled Culvers and had 
 
 a form and manner of their own vrhich 
 they held too sacred (though perhaps rath 
 er it was too monstrous) to be communica- 
 ted and did not admit others into their as- 
 semblies. As for those who had removed 
 thither from other parts of the country, 
 they seemed very sensible of the unhappi- 
 ness of their situation, living where they 
 had no opportunity for the worship of God 
 nor for the christian education of their 
 children. I would have taken this difficult 
 journey oitener, finding that some good 
 might be done among them but having too 
 much duty to attend to in other parts of 
 my mission I could not do it. 
 
 As people were desirous of having a 
 Schoolmaster and spoke of making up 
 among themselves a competency for one, I 
 proposed it to Mr. Christopher Robert 
 Reynolds, the Society's schoolmaster at 
 Shrewsbury ; and those parts being within 
 that township, it was not inconsistent with 
 his appointment. He was willing to go and 
 set up school there, and accordingly went 
 down and taught a year, employing his dil- 
 igence to good effect. 
 
 But his employers living so far asunder 
 that they could not send their children to 
 school all at one place, he was obliged to 
 be often shifting and to go from one house 
 to another, which was such a fatigue and 
 labor to him, being in years and an infirm 
 man. that he was not able to continue it 
 and returned to Shrewsbury his former 
 station. 
 
 In my journeying through this part®f 
 the country I had many conferences 
 and disputes with the people. Some of 
 them were willing to see their errors and 
 others were as obstinate in defending theirs. 
 And though ign-'irantmindsand prejudiced 
 cannot easily be made to aj^prehend the 
 nature and necessity of the christian ordi- 
 nances yet it pleased God that I brought 
 some to a true sense of them and I gained 
 a few to the communion, and baptized, be 
 sides children seventeen grown persons, of 
 wliich number was Nicholas Wainright 
 nearly 80 years of age. 
 
 I had now seen a great change in the 
 state o* my mission within the space of 
 three years, through the grace of God ren- 
 dering my labors effectual to a good end ; 
 in particular as to the peace and unison 
 which the church members, after having 
 been much at variance among themselves, 
 were now returned to, and the ceasing an- 
 imosities betwixt them and those of other 
 societies ; for these I account the most val- 
 uable success that attended mv ministry. 
 
100 
 
 OLD TIxMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 After this the churches continued to 
 flourish and in the latter end of the year 
 1750, having then been above five years in 
 America upon this mission, I wrote to the 
 venerable and honorable society a letter 
 requesting of them to ^jrant me a mission 
 to the coast of Guiney, that I might go to 
 make a trial with th* natives and see what 
 hopes there would be of introducing among 
 them tCe christian religion. The summer 
 following 1 received an answer to that let- 
 ter from the Rev. Dr. Bearcroft, acquaint- 
 ing me that the Society had concluded to 
 support me in the design of that voyage 
 and would appoint another missionary in 
 my stead for Monmouth county. And the 
 next September Mr Samuel Cook of Cai- 
 us college anived with his proper creden- 
 tials and I delivered up my charge to liim. 
 
 Having took my If ave of the congrega- 
 tion I set out on the 13th of November 
 1751 for New York, from thence to go 
 ujjon my voyage to Africa, and at Elizabeth- 
 town waited on Governor Jonathan Bel- 
 cher Esq., who succeeded Colonel Morris, 
 to pay my respects to him before I left the 
 province. 
 
 November 24th 1751 I preached both in 
 the morning and the afternoon in the Eng- 
 lish church in New YorK of which Rever- 
 end Mr- Barclay is the worthy Rector and 
 the next day went on board a brigantine 
 called the '' Prince George," Captain Wil- 
 liam Williams, bound for the coast of 
 Africa. 
 
 METHODISM IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 The Pioneers of the Society — Bishop As- 
 bury at Freehold, Allentown, Long 
 Branch, Squan, Kettle Creek, Goodluck 
 &c — Rev. Benjamin Abbott's visit dur- 
 ing the Revolution. 
 
 We have reason to believe that the pio- 
 neers of Methodi.'^m visited the county 
 within a very few years after the principles 
 of the society were first proclaimed in 
 America, and that occasionally some 
 preacher would hold forth in some of our 
 churches, school house's or private houses 
 as early as 1774. Some uncertainty exists 
 as to where the first i)reachers held ser- 
 vices in the county, owing to the fact that 
 the early heroes of Methodism were not 
 always very precise in giving the names of 
 places where they preached, dates and 
 other particulars interesting to the histo- 
 rian of the present day. The most com- 
 plete and satisfactory journal is that of the 
 
 faithful, zealous, untiring Bishop Francis 
 
 Asbury, which is the more remarkable as 
 i":, is doubtful ii'any minister of any denom- 
 ination ever perlormed as much labor as 
 he did in travelling and 2:)reaching. We 
 append extracts fiom his journal relating 
 to his labois in Monmouth. But other 
 : preachers had preceeded him. Rev. Wil- 
 1 liam Walters the first Methodist travelling 
 preachf rof American birth wasstalioned in 
 our state inl774, and hemay have visited our 
 couiity, though he makes no mention of it 
 in his journal. That earnest, self sacrific- 
 ing minister of the gospel. Rev. Benjamin 
 Abbott visitCvl old Monmouth in 1778. Mr. 
 Abbott in hia journal speaks of preaching 
 at various places in that part of old Mon- 
 mouth now composed VTithin the limits of 
 Ocean county, among which were Manna- 
 hawkin, Waretown. Goodluck and Toms 
 River. But after leaving Tftns River, he 
 omits to name places ; he merely uses such 
 expressions as " at my next appointment, 
 &c.," without naming wiiere it was. H<- 
 probably preaclied at Freehold and other 
 places within the limits of tlie present 
 county of Monmoutlj. At some future time 
 we shall endeavor to rind room for so much 
 of his journal as may relate to old Mon- 
 mouth. 
 
 Though it is somewhat uncertain who 
 were the first Methodist preachers in the 
 county, yet the prol)abilities aie that some, 
 if not all the following named p>ersons 
 preached here before Abbott's visit in 1778, 
 viz: Captain Thomas Webb, Reverends 
 Philip Gatch, Caleb B, Pedicord, William 
 Watterw, .John King, Daniel Ruff and Wil- 
 liam Duke. 
 
 Rev. John Atkinson in his " Memorials 
 of Methodism in iSew Jersey," says: 
 
 " The Methodist Society of Monmouth 
 (Freehold ?) must have been formed at an 
 early period, probably about 1780, as in 
 that year Job Throckmorton of Freehold 
 Was converged under the ministry of Rev. 
 Richard Garietson and became a member 
 of th-d Society. He was one of the first 
 membera in that region. The Methodists 
 were much persecuted there at that time. 
 His house was a home for preachers, and 
 very likely Asbury was entertainetl at his 
 dwelling duiinghis visits to Freehold. — 
 Everitt, Freeborn Garretson, Ezekiel Coop- 
 er, Ware, and others were accustomed to 
 stop at his house. He was accustomed to 
 relate incidents of Rev. Benjamin Abbott's 
 powerful ministry, one of which is as fol- 
 lows : 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 101 
 
 "On one occasion meeting was held in the 
 woods, and after Freeborn Garretson had 
 preached, Abbott arose and 'ooked around 
 over the congregation very significantly, 
 and exclaimed : " Lord, begin the work ; 
 Lord, begin the work noic! i^ord, begin the 
 work just there! pointing at the same time 
 towards a man who was standing beside fi 
 tree, and the man fell as suddenly as if he 
 had been shot and cried aloud for mercy."' 
 
 In 1786 Trenton circuil probably in- 
 cluded Trenton, Pemberton, Mount Holly, 
 Burlington and M'^nmouth, Reverends 
 Robert Sparks and Kobert Cann preachers. 
 In 1787 Rev. Ez-kiel Cooper and Rev. Na- 
 thaniel R. Mills were the preachers. In 
 1788 Rev's John Merrick, Tiiomas Morrell 
 and Jettus Johnson were the preachers. 
 
 Bishop Asbury in Old Monmouth. — Ex- \ 
 
 TRACTS FROM HIS JoURNAL. 
 
 .September 14th 1782. I came to New 
 Mills (now. Pemberton in Burlington coun- 
 ty). I passed through Monmouth in Up 
 per and Lower Fre-eiiold ; here lived that 
 old saint of God, William Tennent, who 
 went to his reward a few years ago. j 
 
 Friday September 9tli 1785. Heard Mr. 1 
 VVoodhuU jJi'eacli a funeral discourse on 
 •• Lord thou hast made my days as a hand- 
 breadth." In my judgment he spoke 1 
 well. I 
 
 (The Mr. Wood hull above referred to by 
 Mr. Asbury, was probably the Rev. -John 
 WoodhuU, I). D., who succeeded Rev. Mr. 
 Tennent at the old Tennent Cliurch, and 
 who died Nov. 22d, 1824, aged 80 years.) 
 
 Saturday September 10th, 1785. I had 
 liberty in preaching: to the people ol' Mon- 
 mouth on Joshua 24-17 and felt much for 
 the souls present. (Freehold then was 
 often called Monmouth and Monmouth 
 Court House.) 
 
 Friday September 22nd, 1786. We 
 dinefl at Amboy and reached Monmouth 
 at night. 
 
 September 23rd, 1786. I preaclied life 
 and love at Leonards* The people here 
 appear very lifeless. I had lately been 
 much tried and much blessed. 
 
 Tuesday September 26tt>, 1786. I had 
 many to hear me at Potter's Church, but 
 the people were insensible antl unf?elini.'. 
 
 (This Potter's Cliurch was at Goodluck 
 in Ocean County, and buili by a benevo 
 |pnt resident of that place named Thomas 
 Potter. Its singular history will be given 
 in sjjeaking of the Universalists' society.) 
 
 From Goodluck, Bishop Asbury pro- 
 ceeded to Batsto, Burlington county. In 
 October, 1790, he preached at ("rosswicks, 
 AUentown and Cranbury. Of his next 
 visit to this county he says : 
 
 Monday September 5th, 1791. I rode 
 through much rain to Monmouth, N, J., 
 wbere I preached to a considerable con- 
 gregation on " The just shall live by faith ; 
 but if any man draw back, my soul shall 
 have no pleasure in him." There is some 
 stir among the people ; at Lon^ Branch 
 within eighteen months, as I am informed, 
 nearly fifty souls have professed conver- 
 sion. 
 
 Sept. 6th, 1791. I found the Lord had 
 not left himself without witnesses at Kettle 
 Creek. 
 
 Sept. 7th, 1791. AtP s Church (Pot- 
 ter's Church?) I learn some were offended. 
 Blessed be God, my soul was kept in great 
 peace. 
 
 From there Mr. Asbury proceeded to 
 Little Egg Harbor, 
 
 October 28th, 1795. We came to Mon- 
 mouth ; we would have gone to Shrews- 
 bury but time and our horses failed us. 1 
 learn that the ancient spirit of faith and 
 prayer is taking place below. I was shock- 
 ed at the brutality of some men ^vho were 
 fighting; one gouged out the other's eye ; 
 the father and son then both beset him 
 again, cut oft' his ears and nose and beat 
 him almost to death ; the father and son 
 were tried for a breach of the peace and 
 roundly fined ; and now the man that has 
 lost his nose is come upon them for dam- 
 age. I have often thought that there are 
 some things practiced in the Jersie's which 
 are more brutish and diabolical than in 
 any cth-sr of the states ; there is nothing 
 of this kind in New England ; they learn 
 civility there at least 
 
 We rode twenty miles to Em ley's Church 
 where the great revival of religion was 
 some years ago. I felt a little of the old 
 good spirit there still. 
 
 May 30th, 1806. I preached at Lower 
 Freeliold. I came home with Simon Pyle. 
 Ah ! what a death there i.s in the Leonard 
 family. 
 
 May 1st, 1806. 1 breakfasted with Throck- 
 morton ; his loss is his gain — he has lost 
 his birthright as a citizens of the state but 
 he has the blessing of God on his soul 
 
 Sunday April 23rd, 1809. I preached at 
 Tuckerton ; my subject was 2 Cor. 4-2. In 
 the afternoon I preached again. On Mod- 
 day I preached at Waretown. I staid 
 awhile with Samuel Brown and came to 
 
102 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 Thomas Chnmberlain's ; I was eompellen 
 t)y uncomfortable feeling to go to rest at 
 six o'clock. At David WoodmanseV (Good- 
 luck ?) on Tuesday I preached on 2nd Tim. 
 2—15. On Wednesday after a rain I set 
 out for Polhemus' chapel (Polliemus Mills) 
 where I preached. My friends were ex- 
 ceedingly kind and T was very sicK. I 
 rose unwell on Thursday and took medi- 
 cine and set out foi'iSquan river. My host 
 here, Derrick I^ongstreet, has been married 
 twenty-four years : his wife once had twins 
 and she has made him the father of six 
 teen children all of whom are sound and 
 well. I had a noble cont^regation here of 
 women and children ; the mrn were gen- 
 erally gone from the neighborhood, either 
 to the waters or to work. I was seriously 
 unwell. On Friday at Newman's at Shark 
 river I had women not a few. I suited my 
 subject to my hearers and preached from 
 Luke 10. 44-42. Ah ! how many Marthas' 
 and how few Mary*- ! In the afternoon I 
 spoke again at P. White's. We have meet- 
 ings twice a day and sometimes at night, 
 and the prospects are pleasing. The weath- 
 er is severely cold. 
 
 Sunday, September 80th, 1809. At Long 
 Branch my subject was Acts 3-26. It was 
 given me to speak in strong words, words 
 of God and from God At 3 o'clock I 
 preached in the Episcopal church at 
 Shrewsbury. I came home with John 
 Throckmorton. 
 
 Monday, May 10th 1813. 1 preached at 
 Allentown, nearly two hours and haOi gra- 
 cious access to God and to tiuili. We lodged 
 with John Hughes. I am filled with God. 
 
 Rev. William Mills — An Old Monmoith 
 
 Preacher; a Hero of the war and a 
 
 Soldier of the Cross. 
 
 The following sketch of Mi'. Mills is by 
 Rev. George A. Raybold, author of Metho- 
 dism in We.'-t Jersey, whose ministrations 
 in Monmouth county some forty odd years 
 ago are so favorabh remembered by many 
 of our older citizens. 
 
 "Mr. Mills was a native of Monmouth, 
 of Quaker descent. The fire oT i»atriotic 
 feeling irduced him, Quaker as he was, in 
 1776, to enter the American army in which 
 he became an officer. He was taken pris- 
 onei' by the British and was st nt, ai'ter h<f. 
 ing changed from one vessel to another, 
 to the West Ii.di(s. At length he was 
 carried to Euroi)e, from whence at the 
 close of the war, he returned home and 
 again settled in New lersey. About the 
 year 1792 the Melhodi,-t preacheis came 
 
 into the region of country where he re- 
 sided. His wife solicited him to hear them, 
 but he resisted : stating his belief that he 
 had been so wicked his day of grace was 
 past. By a remarkable dream he was at 
 length convinced tliat there was mercy for 
 him. He tlie i attended the means of 
 grace, until as besought the Lord with all 
 his heart, lie soon found mercy and peace 
 through faith in Jesus. He became a mem- 
 ber of the first clays formed in tlie vicinity 
 of Shrewsburj in Monmouth. Soon after 
 he found the Lord, he began to exliort 
 other.'j and was aj)pointeel cia^s leader; and 
 in the spring of 1799 he wa^ received into 
 the travelling connexior,. His lal'Ois as nn 
 itinerant began on Milford circuit, Dela- 
 
 ! ware, from whence he was se-nt to various 
 places and finally returned to Jers-ey. In 
 1813 he was sent to Freehold, the place of 
 
 j his nativity and the first field of his Chris- 
 
 ! tian efforts. The soldier who had faced 
 death at the cannon's mouth on the land 
 
 { and on tlie sea, now, as liis end api)roached 
 in reality felt no fear. He had a i^resenti- 
 ment oi his death and told his wife that 
 '" death seemed to follow him everywhere.'" 
 His zeal for God and labors for the salvi- 
 tion of ^ouls increase<l. 'i'lie last tim- he 
 leit home he gave his wife sundry direc- 
 tions and advices in case he should die. 
 He started as well as usual, and filled all 
 
 I his appointments, i)reaehing most fervent- 
 
 i Iv until a short lime l)efore his death. Ou 
 the 4th of December he left Long Branch, 
 met class, and then returned to Mr. Lii>- 
 jjencott's at the Branch. On Sunday morn- 
 
 j ing he went into a room in Mr. Lippen- 
 
 I colt's to prepare for the service in the 
 church, which was to commence at half 
 
 j past ten o'clock. The congregation was 
 then collecting and the family, thinking 
 
 1 he stayed too long in the chamber sent in 
 to know the cause and found him fallen in 
 a fit of apoplexy, almost deprived of sense. 
 After a time he revived a little and on be- 
 ing asked if they should send for medicai 
 aid, he replied, " The Lord is the best phy- 
 sician." At about twelve o'clock the stu 
 por and other unfavorable .symptoms re- 
 turned ; he lingered until about six the 
 next morniif^' and then peacefully depart- 
 ed for a worhl of rest. Thus suddenlv fell 
 into tlie arms ot death anotlier faithful 
 minister of the gospel ; a zealous, faithful 
 and acceptable preacber; an Israelite, in- 
 det»d, in whom there was no guile; long 
 however has he lived in the atfectionate 
 remembrance of the i)eople of West Jer- 
 sey, who knew him well." 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 103 
 
 In the year 1812, the year previous to 
 Mr. Mills being sent to preach in Freehold 
 circuit, the number of members embraced 
 in the charge was seven hundred and thir- 
 ty-six. 
 
 MONMOUTH COUNTY- 
 ESTABLISHED. 
 
 -WHEN 
 
 OFi'lCIALS ONE HUNDRKD AND NINETY YEARS 
 AGO. 
 
 The name Monmouth was officially giv- 
 en to the county Marcli 7th, 1683, as will 
 be seen by the following extracts: 
 
 " Att a Council! held the 7th day of the 
 mo-1 called March 168s ***** 
 
 ^' A bill sent downe from the Deputyes 
 for devideing liie p'vince into County es 
 read and agreed vtno." — Journal oj Proceed- 
 ings oj Gov. d- Counci/, 1682 — 1703. 
 
 The following is an extract from the 
 bill referred to: 
 
 •'At a General Assembly begun and 
 liolden at Elizabethtown in this Province 
 of East New Jersey, tbe first day of the 
 Montii called Marcli Anno Domini 1682 
 and in the Five and Thirtieth year of the 
 reign of King Cliailes tlie Sec^ond, over 
 England &e, and there continueil by sev- 
 eral adjournments thereof until the twenty 
 eight day ot tlie said Month (if March, f<>r 
 the public Weale of this Province was 
 Enacted as follows: 
 
 *** *** *** 
 
 " IV. An Act to divide (he Province into 
 Four Counties. — Having taken into consid- 
 eration the necessity of dividing the Prov- 
 ince into respective C unties lor the bet- 
 ter governing and settling Courls in the 
 same : — 
 
 "5(; it Ei'Qcted, by this Gem-ral Assembly, 
 ainl the Authority '.hereof, that this Piov 
 ince be divided into fair couniies as fol- 
 luweth : (Here loUows the bounds of Ber- 
 gen, Essex, and Middlesex, after which 
 the bounds of Monmouth are given as fol- 
 lows :) 
 
 '• Monmouth Counti/ to begin at the West- 
 ward BouiKts ot Middlesex county, con 
 taiiiing Middletown and Shrewsbury and 
 so extend Westward, Sv)uthward, bmX 
 Northward to ihe extream Bounds of the 
 Pi-ovince. Provided this distinction of 
 the Province into ( ounties, do not extend 
 to the iiifiingemeiit of any Libei'ty in any 
 Charter already granted." — Leaminci and 
 Spicer. 
 
 The Legal and the Historical Year — 
 Discrepancies Explained. 
 
 In the foregoing may be noticed an ap- 
 parent discrepancy in giving the year 
 when the act referred to was passed. — 
 Some authorities give the date as March, 
 1683; the "Journal of the Proceedings of 
 the Governor and Council of the Province 
 of East New Jersey, from 1682 to 1703," 
 \ gives the date as March 168|, which leaves 
 I the general reader in doubt as to which 
 year is meant — 16S2 or 1683; and " Learn- 
 ing & Spicer's Grants and Concessions," 
 published in 1752, exj^ressly snys the act 
 I was passed in March, 1682. This appar- 
 ent discrepancy is explained by the fact 
 I that at that time the English legal year 
 j commenced March 2.5lh ; hence the legal 
 year 1682 began March 25th, 1682, and 
 I ended March 24th, 1683. (See Leaming 
 and Spicer, p 74 ;) and all acts passed in 
 I 1683 previous to March 25th, would be 
 ; dated the legal year 1682. In the Journal 
 i of the Proceedings of the Legislature 
 ' from 1682 to 1703, before referred to, two 
 dates are given in such a manner that it 
 ' would seem quite puzzling were it not for 
 this explanation. On page 32 the date of 
 the meeting of the Co ncil is March 24th, 
 ! 168|. As March 25th, was Sunday the 
 next daily session was March 26th, when 
 the ye^r is given as 1683. \fi ancient 
 records when a date is given with what 
 seems a fraction at the righthand, as in 
 the case above mentioned, 168f, the mean- 
 ing is tliat the upper figure gives the le- 
 gal year and the lower one the historical 
 year. 
 
 Origin of the Name of the County. 
 The name Monmouth was given to the 
 county throutrh the influence ot Col. Lewis 
 Morris who at the beginning of this ses- 
 sion (March 1st,) was said to have been 
 •' Elected for Shrewsbury " as a De[)uty, 
 but his place declared vacant, probably 
 because he had been selected by the Gov- 
 ernor as a member of the council at that 
 time. 
 
 Colonel Morris had purchased a large 
 tract of land, in what wa- af'erwurds 
 known as Monmouth County, October 
 25th, 1676, said to contain 3540 acres, 
 whereupon he located, as described in 
 168t), "his iron mills, his Manors, and 
 divers other liuildings for his servants and 
 dependants: together with 60 or 70 ne- 
 groes about the Mill and IIust)<indiy. I'o 
 this plantiition he gave the name of Tm- 
 tern (corrupted afterwards toTinton) after 
 
104 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 an estate which had belonged to the fami- 
 ly in Monmouthshire, England, and from 
 h m Monmouth county received its 
 name." 
 
 Col. Lewis Morris, Josepli Parker, Peter 
 Tilton and John Hance of Siirewsbury ; 
 and John Bowiie and Jolm Throgmorton 
 (Tlirockmorton ?) of Middletown. Riciiard 
 Grardnei' was elected Cleric of the County 
 Courts, Richard Ilartsiioine Ilitrh Sheritf. 
 and Richard Lippencott coioner. Rich- 
 ard Ilartshorne tendered his resignation 
 as .Sheriff the following May, but il was 
 not accepted ; he appears to have refused 
 to sei've still, and May 31st Eliakim War- 
 dell of iShiewsbuy was elected. 
 
 In tjie act erecting County Courts it is 
 enacted that "the Judge or Justices of 
 the respective sessions of the County 
 Courts shall be the Justices of the Peace 
 of tlie said respective counties or three of 
 them at least." Col. Morris was probably 
 presiding judge. The following year tlu' 
 same justices were reelected, with the ad- 
 dition of James Grover of Middletown. 
 
 Two or three days after the passage of 
 the acts establishing the two Courts above 
 leferred to the General Assembly passed 
 " A Bill to settle the Court of Common 
 Right," whicii was ''the .Sujiream Court of 
 this Province," to which actions or suits 
 from lower Courts, the debts or damages of 
 which were five pounds or upwards, could 
 be removed, and which had power to 
 " Correct Errors in Judgement and reverse 
 the same if there be just cause for the 
 same." Uf this Court the first members 
 from Monmouth were Col. Lewis Morris 
 
 (The learned, indefiUigable correspond- 
 ing .Secretary of tlie ^ew Jersey Historical 
 .Society, Hon. Wm. A. Whitehead, to 
 whom our state is indebted more than to 
 any other person for effoits to preserve 
 the fading records of the i)ast history of 
 New Jersey, and to whom we have been 
 indebted for several items in these chap 
 ters, a few years ago published a sketch of 
 Col. Morris's life to which we may refer 
 hereafter.) 
 
 As to the probability of some ot the 
 prominent early settlers favoring Col. 
 Morris's propositon to name the county 
 Monmouth, because of a friendly feeling 
 for the Duke of Monmouth, beheaded a 
 few years later, we shall endeavor to speak 
 hereai'ter. 
 
 COURTS ESTAULISIIED AM) OFFICF.KS API'OlNTfcD. 
 
 On the 13th of March, 1G83, two acts 
 were passed under the following titles : 
 
 '•An Act to erect a Court of small Causes " 
 and ''An Act to Erect County Couits." — 
 The Couit for the trial of small causes was 
 to \>e held in every township the first 
 Wednesday of every month, and to have 
 juiisdiction for " deteimening small 
 CJiuses and debts under foity shillings." 
 
 The act establishing County Courts fix- 
 efl the following times and places for ses- 
 sions in Morimouth, viz : 
 
 "The County of Monmouth, their ses- 
 sions to be the fouith Tuesday in March 
 in the public meeting house at Middle- 
 town yearly. The fouith Tuesday in June 
 in the public meeting house at ."Shrews- 
 bury yearly. The fourth Tuesday in Sep- 
 tember in tlie public meeting house at 
 Middleiewn, and the fourth Tuesday in 
 December in the public meeting house in 
 .Shrewsbury." 
 
 The next day after the passage of the 
 above acts (on March 14th, 1683.) Lewis 
 Morr's, jr., was elected by the Council 
 •' high Sheriff for the succeeding yeare 
 from tne 25th of this Listant Month." 
 which he probably declined, as Richard 
 Plartshorne was confirmed for the same 
 office some ten days subsequently. 
 
 The following were the first Justices of 
 the Peace apjtointed for Monmouth Coun- 
 ty (March 24th, 1683), viz: 
 (by virtue of being a member of the Coun- 
 cil) and John Bowne. 
 
 During the same> session (March, 1683), 
 the following persons were authorized " to 
 make and settle highways, ))assages, land- 
 ings, bridges and ferries" in the county, 
 viz : 
 
 The .Surveyor-General .Samuel Groome, 
 Col. Lewis Morris, Capt. John Bound, 
 Richard Hartshoino, John Hance, Joseph 
 Parker, Lewis Morris, jun. 
 
 Among the members of "The General 
 Assembly of the Pi'ovince of East New- 
 Jersey" which met at Elizabethtown 
 Marcli 1st, 1683, were, from Monmouth, 
 Colonel Lewis Morris of the Council, and 
 Richard Hartshoine, lolin Bowne, Joseph 
 Parker and John ILince, Deputies. 
 
 When Monmouth County was establish- 
 ed its i)opulation was supposed to be be- 
 tween nine hundred and one thousand. — 
 .Secretary Nicholls (of N. Y.) estimated 
 the po])ulation in 1682 of .Shrewsbury at 
 four hundred inhabitants ; and Middle- 
 town one hundred families whicli woidd 
 probably be al)out five hundreil inhabi- 
 tan ts. 
 
OLD TIMKS IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 105 
 
 An Act for the Militia — First Offi- 
 cers IN Monmouth. 
 
 An act with the above title was passed 
 De-cember 1st, 1683, and December 3d it 
 was ordered for the better settling and ex- 
 ercise of the Militia under its provisions 
 •'that there bee one Major, and so many 
 Capiaines Com'issionated in each County 
 as there be inhabitants to make up Cora 
 panyes." For the County of Monmouth 
 Captain John Bound was commissioned 
 MHJor, and for Middletown James Grover 
 Lieutenant, Safety Grover Ensign. For 
 Shrewsbury, John Slocomb Ciiptain, Geo. 
 Stowlett Lieutenant, and Lewis Morris En- 
 sign. 
 
 The Act for the Militia ordered that ev- 
 ery male person between the ages of six- 
 teen and sixty should be provided with 
 aims, equipments, ammunition, &c., at his 
 own expense under penalty of prescribed 
 fines for each article not provided. A Ser- 
 jeant and corporal were authorized " to 
 view arms every quarter or as often as the 
 officer shall see cause." It was enacted that 
 there should be four training or muster- 
 ing days in a year, " two in the Spring 
 and two in the Fall of the Leaf," under 
 prescribed penalties. 
 
 CuiEF Eanger of Monmoutu. 
 
 December 3d, 1683, Captain John Slo- 
 comb was appointed "Chief Kanger " for 
 Monmouth County. The duty of this offi- 
 cer is thus described : 
 
 " f^orasmuch as many abuses are and 
 have been committed within this Province, 
 in the taking up, marking, selling and dis- 
 posing of horses, mares and geldings * * 
 be it enacted that there shall be one per- 
 son appointed for eacli County who shall 
 take up and receive all strays, register the 
 same <&c." The Chief Ranger was author- 
 ized to employ as many deputies as he 
 thought proper. The importers of all cat- 
 tle and horses were required lo furnish 
 the Ranger witii a description of each 
 head imported, and all drovers were re 
 quired to do the same The fees and pen- 
 alties under the act must have made the 
 oflBce of the Ranger of considerable im- 
 portance. 
 
 How Taxes were Levied — Assembly 
 men's Salaries. 
 
 The following persons were appointed 
 to make assessment of taxes in Monmouth 
 under an act passed Dec. 5th, 1683, viz : 
 
 Captain John Bound, John Throgmor- 
 ton (Throckmorton ?) Peter Tilton, John 
 Hance, Judah Allen and Joseph Parker. 
 
 This act " for defraying the public char- 
 ges of this Province," enacted that fifty 
 pounds be raised to defray public charges 
 as follows : Bergen eleven pounds, Essex 
 fourteen pounds, Middlesex ten pounds, 
 Monmouth fifteen pounds. By this it 
 would seem that even at this early date 
 Monmouth v^as considered the richest 
 county in East Jersey. 
 
 The taxes were to be paid in wheat at 
 four shillings and sixpence the bushel; 
 summer wheat at four shillings the bush- 
 el ; Indian corn at two shillings and six- 
 pence the bushel ; and good merchantable 
 pork at fifty shillings the barrel. Henry 
 Lyon of Essex was appointed Treasurer of 
 the Province to whom the tax was to be 
 handed for the purpose of paying the 
 clerks of the Council and Deputies four 
 shillings each per day and ten pounds for 
 transcribing the laws. 
 
 In addition to the above tax each town 
 was required to pay its own Deputy to the 
 General Assembly at the ra^e of four shil- 
 lings per day ; the year previous the rate 
 of pay for the Deputies had been three 
 shillings each, and as many of the towns 
 had failed to pay their lepresentativt s 
 then, provisions v/ere inserted in tnis act 
 to enforce the assessing and collecting the 
 arrearages. 
 
 A fair idea of how far a member of the 
 Assembly's per diem would go then to- 
 wards meeting his expenses is gained by 
 noticing the 'j)rices fixed for grain in the 
 bill. The first year his per diem would 
 buy a little over a bushel of corn ; the sec- 
 ond year a bushel of summer wheat. If 
 he expended it for pork it would buy six- 
 teen pounds. 
 
 THE BAPTIST CHURCH AT MIDDLE- 
 TOWN. 
 
 The First Baptist Church in New Jersey. 
 
 Its Members, Pastors, Trials and 
 
 Triumphs. 
 
 Thefollowing sketch of the noted church 
 is from " Morgan Edwards, Materials, &c., 
 of the State," published in 1792, with ad- 
 ditions by Rev. David Benedict of Rhode 
 Island, t.nd published in his History of the 
 Baptists, sixty years ago, (1813.) 
 
 " This is the oldest Baptist church in 
 the State ; it is thus distin^iuished for the 
 village where the meeting house stands in 
 a township of the same name, and county 
 of Monmouth, about seventy-nine miles 
 E. N. E. from Philadelphia. The meeting 
 
106 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 house is forfy-two feet by thirty-two, erect- 
 ed on the lot where the old place of wor- 
 ship stood." 
 
 For the origin of this churcli, we must 
 look back to the year 1667, for that was 
 I he year when Middletown was purchased 
 fiom the Indians by 12 men and 24 asso- 
 ciates. Their names are in the town 
 book. Of them the following were Bap- 
 tists:— 
 
 Richard Stout, Willium riieesenmii, William Layton, 
 
 John Stout, Jolui Wilson, Wm. Compton, 
 
 .lames Grover, Walter Hall, .Tames Ashtoii, 
 
 .7on'than Brown, John fox. John Brown, 
 
 Qliadiah Holmes, Jonathau Holmes, Thos Whitlock, 
 
 John Biickmaii, George Mount, Ja-i. Grover, jr. 
 
 Jt IS probable tliat some of the above 
 had wives and children of their own way 
 of thinking; however the forenamed 18 
 men ai)23ear to have been the constituents 
 of the church at Middletown. and the 
 winter rf 1668 the time. 
 
 flow matters went on among these peo- 
 ple, for a period of twenty-four years, viz., 
 from the constitution to 1712, cannot be 
 known. But in the year 1711, a variance 
 arose in the church, insomuch that one j 
 party excommunicated the other and 
 imposed silence on two gifted brothers 
 that priached to them, viz , John Bray and 
 John Okison. Wearied witli their situa- 
 tion, they agreed to refer matters to a 
 council congregated fi'om neighboring 
 churches. The council met May 12th. 
 1712. It consisted of Kev. Messrs Timothy 
 Brooks, of Cohansey : Abel Morgan and 
 Joseph Wood, of Penn^pek ; and Elisha 
 Thomas, of Welsh Tract; with six elders, 
 viz : Nicholas Johnson, James James, 
 Grifiith Mills, Edward Church, William 
 Bettridge and John Manners. Their ad- 
 vice was— "To bury tlie proceedings in ob- 
 livion and erase therfcoids of them ;" 
 accordingly four leaves aie torn out of the 
 church bock. " To continue the silence 
 imposed on John Bray and John Okison, 
 the preceding year." One would think by 
 this that these two brethren were the 
 cause of the disturbance. " To sign a 
 covenant relative to their future conduct ;" 
 accordingly 42 did sign and 26 refused; 
 nevertheless most of the non -signers came 
 in afterwards: but the first 42 were de- 
 clared to be the church that should be 
 owned by sister churches. "That Messrs. 
 Abel Morgan, Sen., and John Burrows, 
 should supply the pul{>it till the next 
 yearly meeting, and the members should 
 kee[) their j)liices and not waudcr in otJuT 
 societies," for at this time there wav ,i 
 
 Presbyterian congregation at Middletown, 
 and mixed communion in vogue. 
 
 The first who preached at Middletown 
 was Mr. John Bown, ofwhomwecan learn 
 no more than he was not ordained, and 
 that it was he who gave the lot on which 
 the first meeting house was built. Cotem- 
 porary witli liini was Mr. Ashton, of whom 
 menMon will be made hereaft«:r, and after 
 him rose the foiementioned Bray and Oki- 
 son, neither of whom were ordained and 
 the latter disowned. Mr. George Eagles- 
 field was another unordained preacher; 
 but the first that may be styled pastor 
 was — 
 
 Rev. James Ashton. — He probably was 
 ordained by Rev. Thomas Killingsworth, 
 at the time the church was constituted in 
 1688 ; for Killingsworth assisted at the 
 constitution, which gave rise to the tradi- 
 tion that he was the first minister. Mr. 
 Ashton's successor was — 
 
 Rev. John Barrowes. — He was born at 
 Tannton, Somersetshire, Englandj and 
 there ordained ; arrived at Philadelph a in 
 the month of November, 1711, and from 
 thence came toMiddletown in 1713, wl ere 
 he died at a good old age. Mr. Barrowes 
 is said to have been a happy compound of 
 gravity and facetiousress ; the one made 
 the people stand in awe of him. while the 
 other produced familiarity. As be was 
 travelling one day a young man passed by 
 him at full speed, and in passing Mr. Bar- 
 rowes : said " If you would consider where 
 you are going you would slacken your 
 pace." He went on but presently turned 
 back to inquire into the meaning of that 
 passing salute. Mr. Barrowes reasoned 
 with him on the folly and dangers of 
 horse-racing (to which the youth was hast- 
 ening ;) he gave great attention to the re- 
 proof. This encouraged Mr. B."rrowes to 
 proceed to more serious matters. The is- 
 sue was a serious conveisatir.n. Here was 
 a bow drawn at venture and a sinner 
 shot flying! Mr. Barrc wes'was succeed( d 
 
 by- 
 
 Rev. a bei, Morgan, A. M — He was born 
 in Welsh Tract, April 13th. 1713, had his 
 learning at an acad'^my kept by Rev. 
 Thomas P^vans in Pencadcr: ordained at 
 Welsh Tract in 1734, became pastor in 
 1748; died there November 24th, 1785.— 
 He was never married, the reason it is 
 supposed that none of his attention and 
 attendance might be taken off his mother, 
 who lived with him and wlnmi he honor- 
 ('(1 1(1 an uncommi n degree Mr. Morgan 
 wiis a man ol sound leaniiiii: aiul solid 
 
OLD TIME8 IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 10 7 
 
 judgement; he has given specimens of 
 both in his public disputes and publica- 
 tions, for it appears that he held two pub- 
 lic disjiutes on the subject of baptism. — 
 The first was at Kingswood, to which he 
 was challenged by Rev. fSamuel Plarker, a 
 Presbyterian minister. The other was at 
 Cape May in 1743, with the Rev. (after- 
 wards) Dr. Samuel Finley, President of 
 Princeton College. Mr. Morgan's success- 
 or was — 
 
 Rev Samuel Morgan. — He was born in 
 Welsh Tract August 23d, 1750; called to 
 the ministry in Virginia; ordained at Mid- 
 dleiovvn November 29th, 1785, at which 
 time lio took on him the care of the 
 chuich. No account of Mr, Morgan's 
 death has been obiained. This ancient 
 church has for its pastor (1813) Mr. Ben- 
 jamin Bennett, It was once well endowed 
 but a considerable part of its tempurali- 
 ties were sunk by that sacrilegious thing 
 (as Edwards calls it) Congress money. — 
 What are its present posessions I have not 
 learned. 
 
 PHILIP FRKNEAU, THE POPULAR 
 POET OF THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 An Ancient Monmouth Journal. 
 
 Inthelibrary oftho New York Historical 
 Society is preserved a copy of an ancient 
 journal published in Monmouth county, 
 -vhich presents quite a contrast with the 
 papers published in the county at the pres- 
 ent time. This jom^nal was called " The 
 New Jersey Chronicle,'''' and was published 
 at " Mount Pleasant, near Middletown 
 Point." The first number was issued May 
 2nd, 1795 and continued weekly for a year 
 when it suspended for want of sup^^ort. 
 This Chronicle was quite a curious affiiir. 
 It was printed by the author, Philip Fre- 
 neau himself, who had mustered a medley 
 of types for the purpose. The first num- 
 ber wa^' of the humble dimensions of eight 
 small quarto ])ages of seven inches by 
 eight. This spirited little paper was soon 
 enlarged, but typographically, at least, it 
 always appeared of a somewhat sickly con- 
 stitution. 
 
