Class Book.. in-f o_5- t :3 CopyiiglitN^_ CHEXRIGHT DEPOSm Frederick The Great William A. Fairburn Frederick The Great 66^ i^^l ^ William A. Fairburn The Nation Press, Inc. New York Copyright, 1919 By William Armstrong Fairburn All rights reserved Written during the season of 1918 and set in type November-December, 1918. ©ci.A5nfi98 t\. 'History repeats itself/^ 'History is philosophy teaching by examples/' — Dionysius of Halicarnassus. 'If men could learn from history^ what lessons it might teach us/' — Coleridge, 'What want these outlaws conquerors should have But history's purchased page to call them great?" — Byron. 'There is such a thing as the writing of history ac- cording to the lights of Imperial Germany . . . There is also history written with an eye to the court/' — Nietzsche, fEB 24 1919 CONTENTS Chapter Page I Frederick as Crown Prince 1 II Frederick as King. Repudiation of his Anti-Macchiavel Doctrine 11 III The First Silesian Adventure 24 IV The Second Silesian War. Frederick the Typical HohenzoUern 31 V Conditions Leading Up to the Seven Year War 40 VI Saxony, the Belgium of the Seven Year War 44 VII The Seven Year War. Events of 1757 and 1758 53 VIII The Seven Year War. Campaign of 1759. Weak Policy of Allied Forces 61 IX The Seven Year War. Campaigns of 1760 and 1761 69 X The End of the Seven Year War, 1762-1763 75 XI Frederick the Soldier 81 XII Frederick's Ideas of Reconstruction. 90 XIII The Period of 1763-1779 94 XIV Maria Theresa. Frederick's Last Years 1780-1786 102 I. THE father of Frederick the Great, Frederick WilUam I, was a violent bully, notorious for such acts as publicly beating his son in the camp of the Saxon King, cudgeling the in- habitants of his Capitol and flinging the judges down stairs. To his coarse, brutish nature every- thing French was repulsive and everything British equally abhorrent; he grossly insulted the British Ambassador and forced his Queen, Sophia Doro- thea, daughter of George I of England and Hanover-Brunswick, to drink to the downfall of the English. Reddaway, the biographer of Fred- erick the Great, speaks of Frederick William I as a boor "whose ideal of life was to sleep on straw in a barn, wash at daybreak in a tub, don a plain uniform, inspect farms, account books and soldiers, gorge himself with rude German dishes in the middle of the day, snore under a tree in the after- noon, and devote the evening to tobacco, buffoonery and strong drink. . . . His mixture of fervent piety and immorality suggests that he was hardly sane. . . . What he was to his children may be inferred from the fact that his daughter became his bitter satirist, and his son his bitter foe. . . . He drank himself to death before he was fiftv-two." The most fiendish aspect of this brute-king of Prussia was his hateful conduct toward the Crown Prince whom he pursued with public insults, humihations and violent outbursts of rage, until it was generally suspected that he begrudged his son 2 FREDERICK THE GREAT his very existence. That the Prince suffered from this cruel treatment is evidenced by his unsuccessful attempt to flee (August, 1730) with his best friend, Lieut. Katte. The objective of this flight was probably the British Court and his mother's people, but the boyish plot was nipped in the bud, and the irate king imprisoned both his son and his companion. The young Lieutenant was sentenced by Court JMartial to two years' imprisonment for aiding Frederick in his contemplated flight, but the King ignored the verdict and demanded that the young man be put to death. In the early morning of November 6th, Katte, after being barbarously ill- treated by the Prussian King, was executed in the sight of Prince Frederick at the fortress of Ciistrin, where the Crown Prince was incarcerated. It has been said that Frederick's life would also have been sacrificed by his irate, inhuman father but for the intercessions of the Kings of Sweden and Poland, and Frederick William's fear of the Em- peror. At one time Frederick was offered his free- dom and told by the King that he would be at liberty to go where he pleased, and do what he liked, if he would "renounce the succession in favor of his younger brother, Augustus William." Frederick replied, "My life is not over-dear to me. ... I will accept the proposal if my father will publicly declare that I am not really his son." Frederick was kept in solitary confinement at Ciistrin. No one was permitted to speak to him, and mute attendants passed food to him three times each day. Fiendish psj^chological torture was practiced on him, such as telling him one day that FREDERICK THE GREAT 3 his mother and sister refused to hear his name mentioned, and that among the people "no one thinks of him any more." Gradually the imprison- ment was made less severe, and a town substituted for a fortress, but his father declared, "If he kicks or rears again he shall forfeit the succession to the Crown, and even, according to circumstances, life itself," Frederick's education, outlined by his father, made of him a rebel and a hypocrite. He was for- bidden all books other than the Bible, a hymnbook and Arndt's True Christianity. Even geometry was classed by his father as an "amusement," and was banned, as was also singing — ^other than hymns — music, dancing and even the wearing of summer clothes and eating meals outdoors in hot weather. The nobles were forbidden to converse with Prince Frederick on any topic except "the Bible, the Con- stitution of the land, manufactures, police, agri- culture, accounts, leases and lawsuits." On one occasion when Prince Frederick was ill, a report was sent to the King telling of his son's physical condition, but, instead of showing concern, the father brutally scribbled on the margin of the report, "If there were Sixry good in him he would die, but I am certain he will not die, for weeds never disappear." After seeing his best friend killed, his sister, who was loj^al and devoted to him, banished, his mother contemptibly treated and placed under a cloud, and finally having a wife forced on him whom he despised, it is hardly surprising that Frederick's heart, never conspicuous for tenderness, grew harder and harder as the years went by. 4 FREDERICK THE GREAT For reasons of state, Frederick William decided that his son should marry EHzabeth Christini of Brunswick-Bevern, a niece of the Austro-German Empress, which was as great a match with the House of Hapsburg as Prussia could hope to make. At the last moment Austria struggled to repudiate the betrothal, and from the first Prince Frederick had looked far higher. Indeed at one time he was determined to marry none other than Amelia, the daughter of George II of Britain, and his lister Wilhelmina was to wed the Prince of Wales, but later he aspired to the hand of Anne of Russia, and even later to the hand of the Archduchess Maria Theresa of Austro- Germany. At that period of Prussian history when the Prussian Kings were vassals of the Austro-German Emperor, Frederick would gladly have renounced his succession in the little kingdom of Prussia to become the husband of the woman destined to be the Empress of Austria. Although the peace of Westphaha, at the end of the Thirty-year War, gave independence to Brand- enburg and other German states, the Great Elector in outward show still remained a vassal of the Austro-German Emperor. He continued to be one of the Seven Electors who chose the head of the Holy Roman Empire and honored him with lowly homage. In virtue of his hereditary office as Grand Chamberlain, it was the duty of the Elector of Brandenburg, prescribed by the Golden Bull of 1356, to appear at Solemn Courts "on horseback, having in his hand a silver basin with water, and a beautiful towel and, descending from his horse, to present the water to the Emperor or FREDERICK THE GREAT 5 King of the Romans, to wash his hands." More- over, as a German Prince, the Elector of Branden- burg was required, notwithstanding his "independ- ence," to look to the Austro- German Emperor for investiture, leadership and advice. Frederick William I, whose father, Frederick I, had been made King of Prussia by the generosity of the Hapsburgs and who had received the Crown as a gift, not from God, but from the Austro- German Emperor, once declared, "The Emperor ( Charles VI ) will have to spurn me from him with his feet: I am his unto death, faithful to the last drop of my blood." Frederick's high aspirations in looking for a wife caused his father and Grumbkow, the King's Minister and most trusted Counsellor, great con- cern, for Austria must not be offended by the pre- simiptuousness of a Prussian Prince — a vassal should not aspire to the hand of his master's daugh- ter; but it was highly desirable for Prussia that the Crown Prince be bound to the ruling House of Austria, hence the marriage contracted with the Brunswick-Beverns. Frederick William broke the news to his son by letter, and of the unfortunate Ehzabeth he said, "She is a creature who fears God, and that is everything." Frederick was abso- lutely dominated and bullied by his father and would comply with anything rather than run the risk of another imprisonment and kingly displeas- ure; he made no objection whatever to his father concerning the match, but to Grumbkow he wrote that he hated severe virtue, and rather than marry a religious fanatic, always grimacing and looking shocked, he would prefer to wed the most immoral 6 FREDERICK THE GREAT woman in Berlin. "When all is said and done, there will be one more unhappy princess in the world. ... I shall put her away as soon as I am master. ... I will keep my word, I will marr3% but that is enough." He kept his word and throughout his life ignored his wife; indeed his Queen never even saw his favorite home, Sans Souci, which he built in the park at Potsdam in 1747. Between the time of Frederick's betrothal, in March, 1732, and his marriage in June, 1733, the Crown Prince obtained military training at Fehr- bellin. "It was drudgery," he said, "but thank God it is not Ciistrin," and again, "I have drilled, I drill, I shall drill. That is all the news." Frederick the Great ascended the throne of Prussia in 1740 and promptly forgot his friends and benefactors — a typical Hohenzollern charac- teristic. The aged Prince of Anhalt-Dessau, who had created the Prussian army, and the aged Gen- eral von Schulenburg, who had risked all rather than condemn to death Frederick's greatest friend, were humiliated by royal reprimands, and when he heard of the death of Grumbkow, with whom he had corresponded with the greatest intimacy and confidence for nearly a decade, he brutally wrote his sister that the old Minister's death is "for me the greatest conceivable gain." This reminds one of Wilhelm II in regard to Bismarck, Prusso-Ger- many's greatest Minister, and of the Great Elector who deposed Schwarzenburg, the jNIinister and Counsellor of his father. Frederick, upon his ascension to the throne, still further drew himself from his relatives, friends, and FREDERICK THE GREAT 7 from the people. Reddaway, referring to the mon- ument of Frederick the Great in Berlin, says, "At the base of his lofty pedestal are stationed generals and civilians of renown nimierous enough to con- fute the Cassius who should infer of Frederick's Prussia that there was in it but only one man. The statue none the less suggests the truth. Be- tween monarch and people there was ever a great gulf fixed. Through all his life — in his counsels, in his despair, in his triumph, and in his death — Frederick, almost beyond parallel in the record of human history, was alone." When Frederick's sister, Wilhelmina, visited Berlin, her royal brother received her with brutal coldness, notwithstanding that she had suffered parental disfavor and virtual banishment on his ac- count; indeed her whole life had been spoiled be- cause of her love and loyalty to him. Wilhelmina soon found abundant proofs that her royal brother had become inscrutable, heartless and unapproach- able. She describes in her Memoirs how the Queen Mother (Sophia Dorothea of Hanover) had shut herself up, astounded, mortified and humiliated at her son's indifference to her and her absolute ex- clusion from all afPairs of state. "Some complained of the little care he had to reward those who had been attached to him as Crown Prince; others, of his avarice, which they said surpassed that of his father; others, of his passions; others again of his suspicions, of his mistrust, of his pride and of his dissimulation." His sister writes of Frederick's treatment of her husband at her home in Baireuth, "He scanned him (her husband, the Margrave of Baireuth) for some 8 FREDERICK THE GREAT time, from head to foot, and after addressing to him a few words of cold pohteness, he withdrew. I could not recognize that dear brother who had cost me so many tears and for whom I had sacri- ficed myself." Later, Wilhelmina and her husband were at Rheinsburg with Frederick, and in her Diary she wrote: "I saw the King but seldom. I had no ground for being satisfied with our inter- views. The greater part of them was spent either in embarrassed words of politeness or in outrageous witticisms on the bad state of my husband's finances; indeed he often ridiculed him and the princes of the empire, which I felt very much." The husband of Frederick's sister, whom he ap- parently despised, was a HohenzoUern cousin, and Wilhelmina had been forced by her father to marry this man during a period of Frederick's disgrace in order that the brother and sister, apparently so fond of each other, should be separated, and the Crown Prince punished thereby. When Frederick snubbed his sister's husband, he snubbed a Hohen- zoUern — one of his own flesh and blood. Frederick had the strong ideas of the later HohenzoUerns in regard to caste. He maintained when Crown Prince that a noble and Prussian Junker should never be required to make out a report on governmental or other matters to an official, if that official was a man of the middle or lower classes. And he had the effrontery to say of the daughter of Grumbkow, the Prussian Min- ister, that she was ''without charms and without ancestors." The chief legacy of the Great Elector of Brand- enburg (died 1688) had been a well organized army FREDERICK THE GREAT 9 of twenty-seven thousand men, which was a tre- mendous force in those days, especially for an obscure Prince, for only France possessed a large standing army. Frederick I, the First King of Prussia, was a vain ignoramus who ruled from 1688 to 1713; he bequeathed an army of forty-eight thousand men to his son, and Frederick Wilham I, who occupied the Prussian throne from 1713 to 1740, increased the army until it numbered eighty- three thousand men. This was the army which Frederick the Great inherited and immediately commenced to use to enforce his will and make of it a menace to the peace of Europe. In the days of Frederick I and Frederick Wil- liam, Europe had known that the Prussian army would fight for the highest bidder. Prussia in those days took no chances, and this commercial use of the army led to the saying that "the Prussians shoot only for foreign pay." Frederick II accused his grandfather and father of lacking courage and nerve in foreign affairs, and promptly proceeded to show Prussia's teeth to Europe. He threatened the Archbishop of Mainz, a great Romanist prince, who was supported by the Em- peror in a quarrel with the Protestant Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel ; he gave a two days' ultimatum to the Bishop of Liege, accusing him of fostering dis- content among the populace "over my free barony of Herstal," which being ignored, Frederick des- patched Prussian troops, seized his territory and collected an indemnity of two hundred thousand thaler s. This indemnity was the "just and reason- able arrangement" referred to in a communication of Frederick's forwarded to the European Powers 10 FREDERICK THE GREAT in explanation of his forceful conduct: "His majesty will never put from him a just and reason- able arrangement with the said Prince, as the sole end which his justice and moderation have in view in this affair, these two invariable principles being the polestar of all his actions." This entire episode is typically Prussian in its self-righteousness, its "two days' " ultimatum, and its utilization of armed forces to strike quickly. There is a similarity be- tween the Prussian-inspired ultimatum to Serbia and Frederick's initial demonstration of Hohen- zollern power and methods. IL FREDERICK II became King of Prussia in May, 1740, and in October of the same year, Charles VI, the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire and of Austro- Germany, died. Frederick, who had planned, upon the death of the Emperor, to forcibly annex part or all of the Haps- burg province of Silesia, hailed his exit with ill- concealed satisfaction, and brutally remarked that "A trifle like the Emperor's death does not demand great commotions. It was foreseen and my plans have been well thought out in advance. It is now only a question of carrying out designs which I have long had in my mind," and to Voltaire, he wrote, ''I believe that in June it will be powder, soldiers and trenches rather than actresses, ballets and theatres. . . . This is the moment of the entire transforma- tion of the old system of politics ; the stone is loosed which Nebuchadnezzar beheld when it rolled upon the image of four metals and destroyed it." Frederick's greed for Silesia constituted his only right to it; because he believed this province neces- sary for Prussia's greatness, he proceeded to grab it from Austria on the usual Prussian policy that "Necessity knows no law," and by this outrageous theft he was transformed from Frederick the Sec- ond of Prussia into Frederick the Great. Redda- way, his biogi^apher, has said, " 'Was it right for Prussia to attempt to acquire Silesia for her o^vn profit ?' may seem to have little claim for discussion . . . because consideration of right and wrong 12 FREDERICK THE GREAT counted but little with Frederick himself. . . . What it seemed to him profitable to do, that he did ; what it seemed to him profitable to sav, that he said." Charles YI of Austria, in anticipation of his death without a male heir, had settled the law of succession for the dominions of the House of Haps- burg by ''Pragmatic Sanction," first published on April 19th, 1713. After the birth of Maria Theresa, Charles was very anxious that she should ascend the throne of Austria and enjoy in her exalted position a life of peace; for many j^ears, therefore, prior to his death in 1740, he worked unceasingly to smooth out every possible source of discord with the other European powers, and he entered into trea- ties with England, France, Russia, Prussia, Spain, Poland, Sweden and Denmark by which they all solemnly bound themselves to respect and maintain the Pragmatic Sanction. "That instrument," said Macaulay, "was placed under the protection of the pubHc faith of the whole civilized world." When Maria Theresa (1717-1780) ascended the throne of Austria, the European powers reafiirmed the solemn guaranty given to her father, and from no country and court did she receive any stronger assurance of support and good-will than from Prussia and its newly crowned King, Frederick II, and this notwithstanding the fact tliat at that very moment he was deeply engaged in the planning of an unscrupulous enterprise which had for its object the robbing of the young Queen of a substantial portion of her inherited kingdom. Frederick later insisted that the "Pragmatic Sanction," solemnly recognized by his father Frederick Wilham I, and FREDERICK THE GREAT 13 reaffirmed by himself, which pledged Prussia %o see that the hereditary dominions of the Emperor Charles VI descended to his daughter, Maria Theresa, could only be held to apply to territory which rightfully belonged to the Hapsburgs. Fred- erick learned that there were ancient Brandenburg claims to the three Silesian Duchies, long since bar- gained away or else overruled, denied and ridiculed by other interested parties, but these absurd "ancient claims" satisfied the "Hohenzollern con- science" and gave the Prussian King sufiicient excuse for violating the sanctity of an international treaty. The death of Emperor Charles and the extinction of the male line of the Hapsburgs seemed to Fred- erick a heaven-sent and most unique opportunity to reahze his ambitions. He despised dynastic power, as expressed by ruhng queens ; he expected a weak- ening of Austria under a woman's rule ; he felt that Maria Theresa would be easily intimidated and would concede much in order to win support to her plan of gaining the Imperial crown for her consort husband, but in his heart he did not feel that he had any real right or any respectable claim to Silesia. In his Memoirs, Frederick makes no pretentions to lofty motives, but candidly confesses that his determination to grab Silesia was a means of ac- quiring reputation and of increasing the power of the state. "Ambition, interest, the desire of mak- ing people talk about me, carried the day and I decided for war." These infamous words of Fred- erick could with perfect fitness have been used by his criminal successor of our time, who has so often referred in the past to Frederick II as his exemplar. 14 FREDERICK THE GREAT Frederick's code of ethics, notwithstanding all his anti-Machiavellian protestations, was in full harmony with the unscrupulous principles formu- lated and advocated by the Florentine in The Prince. Two years before he ascended the throne, while yet Crown Prince Frederick of the House of Hohenzollerns, and heir apparent to the throne of Prussia, he wrote his Anti-Macchiavel, in the rural tranquillity of Rheinsberg. In it he defined mon- archy in a way that delighted the hearts of all Em'opean democrats and pacifists, — "Here lies the error of most princes. They believe that God has created this multitude of men, whose welfare is committed to their charge, expressly and out of special consideration for their greatness, their hap- piness and their pride, and that their subjects are only destined to be the tools and servants of their lower passions. Since the principle from which one starts is itself false, all the consequences from it must also be unsound; for instance, the craving for false glory, the burning desire to conquer every- thing, the burdening of the people with crushing taxation, the sloth of the princes, their pride, their injustice, their inhumanity, their tyranny and all those other vices which degrade human nature. If princes would only be persuaded to emancipate themselves from such erroneous views and to recog- nize once again the purpose for which they were in- stituted, they would perceive that this office of which they are so proud, and their elevation to it, have been purely the work of the peoples; that these thousands of human beings committed to their charge by no means made themselves the slaves of a single man in order to make him more terrible FREDERICK THE GREAT 15 and more powerful still, that they by no means subjected themselves to a fellow citizen in order to be the victims of his caprices and the playthings of his fantasy; but that they chose from their midst him, whom they considered the most upright, to rule over them for their good, and to care for them like a father; him whom they deemed the most humane, that he should sympathize with and aid them in their afflictions ; him whom thev deemed the strongest, that he should protect them against their foes; him whom they deemed the shrewdest, that he might not involve them at a wrong time in de- structive and ruinous wars; in short, the man whom they deemed fittest to represent the whole body politic, whose sovereign power should be a pillar of law and justice and not a means of committing crimes and practising tyranny with impunity." This is the antithesis of Prussianism and yet it is typical Hohenzollern cant. Compare the idealistic writings of Frederick, the Crown Prince, with the words of Frederick, the unscrupulous, ambitious and militaristic King, who defended or sought to explain his ruthless and Machiavellian acts. "If there is anything to be gained by being honest, let us be honest; if it is necessary for us to deceive, let us deceive." "I understand by the word 'policy' that one must make it his study to de- ceive others; that is the way to get the better of them." "The promise given was a necessity of the past; the broken word is a necessity of the present." "The jurisprudence of sovereigns is commonly the right of the stronger." "Take what you can ; you are never wrong unless you are obliged to give back." "Negotiations without arms are 16 FREDERICK THE GREAT music without instruments." "Force is the only argument that one can use with these dogs of Kings and Emperors." But of all the ruling despots, he himself stood forth conspicuously as the most lust- ful and unprincipled aggressive brute in interna- tional affairs. When Podewils, the Prussian Min- ister, urged that his King set up some semblance of a legal claim, or attempt to prove some moral right to Silesia before he invaded the land, Fred- erick impatiently wrote, "The question of right is the affair of the Ministers; it is your affair; it is time for you now to work diligently at it in secret, for the orders to the troops are given': and again he said — and he ever took pleasure in reiterating this thought — "When kings desire war they begin it, and leave learned professors and industrious law- yers to prove that they were right." Upon the margins of a copy of Tacitus, Frederick wrote: "No Ministers at home, but clerks. No Ministers abroad, but spies. Form alliances only to sow animosities. Kindle and prolong war between my neighbors. Always promise help and never send it." It is no wonder that Frederick of Prussia became a menace to the peace and security of all the Con- tinental Powers. His enemies feared him, and his "friends" knew full well that any favor they en- joyed was for its possible advantage to Prussia. No ally of Frederick ever trusted him unless it was Britain — who, at times, under her Hanover- Brunswick (German) kings, was favorable to him although he frequently violated conventions and plotted against her. Prussia has never honored any treaty that it seemed to her interest to break, and the HohenzoUerns have always believed that Prus- FREDERICK THE GREAT 17 sian security and power as a European nation were materially increased by sowing seeds of discord and suspicion in regard to each other in the minds of the Kings and Ministers of other nations. From the earliest days of Prussian history, when Frederick Hohenzollern of Nuremburg obtained domination over the Mark of Brandenburg in re- turn for a payment of 400,000 golden gulden to the Emperor Sigismund, her rulers have maintained a consistent reputation among her neighbor-nations. "Prussia lies, Prussia cheats, Prussia steals. And Prussia is not ashamed of herself." Frederick II was the personification of Machia- vellian guile and imscrupulousness, and the great champion of brute force and military power. Maria Theresa, the young Austrian Empress, well ex- pressed the prevalent opinion of her day when she said, "All the world knows what value to attach to the King of Prussia and his word. There is no sovereign in Europe who has not suffered from his perfidy. Under a despotism which repudiates every principle, the Prussian monarchy will one day he the source of infinite calamity, not only to Germany, but to the whole of Europe/'' Was ever a prophecy more literally fulfilled? But to-day it is not only Europe but the whole world that is affected by the Hohenzollern curse. Bernhardi in Germany and the Neoct War (1912), referring to the activities of Frederick the Great, says, "None of the wars which he fought had been forced upon him; none of them did he post- pone as long as possible. He was always deter- mined to be the aggressor, to anticipate his oppo- 18 FREDERICK THE GREAT nents and to secure for himself favorable prospects of success. We all know what he achieved. The whole history of the growth of the European nations . . . would have been changed had the King lacked that heroic power of decision which he showed," and "Frederick the Great followed in the steps of his glorious ancestor . . . the Great Elector — ^Frederick William of Brandenburg (1640-1688) — who laid the foundations of Prus- sia's power by successful and deliberately-incurred wars." It is true that the whole history of Europe would have been changed if Frederick II had been worthy of the title of "The Philosopher King," and applied as ruler of a people the democratic and just prin- ciples which he advanced as Crown Prince. Td^ satisfy his lawless ambition, Frederick plunged Europe into war and threw the great nations into a state of distrust and fear which led to cruel and unnecessary wars, staged not only on the Continent of Europe but throughout the world. The "Silesian adventure" of Frederick, commenced in 1740, re- sulted in three Silesian wars, the last of which. The Seven- Year War, was not concluded until 1763, and the unjust peace forced upon the European powers by the unscrupulous Hohenzollern upstart, contained in abundance those essentiallv dvnastic germs of future wars from which the civilized world has suffered and is now suffering. ^^^^ Macaulay says: "On the head of Frederick is all the blood which was shed in a war which raged during many years and in every quarter of the globe, the blood of the column of Fontenoy, the blood of the brave mountaineers who were slaugh- FREDERICK THE GREAT 19 tered at Culloden. The evils produced by this wickedness were felt in lands where the name of Prussia was unknown, and in order that he might rob a neighbor whom he had promised to defend, black men fought on the coast of Coromandel and red men scalped each other by the Great Lakes of North America." We might also say that on the head of Frederick II of Prussia is the blood that has been shed in all the Hohenzollern and Napo- leonic wars from the days of the "Silesian adven- ture" to this day, when the whole world is suffering in bitter anguish from the horror into which it has been plunged by an unprincipled, ambitious Ho- henzollern — Wilhelm II, the despotic Emperor of the Germans. Frederick was the third Hohenzollern who had worn the crown, which had been granted as a gra- cious favor to his grandfather by the Emperor of the Austro-Germans. His father and grandfather had both proclaimed that they were regal but faith- ful vassals of the Great Emperor, the Temporal Ruler of the Christian World, of the Holy Roman Empire, and the self-styled. Lord of the World. When Emperor Charles VI died, however, without male offspring, Frederick II felt that the time was ripe to throw off any allegiance or obligation to the House of Hapsburg. Austria, with a woman, JMaria Theresa, on the throne, seemed relatively weak, so he unhesitatingly made war with intent to humiliate Austria and wrest from her the territory that Prussia craved. When Vienna heard rumors of Frederick's am- bitions in regard to Silesia, the Marquis di Botta was sent on a special mission to the Prussian Court. 20 FREDERICK THE GREAT He saw the heavy movement of troops and suc- ceeded in getting Frederick to drop an assmned mask of friendship and speak frankly of his plans and aspirations. "I am resolved," said the Prus- sian King, "to safeguard my rights over parts of Silesia by occupying it. Yield it to me and I will support the throne of Maria Theresa and procure the Imperial Crown for her husband." "Impos- sible," replied the outraged Austrian statesman, "and such a course for you will make you a crim- inal in the eyes of all Europe." The interview terminated, Frederick promptly set off for Silesia and soon wrote to Podewils from Silesian soil, "I have crossed the Rubicon with waving banner and resounding music ; my troops are happy, my officers ambitious, and my Generals consumed with greed for fame." Frederick then issued and circulated a "reassuring" document throughout Silesia, which had been prepared by him in Berlin many weeks before, and which stated in substance that a war was threatening in which Silesia, "our safeguard and bulwark," will be involved and the security of Prussia threatened. To avert this peril, Frederick felt himself compelled to despatch troops to Silesia. "This action is by no means intended to detrimentally affect Her Majesty . . . with whom ... we strongly desire to maintain the strictest friendship and to promote Austria's true interest and maintenance according to the example of our glorious forefathers in our realm. That such is our sole intention in this affair, time will show clearly enough, for we are actually in course of explanation and agreement with Her Majesty." While Frederick was endeavoring to deceive the FREDERICK THE GREAT 21 Silesians with statements void of truth and honor, his representatives, Borcke and Gotter, were mak- ing the Prussian demands at Vienna. "I bear," said the plenipotentiary Gotter, "in one hand, safety for the Austrian dynasty, and in the other, for your highness" (the Archduke Francis, husband of Maria Theresa), "the Imperial Crown. The treasures of the King of Prussia, my master, are at the service of the Queen, and he brings her the succor of his allies" (who knew nothing of his high- handed demands, and later refused to support him). "As a return for these offers, and as com- pensation for the peril which he incurs by them, he asks for all Silesia and will take no less. The King's resolve is immovable. He has the tvill and the power to possess himself of Silesia, and if it be not offered to him with a good grace, these same troops and treasures will be given to Saxony and Bavaria, who are asking for them." Austria dechned Frederick's proposals with scorn, and refused to negotiate with such