 The office types however wer<» well em- 
 ployed in printing, this year, 1795, a new 
 and comprehensive edition of Freneau's 
 poems, in an octavo volume of 456 pages 
 to which we shall re'er before concluding. 
 Its typographical execution is admirable 
 for its day and speaks well for tlie pioneer 
 printing press of Monmouth countj. 
 
 ^voxa one sketch of Freneau's we ex- 
 tract the following : 
 
 Outline of his Life. 
 
 FTulip Freneau, the popular poet of the 
 days of the Revolution, who cheered the 
 hearts of the citizens by his ready rhymes 
 in behalf of the good cause, and opposition 
 to its foes, while patriots were struggling 
 for independence, was born in Frankfort 
 street, in New York city, January 2nd, 1752. 
 The family was of French Hugenot des- 
 cent. Pierre Freneau the father of Philip 
 and of Peter Freneau, distinguished in the 
 history of South Carolina, bought an es- 
 tate ot a thousand acres at Mount Pleas- 
 ant, Monmouth county. New Jersey, a fam- 
 ily inheritance which his son afterwards 
 occupied, and where he wrote many of his 
 poems. Boih the father and grandfather 
 of Philip Freneau are buried in a vault in 
 Trinity Churchyard, New York, by the side 
 of their family relations. 
 
 Of the boyhood ot Philip Freneau we 
 know little, but we may infer from the po- 
 sition of his family and his subsequent at 
 taininents, that he was well instructed at 
 the schools of the city, for we find him, in 
 1767, a student at Princeton College, N, J., 
 where he graduated with credit after the 
 usual four years course, in 1771. He be- 
 gan early the practice of versification ; for 
 in his sophomore year, at the age of seven- 
 teen, he composed a rhymed poem of de- 
 cided promise, entitled "The Poetical His- 
 tory of the Prophet Jonah," which appeal's 
 at the head of his first general collection 
 of poems. Other compositions in various 
 metres, on classical and historical themes, 
 preseived in the same volume, were writ- 
 ten during his collegiate course. 
 
 It was a creditable year for the institu- 
 tion when he graduated, for in his class 
 weie James Madison, afterwards President, 
 and other men ot note. 
 
 The commencement exercises at Prince- 
 ton, in 1771 were of unusual interest. It 
 was in the Presidency of that eminent jja- 
 triot John Witlier.-^poon, who, though born 
 in Scotland, was proving himself, by his 
 enlightened sagacity and ievotion to free- 
 dom, an '' American of the Ameiicans." 
 Tlie political indrpendence of the country, 
 though not yet formally proclaimed, was 
 ripening in Massachusetts and elsewhere, 
 to its great Ueclaration and invincible re- 
 solve. The young patriots of 'Princeton, 
 on a spot destined to be^'ome memorable 
 in the struggle, were already animated by 
 the kindling promise of the future. Hugh 
 
108 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 Henry Brackenridge, a graduate with Fre- 
 neau, afterwards a celebrated Judge and 
 author, and Freneau, had already developed 
 a taste for poetry, and they united, for 
 their commencement exercise, in the com- 
 position of a dialogue : '' A Poem on the 
 Rising Glory of America," which they pro- 
 nounced together, sounding in animated 
 blank verse, the achievements of coloniza- 
 tion in the pnst and the visionary grandeur 
 of empire liereafter. This joint poem was 
 published in Philadelphia, in 1772. The 
 portion written by Fieneau opens the col- 
 lection of his poems published in 1865 by 
 W. J. Middleton, New York. 
 
 The next information we have of Fre- 
 neau is gathered from the dates of the 
 poems which he contributed to the jour- 
 nals publislied by Hu^h Gaine and Ander- 
 son, in New York, in 1775. They exhibit 
 his interest in the important military af- 
 fairs of the year in Boston and are found 
 in the work above named. 
 
 In a poem of this year, '" Mac Sniggen," 
 a satire on some hostile poetaster, he ex- 
 presses a desire to cross the Atlantic : 
 
 " Long have I sat on this disast'rous shore, 
 And sighing, sought to gain a passage o'er 
 To Europe's towns, where, as our travellers say, 
 Poets may flourish, or perhaps they may ;" 
 
 An inclination for foreign travel, which 
 was gratified in 1776, bj'^ a voyage to the 
 West Indies, where he appears to have i-e- 
 mained some time in a mercantile capaci- 
 ty, visiting Jamaica and the Danish island 
 of Santa Cruz. Several of his most strik- 
 ing poems, as the " Hoiise of Night," and 
 the " Beauties of Santa Cruz," were writ- 
 ten on these visits. 
 
 In 1779, Freneau was engaged as a lead- 
 ing contributor to " The United States 
 Magazine : A Repository of History, Poli- 
 tics and Literature," edited by his college 
 friend and fellow patriot, Hugh Henry 
 Brackenridge, and published by Francis 
 Bailey, Philadelphia. It was issued month- 
 ly from January to December, when its 
 discontinuance was announced " until an 
 established peace and a fixed value of the 
 monev shall render it convenient or pos- 
 sible to take it up again." The volume 
 forms a most interesting memorial, in its 
 literary as well as historical matter, of this 
 important year of the war. Freneau wrote 
 much for it in prose and verse and with 
 equal spirit m both. 
 
 His poem on "SantaCruz," in this mag- 
 azine, is prefaced by an interesting prose 
 pescription of the island. In it occurs a 
 
 noticeable testimony of the author on the 
 subject of negro slavery. 
 
 Freneau has also recorded his detesta- 
 tion of the cruelties of West India slavery 
 in verse, in the poem, a terrific picture of 
 slave life, addressed " To Sir Toby, a sugar 
 planter in the interior parts of Jamaica:" 
 
 " If there exists a Hell — the case is clear — 
 Sir Tob3''s slaves enjoy that portion here." 
 
 In another poem " On the Emigration 
 to America, and Peopling the Western 
 Country," published in his volume of 1795, 
 Freneau comes nearer home, in the decla- 
 ration of his opinions on this subject, when 
 he writes : — 
 
 " come the time and haste the day, 
 When man shall man no longer crush, 
 
 When reason shall enforce her sway, 
 Nor these fair regions raise our blush, 
 
 Where still the African complains, 
 
 And mourns his yet unbroken chiiins." 
 
 In after life, when the poet himself, un- 
 der the mild system of Northern .servitude, 
 became the owner of slaves in New Jersey, 
 he uniformly treated them with kindness, 
 manumitted them in advance of the Eman- 
 cipation Act in tlie State, and sui)ported 
 on the farm those of them who were not 
 able to take care of themselves. One of 
 these, a veteran mammy, proud of having 
 opened the door in her day to General 
 Washington and been addressed by him 
 in a word or two on that important occa 
 sion, long survived the poet. 
 
 In the year following the publication of 
 the Magazine, Freneau, having embarked 
 as passenger in a merchant vessel from 
 Philadelphia, on another voyage to the 
 West Indies, was captured by a British 
 cruiser off the Capes of the Delaware and 
 carried with the prize to New York. There 
 he was confined, on his ari'ival, in the Scor- 
 pion, one of the hulks lying in the harbor 
 used as prison-ships. The cruel treatment 
 which he experienced on board, with the 
 aggravated horrors of foul air and other 
 privations, speedily threw him into a fever, 
 when he was transferred to the host)ital 
 ship. Hunter, which proved 8imj)ly an ex- 
 change of one. species of suffering for anoth- 
 er more aggravated. How long Fieneau 
 was confined in this hideous prison we are 
 not informed, nor by what influences he 
 gaiiied his discharge. He carried with him. 
 however, on his escape, a burning memory 
 of the severities and indignities he had en- 
 dured, which he gave expression to in one 
 of the most characteristic of his poetical 
 productions, " The British Prison Ship," 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 109 
 
 which was published by Francis Bailey, 
 Philadelphia, 1781. 
 
 Freneau now became a frequent contrib- 
 utor of patriotic odes and occasional poems, 
 celebratinj; the incidents of the war, to 
 " The Freeman's Journal " of Phihidelphia. 
 Literature was, however, not then a profit- 
 able occupation : and Government, which 
 had exhausted its resources in keeping an 
 array in the field, had scant opportunity 
 of rewarding its champions. The poet, 
 looking to other means of subsistence, re- 
 turned to liis seafaring and mercantile hab 
 its and became known by his voyages to 
 the West Indies as "Captain Freneau." 
 He still however, kept up the use of the 
 pen. In 1783, besides his poetical contrib-yj' 
 utions to the newspapers, including several 
 New Years Addresses, written for the car- 
 riers of rhe Philadelphiajourna's, a spcies 
 of rhyming for which he had great facility, 
 we find him publishing in that city a trans- 
 lation of the Iravel? of M. Abbe Robin, the 
 chaplain of Count Rochambeau, giving an 
 account of the progress of the French ar 
 my from Newport to Yorktown. In 1784 
 Freneau was at the island of Jamaica, writ- 
 ing a poetical description of Port Royal. 
 
 The first collection of his poetical writ- 
 ings wiiich he made, entitled " The Poems 
 of Philip Freneau, written chiefly during 
 the iate War," was published by Francis 
 Biiley "at Yorrick's Head, in Market 
 street, " Philadelphia, in 1786. It is pre- 
 faced by a brief " Advertisement" signed 
 by the publisher, in which he states the 
 pieces now joUecied had been left in his 
 hands by the author more than a year pre- 
 viously, with permission to publish them 
 wh-never he Ihougat proper. 
 
 The success of this volume led to t:he 
 publication, by Mr. Bailey, of another col- 
 lection of Freneau's writings in 1788. It 
 is entitled *'The Miscellai eous Works of 
 Mr. Philip Freneau, containing his Essays 
 and Additional Poems." This volume, as 
 not uncommon even with works of very 
 limited extent in that early period of the 
 nation, was published by subscription. 
 Among the subscribers were DeWitt Clin- 
 ton, Edward Livingston and other distin- 
 guished citizens of New York ; Matthew 
 Carey, David llittenhouse, John Parke A. 
 M., and others el' Plii'.ndelphia ; thirty cop- 
 ies were taken in Maryland ; but the larg- 
 est number was contributed tiy South Car- 
 olina, that State supplying tivo hundred 
 and fifty, or more than half the entire list. 
 Captain Freneau was well known and high- 
 ly appreciated at Charleston, which he fre- 
 
 quently visited in the course of his mer- 
 cantile adventures to the West Indies, and 
 where his younger brother, Peter, who sub- 
 sequently edited a political journal in that 
 city, and was in intimate correspondence 
 with President Jefferson, was already es- 
 tablished as an influential citizen. 
 
 After several years spent in voyaging, 
 we find Freneau again in active literary 
 employment in 1791, as editor of the " Dai- 
 ly Advertiser," a journal printed in JN'pw 
 York, the superintendence of which he 
 presently exchanged for that of the *' Na- 
 tional Gazette," at Philadelphia, the first 
 number of which appeared under his direc- 
 tion in October of the same year. He was 
 employed at the same time by Jefferson, 
 the fSecretary of State, — the seat of govern- 
 ment being th^n at Philadelphia, — as 
 translating clerk in the State Dei^artment, 
 with a salary of two hundred and fifty dol- 
 lars a year. It was a time of fierce p®liti- 
 cal excitement, when the newly framed 
 Constitution, not yet fully established in 
 its working, was exposed to the fierce crit- 
 icism of its adversaries ; while popular opin- 
 ion was greatly excited by the rising tu- 
 mult of ideas generated in the French Rev- 
 olution. In this strife of parties Freneau 
 was an active partisan of the new French 
 ideas, was a supporter of Genet, the minis- 
 ter who sought to entangle the country in 
 the great European struggle, and, as might 
 be expected, was an unsparing assailant of 
 the policy of Washington, whose character 
 he had heretofore eulogized. Washington 
 was annoyed, and Hamilton attacked Jef- 
 ferson for his oflBcial support of the ti'oub- 
 lesome editor. Jefferson replied that he 
 had befriended Freneau as a man of gen- 
 ius ; but that he had never written for his 
 pajjer. It is unquestionably true, however, 
 that Freneau's political writings, at this 
 time, had Jefferson's warmest sympathy. 
 
 The "Gazette " came to an end with its 
 second volume and second year, in 1793, 
 after which Freneau became a resident of 
 New Jersey. He had still, however, an in- 
 clination to editorial life, and we accord 
 ingly find him, in the spring of 1795, pub- 
 lishing at Mount Pleasant, near Middle- 
 town Point, a new journal entitled "The 
 Jersey Ciironicle," before alluded to. 
 
 The same year from his jirei-s at Mount 
 Pleasant he "issued a volume of his poems 
 entitled " Poenis, written between the 
 years 1768 and 1794, by Philip Freneau, of 
 New Jersey." There are other edUions of 
 his poems, but this one is so rare that it is 
 highly priz?d by antiquarians. In a late 
 
110 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 catalogue of a London bookseller It is ad 
 vertised for sale, price £ 3.10 s. The last 
 copy we have heard of for sale in this coun- 
 try was one in a Washiniiton antiquarian 
 bookstore for which the dealer asked some 
 forty odd dollars, and finally got down to 
 thirty-fiv^f, for a small octavo volume of 456 
 pages ! 
 
 In 1797 he edited and aided in piinlinj; 
 and publishing in New York, a miscellane- 
 ous periodical entitled "'''he Time Piece 
 and Literary Companion."' It was primed 
 in quarto form and appealed three times a 
 week. In 1799 he published in Philadel- 
 phia a thin octavo volume of " Letters on 
 various subjects, cfcc." under the nom de 
 plume of " Robert Slender, A M." 
 
 For some years after this we have no par- 
 ticular account of his occupation, but he 
 appears to have resided still in New Jer- 
 s«y, penning occasional verses on topics 
 suggested by the day. In 1809 he published 
 the fourth collection of his writings enti- 
 tled ''Poems published during ilie Ameri- 
 can Revolution," &c. 
 
 ( Remainder of the article on Freneau 
 next week. ) 
 
 Freneau lived to commemorate ihe in- 
 dents of the second war wiii Great Britain 
 in 1812. He wrote various poems celebra 
 ting the naval actions of Hull, Porter, 
 Macdonough and others. His traditionary 
 hatred of England survives in these and 
 other compositions which he puolished in 
 New York, in 1815, in two small volumes 
 entitled " A Collection of Poems on Ameri- 
 can Ati'iiirs and a variety of other subjects. 
 <{rc." A distinguished writer says in re- 
 viewing this volume: " He depicts land 
 battles and naval figlits with much anima- 
 tion and gay coloring ; and being himself 
 an old sun of Neptune, he is never at a 
 loss for appropriate circumstance and ex- 
 pressive diction, when the scene lies at 
 sea." 
 
 After witnessing and chronicling in his 
 verse the conflicts of two wars, Freneau 
 had yet many years of life before him. — 
 They were mostly passed in rural retire 
 ment at Mount Pleasant. He occasionally 
 visited New York, keeping up acquaint- 
 ance with the leaders of the Democratic 
 party. ILs appearance and conservation 
 at this time has been grai)hically described 
 by the late Dr. -John W. Francis, in whom 
 the genius and history of Freneau excited 
 the warmest interest, and which was pub 
 lished in the " Cyclopedia of American 
 Literature." 
 
 " I had, says Dr. Francis, when very 
 young, read the poetry of Freneau. and as 
 we instinctively became attached to the 
 writers who first captivate our imagina- 
 tions, it was with much zest that 1 formed 
 a jjersonal ucqu.iintaince with tiie Revolu- 
 tionary bard. He was at that time about 
 seventy-six years old, when he first intro- 
 duced iiimselfto nin in my lil)rary. I gave 
 him an earnest welcome. He was some- 
 what below the ordinary height; in per- 
 son thin ytt muscular; with a f^rm step 
 though a little inclined to stoop ; Ins coun- 
 tenance wore traces of care, yet lightened 
 with intelligence as he spoke ; he was mild 
 in enunciation, neithor rapid nor slow, but 
 clear, distinct and emphatic. His forehead 
 was rather lieyond the medium elevation ; 
 hi^ eyes a dark gray, occui^ying a socket 
 deeper than common ; his hair must have 
 once been beautiful ; it was now thinned 
 and of an iron gray. He was free of all 
 ambitious displays; his habitual expression 
 was pensive. His divss might have passed 
 for that of a farmer. New York, the city 
 of his birth was liis most interesting theme; 
 his collegiate career with Madison, next. 
 His story of manj of his occasional poems 
 was quite romantic. As he had at com- 
 mand types and a printing press, when an 
 incident of moment in the Revolution oc- 
 curred, he would retire for composition, or 
 find she'ter under the shade of some tree, 
 indite his lyrics, repair to the press, set up 
 his types and issue his productions. There 
 was no difficulty in versification with him. 
 I (old him what 1 had heard Jeffrey, the 
 Scotch reviewer, say of his writings, that 
 i}>e time would arrive when his i)oetry 
 like that of Hudilras, would command a 
 commentator like Grey. It is remarkable 
 how tenaciously Freneau V)reserved the 
 acquisitions of his eaily classical studies, 
 notwithstanding he had for many years, in 
 the after i)0ition of his life, been occupied 
 in [nusuitb so entirely alien to l)ooks.- - 
 There is no portrait of the patriot Freneau; 
 he always firmly declined the painters art 
 and would brook no "counterfeit present- 
 ment." {Ot/clopedia of Amc7: Lit.) 
 
 The aversion of Freneau to sitting for 
 his portrait, noticed by Dr. Frrncis, was 
 one of his peculiarities, for which it is not 
 easy to ^suggest a sufficient explanation. 
 As an author he was careful of the preser- 
 vation of his fame. Certainly the cause 
 was not to be found in any unfavorable 
 ' impression his likeness might create, for 
 , he was, as accurately described by Dr. 
 I Francis, of an inleresting appearance in 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 Ill 
 
 rge. In youth he was regarded as hand- 
 some. His brother Peter was renowned 
 in South Carolina for his personal beauty. 
 But whatever the motive, Freneau reso- 
 lutely declined to have his portrait painted. 
 He was once waited upon by the arlist, 
 Rembrandt Peale. with a request for this 
 purpose, by a body of gentlemen in Phila- 
 delphia ; but he was inexorable on the sub- 
 ject. On another occasion, the elder Jar- 
 vis, with a view of securing his likeness, 
 was smuggled into a co-ner of the room at 
 a dinner party at Dr. Hosack's, to which 
 tiie poet had been invited ; but the latter 
 detected the design and arrested its ac- 
 complishment. In la*^^e years, the neglect 
 has been in a measure repaired. The por- 
 trait prefixed to the volume of his " poems 
 vvitii a memoir by Evert A. Duyckinck,"' 
 published in 1865. was sketclied by an ar- 
 tist, at the suggestion and dictates of sev- 
 ei'al members of the poet's family, who re- 
 tained the most vivid recollection of his 
 personal appear mce. It was pronounced 
 b,' them a lair representation of tiie man 
 in the maturity of his physical powers, 
 previous to the inroads of old age. His 
 daughter, Mrs. Leadbeater, and his grand- 
 son and adopted son, Mr. Philip L. Fre- 
 neau, of New York, were amoiig tliose who 
 pronounced it a salisfactc>ry likeness. 
 
 The poems of Philip Freneau, if we may 
 be allowed here to repeat an estimate of 
 his powers from a sketch written some 
 years ago, represent his times, the war of 
 wit and verse no less than of sword and 
 stratagem of the Revolution : and he su- 
 peradds to this material ahumorous, home- 
 ly simplicity, peculiarly his own, in which 
 he paints the life of village rustics, with 
 their local manners fresh about them ; of 
 days when tavern <ielights were to be free- 
 ly spoken of, before temjierance societies 
 and Maine laws were thought of; when 
 men went to prison at the summons of in- 
 exorable creditors, and when Connecticut 
 deacons rushed out of meeting to arrest 
 and waylay the jiassing Sunday traveller. 
 When these liumois of the day were ex- 
 hausted, and the imi^ulses of patriotism 
 were gratified in s^ng ; when he had paid 
 his respects to Rivington and Hugh Gaiiie. 
 he solaced himself with remoter themes ; 
 in the version of an ode of Horace, a vis- 
 ionary meditation on the antiquities of 
 America or a sentimental effusion on the 
 lives of Sapplio. These show the fine tact 
 and delicate handling of Freneau, who de 
 serves mud more consider;ition in this re- 
 spect from critics than he has received. A 
 
 writer from whom the fastidious Campbell 
 in his best day thought it worth while to 
 borrow an entire line, is worth looking in- 
 to. It is from Freneau's Indian Burying 
 Ground, the last image of that fine vision- 
 ary stanza : 
 
 " By midnight moons, o'er moistening dews, 
 
 In vestments for the chase arrayed, 
 The hunter still the deer pursues, 
 
 The hunter and the deer — a shade." 
 Campbell has given the line a rich set- 
 ting in the lovelorn fantasy of O'Conor's 
 Child : 
 
 " Bright as the bow that spans he tstorm 
 
 In Erin's yellow vesture clad, 
 A son of light — a lovely form, 
 
 He comes and makes her glad ; 
 N( w on the grass green turf he sits, 
 His tassell'd horn beside him laid, 
 Now o'er the hills in chase he flits 
 The hunter and (he deer a shade." 
 
 There is also a line of Hir Walter Scott 
 which has its prototype in Freneau. In 
 the introduction to the third cants of 31ar- 
 rrdon, in the apostrophe to the Duke of 
 Brunswick, we read — 
 
 "' Lamented chief! — not thine the power 
 To save in that presumptuous hour, 
 When Prussia hurried to the field, 
 And snatched the spear but left the shield." 
 
 In Freneau's poem on the heroes of Eu- 
 taw, we have this stanza: 
 
 " They saw tlieir injured country's woe; 
 The flaming town, the wasted field; 
 Then rushed to meet the insulting foe 
 They took Ihe spear — but left the shield." 
 
 An anecdote which the late Henry Bre- 
 voort was accustomed to relate of his visit 
 to Scott, affords assurance that the poet 
 was really indebted to Freneau, and that 
 he would not on a proper occasion, have 
 hesitated to acknowledge the obligation. 
 Mr. Brevoort was asked by Scott respect- 
 ing the authorsliip of certain verses in the 
 battle of Eutaw, which he had seen in a 
 m;igazine, and had by heart, and which he 
 knew were American. He was told that 
 they were by Freneau, when he remarked 
 " The poem is as fine a thing as there is 
 of the kind in the language." Scott also 
 piaised one oi the Indian poems. 
 
 We might add to these instances that in 
 1790 Freneau, in his poetical correspond- 
 ence between Nanny, the Philadelphia 
 Housekeeper, and Nabby her friend, in New 
 York, upon the subject of the removal of 
 Congress to the former city, hit upon some 
 of the peculiar pleasantry of Moore's Epis- 
 tles in verse, of the present century. 
 
 "Freneau surprises us often by his neat- 
 ness of execution and skill in versification. 
 
112 
 
 OLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 He handles a triple-rhymed stanza in the 
 octosyllabic measure particularly well. His 
 appreciation of nature is tender and sym- 
 pathetic,— one of tlie pure spriniis which 
 fed the more boisterous curr'^nt of his hu- 
 mor when he came out nmong men, to deal 
 with quackery, pretence and injustice. But 
 wliat is. jierhaps, most worthy of notice in 
 Freneau is his originality, the instinct with 
 wliich his genius marked out a path for it- 
 self, in those days when most writers were 
 languidly leaning upon the old foreign 
 school of Pope and Darwin. He was not 
 afraid of home things and incidents. Deal- 
 ing with facts, realites, and the lifeiround 
 him, wherever he was. his writings have 
 still an interest where the vague expres- 
 sions of other poets are forgotten. It is 
 not to be denied, however, that Freneau 
 was sometimes careless. He thought and 
 wrote with improvidence. His jests are 
 sometimes misdirected ; and his verses are 
 unequal in execution. Yet it is not too 
 much lo predict, that, through the genu- 
 ine nature of some of his productions and 
 the historic incidents of others, all that he 
 wrote will yet be called for and find favor 
 in numerous editions" — Oychpediaqf Amer. 
 Literature 
 
 Thi 
 twenty years ago 
 
 filled, nn edition o^ his poems having been 
 published in 1865. the only publication of 
 any of his poems since 1815. 
 
 FRENEAU'S FAMILY. 
 
 Philip Freneau left a family of four 
 daughters, all of whom were living in 1865. 
 The mother of Gcjvernor Seymour 'f New 
 York ( Mary, the daughter lof General Jon- 
 athan Forman ) was a niece of Mrs. Philip 
 
 the poet's father. Mrs. Freneau survived 
 her husband many years, retaining in her 
 latter days much of the most interesting 
 memories of llie days of the Revokition. 
 
 The remains of Mrs. Freneau repose, 
 with those of her husband, in the family 
 burial ground at Mount Pleasant, N. J. A 
 monument to the poet's memory, within a 
 few years has been erected on the spot. 
 
 Freneau lived nearly to the completion 
 of his eightieth year. He lost his life, De 
 cember 18th, 1833, " by exposure and Ci)ld 
 while going on foot in the night during a 
 snow storm to his residence near Free- 
 hold." 
 
 The Monmouth Inquirer thus announced 
 his death : 
 
 " Mr. Freneau wa-s in the village and 
 started, toward evening, to go home, about 
 two miles. In attempting to go across he 
 appears to have got lost and mired in a 
 bog meadow, where his lifeless corpse was 
 discovered yesterday morning. Captain 
 Freneau was a staunch Whig in the time 
 of the Revolution, a good soldier and a 
 warm patriot. The productions of his pen 
 animated his countrymen in the darkest 
 days of '76 and the effusions of his muse 
 
 cheered the desponding soldier as he 
 prediction was ventured nearly I '"»gl\t the battles of freedom.'' 
 
 It is in a measure ful- i ^ '^^ ^''H^ of the Monmouth journal 
 
 says one writer, "will remain hreneaus 
 highest distinct ion He was tlie popular 
 poet of the Revolution." 
 
 The following extract from a brief no- 
 tice by Anna Maria Woodhull, of Freneau, 
 is from the Monmouth Democrat of May 
 29th, 1873 : 
 
 '' He first saw the light in the city of 
 New Yojk and was graduated at New Jer- 
 sey College. For some time a resident of 
 
 f^reneau, the wife of the poet.. Tiie Fre- j Monmouth, he was frequentlj' the guest of 
 neaus, through the second marriage of the the late Col. Elias Conover, grandfatiier of 
 
 poet's mothei', are connected with the 
 Kearney family of New Jersey. Philip 
 Freneau married at about the age of thir- 
 ty Miss Eleanor F(^rman, daughter of 8am 
 uel Forman, a wealthy citizen of New Jer- 
 sey. General Jonathan Forman and De 
 
 William H. Conover, Sr., of Freehold. At 
 the time of his deatli he owned and occu- 
 pied the house now belonging to Mr. John 
 Buck situated about two miles below the 
 town. He was a great attmirer ot Shakes- 
 peare. I own an old copy, formerly in his 
 
 nise Forman. who were much engaged in : possession (Theobolds, London, 1772.) vvhich 
 military affairs in the State during the Rev- I prize highly ; also an autograph bold and 
 olution, were iier brothers. David I'orman free, dated 1781." 
 
 also in military life was her cousin. This In his volume of poems before referred 
 lady, wlio shared her husband's talent for j to, jninted and published by himself at 
 poetry, corresponding with liim, for several ; Mount Pleasant in tliis County, lie gives 
 years before their marriage, in verse, was j vivid local descriptions of a Monmouth 
 of marked character ahd intelligence. She i county printing office in the olden time, 
 
 was devotedly attached to the Episcopal 
 Church, which the family attended, having 
 left the French Church in the lifetime of 
 
 and of other local matters which deserve 
 preservation in our local iiistory, and in 
 another chajiter we jiurpose quoting them 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 113 
 
 and also afew'otlier pieces as specimens 
 of liis style and as giving his sentiments on 
 [politics, temperance and religion and oili- 
 er subjects. 
 
 The most recent volume of his poems 
 was published in 1865 by W. J. Middletun, 
 New York, with an introductory memon- 
 by Evert A. Duyckiiick, to which we are 
 indebted for many of the facts in the fore- 
 going outline of his life. Though this vol- 
 ume only gives his poems relating to the 
 Revolution yet the fine liRentss of the po- 
 et prefixed make it a work which would be 
 highly prized by many of our readers. 
 
 in the collection of his poems published 
 in 1809, we find the list ofsubscribers which 
 he procured for it headed by the names of 
 James Madison then President, and 'i'hom- 
 as Jefferson ; and in Monmouth County we 
 find the following subscribers, viz : Middle- 
 lown : Jehu Patterson, Esq., Capt Hen- 
 drick Hendrickson, James Mott, Esq., Col. 
 Jarrntt Stillwell, (Japt. Isaac Van Dorn, 
 Capt. Jenise Hendrickson, B. Gen. Rich- 
 ard Poole. Middletown Point : Cornelius 
 P. Vanderhoi)f, Esq., Dr. William Reynolds, 
 Capt. John Hall. Near Middletown Point, 
 .lolin Van Pelt, Merchant. Peter Johnson, 
 William Walton. Ailentown, Richard 
 Stout, Merchant, Freehold, John Quay, 
 Esq., Mr. David Cook. Monmouth, Hon. 
 James Co.x. 
 
 OLD MONMOUTH DURING THE 
 REVOLUTION 
 
 Historians generally concede that no 
 state among the old thirteen suffered dur- 
 ing the war more than did New Jersey ; 
 and it is generally admitted that no coun 
 ty in our state .- uttered more than did old 
 Monmouth. In addition to liie outrages 
 to which the citizens were subjected fiom 
 the regular British army, tliey were con- 
 tinually harassed by depredations com- 
 mitted by regularly organized bands of 
 Refugees, and also by ilie still more law- 
 less acts of a set of outcasts known as the 
 Pine Woof's Robbers, who, though pre 
 tending to be Tories, yet, if opportunity of- 
 fered, robSed Tories as well ns vVhigs. 
 
 'i'he Refugees, or Loyalists as they call- 
 ed themselves, were generally native born 
 Americans wlio sided with the British, 
 regularly organized, with officers commis- 
 sioned by the Board of Associated loyal- 
 ists at New Vork, of which body th« Presi- 
 dent was William Franklin, the last Tory 
 governor of New Jersey, an illegitimate 
 son of Dr. Benjamin Franklin. The Ref- 
 
 ugees had a strongly foitified settlement 
 at Sandy Hook, the lighthouse there de- 
 fended with cannon and British vessels of 
 war always lying in the vicinity. From 
 this settlement or "Refugees' town," as it 
 was sometimes called, these marauders 
 would sally forth to plunder and murder 
 in the a(ijoining county. To show the 
 perils by which the citizens of old Mon- 
 mouth were surrounded and the outrages 
 to which they were subjected, we append 
 some extracts chiefly from ancient papers, 
 which thi)ugh plain and unvarnished yet 
 will give a vivid idea of life and times in 
 this county in the dark days of the Revo- 
 tion. 
 
 Refugee R-^ids in Old Monmouth. — Phom- 
 
 iNENT Patriots Robbed, Captured and 
 
 Murdered. 
 
 "June 3d 1778. We are informed that 
 on Wednesday morning last, a party of 
 about seventy of the Greens from Sandy 
 Hook, lanaed near Major Kearney's (near 
 Kejport,) headed the Mill Creek, Middle- 
 town Point, and marched to Mr. John 
 Burrows, made him pris.)ner, burnt his 
 mills and both his store houses — all valua- 
 ble buildings, besides a great deal of his 
 furniture. They also took prisoners, Lieu- 
 tenant Colonel Smock, Captain Christo- 
 pher Liiile, Mr. Joseph Wall, Capain Jo- 
 seph Cuvenhoven (Conover) and several 
 other persons, and killed Messrs Pearce 
 and Van Brock le and wounded anotiier 
 man mortally. Having completed this 
 ami several other barbarities they precip- 
 itately returned the same morning to 
 give an account of their abominable deeds 
 to taeir bloody employers. A number of 
 these gently, we barn, were formerly in- 
 habitants of that neigliborhood." 
 
 The '• Greei'S " above mentioned, it is 
 said, were Re'ugee or Loyalist Jerseyman 
 who joined the British. Their organiza- 
 tion was sometimes called " the New Jer- 
 sey Royal Volunteers" under command 
 of General Cortlandt Skinner, of whom 
 some farther particulars may be given 
 hereafter. 
 
 " Ajaril 26th, 1779. An e.xi)edition con- 
 sisting of seven or sight -hundred men un- 
 der Co!. Hyde went to Middletown, Red 
 Bank, Tinton Falls, Shrewsbury and oth- 
 er places, robbing and burning as they 
 went. They took Justice Covenhoven 
 and others prisoners. Captain Burrows 
 and Colonel Holmes assembled our mili- 
 tia and killed three and wounded fifteen 
 of the enemy. The enemy however sue- 
 
114 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 ceeded in carrying off horses, cattle and 
 other plunder." 
 
 In the above extract the name of Jus- 
 tice " Covenlioven ■' is mentioned. The 
 names of difterent membeis of the Coven- 
 hoven family are frequently met with in 
 ancient papers and records among those 
 who favored the patriot cause. Since that 
 time the name has gradually changed 
 from Covenhoven to Conovei'. 
 
 In May, two or three weeks after the 
 above atiair, some two or three hundrtd 
 Tories landed at Middletown, on what 
 was then termed a ''picarooning'' expe- 
 dition. The term "picaroon" originally 
 meanmg a plunderer or pirate, seems to 
 have been used in that riay to convey 
 about the same idea that '' raider " did in 
 the late Rebellion. 
 
 •' June 9th, 1779. A party of about fif- 
 ty Refugees, landed in Monmouth and 
 marched to Tinton Falls undiscovered, 
 where they surprised and cairitd oft" Colo- 
 nel Hendrickson, Colonel Wyckoff", Cap- 
 tain Chadwick and Captain McKuight, 
 with several jirivates of the militia, and 
 drove off sheep and horned cattle. About 
 thirty of our mililitt hastily collected, 
 made some resistance but were repulsed 
 with ihe lo?s of two men killed and ten 
 wounded, the enemy's loss unknown. 
 
 April 1st, 1780. About this time, the 
 Tories made another raid to Tinton Falls, 
 and took off seven prisoners. Another 
 party took Mr. Bowne prisoner at Mid- 
 dletown, who, but three days before, had 
 been exchanged, and had just got home. 
 
 About the last of April, the refugees at- 
 tacked the house of John Holmes, U[)per 
 Freehold, and robbed him of a large 
 amount of continental money, a silver 
 watch, gold ring, silver buckles, pistols, 
 clothing, <fec. 
 
 June 1st, 1780. The noted Colonel Tye, 
 (a mulatto formerly a slave in Monmouth 
 Co.) with his motley company of about 
 twenty blacks and whites, carried off' pris- 
 oners Capt. Barney Smock, antl Gilbert 
 Van Mater, spiked an iron cannon and 
 took four horses. Their rendezvous was 
 a^ Sandy Hook 
 
 Shortly after this Colonel Tye aided in 
 the attack on Capt. Joshua Huddy, at hs 
 house at Colts Neck. The particulars of 
 this affair, we purpose publishing in a 
 sketcli of Captain Huddy. Colonel Tye. (or 
 Titus, fo.-merly a slave belonging to John 
 Corlies,) though guilty of having a skin 
 darker than our own, yet was generally ac- 
 knowledged to be about the most honora- 
 
 ble, brave, generous and determined of the 
 refugee leaders. Like our forefathers, he 
 fought for his liberty, which our ancestors 
 unfortuiiately refuseil to give him. 
 
 October 15, 1781. A party of refugees: 
 from Sundy Hook landed at night, at 
 Shrewsbury, and marched undiscovered to 
 Coil's Neck, and took six pri.-oners. The 
 alarm reached the Court House about four 
 or five o'clock, P. M., and u number of in- 
 habitants, among whom was Dr. Nathanitl 
 Scudder, went in pursuit. They rode to 
 ! Black Point to ti't to recapture the six 
 [ Americans, ar d while firing from the bank 
 i Dr. Scudder was killed. Dr. Scudder was 
 one of the most prominent, active and use- 
 ful patriots of Monmouth, and bis death 
 was a serious loss to the Americans. 
 
 About the beginning of August, 1782, 
 Richard VVilgus, an American, was shot be- 
 low Allentown. while on guard to prevent 
 contraband trade wiih the Britisii. 
 I February 8lh, 1782. About forty refu- 
 I gees under Lieut. Steelman, came via San- 
 1 dy Hook to Pleasant Valley. They took 
 ! twenty horses and five sleiglis. which they 
 j loaded with plunder ; they also took s'evei- 
 j al jirisoners, viz: Hendrick Hendrickson 
 and his two sons, Peter Covenhoven, or 
 Conover as the name is now called, was 
 ' made prisoner onc« before in 1779, as be- 
 fore related,) Garret Hendrickson, Samuel 
 Bowne and son, anct Jamrs Denise. At 
 i Garret Hendiickson's a young man named 
 I WilliHiii Tliompsp/n. got up siyiy and went 
 oft' and informed Ciipt. John Schenck, of 
 I Col. Holmes' rfgiment, who collected all 
 the men he could to pursue. They over- 
 ! took and attacked the refugees, and the 
 ; before mentioned William Thomi>?on was 
 j killed and Mr. Cottrel wounded. They 
 I however took twelve refugees prisoners, 
 three of whom were wounded. But in re- 
 turning, they unexpectedly fell in with a 
 I party of sixteen men under Stevenson, and 
 a sudden firing caused eight ot the priso- 
 ners to escape. But Crip'. Scbenck ordered 
 liis men to charge bayonet, and the tories 
 surrendered. Chj)!. Schenck took nine 
 teen horses and five sleighs, and took twen- 
 ty-one prisoners. 
 
 The first of the foregoing extracts, rela 
 ting to a raid of the British in Middletown 
 township, in J778, and landing near Ma- 
 jor Kearneys, in the vicinity o: Keyport, is 
 probably the affair referred to in a tradi- 
 tion given in Howes collections, which we 
 give below, as it explains why the Refu- 
 gees floxl so precipitately. It will be no- 
 ticed, however, that the tradition does not 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 115 
 
 agree with extract quoted as to damage 
 done ; but we have no doubt but that the 
 statement copied from the ancient paper 
 (Collins Gaxette) is correct, as it was writ- 
 ten but a few days after the affair took 
 place. 
 