an un- scrupulous brigand. The English Minister at Vienna declared that unless Frederick withdrew his forces from Silesia "he would be excommuni- cated from the society of Governments." All of Europe, and even his own Ministers, joined in the chorus of remonstrance, but Frederick was im- movable ; he wanted Silesia and he was determined to take it whether the means employed were fair or foul. Frederick grabbed half of Silesia from an un- prepared neighbor-nation, and secured the needed bases for the conquest of the other half. He was somewhat fearful of what France and England 22 FREDERICK THE GREAT might do, so in January, 1741, he simultaneously courted the two great Powers. Carlyle says that Frederick was "a veracious man ... at all points." Reddaway, another biographer, is not a hero wor- shipper in the Germanized Carlyle sense ; he records facts which clearly prove that Frederick was an astute man, careless alike of truth and right. Frederick's letters to Cardinal Fleury, Minister of France, and to his uncle, King George II of Britain, written at the same time, throw valuable light on his diplomatic methods and his "honor" and regard for truth. From his letter to Fleury, written at Breslau, we read, "It depends only upon you, by favoring the justice of my title to Silesia, to make eternal the bonds which will unite us. If I did not make you a sharer in my plans at first it was through f orgetfulness rather than for any other reason. It is not every one who is as unfettered amid his work as yourself, and to Cardinal Fleury alone it is granted to think of and to provide for everything" and he added, "I ask nothing better than a close union with His Most Christian Majesty (Louis XV) whose interests will always be dear to me, and I flatter myself that he will have no less regard for mine." Frederick's letter to King George II of Great Britain, the enemy of France, reads: "As I have had no alliance with any one, I have not been able to open my mind to any one; but as I see your Majesty's good intentions I re- gard you as already my ally, from whom I ought in future to have nothing secret or concealed. . . . I have unbounded confidence in your Majesty's friendship and in the common interests of Protest- ant princes. ... If your Majesty desires to attach FREDERICK THE GREAT 23 to yourself a faithful ally of inviolable constancy, this is the time; our interests, our religion, our blood is the same, and it would be sad to see our- selves acting against each other; it would be still more grievous to oblige me to concur in the great plan of France, which I intend to do only if I am compelled." III. THE unscrupulousness of Frederick in his undertaking and prosecution of the first Silesian War was characteristic of his whole career. In this war against Austria, Prussia made a secret aUiance with France, and at the Con- vention of Klein Schnellendorf, in October, 1741, sold her alhes for her own profit, and while the Austrians battled with the French, Frederick strengthened his own army and carried off the spoils. At Klein Schnellendorf, the Prussian King agreed with the Austrian General Neipperg that after a sham siege of Niesse, the Austrians should evacuate Silesia, and Prussia should become neu- tral in fact, although she would pretend to still be a combatant, in order to hoodwink the French. Frederick "bombarded" Niesse and, at an agreed time, Neipperg's army retired "pursued" by the Prussians, and the strong fortress fell into Fred- erick's hands. Frederick had agreed with Austria to the division of Silesia, to the Prussian retention of Lower Silesia and to the neutrality of Prussia in the coming war between Austria and France who, with Saxony, was supporting Charles Albert of Bavaria for the Imperial Crown; but Fred- erick's treaty with France required Prussia's sup- port of the claims of Charles Albert, while France agreed to guarantee Frederick the possession of Lower Silesia and send an army against Austria. Frederick, therefore, had succeeded in getting the two Continental Powers, which he feared, at war FREDERICK THE GREAT 25 with each other, and he was pledged to actively cooperate with one, and either support the other or at least keep neutral. Frederick's secret agreement with his acknowl- edged enemy permitted Neipperg to send his Austrian army against the French, the friend and ally of Prussia, and Frederick gave Neipperg the Hohenzollern formula for military action, "Unite all your troops, then strike hard at your enemy before they are ready to strike you," and, in regard to his own future actions, said, "If you succeed, Prussia may join you; if you fail, Prussia will have to take care of herself, but will remain neutral in the fight between Austria and the supporters of Charles Albert." Frederick expected the Austrians to defeat his acknowledged allies, but Prague was stormed by the French, Bavarians and Saxons, and Frederick, the unscrupulous Prussian opportunist, repudi- ated his Klein Schnellendorf understanding with Austria, and threw in his lot with Austria's enemies, who were succeeding where he had expected them to fail. Cardinal Fleury once said, "The King of Prussia is false in everything, even in his caresses," and apparently he suspected, after the Austrian evacuation of Neisse, that Frederick was not play- ing clean, but the Prussian Kaiser ridiculed such an insinuation. "Should I be so foolish as to patch up a peace with enemies who hate me in their hearts and in whose neighborhood I could enjoy no safety? The true principles of the policy of the Hohenzollerns demand a close alliance with France." Lord Hyndford, the British Ambas- sador, knew all that had transpired at Klein 26 FREDERICK THE GREAT Schnellendorf and had been present at Frederick's interview with Neipperg. He refused to permit Britain to be duped by Prussian hes, so Frederick told him frankly that it was his "firm intention to set the convention at naught, for it was no longer to his interest to abide by it/' Frederick reasoned that his acknowledged allies had two soldiers for each one that Austria had in the field, and that Austria dare not make public her secret agreement with him; if she did, she would be laughed to scorn or not believed. Fred- erick, therefore, not content with Lower Silesia, laid his hands on Upper Silesia and parts of the adjoining country, and arranged for the conquest of Moravia. This is the Frederick, treacherous and disloyal to friend and foe alike, whose word was valueless and who had the effrontery to write to Voltaire: "Alas! trickery, bad faith and double- dealing are the leading characteristics of most men who are at the head of nations, and these men ought to set an example to others." Throughout the period of the Silesian adventure, and the conflict between Bavaria and Austria for the Imperial Crown, Frederick's attitude in regard to his allies was contemptible. He never acted for the common good of the nations at war with Austria, but always for Prussia and Prussia alone; he never moved his armies unless he saw that some decided benefit would result therefrom, not for the allies, but for Prussia. In the second Silesian campaign the boot was on the other leg, and Fred- erick howled most energetically. When sorely pressed by Austrian troops he acknowledged the news of the French victory at Fontenoy (May, FREDERICK THE GREAT 27 1745) by writing, "We beg the King of France not to imagine that any effort of his in Flanders can procure the least relief for the King of Prus- sia. If the Spaniards land in the Canary Islands, if the King of France takes Tournay, or if Thamas Kuli-Chan besieges Babylon, it is all one to me.*' In his campaign in Moravia Frederick showed what the world now recognizes as HohenzoUern ruthlessness and brutality. Because the people resisted his progress and did not hail with joy the prospect of being enslaved by the Prussians, the path of his troops was made an avenue of utter desolation. The Saxons, whom he had forced to march into Moravia with him, were rebellious and were soon sent to join the French in Bohemia. An episode in the Battle of Molhwitz (April 10th, 1741) shows an amusing and typical Hohen- zoUern alacrity in running away from danger. The cavalry had been badly cut up by the Aus- trians and the battle seemed irretrievably lost, so Frederick fled to safety without seeing his infantry under Schwerin save the day and win the first Prussian victory. Frederick never alluded to this hasty departure from the field, but always cele- brated April 10th as the anniversary of his first great military triumph — which he had not even seen. Frederick repeatedly endeavored to sacrifice his alhes to his own profit and make a separate peace, and after the battle of Chotusitz — Frederick's first real personal military victory — the Peace of Bres- lau (June 11th, 1742) was concluded and the Treaty of Berlin (July, 1742) negotiated between Austria and Prussia. 28 FREDERICK THE GREAT By the Treaty of Berlin, at the conclusion of the First Silesian War, Frederick obtained sub- stantially all of Silesia and the county of Glatz. In twenty months, and after his troops had fought only two pitched battles, he had added to Prussia a greater prize in territory and population than any of his ancestors. Thus, in his thirty-first year, Frederick had become greater than any pre- vious member of the HohenzoUern family, for the test of HohenzoUern greatness is how much the ruler can add to the family ''possessions" in land and subjects. Frederick was his own Commander-in-Chief and his own Prime Minister. He insisted on handhng or supervising everything of importance in Prus- sia, and much that was not of importance. He has been termed "the judge, general and stage man- ager" of Prussia, and he made time to rehearse actors at the theatre as well as inspect troops and fortresses, and draft despatches. The Minister of France said of Frederick, "Fully convinced of his superiority in every department, he already thinks himself a clever statesman and a great general. Alert and masterful, he always decides upon the spot and according to his own fancy. His generals will never be anything but adjutants, his counsel- lors anything but clerks, his finance-ministers any- thing but tax-gatherers, his allies among German princes anything but his slaves." AVhen Podewils, the faithful Minister, suggested to Frederick that he remain in Silesia for a while, the King angrily retorted, "Attend to your own affairs and do not presume to say whether I ought or ought not to go. Negotiate as I command vou, FREDERICK THE GREAT 29 and do not be the weak tool of English and Aus- trian impudence," and to his Ambassador in Vienna he wrote, "Do not forget with what master you have to deal, and if you take heed of nothing else, take heed of your head." Two incidents which occurred between the first and second struggle for Silesia throw illuminating light upon the character of Frederick. Voltaire sent in confidence to his friend and "affectionate" admirer, "the philosopher-King of Prussia," some epigrams bearing upon the French Court, and when Voltaire left France later to visit Frederick, the Prussian Kaiser caused these writings to be published in Paris in order to humiliate Louis XV and make it impossible for Voltaire to return there. Frederick engaged a famous dancer, Barberina, then at Venice, for a new opera to be given in Ber- lin. For personal reasons Barberina broke her contract and the Doge and Senate maintained that they could not compel the woman against her wishes to leave for Prussia. Frederick therefore seized the Venetian Ambassador in Berlin and held him as a hostage until Venice delivered Barberina as a prisoner to him in Berlin. '^In 1744, when the Prince of East Frisia (Friesland) died without lineal heirs, Frederick promptly seized the territory and declared that he would hold it bv force of arms. Hanover had claims to the land, but Frederick by his speed and daring not only astonished but intimidated Han- over, the domain of his uncle, and thus another province with an outlet on the North Sea was added to Prussia. Frederick talked of peace while he prepared for 30 FREDERICK THE GREAT more war; peace to the HohenzoUerns is desirable as long as it is "safe and profitable." The safety of the rapidly increasing Prussian kingdom, he afiirmed, "rests on a large and efficient army, a full treasury, powerful fortresses and showy alliances, which easily impose upon the world;" and in talk- ing of his army and the physical power of Prussia, Frederick once remarked, "When one has an advantage, is one to use it or not?" IV. THE Second Silesian War (1744-45) was entered into by Frederick in an endeavor to still further increase his power and terri- tory. Again he allied himself with France and Bavaria, and before he committed himself to the war, he was promised, if the allied armies were suc- cessful, certain parts of Bohemia and the fringe of Silesia still left in Austrian hands by the Treaty of Berlin. Prussia and France ostensibly fought to support the Emperor, Charles Albert, of Ba- varia, whom Austria had ignominiously defeated; Frederick, however, cared nothing for Charles Albert, Bavaria or France, but only for Hohen- zollern aggrandizement. In August, 1744, Frederick gave to the world his "reasons" for again waging war on Austria. It is a typical Hohenzollern document, false to the core, and concealing the facts by sweeping gen- eralities: "The race of those Germans of old, who for so many centuries defended their fatherland and their liberties against all the majesty of the Roman Empire, still survives, and will make the same defense today against those who dare to con- spire against them ... In one word, the King asks for nothing, and with him there is no question of personal interests. His Majest}^ has recourse to arms onlv to restore libertv to the Em- pire, the sceptre to the Emperor and peace to Europe." Frederick forced his way through Saxony (1744) 32 FREDERICK THE GREAT with an army of 80,000 men, whom he branded as "imperial reinforcements" and showed an Em- peror's order for the safe passage of troops, in or- der to pacify the outraged Saxons. He took Prague, but was soon driven back into Saxony. On June 4th, 1745, however, Frederick defeated the Austrians at the Battle of Hohenfriedberg in Silesia, and his actions after this providential vic- tory depict an interesting phase of the man's many- sided nature. In the ecstacy of triumph he hugged the French Ambassador and was beside himself with joy. He amazed all around him and even astonished himself by expressing gratitude to God, and in the transport of delight and joyous enthusi- asm he composed the March of Hohenfriedberg, In August, 1745, by the Convention of Han- over, Frederick, for the third time, deserted the French. On December 15th, the Prussian General Leopold of Dessau, ''Der alte Dessauer" won for Frederick a decisive victory at Kesselsdorf in Saxony, and on Christmas Day, with his army sadly depleted, his treasury empty and the French indignant at his treachery, Frederick concluded with Austria the Peace of Dresden, on the basis of the renewal of the 1742 Treaty of Berlin. Fred- erick had fought sixteen and a half months, and he emerged from his second great war with noth- ing to show for having set Europe afire, and, in the meantime, Francis of Lorraine, Consort of the Austrian Queen, Maria Theresa, had been elected Emperor. Frederick acquired Silesia by force and he spent the greater part of his life in struggling to hold it. In true HohenzoUern fashion, he always consid- FREDERICK THE GREAT 33 ered that Silesia was his, because he coveted it and willed it. Only when Frederick was convinced that he did not have the power to grab and hold additional territory, was he content to remain at peace. After the Second Silesian War, which was rather disastrous, Frederick preached peace and reiterated what he had professed at Dresden, "I would not henceforth attack a cat except to defend myself." In 1752 he wrote in his Testament that his policy was to maintain peace as long as was possible, con- sistent with the dignity of Prussia. "We have drawn upon ourselves the envy of Europe by the acquisition of Silesia. It has put all our neighbors on the alert; there is none who does not distrust us." Prussia, under Frederick, was one vast camp. He was a militarist and he ran the kingdom and every department of it in army fashion. Nobles — Junkers — were the officers, the burghers formed the commissary department, and the peasants were the soldiers or worked in the fields. Frederick seemed to have no knowledge of the inner spiritual life, no love for his fellow man, of whom he was not only suspicious, but contemptu- ous. In comparatively modern times, no man has lived more cold and calculating, and more indif- ferent to the demands of the human spirit. When Sulzer, the educational theorist and school inspec- tor, said to him, ''In former times, your Majesty, the notion being that mankind