 " Theproximity of this part of Monmouth 
 county to New York rendered it, in the 
 war of the Revolution, peculiarly liable to 
 the incursions of the British troops. Many 
 of the inhabitants, although secretly favor- 
 able to the American cause, were obliged 
 to feign allegiance to the crown, or lose 
 then' property by marauding parties of the 
 refugees, fi'om vessels generally lying oti' 
 Sandy Hook. Among those of this descrip- 
 tion was Major Kearney, a resident near 
 the present site of Keyport. On one occas- 
 ion a party of thirty or f.^rty refugees 
 stopped at his dwelling on their way to 
 Middletown Point, where they intended 
 to burn a dwelling and some mills. Kear- 
 ney feigned uratification at their visit, and 
 talsely informed them there were probably 
 some rebel troops at the Point, in which 
 case it would be dangerous for them to 
 march thither. He ordered his negro ser- 
 vant, Jube. thither to make inquiry, at the 
 same time secrelly giving him the cue how 
 to act. In due length of time Jube, who 
 had gone but a short distance, returned 
 and hastily entered the room where Kear- 
 ney and the Refugees were, and exclaimed : 
 " Oh Massa ! Massa ! the rebels are at the 
 Point thicic as blackberries I They nave 
 just come down from the Court house and 
 say they are going to march down here 
 to night. The ruse succeeded ; the Refu- 
 gees, alarmed, precipitately retreated to 
 their boats, leaving the Major to rejoice at 
 the stratagem whicli had saved the proper- 
 ty of his friends from destruction." 
 
 The i)robabiiity is that therusre prevent 
 ed the Refugees from doing as much dam- 
 age as they had intended, although they 
 remained long enougli to inflict, considera- 
 ble injury, as has been related. 
 
 ATTACK ON THE RUSSEL FAMILY. 
 
 As the outrage was an unusually aggra- 
 vated one, even for Refugees, and as it 
 will be necessary to refer to some of the 
 parties concerned in it hereafter, to ex- 
 plain other events, we give the particulars 
 as deiived from various sources. The first 
 extract is from Collin's New Jersey Ga- 
 zette : — 
 
 "On the 30th of April, 1780, a party of 
 negroes and refugees from Sandy Hook 
 landed at Shrevvsburj', in order to plun- 
 
 der. During their excursion a Mr. Rus- 
 sell, who attempted some resistance to 
 their depreciations, was killed, and his 
 grandchild had five balls shot through 
 him, but is yet living. Captain Warner, of 
 the i^rivateer brig Elizabeth, was made 
 prisoner by these ruffians, but was releas- 
 ed by giving them two half joes. This 
 banditti also took ofi' several persons, 
 among whom were Capt. James Green 
 and Ensign John Morris, of the Militia." 
 
 The annexed additional particulars are 
 from Hove's collections — " Mr. Russell 
 was an elderly man, aged about 60 years ; 
 as the party entered his dwelling, which 
 was in the night, he fired and missed. — 
 William Gilian, a native of Shrewsbury, 
 their leader, seized the old gentleman by 
 tiie collar, and w-as in the act of stabbing 
 him in the face and eyes with a bayonet, 
 when the fire blazed up, and shedding a 
 momentary light upon the scene, enabled 
 the younger ffussell, who lay wounded on 
 the floor, to shoot Gilian. John Farnham, 
 (A Refugee named Farnham was after- 
 wards captured, tried and hung at Free- 
 hold — we presume it was the same man,) 
 a native of Middletown, thereupon aimed 
 his musket at the young man, but it was 
 knocked up by Lipi)incott, who had mar- 
 ried into the family. The party then went 
 off. The child was accidentally wounded 
 in the affray." 
 
 The Lippencott above referred to vvas, 
 during the late years of the war, quite a 
 noted refugee leader — the same Captain 
 Richard Lippencott who executed Cap- 
 tain Joshua Huddy. (A New York pub- 
 lication entitled " Tales and traditions of 
 New York, says that Capt. Lippencott was 
 among the Refugees who attacked and 
 burned Toms River.) It will be noticed 
 that a younger Russell is referred to as 
 having been vvounded and lying on the 
 floor. This was Joim Russell, a very ac- 
 tive member of the Militia, who at the 
 time of this outrage was at home on a fur- 
 lough with his parents and wife. This 
 John Russell alter the war removed to Ce- 
 dar Creek, in Ocean County, where he 
 lived to quite an advanced age. His ac- 
 count of the affair is as follows : 
 
 There were seven refugees and he 
 (John) saw them through the window, 
 and at one time they got so near that he 
 told his father he was sure they could kill 
 four of them and wished to fire, as be be- 
 lieved the other three would run. His 
 father persuaded him not to fire, but to 
 do so when they broke into the house. — 
 
116 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 When they broke in the father fired first 
 but missed his aim ; he was then fi-ed up- 
 on and killed. John Russell fired and 
 killed the man who shot his father. John 
 Russell was shot in the side (the scars of 
 the wound were visible until he died ) — 
 After being wounded he fell on the floor 
 and pretended that he was dead. The 
 refugees then went to plundering the 
 house. The mother and wife of John 
 were lying in a bed with the child : the 
 child awoke and asked: ''Grandmother 
 wnat's the matter?" A refugee pointed 
 his gun at it and fired and said " that's 
 what's the matter." Whether he really 
 intended to wound the child, or only to 
 frighten it, is uncertain, but the child was, 
 as before stated, badly wounded, but event 
 ually recoveiad. 
 
 As the refugees were preparing to leave, 
 one of the number pointed his musket at 
 young Russell, as he lay on the floor, and 
 was about firing, saying he didn't believe 
 he was dead yet; whereupon another 
 knocked his musket up, saying it was a 
 shame to fire upon a dying man, and the 
 load went into the ceiling. After the ref- 
 ugees were gone, John got up, had his 
 wounds attended to, and exclaimed to his 
 wife : " Ducky I I'll come out all right 
 yet." He did come out all right, and we 
 have good reason to believe before the 
 wai» ended he aided in visiting severe ret- 
 ribution on the Refugees, for their doings 
 at this lime. Among this party of Refu- 
 gees was the notorious Phil White. 
 
 THE CAPTURE AND DEATH OF THE REFUGEE, 
 FHIL WHITE. 
 
 A correct version of the A^air. Slanders re- 
 futed and Patriots Vindicated. Affidavits of 
 
 Aaron White, of Philip Whitens guards; 
 
 Statements of Gen. Forman, &c. 
 
 Though the death of the refugee Philip 
 W.hite, (commonly called Phil White) is 
 occasionally referred to in modern works, 
 there are none which give complete or 
 correct accounts of the affair. In the 
 brief statement given in Howe's collec- 
 tions, unjust imputations are cast ujion his 
 guard, as will hereafter be seen. 
 
 When Capt. Muddy was so brutally mur- 
 dered by the Refugees near the High- 
 land?, it will be remembered that a label 
 was fastened to his breast, the last sen- 
 tence of which was 
 
 " Up goes Htuldy for Philp White.'" 
 
 Though the refugees at one time assert 
 ed that Capt. Huddy had an agency in 
 the death of Phil. White, yet this prejws- 
 
 terous charge was at once shown to be an 
 infamous falsehood, as when White was 
 killed, Capt. Huddy wns a prisoner, con- 
 fined in the old sugar house. New York, 
 (Duane's sugar house). The British assert- 
 ed that " he had taken a certain Philip 
 White, cut off both his arms, broke his 
 legs, pulled out one of his eyes, damned 
 him and then hid him run." How much 
 of this was true wdl be seen by conclu- 
 sive evidence given below, before quoting, 
 which we will give a version of the affair 
 as given in Howe's collection, from a tra- 
 ditionary .source. 
 
 . " While, the Refugee, was a carpenter, 
 and served his time in Shrewsbury. Six 
 days after Huddy was taken, he was sur- 
 prised by a party of militia ligiithorse, 
 near Snag Swamp, in the eastern part of 
 the township. After laying down his arms 
 in token of surrender, he took up his mus- 
 ket and killed a Mr. Hendrickson. He 
 was however secured, and while being tak- 
 en to Freehold, was killed at Pyle's Cor- 
 ner, three miles from there. He Wis un- 
 der a guard ot three men, the father of 
 whom was murdered at Shrewsbury the 
 year ^Ji'evious, by a band of reufugees, 
 amon^ whom was White, and he was 
 therefore highly exasperated against the 
 prisoner. Some accounts state that he 
 was killed while attempting to escape: 
 others with more probability that they 
 pricked him with their swords and thus 
 to run and cruelly murdered. 
 
 There are several errors in the forego- 
 ing and it is to be especially regretted 
 that the untrue chargeof wanton cruelty, 
 contained at the close of this extract, 
 .-hould have found a place in so useful a 
 book as the one containing it. Correct 
 versions of this affair are found in ancient 
 papers, but for the present we will give 
 several affidavits talcen at the time as be- 
 ing the most conclusive evidence. These 
 affidavits were forvvarded to Gen. Wash- 
 ington, and by him transmitted to Con- 
 gress, April 20Lh, 1782. 
 
 These affidavits are of Aaron White, 
 who was taken prisoner with Phil. White, 
 and of each of the three guards. 
 
 Deposition of Aaron White. 
 
 County of Monmouth, ss : — Aaron White 
 being duly sworn, deposeth : 
 
 That he was taken pri-soner with Philip 
 White, that the deponent left New York 
 in company with Philip White, Jeremiah 
 Bell, negro Moses, Jolin Feanimore and 
 Robert Howell, on Thursday night, the 
 
OLD TIMES m OLD MOIXMOUTIJ, 
 
 117 
 
 28th day of March last ; that they sailed 
 from New York to the Hook, where they 
 remained until morning, beinjj Friday ; 
 that the deponent understood that Capt. 
 Huddy was then a prisoner ; that on the 
 day following, being Saturday, the 30th, 
 the deponent being off in a boat with Fen- 
 nimore, and having observed that the said 
 Philip White and Moses had an engage- 
 ment with some of tlie troops on shore, 
 he, the deponent, went in a boat to their 
 relief, meaning to take them off; that 
 when he came on shore he joined the said 
 Philip White and negro Moses, and pur- 
 sued one Thomas Berkley, with whom 
 they had been engaged ; that in pursuit, 
 the light horse came down, and the depo- 
 nent with the said Philip White were 
 made prisoners, that they were put under 
 guard to be sent to Freehold for confine- 
 ment ; that on the way from Colt's Neck 
 to Freehold, between Daniel Grandin's 
 and Samuel Leonard's the deponent was 
 told by one of his guards that Philip 
 White was running away ; that the depo- 
 nent looked back and saw the horsemen 
 in pursuit of something, but being about 
 half a mile distant, could not distinguish 
 alter whom or what the pursuit was; that 
 the field in which they were pursuing was 
 near the brook next to Mr. Leonard's ad- 
 joining a wood ; that Lieut. Rhea and 
 George Brindley left the deponent under 
 guard of two men and ran their horses 
 back towards the place the other men 
 were pursuing ; that the deponent after- 
 wards understood that it is was Philip 
 White they were pursuing, and that he 
 was killed in the pursuit ; that Joshua 
 Huddy was not one ot the guard or party, 
 and the deponent understood and verily 
 believes that he was then a prisoner in 
 New York; and the deponent further and 
 lastly declares, that the above is the truth 
 as related without any fear, threats or 
 compulsion whatever. 
 
 Aaron White. 
 Sworn before me this 15th of April, 1782- 
 David Forman, 
 Justice of the Peace, Monmouth County. 
 
 That a clear idea of the order of the 
 principal events referred to in these affi- 
 davits may be obtained, we will here state 
 that Capt. Joshua Huddy was taken pris- 
 oner by the British at Toms River, on 
 Sunday, March 24th, 1782 ; on Saturday, 
 the 30th of March, six days after, Phil. 
 White and Aaron, were taken prisoners 
 by the Monmouth militia the same day 
 
 (March 30th,) Philip White was killed, at 
 which time Capt. Huddy was confined in 
 the sugar house prison at New York, 
 where he had been put on Tuesday, March 
 27ih, and remained until Monday, April 
 Hth, when he was taken on board a sloop 
 and put in irons, and four days later — on 
 the 12th of April, 1782 — he was hung near 
 the Highlands; his body was delivered to 
 the Americans, sent to Freehold, and 
 buried with the honors of war. Three 
 days after his death — on the 15th of April, 
 these affidavits were taken, while the re- 
 collections of all the circumstances refer- 
 redto were fresh in the minds of the wit- 
 ness. 
 
 ORIGIN OF FAMILY NAMES. 
 
 A surname is an additional name added 
 to a proper or given name for the sake of 
 distinction, and so called because original 
 ly written over the other name instead of 
 after it, from the French /S'«rno?rt, probably 
 derived from the Latin '' Super nomen," 
 signifying above the name. 
 
 Surnames have originated in various 
 ways. Some are derived from the names 
 of places; others from offices and profes- 
 sions, from personal peculiarities ; from 
 the (christian or proper name of the fath- 
 er; from the performance of certain ac- 
 tions; from objects in the animal, mineral 
 and vegetable world, and from accidental 
 circumstances of every varied character. 
 
 According to Camden, surnames began 
 to be taken up in France about the year 
 1000, and in England about the time of 
 the Conquest (1066) or a very little be- 
 fore. 
 
 Local names form the largest cla&s of 
 our surnames. First among these are 
 those which are national, expressing the 
 country whence the person first bearing 
 (he name came, as English, Scott, French, 
 Ireland, Britain, Fleming (from Flanders) 
 Gaskin, (from Gascony), &c. Names were 
 taken from almost every county, town 
 and hamlet, as Cheshire, Chester, Hull, 
 Ross, Kent, Cunningham, Huntingdon, 
 Preston, Compton, etc., so that local names 
 of this class may number many thousands. 
 For instance, a person whose native place 
 was Chester, might remove to another 
 place the inhabitants of which, to distin- 
 guish him, would give him the surname of 
 Chester, originally prefixing it with " o/," 
 frequently shortened to " O " or '' .4," sig- 
 nifying/>-#?n or at, as John of Chester, John 
 0' Chester ; J ohn atKirby, John A'Kirby. 
 
118 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 The prefixes after a time were dropped 
 and the names descended to children as 
 simply Chester and Kirby. 
 
 Besides these we have a great number of 
 locid surnames which are general and de- 
 scriptive of the nature or situation of the 
 residence of the persons upon whom they 
 were bestowed, as Hill, Wood. Dale, Park, 
 <fec. The prefix xU or AUe was generally 
 used before these names as Joh}^ At Hill, 
 meaning John at the hill or John who 
 lived at the hill; James At Well, John At 
 Wood, now Atwell and Atwood. In this 
 way men took surnames from rivers and 
 trees from residing at or near them, as 
 Beck, Gill, Grant, Beach, Bush. Ash, 
 Thorn. 
 
 Surnames derived from Christian or bap- 
 tismal names are probably next in num 
 ber to the local surnames; some of these 
 are probably the most ancient of all sur- 
 names, many of them varied by prefixes 
 and suflSxes. Of this class we have first, 
 the names terminating in son, which vi\s 
 added to the name of the father ; John the 
 son of William, was called John, William's 
 son — John Williamson ; Johnson, John's 
 son ; T}»ompson, Thomas' son ; tSimpson, Si- 
 mon's son; Wilson, Will's son. 
 
 The Welsh merely appended "5," in 
 stead of son, as Edwards, son of Edward ; 
 Davis, son of David ; Jones, son of John ; 
 Hughes, son of Hugh ; Williams, son of Wil 
 liam, &c. 
 
 Then we have surnames formed from ab- 
 breviated names, pet names and nick- 
 names, as Watson the son of Wat or Wal- 
 ter : Watts, signifying the same; Dobson, 
 son of Dob or Robert. 
 
 A great many surnames are formed of 
 abbreviated and nurs'=i ngmes with the ad 
 dition of the diminutive terminations ette, 
 kin, cock or cox. all of which signify " lit- 
 tle" or "child." From the termination 
 ette we have such names as Willet, wliich 
 meani. little Will, or son of Will ; IJallct.. 
 Little Hal or Henry. P^rom kin or kin^s 
 we have Wilkins, Sirapkins, Atkins, Hig- 
 gins, Hawkins, Dobbins. From cock ov cox 
 we have Wilcox, Simeox, &c.. 
 
 Some surnnines have the prefix Fi'z, of 
 Norman wigin, signifying son. as Fiiz Clar- 
 ence, son of Clarence, Fitzgerald, son of Ger- 
 ald. Fitz was applied to sons both legiti- 
 mate and illegitimate. 
 
 The Welsh in like manner prefixed Ap 
 to denote son, as Jhwid ^\p Hoiuell, David 
 son of Howeli; Evan A]> lihi/s, Evan son of 
 Rhys or Reese ; liichnrd Ap Evan, Richard 
 son of Evan ; John Ap Hugh, John son of 
 
 Hugh. These names are now abbreviated 
 into Powell, Price, Bevan, Pugh. 
 
 The affix " Ing " is of Teutonic origin, 
 denoting progeny ; Whiting inei\.ns, fair off- 
 spring ; Browning, the dark or brown cnild, 
 etc. Xe^ of Anglo Saxon origin means lit- 
 tle, as Burtlett, little Bart or Bartholomew ; 
 Willctt, little Will. 
 
 The prefixes " Mac " and " " found in 
 Irish names signify the first, son, the lat- 
 ter grandson or descendant. DonneiTs 
 son would be called Mac Donnell; the 
 grandson or descendant would be called 
 O'Donnell; Mac iNeall, the son of Neal ; 
 O'Neal, the grandson of Neal. 
 
 Names of trades, occupations and pur- 
 
 j suits are next in number, as Smith. Car- 
 ))enter, Taylor, Barker, Barber, Brewer, 
 Sherman (a shearman, one who shears 
 
 ■ cloth), Naylor (nailmaker). Tucker (a ful. 
 
 I ler), etc. John the Smith was shortened 
 
 I to John Smith, Peter the Carjienter, to 
 Peter Carpenter, &c. 
 
 j Many surnames are derived from offi- 
 cial names, both civil and ecclesiasti- 
 cal. Among these may be mentioned 
 King, Earl, Knight. Pope, Bishop, Bailey. 
 Marshall, Cliambcrlain, Priest, etc. 
 
 Personal characteristics have given ori- 
 gin to another class of surnames descrip- 
 tive of mental or bodily peculiarities. — 
 Among these are the names of color and 
 complexion, as Black, Brown, White, 
 Gray, Dunn (brown); and from the color 
 of the hair. Whitehead, Fairfax (fair 
 hair), Swartz (bJack), P'airchild, Black- 
 man, etc. 
 
 Among those which indicate the men 
 tal or moral qualities are such as Good- 
 man, Wise, Wiley, Meek, Moody, Bliss, 
 Gay, Sage, Joy. 
 
 Among those derived from bodily pecu- 
 liarity and from feats of personal strength 
 or courege are Strong, Mickle, liittle. 
 Long, Armstrong, Turnbuli, etc. 
 
 A few surnames aie derived from ani- 
 mals, fishes and birds, generally for the 
 reason given hereafter. 
 
 Of surnames derived from animals may 
 be mentioned Wolf, Lion, Fox, Hare, 
 RoC; &c. I-i'rom Wild boar comes Wilbur: 
 from Little Wolf or lAipellas comes Lovel : 
 Todd means fix in Scotch ; and from EOer 
 or Eafcr, a boar, is derived Everard, Ever- 
 itt, Everingham. P^verton, &ic. Oliphant is 
 from elephant. 
 
 Among the names of fishes and birds 
 taken as family names may be mentioned, 
 Pike. Salmon, Burt, Ba.ss. Fish, etc ; l>ove. 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 119 
 
 Finch, Peacock, Swan, Jay, Wildgoose 
 (Wilgus), Heron, Sic. 
 
 The mineral and vegetable kingdom 
 have contributed their full quota, as in- 
 stance Garnett, Jewell, Steel, Irons, Stone, 
 Flint, Pine, Rose, Thorn, Burch,etc. 
 
 One reason why persons received as sur- 
 names the names of animals, fishes, birds, 
 flowers, &G, was because in ancient times 
 in England, not only innkeepers but 
 tradesmen and mechanics of all kinds put 
 on the signs over their doors a representa- 
 tion of something to attract attention and 
 as a distinguishing mark of their [ilaoe of 
 business, as Wild hoars, Elephants, Bulls, 
 Swans, Peacocks, Dolphins, Cranes, Grif- 
 fins, Guns, Bells, Pots, Pitcaers, &c., which 
 gave rise to the surnames of those who 
 put them up or to some of their employes. 
 Camden says " that he was told by them 
 who said they spake of knowledge, that 
 many names that seem unfitting for men, 
 as of brutish beasts, etc., came from the 
 very signs of the houses where they inliab- 
 ited. That some, in late time, dwelling 
 at the sign of the Dolphin, Bull, White- 
 horse, Racket, Peacocke, etc., were com- 
 monly called Thnnas at the Dolphin, Will at 
 the Bull, George at the Whilehorse, Rohin at 
 the Racket, which names, as many others 
 of the like sort, with omitting at, became 
 afterward hereditary to their children." 
 
 A few surnames have originated in nick- 
 names, epithets of contempt and ridicule, 
 imposed for personal peculiarities, habits, 
 qualities, incidents or accidents which hap- 
 pened to their original bearers, as Doolit- 
 lle, Bragg, Trollope, Silliman, &c. 
 
 The foregoing gives the princijDal sour- 
 ces from which the greater part of our 
 surnames are derived, but many names 
 yet remain, the origin of which are not ac- 
 counted for, hut all surnames must have been 
 originally significant. The best authorities 
 as to the origin and meaning of surnames 
 are Lover, Camden and Arthur, the work 
 of the last named being the most conven 
 lent and accessible. 
 
 We give bel ];v the meaning and origin 
 of many familxar surnames as accepted by 
 some authorities. In a few instances 
 there is a difference of opinion among 
 those who have investigated the subject. 
 At some future time we shall endeavor to 
 find room for a more complete list of sur- 
 names and quote different authorities — 
 In some cases where different opinions 
 are given as to the origin of surnames 
 each may be correct owing to the fact 
 
 that many names now common may have 
 had different origins. 
 
 SURNAMES- THEIR ORIGIN AND 
 MEANING. 
 
 Acheson, Atcheson. (Cornish British). 
 An inscription or memorial. 
 
 Ackerman. (Saxon). From Acker, oak- 
 en, made of oak, and man. Signifying 
 the brave, firm, unyielding man. 
 
 Acton. (Saxon). Oak-town or oak hill, 
 
 Agnew. (Norman French). From the 
 town of Agneau, in Normandy, whence the 
 family originated. Agneau, in Normandy 
 French signifies lambs. 
 
 Ackers, Aikens, Akers, Akms &c. (Sax- 
 on). Qx^ni^y oaken ov place o^ oaks, ov oak 
 man, a man firm and unyielding as an 
 oak. 
 
 Allen, Allan. This name is derived, by 
 one authority from the Sclavonic Aland, a 
 woltdog or hound. Camden thinks it is a 
 corruption of Aelimus, which signifies sun- 
 bright. In the Gaelic, Aluinn signifies ex- 
 ceedingly fair, handsome, elegant, lovely. 
 Irish, Alun, fair beautiful. The Gaelic and 
 Irish derivations are probably correct. 
 
 Anderson. Son of Andrew. 
 
 Armstrong. A name given for strength 
 in battle. 
 
 Austin. (Latin) A contraction of Augus- 
 tine, from Augustinus, imperial, royal, 
 great, renowned. 
 
 Bailey. A name of office. 
 
 Barculo, Barkalow. From the town 
 Boiculoor Borkulo in Holland. 
 
 Barnes. A distinguished family of Sot- 
 terly, Suffolk county, England. Beam, a 
 city in France. Barnyz, (Cornish Br.) a 
 judge. 
 
 diminutive of Bartholo- 
 ittle Bart, or son of Bar- 
 
 Bartlett. A 
 
 mew, meanmg 
 tholomew. 
 
 Barton. (Saxon). Local. From a town in 
 Lincolnshire, England, meaning a corn 
 town or barley village, from here, barley, 
 and tonixu inclosure, house or village. In 
 Devonshire Barton is applied to any free- 
 hold estate not possessed of manorial 
 privileges. 
 
 Bates. (Anglo Saxon) Contention. 
 
 Bauer. (German). Farmer. 
 
 Baxter. (Anglo Saxon). Baker. Sir 
 Walter Scott says that in Scotland it also 
 meant a baker's lad. 
 
 Beadle. A name of office; an officer be- 
 longing to a university or parish. 
 
 Bedell. The same as Beadla, of which 
 it is a corruption. 
 
120 
 
 OLD TIMES ^IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 Beers. From Beer, a town in Dorsetshire, 
 England, so called from here, grain, bar- 
 ley; a fruitful place. 
 
 Bell. A name taken from the sign of an 
 inn or shop. " John at the Bell " became 
 "John Bell." 
 
 Bennett. A contraction or corruption 
 of Benedict, from Benedictus, blessed. 
 
 Blair. A cleared plain or battle field. 
 
 Blake. A corruption of Ap Lake, son of 
 Lake. 
 
 Bogart (Dutch) From boomgard, an or- 
 chard. 
 
 Bond. The father or head of a family, 
 whence husband, a contraction of house 
 bond. 
 
 Bonnal. (Cornish British). The house 
 on the cliff. (See Burnell). 
 
 Bowen. (Welsh). A corruption of Ap 
 Oiven, son of Owen. 
 
 Bovvne. (Cornish Br.) Signifies ready, 
 active, nimble. 
 
 Bowman. A military name ; one who 
 used a bow; an archer. 
 
 Bowers. A shady recess ; a cottage. The 
 German Bauer is sometimes corrupted to 
 Bower. 
 
 Bowyer. One who used or made bows. 
 
 Bradshaw. A broad wood or grove. One 
 who lived near a wide grove. 
 
 Breese. (Welsh). A contraction of Ap 
 JRecse, son of Ree?e. 
 
 Brewer, Brewster. A brewer of malt li- 
 quor. 
 
 Brick. A corruption of Breek, signify- 
 ing broken, a gap. 
 
 Britton, Brittain. A native of Britain. 
 
 Brower. From the Dutch Brouer, a 
 brewer. 
 
 Bryan, Brian Brien. Nobly descended ; 
 also one who is fair spoken, wordy, spe- 
 cious. 
 
 Bunnell. A corruption of Bonhill, a par- 
 ish in the county of Dumbarton, Scot- 
 land. 
 
 Burden, Borden. Louver says the sur- 
 name Burden is probably a corruption of 
 bourdov., a pilgrim's staff. It may also be de- 
 rived from two Saxon words Bo^(r and den 
 signifying a house in the valley. 
 
 Chadwich. Cottage by the harbor. 
 
 Clayton. The Clay hill. 
 
 Cole. An abbreviation of Nicholas, 
 common among the Dutch. 
 
 Connell, Connelly. From Celtic and 
 Gaelic, co?(a/, love, friendship. 
 
 Conway. From a river of this name in 
 Wales. 
 
 Coombs. (Cornish Br.) A place betvreen i 
 hills, a valley ; in the Welsh Coom. I 
 
 Courtney. From a town in France, 
 Courtenay fifty-six miles south of Paris. — 
 The name signifies '' The court near the 
 river."' 
 
 Cox. From cock or cox, little, a term of 
 endearment. The word was sometimes 
 used to denote a leader or chief man. In 
 West Jersey, some two centuries ago, Pe- 
 ter, Lacey, and Laurence Cock were prom- 
 inent settlers ; their descendants general- 
 ly now spell the name Cox. 
 
 Crawforl. From Crawford in Lancashire, 
 Scotland, which some say derived its name 
 from cru bloody and ford, a pass — bloody 
 ford. 
 
 Crowell. From a town in England by 
 that name. 
 
 Curtis. An abbreviation of courteous. 
 
 Dennis. A corruption of the Greek name 
 Dionysius, divine mind. 
 
 Dunn. Gaelic, a heap, hill, mount, fort- 
 ress. Saxon, brown, of a dark color, swar- 
 thy. 
 
 Dunning. Brown offspring, Child of 
 Dunn. 
 
 ErricV, Herrick. '' There is a tradition " 
 says Dean Swift *' that the ancient family 
 of Ericks or Herricks derive their lineage 
 from Erick the Forester, a great command- 
 er who rai'^ed an army to oppose the inva- 
 sion of William the Conquerer." 
 
 Errickson. Son of Eric. The old settlers 
 of Monmouth of this name were probably 
 of Swedish descent and first settled in 
 West Jersey. Eric Errickson came over 
 with the first Swedish settlers (1638?) A 
 census of Swedes taken in 1693 gives the 
 names of Joran Ericson, one child, Mats 
 Errickson, three children, Eric Errickson, 
 one child. An old tradition says that the 
 first of the family who came to New Jer- 
 sey, descended from Eric, king of Sweden. 
 
 Ervvin, Irwin. Welsh Erivyn, very fair, 
 white beautiful. 
 
 Elvans. The Welsh for John, same as 
 Johns, meaning son of Evan or son of 
 John. 
 
 French. One who came from France. 
 
 Goudy, Gowdy. From Gouda, ■i. town in 
 Holland. 
 
 Gordon. A strong man, a hero, a giant. 
 
 Harris, Harrison. .Son of Henry. 
 
 Hartshorne. The horn ot a hart or male 
 deer ; an emblem or sign over a shop or 
 inn, wlience the name "Will at the Harts- 
 horn." 
 
 Havens. From haven, a harbor. One 
 who lived near a haven. 
 
 Henderson, Hendrickson. Son of Hen- 
 ry or Hendrick. 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 121 
 
 Herbert. (Saxon) From Here., a sol- 
 dier, and beorht, bright — meaning an ex- 
 pert soldier, famous in war. 
 
 Higgins. Little Hugh, or son of Hugh. 
 
 Hilyard. Anciently Hildheard, Hild in 
 Saxon is a hero or heroine, and heard, a 
 pastor or keeper. 
 
 Hodges. Hodge was a nickname of Rog- 
 er, and Hodges mean son of Hodge. 
 
 Hoffman. (Dutch) From Hoof Jam, a 
 captain or head man, Hofman, from Hof, a 
 court — the man of the court. 
 
 Holman. A corruption of Allemand, a 
 German, that is a mixture of all men, AUe 
 mann. 
 
 Holmes. From Holm, a river, island or 
 meadow; also cultivated rising ground. 
 
 Hume, Hulmes. Same as above. 
 
 Hood. (Saxon) I'rom hovd', the wood. 
 
 Hooper. A cooper. 
 
 Hopkins. Little Robert or son of Rob- 
 ert. 
 
 Hunn. A native of Hungary. 
 
 Irving, Irvine. From a river and town 
 of same name in Ayrshire, Scotland. 
 
 Jeffrey. Corrupted from Geoffrey or 
 Godfrey, from theGerman, signifying God's 
 peace orjoyful peace. This name was borne 
 by the chief of the royal house of Plantag 
 enet. 
 
 .Jenkins. From Jenks or John ; son of 
 John. 
 
 Jennings. Same as Jenkins, 
 
 Kemble, Kimlile. A corruption of Camp 
 bell, which family claims to be able to trace 
 its lineage to the fifth century. Cam meant 
 crooked, and bevl, mouth — the man whose 
 mouth inclined a little on one side. 
 
 Laird. The same as Lord. 
 
 Lane. (Gaelic) A plain ; a narrow way. 
 
 Lawrence. Flourishing, spreading, from 
 Laurus, the laurel tree. Sir Robert Lau: 
 rence of Ashton Hall, Lancashire, England, 
 accompanied Richard I. to the Holy Land 
 119L 
 
 Leonard. The disposition of a lion. Li- 
 on hearted. 
 
 Lippencot. German. A town on the 
 coast; one who lived on the coast — from 
 leben to dwell, and ccte side or coast. 
 
 Lloyd. (Welsh) Grey or brown. 
 
 Lowe. A hill. 
 
 Martin. Warlike, a chief man, a warrior. 
 
 Moore. (Gaelic) Great, chief, tall, mighty, 
 proud. 
 
 Morgan. One born by the sea. 
 
 Morris. (Welsh) A hero, a brave man. 
 
 Norris. A North king ; the third king 
 at arms. 
 
 Osborn. From hus, a house, and beam, 
 a child — a family child or adopted child. 
 
 Owen. The ^ood offspring, good child. 
 
 Palmer. A pilgrim from the Holy Land; 
 so called because he carried a palm branch 
 as a pledge of his having been to Palffstine. 
 
 Pancoast, Pancost. A corruption of Pt:rt- 
 Lecost, a name probably given to a child 
 born on Pentecost day. 
 
 Pangburn, Pangbourn. A town in Berk- 
 shire, England. 
 
 Parker. The keeper of a park. 
 
 Powell. The son of Howell, which is from 
 Cornish British Houl, the sun. 
 
 Potter. One who makes earthen vessels. 
 
 Price. The son of Rice or Reese, from 
 Ap Ilice. 
 
 Quackerboss. A thicket, a grove, moun- 
 tain ash. 
 
 Randolph, Randall. Fair help. Good 
 help. 
 
 Reeves. From liccve, a bailiff", provost, or 
 steward. 
 
 Reynolds. Sincere or pure love ; a strong, 
 firm hold. 
 
 Rice, Reese. A brave, impetuous man. 
 
 Roger. One who keeps the peace ; strong 
 counsel. 
 
 Rogers. Son of Roger. 
 
 Russell. Red haired, or somewhat red- 
 dish. 
 
 Schenck, An inn or public house, from 
 the German schenhe. 
 
 Sherman. One who shears cloth. 
 
 Smith. The most common of all sur- 
 names. The name is derived from the An- 
 glo Saxon Smilan, to strike or smite. 
 "From wlienee comes Smith, all be he knigVit or 
 
 squire, 
 But from the Smith thut fo'i geth a*, the fire?" 
 
 Verstegan. 
 
 Among the Highland class, the smith 
 ranked third in dignity to the chief, from 
 his skill in fabricating military weapons 
 and his dexterity in using them. In Wales 
 there were three sciences which a tenant 
 could not teach his son without consent of 
 his lord. Scholarship, Bardism and Smithcraft. 
 This last was considered one of the liberal 
 sciences, and the term hi.d a more com- 
 prehensive sense than we now give it. The 
 smith was required to have different 
 branches of knowledge which are now prac- 
 ticed separately, such as raising the ore, 
 converting it into metal, etc. It originally 
 applied to all mechanical workmen wheth- 
 er in metal, wood or other materials. 
 
 The name John ^Smith is s > common 
 that it almost ceases to be a distinctive 
 name. One writer contends, in an amus- 
 
122 
 
 OLI) TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 ing article, that the name Smith is not 
 only common in Great Britain and Ameri- 
 ca, hut among all the nations of the earth. 
 He insists that the Hehrew name ot'Sheni 
 (Noah's son) was thus corrupted: Shem, 
 .■Shemit, Shmit, Smith. A Philadelphia 
 humorous writer, after asserting that Shem 
 in Hebrew is the origin of vSmith, says the 
 name John Smith is found in other nations 
 one and indivisible Thus, Latin, Johannes 
 Stnithius ; Italian, Giovanni Smithi ; Span- 
 ish, Juan Smithas ; Dutch, Hans Schmidt; 
 French, Jean Smeets ; Russian, Jonloff 
 Skmittowski ; Polish, Ivan Schmittiwcls.ii ; 
 Cliinese, Jahon Shimmitt ; Icelandis, Jahne 
 Smilhson ; Welsh, Jihon Schmidd ; Tus- 
 carora. Ton Qu Smittiu ; Mexican, Jontli 
 F. Smitti. 
 
 Snyder. (German) Schneider, a tailor. 
 
 Stanton. From s/an a stone and (on, a 
 hill or town. 
 
 Stewart. Malcolm III, king of Scotland, 
 created Walter, ihe son ot Fleance and 
 grandson of Banquo, Lord High Steward 
 of Scotland, from which office his family 
 afterwards took, and retained the name of 
 Stewart, and from ihence descended the 
 royal family of Stuart. 
 
 Stockton. A town in Durham, England. 
 
 Stokes. A parish in Buckinghamshire, 
 England. 
 
 Stryker. (Danish.) From .?^r/(/i', to strike, 
 to roam, to travel ; hence a worker at a 
 trade, a traveller. 
 
 Sutphen. (Dutch.) Originally Van 
 Zutphen, that is, from the city of Zutphen 
 in Germany. 
 
 Taggart. (Welsh.) A meeting house. 
 
 Tunison. Probably son of Tennis or 
 Tunis. 
 
 Throckmorton. A corruption of .1^ Rock- 
 moor-toii-n, " a town on a rock in a moor,"' 
 in the vale of Eversham, Warwickshire, 
 England. 
 
 Thwaite. A piece of ground cleared of 
 VTOod. 
 
 Tice. (Dutch.) A familiar abbreviation 
 of Matihi.as. 
 
 Tilton. Derived from Tilton, a village 
 in England, probably an ancient [)lace of 
 tilling or tents. TU(, Saxon, a tent. 
 
 Todd. 7W, a Scotch word for fox. 
 
 Townsend. One who lived at the end of 
 tlie town. 
 
 Truax. (Cornish Br. ) 'i'he place on the 
 waters. 
 
 Van Cleve. From the city of ('leve or 
 Cleves in Westphalia, Germany. 
 
 Vanderreer. From the ferry. 
 
 Voorhees. (Dutch.) From voorhius the 
 fore room or best room of a house, or from 
 vflor Hess, b«fore the town of Hess. 
 
 Walton The name of several villages 
 in England, from ■wahl, a wood, and ii^n a 
 town or village. 
 
 Watson ami Watts. Son of Walter. 
 
 Worden, Werden. From Wchr, a forti- 
 fication and dm, a hill ; a town in Nether- 
 lands called Woerdon. 
 
 Westervelt. The west field. 
 
 Woodruff. The governor or keeper of 
 a wood, a forester. 
 
 Woodward. Wood-ward, a forest keeper 
 or officer who hud charge of a park or for- 
 est, and took charge of all offences eom- 
 naitted. 
 
 Woolley. From Wohlley, uncultivated 
 lands, hills without woods. 
 
 Worth. (Saxon.) A court, farm, place. 
 
 THE DEATH OF BAC(JN. 
 
 '•John Bacon was a notorious refugee 
 who had committed many depredations 
 along the shores of Monmouth and Bur- 
 lington counties. After having been a tei- 
 ror to tlie people of this section for some 
 lime, John '^tevvart, of Arnevtown, (after- 
 wards Ciiptain Stewart), resolved if possi- 
 ble to take him. There had been a rewa.rd 
 of fifty pounds sterling offered by the (Jov- 
 ernor and Council for his capture, dead or 
 alive. A short time previous, in an engage- 
 ment at Cedar Creek Biidge, Bacon and Ins 
 company liad discomfited a considerable 
 body of State troops, killing a brother of 
 Joel Cook, of (book's Mills, (now Cooks- 
 town), Burlington county, which excited 
 much alarm amt exasperated the whole 
 country. On the occasion of his arrest, Cap- 
 tain Stewart took with him Joel Cook, John 
 Brown, Thomas Smith, John Jones, and 
 another person whose name is not recol- 
 lected, and started in pursuit, well armed. 
 They traversed the shore and found Bacon 
 separated from his men at the public house 
 or cabin of William Rose, between West 
 Creek and C'lamtown (nov/ Tuckerton), in 
 Burlington County, 'i'he night was very 
 dark, and Smith being in advance ol the 
 party, approached the house, and discov- 
 ered through the window a man sitting 
 with a gun between his knees. He imme- 
 diately informed his companions. On ar- 
 riving at the house. Captain Stewart 
 opened the door and presenting his mus- 
 ket demanded a surrender. The fellow 
 sprang to his feel, and cocking his gun was 
 
OLD TIMES I^: OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 123 
 
 in the act of bringing it round to the breast 
 of Stewart, when the latter, instead of dis- 
 charging his piece, closed in with him and 
 succeeded after a scufHe in bringing him 
 to the floor. He then avowed himself to be 
 .John Bacon, and asked for quarter, wlii h 
 was at once readily granted to him by Stew 
 art. Tliey arose from tlie floor, and Stew- 
 art (still retaining his hold on Bycon) 
 called to Cook, who, when he discovered 
 the supposed murderer of his brother, be- 
 came exasperated, and stepping back gave 
 Bacon a bayonet thrust unknown to Stew- 
 art or his companions. Bacon appeared 
 faint and fell. After a sliort time he re- 
 covered and attempted to escape by the 
 back door. Slewirt pushed a table against 
 it. Bacon hurled itaws^yand struck Stew 
 art to the floor, opened liie door, and ajiain 
 attempted to pass out; hut was shot by 
 Stewart (who liad regained his feet) while 
 in the act. Tlie ball passed through his 
 body, tlirougii a part of the building, and 
 struck the breast of Cook, who had taken 
 a position at the back door to prevent 
 egress. Cook's companions were ignorant 
 of the fact that he iuid given Bacon the 
 bayonet wound, and would scarcely credit 
 him when he so informed tiiem on their 
 way home. They examined Bacon's body 
 at Mount Misery, an i the woumis made 
 l)y both bayonet and ball were obvious, 
 'riiey brought his dead body to Jacobstown, 
 Burlington county, and were in the act of 
 burying it in the public highway, near the 
 village in the presence of many citizens 
 who had collected on the occasion, when 
 Bacon's tirother appeared among them and 
 after much entreaty succeeded in obtain- 
 ing his body for private burial." 
 
 This affair took place on Thursday eve- 
 ning, April 3rd, ]78;j. 
 
 As there have been some tlisputesin tra- 
 ditionary accounts as to the exact manner 
 of Bacon's death, we have been at much 
 trouble to get at the truth. Some old resi- 
 dents of the vicinity where he was killed 
 are, positive that he was siiot down after 
 asking for quarter. They say that Captain 
 Stewart's party suddenly opened the door 
 and pointetl a muskei at Bacon, who in- 
 stantly rooe up and held a table before him 
 and begged for quarter, but the musket 
 was fired, and the ball went through the 
 table and killed him. But after much pa- 
 tient investigation and inquiry we be.ieve 
 this story is untrue, and that the correct 
 version is about as Governor Fort has giv- 
 en it. We are sorry to add, however, tliat 
 the party lreatei.1 the body with unjusliiia- 
 
 ble indignity. As soon as Bacon was killed 
 his body was thrown into a wagon with his 
 head over the tail-board, and the party 
 drove for home that same night. Young 
 Cook seemed quite " carried away " to 
 tiiink he had avenged his brother's death, 
 and at tiie inns at Mannahawkin and 
 Mount Misery, insisted on treating Bacon 
 with liquor, fastening open his mouth 
 while he poured liquor into it. The de- 
 scendants of British sym[)athisers have 
 charged the jiarty with much cru'^lty, but 
 the only foundations are the indignities of- 
 fered to his body ; and even there we can 
 find some palliation for it, when we consid- 
 er the excitement bordering on frenzy, of 
 young Cook. 
 
 In addition to what has been qu'^ted 
 from Governor Fort regarding Bacon's buri- 
 al, we have heard it stated that in accord- 
 ance with an ancient custom with great 
 criminals, the intention was to bury Bacon 
 at tiie forks of some public roads, with a 
 stake driven througli the body ; but his 
 brother's arrival changed their plan. This 
 brother of Bacon's was generally respected 
 where he was known. 
 
 The writer of this is under impression 
 that before the war Bacon's home was in 
 Burlington county, though he occasionally 
 worked in Stafford township, in Ocean 
 county, and he has been told that Bacon 
 left a wife and two sons at Pemberton ; 
 that his widow married a man named Mor- 
 ris, and that the two sons emigrated VVest, 
 and bec-ime respectable and useful citi 
 zens. 
 
 It is but just to add that among old resi- 
 dents, generally of the Society of Friends, 
 who though symj)athizing with the Ameri- 
 cans, yet were non-combatants, that Bacon 
 was held to be among the most honorable 
 of the refuj^ee leade-s. They fay that ex- 
 cept calling for a meal's victuals for him- 
 self and men in passing, he never molested 
 the persons or property of any but Ameri- 
 cans in the militia service. 
 
 Before closing, we will say that, although 
 our State Council of Safety had declared 
 Bacon an outlaw, and offered a reward for 
 him dead f)r alive, yet it is probable that if 
 he had been taken alive and delivered to 
 the civil authorities he would have been 
 liberated in purstiance of the treaty with 
 Engb.nd. 
 
 Hetfield, a much worse man than Bacon, 
 many years after the war, had the impu- 
 dence to return to Essex county (to en- 
 deavor to secure some property there), 
 when he was arrested for his misdeeds dur- 
 
124 
 
 OLD TIxMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 ing the Revolution •, but the judge decided 
 he must be liberated in pursuance of the 
 treaty with England. Most of the old resi- 
 dents in ?]ssex well remember the intense 
 excitement and indignation raised by the 
 return and liberation of liiis scoundrel. 
 
 The refugee leaders in our State — Het- 
 field, Bacon, Lippincott, Davenport, Moody 
 and others— all doubtless held commis- 
 sions from the " Board of Associated Loy- 
 alists," of which the President was Wil- 
 liam Franklin, the last Britisli Governor 
 of j^ew Jersey. 
 
 CAPT. ADAM HYLER, 
 The daring Privateer of the waters in 
 
 AND AROUND — Ol.D MoNMOUTH. 
 
 It is rare to find in fact or fiction, more 
 daring exploits recorded than those per- 
 formed chiefly in the waters around old 
 Monmouth, by Captain Adam Hyler. who 
 resided at New Brunswick during the lat- 
 ter part of the Kevolutionary war. From 
 some unaccountable cause, the heroic 
 deeds of this man have received but little 
 notice from historians ; indeed, we remem- 
 ber of but one modere work that makes 
 any allusion to them, and that gives only 
 two or three of the items published below. 
 
 Capt. Hyler's operations were carried on 
 in Raritan bay, and along our coast as far 
 down as Egg Harbor — chiefly, however, in 
 the first named place. Though he some- 
 times used sail craft, yet he generally de- 
 pended upon whale boats or large barges, 
 rowed by skillful crews. These barges 
 were generally kept at New Brunswick, 
 but some were at times concealed in small 
 streams emptying into Raritan bay and 
 river, which place was then reached by 
 old Cranberry Inlet. 
 
 Though the Refugee band which had 
 its headquarters at the settlement on 
 Sandy Hook, around the lighthouse, gave 
 great annovance to the patriots of Mon- 
 mouth, yet their operations were much 
 circumscribed by the efforts of Capt. Ply- 
 .ler and his brave compatriots, who serious- 
 ly interfered with the vessels of the refu- 
 gees, as well as of the British, and when 
 opportunity offered as will hereafter be 
 seen, hesitated not to attack their settle- 
 ment, and even the lighthouse fort itself. 
 The refugees would sometimes boast of 
 successful midnight marauding expedi- 
 tions into the adjacent country, but the 
 bold, skillful exploits of Ilylcr, far eclipsed 
 their best planned efforts. 
 
 A clear idea of Capt. Hylers manner of 
 harassing the enemy is given in the fol- 
 lowing extracts, copied from various an- 
 cient I'appi's ]-)ublished at the time. They 
 serve to aid in completing the picture of 
 life and times in and around Old Mon- 
 mouth during tiie Revolution. 
 
 "October 7th, 1781. On Friday last. 
 Capt. Adam Hyler, from New Brunswick, 
 with one gun boat and two whale boats, 
 within a quarter of a mile of the guard 
 ship at Sandy Hook, attacked five vessels, 
 and after a smart conflict of fifteen minu- 
 tes carried them. Two of them were 
 armed, one mounting four six poundors, 
 and one six swivels, and one three pound- 
 er. The hands made their escape with 
 their long boats, and took refu.ye in a 
 small fort, in which were mounted twelve 
 swivel guns, from which they kept up v 
 constant firing; notwithstanding which 
 he boarded them all without the loss of a 
 man. On board one of them was 250 
 bushels of wheat and a quantity of cheese 
 belonging to Capt. Lippencott, bound to 
 New ^ork. He took from them fifty 
 bushels of wheat, a quantity of cheese 
 several swivels, a number of fusees, one. 
 cask of powder and some dry goods; and 
 stripped them of their sails and rigging — 
 not being able to bring the vessels into 
 port, in consequence of a contrary wind 
 and tide. After which he set fire to all 
 save one, on board"of which was a woman 
 and four small children, which prevented 
 her from sharing a similar fate." 
 
 On the 13th of October, a week or ten 
 days after the above mentioned afrair. 
 Capt. Hyler with one gunboat and two 
 whale boats, boarded a sloop and two 
 schooners, which all hands, except two. 
 had previously left, and which lay under 
 the cover of the light house fort at Sandy 
 Hook, and brought them all off; but the 
 sloop being a dull sailor, and being much 
 annoyed from a galley lying near Staten 
 island, she was set on fire about three 
 miles from the fort. One of the schooners 
 running aground by accident, was stripped 
 and left ; tlie other a remarkably fine fast 
 sailing Virginia built pilot, mounted with 
 one four pounder was brought, with two 
 prisoners, safely oflf. 
 
 On the 24th of the same month, he start- 
 ed with one gunboat to surprise' the '• refu- 
 gee town " at Sandy Hook. He landed 
 within three quarters of a mile of the light 
 house, but found the refugees were out in 
 Monmouth County on a plundering expe- 
 dition. He however fell in with six noted 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 I2r. 
 
 villains who he brought off and lodged in 
 a safe place. A subsequent notice of Capt. 
 Hyler, says that at one time he captured 
 the Captain of the guard at the light house, 
 with all liis men, but whetiier it was at this 
 or some other time, is not staled. 
 
 Nov. 14th, 1781. On Saturday night, 
 Capt. Hyler, with a gunboat and a small 
 party of men went to the Narrows, where 
 he captured a ship with fourteen iiands, 
 and brought her off with the intention of 
 running her up the Raritan river, but near 
 the mouth she unluckily got aground, and 
 as the enemy approached in force, lie was 
 obliged to set her on fire. She was loaded 
 with rum and porlc ; several hogsheads of 
 the form<-r he got out and brought off with 
 the prisoners.'' 
 
 This ship captured was probably " The 
 Father's D-^sire," as twenty hogs.heads of 
 rum and thirty barrels of pork -.vere adver- 
 tised by the U. S. Marshal to be sold a few 
 days after ; which the advertisement states 
 were taken from a ship of this name by 
 Captain Hyler. 
 
 " On the 15th of December. Capt. Hyler, 
 who commands seven or eight stout whale 
 boats, manned with near one hundred men, 
 at the Narrows, fell in with two refugee 
 sloops trading to Shrewsbury, one of them 
 comm mded by the noted villain, ' Shore 
 Stephens,' and liad on board £600 in spe- 
 cie, besides a considerable quantity of dry 
 goods ; the other had similar articles, also 
 sugar, rum. etc. They were taken to New 
 Brunswick." 
 
 The many daring exploits of Capt. Hy- 
 ler, following so close one after another, 
 aroused the Biitish at New York, and 
 they fitted out an expedition with the de- 
 termination of destroying his boats, and 
 if p>>ssible, capturing him. 'I'he following 
 account of this expedition is derived 
 chiefly from Philadelphia papers, of the 
 date of January 15th and 16th, 1782: 
 
 •' A party of the British lately (about 
 January 9th) made an incursion to New 
 Brunswick with the design, it is said, of 
 carrying off the boats of the celebi'ated 
 partizan, Capt. Adam Hyler. They land- 
 ed at New Brunswick and plundered two 
 houses, but were gallantly opposed by the 
 neighboring militi i. and the enemy were 
 driven off with some loss. Farther ac- 
 counts say there were some 200 refugees 
 and British, and that they suoceeded in 
 destroying the whale boats. No Ameri- 
 cans were killed, but five were wounded 
 and six taken prisoners. Several tories 
 were killed — four known to be, and sev- 
 
 eral wei-e seen to be carried off. The 
 British made the attack about 5 o'clock, 
 A. M., just before daylight, and the Ameri- 
 can account says the expedition was well 
 planned, and that the Tories held the 
 town for about an hour. The British reg 
 ulars were detachments from the 40th 
 and 42d regiments, under command of 
 Capt. Beck with, in six boats, and they 
 took away all of Hyler's boats. The Brit- 
 ish alleged that Captain Hyler was a de- 
 serter from the Royalists." 
 
 It is probable that at this time, besides 
 his boats at New Brunswick, Capt, Hyler 
 had others concealed elsewhere, as we find 
 early in the following spring he was at 
 work as usual, i'pparently, but little in- 
 convenienced by the loss of the boats 
 taken by the British, though he may have 
 built some in the meantime. In March 
 following, when the British attacked and 
 burned Toms River, they boasted of hav- 
 ing captured there a fine large barge, be- 
 longing to Capt. Hyler. 
 
 In April, 1782, Capt. Hyler, in an open 
 boat, boarded and took a large cutter, 
 almost ready for .sea, lying near Sandy 
 Hook, and near the Lion man-of-war, 64 
 guns. This cutler mounted twelve 18 
 pounders, and was commanded by one 
 Wliile. formerly of Philadelphia, but 
 turned apostate. Hyler blew up the ves- 
 sel, which was designed as a cruiser, and 
 took forty prisoners. Another account 
 says the number of prisoners was fifty, and 
 the cutter's armament was six 18 pounders 
 and ten 9 pounders. At the same time he 
 took a sloop which was ransomed for £400. 
 Tlie Captain of the cutter gives an amus- 
 ing account of the way Hyler captured his 
 vessel, which will be found hereafter. 
 
 "On the 25th of May, 1782. Capt. Hyler, 
 with his armed boats, being in Shrewsbury 
 river, a party of British troops, consisting 
 of twenty-five men, under Capt. Shaak, 
 was detaclied to intercept him in the gut. 
 Hyler discovered them, and landed thir- 
 teen men, with orders to charge; when 
 four of the enemy were killed or wounded, 
 and the Capt. and eight men taken prison- 
 ers. By the firing of a gun it was ^up- 
 posed others were killed, as they were 
 seen to fall. Just before this affair, Capt. 
 Hyler had met with a hurt, or otherwise he 
 probably would not have let a man es 
 cape." 
 
 On the 2d of July, Captain Hyler, assist- 
 ed by Captain Stoiy, another brave par- 
 tizan, in New York bay, with two whale 
 boats, boarded and took the schooner Skip 
 
120 
 
 OLD TIMES [N OLD MON MOUTH. 
 
 Jack, carrying six guns, besides swivels, 
 and burned her at noon, in sight of the 
 guard-sliip, and took tlie captain and nine 
 or ten men prisoners. About, the same 
 time he also took three or four trading 
 vessels, loaded with calves, sheep, &c. 
 
 These were probably about the last ex- 
 ploits in which Captain Hyler was en- 
 gaged, as we find no farther mention of 
 his name in ancient papers until the an- 
 nouncement of his death, some two months 
 after. He died at New Brunswick, on the 
 6th of September. 1782. 
 
 The following from an ancient paper 
 gives a graphic account of his manner of 
 conducting his operations. It was original- 
 ly published June 19th, 1782 : 
 
 " The exertions of the celebrated water 
 partizan. Captain Adam Hyler, have been 
 a considerable annoyance to the wood 
 shallops, trading vessels, and plundering 
 pirates of the enemy about Sandy Hook, 
 Long Island, and Staten Island, for sev- 
 eral months past. You have heard that 
 his effort to take an eighteen gun cutter 
 was crowned with success. It was indeed 
 a bold and hazardous attempt, considering 
 how well she was provided against being 
 boarded. He was, however, compelled to 
 blow her up, after securing his prisoners 
 and a few articles on board. His surpris- 
 ing a captain of the guard, at the light- 
 house, with all his men, a short time ago, 
 was a handsome affair, and gained him 
 much credit. He has none but picked 
 and tried men ; the person who discovers 
 the least symptom of fear or diffidence, be 
 he who he will, is immediately turned on 
 shore, and never suffered to enter again. — 
 
 In the next place, they are taught to be 
 particularly expert at tlie oar, and to row 
 with such silence and dexerity as not to 
 be heard at the smallest distance, even 
 though three or four boats be together, 
 and go at the rate of twelve miles an hour. 
 
 " Their captin-es are made chiefly by 
 surprise or stratagem; and most o^ the 
 crews that have hitherto been take by 
 tliesft boats declare they never knew any- 
 thing of an enemy bemg at hand till they 
 saw the pistol or cut lass at their throats. 
 
 "There was a droll instance of this some 
 weeks ago, as one of the prisoners, a 
 shrewd, sensible fellow, and late captain 
 of one of the captured vessels, relates it 
 himself. Said he, ' 1 was on deck with 
 three or four men, on a very pleasant «ven- 
 ing, with our sentinel fixfd. Our vessel 
 was at anchor near Siindv [look, and the 
 
 Lion man-ofwar about one quarter of a 
 mile distant. It was calm and clear, and 
 we were all admiring the beautiful and 
 splendid appearance of the full moon 
 which was then three or four hours above 
 the horizon. While we were thus atten- 
 tively contemplating the serene luminary, 
 we suddenly henrd several pistols dis- 
 charged into the cabin, and turning 
 around, perceived at our elbows a number 
 of armed people, fallen as it were from 
 the clouds, who ordered us to ' surrender 
 in a moment, or we were dead men !" Up- 
 on this we were turned into the hold and 
 the hatches barred over us. The firing, 
 howeviM', had alarmed the man-of-war, 
 who hailed us, and desired to know wiiat 
 was tiie matter. As we were not in a sit- 
 uation to aiswer, at least so far as to be 
 heard. Captain Hyler was kind enough to 
 do so for us, telling them through the 
 speaking trumpet that ' all was well.' — 
 After which, unfortunately for us, they 
 made no fartiier inquiry.' " 
 
 After the notorious refugee, Lippencott, 
 had barbarously murdered Captain Joshua 
 Huddy, near the Highlands, General 
 Washington was anxious to have the mur- 
 derer secured. He had been demanded 
 of the British General, and his surrender 
 refused. Captain Hyler was deierniined 
 to take Lippencott. On inquiry he found 
 that he resided in a well known house, in 
 Broad street. New York. Dressed and 
 equipped like a man-of-war press gang, he 
 left the Kills, with one boat, after dark, 
 and arrived at Wliitehall about nine 
 o'clock. Here he left his boat in charge 
 of three men, and passed to the residence 
 of Lippencott, where he inquir'=d for him 
 and found that he was absent, having gone 
 to a cock pit. Thus failing in his object 
 he returned to his boat, with his press gang, 
 and left Whitehall, but finding a sloop ly- 
 ing at anchor off the battery, from the 
 West Indies, laden with rum, he took her, 
 cut her cal)le, «et her sails, and with a 
 north-east wind sailed to Elizebethtown 
 loint, and before daylij;ht had landed 
 from her and secured forty hogsheads of 
 rum. He then burned the sloop to pre- 
 vent her re-capture. — (This again furni.whes 
 tiie groundwork of a very interesting story, 
 published originally in Major Noah's New 
 York Sunday Times, and afterwards re- 
 published by tlie author, ill a book entitled 
 " Tales and Traditions of New York." — 
 The writer however, occasionally blends 
 fiction with facts, which, though perhaps 
 servinir to increase the interest of his sto- 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD xMON MOUTH. 
 
 12: 
 
 ries, yet renders his work unreliable as a 
 matter of history). 
 
 The writer of this has been unable to 
 find any notice of Captain Hyler previous 
 to 1771. The occasion of this probably is 
 that he was in the British service in the 
 early part of the war, but being convinced 
 of the unjustness of the cause in which he 
 was engaged, he left them and joined the 
 Americans. The British at New Bruns- 
 wick, as before stated, charged him with 
 being a deserter, and the Tory paper pub- 
 lished in New York (Rivington's Royal 
 Gazette), Jan. 12, 1782, says : " This Hyler 
 is, a deserter from the royal service, and 
 ever since his defection has proved too 
 successful an enterprizer in his various 
 descents upon'our vicinities." 
 
 The fact of Captain Hyler's having been 
 formerly in the British service, increases 
 our admiration for his bold operations. — 
 Had he been taken by the British, he 
 probably would have received a deserter's 
 puiaishment. 
 
 The writer of this has had occasion to 
 make a thorough examination of the origi- 
 nal pay rolls of all vessels of war in the ser- 
 vice of our government in the war of 1812, 
 and previous, which rolls are now preserved 
 in the Treasury Department at Wash- 
 ington. In looking over the rolls contain- 
 ing the list of officers and men serving un- 
 der Commodore Perry and other noted 
 heroes on the lakes is to be found the 
 name of an under officer named Adam 
 Hyler, who faithfully served throughout 
 that war, who was evidently named after 
 and probably a near relative of the Captain 
 Adam Hyler of Revolutionary fame. 
 
 OTHER PRIVATEERS. 
 Captain Storer. 
 
 The following is from an ancient paper 
 published in 1782, just previous to the close 
 of the war. 
 
 " We learn that the brave Captain Stor- 
 er, commissioned as a private boat of-war 
 under the State, and who promises to be 
 the genuine successor of the late Captain 
 Hyler. has given a recent instance of his 
 valor and conduct in capturing one of the 
 enemy's vessels. He went in two boats 
 through the British fleet in the Narrows, 
 and boarded a vessel under the flag staff 
 battery. He captured the vessel without 
 alarm She was a sloop in the Engineers 
 department of H. B. M. service, and was 
 carried away safely.'' 
 
 Captain William Marriner. 
 Captain Marriner lived in New Bruns- 
 wick during the war. From notice of him 
 in ancient papers, we find he was another 
 brave enterprising partizan, as the follow- 
 ing extracts will show, The first is from 
 a letter dated June i7th, 1778. 
 I " William Marriner, a volunteer, with 
 eleven men and Lieutenant John Sohenck, 
 of our militia, went last Saturday evening 
 \ from Middletown Point to Long Island, in 
 I order to take a few prisoners from Flat- 
 bush, and returned with Major MoncriefF 
 and Mr. Theopiiilus Bacho (tlie worshipful 
 I Mayor and Tormentor-General, David 
 I Matthews, Esq., wiio has inflicted on our 
 , prisoners the most unheard of cruelties, 
 - and who was the principal object of the 
 j expedition, being unfortunately in the 
 j city,)with four slaves, and brought them 
 I to Princeton, to be delivered to his excel- 
 ( lency the Governor. Mr. Marriner with 
 ! his party left Middletown Point on Satur- 
 ; day evening, and returned at six o'clock 
 { next morning, having traveled by land 
 j and water above fifty miles, and be- 
 haved with greatest prudence and brav- 
 ery." 
 
 'J'he following is from an official naval 
 work in the Library of Congress : 
 
 " The privateer Biacksnake was captur- 
 ed by the British, but in April, 1780, Cap- 
 tain William Marriner, with nine men in 
 a whale boat, retook her. Captain Mar- 
 ! riner then put to sea in his prize, and cap- 
 tured the Morning Star, of 6 swivels and 
 ; 33 men, after a sharp resistance, in which 
 I slie lost three killed and five wounded ; 
 he carried both prizes into Egg Harbor." 
 
 After the war Captain Marriner removed 
 to Harlem, where he lived many years. 
 
 The Paniel Matthews alove spoken of 
 was the Tory Mayor of New York, during 
 the Revolution, and noted for his enmity 
 to all favoring the Americans. 
 Captain Jackson. 
 "December I8th, 1782. — Capt. Jackson 
 of the Greyhound, in the evening of Sun- 
 day, last week, with much address, cap- 
 tured witnin the Hook, the Schooner Dol- 
 phin and sloop Diamond, bound from New 
 York to Halifax, and brought them into 
 Egg Harbor. These vessels were both 
 condemned to the claimants, and the sale 
 amounted to £10,200. 
 
 Successful Exploit. 
 
 In the following item from the Packet, 
 .Ian. 1779, tio names are mentioned. 
 
128 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 "Some Jerseymen went in row boats to 
 Sandy Hook and took four sloops, one of 
 which was armed. They burned three 
 and took one; also nineteen prisoners. 
 
 The share of prize money per man, was 
 £400." 
 
 PASSAGES IN THE RELIGIOUS HIS- 
 TORY OF OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 The Universalists — Origin of the Socie- 
 ty IN America. 
 
 THE POTTER CHURCH. 
 
 A Free Church in the Olden Time — A Ref- 
 uge for Methodism in its Dark Days — 
 The Cradle of Universalism in America 
 — Its Benevolent Founder and Remark- 
 able Incidents in liis Life. 
 A singular and interesting chapter in 
 the religious history of our State, and one 
 but little known outside of members of 
 the Universalist society, relates to a church 
 formerly called " the Potter church," 
 built not far from 1760 to 1765, at Good- 
 luck, in that part of old Monmouth now 
 confined within the limits of Ocean coun- 
 ty, by a benevolent resident of that vilUxge 
 named Thomas Potter. Before building 
 the church, Potter had been in the custom 
 of opening his house to travelling preach- 
 ers of all persuasions ; and, after a while, 
 to accommodate them, he built this church 
 free for all denominations. His object is 
 best expressed in his own words : " As I 
 firmly believe that all mankind are equal- 
 ly dear to Almighty God, they .shall all be 
 equally welcome to preach in this house 
 which I have built." After it was built, it 
 was used by traveling ministers of the 
 Presbyterian, Baptist, Quaker, Methodist 
 and other societies, and in it was preached 
 the first Universalist sermon ever delivered 
 in America. The Methodist society in 
 New Jersey owe a debt of gratitude to 
 Thomas Potter for always openinii his 
 church to the noble pioneers of Method- 
 ism in tlie dark days of its history, when 
 Methodism not only met with opposition 
 from other societies on account of differ 
 ence in religious sentiments, but also, 
 when during tlie Revolution, their ene- 
 mies most unwarranti^bly slandered them 
 by charging them with being in sympathy 
 with Great Britain. Though these slan- 
 ders had the eftect of rendering the heroes 
 of Methodism so unpopular that they 
 could hardly obtain a hearing in most 
 parts of this State, as well as in other 
 
 States, yet the Potter church was always 
 open to them, and so often used by them, 
 that some Methodist writers at the present 
 day who have found the name of this 
 church frequently mentioned in the jour 
 nals of these pioneers, have concluded it 
 must have be«n a Methodist church, 
 though where it was situated, and why it 
 was so called, they have been unable to 
 divine. Among the preachers well known 
 in the annals of Methodism who preached 
 in it, were Benjamin Abbott and Bishop 
 Asbury ; and in it was married James Ster- 
 ling, the most earnest, effective layman 
 the society had in its early struggles in 
 New Jersey. 
 
 The most satisfactory account of Thom- 
 as Potter and his church is given by Rev. 
 Jolin Murray, who preached in it the first 
 Universalist sermon ever delivered in 
 America, under circumstances so very sin- 
 gular that his narrative forms an interest- 
 ing as well as important part of our church 
 history. As Murreiy''s Journal is rarely to 
 be met with except occasionally among 
 some of his own denomination, we give the 
 substance of his account, though, before 
 giving it, it is necessary to say a few words 
 in regard to Mr. Murray himself. 
 
 The Rev. John Murray, the first preach- 
 er of Universalism in America, sailed from 
 England for New York, July 21fet, 1770. — 
 When he left England though a warm ad- 
 vocate of the principles of that society, yet 
 he was not a regular preacher and had but 
 little idea then of becoming one in Amer- 
 ica. During a thick fog in the early part 
 of the month of September, the brig 
 " Hand in Hand," in which he was act- 
 ing as supercargo, struck on the outer bar 
 of old Cranbeiry Inlet ( now closed ) near- 
 ly opposite Totas River ; she soon passed 
 over and was held by her anchors from go- 
 ing on shore. Here she remained several 
 days before she could be got off. While 
 lying here the provisions of the brig were 
 exhausted, and after locking up the ves- 
 sel, all hands proceeded in a boat across 
 the bay to the main in search of susten- 
 ance. Being unacquainted with tlie main, 
 they spent a great part of the day before 
 they could efJectuate their purpose, after 
 which, it being late, they proceeded to a 
 tavern to stay all night. Mr. Murray'^ 
 mind appears to have been much exercised 
 by eventful scenes in his previous life and 
 to have longed to get somewhere where 
 the busy cares of the world would not dis- 
 turb his meditations ; and hence as soon 
 as the boatmen arrived at the tavern he 
 
OLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 129 
 
 left them for a' solitary walk through the 
 dark pine grove. " Here," said l)e, I was 
 as much alone as I could wish and my 
 heart exclaimed, Uh that I had in this wil- 
 derness the lodging of a poor wayfaring 
 man ; some cave, some grot, some place 
 where I might tinish my days in calm re- 
 uose.'' As he thus passed along musing, 
 he unexpectedly reached a small log house 
 where he saw a girl cleaning tish ; he re- 
 quested her to sell him some. She had 
 none to spare, but told him he could get 
 all he wanted at the nex' house. "What, 
 this?" said Mr. Murray pointing to one he 
 could just discern through the woods. — 
 The girl told him no, that was a meeting 
 house. He was much surprised to find a 
 meeting house there in the woods. He 
 was directed to pass on by the meeting 
 house and at the next house he would 
 find fish. He went on as directed and 
 came to the door near which was a large 
 pile of fish of various sorts, and standing 
 by was a tall man, rough in appearance 
 and evidently advanced in years. "Pray 
 sir," said Mr Murray, " will you have the 
 goodness te sell me one of those fish ?" — 
 " No sir," was the abrupt reply of the old 
 gentleman. "That is strange," replied 
 Mr. Murray, "when you have so many 
 fish, lo refuse me a single one!" 
 
 "I did not refuse you a fish, sir; you are 
 welcome to as many as you please, but I 
 do not sell the article; I do not sell fish, 
 sir, I have them for taking up and you 
 may obtain them the same way." Mr. 
 Murray tlianked him ; the old man then 
 inquired what he wanted of tliem, and was 
 told he wished them for supper for the 
 mariners at the tavern. The old man of- 
 iVred to send the fish over for him. and 
 urged Mr. Murray to tarry with him thai 
 nighi. Mr. Murray consented to return 
 after visiting the crew at the public house. 
 This old gentleman was Thomas Potter. — 
 Mr. Murray says he was astonished to see 
 so much genuine politeness and hospitali- 
 ty under so rough an exterior, but his as- 
 tonishment was greatly increased on his 
 return. The old man's room was prepared, 
 his fire briglit and his heart opened. — 
 " Come," said he, " my friend, I am glad 
 you have returned, I have longed to see 
 you, I have been expecting you a long 
 ti"'e." Expecting him ! Mr. Murray was 
 amazed, and asked what he meant. Mr. 
 Potter replied, " 1 must answer in my own 
 way ; I am a poor ignorant man, I know 
 how neither to read or write ; I was 
 born in tiiese woods and worked on these 
 
 grounds until I became a man, when I 
 went on coasting voyages from here to New 
 York ; I was then about getting married, 
 but in going to New York once I was 
 pressed on board of a man-of-war and tak- 
 en in Admiral Wa.iren's ship to Cape Bre- 
 ton. 1 never drank any rum, so they saved 
 my allowance ; but 1 would not bear an 
 affront, so if any of the officers struck me 
 I struck them again, but the admiral took 
 my part and called me his new-light man. 
 When I reached Louisburg 1 ran away and 
 traveled barefooted through the country 
 and almost naked lo New York, where I 
 was known and supplied with clothes and 
 money, and soon returned home, when T 
 found my girl aiarried. This rendered me 
 unhappy, but I recovered my tranquility 
 and married her sister. I settled down to 
 work 9,'nd got forward quite fast ; con- 
 structed a saw mill, possessed myself of 
 thi^ farm and five hundred acres of adjoin- 
 ing land. I entered into navigation, own 
 a sloop and have now got together a fair 
 estate. I am, as I said, unable to read or 
 write, but I am capable of reflection ; the 
 sacred Scriptures liave been often read to 
 me, from which 1 gathered that there is a 
 great and good Being who has preserved 
 and protected me througli innumerable 
 dangers, and to whom we are all indebted 
 for all we enjoy ; and as He has given me 
 a house of my own I conceived I could do 
 no lets than to open it to the stranger, let 
 him be who he would ; and especially if a 
 traveling minister parsed this way he al- 
 ways received an invitation to put up at 
 my house and hold his meetings here. 
 
 " 1 continued in this piaclice for more 
 than seven years, and illiterate as I was I 
 used to converse with them, and was fond 
 of asking them questions. They pro- 
 nounced me an odd mortal, declaring 
 themselves it a loss what to make of me ; 
 while I continued to affirm that I had but 
 one hope ; 1 believed that Jesus Christ 
 sufiered death for my transgressions, and 
 this alone was sufficient for me. At length 
 my wife grew weary of having meetings 
 held in her house, and I determined to 
 build a house for the worship of God. I 
 had no children, and 1 knew that I was 
 beholden to Almighty God for everything 
 which 1 possessed, and it seemed right I 
 should appropriate a part of what He be- 
 stowed (or his service. My neighbors of- 
 fered their assistance, ' But no,' said I, 
 ' God has triven me enough to do this work 
 without your aid, and as he has put it in 
 my heart to do so, so I will do.' 'And 
 
130 
 
 OLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 who,' it was asked, ' will be your preach- 
 er ?' I answered, God will send me a 
 preacher, and of a very different stamp ] 
 from those who have heretofore preached 
 in my house. The preachers we have ' 
 heard are perpetually contradicting them- 
 selves ; but that God who has put it into 
 my heart to build this house, will send one 
 who shall deliver unto me his own truth ; 
 who shall speak of Jesus Christ and his 
 salvation. When the house was finished 
 I received an application from the Bap- 
 tists, and I told them it they could make 
 it appear that God Almif;;hty was a Bap- 
 tist, I should give them the building at 
 once. The Quakers and Presbyterians re- 
 ceived similar answers. No, said I, as I 
 firmly believe that ail mankind are equal- 
 ly dear to Almighty God, they shall all be 
 equally welcome to preach in this house 
 which I have built. My neighbors assured 
 me I should never see a preacher whose 
 sentiments corresponded with my own, 
 but I uniformly replied I assuredly would. 
 I engaged for the first year with a man 
 whom I greatly disliked; we parted, and 
 for some years we have had no stated min- 
 ister. My friends often asked me, ' where 
 is the preache/ of whom you spoke ?' and 
 my constant reply, ' he will by and by 
 make his appearance." The moment, sir, 
 1 saw your vessel on shore it seemed as if 
 a voice had audibly sounded in my ears, 
 ' There, Potter, in that vessel, castaway on 
 that shore, is the preacher you have so long 
 been expecting.' I heard the voice and 
 believed the report, and when you came 
 up to my door and asked for the fish the 
 same voice seemed to repeal, ' Potter, this 
 is the man — this is the person whom I have 
 sent to preach in your house I'" 
 
 As may be supposed Murray was im- 
 measurably astonished at Mr. Potter's nar- 
 rative, but yet had not the least idea that 
 his wish could ever be realized. He asked 
 him what he could discern in his appear- 
 ance to lead him to mistake him for a 
 preacher. ' What,' said Potter, ' «ould I 
 discern when you were in the vessel that 
 could induce this conclusion? Sir, it is not 
 what I saw or see, but what I feel which 
 produces in my mind full conviction.' — 
 Murray replied that he must be deceived, 
 as lie should never preach in that place or 
 anywhere else. 
 
 '' Have you never preached — can you 
 say you never preached ?" 
 
 " I cannot, but I never intend to preach 
 airaiu." 
 
 " Has not God lifted up the light of His 
 countenance upon you? Has he not shown 
 you the truth ?" 
 
 '' I trust he has.'' 
 
 '' Then how dare you hide this truth ? — 
 
 Do men light a candle and put it under a 
 bushel. If God has shown you His salva- 
 tion why should you not show it to your 
 fellow men. But 1 know that you will, 1 
 am sure that God Almighty has sent you 
 to us for this purpose. I am not deceived, 
 sir, I am sure I am not deceived." 
 
 Murray was much agitated when this 
 man thus spoke on, and began to wonder 
 whether or no God who ordains all things, 
 had not ordained that this should come to 
 pass, but his heart trembled, he tells us, 
 at the idea. He endeavored, he says, to 
 quiet his own fears and to silence the warm 
 hearted old man by informing him he was 
 supercargo of the vessel, that jsroperty to 
 a large amount was entrusted to his care, 
 and that the moment the wind changed 
 he was under solemn obligations to de- 
 part. 
 
 " The wind will never change," said Pot- 
 ter, " until you have delivered to us in that 
 meeting house a message trom God." 
 
 Murray still resolutely determined nev- 
 er to enter any pulpit as a pieachtr, but 
 being much agitated in mind asked to be 
 shown to bed after he had prayed with 
 the family. When they parted for the 
 night, his kind host solemnly requested 
 him to think of what he said. 
 
 " Alas, says Murray, he need not have 
 made this request; it was impossible to 
 banish it from my mind; when I entered 
 my chamber and shut the door, 1 burst in- 
 to tears ; I felt as if the hand of God was 
 in the events which had brought me to 
 this place, and I prayed most ardently 
 that God would assist and direct nie by 
 his counsel." 
 
 So much exercised was he in mind that 
 he spent the greater part of the night in 
 praying and weeping, " dreading more 
 than death, he says, supposing death to 
 be an object of dread, the idea ot engaging 
 as a public character." In his writings he 
 gives the substances of his meditations and 
 prayers on that memorable night. In the 
 morning his good iViend renewed his solici- 
 tations : " Will you speak to me and my 
 neighbors of the things which belong to, 
 our peace ?" 
 
 Murray seeing only thick woods, the tav- 
 ern across the fields excepted, requested 
 to know what he meant by neigh Ikh's. 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MOxN MOUTH. 
 
 131 
 
 " O, sir, we assemble a large congrega- 
 tion whenever the meeting house is open- 
 ed ; indeed when my father first settled 
 here he was obliged to go twenty miles to 
 grind a bushel of corn, but now there are 
 more than seven hundred inhabitants 
 within that distance.'' 
 