were naturally inclined to evil, a system of severity prevailed in schools, but now, when we recognize the inborn inclination of men is rather to good than to evil, 34 FREDERICK THE GREAT schoolmasters have adopted a more generous pro- cedure," Frederick brusquely retorted, "You do not know the damned race as I do," and he con- tinued, "It is more probable that man sprang from evil spirits . . . than from a Being whose nature is good." This contempt of the populace increased with his advancing years; he repeatedly stated that civilians were "destitute alike of ability and honor," and he "relied not on the sentiment of the nation, but on my army and my purse." On one occasion while riding on the Jager Strasse, Frederick saw a crowd of people gazing with evident enjoyment at a crude caricature drawing of himself fastened to a wall above their heads. It represented the King with a hard, avari- cious face, seated on a stool, a coffee-mill between his knees, diligently grinding with one hand, and with the other picking up a coffee-bean that had fallen from the mill to the ground. Frederick looked at the picture, smiled sardonically and com- manded his groom to take down the picture and "hang it lower, so that the rabble won't hurt their necks looking at it." At one time Frederick attempted to militarize the State schools, to the extent of declaring as an edu- cational reform that sergeants, worn out in military service, should be the teachers of the young. Because teachers in Prussia were inadequately compensated for their time and labor, they were compelled to resort to other means of obtaining a livelihood in conjunction with teaching. An Imperial edict of 1763 forbids teachers to eke out their incomes bj^ peddling, selling beer or alcoholic beverages, or by fiddling in saloons, etc., but sane- FREDEKICK THE GREAT 35 tions their employment at such occupations as tailoring. But when Frederick endeavored to make teaching an occupation for military pen- sioners he found that his non-commissioned officers were grossly ignorant men. It is interesting to note that out of 3,443 sergeant-pensioners depu- tized to teach school, the military authorities reported that only 79 were "possibly fit to serve," and an investigation by the civil authorities reduced this number very materially. Of course, real officers, who were the Prussian Junkers and nobility, could not be expected to humiliate them- selves by serving as teachers, neither would Fred- erick tolerate any such profane plan or thought; he was an unwavering advocate of class adherence and the reverence of caste. He maintained that with well developed class consciousness "there was little likelihood of any national resistance to the Crown." Frederick believed not only in soulless, rigid discipline, but in heartless, cruel punishment. "Make the discipline so stern and the punishment so severe that the men will learn to fear their own superiors more than the enemy." Prof. Martin Phippson says, "The punishments were barbarous. Thrashings were customary. Imprisonment sharp- ened by all kinds of chastisement and torment was not rare . . . Hundreds of wretched men gave up the ghost under these tortures." Frederick considered the Church and Ministry useful to the dynasty, for they taught the common people to obey their masters and not to rob and murder. The Prussian Kaiser declared that he did not care what religious belief was held, or what 36 FREDERICK THE GREAT creed was accepted and ritual used, provided the pastors controlled their flocks and made them sub- missive to their King and their superiors in the State. Frederick was the head of the Prussian Lutheran Church, whose clergy preached the divine right of kings, but he jeered in private at their religious beliefs, and even at times made con- temptuous observances in public. The Prussian King professed his willingness to build mosques for the Turks and temples for all the heathens that settled in Prussia; he was tolerant of the Roman Catholics, and built a splendid church for them near the royal palace in Berlin, but he ridiculed Roman Catholicism. In later years, Frederick welcomed the fugitive Jesuits driven from the do- mains of other Kings, including monarchs of the Romanist faith, and welcomed their assistance as educators of the common people. He was quite inconsistent, however, in his expression of religious toleration, and after the acquisition of part of Poland, when he imposed a tax of twenty-five per cent, upon the net revenue of the nobility, he favored Protestants to the extent of rebating one- fifth of their tax. Frederick would readily have made a treaty with the devil himself, if by so doing he could have increased the military power and wealth of Prussia and the prestige among nations of the Hohenzollern dj^nasty. Carlyle said that under Frederick "the reverent men feel themselves to be a body of spiritual corporals, sergeants and captains to whom obedience is the rule and discon- tent not to be indulged in by any means." Frederick permitted no check on his absolutism from any class of society or from the military or FREDERICK THE GREAT 37 ecclesiastical organizations. He himself was the executive, the legislative and the judiciary, and there was no branch of government that did not rest in the Hohenzollern despot. Like his ances- tors, Frederick had no use for representative bodies or privileged assemblies; he would tolerate no brake upon the use of that supreme power which rested in him as absolute ruler of the realm and dictator over the destiny of his country and his people. Frederick did not welcome or even tol- erate advice; "Good counsel does not come from nimibers" was a maxim of his, and he affirmed that all great inventions and discoveries originated in one man; — "As Minerva sprang armed from the head of Jupiter, so must a policy spring from the head of a prince." Frederick stood firm for the traditional absolutism of the HohenzoUerns, and being without legitimate issue, he admonished his 3^ounger brother "Xot to depart from the prin- ciples and the systems which our fathers intro- duced. If you do you will be the first to suffer from it." Frederick despised the German language. He called it "a language of boors," and spoke it very indifferently. He did nothing whatever for Ger- man literature and German scholarship ; he treated Goethe with contempt and even declined to assist Lessing to the extent of giving him the small post of Royal Librarian. He apparently liked to have learned foreigners, particularly Frenchmen, around him in the evenings, although he was not a cultivated scholar ; he was rather a superficial dilet- tante, desultory and caustic, and ever expressing a most nauseating, self-satisfied egoism. His wit 08 FREDERICK THE GREAT was cruel, and any one who responded was soon made aware that the license to talk and freely express opinions was an exclusive, princely privi- lege; it was a royal prerogative. With sublime egotism he acted on the assumption of infallibility in thought, word and deed. The King of Prussia could not only do no wrong, but he could not even think or speak erroneously. Voltaire was with Frederick at Potsdam for three years (1750-53), and he described his new home as "Sparta and Athens joined in one, noth- ing but reviewing and poetry day by day." But in his heart Voltaire despised Frederick and detested his poetical attempts, even though at times he admired his executive genius. After a desperate quarrel, Voltaire fled the Court, but before he suc- ceeded in leaving the domain of Frederick he was humiliated by capture, arrest and forcible deten- tion, and was subjected to indignities which he could not forgive. Frederick posed as a woman hater and would not endure the presence of any woman for any length of time. In his letter to Grumbkow, in regard to his coming marriage, he declared, "I shall put her (Elizabeth of Brunswick-Bevern) awav as soon as I am master ... I am not of the wood out of which good husbands are carved. ... I love the fair sex and mjT- love is very inconstant; I am for enjoyment, afterwards I despise it." Reddaway has said, "In his concep- tion of the political world and of Prussia's place in it, acuteness and lack of profundity are apparent. The acuteness is indeed impaired because of the existence of two political factors that Frederick FREDERICK THE GREAT 39 never understood, — honesty and women. During Frederick's lifetime, women played an unusually prominent part in Europe, and his mis- judgment of them was a serious political defect. Prussia suffered severely for his belief that Maria Theresa was pliable, Elizabeth of Russia was inca- pable, the Pompadour insignificant, and Catherine II. of Russia shallow." V. IN the First Silesian War (1740-42), Fred- erick, in true brigand and HohenzoUern fash- ion, ruthlessly grabbed Silesia; in 1744-45 he sought to increase Prussian territory, and the Second Silesian War resulted in a conflict for the retention of Silesia. In 1756, after ten years of peace, Frederick suddenly made war once more on Austria, treated Saxony with violence and plunged Europe into the Seven- Year War, which, as Carlyle said, set almost the whole globe on fire. HohenzoUern Machiavellism was rapidly develop- ing and crystallizing under the dominance of this unscrupulous, ever-scheming King. The first Silesian adventure was crude brigandry ; the second Silesian war was an ambitious, aggressive war, palmed off as a conflict between opposing ideals, in which Frederick, with his eyes on Moravia and Bohemia, posed as the champion of the real Ger- man race; but the third Silesian war was heralded as a "defensive" and "preventive" conflict, and gave the Hohenzollerns and their Ministers the excuse for the more recent wars which added to Prussian power, and for the Great World War, which will teach them, as Leipsic and Waterloo taught Napoleon, that retribution for diabohcal falseness is inevitable. Notwithstanding the Treaty of Berlin (1742) that gave Frederick title to Silesia, which he had grabbed in 1740, and notwithstanding the reaffirma- tion of the treaty in 1745, after the Second Silesian FREDERICK THE GREAT 41 War, the fact that the territory had been won by force of arms and that he had been given the deci- sion, void of all justice and moral right, caused Frederick the mental harassment of a pillaging outlaw who, with his plunder, is momentarily expecting some power stronger than his own, to burst in his barricaded door and take from him his ill-gotten gain. Even though the Prussian King calumniated Maria Theresa on every possible occa- sion, in his heart he greatly respected her and recognized not only her courage, but her spiritual superiority. He knew that the Austrian Queen's religious faith gave her not only hope but confi- dence that some day right would prevail, and God would effectively settle the account of an outraged civilization with the arrogant, law-defying Hohen- zoUern dynasty. In January, 1756, by the Convention of West- minster, Frederick made a treaty with Britain by which he bound himself to defend Hanover — part of the British Empire — against attack. After entering into this solemn agreement with Britain, he then courted favor with France, turned a sym- pathetic ear to the French plan for assisting the Young Pretender to the British throne, and advised in regard to the military phases of the operation. Russia, as long as the Czarina Elizabeth ruled, was virtually allied with Austria and Maria Theresa. In his dealings with Russia, Frederick had been very injudicious. On one occasion he declared, "I fear Russia more than God," and then he openly blackened the character of the vain and foolish Russian Queen, bringing upon himself the 42 FREDERICK THE GREAT vengeance of an outraged woman, who freely expressed her desire to chastise "the Prussian upstart" who took pleasure in maligning her. By the Treaty of Versailles in May, 1756, France and Austria each undertook to defend the European possessions of the other, if attacked. The articles of this covenant were published, but Frederick, who had concluded the Convention of Westminster and was flirting with France, con- sidered that the Treaty of Versailles "menaced" Prussia. He put his army in condition for the field and indicted his old enemy, saying, "The Em- press (Maria Theresa) proposes to imitate the con- duct of Augustus (in the Triumvirate of Augus- tus, Antony and Lepidus) who used the power of his colleagues to aggrandize himself and then over- threw them one bv one. The Court of Vienna has three designs toward which her present steps are tending — to establish her despotism in the Empire, to ruin the Protestant cause, and to reconquer Silesia. She regards the King of Prussia as the great obstacle to her vast designs." Frederick posed as the champion of the Balance of Power and of Protestantism; he solicited the support of the states not committed to the Austrian cause, and this "Defender of the Protestant Chris- tian religion" even proposed that the Turks should come to his aid. Podewils struggled with Fred- erick, urging him to keep the peace and to work for peace, but he was coldly dismissed with the words, "Adieu, thou faint-hearted statesman" and accused of lese majeste. The Prussian King sent an ultimatum to Vienna, in which he demanded explicit information in regard to the plans of Aus- FREDERICK THE GREAT 43 tria and Russia, and required guarantees. The Austrian answer, Frederick declared, was "imper- tinent, high and contemptuous, and as for the assurance that I ask of them, not a word, so that the sword alone can cut this Gordian knot. . . . We must think only of making war in such a fash- ion as to deprive our enemies of the desire to break the peace too soon." When the Seven- Year War broke out, Fred- erick had a well trained and splendidly equipped army of 150,000 men, which was equivalent to one- seventh of the available male population of the Prussian kingdom, and he had eleven million thalers in the Treasury. During the horrible war — in many respects as disastrous as the "religious" Thirty- Year War — 850,000 men perished on the battlefields of Europe, an unprecedented number, considering that the war was fought with only occasional pitched battles and with relatively small armies. Prussia lost 180,000 men, the population of the Hohenzollern domain decreased by half a million souls during the period of hostilities, and the misery and poverty on the Continent, indirectly attendant on the war, was incalculable. VI. SAXONY was the Belgium of the Seven- Year War, for the Prussian Kaiser's military plan — he was his own General Staff — required that Austrian territory be reached by violating the neutrality and sanctity of the Saxon kingdom. King Augustus of Saxony was promptly notified, "With every expression of my affection and of your respect that good breeding can supply," that Prussia was compelled by the action of the ruling powers of Austria to send its army through Saxony, in order that it might promptly and vig- orously strike the foes of Prussia on Austrian soil (Bohemia) before they were ready to successfully withstand such an attack. "The domain of the King of Saxony," wrote Frederick, "will be spared as far as present circumstances allow. My troops will behave with perfect order and discipUne. . . . I desire nothing more ardently than to behold the happy moment of peace, so that I may prove to the Saxon King the full extent of my friendship, and place him once more in the tranquil possession of all his estates, against which I have never had any hostile designs." Saxony was dumbfounded ; she declared her neu- trality, but permitted Prussian troops to pass through the land without offering resistance. A few days later Frederick announced his instruc- tions for the administration of Saxony during the war. "In order that His Majesty (Frederick) may not leave a highly dangerous enemy in his FREDERICK THE GREAT 45 rear," the Prussians are directed to suspend the Saxon administration of the land and substitute martial law with a Prussian Directory. The Saxon royal revenue amounted to six million thalers per annum, but Frederick magnanimously states that he "will be contented with five millions, so that the inhabitants may be solaced thereby." Saxony was converted into an armed base for the invasion of Bohemia. When Augustus of Saxony perceived what Frederick's intentions really were, he left his Capi- tol (Dresden), which the Prussians soon after- wards entered (September 10th), and joined his little army, with strength variously stated as from fourteen to twenty thousand men. This brave little band held the entrenched camp of Pirna, close to the Bohemian frontier, and blocked the highway of the Elbe. Although a weak man, Augustus struggled to act honorably; he offered to observe a benevolent neutrality and requested Frederick to prepare an exact statement of what would be required of Saxony. To this Frederick replied that the only way that Saxony could have