 Murray still could not be prevailed up 
 on to yield, but Potter insisted and seemed 
 positive the wind would not change until 
 he had spoken to the people. Tlius urged, 
 Murray began to waver and at length he 
 tells us he '' implored God, who sometimes 
 condescends to indulge individuals with 
 tokens of his approbation, graciously to in- 
 dulge me upon tiiis important occasion, 
 and that if it was His will that I should 
 obtain my soul's desire by passing through 
 life as a private individual, if such was not 
 his will that I should engage as^ a preacher 
 of the ministry, He would vouchsafe to 
 grant me a wind as might bear me from 
 this shore before another Sabbath. I de- 
 termined to take the changing of the wind 
 for an answer." 
 
 But the wind changed not, and towards 
 the close of the Saturday afternoon he re- 
 luctantly gave his consent to preaching 
 the next day, and Mr. Potter immediately 
 despatched his men on horse back to noti- 
 fy the neighbors, which they were to con- 
 tinue to do until ten o'clock in the even- 
 ing. Mr. Murray apj^ears to iiave had but 
 little rest that night, thinking over the re- 
 sponsibilities of the avocation he was so 
 unexpectedly about to be engaged in, and 
 of what lie should say and how he sliould 
 address the people ; but the passage 
 " Take no thought what ye shall say," etc., 
 appears to have greatly relieved his mjnd. 
 Sunday morning they proceeded to the 
 church. Potter very joyful and Murray 
 uneasy, distrusting his own abilities to re- 
 alize the singularly high formed expecta- 
 tions of his kind host. The church at that 
 day is described as being " neat and con- 
 v.enient, with a pulpit rather after the 
 Quaker mode, with but one new pew and 
 that a large square one just below the pul- 
 pit in which sat the venerable Potter and 
 his family and visiting strangers ; the rest 
 of the seats were constructed with backs, 
 roomy and even elegant." As Murray was 
 preaching Potter looked up into the pul- 
 pit, his eyes sparkling with pleasure, seem- 
 ingly completely happy at the fulfillment 
 of what he firmly believed a promise long 
 deferred. We have no record of the sub- 
 stance of this, the first Universalist ser- 
 mon in America, nor of its impression up- 
 
 on any of the hearers save one — that one 
 Thomas Potter himself, appears to have 
 had all his expectations realized, and up- 
 on their return home overwhelmed Mur- 
 ray with his frank, warm-hearted congrat- 
 ulations ; and soon visitors poured in. — 
 Siiid Potter to them " This is the happiest 
 day of my life ; there, neighbors, there is 
 the minister God has sent me." Murray 
 was so overcome by the old man's enthu- 
 siastic demonstrations that he retired to 
 his room and tells us he '* prostrated him- 
 self at the throne of grace, and besought 
 God to take him and do with him what 
 he pleased." 
 
 After a while he returned to the compa- 
 ny and found the boatmen with them, who 
 wished him to go on board immediately, 
 as the wind was fair. So he was compelled 
 to leave. His host was loth to part with 
 him and exacted a promise from him to 
 return, which he soon did, and preached 
 often in the Potter church and other vil- 
 lages. The first place he visited during 
 this stay was Toms River. He relates two 
 or three interestin:; scenes occurring here, 
 in explaining to individuals his peculiar 
 religious views. The next village he visit- 
 ed was probably Mannahawkin, for though 
 he does not mention the name, yet he 
 speaks of a Baptist preacher and church, 
 of a family of Pangburns, &c., and there 
 was then a Bapti**! churcli at that village, 
 and the Pangburn family were then prom- 
 inent members of it. (Lines Pangburn was 
 a delegate from the Mannahawkin Baptist 
 church to the Baptist General Association, 
 in 1771. A man named Lines Pangburn 
 was afterward killed by refugees at Man- 
 nahawkin — probably the same one.) 
 
 For many years, and thouijh travelling 
 in various parts of the United States, yet 
 as long as Thomas Potter lived, his house 
 at Goodluck was considered by Murri-y as 
 his home. At length, after being away 
 some time upon a religious mission, he re- 
 turned and found that liis good old friend 
 was dead ; his letter describing this visit, 
 recounting some of the scenes of Potter's 
 life, his traits of character, his own feel- 
 ings, etc., is full of tender feeling and sin- 
 cere grief, admirably expressed, and the 
 substance of the discourse which he 
 preached on that occasion, in that memor- 
 able old chapel, is a touching specimen of 
 Murray's eloquence. A brief extract will 
 serve to liive an idea of Muri'ay's style and 
 of his feelings towards his departed friend. 
 His text was " For ye are bought with a 
 price ; therefore glorify God in your body 
 
132 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 and in your spirit which are God's." To- 
 wards the close of his discourse, pointing 
 towards Potter's grave which could be seen 
 from where lie stood, he says : 
 
 " Through yonder open casement I be- 
 hold the grave of a man, the recollection 
 of whom swells my heart with gratitude, 
 and fills my eyes with tears. There sleeps 
 the sacred dust of him who well under 
 stood the advantages resulting from the 
 public worsliip of God. There rests the 
 ashes of him who glorified God in his body, 
 and in his spirit, which he well knew were 
 the Lord's. He believed he was bought 
 with a price, and therefore he declared that 
 all tliat he had and all tliat he was, were 
 righteouslv due to God, who created and 
 purchased him with a price, all price be- 
 yond. There rests the precious dust of 
 the friend of strangers, whose hospitable 
 doors were ever open to the destitute, and 
 him who had none to relieve his suffer- 
 ings ; his dust reposes close to this edifice, 
 itself a monument of his piety. Dear, 
 faithful man, when last I stood in this 
 place, he was present among the assemblj'^ 
 of the people. I marked his glistening 
 eye ; it always glistened at the emphatic 
 name of Jesus. Even now, I behold in 
 imagination, his venerable countenance, 
 benignity is seated on his brow, his mind, 
 apparently open and confiding, tranquili- 
 ty reposeth upon his features, every vary- 
 ing emotion evincing faith in that endur- 
 ing peace which passeth understnnding. — 
 Let us, my friends, imitate his philanthro- 
 py, his charity, his piety. I may never 
 meet you again until we unite to swell the 
 loud hallelujahs before the throne of God. 
 But to hear of your faith, of your persever- 
 ance, of your works of charity, of your 
 brotherly love, will heighten my enjoy- 
 ments and soothe my sorrows, even to the 
 verge of mortal i)ilgrimage.'' 
 
 Potter in his will left the church to Mur- 
 ray. The clause in his will reads, as given 
 in Murray's life, as follows: 
 
 " The house was built by me for the 
 worsliip of God ; it is my will that God be 
 worshipped in it still, and for this purpose 
 f wiil that ray ever dear friend, John Mur- 
 ray, preacher of the gospel, j^ossess it, hav- 
 ing the sole direction, disposal and man 
 agement of said house and one acre of 
 land upon which it stands and by which 
 it is surrounded." 
 
 It was Mr. Murray's desire as well as Mr. 
 Potter's, that the church should be kept 
 free to all denominations for the worship 
 of God. In his sermon just quoted he 
 
 says : " Thomas Potter built this house 
 that God might be worshipped without in- 
 terruption, that he might be worshipped 
 by all whom he stiould vouchsafe to send. 
 This elegant bouse, my friends, the first 
 friends who hailed my arrival in this coun- 
 try, this house with its a<]joining grove is 
 yours. The faitliful founder bequeathed 
 it to me that none of you may be deprived 
 of it," and in Mr. Murray's will he express- 
 ly left it free to all denominations. 
 
 This church property is now under the 
 control of the Methodists, the Universal- 
 ists, though manifesting little or no dispo- 
 sition to dispute their claim, yet contend 
 that its sale was through "the mismanage- 
 ment of the executor to satisfy illegal 
 claims, tfcc." The Unlversalists held an 
 interesting conference at the church, Mav 
 l.'itli, 1833, which was attended by many 
 of their leading preachers and laymen, 
 and while there erected the tombstone 
 over Potter's grave, which yet marks the 
 spot where he was buried. The ceremony 
 WPS quite impressive. Rev. A. C. Thomas 
 delivering an appropriate discourse, after 
 which a hymn corauosed for the occasion. 
 was sung among other exercises. This 
 conference, while there, adopted a circular 
 letterto their churches generally, in which, 
 among other things they say : " We have 
 been on a mission of love and gratitude, 
 liave assembled in the ancient house of 
 our Fathers, have convened around the 
 grave of the venerated Potter, and dropped 
 a tear of grateful remembrance on the 
 spot where repose his ashes, etc.," and 
 then earnestly invite their brethren from 
 the East and from the West, from the 
 North and from the South to unite with 
 thera "in an annual pilgrimage to this 
 sacred spot — this Holy Land, in order that 
 we may all receive a little of the Godlike 
 spirit of benevolence which warmed the 
 soul of that man of God, and friend of man, 
 Thomas Potter. 
 
 Their earnest and feeling appeal to their 
 brethren to make this annual pilgrimage,' 
 however, has met with a very feeble re- 
 sponse, though since the time that John 
 Murray delivered his first sermon in Sep- 
 tember, 1770, the churclies of his follow- 
 ers have increased to perha2)s twelve hun- 
 dred, yet only once in a long while does 
 one of their members make this pilgrim- 
 age to this 'Holy Land ;' when they do 
 and express a desire to preach, the doors 
 are thrown open to them, and as long as 
 the trustees are thus liberal to them as 
 well as other denominations, they cer- 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 133 
 
 tainly can have no occasion to question 
 the title. 
 
 The substance of the foregoing account 
 is derived from Everett's life of Murray 
 and from writings of Murray himself. The 
 warm unqualified endorsementof the char- 
 acter of Murray, as a man, by such noble 
 hearted men as General Greene of Revolu- 
 tionary fame, and others who knew him, 
 well show that implicit reliance can be 
 placed upon his statements. In 1832. the 
 Rev. A. C. Thomas visited Toms River and 
 Goodluck, and in both places found per- 
 sona who had listened to Murray in their 
 youth, and cherished the faith they heard 
 from him, and he conversed with several 
 who remember having heard the circum- 
 stances related by Murray of his first meet- 
 ing with Potter, corroborating Murray's 
 statements. 
 
 Before dismisising the subject it may not 
 be amiss to add that one tradition of the 
 origin of the name of Goodluck, as applied 
 to this village, is that when Murray was 
 looking for provisions on his first arrival, 
 and finding Potter so kind and open heart- 
 ed, and the magnificent groves of pine so 
 suited to his meditative mind, he exclaim- 
 ed : 'Good Luck !' that 1 have found such 
 a place and such a man. (There is anoth- 
 er tradition of the name of Goodluck Point, 
 near Toms River, which is different from 
 the origin of Goodluck villnge.) 
 
 An old gentleman broutrhc up in the vi- 
 cinity of the church, whose father was a 
 neighbor and friend of Thomas Potter, 
 stated that he often heard his father re- 
 late Potter's story of the naming of the 
 place on this account; that in relation to 
 Potter being carried off by a man of-war, 
 he was gone so long the neighbors thought, 
 him dead, and the girl to whom he Wdn to 
 be married, thinking so also, she had mar- 
 ried another man just before his return ; 
 that Potter often told his neighbors, after 
 he built the church, that God would send 
 a minister after his own heart, and that in 
 Murray he found fulfilled hi.s long defer- 
 red expectations. 
 
 The Centenary of Universalism. 
 
 The one hundredth anniversary of the 
 introduction of Universalism into the Uni- 
 ted States was celebrated by a large con 
 vocation of clergy and members of the So- 
 ciety at Gloucester Mass., in September, 
 1870; and the week following, on Sept. 
 28th, memorial exercises conducted by that 
 father in the church, Rev. Abel C. Thom- 
 as, of Philadelphia, was held at the old 
 
 Potter Church at Goodluck. The exer- 
 cises consisted of praying, singing, address 
 by Mr. Ballou, of Philadelphia, &c., afteF 
 which the congregation were dismissed 
 until one o'clock, when the grave of Mr. 
 Potter the founder, of the church, was dec- 
 orated with appropriate cei'emonies. For- 
 ty years ago Rev. A. C Thomas caused a 
 wooden fence to be put around Potter's 
 grave ; on the centenary occasion this was 
 removed and a neat iron fence substituted. 
 The following letter from Rev. A. C. 
 Thomas, to the Editor of the New .Jersey' 
 Courier, giving some interesting details of 
 the celebrations at Gloucester and Good- 
 luck, and also items in the rise and pro- 
 gress of the Society, is worthy a place in 
 the history of the church : 
 
 Thomas Potter and .John Murray. 
 
 Mr. Editor: — In behsdfof many Univer- 
 salists, I thank you for your iate fair and 
 liberal article respecting Thomas Potter, of 
 Good Luck, and the Rev. John Murray. — 
 We expect no man to endorse liie state- 
 ments of the latter, as recorded in his au 
 tobiography ; nor the traditional accounts 
 of his remarkable interview with the for- 
 mer; but we are happy to know that the 
 time has arrived for a truly catholic repre- 
 sentation of our history as a people, as il- 
 lustrated recently in your columns. 
 
 In one item you were misinformed. We 
 had no expectations of large '"delegations" 
 of our members at the late celebration in 
 Goodluck. Our centenary bad been at- 
 tended the week previously in Gloucester, 
 Mass., the number present being variously 
 estimated from ten thousand to fifteen 
 thousand, including two hundred and fif- 
 ty out of our six hundred and fifty clergy- 
 men. It was the date of the stated annual 
 session of our General Convention, and 
 was appointed to be held in Gloucester 
 under the following circumstances. 
 
 In i770 a Mr. Gregory, presumably a 
 mariner, brought from London to Glou- 
 cester a book written by Rev. .James Relly, 
 in advocacy and defence of the doctrireof 
 the restoration of all souls, in the Lord's 
 own time and way. This book was passed 
 from hand to hand, and made happy con- 
 verts of a number of influential, religious 
 people. 
 
 It would require no great stretch of the 
 imagination to date the landing of that 
 booK on the 28th of September, of the year 
 named ; and on that day Rev. John Mur- 
 ray, a disciple of Relly (in the sense that 
 Relly was a disciple of Christ) landed on 
 
134 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 the coast of New Jersey, as narrated in 
 yo.ur recent article. 
 
 After an extended missionary service in 
 New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and New Eng- 
 land,, Murray was for the second time in 
 Boston in 1774. Having heard of him as 
 a dis.-iple of Relly, the Gloucester people 
 sent for him. He accepted the invitation, 
 the visit being a meeting of tlie lines of 
 providence in the case. Here he after- 
 wards settled as pastor, his meetings for 
 Wor.-^hip being held in private houses uniil 
 1788. In that year a meeting house was 
 erected, and a more pretensions one in 
 1805. The old building was then sold 
 and devoted to secular uses in the villagf. 
 Ten years later it was removed to a farm 
 about two miles distant, and since that 
 time has been used as a hay-barn. 
 
 In 1804 Murray removed to Boston, and 
 his successor in Gioucester, Rev. Thomas 
 Jones, for forty-two years was minister of 
 the parish, dying in 1846. 
 
 During the session of our General Con 
 v'>ntion last week, we had a memorial ser 
 vice at ihe old church barn, and also at 
 the grave of Father Jones, the latter be- 
 ing marked by a huge granite obelisk ni 
 the Cemetery. 
 
 The late great convocation in Glouces- 
 ter antediited the landing of Murray by 
 the space of one week; and a few of us 
 determined to spend the exact centenary 
 at Goodluck. This was what took us 
 there ; and there, precisely one hundred 
 years from the landing of Murray, we held 
 a memorial service in the old church, and 
 also at the grave of Thomas Potter — the 
 order being substantially the same that we 
 had used in Gloucester. The only change 
 was in this : " We strew this evergreen 
 and these flowers in memory and honor of 
 Thomas Potter, the friend and patron of 
 John Murray, our early preacher of Uni- 
 versalism in America." 
 
 After a brief address V)y the Rev. Abel 
 C. Tljomas, who conducted the services, 
 the following hymn was sung, and the ser- 
 vice proceeded in the ordei' given below. 
 
 Whilst far and wide thy scattered sheep. 
 Great Shepherd, iu tlie desert stray, 
 
 Thy lore by som* is thought to sleep, 
 Unheedful of the wanderer's way. 
 
 But truth declams tliey shall be found. 
 Wherever uow they darkling roam, 
 
 Thy love shall through the desert sound, 
 .^.nd summon every wanderer home. 
 
 Upon the darkened wavs of sin, 
 Instead of terror's sword and flame, 
 
 Shall love de«(-;ind — for love can win 
 Far more than terror can reclaim 
 
 And they shall turn their wandering feet, 
 By grace redeemed, by love controlled, 
 
 Till all at last in Edeu meet. 
 One happy, universal fold. 
 
 All the ends of the world shall remem- 
 ber and turn unto the Lord, and all the 
 kindreds of the nations siiall worship be- 
 fore thee : 
 
 For the kingdom is the Lord's and he is thf 
 Governor among the nations. 
 
 Send forth ihy light and thy truth, O 
 Lord ; let them lead us and bring us to 
 thy holy hill, and to thy tabernacles, even 
 unto God our exceedingjoy. 
 
 Tl'ou wilt show us the path, of life : in thy 
 presence is fulness of joy : at thy right hand 
 there are pleasures for evermore. 
 
 How amiable are thy tabernajles, O 
 Lord of Hosts ! My soul longeth, yea. 
 even fain eth for the courts of the Lord: 
 
 My heart and my flesh crieth out for the liv- 
 ing God, 
 
 As the sparrow findeth a house, and the 
 swallow a nest for herself where she may 
 hide her young, so let me dwell at thine 
 altars. O Lord of Hosts, my King and my 
 God. 
 
 Blessed are they -who divell in thy house : they 
 will be still praising thee. 
 
 A day in thy courts is better than a 
 thousand elsewhere : I had raiher be a 
 door-keeper in the house ot my God than 
 to dwell in tlie tents of ungodliness. 
 
 O Lord of Hosts, blessed is the man that 
 iriisteth in thee. 
 
 Thy perfection is higher than heaven : 
 what can we do to celebrate tliy praise ? 
 It is deeper than hell : what can we know 
 of thy fatliomless love ? 
 
 We praise thee, O God : we acknowledge thee 
 to be the Lord. 
 
 All the earth doth worship thee, the 
 Father everlasting. To thee ail angels cry 
 aloud, the heavens and all the powers 
 tlierein. To thee, cherubim and seraphim 
 continually do cry. 
 
 Holy, holy, holy Lord of Sabatth I heaven 
 and earth are full of the majesty of thy glory ! 
 
 The illustrious procession of the patri- 
 archs praise thee : 
 
 The jubilant assembly of the prophets 
 praise thee : 
 
 The glorious company of the apostles 
 praise thee : 
 
 The noble army of martyrs praise thee : 
 
 The Holy ('hurcli throughout all the 
 world doih acknowledge thee, the Father 
 of an infinite majesty : 
 
 Also thy well-beloved and consecrated Son 
 and. the Holy Ghost the Comforter. 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 135 
 
 O God, the King of Glory, help thy ser- 
 vants whom thou hast redeemed by the 
 hand of thy mighty power : 
 
 Make them to be numbered with thy saints in 
 glory everlasting. 
 
 Lord, save thy people and bless thy 
 heritage : govern and lift them up for- 
 ever. 
 
 Day by day we manifest thee ; and we worship 
 thy name ever ; world without end. 
 
 Vouchsafe, Lord, to keep us evermore 
 without sin. All our trust is in thee. 
 
 Lord, in thee have I trusted : Let me nev- 
 er be confounded. 
 
 It is nothing wonderful that the occa- 
 sion should have special attractions for me. 
 After the final visit of Mui -ay to Good- 
 luck (it was I believe in 1790) no Unive;- 
 salist clergyman had been there until my 
 first visit in 1832— being accompanied by 
 Richard Norton and James Ely, of Hights- 
 town. I was again there, accompanied by 
 several friends, in May 1833 — at which 
 date we erected a plain headstone at the 
 grave of Potter, and engaged Benjamin 
 Stout (then owner of the Potter farm) to 
 erect a paling fenc3. This was removed a 
 few weeks since, and a beautiful and sub- 
 stantial iron one substituted, by an organ- 
 ization known as theGoodluok Association. 
 This Association also recently bought an 
 acre of wooded ground adjacent to the 
 meeting house as a sort of perpetual me- 
 morial. 
 
 We have no present thought of estab- 
 lishing a worshiping assembly in that vi- 
 cinity, and the courteous treatment re- 
 ceived from all the neighbors, and fro.n 
 the Rev. Mr. Johnson, Methodist minister 
 in charge, gives us assurance that the door 
 of the old meeting house will not be closed 
 against us for an occasional service in 
 years to come. 
 
 Truly yours, Abel C. Thomas. 
 
 Philadelphia, Sept. 30, 1770. 
 
 WHO WAS RESPONSIBLE FOR CAPT 
 BUDDY'S MURDER? 
 
 Monmouth Refugees in New York and 
 Board of Associated Loyalists' action. — 
 Captain Richard Lippencott's Trial, &c. 
 Captain Joshua Huddy, Daniel Ran- 
 dolph, Esq., and Jacob Fleming, it may be 
 remembered, were made prisoners by the 
 British, at Toms River, March 24th, 1782. 
 While they were in the custody of the 
 British at New York, the Americans on 
 
 the 30th of the same month, captured 
 Philip White, Aaron White and other ref- 
 ugees as elsewhere described, and also cap- 
 tured at or about the same time Captain 
 Clayton Tilton. Aaron White, Tilton and 
 pi'obably the others, except Phil White 
 killed in attempting to escape, were taken 
 to Freehold and lodged in the jail. Til- 
 ton and Aaron White were subsequently 
 exchanged for Randolph and Fleming, be- 
 fore which it will be seen, by the follow- 
 ing extracts, that while the Board of Asso- 
 ciated Loyalists,* in their official capacity 
 ordered Huddy to be delivered to the cus- 
 tody of Lippencott for the ostensible pur- 
 pose of having him exchanged for Tilton, 
 yet that this was only a pretext ; that the 
 real object was to have him executed and 
 that without any form of trial. The fol- 
 lowing is a copy of the order on the com- 
 missary of prisoners. 
 
 New York, April 8th, 1782. 
 
 Sir : Deliver to Captain Richard Lip- 
 pencott the three following prisoners : — 
 Lieutenant Joshua Huddy. Daniel Ran- 
 dolph, and Jacob Fleming to take them 
 to the Hook [Sandy Hook) to procure the 
 exchange of Captain Clayton Tilton and 
 two other associated loyalists. 
 
 By order of the board of directors of as- 
 sociated loyalists. 
 
 S. S. Blowers, Secretary. 
 Mr. Commissary Challoner. 
 
 On the trial of Lippencott, Walter Chal- 
 loner the commissary of business testified 
 in substance as follows : 
 
 " He never knew anything of Joshua 
 Iluddy's being to be delivered to Lippen- 
 cott, till Lippencott brought the order. — 
 In going from deponent's house to the pro- 
 vost with Lippencott, he told deponent 
 that the three prisoners, whom that order 
 concerned, were intended to be exchanged 
 for Philip White, Captaiia Tilton and an- 
 other White. In their conversation in go- 
 ing to the provost, Capt. Lippencott told 
 deponent that if White was murdered as 
 reported, they intended to execute Hud- 
 dy for him." 
 
 It will hereafter be seen that at this 
 time Lippencott knew that Phil White 
 was really dead. 
 
 The Secretary of the Board of Associated 
 Loyalists, S. S. Biowers. gave his testimony 
 which, as far as it goes seems to palliate 
 the action of that body. His evidence refers 
 to what transpired before the Board in its 
 official capacity and it may be substantial- 
 ly true so far as his knowledge extended 
 but that it did not give all the facts relat- 
 
136 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 ing to the order for Huddy to be delivered 
 to Lippencott will be seen by the testimo- 
 ny of other witnesses. This iSeoretary, Mr. 
 Blowers, stood high among the loyahsts. — 
 He was* a graduate of Harvard (Jolletje. — 
 After the war he went to Halifax and was 
 appointed Attorney General, electedSpeak- 
 er of the House of Assembly, and in 1797 
 appointed Chief Justice of the Supreme 
 Court. 
 
 According to Mr. Blowers' testimony, 
 Lippencott appeared before the Board on 
 the 8th of April and stated that Captain 
 Tilton was a prisoner at Freehold and he 
 was afraid the Americans would liang him 
 unless hi- could have some prisoner to hold 
 for Tilton 's security ; he proposed to have 
 Huddy delivered to him and also two oth- 
 ers named Randolph and Fleming. He 
 wished to take these three men to Sandy 
 Hook and to offer Huildy for Tilton, and 
 if that offer did not answer, to give all 
 three to procure his exchange ; but if the 
 first offer was accepted, then to give Ran- 
 dolph and Fleming for two other Loyalists. 
 The order was thereupon given him as the 
 Co.araissary of prisoners for Huddy, Ran- 
 dolph and Fleming. The next day, April 
 9th, Lippencott again appeared before the 
 Board and proposed to make an expedi- 
 tion into the Jerseys with a view to 
 
 Force Freehold Jail 
 
 with a pprty of about thirty loyalists and 
 rescue Clayton Tilton, or if that was found 
 impracticable, to seize General Forman, 
 that he might by one of these means, pro- 
 cure the release of Tilton, and he request- 
 ed a requisition for men, ammunition and 
 provisions for the expedition. The propo- 
 sal was agreed to. While the necessary or- 
 ders were being made out, Lippencott took 
 a paper from his pocket, and went towards 
 Governor Franklin and said, "this is the 
 paper we mean to take down with us." — 
 This paper it would seem, was the label 
 afterwards fastened to Huddy's breast 
 wlien he was hung. The secretary said 
 that Governor Franklin only looked at the 
 pa2)er but did not read it, that Mr. Stew- 
 art, another member of the Board, tried to 
 read it by looking over h'ranklin's shoul- 
 der and that Daniel Coxe. of N. J., also of 
 the Board and its first president, hastily 
 said "we have nothing to do with that pa- 
 per; Captain Lippencott, keep your paper 
 to yourself." 
 
 From the evidence of Mr. Blowers and 
 more particularly from that of other wit- 
 nesses it is plainly evident that the mem- 
 
 bers of the Board were acquainted with 
 the nature of the contents of the paper al- 
 though they did not choose to recognize 
 it in their official capacity. 
 
 Captain Thomas Crowell, a refugee from 
 Middletown, testified in substance as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 " In consequence of several loyalists 
 having been executed in Monmouth, de- 
 ponent obtained from the commandant, 
 thi'ough Governor Franklin, orders to re- 
 ceive three prisoners and follow such di- 
 rections as deponent might give with re- 
 spect to their confinement. That it was 
 proposed to have executed one of them by 
 way of retaliation, the Board of Directors 
 having promisfd deponent that orders 
 should be given for that purpose ; but 
 some dispute intervening among loyalists 
 who had taken those prisoners, the order 
 was not given, nor did tiie execution take 
 place ; but deponent in consequence of 
 the declaration made by the Board, >!ated 
 December 28th, 1780, should have thought 
 himself justifiable in executing one of 
 those prisoners, even had he received only 
 a verbal order from the Board, having nev- 
 er seen any prohibition against the decla- 
 ration alluded to." 
 
 HuDor's Murder Suggested. 
 
 Samuel Taylor, a refugee from New Jer- 
 sey, probably from Shrewsbury, in his tes- 
 timony said : 
 
 " Early in April he waited on Governor 
 Franklin and informed him that the Amer- 
 icans had taken Captain Tilton and Philip 
 White and had murdered the latter in a 
 cruel manner, and requested the Governor 
 to give an order for ttie delivery of Joshua 
 Huddy and Randolph in order to exchange 
 the latter for Tilton and execute Huddy 
 in retaliation for White. The Governor 
 replied that he ivouhJ give the necessary orders, 
 if he thought the deponent would execute Huddy / 
 to which deponent replied ' he need not 
 fear that.' After the prisoners were re- 
 moved to the provost, deponent waited on 
 Governor Franklin who told him lie wuuld 
 give the desired orders ; and as deponent 
 was ordered on another service, the Gov- 
 ernor asked what officer he thought should 
 command the party to go out and execute 
 Huddy. Deponent answered, he thought 
 C.M'TAi.v Lippencott a Proper Person to 
 
 Execute Huddy, 
 and deponent believed he would under- 
 take it. The Governor then told him he 
 wished Captain Lippencott would call, at 
 the Board room next day at 2 P. M ; in 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 187 
 
 consequence of deponent's telling this to 
 Lippencott, the latter accordingly attend- 
 ed at the appointed time and place ; but 
 the directors would not give Cf ptain Lip- 
 pencott the order unless deponent was 
 sent for by the Board ; that when he asked 
 for the order to be given to Captain Lip- 
 pencott, a member of the Board said he 
 should have it ; that in the course of the 
 conversation with Grovernor Franklin, the 
 governor told hwi that they were not only to hang 
 Huddy, but that if the rebels banged any 
 other in retaliation for him, they (the loy- 
 alists) should continue retaliating, by hang- 
 ing man for man, and if necessary he 
 would give up all the prisoners taken at 
 Toms River for the purpose. Deponent 
 said as to Governor Franklin's powers, the 
 Associated Loyalists looked upon him as their 
 commanding officer and felt bound to obey his or- 
 ders whether verbal or ivritten ; that he consid- 
 ered. F)-^iklin^s orders for executing Iduddy, law- 
 ful orders, which if not obeyed would have 
 been censurable by a Court Martial, and 
 if the orders had been given to deponent 
 he would have thought himself anstverab^e 
 for disobeying them." 
 
 Governor Franklin Wants Huddy 
 Hanged. 
 
 At this point in the trial, the prisoner, 
 Captain Lippencott, asked the witness 
 Taylor " Did he ever hear Governor Frank- 
 lin say that they should not have Huddy 
 unless they would execute him ?" To 
 which Taylor replied : 
 
 " On asking for Huddy, Governor Frank- 
 lin said to deponent, 'Will you execute 
 him when you take him out?' He re- 
 plied he would or would not have made 
 application for him ; and Governor Frank- 
 lin then said 'You shall have him.' 
 
 Another refugee from Monmouth, Mof- 
 fat (Morlord?) Taylor of Shrewsbury in his 
 testimony said : 
 
 " Deponent was with Governor Frank- 
 lin on ihe subject of executing Huddy, 
 that Governor Franklin said Randolph 
 and Fleming were to be kept as hostages 
 to be exchanged for Captain Tilton and 
 Aaron White and that Huddy ivas to he execu- 
 ted/or Philip White, and if Huddy was not 
 executed, he had be*^ter be left in jail, as 
 one prisoner by the name of Smock had 
 been taken out of jail to be executed but 
 was not, which occurrence gave cause to 
 the rebels to think the loyalists were afraid 
 of them and dared not hurt them. Depo- 
 nent told Governor Franklin he had no 
 commission, upon which Franklin said 
 that Captain Lippencott had a commission 
 
 and told deponent to go to him and he 
 dared say that Lippencott would be fond 
 of the job. Deponent then went to Lip- 
 pencott and toki him that Governor Frank- 
 lin had appointed deponent to call on him 
 and ask if he was willing to go. After that 
 Lippencott went to Governor Franklin and 
 deponent had nothing farther to do with 
 it." 
 
 The above witness rtfeis to a Smock 
 having been taken out of jail to be execu- 
 ted. Captain Barnes Smock and Lieuten- 
 ant Henry Smock of Monmouth, were cap; 
 tured by the British in September 1870 
 the officer referred to was probably the first 
 n.'imed and he may have been the ofilcer 
 referred to in the evidence of Captain 
 Thomas Ciowell .'dready quoted. 
 
 The Hanging of Huddy. 
 
 Captain Huddy, Randolph and Fleming 
 were taken by Lippencott and his party 
 on board a sloop on the 9th of April, and 
 sailed for Sandy Hook, where they found 
 the British man of war, Brittania, on board 
 of which they lodged the prisoners a day 
 or two after. Early on the 12th, Lippencott 
 came for Huddy, and showed Captain Mor- 
 ris, of the J5?7tom'a, two papers, one being 
 the label which was afterwards fastened to 
 Huddy 's breast. Captain Morris asked 
 Lippencott what he intended to do with 
 Huddy. Lippencott replied that he intend- 
 ed to put the orders of the Board of Refu- 
 gees in execution which was to hang Hud- 
 dy. Lippencott borrowed a rope from 
 Captain Morris and then proceeded on his 
 infamous mission. 
 
 Timothy Brooks, a Pennsylvania Refu- 
 gee, who was one of Lippencott's party 
 when Huddy was hanged, testified that 
 he saw Huddy hanged and that he was ex- 
 ecuted by a negro, that Lippencott shook 
 hands with Huddy as he (Huddy) was 
 standing on the barrel, by Huddy's re- 
 quest ; that on the 9th of April he heard 
 that Governor Franklin had ordered Hud- 
 dy to be hanged ; the party which hanged 
 Huddy consisted of twenty-three, counting 
 Captain Lippencott, exclusive of the pris- 
 oner. Among the number was a Mr. Tilton 
 who seme said was an officer. This Tilton 
 was John Tilton, a refugee from Middle- 
 town, Monmouth, who testified that he 
 called on Governor Franklin, before Hud- 
 dy was delivered to Lippencott, and Frank- 
 lin said Joshua Huddy must be executed 
 or the loyalist prisoners would all be hang- 
 ed ; that when the party was putting Huddy 
 in irons on board the sloop, he was present 
 
138 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 and he asked him if he thought it good 
 usage to iron him. Huddy replied " he did 
 not think it was ; but as he was about to 
 be exchanged in a day or two lie did not 
 mind being in irons." This Til ton wit- 
 nessed the hanging of Huddy and return- 
 ed to the Brittania about noon and report- 
 ed that " Huddy died with the firmness of 
 a lion." 
 
 GrENERAL WASHINGTON ENDORSES THE DeCIS 
 
 ION OF Freehold Patriots. 
 
 The Freehold patriots heard of the exe- 
 cution of Huddy the day that it occurred 
 and that it was done without any form or 
 pretense of a trial. They at once institu- 
 ted a thorough investigation of the circum- 
 stances attending it, and of the pretexts 
 plead in justification. The evidence pro- 
 duced, published in the chapter relating 
 to Phil White, his capture, attempt to es- 
 cape anil manner of death, show that the 
 alleged cruelties were absolute fabrications. 
 General FoVman and Colonel Holmes were 
 requested to wait on and present the evi- 
 dence to General Washington who consid- 
 ered it a matter of so much importance 
 that on the 19th of Ai)ril he convened a 
 board of officers to take it into considera- 
 tion ; this board after mature deliberation 
 decided that retaliation should be made 
 by selecting an officer of equal rank unless 
 Lippencott was given up. The next day 
 General Washington wrote a letter to Con- 
 gress informing them that he deemed the 
 murder of Huddy so barbarous as to re- 
 quire retaliation and trusts that his deci- 
 sion will meet the approval of that body 
 (which was subsequently given) ; and the 
 day following (April 21st) he wrote to Sir 
 Henry Clinton demanding that Lippencott 
 should be given up 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton replied to General 
 Washington on the 25th of April. He re- 
 fused to give uf) the perpetrator of the 
 murder, but informed the American com- 
 mander that he had ordered a court mariiai 
 to examine the charge against Lippencott before 
 his letter was received. He did not pretend 
 to .justify the conduct of the loyalists and 
 expressed his regret for the fate of the suf- 
 ferer. 
 
 On the trial of Lippencott, which took 
 place in June, the main points at issue 
 were : " Was the execution of Captain 
 Huddy justifiable ;" and " Did Captain 
 Lippencott execute Huddy on his own re- 
 sponsibility or did he do it by orders of the 
 Loyalist Board." 
 
 Decision of the British Court Martial. 
 
 The following is a copy of the decision 
 of the Court : 
 
 " The court having considered the evi- 
 dence for and against the prisoner Cap- 
 tain Richard Lippencott, together with 
 what he had to offer for defence ; and it 
 appearing that (although Joshua Huddy 
 was executed without proper autliority) 
 what the prisoner d'd in the matter was 
 not the effect of malice or ill will, but pro- 
 ceeded fiorp a conviction that it was his 
 duty to obey the orders of the Board of 
 Directors of Associated Loyalists, and his 
 not doubting their having full authority 
 to give such orders, the court are of opin 
 ion that he, the prisoner, Captain Richard 
 Lippencott is noi ^wito/ of the murder laid 
 to his charge, and do therefore acquit 
 him." 
 
 This decision not only virtually admits 
 that the execution of Huddy was r^urder, 
 but throws the blame on the Board of As- 
 sociated Loyalists at the head of which 
 was Governor William Franklin. The ev 
 idence we have already quoted will show 
 the grounds upon which they based their 
 decision. It is worthy of note that before 
 the trial was concluded Governor Frank- 
 lin left New York and sailed for England 
 and so avoi'^'ed any investigation of his 
 conduct that might have been contempla- 
 ted. 
 
 Sir Guy Carleton took command of the 
 British forces in New York in May, and 
 he evidently l:;oked upon the Board with 
 less favor than had Clinton. In a letter 
 to General Washington, immediately after 
 his assuming cummand, he expressed his 
 intention to preserve " the name of Eng- 
 lishmen from reproach and to pursue eve- 
 ry measure that might tend to prevent 
 these criminal excesses in individuals." — 
 He did not hesitate to condemn the many 
 unauthorized acts of violence which had 
 been committed, and concluded that he 
 should do everything to mitigate the evils 
 of war. As one proof of his sincerity he 
 at once broke up the Board of Associated 
 Loyalists. 
 
 Gn the 13th of May, the lot was ordered 
 by General Washington which resulte'l in 
 the selection of Captain Asgill to be held 
 as hostage for Lippencott. 
 
 Lu'I'kncott's Own Defense on the Trial. 
 After Lippencott was arrested and con- 
 fined in the Provost jail he had frequent 
 conversations with Captain William Cun- 
 ningham, the Provost Marshal, about the 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 139 
 
 execution of Huddy. Cunningham, ex- 
 pecting to be called upon as a witness at 
 the trial, noted down Lippencott's state- 
 ments and after submitting them to Lip- 
 pencott, he made deposition on the 10th 
 of May as follows : 
 
 " He heard Captain Lippencott say that 
 Governor Franklin often said there was no 
 way of stopping the rebels from massacre- 
 ing ♦^he refugees but by retaliation, and he 
 wanted one Mason to be the object. Cap- 
 tain Lippencott said he would be the man 
 who would cause it to be done, it the Gov- 
 ernor would give him an order in writing, 
 so that he might stand fair in the eyes of 
 his exct^ll<*ncy the commander-in-chief. — 
 Governor Franklin replied that he could 
 give no written order, but would answer 
 the consequences to the commander-in- 
 chief, as it was the only way of putting a 
 stop to the rebels hanging and murdering 
 the loyal refugees. And he farther he .rd 
 Captain Lippencott say that he bad been 
 told some time ago, by two refugees, that, 
 the honorable board would give up Gap- 
 tain Huddy and two other prisoners ; and 
 that Huddy should be executed for Philip 
 White, and the other two should be exe- 
 cuted for Captain Tilton and another for 
 Aaron White (supposing Tilton and White 
 had been executed by the rebels ; if not 
 they were to be offered in exchange for 
 them. That ( aptain Lippencott waited 
 on the hou'irable board with a label that 
 was intended to be fixed on Huddy's 
 breast, and gave it into the hands of the 
 Governor and asked him if he thought 
 that vTould do, or something to that effect. 
 Mr. Cox, who was present, made answer, 
 and said Captain Lipp«^ncott ought to have 
 kept that to himself; Captain Lippencott 
 answered, he never did anything but what 
 was done above board. The Governor 
 read it and tlien gave it to another of the 
 board to read ; and when Captain Lippen- 
 cott was going, the Governor wished him 
 luck or success, or words to that effect. — 
 He further says Captain Lippencott seem- 
 ed a little affected _when deponent gave 
 him a copy of his crime, and expressed a 
 seeming surprise, by saying, " ila I is this 
 the way the board is going to leave me !" 
 or words to that purpose. 
 