peace with Prussia was to ally herself with Prussia and wage war on Austria. Augustus responded that he could not wage war upon Maria Theresa, "who has given me no cause for complaint, and to whom, in virtue of an old defensive alliance, ... I ought to furnish six thousand men." He reiterated his assurance of neutrality, to which Frederick retorted that "he never changed his mind" and if Augustus forced him to wage war on Saxony, he, Augustus, must take the entire responsibility. The Austrians attempted to relieve the Saxon 46 FREDERICK THE GREAT army besieged at Pirna; the battle which they fought at Lobositz (October 1st), opposite Leit- meritz, was indecisive — each losing 3,000 men and being incapable of forward movement. The Aus- trians failed, however, to effect a union with the Saxon forces, who were starved into submission, and on October 14th laid down their arms. The terms of surrender required that they be permitted to disband and return without molestation to their homes, to engage in peaceful occupations, but Fred- erick, being a HohenzoUern, promptly repudiated his agreement and "word of honor" and conscripted the Saxons, against their will, into the Prussian army. Augustus lost his army and his kingdom, but he delayed Prussia's march into Austria, and winter came upon the warring armies before Fred- erick could attempt to move in force into Hapsburg territory. To Schwerin he wrote, "It is now im- possible for us to establish a sure footing in Bohemia this year, for we have entered the province too late; we must confine ourselves to protecting Silesia and covering Saxony." As an exile in Poland, Augustus was a constant rebuke to Frederick, and throughout the period of the war a pathetic exhibit of Prussian methods. It has been said by a historian that "The spectacle of the suffering King inflamed all his enemies. As an exile in Warsaw, Augustus was a more valuable allv to Austria than he could have been in Dresden. He made it absurd for Frederick to pose as the Defender of German princes against the Haps- burgs. Indeed, in January, 1757, a majority of such princes at the Diet of Ratisbon urged the FREDERICK THE GREAT 47 Austrian dynasty "to marshal their corporate might against the Prussian aggressor." As soon as Frederick's troops entered Dresden, in true HohenzoUern fashion, he ransacked the archives of the Saxon Capital in an attempt to find papers which could be distorted to prove that Saxony and Austria had conspired together to attack Prussia. In every detail, the unscrupulous, ruthless and dishonest methods employed by the Hohenzollerns in the present great World War seem to have had their prototypes in earlier Prus- sian history. Frederick soon discovered that the Saxons, whom he forced to serve in his army, were unreliable ser- vants, in their hearts like all their countrymen, bitter foes to his ruthless militarism. Like Napoleon, he had to learn by bitter experience that men cannot be forced to fight with spirit, and that patriotism is greater than military coercion. It was the Saxons who deserted the ranks of Napoleon, the Corsican upstart, and, going over to the allies, turned their guns upon the French at Leipsic in the Wars of Liberation. Frederick commenced the 1757 campaign with 250,000 men, of whom 45,000 were paid for by British subsidies and disposed to cover Hanover from a French attack. The Battle of Prague, fought on May 6th, 1757, was the first great battle of the war, and one of the most savage conflicts in history. Frederick had the failing of all military despots, — in announcing either victories or defeats he never told the real truth. All victories were "glorious beyond words;" all defeats were either "indecisive engagements" or "unimportant re- 48 FREDERICK THE GREAT verses." The saying in Napoleon's day, "As false as a bulletin," is applicable to the HohenzoUerns of all time. The Battle of Prague was said to be a decisive victory; "The Austrians were scattered like chaff before the wind," and "We are masters of a kingdom that must supply us with troops and money." But Frederick's generalship at Prague had resulted in the unwarranted butchering of his own men. The Austrian loss in defeat was 10,000 men killed and wounded, and 4,275 prisoners out of total effectives of 66,000 men, which was 21.6 per cent., whereas the victors lost 11,740 men killed and wounded and 1,560 prisoners out of total effectives of 64,000 men, or 20.8 per cent, of their fighting strength. Frederick wrote his sister and made pub- lic the statement that he had lost 5,000 men killed and wounded, although he himself computed his loss at 18,000. The Battle of Prague did not result in the cap- ture of the city by the Prussians. Frederick bom- barded Prague in a way that brought them little, if any, military advantage, and caused great suffering to the inhabitants. On May 24th, he wrote, "This race of Austrian princes and beggars will be obliged to lay down their arms." On May 29th he informed his sister that he would be in Prague within a week. On June 11th he thought it might take three weeks to subdue the city, and on June 20th, after the humiliation of Kolin, his besieging army was com- pelled to abandon their attempt to take the city. At Kolin, Frederick suffered a positive defeat. He lost 6,710 men killed and wounded, and 5,380 prisoners out of a total fighting force of 34,000 men, or 35.6 per cent, of his effectives, whereas the Austrian FREDERICK THE GREAT 49 total loss was 15 per cent, of their total fighting force of 53,500 men (6,500 killed and wounded and 1,500 prisoners). It is said, however, that half of Frederick's entire army and two-thirds of his infan- try were lost to him, including desertions and the troops that were scattered, and of which only a part could be collected and reorganized for some time; and yet he wrote, "We found the country so difiicult that I believed myself bound to abandon the enter- prise in order not to lose my army." His secretary, Eichel, in official despatches to Berlin, spoke of the battlefield's gentle slopes as "A steep mountain, cut by many ravines and defiles." In military adversity, Frederick, in true Hohen- zoUern fashion, organized his peace offensives; he swore to his allies (Britain — who was primarily waging war on France — Brunswick and Hesse- Cassel) that he would not consider a separate peace, but he urged that "it would be for their mutual interests to think of terms of peace, honorable and safe," and to see what terms could be obtained. Not- withstanding such assurances to his allies, he sent an envoy to France to endeavor to make a separate peace between Louis XV. and himself, by bribing the King's mistress, Madame de Pompadour. "He (the emissary) may offer the favorite anything up to half a million crowns for peace, and he may raise his offer far higher, if, at the same time, she would promise to procure us some advantages. You see all the nicety of which I have need in this affair and how little I must be seen in it. If England should have the least wind of it, all would be lost." In July, 1757, the French had seized East Frisia and were advancing East, the Swedes were in Pom- 50 FREDERICK THE GREAT erania and the Russians in East Prussia, Bohemia had to be abandoned and Frederick feared for Saxony, Silesia and even Brandenburg itself. The dauntless Marshal Schwerin had fallen at Prague, and it was said by Frederick's foes, "In Voltaire, the Prussian Kaiser has lost his pen, and in Schwerin, his sword." At this time, Frederick still posed as a champion of German liberty, who was willing to suffer martyrdom for the greatness of the cause. "Germany is passing through a terrible crisis. I am obliged to stand alone in defending her liberties and her faith. If I fall, there will be an end of them. . . . However great may be the num- ber of my enemies, I trust in the goodness of my cause and in the admirable courage of my troops." Frederick made light of his ignominious defeat at Kolin and sent out ridiculous excuses and falsified reports of the battle. But shortly afterwards the Austrians out-manoeuvered Frederick's brother. Prince Augustus William, heir to the Prussian throne, and compelled him to flee; the Prussian King was required to rescue his brother and his army, and his treatment of his unfortunate brother is one of the most contemptible episodes of his life. He refused to permit either himself or his officers and men to come into close contact with Augustus William and his forces. He treated them "as if they were lepers" and feared "that their cowardice and fear of the enemy" might contaminate his own troops. He, who had himself just tasted the dregs of bitter defeat, sent General Goltz to his unlucky brother with this message, — "His Majesty bids me tell your Royal Highness that he has cause to be very dissatisfied with you. You deserve that a FREDERICK THE GREAT 51 court martial should be held over you and that you and all the generals with jon should lose your heads." The Hohenzollerns demand success; failure on the part of others is unforgivable. If the King meets with a reverse it is destiny or God's will; if any subordinate fails, it is gross incompetency or lack of courage, for which there can be no legitimate excuse. Prince Augustus William exculpated his generals and urged that a strict, unbiased investiga- tion be made of his own actions; but Frederir declined to consider the matter further and sent his young brother and heir to the Prussian throne bacV to Berlin, where the sensitive young man, humiliated and later brutally ignored by the King, sickened and died of a broken heart. As the first half of the year 1757 ended, Fred- erick likened himself to Job, chastened by God. In addition to military defeats, he heard of the death of his mother, and Eichel tells us that the King's grief "was very great and violent." Recently, his old affection, or at least interest in his mother and sister, had revived, and his rather regular corre- spondence with Wilhelmina suggests that the lone- some King felt the need of some one of his own flesh and blood to whom he could pour out his inner- most feelings in times of triumph and joy, or failure and despair. There is no doubt that the relations of Frederick to his once devoted mother and sister represented his strongest human ties. While he was alternately experiencing victory and defeat in his military campaigns, even though he could virtually murder a brother by inhuman brutality, he seemed to draw close again to the two women who had stood 52 FREDERICK THE GREAT by him so nobly and sacrificed so much for him in his boyhood. Frederick appeared deeply grieved by the death of Wilhelmina, which occurred on the eve of Hoch- kirch (October, 1758), but whether his greatest sor- row at that time was caused by the loss of a sister or the loss of a battle, no one knows. "If my head," he remarked, "had within it a lake of tears it would not be enough for my grief." The death of his brother, Augustus William, did not disturb Frederick in the least, other than the annoyance it caused him. His still younger brother, Prince Henry, was so out- raged at Frederick's heartless treatment of Au- gustus William, that he positively dechned to see the Royal despot except on business and aflfairs of state. VII. AT Weissenfels, October 31st, 1757, Frederick owed his life to the chivalry of a French officer, who forbade an artilleryman to pick him off. On November 3rd, he crossed the Saale and found the French in force in so strong a posi- tion that he retired, fearing another Kolin. Two days later Eichel reported the unsatisfactory mili- tary condition to the Prussian Government, w^hich had taken refuge in Magdeburg, and proclaimed for his royal master that "The whole war is of no avail. May you soon make a good peace." At this time Europe thought that the despairing Frederick was ruined, but fortune smiled upon him once more. The French and their allies were showing impetu- osity, miserable generalship and ignorance of the first rudiments of war, and at Rossbach, Frederick turned what seemed to be hopeless desperation into a brilliant military triumph ; it was not a battle, but a fight between organized attacking Prussian troops, who swooped down unexpectedly, and a mob taken by surprise as they were hurrying wildly for- ward to get into position to flank the Prussians, who were believed to be in retreat. The victory at Rossbach was most timely for the Prussian cause. The armv was almost worn out, but the cavalry under Seydlitz, aided only by the fire of eighteen guns and seven battahons of infan- try, only two of which fired more than five rounds in about forty-five minutes' time, put a disorganized army of some 64,000 men, all told, to full flight. 54 FREDERICK THE GREAT Reddaway has said, "At the cost of about 500 men, Frederick destroyed an army of nearly 50,000 and made himself the hero of the Teuton race." Frederick's spirits rose from zero to high heat with amazing rapidity. "He jeered at the van- quished enemy in blasphemous French verses and set to work to reap the fruits of (unexpected) vic- tory." With courage revived he marched to Silesia. "We must hope for peace," he wrote, "but it seems that our enemies have determined to destroy the human race." Frederick again became discouraged as he learned of Austrian victories and the disasters that had in the meanwhile befallen his Silesian army. Bevern had been beaten at Moys, near Gor- litz (September 7th), and in the Battle of Breslau (October 22nd) had been compelled to retire behind the Oder, leaving the fortresses of Schweidnitz and Breslau to capitulate within a few days. By forced marches Frederick joined his small army with the forces of Bevern at Parschwitz on December 4th. With an army of 43,000 men he once more gambled his all on a pitched battle with Prince Charles, and won against a force of 72,000 Austrians, Bavarians and Wiirttembergers at Leuthen (December 5th, 1757), and again wrested Silesia from the Haps- burgs and gained undying fame for Prussian arms. The victory of Leuthen was made decisive by the brilliant action of some forty weak squadrons of cavalry (about half the number of the total Prus- sian horse), which had been placed under Driessen as a flank guard. Driessen promptly seized his opportunity when the Austrian cavalry under Luchesi — unaware of the Prussian mounted reserve squadrons — charged the Prussian infantry. He set FREDERICK THE GREAT 55 his forces in motion, attacked with vigor and drove the Austrians back on their own infantry, throwing the entire left wing into wild confusion and thereby- causing the ruin of the whole army. It is character- istic that when the news of Driessen's timely and wonderfully successful charge reached Frederick, that monarch, in astonishment, remarked, "What! that old fool Driessen?" In August, 1756, Frederick had plunged prac- tically all of Europe into one of the greatest and bloodiest wars of all time; in December, 1757, after his prestige had been miraculously saved by the vic- tories of Rossbach and Leuthen, Frederick craved for peace. In January, 1758, he wrote, "If the year upon which I am entering is to be as cruel as that which is at an end, I hope it will be my last," and again, "I swear to give thanks to heaven on the day when I can descend from the tight rope on which I am forced to dance." With the usual HohenzoUern contempt for truth, Frederick announced that at a sacrifice of less than 4,000 Prussians he had reduced the Austrian forces by over 47,000 men, and Prince Charles' army now consisted of no more than 13,000 infantry and 9,000 cavalry. The Prussian losses at Leuthen were 6,200 men, i. e., 14.14 per cent, of their effectives, while the Austrian losses have been estimated at from 22,000 to 27,000, of whom it is said by vari- ous historians that from 12,000 to 20,000 were captured ; but the Austrian Silesian army, notwith- standing its probable loss of some 33 per cent, killed, wounded and prisoners, still consisted of about 45,000 to 50,000 men and was strong enough to hold the Prussians if it had been well commanded. 56 FREDERICK THE GREAT During the campaign of 1757, the Prussians had lost heavily in man power, and the weakening of his armed forces in numbers and quality, and his close proximity on several occasions to ignominious defeat, caused Frederick great concern. He wrote that if the victory of Leuthen "does not lead to peace, no success in war will ever pave the way thither"; and he promptly made peace overtures to Maria Theresa. But Austria's Queen had courage, determination and faith, and she refused to nego- tiate with a man whom she branded as an outlaw, void of all honor and conscience. Frederick procured money for his military cam- paigns in the typical HohenzoUern-Prussian man- ner. The inhabitants, and more particularly the Junkers of Brandenburg, and of Prussia proper, were spared as much as possible; but those inhabi- tants of his domains not blessed with the sacred blood of Prussia coursing through their veins, were made to suffer in order that Prussia might obtain the needed sinews of war. In January, 1758, Frederick demanded three hundred thousand tha- lers of the merchants of Breslau (Silesia), and to their reply that such a sum was impossible to raise, he retorted, "I will cook something for you if this money is not forthcoming immediately and with- out argument." Reddaway says, "The chief granary of the Prus- sian army was, whenever possible, the territory of the enemy. The second great source of supplies consisted in those countries which the fortunes of war had placed in their hands. *Mark well the contributions of Mecklenburg,' was Frederick's order to General Dohna. *Take hostages and FREDERICK THE GREAT 57 threaten the Duke's bailiffs with fire and plunder- ing to make them pay promptly.' But by far the heaviest burden fell upon the Saxons," (the Bel- gians of the Seven- Year War). "Besides syste- matically draining them of cash, Frederick resorted to what he termed ^reprisals' at their expense when- ever *the allies of the King of Poland' " (i. e., Augustus III, Elector of Saxony and King of Poland, who had been compelled to flee and was exiled by Frederick from his Saxon domains) "pillaged any of his dominions." Innocent Saxon people were thus made the scapegoats for the sins or indiscretions of the Russians, French, Austrians and Swedish armies, and were the constant mark for Frederick's wrath. Frederick's campaigns in 1758 were expressive of his egoistic belief that Prussian armies led by himself were invincible, and that he, the great Fred- erick, could do everything that he had the will to do. The result was that he encountered a reverse at the hands of the Austrians at Domstadtl (June 30th), which he admitted was "a terrible contre- temps," compelling him to abandon the siege of Olmiitz, as he had lost 4,000 wagons of supplies and 2,400 men; with such a heavy transport loss the maintenance of his armies in Moravia became impossible. Frederick admitted that the advantage over the Austrians, which he believed he held at the end of 1757, was lost by the reverse before Olmiitz. On August 25th he fought the Russians at Zorn- dorf in one of the bloodiest battles of the war. Frederick "won," thanks to two brilliant cavalry charges of Seydlitz, delivered at exactlv the right 58 FREDERICK THE GREAT moment at the right place ; but to gain the victory, generally accredited to him, Frederick lost some 11,000 to 14,000 men of his total force of 36,000, and the Russians who numbered 42,000 men, and lost almost half, were not driven from the field but fought again the following day, two miles north- ward of their original positions ; they sent off bulle- tins of victory and did not retire until a week later when they marched leisurely away, unmolested by the much-punished Prussians. At Zorndorf, Frederick would have been badly defeated had it not been for Seydlitz, who refused to obey the Prussian King's command to advance his dragoons point-blank at the Russian artillery. Seydlitz replied to the royal orders, "When and where needed, I will be on hand with my men, but what you order would be foolish suicide, productive of no good." Frederick retorted in wrath, "After the battle you will answer for insubordination, with your head." Seydlitz justified his military judg- ment by charging with his forces twice at the proper time and saved the day for the Prussians. In the delight of being rescued from a humiliating defeat, Frederick forgot all about the insubordination and "head" of Seydlitz and embraced him with delight at the close of one of the hardest battles of his career. On October 14th, Frederick again fought the Austrians at Hochkirch, lost one-fourth of his army, five of his generals and over a hundred guns, and he closed the military year of 1758 with his third defeat, within a period of sixteen months (Kolin, Domstadtl and Hochkirch), suffered at the hands of the cautious Austrian General Daun, known as FREDERICK THE GREAT 59 "Fahiiis Cunctator/' It is said that the Pope was so dehghted with Daun's military genius in defense of Austria against the aggressive and unscrupulous Frederick, that he rewarded him with a consecrated hat and sword. The Prussian defeat at Hochkirch was due to Frederick's impetuosity, his contempt for the Aus- trians and his refusal to listen to the advice of his Generals. Seydlitz, Zieten and Dessauer (the Younger) vigorously objected to the Prussian King's plan of battle. Keith protestingly said, "If the Austrians permit us to quietly occupy such a position of weakness which invites attack, they de- serve to be hanged," but Frederick retorted, "It is to be hoped that they fear us more than the gal- lows," and with obstinate foolhardiness ordered movements to begin which resulted in a pronounced defeat for Prussian arms. Frederick lost from 8,000 to 10,000 men at Hochkirch, about one-quarter of his effectives, and over 100 guns, as against an Austrian loss of some 7,500 men, or 8.4 per cent, of their fighting force. But the Prussian King's official report of the battle, forwarded to Berlin, says: "It may be safely reck- oned that our loss does not exceed 3,000 men," and commenting on the disaster to Prussian arms, he said, "Such reverses are at times inevitable in the great game of chance which we call war." When- ever Frederick won in the field it was a brilliani! victory achieved by his unequalled genius ; when he lost it was a reverse or strategic withdrawal decreed by fate. Frederick never acknowledged a mistake. The King could do no wrong. God might err in 60 FREDERICK THE GREAT His decision but the Hohenzollern King of the Prussians was faultless in his judgment. During the campaign of 1758, Frederick had met with two reverses and gained one questionable victory, he had lost over 21,000 trained fighting men, many of his greatest officers and much equip- ment and wealth. Some of his domain had been laid waste by invading armies, but outside of East Prussia he held the territory that had been his immediately prior to the war. After three seasons of war, 1756-1757 and 1758, Frederick was amazed to find that his enemies still had a determination to fight. He had been posi- tive that in 1758 some of the countries at war would retire from the combat, discouraged at the strain of what seemed to be an unprofitable war. He was amazed that the women allied against him, Maria Theresa of Austria, Elizabeth of Russia, and the still dominant Pompadour — his avowed enemy — had not long ago sickened of the war, and he could not understand how the Mistress of Louis XV could still hold sway, when the French, because of her whims, prejudices and fancies were losing their empire to the British. VIIL THE campaign of 1759 opened with reverses to Prussian troops in Poland. Dohna with 18,000 men proved unable to arrest Russian progress. He was superseded by Wedell, and at Kay Ziillichau, on July 23rd, the Prussians rein- forced to the number of 26,000 men, were defeated with a loss of from 6,000 to 8,000 men by a Russian force of some 70,000 effectives under Soltykoff. When Frederick heard of the collapse of his Polish army and that an Austrian force under Hadik was advancing on Berlin, he left Mark-Lissa w^here he was opposing Daun and hurried to meet the Rus- sian force under Soltykoff, which had recently been reinforced by Laudon. "I am obliged to make haste to parry his ( Soltykoff 's) blow in time. A lost soul in purgatory is not in a more wretched condition than I am." The opposing armies met at Kunersdorf (Au- gust 12th), and in fighting power and weight there was little to choose between them, although the Russo-Austrian army brought into the conflict, numbered about sixty -five thousand men to the Prussians' forty-eight thousand. Frederick was not favored by a choice of ground. Early in the afternoon the Prussians' right was victorious, sev- enty guns were captured and the King sent off a courier to Berlin to announce a great victory. From this point on, Frederick ignored his Generals, and when the battle turned against him, he lost his head, and although he personally struggled bravely, 62 FREDERICK THE GREAT his orders were reckless and contrary to military- good sense. The Prussians at Kunersdorf lost 20,720 men, or about 43 per cent, of their effectives, also 178 guns and 28 colors; the Russo- Austrian army lost 1.5,700 men, all told, or about 24 per cent, of their engaged strength, and this in a battle that lasted only six hours. The Prussian reverse at Kuners- dorf is generally described by historians as the greatest calamity that Frederick ever experienced. Frederick, his hopes blasted, sought death in the battle, but he was borne from the field by a squad- ron of his Hussars. Immediately after Kuners- dorf, the Prussian King wrote, "It is my misfor- tune to be still alive. Our loss is great; not 3,000 men out of 48,000 are with me. At this moment all are in flight and I am no longer master of my troops." Frederick advised the prominent and wealthy citizens of Berlin to flee to Hamburg and the Government to move to Magdeburg. He wrote Schmettau, commanding at Dresden, telling him to expect no help, and on September 4th, Dresden fell. Writing to his Minister, the Prus- sian King said, "All is lost save the royal family. The consequences of this battle will be worse than the battle itself." Frederick had carried poison with him for years and now intended to use it; he feigned a severe sickness, turned the army over to General Finck, demanding that it — the instrument of the Crown — swear allegiance to the son of his dead brother, Augustus William. The battle of Kunersdorf ended in a rout far greater than that suffered by Napoleon on the field of Waterloo, and Frederick barely escaped falling FREDERICK THE GREAT 63 into the hands of his conquerors. Macaulay says: *' Shattered in body, shattered in mind, the King reached that night a village which the Cossacks had plundered ; and there in a ruined and deserted farm- house, flung himself on a heap of straw. The de- feat was in truth overwhelming. Of fifty thousand men who had that morning marched under the black eagle, not three thousand remained together. The King bethought him again of his corrosive sub- limate, and wrote to bid adieu to his friends and to give directions as to the measures to be taken in the event of his death. *I have no resource left,' such is the language of one of his letters — ^*A11 is lost. I will not survive the ruin of my country. Fare- well, forever!' " If the Russians and Austrians had followed up their success at Kunersdorf, Prussia would have been eliminated as a troublesome military state and Frederick's life-drama would have ended, but the allies who were fighting Prussia had separate in- terests and lacked both a unified command and a common program to govern their actions. The forces opposing Frederick were not co-ordinated, and they were fighting for their national interests and not with the single and concentrated determi- nation to remove the Hohenzollern menace from Europe. Even when their forces were combined against Frederick, Russia and Austria remained separate armies, jealous and suspicious of each other and with believedly divergent interests. If there had been a unity of command, with a real Generalissimo, the arrogant Prussian King would have been overthrown in the early days of the war. If the conflict had dragged out to August, 1759, a 64 FREDERICK THE GREAT single guiding military mind, overruling national- istic jealousy and distrust, could, after Kunersdorf, have absolutely subjugated the Prussians and en- tered Berlin, and Frederick would have died in dis- grace by his own hands, instead of coming down to us through history surnamed "the Great." If the Prussian King had been absolutely crushed after Kunersdorf, the house of Hohen- zollern would have been stripped of its assumption of glory, and would probably have perished with him, for dynasties grow great, powerful and arro- gant through military victories, and are swept into oblivion by ignominious defeats on the field of battle. If the Russian and Austrian Conmianders had performed their duty or even used ordinary common sense after the battle of August 12th, 1759, the world would have been saved from the curse of Hohenzollernism. Napoleon would not have received the encouragement — gained from an exhaustive study of the life and methods of Fred- erick — which goaded him forward in his lawless quest for military power and the subjugation through force and Machiavellism of all other Euro- pean peoples. Had Frederick been crushed before he became "the Great," there would probably have been no Napoleon and no Wilhelm II, and no great World War in this generation at the cost of mil- lions of men and years of progress. Soltykoff and Laudon saved the Prussian king- dom by not following up their splendid and over- whelming victory at Kunersdorf. Daun's inactiv- ity at a critical period, and Hadik's failure to move on Berlin as Frederick firmly believed he would, resulted in the war's being continued beyond what FREDERICK THE GREAT 65 should have been the closing campaign in the mili- tary season of 1759, if even a semblance of intelli- gence had been displayed by the commands oppos- ing Frederick. The Prussian Kaiser waited after Kunersdorf for the blow to fall. He believed that he was be- tween the forces of Soltykoff and Hadik, and that no matter what he did the remnant of his army would be annihilated or captured. His Secretary of State wrote, "Only a miracle can save us," and they were saved, not by divine intervention, but by assinine stupidity on the part of their opponents. As Frederick planned to end his life, he wrote to Finckenstein, "All my troops have done wonders." In a few days when Frederick saw that the allies were not taking advantage of their victory, and were apparently indifferent to his plight, his hopes returned. He collected and reorganized his forces and found himself commander of an army of 20,000 men. Even though it was small and had recently suffered a most disastrous defeat (due to his bad generalship), his courage revived, he forgot about his poison and contemplated death, and determined to take one more shot at fate. To Finckenstein he wrote in regard to his recent "reverse": "The vic- tory was ours, when suddenly my wretched infantry lost courage. The silly fear of being carried off to Siberia turned their heads and there was no stop- ping them." With death and the great unknown staring him in the face, Frederick had for once been truthful and admitted that "My troops have done wonders." But when he decided to live and fight again, he promptly threw all the blame for 66 FREDERICK THE GREAT the defeat at Kunersdorf upon the shoulders of his gallant but badly led soldiery. Eight days after Kunersdorf, Frederick had over 30,000 men, but it is significant that in all his communications he persistently harped on their poor fighting ability. He "feared them more than the enemy," and they "were not to be compared with the worst troops of former years." Frederick hoped for peace, and in his dilemma wrote, "I count on the firmness and honesty of Pitt (the British Minister) and it is on him alone that we can at this juncture base some hope." The Prussian Kaiser was treacherous and false to Britain, as he ever was alike to friend and foe, but whenever he landed in a tight place, he counted on the honor and honesty of Britain to pull him out, or at least protect him from "the revengeful and avaricious passions" of his Continental enemies. After Kunersdorf, the victorious Russian army calmly marched home, leaving Frederick overjoyed. Daun, brilliant in defense, lost his renown and popularity in Austria by his refusal or inability to assume the offensive. A wag sent him a nightcap, and his wife went into retirement to avoid insults heaped upon the house when she appeared in public. When the defeated Frederick found that his enemies were divided and apparently impotent, his arrogance returned, and when Pitt worked for peace, this crafty Hohenzollern, feeling that his enemies were war-weary and anxious to stop all fighting, demanded that "compensation for Prussia should be the basis of negotiations for peace." In the fall of 1759, Frederick was ill with gout and a fever. "I make them carrv me like the relics FREDERICK THE GREAT 67 of a saint," he wrote, but his spirits had returned and he inundated Berlin with optimistic bulletins covering "Peace Offensives" and false military ac- tivities. He journeyed to Saxony, united his forces with the army of Prince Henry, and took com- mand of the army that was opposing or rather watching Daun. The Austrian Field Marshal, knowing full well the temper and impetuosity of Frederick, retired, and the Prussian King did what Daun — the Austrian Fabius — fully anticipated, he despatched Finck to work around his flank and make Daun's withdrawal a precipitous retreat. Daun led the Prussians into a trap, and