 He further saith, before Lippeacott was 
 made a prisoner, he (Lippencott) told him 
 the board sent him near thre» sheets of 
 paper written, the contents of which were 
 to acquit the board of knowing anything 
 of Huddy's death, and that he (Lippen- 
 cott) should take it entirely on himself. 
 
 and sign the paper and send it to the 
 board ; which he believed he should have 
 done, but deponent making him prisoner 
 at the time he was copying it had hindered 
 him from so doing." 
 
 It will be noticed, that Lippencott as- 
 serted that Governor Franklin promised 
 him if he would execute Huddy without 
 a written order that he (Gov. Franklin) 
 would answer the consequences to the Bri- 
 tish commander in-chief, and this asser- 
 tion is substantiated by the evidence of 
 others. How Franklin performed his 
 promise will be seen by the following. 
 
 Cowardly Act of the Loyalist Board. 
 
 In the affidavit of Captain Cunningham, 
 reference is made to a certain paper sent 
 by the Board of Loyalists to Lippencott 
 to sign ; the purport of the paper being to 
 exonerate the Board from all responsi- 
 bility, for the murder of Huddy, Cunning- 
 ham was such an unmitigated scoundrel, 
 as proven by his own confession given in 
 another chapter, that but little credence 
 would be attached to his affidavit but for 
 the fact that it is corroborated by other 
 reliable evidence. The paper referred to 
 was produced before the Court which tried 
 Lippencott. It was written by Mr. Alex- 
 ander, one of the Board, at the office of the 
 Board, at the instigation of the members. 
 We give the whole of this paper, remark- 
 able as showing the cowardice and duplici- 
 ty of the Board and their efforts to sacri- 
 fice the man they had used as a tool, to 
 save themselves. It was to have been sent 
 to Governor Franklin as the chief of the 
 Board. 
 
 '' Sir : — In compliance with the orders 
 of the honorable board of directors, vre 
 beg leave to communicate to your excel- 
 lency, for their information, an account of 
 the proceedings of the loyalists from Mon- 
 mouth on the late expedition for the re- 
 lief of Captain Clayton Tilton and two oth- 
 er loyalists, then prisoners with the rebels 
 in that county. 
 
 Being frustrated m the design of bring- 
 ing off Captain Tilton by force and our of 
 fers For exchange rejected, we dreaded 
 that he was reserved for a fate similar to 
 that our associate Philip White had suffer- 
 ed, who was taken at the same time with 
 Captain Tiltoti, and inhumanly and wan- 
 tonly murdered by the guard who were 
 conveying him to Monmouth jail. This 
 recent instance of cruelty, added to the 
 many daring acts of the same nature' 
 which have been perpetrated with impuni- 
 ty by a set of vindictive rebels, well known 
 
140 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 by the name of the Monmouth Retaliators, 
 associated and headed by one General For- 
 man (whose horrid acts of cruelty have 
 gained him universally the name of Black 
 David,) fired our party with an indigna- 
 tion only to be felt by men who for a 
 series of years have beheld many of their 
 friends and neighbors butchered in cold 
 blood under the usurjDed form of law, and 
 often without that ceremony, for no other 
 crime than that of maintaining their alle- 
 giance bo their government under which 
 they were born, and which the rebels au 
 daciously call treason against the Stat-s. — 
 We thought it high time to convince the 
 rebels we would no longer tamely submit 
 to such glaring acts of barbarity ; and 
 though we lament the necessity to which 
 we have been driven, to begin a retalia- 
 tion of intolerable cruelties long contin- 
 ued and often repeated, yet we are con- 
 vinced that we could not have saved the 
 life of Captain Tilton by any other means. 
 "We therefore pitched upon Joshua Huddy 
 as a proper subject for retaliation, becauso 
 he was not only well known to have been 
 a very active and cruel persecutor of our 
 friends, but h;id not been ashamed to bonst 
 of his having been instrumental in hang- 
 ing Stephen Edwards, a worthy lo^. alist, 
 and the first of our brethren who fell a 
 maityr to republican fury in Monmouth 
 County. Huddy was the man who tied 
 the knot and put the rope about the neck 
 of that inoffensive sufferer. This fact will 
 appear by two affidavits which we have 
 the honor to enclose. 
 
 It IS true in this instance we have acted 
 without the orders or knowledge of the 
 honorable board ; but we hope, when they 
 are pleased to take into consideration the 
 motives which induced us to take this 
 step, and that Huddy was executed in the 
 county where so many acts of cruelty have 
 been committed on liefugees, they will 
 not think our conduct reprehensible, more 
 especially when your excellency peruses 
 the Tollowing state of facts. [The facts al- 
 luded to are not found in the originals.) Many 
 of the above facts are ascertained by affl 
 davits ; and such as are not are too notor- 
 ious to be denied even by General Forman 
 himself, the most persecuting rebel in the 
 country. By a strange fatality, the loyal 
 ists are the only people that have been 
 treated as rebels, during this unhappy 
 war ; and we are constrained by our suffer- 
 ings to declare that no efforts have been 
 made by the Government, under whose 
 protection we wish to live, to save our 
 
 brethren from ignominious deaths. It is 
 our fixed determination, however repug- 
 nant to our feelings (having on all occa- 
 sions treated our prisoners with tender- 
 ness, and often indulge them with paroles 
 which they have frequently violated) that 
 should the rebels, to answer their malig- 
 nant purposes, continue to punish the loy- 
 alists, under their usual distinction of pris- 
 oners of state from prisoners of war, they 
 shall feel a. severe retaliation in every m- 
 stance — the just vengeance due to such 
 enormities. Blood shall flow for blood, or 
 the loyalists will perish in the attempt. 
 
 We have the honor to be on behalf of 
 the associated loyalists of Monmouth 
 County, your excellency's most obedient 
 servants." 
 
 This paper prepared by the Board for 
 Lippencott to sign, it will te seen by ref- 
 erence to the evidenceof different witness- 
 es already quoted, was false in every es- 
 sential particular. While it is true that 
 the written order to get Huddy out of the 
 Provost jail, into the charge of Lijjpencott 
 makes the preteit that it was to have him 
 exchanged for Tilton, yet the real object 
 as expressed by verbal orders of Governor 
 Franklin was to have him taken within 
 the limits of Monmoutli and there execu- 
 ted. They were not frustrated in any at- 
 tempt to bring off' Tilton by force, for if 
 any such attempt had been made it would 
 have been shown on the trial, nor whs any 
 attempt to have him exchanged mention- 
 ed. It was not Lippencott who suggest*>d 
 the hiinging of Huddy — he was only a tool, 
 perhaps too willing, of Governor Franklin 
 and his associates. There was no reason 
 to fear tliat " Tilton was reserved for a 
 fate similar to Phil White's;" no evidence 
 was produced to show that the Monmouth 
 patriots considered him other than a pris- 
 oner of war captured under usual circum- 
 stances and to be held for exchange. Gen- 
 eral Forman, or Black David as they j)re- 
 ferred calling him, and his associates never 
 executed a refugee unless under circum- 
 stances justifiable by the rules of warfare, 
 as has already been shown in other chap- 
 ters. Tiie Pine Robbers, Fagan, Fenton, 
 i5urke and others of that class met their 
 fate for burglary, murder and other crimes, 
 for committing what Sir Guy Carleton 
 called "unauthorized acts of violence" 
 and wha' he pointedly condemned. Ste- 
 phen Edwards came into the American 
 lines as a spy ; treasonable papers were 
 found in his i:)08session ; so positive was 
 the proof against him that one of the 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 141 
 
 warmest friends of his family, who would 
 have been glad of any pretext to save him, 
 was compelled to vote for his condemna- 
 tion. 
 
 l^ut the most noticeable falsehood which 
 the Board asked Lippencott to sign was 
 that he "had acted without the knowledge 
 or consent of the Board I" 
 
 On this pohit, in addition to the evi- 
 dence already quoted, we copy the testi- 
 mony of Henry Steptiensen, a surgeon in 
 the British legion, relating a conversation 
 between hi'msell' and two membeis of ihe 
 Board that took place at the office of Riv- 
 ingtoti's B<^yal Gazette^ the Toiy paper at 
 New York. Mr. Stephenson was asked : 
 
 " Did he recollect a conversation be- 
 tween himself and several other gentle 
 men. at Mr Rivington's (soon Jifler the 
 ciinfinernent of the }. risoner for the crime 
 now charged against him) respeciing a pa- 
 per that was sent to the prisoner by some 
 one of the honorable board of directors, to 
 be signed by the prisoner, assigning rea 
 suns for the execution of the said Joshua 
 Buddy; and was deponent then censur- 
 ing a part of said paper whicli expressed 
 the execution of Buddy to be without the 
 knowledge of the Board ? During the con- 
 versation, did Messrs. Stewart and Alex- 
 ander, both members of the Board, come 
 into Mr. Rivington's and what further cou- 
 veisation passed on the sulgect?" 
 
 Suigeon Stephenson deposed in answer 
 as follows : 
 
 " Yes, he recollects a conversation. He 
 was at Mr. Rivingt.jn's one evening, some 
 little time after the prisoner wa.-i confined 
 in the piovo«t, and wms mentioning to 
 some gentlemen that a report had pre- 
 vailed in town that tht^ board of directors 
 had drawn up an instrument in writing, 
 which they wi.-hed Captain Lippencott to 
 sign, purporting that Captain Buddy was 
 executed without tneif knowledge or con- 
 sent. Just at the time they were talking 
 on the subject Mr. Alexander and Mr. 
 Stewart, two of the board, came in ; and 
 after mentioning the above report, depo- 
 nent put the following question to them : 
 ' First, Did you gentlemen send such an 
 instrument in writing to Captain Lippen- 
 cott to sign or not? They replied, there 
 had been a paper sent to him but thai 
 Cajjtain Lippencott might alter it as he 
 thought proper, or words to that effect. — 
 Mr. Alexander particularly mentioned 
 that he had objected to the words " with- 
 out their knowledge or consent," being in- 
 
 serted. The second question was * Though 
 Huddy was executed, was it not done by 
 your knowledge and consent or approba- 
 tion.' They assented and said it was." 
 
 The office of Rivington's Royal Gttzetie 
 was quite a noted resort for British officers 
 and it is evidei.t they criiicised pretty free- 
 ly the action of the Board. Both Alexan- 
 der and Stewart had personal knowledge 
 of the falsity of the statement " without 
 knowledge or consent of the board," as 
 when, on the 8th of April, Lippencott ap- 
 peared before the Board in response to 
 (jov. Franklin's request to contjent to take 
 conamand of a party to hnng Huddy, both 
 of these men were present and fully talked 
 over the matter. Mr. Al-xander objected 
 to putting in the words but was overruled 
 by the other members, who quieted his 
 scruples by telling him Lippencott could 
 alter it if he chose. They well knew the 
 fearful predicament into whicli they had 
 got Lippencott. 
 
 This paper was gotten up by the Board 
 to shield themselves, because, to their sur- 
 lirise, no sooner was the news of Huddy 's 
 execution heard in New York than the 
 regular British officers generally de- 
 nounced it as •' a reproach to the name of 
 Englishmen," and a desire was expressed 
 to have an investigation to find out the 
 real author or authors to hold responsible. 
 Alarmed at the threatening aspect of af- 
 fairs they drew up this paper to be signed 
 by Lippencott. It would seem as though 
 they thought as Lippencott found iiis ac- 
 tion so severely denounced by (he regular 
 British and that they were arrayed again,st 
 him, that he would want to retain the ac- 
 tive friendship of the Board to stand be- 
 tween him and the regular British author- 
 ities, and that to secure ttieir active servi- 
 ces in his behalf he would probably con- 
 sent to sign this paper. And their calcu- 
 lation pioved c rrect, for he had com- 
 menced copying it off when he was arrest- 
 ed. The truth then flashed upon him 
 that the Board to save themselves wanted 
 to sacrifice him, and then he determined 
 to let matters take their course and simply 
 look out for himself, and, as he expressed 
 i;," to have the saddle put on the right 
 h'Tse." 
 
 An idea of the feeling among the regu- 
 lar British officers in regard to Huddy 's 
 death may be inferred from the testimony 
 of Surgeon Stephenson, but it was most 
 emphatically shown by the action of Sir 
 Henry Clinton himself, who was so indig- 
 nant at the barbarous murder of Huddy 
 
142 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 that he had ordered Lippencott's trial by 
 Court Martial before he received General 
 Washington's letter demanding his surren- 
 der. Tiiere is good reason to believe that 
 Sir Henry thought the reallv guilty party 
 was the Board of Associated Loyalists, and 
 especially its head, Governor Franklin, 
 who so cowardly fled to England leaving 
 both Lippencott and Asgill to their fates ; 
 and Clinton's successor. Sir Guy Carleton, 
 was so satisfied of the disgraceful conduct 
 of the Board that he broke it up 
 
 As before stated, the decorum of the 
 court martial virtually threw the blame of 
 Buddy's murder on Governor Franklin 
 and his associates, and this decision was 
 subsequently endorsed by competent Amer- 
 ican authority, as will be seen by the fal- 
 lowing extract from a report made to Con- 
 gress in 1837 by a select committee of that 
 body which had thoioughly investigated 
 the wiiole subject : 
 
 *' The immediate agent in (his deed of 
 blood was Richard Lippencott, a native of 
 New -Jersey and then a captain in the 
 British service. He was the instrument of 
 a board of associated loyalists in New 
 York, at the head of which was William 
 Franklin, once Royal governor of New 
 Jersey. The members of this body, after 
 the murder bad taken place, endeavored 
 for a time to deny that they had directed 
 it; but the evidence adduced on the trial 
 of the perpetrator, as well as subsequent 
 publications of the, loyalists themselves, 
 abundantly prove that, without the cour- 
 age to act themselves, they had the base 
 nes^ to authorize the deed to be commit- 
 ced, and the meanness to attempt the con- 
 cealment of their privity to its perpetra- 
 tion." 
 
 A BOY TRIED FOR MURDER. 
 
 The State against Aaron, a Slave of Levi 
 Solomon's. 
 
 The defendant, Aaron, a black boy about 
 eleven years of age, was indicted in the 
 Court of Oypr and Terminer of Monmouth 
 in October, 1817, for the murder of Ste- 
 phen Connelly, a child little more than two 
 years old. The indictment in the usual 
 form charged the prisoner with the mur- 
 der on the 26th of August, 1817, by throw- 
 ing the child into a well. It appeared in 
 evidence that the prisoner was born in 
 July, 1806, was of ordinary size and in the 
 opinion of some witnesses, possessed com- 
 
 mon capacity and intelligence; by the tes- 
 timony of others he was more cunning 
 and smarter in his play than usual for boys 
 of his age. Stephen Connelly was a stout 
 healthy child, and on the 26th of August, 
 in the after part of the day, was found in 
 a well about 18 or 19 feet deep, having a 
 curb two and a half feet high, so that he 
 could reach the top with his hands, and it 
 was in such a state that all the witnesses 
 thought it impossible for hitn to get over 
 it. The well was in a cornfield and or- 
 chard about one hundred rods from two 
 public roads and the sam*^ distance from 
 the house in which Stephen lived. The 
 corn was so high and thick that a i>erson 
 at the well could not be seen except by 
 looking along the rows. It was in the 
 nyighborhood of a numlj^r of houses. 
 
 Stephen was sfen playing in the road 
 with I he prisoner a short time before he 
 was missed by the family ; and when they 
 were searching for him tiie pris iner was 
 up in a cl.erry tree. Being asked if he iiad 
 seen him, he said, '• yes, he i« gone up 
 the road;" being told to come down fud 
 help look for him, he looked along the 
 road and called aloud three or four times 
 but did not get down. After the body whs 
 found and taken out of the well, he came 
 up and seeing it lying there he said, "so 
 you've found Stephen." Theie was yet 
 nothing in his manner whicti excited at- 
 tention or suspicion. That night he went 
 to bed earlier than usual, and without his 
 supjier. The next morning he told a \ oun^' 
 lad, an apprentice to his master that he 
 saw Stephen fall into the well ; and that 
 he was ten or twelve paces off; thai he 
 went up and sav Stephen splash the water 
 and then went to pick apples wiiich iiis 
 master had directed him to do. Being 
 a'ked why he did not tell it he gave no 
 answer. On his trial (May, 1818) the pric- 
 oner was defended by Garret D. Wall, L. 
 H. Stockton and Joseph W. Scott. For 
 the state appeared R. Stockton, jr.. Depu- 
 ty Attorney General and R. Stockton. 
 
 His counsel objected to any evidence of 
 his confessions as improper and incompe- 
 tent, he being under the age of twelve 
 years. After argumen* the court admit- 
 ted the confessions in evidence. It then 
 appeared that at the coroner'.* inquest the 
 prisoner was summoned; at first he ap- 
 peared terrified Imt soon became composed. 
 He then repeated the story he had told 
 before, adding that Stephen climbed over 
 the curb and fell in ; and that he did not 
 tell anybody for fear they would think he 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 143 
 
 did it. He was very closely pressed by the 
 jury with questions as to his own guilt and 
 told that he had better tell the whole 
 truth to them. He steadily denied doing 
 the act. After examining him some time, 
 the jury went to the well that he might 
 shew them how Stephen got over. He 
 shewed them. His master and one of the 
 jurors then took him aside and asked him 
 about it. He then told them he had done 
 it; that Stephen went to the well and put 
 his hands on the curb and he took hold of 
 his legs and threw him over ; that he 
 gasped and caught his breath and made 
 the water splash as he fell ; and that he 
 (prisoner) being frightened, ran away to 
 picking apples ; that he denied it before 
 because he was afraid they would send 
 him to jail. He repeated the same thing 
 to the whole jury. He was urged and 
 questioned closely but all the witnesses 
 denied that either promises or threats or 
 improper contrivnnces were used to induce 
 him to make the confession, but he was 
 frequently and constantly told to tell the 
 truth and that would be best for him. He 
 seemed to understand what he was about 
 and to understand his answers. 
 
 He continued for three or four weeks 
 to make the same confession to the 
 gaoler and many other persons ; and 
 then he began to deny the fact and con- 
 tinued the denial until the time of trial. — 
 When he Brst denied, the gaolor asked 
 him why he had owned it before; he said 
 that one of the jurymen told him the dev- 
 il would get him if he denied it, but if 
 he confessed it he would not be sent to 
 jail. This was explicitly denied by the ju- 
 ror referred to ; he was further asked who 
 had been to see him, and he replied his 
 master but that he did not tell him to 
 deny it. 
 
 At the time of his first confession, and 
 frequently afterwards, he gave as a rea-^on 
 for the act that he did it to spite the fath- 
 er of Stephen because he had driven him 
 out of the shop and threatened to whip 
 him ; at other times he said he said he had 
 no reason for it. 
 
 The case was ably argued and the court 
 gave a minute charge to the jury who 
 found the prisoner guilty. 
 
 A motion was th^n made for a new trial, 
 it being desired by the court that the 
 opening of the Supreme Court of N. J., at 
 bar upon several legal questions (given in 
 Ist Southard reports) might be known. — 
 The trial took place in May, 1818. In Sep- 
 tember following it was taken up by the 
 
 Supreme Court and its decision on the va- 
 rious points was made by Chief Justice 
 Kirkpatrick. In regard to the liability of 
 minors under fourteen years of age to 
 punishment, the Chief Justice quoted va- 
 rious authorities from which the Court de- 
 cided that upon this naked confession of 
 Aaron's he could not be cjnvicted of a 
 capital offence — "that the confession is a 
 simple, naked confession, disclosing no 
 fact, pregnant with no circumstances to 
 give it authority or in any way to corrobo- 
 rate it. It did not even lead to the dis- 
 covery of the body of tlie deceased, for it 
 was found before ; it opens no proof of 
 malice or hatred or ill will against the 
 child but rather to the contrary; it is a 
 mere naked confession of an infant under 
 the age of eleven years obtained by some 
 degree of pressure, at least, after a firm 
 denirtl and as such (I speak with great de- 
 ference to the learning of the Court which 
 tried the cause) I should incline to think 
 it ought not to have been admitted as evi- 
 dence ; and if admitted that it ought not 
 to have been the ground of conviction." 
 
 A new trial was granted at which the 
 prisoner was discharged ; and we have been 
 told by an old gentleman, a regular attend 
 ant of the Freehold Courts in that day, 
 that it WHS believed the boy was afterwards 
 sold as a slave in the West Indies, 
 
 THE INLETS OF OLD MONMOUTH 
 
 Old Cranberry Inlet. 
 
 A century ago Cranberry Inlet, nearly 
 opposite Toms River, was one of the best 
 inlets on the Jersey coast. The question 
 as to the exact year when it was opened 
 was brought before one of our courts a few, 
 years ago in a suit involving title to land 
 in the vicinity, but no decisive information 
 was elicited upon the trial. It is probable, 
 however, that it broke through about 
 1750. It is laid down on Lewis Evans's map, 
 1755, and Jeffrey's (English) map, same 
 year, and on the latter and other maps it 
 is called New Inlet. On Jeffrey's map 
 Toms River is called Goose Creek, and Bar- 
 negat Bay is called Flat Bay Sound. Cran- 
 berry Inlet closed about the year 1812, 
 though for several years previous it had 
 commenced filling up, gradually shoaling 
 more and more each year until it was fi- 
 nally closed up. During the Revolution- 
 ary war it was a place of considerable im- 
 portance as it afforded conveniences to 
 
144 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 our privateers on the lookout for Briti3h 
 vessels bound in and out of New York. — 
 Though we have no exact account of the 
 depth of water on the bar, yet in its best 
 days it must have been equal to the best 
 inlets nov on our coast, as we find that 
 loaded, square-rigged vessels occasionally 
 entered it. David Mapes, the much es- 
 tet^m^r? and noted colored Quaker of Tuck- 
 erton, when a boy, resided in this vicinity, 
 and was empli>yed by Solomon Wardell 
 to tend cattle on the beach when the inlet 
 broke through. He slept in a cabin and 
 one morning on awakening was surprised 
 to see that the sea had broUon across the 
 beach during the night. 
 
 (In a pr(^vious article relating to Capt, 
 Adam Hyler, bv the accidentallv omission 
 of one line in the copy it was made to ap- 
 pear that Cranberry Inlet opened into 
 Raritan Bay. Though most of our reade''^ 
 wculd infer it was from a tyi)ographical 
 error yet it reminded us that a brief no- 
 tice of this Inlet, so frequently referred to 
 in Revolutionary limes, but now among 
 the things of the past, should be given to 
 explain events related in previous chap 
 ters referring to ii.) 
 
 Attempts to Open New Inlets. 
 
 The closing of Cranberry Inlet caused 
 great inconvenience to persons along Bar- 
 iiegat Bay engaged in the coasting trade 
 as it compelled vessels from the upper 
 part of the bay to sail several miles out of 
 their way to Barnegat Inlet to get to sea. 
 .^ibout the )ear 1821 an attempt to open 
 a new inlet near the head ot the bay was 
 made by a man named Michael Urtley. — 
 He worked at it off and on for several 
 years and spent considerable money in the 
 undertaking ; at length, one day a large 
 company of men volunteered to aid him 
 in completing the enterprise. In the 
 evening after finishing it, Mr. Oi tley and 
 his friends had quite a merry time in cel- 
 ebrating the completion ol' the work. But 
 great was their disappointment the follow- 
 ing morning to find that the running of the 
 tide which they had supposed would work 
 the inlet deeper, had on the contrary 
 raised a bulkhead of sand wufficiently large 
 to close it up, and the result was the inlet 
 was closed much more expeditiously than 
 it was opened. 
 
 Many supposed that if an effort was 
 made to open an inlet farther down the 
 bay in the vicinity of old Cranberry, it 
 would prove more successful. Acting up- 
 on this supposition, another eftbrt was 
 
 made to open on© about opposite Toms 
 River. The work was completed July 4th, 
 1847, by some two or three hundred men 
 under the direction of Anthony Ivins, jr. 
 In this undertaking, care was taken to let 
 in the water when it was high tide in the 
 bay and low water outside ; but this enter- 
 prise also proved a failure as it filled up 
 about as soon as Urtley's. 
 ?'")',' Shrewsbury lifLiiTi' 
 Shrewsbury inlet was open ih 1778; it 
 closed again about 1800 ; again opened 
 about 1830 ; and again closed about 1847. 
 Just before the closing of the inlet at this 
 time, the writer of this was engaged in the 
 coasting trade and one time in sailing 
 down the beach noticed a little steamer, 
 called the Cricket, from New York, wrecked 
 on tlie bar. This wreck seemed to hasten 
 the closing of the inlet by gathering tli,e 
 sand around it as it washed in and out. 
 Barnegat Inlet. 
 This inlet has always been open from 
 our earliest accounts. It was first noticed 
 by a Dutch navigator, probably Capt. Mey 
 in the celebrated little yacht Restless in 
 1614, who on account of its dangerous bai- 
 Called it '' Baiendegal," which mean« 
 l)re«kers inlet or an inlet with breakers. — 
 Ti.e character of the inlet has ^dways been 
 the same as at present except during the 
 few years when Cranberry was open when 
 it was much shoaler than before or since. 
 It has shifted up and down ihe beach two 
 or three miles and is still shifting and 
 changing. A few yes^rs ago it washed down 
 tlie old lighthouse built in 1834 and now 
 exhibits a decided inclination to wash 
 down the new one. 
 
 Long Branch in 1819. — Bathers at Fault. 
 The company at thi.^ salubrious retreat 
 is represented to be very numerous and 
 respectable this season. The New York 
 Advocate says ttiere is a kind of military or 
 naval regulation there which strangers of- 
 ten contravene from ignorance; that is 
 when the stipulated time for ladies bath- 
 ing arrives, a white flag is hoisted upon 
 the bank, when' it is high treason for a 
 gentlemen to b<" seen ther« ; and when the 
 established lime for gentlemen arrives, the 
 red fliag is run up vyhich is sometimes done 
 by mistake and produces rather ludicrous 
 misunderstandings A wag lately hoisted 
 both flags together wnich cieated some 
 awful squinting and no little confusion. — 
 (Niles' Register, 1819. Sup., p. 159.) 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 145 
 
 Townships in Monmouth- 
 tablished, 
 
 -Wben Es- 
 
 When the county of Monmouth was es- 
 tablished in 1683 it was divided into two 
 townships, Middletown and Shrewsbury. 
 Stafford wa« established in 1749. Upper 
 Freehold, Freehold and Dover were de- 
 fined by an act passed June 25, 1767, to 
 take effect in March of the following year. 
 Howell was established in 1801 and Mill- 
 stone in 1844; Jackson, now in Ocean 
 county in 1844 ; Plumsted, now in Ocean, 
 in 1845, and Union, now also in Ocean, in 
 1847; Atlantic, in 1847; Raritan, Marl- 
 boro and Manalapan in 1848; Ocean, 1849; 
 Wall, 1851 ; Holmdel and Matavan in 
 1857. 
 
 The First Temperance Socieiy in the U. S. 
 Old Monmouth has the honor of organ- 
 izing the first Temperance Society in the 
 country, which was established at Allen- 
 town in 1805 and called " The Sober So 
 cietv," and was composed of fifty-eifiht 
 members. (Newark Daili/ Adv. and Hist. 
 Rcc. 1859). 
 
 A Valuable Monmouth Dog. 
 
 In the Journal of a Quaker named 
 James Craft, published in Historical Rec- 
 ord, Oct., 1851, it is said : 
 
 " 1780, 2nd mo. 20th : Money very plen 
 ty. £300 given for a dog in Monmouth.'' 
 
 COL. JONATHAN FORMAN AND 
 DAtJGHTER. 
 
 The following is from the Utica N. Y. 
 Observer, 1859. 
 
 *' Died, at her residence in Utica, Sept. 
 16th, 1859, Mrs. Mary Ledyard Seymour, 
 wife of the late Hon. Henry Seymour. She 
 was the daughter of Col Jonathan Forman. 
 and was born at Monmouth, New Jer.sey, 
 Feb. 18th, 1785. Her father at the ag'^ of 
 19, left Princeton College tojoin the Amer 
 ican army. He entered it as a lieutenant, 
 and served during the war, rising to tlie 
 rank of colonel. The mother of Mr-. Sey- 
 mour was a niece of Col. Ledyard who was 
 in command of Fort Griswold, opposite 
 New London, Conn., a't the time of its 
 capture by the British. She aided in tak 
 ing care of the wounded of that massacre, 
 by which nineteen of her relatives per 
 ished. When Mrs. Seymour was about 
 twelve years old she removed to Cazeno 
 vid, in Madison county, at that time a 
 "frontier settlement." There was then 
 no carriage road west of Whitestown, and 
 
 in many places they were obliged to use 
 axes to make their way in that direction. 
 It is said that the carriage of Col. Forman 
 was the first conveyance of the kind that 
 
 passed beyond the site of Whitestown. 
 
 He drove to Chittenango and the family 
 went thence to Cazenovia on horseback. — 
 Her parents died many years ago, but her 
 uncle, Major Samuel S. Forman, of Syra- 
 cuse, still lives, in his 96th year. Miss For- 
 man was married to Mr Seymour at Caze- 
 novia on the 1st of January, 1807. Mr. 
 Seymour was then a merchant in the town 
 of Pompey, Onondago County. He con- 
 tinued in business there, exercising a wide 
 and beneficial influence in that county un- 
 til 1819, when he removed "vith his family 
 to Utica. His subsequent honorable and 
 useful career is known to the people of 
 the State. He died in August, 1837, at his 
 dwelling in Whitesboro street, in this 
 city, where Mrs. Seymour has ever since 
 resided." 
 
 Mrs. Seymour above mentioned, a na- 
 tive of Monmouth, was the mother of Gov. 
 Horatio Seymour, of JN. Y., and a niece ol 
 Philip Freneau, the poet of the Revolu- 
 tion. Col. Ledyard above referred to, was 
 brutally murdered by a renegade New Jer- 
 sey refugee, named Bromfield. After the 
 Americans nad surrendered the fort, 
 Bromfield asked who commanded it. The 
 brave Ledyard replied, " I did but you do 
 now," and handed his sword to Bromfield. 
 The villain took it and immediately 
 stabbed Ledyard to the heart. 
 
 About the time Col. Forman left for 
 New York, many families of old Mon- 
 mouth emigrated to the western part of 
 that state to what they then termed " the 
 Genesee country." 
 
 THE TILTON FAMILY. 
 
 Among the twelve original patentees of 
 old Monmouth is found the name of John 
 Tilton, and members of this family were 
 among the first English settlers who loca- 
 ted here. The earliest mention we have 
 found of the Tilton family is in the Lynn, 
 Mass., records which speak of John Tilton 
 and William Tilton as'being therein 1640. 
 About the time of their arrival the Puri- 
 tans of New England were much exercised 
 by the advent am®ng them of the Bap- 
 tists and strong efforts were made by the 
 Puritans to get rid of them. At this time 
 in Lynn the most noted, influential per- 
 son among the Baptists was Lady Debo- 
 rah Moodie, afterwards long and favorably 
 
146 
 
 OLD TIMKS IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 known among the original settlers of Long 
 Island. Among nthers who were inclined 
 to adhere to the Baptists with Lady Moo- 
 die was Mrs. Tilton, as will be seen by the 
 following extract from the Lynn records 
 of the date of December 12th, 1642. which 
 we give literally with its quaint wording 
 and peculiar orthography : 
 
 The Lady Deborah Moodie, Mrs. King, 
 and the wife of John Tilton were present- 
 ed for hooldinge that liie baptising of in- 
 fants was noe ordinance of God.'' 
 
 The proceedings against them resulted 
 in their leaving Lynn, and the next year, 
 (1643,) we find mention of Lady Moodie, 
 the Tiltons, William Goulding, Samuel 
 Spicer, and others at Graveseiid, Long Is- 
 land, founding the settlement from which 
 afterwards came many persons to Old 
 Monmouth. For a long time, John Til 
 ton was a prominent man at Gravesend, 
 enjoying the respect of the English and 
 the confidence ot the Dutch authorities at 
 New York or New Amsterdam as it was 
 then called, and holding official positions 
 until the appearance, in 1657, of the Quak- 
 ers among the Gravesend settlers. No 
 sooner did the Quakers begin to promul- 
 gate their views than the Dutch authori- 
 ties issued severe edicts against ihem and 
 all who harbored " those abominable im- 
 postors, runaways and strolling people 
 called Quakers." The following year John 
 Tilton was fined £12 Flemish money for 
 harboring a Quaker woman. From that 
 time forward both Tilton and his wife 
 seem t > have strongly sympathized with 
 the persecuted sect and soon cast their lot 
 among them altogether, whicli greatly ex- 
 cited the ire of the Dutch and especially 
 of old Governor Peter Stuyvef^ant. On the 
 5th of October, 1662, John T\\Um and 
 Mary his wife were summoned before the 
 Governor and his council, at New Amster- 
 dam, (New York,) charged with having 
 entertained Quakers and frequenting their 
 conventicles. Tiiey we*-e condemned and 
 ordered to leave the province before the 
 20th of November following, under pain 
 of corporal punishment. It is supposed 
 that through the efforts of Lady Moodie, 
 who had great influence with Governor 
 Stuyvesant, that the sentence was either 
 reversed or changed to the payment of a 
 fine. The following derived from the rec- 
 ord of their trial is a curiosity in these 
 days of religious toleration, especially to 
 Jerseymen whose state has the proud dis- 
 
 nction of never having allowed religious 
 
 persecution within its borders. From the 
 record it appears that 
 
 " Goody Tilton, (Mrs. Tilton,) was not 
 so much condemned for assisting at con- 
 venticles as for having, like a sorceress^ gone 
 from door to door to lure and seduce the people, 
 yea even young girls, to join the Quakers^ 
 
 On the 19lh of September, 1662, John 
 Tilton was fined, as the record asiys, for per- 
 mitting Quakers to quake at his house at 
 Gravesend. Many other persons were 
 prosecuted at this time by the Dutch on 
 similar charges, among whom were the 
 Bownes, Spicers, Townsends. Holmesesand 
 others, ancestors of numerous Jersey fam 
 ilies of these names. Some of these fami- 
 lies had been persecuted by the Puritans 
 of New England, to escape which they 
 came to Long Island. Here, being again 
 persecuted by the Dutch, they seem to 
 have determined to seek some place where 
 they could worship God as they pleased. — 
 The lands in Monmouth county impressed 
 them so favorably that the following year 
 (1663) they made large purchases of the 
 Indians, which greatly excited the indig- 
 nation of the Dutch at New Amsterdam, 
 who laid claim to the land asserting that 
 they had bought thy best of it of the In- 
 dians ten or twelve years before. The de- 
 tails of the controversy which ensued and 
 the arguments advanced by both sides are 
 too lengthy to introduce in this place. — 
 Suffice it to say that some of the difficul- 
 ties were ended by the conquest of the 
 Dutch by the English the following year. 
 In 1665 John Tilton and eleven associates 
 obtained from Gov. Richard Nicholls the 
 celebrated document known as " the Mon- 
 mouth Patent," which has been published 
 in another chapter, which guaranteed lib- 
 erty of conscience to all settlers. 
 
 After the conquest of the Dutch by the 
 English, though we have met with no pos- 
 itive information on the point, yet we are 
 inclined to believe that John*Tilion found, 
 by the change, that he could remain at 
 Long Island without molestation, he pre- 
 ferred to end his days there and leave his 
 share in his Monmouth purchases to his 
 children. He died at Gravesend, L. I., in 
 1688; his wife died a few years before, in 
 1683. His will dated 15th of 7th month 
 1687 was recorded at Brooklyn, L. L, 
 April 3d, 1G88, in "Book of Records Vol. 1, 
 page 108. This will shows he left two sons 
 named John and Thomas, and daughters 
 named Sarah, who married John Painter, 
 
 Abigail who married Scott, Esther, 
 
 who married Samuel Spicer, and Mary, 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 147 
 
 who married Carman. In his will he 
 
 left a lot of land at Graveaend to his exe- 
 cutors, to be used as a graveyard for them 
 and their successors, and '* for all friends 
 of the everlasting truth of the Gospel as 
 occasion serves, fwrever, to bury there dead 
 therein." 
 
 OLD MONMOUTH THih PIONEER OF 
 RELIGIOUS TOLERATION. 
 
 Every citizen of old Monmouth has just 
 cause to be proud of the fact that the orig- 
 inal patentees were among the first in 
 America to iiuarantee toleration to all set- 
 tlers in religious matters. In Rhode Is- 
 land while Roger Williams advocated '* a 
 free, full and absolute liberty of con- 
 science " it is charged that Roman Catho- 
 lics were excepted in the charter of 1663. 
 The much vaunted toleration act of Mary- 
 land limited toleration to *'all who be 
 lieved in Jesus Christ." William Penn 
 did not arrive in America until October, 
 1682, nearly eiguteen years after the Mon- 
 mouth patentees declared that every set- 
 tler should have Free Liberty of Con- 
 science WITHOUT ANY MOLiiSTATION OR DIS- 
 TURBANCE WHATSOEVER IN THE WAY OE THEIR 
 WORSHIP. 
 
 THE ROGERINE BAPTISTS. 
 
 A Singular Religious Socik.ty in Old 
 Monmouth. 
 
 About the year 1737 a society of Roger- 
 ine Baptists, or Quaker Baptists as they 
 were then called, located at Waretown, 
 now in Ocean county. I' rom various no- 
 tices of the history of ihis singular sect 
 and how a society came to be located in 
 Old Monmouth, we extract the following : 
 
 This society was founded by John Rog 
 ers, about 1674. His followers baptized by 
 immersion ; the Lord's supper they admin- 
 istered in the evening with its ancient ap- 
 pendages. They did not believe in the 
 sanctity of the Sabbath ; they believed 
 that since the death of Christ all days 
 were holy alike ; they used no medicines 
 nor employed doctors or surgeons; would 
 not say grace at meals; all prayers to be 
 said mentally except when the spirit of 
 prayer compelled the use of voice ; they 
 said " all unscriptural parts of religious 
 worship are idols," and all good christians 
 should exert thexuselves against idols, &c. 
 Among the idols they placed the observ- 
 
 ance of the Sabbath, Infant baptism, &c. 
 The Sabbath they called the New England 
 idol and the methods they took to demol- 
 ish this idol were as follows : They would 
 on Sundays try to be at some manual la- 
 bor near meeting houses or in the way of 
 people going to and from church. They 
 would take work into meeting houses, the 
 women knitting, the men whittling and 
 making splints for baskets, and every now 
 and then contradicting the preachers. — 
 "This was seeking persecution," says one 
 writer, "and they received plenty of it, in- 
 somuch that the New Englanders left some 
 of them neither liberty, property nor 
 whole skins." 
 