Finck's command, stated as 12,000 to 15,000 men, with 70 guns entangled in the hills south of Dresden, be- lieving themselves to be surrounded by an army of 50,000 men, laid down their arms and surrendered to Daun at Maxen on November 21st. Rumors now spread fast that the Prussians had turned cowards, that the Prussian cause, the Prus- sian army and the Prussian King were all falling together. Frederick staggered under the crushing blow, but kept the remnant of his army in the field until he was positive that the Austrians would not follow up their victory. The Prussian Kaiser re- tired from the field at the end of December, 1759, a discouraged, humiliated, and, to use his own words, a broken man. During the year, Prussian arms had met with severe reverses in Poland, Fred- erick had been overwhelmingly defeated at Kuners- dorf, and a Prussian army had surrendered to the Austrians at Maxen. It was a year in which the Prussians, operating to the south and east and against Austria and Russia, did not gain a single 68 FREDERICK THE GREAT victory in a pitched battle. As Frederick and his army retired into winter quarters, they had no memories of mihtary triumph to cheer them as a result of the year's campaign, with the exception of Prince Ferdinand's brilliant victory over the French at Minden, August 1st, which was made possible by the gallantry and steadiness of British troops. Frederick lived in hopes that the Tartars might rise against Russia and the Turks against Austria, and he did all he could to encourage them to do so. Denmark, he believed, would join him and he felt sure that France and Russia would desert the coalition against him. IX. IN 1760, the campaign opened on Prussian soil. Fouque, with a Prussian force of 11,000 to 13,000 men, was defeated near Landshut on June 23rd, by Laudon, with an army of about 30,000 men; only about 1,500 Prussian cavalry escaped, and Silesia lay practically defenceless be- fore the Austrians. Again Frederick was in despair, and his letters during the summer of 1760 are most pessimistic and hopeless. He wrote that "it was only a question of time before he would be thrown into the abyss, and a few weeks' time before the end, or a few more defeats, meant but little." He failed to take Dresden, and after wast- ing much time before the city marched into Silesia. At Liegnitz he outwitted his opponents and gained a victory over Laudon, who lost 10,000 men and 82 guns. Daun, with an army larger than Fred- erick's, did not attack, and the victorious Prussians, greatly outnumbered by their foes and with a large Austrian army on one side and a Russian army on the other, were permitted to retreat with glory. On August 11th, Frederick was practically sur- rounded, and things looked so desperate that im- portant documents were burned. It was only by night movements and by an unexpected attack on Laudon's columns (August 15th), that had been despatched to complete the encirclement of the Prussians, that Frederick escaped the trap. But the danger was not over and Frederick resorted to a ruse to deceive Czernicheff, the Russian com- 70 FREDERICK THE GREAT mander, and get him out of the way. The Prus- sian King gave to a peasant a despatch addressed to Prince Henry, which read, "Austrians totally defeated to-day; now for the Russians. Do what we agreed upon." The peasant was to take care to be captured by the Russians and only give up the paper to save his life. The plan worked as Fred- erick had anticipated, the despatch duly reached Czernicheff's hands and he immediately evacuated what he believed to be a dangerous neighborhood. In October, 1757, Berlin had been raided by Austrian light cavalry under Hadik, who had ex- acted an indemnity of 200,000 thalers from the city and made off by forced marches; but on October 9th, 1760, Berlin fell into the hands of Russian Cossacks and portions of the Imperial and Austrian armies who occupied it for several days and carried away with them a ransom of two million thalers. Frederick, at the end of October, wrote, "The close of my days is poisoned and the evening of my life is as hideous as its morning. I will not endure the moment that must force me to make a dis- honorable peace. No persuasion and no eloquence will be strong enough to make me sign my shame. I will bury mj^self under the ruins of my father- land, or if this consolation seems too sweet to the misfortune that persistently pursues me, I will my- self put an end to all my woes. . . . After having sacrificed my youth to my father and my mature years to my fatherland, I think that I have ac- quired the right to dispose of my old age as I please. ... I will therefore finish this campaign, resolved to hazard all and to attempt the most FREDERICK THE GREAT 71 desperate measure to conquer or to find a glorious end." On November 3rd, Frederick did resort to des- perate measures, and with 44,000 men attacked Daun who had 50,000 to 60,000 men and much heavy artillery, in a wonderfully strong position at Torgau in Saxony. The victory seemed to rest with the Austrians; Daun left the field to have a wound dressed and send a cheering despatch to Vienna, but as daylight waned the Prussians made a last desperate attack, carried the heights, and the Austrians were compelled to retire. Frederick had won a brilliant victory but so expensive in men that he forbade the number of casualties to be an- nounced. Historians say that Torgau was the bloodiest battle of the war, and it is estimated that the Austrians lost 12,000 men, or 22 per cent, of their forces, and the Prussians 14,000 or 32 per cent, of their combatants. Frederick made a grave mistake in launching his grenadiers against a strongly entrenched and thor- oughly intact enemy with 400 guns in position to sweep the approach. Of 6,000 men it is said that 5,400 were swept away by grape and case, and Prussian batteries hurrying up to support the grenadiers were destroyed before they had time to load. Torgau, which proved to be Frederick's last great battle, left both the Prussians and the Aus- trians practically paralyzed by the bloodj^ struggle, and the year 1760 ended without a further effort being made on either side. In 1761, Frederick adopted a defensive policy, and being outnumbered two to one by the Russians and Austrians in Silesia, he '*dug in" at Schweid- 72 FREDERICK THE GREAT nitz (Bunzelwitz) and "defied" the allies either to destroy hini where he stood, or make lasting con- quests while his army of over 50,000 men remained iindestroyed. All the belligerent nations engaged in this Continental war were now practically ex- hausted by the struggle, and none seemed able to face or had confidence enough to risk a decision on the field. During the latter part of September, Frederick left his camp with a small force and moved south; Laudon, some historians tell us, promptly took advantage of the Prussian King's absence and took the supposedly impregnable Schweidnitz by assault (October 1st), greatly to Frederick's mortification. Other records, however, suggest that Laudon's attempt to surprise Schweid- nitz failed. The Russians met with military suc- cesses north, and at the close of the monotonous and dreary campaign of 1761 the enemies of Frederick wintered on Prussian soil. Frederick was naturally despondent during the winter of 1761-62 and declared that fortune alone could save him. "He likened himself to a fiddler from whose instrument men tore away the strings one by one until all were gone, and still demanded music." Once more he declared that "philosophy alone" (of which, notwithstanding all his preten* sions, he knew nothing) "could console him in his pilgrimage through this hell called the world." "I save myself," he wrote, "by viewing the world as though from a distant planet. Then everything seems infinitely small, and I pity my enemies for giving themselves so much trouble about such a trifle." Biographers of Frederick have branded this sort of drivelling as "philosophy." It is noth- FREDERICK THE GREAT 73 ing but mere HohenzoUern fatalism. What they have the power to take and the power to hold is of vital importance to them, and they would sacrifice everybodj^ and everything — except themselves and their own — to obtain possession of it. What they know they cannot take, or what they are convinced they cannot hold — or barter to advantage in peace negotiations — they do not want, and it is unim- portant to them. What they think that their ene- mies cannot take or cannot hold, they also believe should be viewed as unimportant by them. Frederick grabbed Silesia and fought as a brig- and among the nations for twenty months (IT^O- 42) to hold it against its rightful owners. In 1744-45, he struggled for sixteen and a half months to acquire more territory and to defend his Silesian theft, and in 1756 he plunged the Continent of Europe into a bloody war of seven years' duration, in a frenzied endeavor to be the acknowledged lead- ing European military power, to make Silesia secure and Prussian for all time, humiliate . the Hapsburgs, make Prussia the leading Germanic and Central European Power, and acquire all the territory that he could lay his hands on by force during the war, or by threats during the ensuing peace negotiations. Frederick's life work was the grabbing of Silesia which he accomplished by mihtary preparedness. Machiavellian diplomacy and ruthless might in an incredibly short space of time, and then the strug- ghng to hold it against an outraged world, which occupied most of his life and a large part of his time, from 1740 to 1763. This brigand, Frederick, should have been treated as an outlaw among civi- 74 FREDERICK THE GREAT lized nations, but he became known as "The Great" through his ultimate success in unscrupulous bur- glary. After instigating and prosecuting three diabolical wars, and after twenty-three years of time, he was permitted to retain the stolen property originally acquired by ruthless might. X. IN the winter of 1761-62, Frederick drilled and bolstered up his steadily dwindHng army. Saxony was once more combed for wealth and, as a subject state, suffered by devastation from his unscrupulous avarice. Frederick again worked hard to bring the Tartars and Turks into the Euro- pean struggle. Britain demanded that he make peace, but Frederick persistently refused to make any concessions, and when his emissaries ventured to suggest some compromise, he brutally accused them of having been bribed by his allies or his foes. He wanted peace above everything else in the world, but not one square inch of Prussian territory would he give up, and Silesia he considered as part of Prussia. He hoped to keep Saxony, too, but this was the territory that he expected to use in his bargaining for peace. Later, he felt that he would rather give up some of the outlying parts of Prussia (East Prussia was then in the hands of the Rus- sians) if by so doing he could hold Saxony, which he greatly coveted. In January, 1762, Britain refused to support the obstinate, grasping and ever unscrupulous Fred- erick, and she made peace with France ; but at this time the Czarina Elizabeth of Russia died, and her successor, Peter III, brought joy to the weary Frederick's heart by allying the Russian Empire with Prussia. At last the condition for which Frederick had waited and hoped had matured, and the alliance of Russia with Austria was broken. 76 FREDERICK THE GREAT Muscovite perfidy to Maria Theresa saved Fred- erick in the Seven Year War and gave the crushed mihtaristic kingdom of Prussia not only hope in black despair, but a new lease of life. The collapse of Russia as a belligerent enemy of Prussia and an ally of other European states who were opposed to the aggressive Hohenzollerns and their avari- cious unscrupulousness, made the ultimate victory of Prussia possible. The House of Romanoff claims descent from a Lithuanian Prince of the fourth century, but it is certain that the family did not make its appearance in Russia till the fourteenth century, when Andrei Kobyla emigrated from Prussia to Moscow (1341) and entered the service of the then Grand Duke, Simeon the Fierce. Six generations later a daugh- ter of the House of Kobyla, Anastasia Romanovna, by name, became Czarina by her marriage to Ivan the Terrible, who reigned from 1533 to 1584, and a son, Nikita Romanovitch Jurief married the Princess Eudoxia of Eusdal- Vladimir. Nikita was one of the regents during the minority of Feodor I, a feeble Prince who died childless in 1598, the last reigning monarch of the House of Rurik which had ruled in Russia from the year 862. Revolution and warfare followed, and on February 21st, 1613, Mi- chael Feodorovitch Romanoff, the grandson of Nikita, and a descendant of the royal House of Rurik (through his grandmother), was proclaimed Czar. In 1741, Elizabeth, the youngest daughter of Peter the Great (who died 1725), mounted the throne of Russia and ruled till January, 1762. She was suc- ceeded by Peter, Duke of Holstein-Gottorp, the FREDERICK THE GREAT 77 son of her sister. At the time of Ehzabeth's death, Russia had acquired East Prussia and part of Pomerania, but Peter, the young Holsteiner who had come under the influence of the scheming Frederick, flung away all the fruits of the great war which had been purchased at Gross-Jagers- dorf, Zorndorf, Kay, Kunersdorf and Colberg with torrents of Russian blood and vast sums of money, and before February dawned, Frederick knew that the Russia which he had feared had not only with- drawn from the war but would resign their con- quests without indemnity, and undertake to ar- range peace between Prussia and Sweden. When the joyful news of the death of the Czarina Elizabeth reached Frederick he was near the end of his rope. The Prussian army had dwin- dled to 60,000 men ; the Prussian King had lost all hope of military victory and was only concerned with the struggle of obtaining the greatest salvage possible from the wreck of his kingdom. In this struggle he put his hopes in Machiavellian diplo- macy rather than in his army. Prussia was impoverished and war-weary, but so were his oppo- nents, and Frederick did all in his power to create discord among his foes and a hatred for further strife. Peter III of Russia acted like a Prusso-German prince in his apparent desire to please Frederick of Prussia. On March 16th, 1762, an armistice was signed between Prussia and Russia, known as the Truce of Stargard, and on May 5th, by the terms of the Treaty of St. Petersburg, Russ^ia officially restored her conquests, both parties re- nounced all hostile alliances and Russia placed a 78 FREDERICK THE GREAT contingent of 18,000 men at Frederick's disposal and agreed to stand by while Turks and Tartars attacked the Austrian dominions. The Peace of Hapsburg (May 22nd) followed between Prussia and Sweden, and by status quo ante helium, re- established the conditions of 1720. Thus, through the perfidy and treachery of Russia, the European coalition failed in securing a final triumph over the unprincipled HohenzoUern dynasty. When the Prussian fortunes were at low ebb, Peter III mounted the throne of Russia, deserted the cause of those nations who, with re- spect for law, had banded themselves together to defeat an unscrupulous brigand Prince, and even went so far as to give armed support to the steadily failing cause of the Hohenzollerns, just as the Bolsheviki to-day, betraying the interests of the Russian people, and with leaders bought by Ger- man gold, are giving support to the greatest and most hellish despotism that the world has ever known. The alliance between Russia and Prussia was broken off July 9th by the deposition of Peter III, who was foully murdered a few days later. The revolution was headed by his scheming and ambi- tious German wife, Sophia Augusta, a Princess of Anhalt-Zerbet. Although the Russian troops were recalled, their presence upon the field, even though they were inactive, contributed to Frederick's initial military success of 1762. When the Russian com- mander received orders to move his troops from Silesia back to Russia, his command was manoeuv- ering with the Prussian force to attack an Aus- trian army under Daun. Frederick bribed the FREDERICK THE GREAT 79 Russian General to keep his order secret for a few days, and without actually taking part in the com- ing battle, to remain as a spectator, so that the Austrians would not only be psychologically af- fected by the presence of the Russian army against them, but would work out their strategy on the assumption that the Russian forces were belliger- ents in reserve. On July 21st, the Prussians surprised Daun's right wing and gained a clever victory at Burkers- dorf (Reichenbach). At a sacrifice of about 2,000 men, Frederick reduced the Austrian forces by some 9,000 men, and the retreat of the Austrians permitted him to once more take the aggressive and seek to recover Schweidnitz. Daun attempted to avenge Burkersdorf by a counter-surprise, but it failed, and in October, 