 John Rogers, the founder of the sect, 
 who, it is said, was as churlish and contra 
 ry to all men as Diogenes, preached over 
 forty years, and died in 1721. The occa- 
 sion of his death was singular. The small 
 pox was raging terribly in Buston and 
 spread an alarm to all the country around. 
 Rogers was confident that he could mingle 
 with ttie diseased and that the strength 
 of his faith would preserve him safe from 
 the mortal contagion. Accordingly he 
 was presumptuous enough to travel one 
 hundred miles to Boston to bring his faith 
 to th« test; the result was that he caught 
 the contagion, came home and died with 
 it, the disease also spreading in his family 
 and among his neighbors. This event one 
 would think would have somewhat shaken 
 the faith of his followers but on the con- 
 trary it seemed to increase their zeal. 
 
 In 1725, a company of Rogeiines were 
 taken up on the Sabbath in Norwich, 
 Conn., while on their way from their place 
 of residence to Lebanf)n ; they were treat 
 ed with much abuse and many of them 
 whipped in a most unmerciful manner. — 
 This occasioned Gov. Jenks, of Rhode Is- 
 land, to write spiritefily against their per- 
 secutors, and also to condemn the Roger- 
 ines for their provoking, disorderly con- 
 duct. 
 
 One family of the Rogerines was named 
 Colver or Culver, (Ed ward's History spells 
 the name one way and Governor Jenks 
 the other). This family consisted of John 
 Colver and his wife, who were a part of the 
 company which was treated so rudely at 
 Norwich, and five sons and five daughters, 
 who, with their families, made up the 
 the number of twenty-one souls. In the 
 year 1734, this large family removed from 
 New London, Conn., and settled in New 
 Jersey. The first place they pitched upon 
 for a residenca, was on the east side of 
 
148 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 Schooley's Mountain, in Morris county. — 
 They continued here about three years 
 and then went in a body to Waretovvn, 
 then in Monmouth but now in Ocean coun- 
 ty. VVliile here tliey had their meetings 
 in a school house, and tlieir peculiar man- 
 ner of conducting services was quite'anov 
 elty to other settlers in the vicinity. As 
 in England, during the meeting tlie wo- 
 men would be engaged in knitting or sew- 
 ing, and the men in making axe handles, 
 basket splints or engaged in other work, 
 but we hear of no attempt to disturb oth- 
 er societies. 
 
 They continued at Waretown about elev- 
 en years, and then went back to Morris 
 county ;>nd settled on the west side of the 
 mountain from which they had removed. 
 In 1790 they were reduced to two old per- 
 sons whose names were Thomas Colver 
 and Sarah Mann ; but the posterity of 
 John Colver. it is said, is yet quite numer- 
 ous in Morris county. Abraham Waeir 
 from whom the village of Waretown de- 
 rives its name, tradition says was a mem- 
 ber of tlie Rogerine Society. When the 
 main body of the society left, he remained 
 behind, and became quite a prominent 
 business man, generally esteemed ; he 
 died in 1768. and his descendants removed 
 to Squan and vicinity near the head of 
 Barnegat bay. 
 
 Before concluding this notice of the 
 Rogerine;-, it should be stated that anoth- 
 er thing in their creed was that it was noi 
 necessary to have marriages performed by 
 ministers or legal officers ; they held that 
 it was only necessary for the man and wo- 
 man to exchange vows of marriage to 
 make the ceremony binding, A zealous 
 Rogerine once took to himself a wife in 
 this simple manner, and then to tantalize 
 Governor Saltonstall called on him to in 
 form him they had married themselves 
 without aid of church or state, and that 
 they intended to live together as husband 
 and wife without their sanction. " What," 
 said the Governor, in apparent indignation, 
 " do you take this woman for your wife?" 
 " Yes, I most certainly do," replied the 
 man. " And do you tal<e this man for your 
 husband?" said he to the woman. The 
 woman replied in the affirmative. "Then," 
 said the wily old governor, " in the name 
 of the Commonwealth I pronounce you hus- 
 band and wife — whom God hath joined to- 
 gether let no man put asunder ? You are 
 now married according to both law and 
 gospel." 
 
 The couple retired much chagrined at 
 the unexpected way the Governor had 
 turned the tables upon them, despite their 
 boasting. 
 
 THE WAR OF 1812. 
 
 Scenes on our Coast. 
 
 During the last war with England the 
 vigilance of the British cuisers on our 
 coast seriously injured the business of New 
 Jersey coiisting vessels. Commodore Hardy 
 in his flag ship the " Ramillies," a 74 gun 
 ship, had command of the British blockad- 
 ing vessels on our coast. Most accounts, 
 written and traditional, concede that he 
 was one of the most honorable, high-mind- 
 ed men in the British service, entirely dif- 
 ferent from the infamous Admiral Cock- 
 burn, who commanded the blockading 
 squadron farthersouth. Commodore Hardy 
 rarely took private property except con- 
 traband of war without offering compensa- 
 tion. Most of the coasters in the southern 
 part of Old Monmouth, along Barnegat bay, 
 were engaged in the lumber business and 
 the stoppage of their trade was seriously 
 felt. Occasionally son e bold fortunate cap 
 tain would manage to run the blockade and 
 reach New York and be well repaid for 
 his I'isk, but others who tried the experi- 
 ment or were preparing to, were not quite 
 so fortunate. 
 
 On the 31st of March, 1812. Commodore 
 Hardy, in the Ramillies, came close to Bar- 
 negat Inlet and sent in two long barges 
 loaded with armed men after two Ameri- 
 can vessels Iving in the inlet waiting a 
 chance to slip out. They first boarded the 
 schooner Greyhound, Capt. Jesse Rogers, 
 of Potters CreeK, and attempted to take 
 her out but she grounded and the enemy 
 fired her and both vessel and cargo were 
 burned up. They then set fire to a sloop 
 belonging to Waretown, owned by Captain 
 Jonathan Winner, Hezekiah Soper and 
 Timothy Soper ; this vessel was saved, how- 
 ever, as signals were unexpectedly fired 
 from the sliip which caused the barges has- 
 tily to leave for the ship that she might 
 start in pursuit of some vessel seen at sea. 
 As soon as the barges left, the Americans 
 went on board the sloop and extinguistied 
 the fire. While the British were in the In- 
 let a party landed on the beach wear the 
 present lighthouse and killed some four- 
 teen or fifteen head of cattle belonging to 
 Jeremiah Spragg and John Allen. The 
 owners were away but the British left word 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 149 
 
 if thejr presented their bill to Commodore 
 Hardyjhe would settle it, but they were too 
 patriotic to do anything that savored of 
 furnishing supplies to the enemy. In some 
 instances on the New Jersey coast wheie 
 cattle and other things bad been taken by 
 Hardy and word left that he would p.ij for 
 tliem, the owners though! themselves jus- 
 tifiable in going off to his ship and getting 
 the money, as the supplies were not fur- 
 nished voluntarily but taken by foice. 
 
 The appearance of the Ramiliies at this 
 time at Barnegat Inlet created much ex- 
 citerapnt in the villages along the bay. — 
 At Waretown, tor fear tliat tlie baigea 
 might land and commit excesses like those 
 which disgraced the operations of Cock 
 burn, ibe women and ciiildren, and valu- 
 ables easily carried weri'^ sent to a hamlet 
 in the (voods a tew milefi west of the place. 
 At Forked River the late Hon. Charles 
 Parker (father of Gov Parker) had just 
 completed a large building foi a dweUmg, 
 store house, &c., at- the upper landing. 
 The roof of thi*! building wis crowded with 
 spectaiors, who, th^. ugh six or seven miles 
 distant, had a fair view of tlie sliip, burn- 
 ing vessel and movemen;s of tiie enemy. 
 
 At another time the schooner President, 
 Captain Amos Birdsall, of Waretown, 
 bound to New YorK, was tak-^n by Comnio- 
 dore Hardy, who at once commenoed tak- 
 ing from the schooner her spars, deck 
 plank, &c. Captain Birdsall had lib ity to 
 leave with his crew, in a y^fwl, whenever he 
 pleas' d, but on account of high winds he 
 was detained a day or two, when he suc- 
 ceeded in getting on board a fishing smack 
 and thu^ got home. Before he left, his 
 schooner's masts had bten s^iwed into plank 
 by the British. 
 
 The sloop Elizabetli, Captain Thomas 
 Bunnell, of Forked River, was captured by 
 barges sent in Barnegat Inlet; she was 
 towed out to sea, but the British shortly af- 
 ter lost her on Long Island. She was owned 
 by William Piatt and Thomas Bunnell.—- 
 At another time Captain Bunnell was cap- 
 tured by the British and detained some 
 time and then put on board a neutral 
 (Spanish?) ship and finally reached N< w 
 York. 
 
 The sloop Traveller, Captain Asa Grant, 
 ■vas fired by the British but the fire was 
 extinguished before much damage was 
 done. Tlie sloop Maria and another sloop 
 not remembered were chased ashore near 
 Squan Inlet. 
 
 An Amusing Stratagem. 
 
 The noted Commodore Percival, who 
 died a few years ago, familiarly named 
 " Mad Jack Percival,'' in the early part of 
 his naval career was the hero of an adven- 
 ture on the coast of Monmouth which is 
 thus described by a paper published in 
 New York at the time: 
 
 "On Sunday morning, July 4, 1813, the 
 fishing smack Yankee was borrowed by 
 Commodore Lewis, who has command of 
 the American flotilla stationed at Sand} 
 Hook, for the purposa of taking by strata- 
 gem ihe sloop Eagle, tender to the Poic- 
 tiers 74, cruising off and on Sandy Hook, 
 which succeeded to a ciiarm. A calf, a 
 sheep and a goose were- purchased and se- 
 cured on deck. T:iirty men, well armed, 
 were seceted in the cabin and forepeak. 
 Thus prepared the Yankee stood out o"^' 
 Mosquito r'ove as if going on a fishing icip 
 to the Banks; ^hreemen only lieing on 
 deck dressed in fisherman's upparel with 
 buff caps on. The Eagle on perceiving the 
 smack immediately gave chase, and after 
 coming up with her and finding she had 
 live -iock onboard ordered her to go down 
 to the Commodore, thfn five miles distant. 
 Thehelmsman ot the ^mackanswe'-ed" Ay I 
 ay, sir!" and appfirenfly put up the helm 
 for tliai purpose which brought liim along- 
 side the Eagle not three yards distant. The 
 watchword Lawr'.nce was then given when 
 she armed men rushed on deck from their 
 hi(Jing places and poured into her a volley 
 uf musketrv wnicli struck the ciew witii 
 dismay and drove them so precipitately 
 irio the hoid that they had not time to 
 strike tiie flag. Seeing the enemy's deck 
 clear, .Sailing-master Percival, who com- 
 m-vnded the expedition, ordered the men 
 to cease from firing ; upon wtuch one oi i he 
 men came out the hold and stiuck the 
 E<gle's colors. They liad on board a thirty- 
 two pound brass liowitzer loaded with can- 
 ister shot, but so sudden was the surprise 
 tliey had not time to discharge it. The 
 crew of the Eagle consisted of H. Morris, 
 master's mate of the Poictiers, W. Price, 
 midshipman, and 11 seamen and marmes. 
 Mr. Morris was killed, Mr. Price mortally 
 wounded, and one marine killed, and one 
 wounded. The Eagh with the prisoners ar 
 rived off the Battery in the afternoon and 
 landed the prisoners at Whitehall, amid 
 the shouts and plaudits of thousands of 
 spectators assembled at the Battery 'o cel- 
 ebrate the anniversary of independence. — 
 Mr. Morris was buried at Sandy Hook with 
 
150 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 military honors. Mr. Price was carried to 
 New York, where on Thursday he died; 
 and was buried with military ceremonies 
 in St. Paul's churchyard." 
 
 A traditionary version of this aifair, which 
 we have heard from old citizens, says that 
 Percival wished to make his boat appear 
 as a market boat, that he placed one of 
 his men on a seat close to the bulwark dis- 
 guised as an old Quakerish looking farmer, 
 with broad brimmed hat and long staff in 
 hand, while he looked like an ignorant 
 boor at the wheel and by his answers made 
 the British think he was half-witted. When 
 ordered to drop along side under threat of 
 being fired into, he made a silly reply to 
 the effect '• You had better not try it, lor 
 Dad's big molasses jug is on deck and if 
 you broke that he would make you sorrv 
 for it." 
 
 THE LAWRENCE FAMILY. 
 
 The Lawrence family claim to be de- 
 scended from Sir Robert Lawrence, oS Ash- 
 ton Hall, Lancastershire, England, who 
 went to Palestine during the Crusades wilh 
 Richard Coeur de Leon, and parti f>ipated in 
 the siege of St. Jean de Acre, in the year 
 1119, and was the first to plant the banner 
 of the cross on the battlements of the town 
 for which he was knighted. A grandson 
 of Sir Robert Lawrence, named Sir James 
 Lawrence, married into the Washington 
 family, having been united to Matilda 
 Washington in the reign of Henry III. — 
 General George Washington's half brother 
 Lawrence, was so named on account of his 
 relationship to this family. 
 
 Tlie first Lawrences who came to Amer- 
 ica were two brothers, John, aged 17 years, 
 and William, aged 12 years, and also Mary 
 Lawrence, aged nine years, wlio embarked 
 in the barque Planter, April 2nd, 1635 ; her 
 passengers were chiefly from St Albans, 
 Hertfordshire, England. Another brother 
 named Thomas, came over in 1655, twenty 
 years- later. The greater portion of the 
 Lawrences in America are descended from 
 William, the second brother. 
 
 The first Lawrence who settled within 
 the limits of Old Monmouth, whose name 
 the writer has met with, was Elisha, a son 
 of William. Elisha commenced business 
 as a merchant, in the latter part of the 
 seven tee»ith century, at Cheesequakes, on 
 the south side of the Raritan, but his store 
 having been pillaged by the crew of a 
 French privateer, iie removed to Upper 
 
 Freehold then a wilderness. He repre- 
 sented the county in the provincial Assem- 
 bly in 1708 — 9. His residence was called 
 Chestnut Grove. He was born in 1666, 
 and died May 27tii, 1724. He married 
 Lucy Stout and had children as follows ; 
 sons, Joseph, Elisha and John, and daugh- / 
 ters, Hannah, who married Richard Salter,/^ 
 Hilizabeth, who married Joseph Salter, Sa- 
 rah, who married John Ember and Rebec- 
 ca, who married a New Yorker named 
 Watson. The second son, Elisha, had a 
 son named John Brown Lawrence, who 
 was the father of tlie celebrated Commo- 
 dore Lawrence of " Don't give up the 
 ship" fame, and grandfather of Commo- 
 dore Boggs, who so distinguished himself 
 in the Varuna in passing the forts below 
 New Orleans during the late rebellion. 
 
 The genealogy of the Lawrence family 
 has been traced out and published with 
 more or less completeness in several works, 
 the most extensive of which is one devo- 
 tf d to giving the history and genealogy of 
 the family, jiublished by T. Law rence, New 
 York, in 1858. In the present article it 
 is impracticable to give the genealogy of 
 all the Lawrences in old Monmouth, but 
 we append that of one branch, members 
 of which were quite noted in the Revolu 
 tionary history of tlie county as will be 
 seen by reference to sketches of them in 
 chapters previously published. 
 
 As ab >v*^ stated, the first, named Elisha, 
 had a son named Jphn, wlio ran the noted 
 Lawrence's line between East and West 
 Jersey, v/ho was born 1708. This John 
 mitrried Mary, daughter of William Harts- 
 horne, and had children as follows; John, 
 a physician, who died unmarried ; Helena 
 who married James Holmes, merchant, 
 New York ; Lucy, wno married Rev. Hen 
 ry Waddell, of New York, and who was 
 installed pastor of the Episcopal church, 
 at Shrewsbury, in 1788 ; Elizabeth, who 
 mariied William LeCompte of Georgia; 
 Mary and Sarah who died single, and Eli- 
 sha, who married Mary Ashfield, of New 
 York, and who was Sheriff of Monmouth 
 county at the breaking out.of the Revolu- 
 tion. 
 
 The Hendricksons. 
 
 This family is of Dutch origin, and mem- 
 bers of it were among the first whites who 
 can»e to New Amsterdam, (now New 
 York). Captain Cornells Hendrickson, 
 (says our account,) was the first navigator 
 who set foot on tht- soil of Pennsylvania 
 and West Jersey, and probably the first 
 white man who set foot in that part of 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 151 
 
 old Monmouth now comprised within the 
 limits of Ocean. About the latter part of 
 1614 he cruised along the New Jersey- 
 coast making explorations in the celebra- 
 ted little yacht " Onrest " (Restless) the 
 first vessel built in New York. He re- 
 turned to Holland, in 1616, to give an ac- 
 count of his discoveries. 
 
 Of the Hendricksons who settled in this 
 country among the first comers, were Rut- 
 ger and Legar, who settled up the Hud- 
 son river at Rensaelters-wyck, 1630; Cor- 
 nells, who was there in 1642 : another Cor- 
 nells came over in the ship Gilded Beaver 
 and landed at New York in May, 1658. — 
 Gerrit came from Scrool, in Holland, in 
 the ship St. Jean Baptiste, and landed 
 May, 1661 Alfred came from Maersen. 
 in the ship " Fox " May, 1662. Hendrick 
 came from Westphalia in the ship Rose- 
 tree, March, 1663. 
 
 Some of the family at a very early day 
 settled in old Monmouth, and during the 
 Revolution many of them were in the ser- 
 vice of their country in various capacities, 
 meeting with the usual vicissitudes of war. 
 This family ajjpear to be great sticklers 
 for handing down old family names. — 
 Among the first comers over two hundred 
 years ago and from that time on down 
 through the Revolution to the present 
 wherever Hendricksons have been or may 
 be, there are found the Cornelius's, Ger- 
 rits, Alberts and Hendricks or Henrys. 
 
 The Randolph Family. 
 
 The ancient name of this family, so nu- 
 merous in New Jersey and elsewhere, was 
 Fitz Randolph, for which reason members 
 retain at the present day the letter F as 
 the initial of a middle name. They are 
 said to be descended from Edward Fitz 
 Randolph who came when a lad with his 
 parents to Barnstable, Massachusetts, in 
 the year 1630. The following items relat- 
 ing to him are from New England author 
 ities. 
 
 In a manuscript of the Rev. John Lo- 
 throp, the first pastor of the churches at 
 Barnstable and Scituate, the names of own- 
 ers of dwellings which were built when he 
 arrived, and also those built shortly after 
 are given. From his manuscript, copied 
 in a modern New England work, the fol- 
 lowing items are extracted : 
 
 " The Houses in ye planta — [manuscript 
 obliterated. ) 
 
 Scituate, 
 Att my comeing hither, onely these 
 wch was aboute the end of Sept. 1634." — 
 After naming those which were already 
 built on his arrival, he says the 36th one, 
 built in 1636, was occupied by " the young 
 Master Edward Fittsrandolfe." 
 
 From the church records of Barnstable 
 and Scituate are derived the following 
 items relating to the founder of this fami- 
 ly in America. 
 
 ''Married. Edward Fittsrandolfe to Eliz- v 
 abeth Blossome, May 10th, 1637." 
 
 Miss Blossome was a daughter of '■• Wid- 
 ow Blossome " whose name is frequently 
 mentioned in Old Plymouth colony rec- 
 ords as far back as 1632. 
 
 " Edward Fitts surrandolfe joyned 
 (church) May 14th, 1637. Our Brother 
 Fittsrandolfe's wife joyned August 27th. 
 1643. 
 
 Baptized : Nathaniell son of Edward * 
 Fittsrandolfe, Aug. 9th, 1640. Died Na- 
 thanniell son ot Edward Fitts Randolfe, 
 December 10th, 1640. Baptized ISathan- 
 iell son ot Edward Fittsrandolfe, May 15th, 
 1642. Baptized Mary daughter of Edward 
 Fittsrandolfe, October 6th, 1644. Baptized 
 Hannah daughter of above, April 23d, 
 1648. Btptized Margaret, daughter of 
 above, June 2nd, 1650. Baptized John, 
 son of above, Jan. 2nd, 1652. 
 
 "Mary Fitzrandle, daughter above named 
 married Samuel Hincley, 1668." 
 
 The last named Nalhanniell became 
 quite a conspicuous man in after ye.^rs. — 
 It is said that descendants of Edward Fitz 
 Randolph went to Piscataqua, New Hamp- 
 shire, and from thence removed to Piscat- 
 aqua, New Jersey, and from thence de- 
 scendants went to Monmouth and else- 
 where. Bennington F. Randolpli, Esq , 
 formerly of Freehold, the late Judge Jo- 
 seph F. Randolph, formerly M. C, and 
 Senator Theodore F. Randolph, are. we be 
 lieve, descendants of Edward Fitz Ran- 
 dolph. 
 
 By the exM'acts quoted above, it will be 
 seen that the old Puritan pastor was sore- 
 ly puzzled as to the proper mode of spell- 
 ing the name Fitz Randolph, but we cer 
 tainly must give him credit for noting 
 down minute particulars. 
 
 We have been informed that quite a 
 complete history of the Fitz Randolph 
 family has been preserved by some de- 
 scendants in Philadelphia, especially by 
 Hon. Ross Snowden, a prominent mem- 
 of the Pennsylvania Historical Society. 
 
152 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 LONG BRANCH. 
 
 Who first Brought it into Notice. 
 
 The earliest mention of Long Branch as 
 a watering place in any historical work 
 that the writer of this has found, is in 
 Watson's Annals of Philadelphia, publish- 
 ed in 1830, as follows : 
 
 " This place, before the Revolution, was 
 owned by Colonel White, a British officer, 
 and an inhabitant of New York. The 
 small house which he occupied as a sum- 
 mer residence was existing among a clump 
 of houses owned by Renshaw, in 1830. — 
 In consequence of the war the place was 
 confiscated. The house was first used as a 
 boarding house by Eliiston Perot of Phil- 
 adelphia in 1788. At that time the whole 
 premises were in charge of one old woman 
 left to keep the place from injury. Of her 
 Mr. Perot begged an asylum for himself 
 and family, which was granted, provided 
 he could get beds and bedding from oth- 
 ers. Being pleased with the place he re- 
 peated his visit there three successive 
 years, taking some friends with him. In 
 1790-1, Mr. McKnight, of Monmouth, no 
 ticing the likmg shown for the place 
 deemed it a good speculation to buy it. — 
 He bought the whole premises containing 
 one hundred acres for £700 and then got 
 Mr. Perot and others to loan him two 
 thousand dollars to improve it. He then 
 opened it for a watering place and before 
 his death it was supposed he had made 
 forty thousand dollars by the investment. 
 The estate was sold to Rehshaw tor $13,- 
 000." 
 
 In the foregoing extract Watson says 
 the property originally belonged to a Brit- 
 ish officer named White, whose property 
 was confiscated during the Revolution. — 
 We cannot now recall the name of but 
 four loyalists of the name who belonged 
 to or held property in old Monmouth, viz : 
 Philip, who was killr d by his guards in at 
 tempting to escape on the way to Free- 
 hold ; Aaron, (brother of Philip) and John, 
 both of whom went to the British Provin- 
 ces at the close of the war. and Josiah 
 White, of old Shrewsbury township, whose 
 property was confiscated and advertised to 
 be sold at Tintou Falls, March 29th, 1779. 
 The last named may be the one referred 
 to as we have found no mention of the con- 
 fiscation of property of others. 
 
 According to Watson it would seem 
 
 >t 
 
 Elliston Pbrot was the Founder 
 of Long Branch as a watering place. The 
 Perot family has been a prominent one in 
 Philadelphia annals. During the Revolu 
 tion the Perot mansion at Germantown 
 was used by Lord Howe as* a residence, 
 and after the war. while General Wash- 
 ington was president, he also occupied it 
 for a time during the prevalence of the 
 yellow fever in the city in 1793. Members 
 of this family have alwajs been patrons of 
 some of our New Jersey watering places. 
 
 The Last Indian Claimants. 
 
 At a conference between the whites and 
 Indians held at Crosswicks, N. J., in Feb- 
 ruary, 1758, two Indians known by the 
 whites as Tom Store and Andrew WooUey 
 claimed the land " from the mouth of 
 Squan river to the mouth of Shrewsbury, 
 by the streams of each to their heads and 
 across from one head to another." This 
 claim was satisfactorily settled at a subse- 
 quent conference held at Easton, Pa., in 
 October of the same year. These Indians 
 belonged to a band of the Delawares then 
 known as the Cranbury Indians; their 
 principal settlement was about two miles 
 northeast of the present village of Cranbu- 
 ry and was established through the instru- 
 mentality of the celebrated Rev. David 
 Bralnerd, and by him called Bethel. The 
 Indians came here in 1746 from Crossv/icks 
 '' to be away from bad whites." At the 
 above mentioned Crosswicks conference, 
 several delegates, beside Tom Store and 
 Andrew Woolley, attended from the Cran 
 bury Indians with papers, claims, powers 
 of attorney, &c., for themseives and the 
 rest of the band, all of which were settled 
 to the satisfaction of the Indians. 
 
 History and Traditions of Long Branch. 
 
 The following extracts are from the New 
 York Gazette, Morris' Guide, and other au- 
 thorities, to which some comments are 
 added : 
 
 " The nomenclature of popular resorts 
 has become » matter of acknowledged in- 
 terest. Various surmises — some ol them 
 absurd, all incorrect — havegonethe rounds 
 as to the origin of Long Branch, among 
 them an hypothesis in a traveler's direc- 
 tory, that it was termed longest branch or 
 route from that point on the seashore to 
 Amboy." 
 
 From the best sources we find a tradition 
 generally credited among the best informed 
 descendants of old settlers, that a party of 
 Indians whose grounds lay back of this 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 153 
 
 portion of the coast, visited tlie shore in 
 tlie fall of 1734. So well pleased were ttie 
 red men with this inaugural visit to the 
 seaside, that like many of their modern 
 white brethren, they became habitues of 
 the place, still adhering to the original 
 camping ground, a location near the pres- 
 ent Clarendon* Hotel — the nearest to the 
 depot. Here they made tiieir annual pil- 
 grimage for fishing, &c., and welcoming, 
 after a long nurch, the termination of the 
 land, called the place " Land's End ;" this 
 became a general term for the extent of 
 waste which tliey gradually explored, and 
 on which they established otlier campinti 
 grounds, such as Squan beach, &g., and 
 the original spot was designated as "Laud's 
 End at the Long Branch," a small stream 
 branching from the I'Souih Shrousbury 
 (Shrewsbury) River and extending for a 
 considerable distance nearly parallel with 
 the coast. This stream still m'^'mders 
 through the vicinity of the depots and 
 supplies an abundance of ice during the 
 winter. The locality was thus designated 
 by the abbreviated term Long Branch, 
 
 A few years thereafter settlers bought 
 crown lands for twenty shillin</s per acre, 
 and to protect their dwellings from the 
 winter winds upon the coast, located them 
 a short distance from the shore, pursuing 
 the double calling of farmers and fisher- 
 men. They opened the Burlington path- 
 way to Monmouth Court House and at- 
 tracted other settlers, thus establishing old 
 Long Branch village, one and a half miles 
 from the beach, and within a radius of this 
 <listance embracing a population of over 
 three thousand. A portion of this village 
 just beyond the toll gate, is still quaintly 
 termed " the pole" — from a liberty pole 
 having been constantly renewed at this 
 point with patriotic devotion since 1812. 
 That portion which the wealthier citizens 
 have erected for summer resorts is natu- 
 rally termed " the shore," the nearest spot 
 Branchville, the South Shrewsbury river 
 landing Branchport, three quarters of a 
 mile from the village, beside Rockville on 
 the south and Loyalton on the west. — 
 Guests at the beach still ao over to " the 
 Pole" for purchases, in which a greater va- 
 riety is desirable than can be found at the 
 shore. Here is the red post office, though 
 for greater convenience a branch shore 
 post office has been established. 
 
 When the old settlers at the "Pole" 
 had opened the Burlington pathway to 
 Monmouth Court House, intersecting a 
 road to Burlington, communication was 
 
 then opened with this point of the Atlan- 
 tic coast, possessing advantages as a salu- 
 brious seaside resort far superior to any 
 other. We are credibly informed that no 
 other portion of this coast commands a 
 bluflf of more than from half a mile to a 
 mile extent, while Long Branch has a con- 
 tinuous range of five miles of bluff, which 
 extends over a rolling country of increas- 
 ing elevations back to Monmouth Court 
 House at Freehold, a distance of seven- 
 teen miles. At the early period indicated, 
 Phihtdelphians availed themselves of the 
 opportunity thus presented to drive over 
 the new road and enjoy the luxuries of a 
 sea bath, but there being no inns tor many 
 miles they were compelled to return a long 
 distance on their way homeward for a 
 nights entertainment. A Mr. Bennett 
 proved himself the man for the times by 
 erecting a small building for the accom- 
 dations of these summer visitors, and up- 
 on a site a. little east of the present Metro- 
 politan Hotel; the exact ground has long 
 since been confiscated by old Neptune and 
 is now available only for bathing purposes. 
 This, by the way, is in the vicinity of the 
 Indians' first camping ground in 1734. The 
 next man of enterprise of whom- we have 
 an account was named McKnight ; he 
 built a hotel about a mile down the beach 
 beyoiid Pitman's. It was called Bath, or 
 Green's hotel. This was destroyed by fire 
 a few years ago. 
 
 To the above readable article, which we 
 find credited to the New York Oazette a 
 few years ago, and which was copied into 
 many papers in our State, we take excep- 
 tions on one or two points. The writer evi- 
 dentlv had not read the account of Watson, 
 who had been familiar with the habitues 
 of Long Branch forty or fifty years before. 
 And we believe the Indians had visited 
 the place long before 1734 ; in fact before 
 the time the whites had any knowledge of 
 the locality. Long before this the fierce, 
 warlike Mohawks of New Yoi k, the terror 
 of N^w Jersey Indians, occasionally made 
 inroads into our State, conquering and 
 plundering the red men within our bor- 
 ders, who were no match for them When 
 anticipating their raids, our West Jersey 
 Indians would send their squaws and chil- 
 dren to the sea shore for safety j and it is 
 probable thatSquan received its name from 
 this fact, being probably derived from the 
 Indian.words *S'(/Maw, oj- Squaw's place. The 
 Indians who visited Long Branch in 1734 
 were probably from Crosswicks, and after 
 1746 the Cranbury Indians frequented this 
 
154 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 section and laid claim to it as elsewhere 
 stated. 
 
 Origin of Name — The Great Wrestling 
 Match. 
 
 " Long Branch takes its name from a 
 brook, a branch of the South Shrewsbury 
 river, which runs in a direct line north- 
 w.^rd with the coast. It is of little use ex- 
 cept for gathering ice for the hotels and 
 cottages 
 
 Tradition points loan Indian fishery, es- 
 tablished inl734, as the first occupation of 
 this place, which was style'l at that time 
 ' Land's End.' A legend tells us that in 
 those early time.-; four men. named Slocum, 
 Parker, Wardell and Hulett came from 
 Khode Island in quest of land, 'i'hey found 
 the Indians friendly but not disposed to 
 sell. It was proposed by the Yankees that 
 a wrestling match should be made up be- 
 tween one Indian and one of the whites, 
 to be decided by the best in thre«- rounds. 
 If the champion of the white hian won, 
 they were to have as much laud as a man 
 could walk around in a day ; if otherwise 
 they were to leave peaceably .John Slocum 
 was selected for the stiuggle — e, man of 
 great proportions, athletic and of great 
 strength,, courage and inflexibility of pur- 
 pose. Great preparations were made to wit- 
 ness the encounter. The chosen Indian 
 wrestler practiced continually for the 
 event. The day lonji expected proved cloud- 
 less and auspicious. The spot chosen was 
 the present Fish Landing. A circle was 
 formed and the Indian champion, elated, 
 confident and greased from head to foot, 
 api^eared. Slocum advanced cuoly and the 
 struggle began ; it was long and doubtful ; 
 finally Slocum threw his antagonist but in 
 an instant the Indian was again on his 
 feet. A murmur ran through the circle. — 
 Again the Indian made a violent effort and 
 both fell. Another murmur was lieard. — 
 Silence prevailed as they came together 
 again, broken only by the roaring of the 
 surf. A long struggle. Slocum inured to 
 toil, hardy and rugged, proved too mucli 
 for the Indian and threw him, to the in- 
 tense disappointment of the Indians and 
 undisguised joy of the whites. The terms 
 were then all arrange 1. .John Slocum had 
 two brothers and they located that part of 
 Long Branch leaching from the shore to 
 Turtle Mill brook, embracing all lands ly 
 ing north of the main road, from the sea 
 to Eatontown, between these two points, 
 to the south of Shrewsbury, except Fresh 
 Pond and Snag Swamp, which was located 
 
 by one of the Wardell family. A consider- 
 able portion of these lands continued in 
 the possession of the Slocums until thirty 
 nr forty years ago. All are now gone into 
 other hands. The Parkers placed them- 
 selves on Rumson's Neck. Hulett lived for 
 a time at Horse Neck but afterwards left 
 this region. Indian warrants, it is said, still 
 exist in the county conveying these lands 
 io the white owners. 
 
 After some years a few hardy settlers 
 fi'om neighboring provinces purchased 
 lands from the agents of the Crown at the 
 rate of twenty shillings per acre, deeds for 
 v,'hich, it is stated, are in existence over 
 the signature of King George III or his 
 agents." 
 
 A notice of Long Branch in 1819, from a 
 paper published at the time, has been giv- 
 en in a previous article. Probably the most 
 noted Indian in this section of Old Mon- 
 mouth was the celebrated Indian Will, of 
 whom a number of traditions were pub- 
 lished in the Democrat, June 5th, 1873. He 
 was well known at Eatontown, Long Branch 
 and vicinity, at Squan and along the coast 
 down as far as Barnegat. A tradition in 
 Howe's Collections says the Indians in this 
 section sold out their lands to Lewis Mor- 
 ris in 1670, but Indian Will refused to 
 leave. The probability is that this tradition 
 has confounded two transactions. Indian 
 Will, according to the best traditionary ati- 
 thoritjf, lived near a century later and the 
 Indian sale of land with which his name 
 has been connected was probably the one 
 originating at a conference held at Cross- 
 wicks in February, 1758, and concluded at 
 Eastern Pennsylvania in the same year, 
 particulars of which were given in the ar- 
 ticle headed " Indian Claims in Old Mon 
 mouth," in the Democrat of July 24, 1873. 
 
 NEW JERSEY WATERING PLACES- 
 THEIR ORIGIN. 
 
 The first seaside resorts in New Jersey 
 in all probability were Long Beach in 
 Monmouth, and Tuckers' Beach in Little 
 Egg Harbor. The first named place, now 
 in (>cean county, is opposite to the vil- 
 lages of Barnegat and Mannahawkin and 
 (he latter opposite Tuckerton. Of these 
 places Watson's Annals of Philadelphia 
 says : 
 
 " We think Long Beach and Tucker's 
 Beach in point of earliest attraction as a 
 seaside resort for Philadelphians must 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 J55 
 
 claim the precedence. They had their 
 visitors and distant admirers long before 
 Squan and Deal and even Long Branch 
 itself had got their several fame. To those 
 ■''•ho chiefly desire to restore languid 
 frames and to find their nerves braced and 
 firmer strung, nothing can equal the in- 
 vigorating surf and general air. * * * 
 LoiiiT Branch — last but greatest in fame — 
 because the fashionables who rule all 
 things have made it so, is still inferior as 
 a surf to those qbove named." 
 
 Before the Revolution, Philadelphians 
 and others from a distance, vrho visited 
 Long and Tucker beaches, went in old 
 fashioned shore wagons on their return 
 trips from the city and took with them 
 their stoves, bhvnkets, &c. Some people 
 on the beaches began to make provisions 
 to receive these transient boarders and so 
 origiiinted tliis business in New Jersey in 
 which now annually is spent such an im- 
 m«n?^e amount of money. The shore wag- 
 ons carted fish and oysters to Philadelphia, 
 Trenton and other places over a hundred 
 years ago, and these p'-imitive convey- 
 nnces on their return trips were first used 
 to convey health or pleasure seekers to 
 our earliest seaside resorts. What a con- 
 trast between then and now — between an 
 oyster vv.tgon and a palace car 1 
 
 Long Brancli comes next in order being 
 first known as a watering place about 
 1788. 
 
 Cape May began to be known as a wat- 
 ering phice about 1813. Athmtic City was 
 founded some forty years la+er, about the 
 time of the completion of the Camden and 
 Atlantic Railroad. 
 
 The forego'ng watering places from 
 Long Brancii to Cape May. it is said, were 
 all hiouglit into notice by Philadelpliians. 
 
 A Sea Shore correspondent says : 
 
 '•The first seaside health or pleasure 
 seekers from Philadelphia would present 
 quite a contrast with the great majority of 
 visitors at our watering places at the pres- 
 ent day in their methods of enjoying 
 themselves. At home, being citizens of 
 property and siandmy they W(;ul(i of 
 course conform to the customs of city life 
 in dress and other matters, but at the sea- 
 shore they often adopted the common 
 fisherman cl"tlie-< -iind enjoyed tlicmselves 
 by fishing, oystering, bathing, &c., unre- 
 strained by fashionable conventionalities. 
 From the shore villages, the inhabitants 
 young and'old would often get up " beacli 
 parties" to have a good time bathuig in 
 the surf during tlie day, and enjoying 
 
 themselves by plays and dancer in the 
 erenin^r, and it was no uncommon thing 
 to se;> the visitors from the city mixing in 
 witli their sports, evidently enjoying and 
 being benefitted by them. Some twenty 
 years ago I frequently met, at one of our 
 sertside resorts a prcmiinent young Phila- 
 delphia merchant whom I especially no- 
 ticed because an ancestor of his first 
 brought Long Branch into notice and his 
 method of enjoying himself was similar to 
 our first shore visitors. He had his own 
 fishing boat and pleasure yacht ; at times 
 in red flannel shirt and fisherman clothes 
 he would engage in fishing, oystering, <fec., 
 and he was an expert in handling his 
 yacht whether by himself, racing with 
 otiier boats, or taking rural parties on 
 pleasure excursions. He evidently en- 
 joyed himself in these healthful methods 
 of passing away his time, reminding me of 
 the celebrated Prince Murat's manner of 
 spending his time in the same locality 
 some forty or fifty years before." 
 
 Captain Molly Pitcher. 
 
 Her bravery at Fort Clinton and Monmouth — 
 
 Her Sad End. 
 
 From various articles relating to this 
 noted woman the following are selected : 
 
 " Tlie story of a woman who rendered 
 essential service to the Americans in the 
 battle of Monmouth is founded on fact. — 
 Sde was a female of masculine mould, and 
 dressed in a mongrel suit, with the petti- 
 coats of her own sex and an artilleryman's 
 coat, cocked hat and feathers. The anec- 
 dote usually related is as follows : Before 
 the armies engaged in general action, two 
 of the advanced batteries commenced a 
 severe fire against each other. As the heat 
 was excessive, Molly, who was the wife of 
 a cannonier, constantly ran to bring her 
 hust)and water from a neighboi'ing spring. 
 While passing to his post she saw him fall 
 and on hastening to his assistance, found 
 iiim dead. At tlie same moment she 
 heard an oflBcer order tlie cannon to be re- 
 moved from its place, comi>laining he 
 could not fill his post with as brave a man 
 as had been killed. " No,'" said the in- 
 irepid Moliy, fixing her eyes upon the of- 
 ficer, " tde cannon i-hall not be removed 
 i'or the want of someone to serve it ; since 
 my brave husband is no more, I will use 
 my utmost exertious to avenge his death.'' 
 Tlie activity and courage with which she 
 performed the office of cannonier during 
 the action, attracted the attention of all 
 
156 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 who witnessed it, and finally of Washing- 
 ton himself, who afterward gave her the 
 rank of lieutenant and granted her half- 
 pay during life. She wore an epaulette 
 and was called ever after Captain Molly. 
 ( Hoioe's Collections.) 
 
 LossiNG in his Field Book of the Revo- 
 lution thus mentions Molly Pitcher : 
 
 " She was a sturdy young camp follower 
 only twenty two years of age and in devo- 
 tion to her husband, who was a cannonier, 
 she illustrated the character of her coun- 
 trywomen of the Emerald Isle. In the 
 action (Battle of Monmouth) while her 
 husband was managing one of the field 
 pieces, she constantly brought him water 
 from a spring near by. A shot from the 
 enemy killed him at his post; and the 
 officer in command, having no one compe- 
 tent to fill his place, ordered the piece to 
 be withdrawn. Molly saw her husband 
 fall as she came from the spring and also 
 heard the order. She dropped her bucket, 
 seized the rammer and vowed that she 
 would fill the place of her husband at the 
 gun and avenge his death. She performed 
 the duty with a skill and courage which 
 attracted the attention of all who saw her. 
 On the following morning, covered with 
 dirt and blood, General Greene presented 
 her to General Washington, who admiring 
 her bravery, conferred upon her the com- 
 mission of Sergeant. By his recommenda- 
 tion her name was placed upon th* list of 
 half pay officers for life. She left the ar- 
 my soon after the Battle of Monmouth 
 and died near Fort Montgomery among 
 the Hudson Highlands. She usually went 
 by the name of Captain Molly. Th© ven- 
 erable widow of General Hamilton, who 
 died in 1854, told me she had often seen 
 Captain Molly. She described her as a 
 stout, red-haired, freckled-faced young 
 Irish woman with a handsome, piercing 
 eye. The French officers, charmed by 
 the story of her bravery, made her many 
 presents. She would sometimes pass along 
 the French lines with her cocked hat and 
 get it almost filled with crowns." 
 
 The same writer visited the locality of 
 Forts Montgomery and Clinton on the 
 Hudson, where Molly Pitcher ended her 
 days and there found old residents who 
 " remembered the famous Irish woman 
 called Captain Molly, the wife of acanon- 
 ier who worked a field piece at the battle 
 of Monmouth on the death of her hus- 
 band. She generally dressed in the petti- 
 coats of her sex with an artilleryman's 
 coat over. She was in Fort Clinton with 
 
 her husband when it was attacked in 1,^77. 
 When the Americans retreated from the 
 fort, as the enemy scaled the ramparts her 
 husband dropped his match and fled. 
 MoLLEY caught it up, touched off the piece 
 and then scampered off. It was the last 
 gun the Americans fired in the fort. Mrs. 
 Rose remembered her as Dirty Kate, living 
 between Fort Montgomery and Butter- 
 milk Falls, at the close of the war, where 
 she died a horrible death from syphilitic 
 disease. Washington h^d hoaored her 
 with a lieutenant's commission for her 
 bravery in the field of Monmouth nearly 
 nine months after the battle, when review- 
 ing its events." 
 
 IS AN OYSTER A WILD ANIMAL OR 
 A TAME ONE? 
 
 This question to many may appear ab 
 surd but it has been broached in lawsuits 
 in our state involving business enterprises 
 to the amount of some thousands oi dol- 
 lars yearly. It originated in the question 
 whether or not a man had an exclusive 
 right to oysters which he had planted. — 
 The first case carried up to the New Jersey 
 Supreme Court relating to planted oysters 
 began in old Shrewsbury township about 
 seventy years ago. A man named Lever- 
 son sued two men named Shepard and 
 Lay ton for the larceny of 1,000 oysters 
 which he had planted in North river, 
 Shrewsbury township. The case came be- 
 fore Esquire Tiebout who gave judgment 
 for the plaintiff, three dollars. The de- 
 fendants' appealed to the Monmouth Com- 
 mon Pleas where the Justice's decision 
 was confirmed. The case was then car- 
 ried to the Supreme Court and tried in 
 1808. The decision, however, was con- 
 fined to one point, that of planting where 
 there is a natural growth : " Action does 
 not lie for taking oysters claimed as plant- 
 ed by him in a common navigable stream, 
 in which others were found." The court 
 seemed to consider the throwing of oyster 
 plants where there is a natural growth, as 
 an abandonment, and compared it to a 
 man "who should take a deer in a forest 
 and be simpleton enough to let it go again 
 in the same forest, saying, ' this is my deer 
 and no man shall touch it;' it would never 
 be asked by the next taker what was the 
 intention of the simpleton ; the very act 
 of letting it go was an abandonment." 
 
 The question of the right to planted oys- 
 ters was again brought before the Supreme 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 157 
 
 Court in 1821, m the noted case of Arnold 
 vs Mundy, on an appeal in a case from 
 Perth Amboy; but this suit hinged mainly 
 on title to lands under water, the plaintiff 
 having purchased from th© East Jersey 
 Proprietors some forty odd acres of land 
 under water on which was the oyster bed. 
 
 Just fifty years after the laws relating to 
 planted oysters had been first discussed in 
 Monmouth, the subject was finally and 
 clearly settled by the Supreme Court. On 
 an appeal from Cape May, tried in 1858, it 
 was charged that Thomas Taylor had sto- 
 len oysters to the value of eighteen dollars 
 from George Hildreth. This time the ques- 
 tion of the right to oysters planted where 
 there was no natural growtfi was reached 
 and decided. As regards the questiorr 
 whether an oyster is a wild animal or a 
 tame one the inference from the trial is 
 that an oyster from a natural growth bed 
 is a wild animal and one from a bed plant- 
 ed where there was no natural growtii, is 
 •I tame one! The counsel for the defend- 
 ant ('I'aylor) plead thai " oysters being an- 
 imals fene natures (of a v^ild nature — wild 
 !<nimals) there can be no propter ty in them 
 unless they be dead or reclaimed or tamed 
 or in the actual power or possession of the 
 claimant." 
 
 The Chief Justice in giving the opinion 
 of the Court said : 
 
 "The principle (advanced by defend- 
 ant's counsel) as api^lied to animals ferm 
 naturcB is not questioned. But oysters, 
 though usually included in that descrip 
 tion of aniroals, do not come within the 
 reason or operation of the rule. The own- 
 er has the same absolute property in them 
 that he has ir) inanimate tilings or domes- 
 tic animals. Like dor. estic animals they 
 continue perpetually in his occupation 
 and will not stray from his house or per- 
 son. Unlike finimals/ero; naiwro;, they do 
 not require to be reclinmed and made tame 
 by art, industry or education, nor to be 
 c >nfined in order to be within the imme- 
 diate power of the owner. If at liberty, 
 *hey have neither the inclination nor 
 power to escape. For the purpo.^es of the 
 present inquiry they are obviously more 
 nearly allied to tame animals than to wild 
 ones, and perhaps more nearly allied to in- 
 animate objects than to animals of either 
 de.scription. The indictment could not 
 aver that the oysters were dead, for they 
 would then be of no value ; nor that they 
 were reclaimed or tamed for in this sense 
 they were never wild and were not capa- 
 
 ble of domestication ; nor that they were 
 confined for that vvould be absurd." 
 
 It was the decision of the court that 
 
 "The owner has the same absolute pi'op- 
 erty in oysters that he has \xi inanimate 
 things or domestic animals, and the rule 
 tliat applies to animals fer<B naiurce does 
 not apply to them," and that an indict- 
 ment would lie for stealing oysters plant- 
 ed in a public or navigable river where 
 oysters do not grow naturally, and the 
 spot designated by stakes or otherwise. 
 Alleged Infringements of Oyster Laws. 
 
 The Newark Evening Courier of Decem- 
 ber 21st, 1874, contained an interesting 
 article relating to the oyster trade of New- 
 ark Bay, Staten Island Sound, Perth and 
 South Amboy, &c., during the year 1874, 
 from tvhich we extract the following : 
 
 " The great beds at, the mouth of the 
 Raritan river, now retained and staked by 
 private individuals|for their own use, are 
 ou(- mile and a half long and one mile wide, 
 riiey were what is termed a natural bed 
 up to forty years ago, and were first taken 
 possession of by a company from Perth 
 Amboy. Tiiey were held by this company 
 without color of law for about five years, 
 when the people interested in the oyster 
 business compelled this monopoly to relin- 
 quish iheir claims on the beds, but in re- 
 turn they severally staked them off for 
 their own use, and still retain them to the 
 exclusion uf citizens of their own and oth- 
 er counties without the least shadow of 
 law. Il is thought that tliis question, to- 
 gether with a law looking to the better 
 preservation of oysters in the beds, will re- 
 ceive the attention of tlie Legislature." 
 
 We siiould suppose the law in this case 
 had been clearly settled by the Supreme 
 Court, wldch those interested can find 
 ■stated at length in 1st Halsled, case of Ar- 
 nold vs Mundy, and 3d Dutfher, State vs 
 Thomas Taylor. '^ 
 
 COLONEL MONCKTON AND THE 
 
 ROYAL GRENADIERS AT TilE 
 
 BATTLE OF MONMOUTH. 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel Honorable H. Monck- 
 ten, generally called Colonel Monckton, 
 according to both written and traditionary 
 accounts was one of the most honorable of- 
 ficers in the service of the British — accom- 
 plished, brave, of splendid personal appear- 
 ance and of irreproachable moral charac 
 ter. He was in the battle of Long Island 
 
158 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 in August 1776, when he was shot through 
 the body and lay for many weeks at the 
 point of death. He recovered and for his 
 gallantry on that occasion was promoted 
 from the 5th Company, 2d Grenadiers, to 
 be Lieutenant Colonel and was in com- 
 mand of the battalion at the battle of Mon- 
 mouth, in which the 1st and 2n<l Rojal 
 Grenadiers bore a consi)icuous part and in 
 a charge, the heroic Monckton and the 
 greater part of the officers of the genadiers, 
 the flower of the Britisli army, fell from a 
 terrible fire from the Americans under 
 General Wayne, The spoi where Colonel 
 Monckton was killed is said to be about 
 eight rods north-east of the old parsonage 
 »nd he was buried about six feet from the 
 west end of the church. About thirty years 
 ago a board was set up to mark his grave 
 by William R. Wilson, a native of Scotland, 
 who will long and favorably be remem 
 beredby hundreds of citizens of Monmouth 
 and Ocean as a successful teac.ier and for 
 his many good qualities of head and heart. 
 He died ;>t Forked River, in Ocean county, 
 about nineteen years ago, and the respect 
 retained for him by his old scholars near 
 the battle ground, and elsewhere in Mon- 
 mouth, was evidenced by tiie fact of their 
 sending for his body and giving it a suita- 
 ble final resting place in the vicinity of his 
 first labors in this county. Mr. Wilson, or 
 " Dominie Wilsen " as he was familiarly 
 called on account of his once having been 
 a clergyman, deserves a more extended no- 
 tice than we have space for in the present 
 article. 
 
 On the board prepared and set up by 
 Mr. Wilson was inscribed 
 
 HIC JACET 
 
 Col. Monkton 
 
 KILLED 28 June 
 
 1778 
 
 W. R. W. 
 Mr. W. may have been induced to put 
 up the board by noticing that in the rem- 
 iniscences of the battle published by Hen- 
 ry Howe, who visited the ground in 1S42, 
 attention was called to the fact that no 
 monument marked the grave. 
 
 In 1850, Benson J. Lossing visited the 
 battle ground and made a sketch of the 
 head board which was given in his valua- 
 ble work, the Field Book of the Revolu- 
 tion, and it is also given in a late number 
 of the American Historical Record Mr. 
 Lossing says that when he visited tiie grave 
 " the only monument that marked the spot 
 was a plain board painted red, mufih weath- 
 
 er worn, on which was drawn in black let- 
 ters the inscription seen in the picture giv 
 en. The board had been set up some years 
 before by a Scotch school master named 
 William Wilson, who taught the young 
 people m the school house upon the green 
 near the old Meeting House," In speaking 
 of Col. M'-'nckton he says : " At the head 
 of his grenadiers on the field of Monmouth, 
 he kept them silent until they were with- 
 in a few rods of the Americans, when wav- 
 ing his sword he shouted '' Forward to tlie 
 charge !" Our General VVayne was on his 
 front. At the same moment "Mad Antho- 
 ny " gave a signal to fire. A terrible volley 
 poured destruction upon Monckton's gren- 
 adiers and almost every Brili»h officer fell. 
 Amongst litem was their brave leader. — 
 Over his body the comf)atants fought des- 
 perately until the Americans secured it 
 and bore it to the rear.'" 
 
 Captain Wilson and Dominie Wilson. 
 The Grenadier Flag. 
 
 A writer in the American Historical Rec- 
 ord, June, 1874, referring to the above no- 
 tice says it reminds liim " of the relics of 
 the Royal Grenadiers and of their gallant 
 Colonel which are still in existence; and I 
 was struck with the coincidence in name 
 of the Scotch schoolmaster, William Wil- 
 son, who set up the board that marks the 
 Colonel's grave, with that of the Irish Cap- 
 lain, William Wilson, by the rifles of whos'' 
 company Monckton fell. On the parlor ta- 
 ble of Captain William Wilson Potter, of 
 Bellefonte, Pennsylvania, a great grandson 
 of General James Potter, of the Revolu- 
 tion, may be seen any day for tlie asking, 
 the flag of the Royal Grenadiers, captured 
 on thefield of Monmouth, by his (materni'l) 
 grandfather, the late Judge William Wil- 
 son, of Chillisquaque Mills, Northumber- 
 land county, Pennsylvania. The ground or - 
 main surface is lemon or light-yellow 
 heavy corded silk, five feet four inclies by 
 four feet eight inches. The device at the 
 upper right coiner is twenty inches square, 
 and is that of the English Union which dis 
 tinguishes the Royal a.andard of Great 
 Britain. It is composed of the cross of St. 
 George, to denote England, and St. An- 
 drews cross in the Ibrm of an X to denote 
 Scotland, ''lie field of the device is blue, 
 the central stripes (cross of St. George) 
 red, the margnial ones white. The flag has 
 the apptarance of having b; en wrenche<l 
 from its staff, and has a few blood stains on 
 the device, otherwise it looks as bright and 
 new as if it ha<l just come from the gentle 
 
OLD TLV1K8 IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 159 
 
 fingers that made it, although ninety-six 
 years have rolled away since its golden 
 folds drooped in the sultry air of that June 
 day battle." 
 
 The following is an account of that part 
 of the engagement relating to 
 
 The Charge of the (Grenadiers, 
 
 After General Lee's retreat was checked 
 by General Washington in person, the lat- 
 ter formed a new lin« for his advanced 
 troops, and put Lee again in command 
 General Washington then rode back to the 
 main army and formed it on an eminence, 
 with a road in the rear and a morass in 
 front. The left was commanded by Lord 
 Stirling with a detacliment ot artillery ; 
 LaFavette with Wavne was [)osted in the 
 centre, partly in an orchard and partly 
 sheltered by a barn ; General Greene was 
 on the ri<;'ht with his artillery under Gen- 
 eral Knox, pos ed on commi'nding ground. 
 Geneinl Lee maintained his advanced po- 
 sition as long Hs lie could, himself coming 
 oifwitii his rear across a road whicli trav- 
 ersed the morass in front of Stirling's 
 troops. The British followed sharp, and 
 met^iiiiii with a warm reception, endeav 
 ored to turn the left flank but were driven 
 back; they tien tried the rijjht, hut were 
 met by General Greene's forces and heavy 
 discharges from Knox's artillery, which 
 not only checked them but, raked the 
 whole length of the columns in front of 
 the U f t wing. Then came a determined 
 effort to break 'he centre maintained by 
 General Wayne and the Pennsylvania 
 rej^imenti; and the Royal Grenadiers, the 
 flower of the British army, were ordered to 
 do it. Tliey advanced several times, cross- 
 ing a hedge- row in front of the morass and 
 were driven back. Col. Moncton, their 
 commander, then made a speech to his 
 men (the troops ai the parsonage and 
 those in the orchanl heard his ringing 
 voice above the storm oi battle), and 
 forming the Grenadiers in solid col- 
 umn, advanced to the charge like 
 troops on parade ; the men marching 
 witli such precision that a ball from Combs 
 Hill enfihding a platoon isarmed every 
 man. 
 
 Wayne ordered his men to reserve their 
 fire, and the British came on in silence 
 within a few rod.'*, when Moncton waved 
 his sword above his h^ad and ordered his 
 grenadiers to charge. Simultaneously 
 Wayne ordered iiis men to fire and a ter- 
 rible volley laid low the first ranks and 
 most of the officers. The colors were in 
 
 advance to the right with the Colonel and 
 they went down with him. Captain Wil- 
 liam Wilson and his company who were 
 on the right of the Ist Pennsylvania regi- 
 ment, (Colonel James Chambers) made a 
 rush for the colors and the body of the 
 Colonel. The Grenadiers fought desper- 
 ately and a hand to hand struggle ensued, 
 but the Pennsylvanians secured his body 
 and the colors; the Grenadiers gave way, 
 and the whole British army fell back to 
 Lee's position in the morning. They de- 
 camped so quietly in the night that Gen- 
 eral Poor, who lay near them with orders 
 to recommence the battle in the morning, 
 was not aware of their departure. 
 
 The following reminiscences, published 
 by Howe were mainly derived from the 
 late venerable Dr. Samuel Forman, who 
 was on the battle field tbe day after the 
 action. 
 
 The advanced corps of Americans under 
 Wayne was on high ground close by a barn 
 about twelve rods back of the parsonage, 
 while a park of artillery were on Combs 
 Hill, a height commanding that ot the 
 enemy. The British grenadiers several 
 times crossed the fence and advanced 
 toward the barn, but were as often 
 driven back by the fire of the troops 
 stationed there and the artillery from 
 Combs Hill. At length < ol. Moncton 
 made to ihem a spirited address which was 
 distinctly heard by the Americans at the 
 barn and parsonage, distant only twenty 
 or thirty rods. They then advanced in 
 beautiful order as though on parade. As 
 they appeared within a few reds of the 
 barn, Wayne ordered his men to pick off 
 the officers. * * * The spot near 
 where Col. Monkton was killed is (1842) 
 marked by an oak stump about eight rods 
 northeast ot the parsonage. * * * 'Phe 
 most desperate part of the conflict was in 
 the vicinity of where Monkton fell. There 
 the British grenadiers lay in heaps like 
 sheaves on a harvest field. Our informant 
 states that they dragged the corjjses by 
 the lieels to shallow pits dug for the 
 purpose and slightly covered them with 
 earth; he saw thirteen buried in one hole. 
 For many years after, their graves were 
 indicated by the luxuriance of the vegeta- 
 tion. Among the enemy's dead was a 
 sergeant of the grenadiers, designated as 
 the '' high sergeant." He was the tallest 
 man in the Briti.sli army, measuring seven 
 leet four inches in height. 
 
 The day was unusually hot even for the 
 season and both armies suffered severely; 
 
1(30 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 the British more than the Americans, be- 
 cause of their woollen uniforms and bur- 
 dened with their knapsacks and accoutre- 
 ments, while the latter where divested of 
 their packs and superfluous clothing. The 
 tongues of great numbers were so swollen 
 as to render them incapable of speaking. 
 Many of both armies perished solely from 
 heat and after the battle were seen dead 
 upon the field, ivithout mark or wound, 
 under trees and bende the rivulet, where 
 they had crawled for shade and water. 
 The countenances of the dead became so 
 blackened as to render it impossible to re- 
 cognize individuals. Several houses m 
 Freehold were filled with the wounded of 
 the enemy, left on their retreat in care of 
 their surireons and nurses. Every room in 
 the Court Hoase was filled. Tliey lay on 
 the floor on straw, and the supphoation of 
 the wounded and the moans of the dying 
 presented a scene of woe. As fast as they 
 died, their corpses were promiscuously 
 thrown into a pit on thesiteof the present 
 (1842) residence of Dr. Throckmorton, and 
 slightly covered with earth. 
 
 In aiJdition to the above statements of 
 Dr. FoRMAN regarding the heat of ihe day, 
 we remember on our first visit to the bat- 
 tle ground forty od(? years ago being told 
 by an old gentleman residing in the vicin- 
 ity, while describing the battle, that both 
 the British and Americans were so over- 
 come by the heat, and were suffering so 
 much from thirst, that as they approached 
 the stream, the troops of both armies, re- 
 iiardless of discipline, broke from their 
 ranks and rushed to the hrook to quench 
 their thirst at the same time, and but a 
 little distance apart. Many were unable 
 to resunoe their places in the ranks and 
 we.'e found dead as above related. Of the 
 British it is stated that fifty nine perished 
 from the heat. 
 
 VISITORS AT THE BATTLE GROUND. 
 
 " If there's a hule in all your coats 
 
 I rede you tent it ; 
 A chield'8 among you taking notes, 
 
 And faith ho'll prent it." 
 
 So said the poet Burns in reference to 
 Captain Grose, noted for his peregrinations 
 through Scotland collecting antiquities of 
 the kingdom, and we have been forcibly 
 reminded of liis lines in reading various 
 comments made by visitors to the Mon- 
 mouth battle ground. These commants 
 are in the main very favorable to the citi- 
 
 zens of old Monmouth, but occasionally we 
 meet with an unpalatable note. 
 
 The .author of the Field Book of the 
 Revolution says : 
 
 •' I visited the battle ground of Mon- 
 mouth towaid the close of September, 1850, 
 and had the good fortune to be favored 
 with the company of Doctor John Wood- 
 hull, of Freehold, in my ramble over that 
 interesting locality. Dr. Woodhull is the 
 son of the beloved minister of that name 
 who succeeded Rev. William Tennent in 
 the pastoral care of the congregation that 
 worshipped in the Freehold meeting house, 
 and who, for forty hix consecutive years. 
 preached and prayed in that venerated 
 chapel. Dr. VVoodhull was born in the 
 parsonage yet upon ihe battleground, and 
 is so familiar with every localitv and event 
 connei^ted with tiie conflict, that I felt as 
 it' traversing the battle field with an actor 
 in the scene.*' 
 
 Mr. Lossiiig next speaks of a heavy storm 
 which compelled him to take shelter in 
 the old Tennent church ; resting his port- 
 folio on the high back of an old pew he 
 sketched a picture of the neat monument 
 erected to the memory of Rev. John Wood- 
 hull, D. D., who died Nov. 22nd, 1824, aged 
 80 years. He next refers to Rev. William 
 Tennent who was pastor of that flock for 
 forty-three years, and gives an outline of 
 his life, and then says : 
 
 '' When tl)e storm :< bated we left the 
 church and proceeded to the battleground. 
 The old parsonage is in the present pos- 
 session of Mr. William T. Sutphen, who 
 has allowed the parlor and study of Ten- 
 nent and Woodhull to be uised as a depos 
 iiory of giain and of agricultural imple- 
 ments! The careless neglect which per- 
 mits a mansion so hallowed by religion 
 and patriotic events to fall into ruin, is ac- 
 tual desecration and much to bn repre- 
 hended and de|)lored. The windows are 
 destroyed, the roof is falling into the 
 chambers ; and in a lew years not a ves- 
 tige will be left of that venerable mem'^n- 
 to of the Jield of Monmouth. 
 
 " We visited the spot where Monckton 
 fell; the place of the causeway across the 
 morass (now a small bridge upon the main 
 road); and after taking a general view 
 of the "vhole ground of conflict and sketch- 
 ing a picture, returned to Freehold. 
 
 " It had been to me a day of rarest inter- 
 est and pleasure, notwithstanding the in- 
 clement weather ; for no battle field in our 
 country has stronger claims to the rever- 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTn. 
 
 161 
 
 ence of the American heart than that of 
 the plains of Monmouth, * * * 
 
 " The men nnd women of the Revolution 
 but a few years since, numerous in the 
 neigliboihood of Freehold, have passed 
 away, but the narrative of their trials dur- 
 ing the war have left abiding re'cords of 
 patriotism upon the hearts of their de 
 scendants. 1 listened to many tales con- 
 cerning the Pine Robbers and other des- 
 peradoes of tlie time, who kept the people 
 of Monmouth county in a state of contin- 
 ual alarm. Many noble deeds of daring 
 were achieved by the tillers of the soil, 
 and their mothers, wives and sisters ; and 
 while the field o[ Monmouth attested the 
 bravery and endurance of American sol- 
 diers, the inhabitants whose households 
 were disturbed on that memorable Sabbath 
 morning by ihe bugle and the cannon 
 peal, exhibited in their daily course the 
 loftiest patriotism and manly courage. We 
 will leave the task of recording the acts of 
 their heroism to the pen of the local his 
 torian." 
 
 The following item we find published in 
 a magazine over a year ago: -'Attention 
 has lately been called to the condition of 
 the grave of Col Monckton, in the burial 
 ground of the Fre(-liold Meeting House in 
 Monmouth Co., N. J. It should be prop- 
 erly cared for, for Monckton, though a 
 foeman to the Americans when he fell 
 mortally wounded at the battle of Mon- 
 mouth, was a gallant officer, and a man of 
 irreproachable moral character."' 
 
 OUR GOOD LOOKING GRAND- 
 MO r HERS. 
 
 Why Jersey Ladies ake so Attractive. 
 
 All histories of Revolutionary times con- 
 cede that in patriotism our forefathers 
 were not excelled by the people of any 
 otlier state. From ihe following extracts 
 it will be seen that daring the last century 
 the women also of New Jersey were held 
 in high repute by people in other states.- - 
 Jerseymen of the present day very well 
 know tiiat the ladies of our state now are 
 hard to excel in beauty, intelligence, amia- 
 bility, industry and other deservable qual- 
 ities. And it is gratifying to know that 
 their maternal ancestors obtained such 
 marked commendation from competent 
 judge? in other states. 
 
 Guthrie's Geography, published by the 
 celebrated Matthew Carey in 1795, says : 
 
 '* There is at least as great a number of 
 industrious, discreet, amiable, genteel and 
 handsomfc women in New Jersey in pro- 
 portion to the number of its inhabitants as 
 in any one of the thirteen states." 
 
 Winterbottom'sGeograi^hy, published in 
 New York the following year, quotes the 
 above extract, but the author thinking 
 such compliments unusual in such a work 
 prefaces his quotation with the remark 
 that " It is not the business of the geogra- 
 pher to compliment the ladies, nor would 
 we be thought to do so when we say that 
 there are in New Jersey as great a number 
 of industrious, discreet, &c." 
 
 Morse's Geography, published in New 
 York by the father of tbe celebrated Pro- 
 fessor-Morse, quotes and endorses the re- 
 marks of both of the above writers, and 
 adds that " the ladies of New Jersey are 
 as well educated and intelligent as the la- 
 dies of any other state." We will take 
 the liberty here of expressing our gratifi- 
 cation that Morse quoted the most of his 
 complimentary remarks from other writ- 
 ers ; had he expressed them in his own 
 language we might reasonably fear as 
 bungling work as he made in describing 
 Albany and its inhabitants. In an early 
 edition of his geography, which we found 
 in the library of the New York Geographi- 
 cal and Statistical Society, he says : 
 
 "There are over six hundred houses in 
 Albany, and the population is over ten 
 thousand mostly of the gothic style of 
 architecture with their gable ends turned 
 to the streets." 
 
 Ten thousand people of the gothic style 
 of architecture with their gable ends 
 turned to the street would have presented 
 a remarkable spectacle. He probably 
 meant this description to apply to the 
 houses and not the people. 
 
 Among more ancient writers who de- 
 scribed the jieople of New Jersey was Ga- 
 briel Thomas, who published a work in 
 1698, describing Pennsylvania and West 
 Jersey, but one copy of which is known to 
 be in existence. From this copy, in the 
 Philadelphia Franklin Library, we extract 
 the following, relating to the inhabitants 
 of Pennsylvania and New Jersey : 
 
 " The men are all industrious and 
 healthy, the children born here are beau- 
 tiful, without spot or blemish, and every 
 married lady has a baby in her laj), or one 
 — " Ahem I well, these old writers have 
 sometimes such a blunt way of expressing 
 themselves, that a bashful man feels rather 
 dubious about the propriety of quoting ex- 
 
162 
 
 OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 actly the conclusion of the sentence, but it 
 substantially means " tliat they jiresent ex- 
 ternal evidence of soon being able to have 
 one to tend." 
 
 From the foregoing it will be seen that 
 it is perfectly natural that Jersey ladies 
 should be fascinating; they take after their 
 mothers and female ancestors ; like them 
 they are " industrious, discreet, amiable, 
 genteel, handsome and intelligent." But 
 these complimentary expressions are left 
 out of modern geographies, not because 
 they are inappropriate, but doubtless out 
 of respect to ladies of other states and to 
 the men of this; for if they were now pub- 
 lished in our text books, men from other 
 states might flock here for partners to the 
 aggravation of the girls they left behind 
 them, and of the young men of New Jer- 
 sey, who would naturally object to such in- 
 roads for such a purpose. 
 
 Our Ancestors of English Origin. — The 
 
 BEST BLOOD OF NeW EnGLAND. 
 
 The following complimentary remarks 
 about our first white settlers of English or- 
 igin are from Watson's Annals ot Philadel- 
 phia : 
 
 ''The vicinity of Philadelphia to New 
 Jersey has had the etieci to contribute a 
 great deal of Jersey ])Opulation to the city 
 and a good race of citizens they make. — 
 They may be considered as a people much 
 formed from the best Yankee hlood. All 
 along the seaboard, the first settlers there, 
 "IS their names show, came from New Eng 
 land in colonial times. In the Revolution 
 the Governor of Pennsylvania (Reed) was 
 from JNew Jersey; so too Attorney General 
 Sargent and Commissary General Boudi- 
 nit. Not long since, all ihe officers of the 
 Mayor's Court, Mayor, Recorder, prosecut- 
 ing officers and even the crier were Jersey 
 born." 
 
 The First White Opinion of Old Mon- 
 mouth. 
 
 On the 2nd day of Spptember, 1609, Sn- 
 Henry Hudson in the ship Half Moon, 
 cruised along the shore of the county, and 
 at night anchored not far from Long 
 Branch. His journal or log book was kept 
 by his mate, Alfred Just. After describ- 
 ing the coast, &c., at the close of the duy's 
 record, he says : 
 
 " This is a very good land to fall in with, 
 and a pleasant land to see." 
 
 This is the most ancient opinion of the 
 county to be lound expressed by a white 
 person, and one in which all its citizens 
 
 will agree as correct and applicable at the 
 present day. 
 
 CONGRESSIONAL REPRESENTA- 
 TIVES. 
 
 By an act of Congress approved June, 
 1842, all members of Congress were re 
 quired to be elected by Congressional Dis- 
 tricts. Under that law the following per- 
 sons have been elected to Congress to rep- 
 resent the districts to which Monmouth 
 has belonged. 
 
 Second Congressional District. 
 
 •28th Congress 1843-4 George Svkes of Burlington Co. 
 
 29 •' 1845-6 
 
 30 " 1847-8 William A. Newell Monmouth " 
 
 31 '• 1849-50 " " " " 
 
 32 •' 1851-2 Charles Skelton Mercer " ' 
 .33 " 1853-4 " " " " 
 
 34 •' 1855-6 George R. Fobbing " " 
 
 35 " 1857-8 " " " " 
 .36 " 1859-60 J. L. N. Stratton, Burlington " 
 
 37 " 1861-2 " " 
 
 38 " 1863-4 William A. Newell, Monmouth " 
 
 39 " 1865-6 George Middleton " " 
 
 40 " 1867-8 Charles Haight " " 
 
 41 " 1869-70 " " " " 
 
 42 " 1871-2 Samuel C. Porker, Burlington ' 
 
 Third Congressional District. 
 
 1873-4 Amos Clark, Jr., Middlesex 
 1876-6 Miles Ross " 
 
 It is a coincidence that since the Dis- 
 trict law of Congress passed, the Demo- 
 crats have elected nine members and their 
 opponents just nine including Samuel G. 
 Wright elected, but who died before tak- 
 ing his seat. 
 
 Congressional Memoranda. 
 
 Among those who were natives of, or 
 have represented Old Monmouth in the 
 National councils, may be mentioned the 
 following : 
 
 Db. Nathaniel Scudder. 
 
 Dr. Scudder was a delegate to the Con- 
 tinental Congress from New Jersey from 
 1777 to 1779, ani was one of ttic signers of 
 the articles of Confederation. He was the 
 son of Col. Jacob Scudder of Monmouth 
 Court House, born May 10th. 1733. After 
 graduating at Princeton College in 1751, 
 he gave his attention to the practice of 
 medicine. At the outbreak of the Revo- 
 lution he was commissioned Lieutenant 
 Colonel, First Regiment ; Colonel same 
 regiment Nov. 28th. 1776. Delegate to 
 Congress 1777-9. He was killed by the 
 Refugees, Oct 16th, 1781, at Black Poini 
 (Shark River?) He was at the time en- 
 gaged in conversation with General David 
 Forman and it is supposed the shot was 
 aimed at the latter. General Forman at- 
 
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH. 
 
 163 
 
 tributed his marvelous escape to an invol- 
 untary step backward which became " the 
 raos,ifortv,nate step in all his life," 
 
 An interesting outline of Dr. Scudder's 
 life was published in the Monaiouth Dem- 
 ocrat, May 29th, 1873, by Anna Maria 
 Woodhull. 
 
 John Anderson Scudder, M. D., 
 
 Was a represt^ntative in Congress from 
 New Jersey for the unexpired term of 
 James Cox who died in 1810. He was the 
 eldest son of Dr. Nathaniel Scudder, above 
 mentioned. He was born March 22nd, 
 1759; served as Surgeon's m.-ite in the Rev 
 olutionary army ; was a member of the As- 
 sembly for several years and finally re- 
 moved to Kentucky. 
 
 ■ General James Cox. 
 
 James Cox was a native of Monmouth 
 County, born in 1753 ; served several years 
 as a member of the Legislature, and was 
 Speaker of the Assembly ; commanded a 
 company of militia in the Revolution and 
 was at the battles of German town and Mon- 
 mouth ; was subsequently a Brigadier Gen- 
 eral of militia. Was a representative in 
 Congress 1809-10. Died September 12th, 
 1810. 
 
 Rev. Benjamin Bennett. 
 
 Born in 1762, was a Baptist minister and 
 a Representative in Congress from 1815 to 
 1819. He died at Middletown, N. J., Oc- 
 tober 8tli, 1840. 
 
 Garret D. Wall 
 was born in Monmouth county, March 
 10th, 1783 ; licensed attorney in 1804 and 
 as counsellor in 1807. Appointed clerk 
 of the Supreme Court in 1812, holding 
 the position for five years ; command- 
 ed a volunteer company at the defence of 
 Sandy Hook in the war of 1812, and was 
 Quarter Master Genernl of the State from 
 1815 to 1827. In 1827 he was elected to 
 the General Assembly ; in 1829 was ap- 
 pointed United States District Attorney 
 for New Jersey and tlie same year was 
 elected Governor of the State by the Leg- 
 islature but he deciiued the appointment. 
 General Wall was elected a member of the 
 United States Senate to serve from 1835 to 
 1841. In 1843 his health was impaired by 
 a stroke of paralysis, but in 1848 he was 
 
 appointed Judge of the Court of Errors 
 anc}' Appeals, which oflRce he occupied un- 
 til ins death at Burlington, N. J,, Nov. 
 'i2, 1850. 
 
 His son. Colonel James W. Wall, born in 
 Trenton, was elected Senator in 1863 to fill 
 an unexpired term. 
 
 John C. Ten Evck, 
 
 was born at Freehold, March 12th, 1814. — 
 In 1839 was appointed Prosecutor of the 
 Pleas for Burlington county, holding the 
 position for (en years; was a member of 
 the Convention to frame a new state con- 
 stitution in 1844, and was elected United 
 States Senator in 1859 to serve six years. 
 
 Daniel B. Ryall 
 was born at Trenton, Jan. 30th, 1798. — 
 Came to Freehold to practice law in 1820, 
 where he remained in practice 35 years. — 
 He was a member of the State Legislature 
 for three years, and Speaker of the House 
 for the same time. He was Representative 
 in Congress from 1839 to 1841. He died 
 at Freehold, Dec. 17th, 1864. 
 
 Samuel G. Wright was elected a mem- 
 ber of Congress in the fall of 1844 but died 
 July 30, 1845, before taking his seat. He 
 was born in 1787, and filed n^ar Allen- 
 town (at Harrison's Hill ?) 
 
 James H. Imlay was a representative in 
 Congress from 1797 to 1801. We have 
 found no record of his nativity but pre- 
 sume he was from Monmouth. He grad- 
 uated at Princeton in 178G, and was for a 
 time a tutor in that college. 
 
 William L Dayton w;is born at Basken- 
 ridge, Somerset County, Febiuary 17th, 
 1807; graduated at Princeton in 1825, prac- 
 ticed law in Freehold many years, was ap- 
 pointed Judge of the Supreme Court in 
 1838 ; and appointed in 1842 to fill vacan- 
 cy caused by death o' Samuel L. Southard, 
 and again in 1845 serving to 1851 United 
 States Senator. In 1857 was Attorney 
 General of the State; appointed Minister 
 to France by President Lincoln in 1861, 
 and died in Paris at Hotel d« Louvre Dec. 
 1st. 1864. The most laudatory notice of 
 him published in the Paris papers was 
 written by John Slidell, the Rebel Com- 
 missioner whom Judge Dayton for three 
 years had earnestly opposed.