1762, Schweidnitz fell. France had been bled white in Colonial wars and she was far too weary and impoverished from the strain of Colonial disasters to make further efforts in the Continental war. The great war dragged through 1762 and no campaign or battle was at- tempted. The Turks and Tartars again disap- pointed Frederick, and fighting came to a close when Prince Henry won the victory of Freiberg, October 29th, 1762, over the Austrians and Im- perial forces, and Prince Ferdinand drove the French back over the Rhine. Maria Theresa at last felt the hopelessness of regaining Silesia by continuing the war, so she decided not to prolong a struggle which could only result in the further and useless spilling of blood and add to the misery and poverty of mankind. An armistice was agreed upon by all the belligerents; 80 FREDERICK THE GREAT peace was concluded at Paris, but the final terms of the treaty were generally adjusted on a status quo ante basis and signed at Hubertusberg — n castle of the Saxon King — February 15th, 1763, after seven weeks of earnest and strenuous negotiations. This treaty ( 1 ) ratified the peace of Breslau and BerUn and that of Dresden, (2) Prussia promised her vote for the Archduke Joseph, the son of Maria Theresa, at the election for the Emperor, (3) Sax- ony was restored to the status quo, Reddaway tells us that during the peace negotia- tions "Frederick showed himself pliant in matters of etiquette, and unbending where any practical advantage was at stake. He was willing to gratify Hapsburg pride by sending his envoy more than half way to meet the envoy of the Queen, by allow- ing her name to precede his in the documents, and by promising to further the election of her son Joseph as Emperor. But he insisted on the restor- ation of Glatz by the Austrians and on the payment by the Saxons of his grinding taxes up to the very eve of peace." Frederick posed and acted as a victor, and occa- sionally even as a conqueror. He was at times superciliously polite, and at other times sardonic, but at all times he was an avaricious, grasping Hohenzollern. Prussia at the end of the Seven Year War, and after seven campaigns and an in- calculable loss of blood and treasure, had main- tained all her possessions and made good by force and treacherous diplomacy her claims to rank with the Great Powers of Europe. XL AFTER the Great War, Frederick treated his subjects in typical HohenzoUern fashion. On the eve of an important conflict, when conditions were desperate, the Prussian King had been democratic and even fraternized with his troops and eulogized his army. When the Seven Year War ended, Frederick wounded the pride and spirit of his men by harsh criticism, injustice, and, at times, bitter humiliation. He permitted free battahons to disperse without reward or thanks. When Col. Guichard appealed to him to repay officers at least part of the money which they had expended from their own pockets in enlisting men, Frederick retorted, "Thy officers have stolen like ravens, they shall not get a farthing from me." During the stress of the campaign Frederick had given commissions to students and competent, well- educated young men of the citizen or bourgeois class. "In the hour of triumph," writes Reddaway, "they were ruthlessly sacrificed to Frederick's prin- ciple that his officers must belong to the caste of nobles. Prussians who had served him in his ex- tremity must submit to be cashiered, while foreign- ers of rank were enlisted to atone for the dearth of natives whose pedigrees satisfied his require- ments." On the eve of Leuthen, Frederick threw aside his high and mighty manner, and posing as the loving father of his people, struggled to fill the hearts of the common soldiery, — discouraged by 82 FREDERICK THE GREiVT the disasters sustained by the Prussian Silesian army, — with patriotic devotion, confidence and courage. He bandied rough pleasantries with his grenadiers; he told the various regiments of their importance in the coming fight, and flattered the vanity of the none too loyal Pomeranians by de- claring that without them he would not dare to give battle. Yet Frederick loathed common soldiers and officers of the so-called lower social castes as much as he did civiHans. Only Prussian Junker officers were entitled, because of their "noble" birth, to command men. Their lives had some importance but Frederick never hesitated to sacrifice the lives of his soldiery, and many of his victories were gained by mass attacks and sheer weight accom- panied by wholesale slaughter. "Dogs, would ye live forever?" he shrieked at his men in the crisis of one battle. In Frederick's eyes, a common sol- dier was a dog, useful, but still a dog; ordinary civilians, i.e., poor men or men of common breeding, were not even dogs in the eyes of the Prussian King — he treated them contemptuously and with dis- gust, as "mere vermin." Only nobles were men, and his opinion of men was very low. His ideas of organization and mihtary discipline were very crude. In his military provinces he would place high, experienced officers under the supervision of an officer of lower rank who would still retain a specific command. To the sentry who did not rec- ognize the King and had the effrontery to challenge him, he indignantly howled, "Dog, hold thy peace." He was above all law and army rules, and he held in absolute contempt the humble Prussian soldier whose devotion to the Hohenzollern dynasty has FREDERICK THE GREAT 83 caused the name of Frederick to come down to pos- terity as "The Great." No general of great mihtary reputation ever lived who made more inexcusable mistakes in strategy, or sacrificed his men more heartlesslv in his wild gambles with fate, or lost such a high percentage of pitched battles and so many of his men in relation to his enemy's percentages of loss. Napoleon said "Nothing is so important in war as an individual command." Napoleon not only benefited greatly, but his triumphs were made pos- sible by the lack of cohesion and military unity on the part of his foes. Frederick benefited in the same way because his foes were not united under one supreme military command, because their inter- ests were not uniform, because they were suspicious of each other and lacked the incentive to follow up their triumphs and advantages, pursue the war aggressively and annihilate Prussian militarism. Frederick said that he was Prussia and if any- thing happened to him Prussia was doomed. Fred- erick's persistence and Machiavellian trickery kept Prussia in The Great War for seven years, when aggressive, serious action with a unity of command and the proper use of the resources of flie countries allied together against him, could have put an end to his ambitions and annihilated the Prussian mili- tary menace in one full season's campaign, or prior to December, 1757. Instead of fighting aggressively and intelligent^, with unity and purpose, Austria, Russia, Sweden, France and the German Imperialists permitted the war to drag on so that peace was not made until February, 1763, and then the war- weary belliger- 84 FREDERICK THE GREAT ents agreed, after seven campaigns and an incal- culable loss of blood and wealth, to return to the conditions that existed before the outbreak of the war, in reaUty permitting Prussia to emerge from the conflict the virtual victor. Frederick maintained that "All wars should be short and rapid." This is a fundamental Hohen- zollern policy. The Prussian triumph of 1864 over Denmark, 1866 over Austria, and 1870 over France, were all obtained on this theory of a quick and heavy, well-prepared thrust upon an enemy relatively weaker because of unpreparedness and handicapped by slower movements. Wilhelm II and his General Staff almost succeeded in taking Paris by the same cyclonic tactics in 1914, and probably would have succeeded, if they had not become recklessly over-confident, and this notwith- standing the heroic bravery of the Belgians, the courage and fighting power of the wonderful little army of Britain, and the indomitable spirit of the numerically overwhelmed but glorious French armv. While Frederick gained the reputation of being a great soldier, the exploits of his brother. Prince Henry, are scarcely known, yet Henry was con- spicuous in the first overwhelming Prussian triumph at Rossbach (November, 1757) and gained the last great victory of the war at Freiberg ( Octo- ber, 1762). Prince Henry and his brother Ferdi- nand were often estranged from Frederick because of his selfish egoism, inhumanity, heartlessness and bitter words, but Frederick admitted that Henrv was a great soldier and a great leader of men. "There is but one of us," he once remarked in con- FREDERICK THE GREAT 85 versation with his brother* "who has not made a mistake in war and I am not that one." But while Frederick acknowledged Henry's generalship, he persistently rejected his counsel and this contrib- uted, at times, to the strained relations existing between them. Frederick was a gambler with fate, a plunger who played for big stakes, accepted long odds and took great chances. Henry was a strategist, who considered his forces and those of his enemy and played to win the greatest ultimate benefit with the least possible loss. Frederick ridiculed his brother's caution and desire to conserve his soldiery. He affirmed that such a policy in military affairs would never result in greatness, and it was his ambition to be great, and to go down in history as the great- est of the Hohenzollerns. "If you engage in small affairs," he remarked to his brother, "you will always remain mediocre, but if you engage in ten great undertakings and are lucky in no more than two, you will make your name immortal." Frederick's military career was in harmony with this principle. His only battle in 1756 was inde- cisive; in 1757 he won at Prague, but he could not take the city nor reap the fruits of his victory, and he was overwhelmingly defeated at Kolin. His forces suffered disaster at Gross-Jagersdorf and Breslau, but he won a spectacular victory at Ross- bach and closed the 1757 campaign with a splendid victory at Leuthen. In 1758, after his forces suffered a reverse at Domstadtl, he won a doubtful victory at Zorndorf, for he failed to drive from the field the Russians, who also claimed the victory, and he suffered an 86 FREDERICK THE GREAT overwhelming defeat at Hochkirch. In 1759 his forces were defeated by the Russians at Kay; the Prussian army under his command sustained a great disaster at the hands of the Russians and Aus- trians at Kunersdorf, and his arms met with a humiliating reverse at Maxen. In 1760, after a Prussian defeat at Landshut, Frederick won by strategy at Liegnitz, but had to flee with his army from the field of victory; at Torgau he gambled once more and won. In 1761, the Prussians were defeated by the Austrians at Schweidnitz and by the Russians at Colberg, and in the campaigns of this year Frederick had no vic- tory to his credit. In 1762, after Russia and Sweden deserted Aus- tria and the coalition of the powers against him, Frederick, by a supreme and final effort, outgamed his war-weary opponents and won his last battle over the Austrians at Burkersdorf. This victory, together with those of his two brothers. Prince Henry and Prince Ferdinand, over the Imperial- ists and exhausted French in the West, brought the Seven Year War to a close. Against the Russians, Frederick did not win a really decisive pitched battle. Zorndorf is conceded to be a Prussian victory, but the Prussian losses exceeded those of the Russians, and the "defeated" Russians claimed the victory, hung around the scene of their "triumph," and later leisurely marched away without any Prussian interference. Against the Austrians Frederick's armies lost the decision in succession at Domstadtl, Hochkirch, Kunersdorf, Maxen and Landshut; he failed in his attempt to take Dresden, and after a victory over a small part FREDERICK THE GREAT 87 of the Austrian force under Laudon which had been sent to complete the hostile ring around him at Liegnitz, he barely escaped annihilation. By a quick movement and splendid strategy he overcame Laudon in a surprise attack, and by a rapid retreat and the spreading of lies among his enemies he was enabled to escape without being attacked. It has often been said that Frederick alone kept Prussia together during the Seven Year War, and to him alone is due the credit for the ultimate vic- tory. Such a statement would be true of any abso- lute despot. Frederick in Prussia was supreme; he was absolute in every department of state and government. But it has also been generally said that Prussian triumph — survival would be a better word — was due to Frederick's courage and unwav- ering steadfastness of purpose ; but this is not true. Like all other Hohenzollerns, Frederick did not possess courage. A reckless, foolhardy gambler, ultimately favored by fortune, does not express courage, neither does the leader, who, thinking all is lost, flees from the field of battle as Frederick did at Mollwitz, or who in despair seeks death at the enemies' hands as Frederick did at Kunersdorf . Frederick easily lost heart and was often in despair. He frequently longed to quit the war and would have done so on many occasions if he could have obtained peace terms that were not drastically punitive. With every reverse, he longed to end the combat. After Kolin and Gross-Jagersdorf, in the summer of 1757, Frederick's courage was at such low ebb that he yearned and clamored for peace. After Hochkirch (October, 1758) he was in des- pair, and when defeated at Kunersdorf (August, 88 FREDERICK THE GREAT 1759) he absolutely collapsed and would have com- mitted suicide if his enemies had not been so stupid in failing to follow up their victory. Frederick's fluctuations of spirit between a gambler's hope and gloomy despair, and between intolerant egoism in victory, and desperation, col- lapse and cowardice in defeat, are typical of the Hohenzollerns who have always been bloody, arro- gant bullies and tyrants when they could terrorize, and whining cowards when fate seemed against them. Frederick William I, the father of Frederick, Uterally ruled Prussia with a cowhide, and when tired of beating his wife and children, and kicking and throwing his Ministers from his presence, used to sally forth, thong in hand, to promiscuously lash and beat his subjects. Frederick William's brutish- ness killed him; but his son declared that he died "bored to death with governing a nation of slaves." Like all bullies, Frederick William was at heart an arrant coward, and in this respect his son, Freder- ick the Great, and the present incumbent of the Prussian throne, and his son, the Crown Prince, show themselves true Hohenzollerns. Napoleon was materially assisted in his spectacular rise to power by the cowardice of a Hohenzollern — Fred- erick William III and his Prussian Junkers and army officers; and it required a Bismarck to tear up a Hohenzollern abdication and with a blood and iron policy restore courage and prestige to a family notoriously shaky when confronted by powerful opposition, and conspicuous for their overbearing conceit and ruthless, brutal crueltv when thev have FREDERICK THE GREAT 89 an opportunity to exercise unrestrained their pecu- liar family characteristics. Frederick became "The Great" not because of courage but from the sheer stupidity of foes who did not know how to reap the results of victories. Napoleon, likewise, a half century later was per- mitted to terrorize Europe because of opponents who refused to act in concert with unity of com- mand, and whose forces were handled without mili- tary judgment. At no time did Frederick express real grit, i.e., unwavering, determined and hopeful courage in the deepest adversity. On no occasion in his life did he exhibit the moral force, such as was expressed by Luther (1483-1546), the South German, when he said, "I am resolved to enter Worms although as many devils should set at me as there are tiles on the housetops. Unless I be convinced by Scripture and reason, I neither can nor dare detract anything, for my conscience is a captive to God's word, and it is neither safe nor right to go against conscience. Here I take my stand. I can do no otherwise, so help me God." Frederick was a Machiavellian opportunist, and his policy was the very antithesis of that demanded by moral courage which required "the doing of right because right is right in scorn of conse- quence." Frederick gambled with Fate for results, and the means employed were never considered from a moral standpoint. To the Hohenzollerns, the end has always justified the means, necessity knows no law, the King can do no wrong, and the dynasty is above all law. XII. FREDERICK'S army "reforms," put into effect after the Great War, were void of justice and uniformity, but expressed rather the capricious whims of an absolute dictator. The pension of officers depended not upon length of service, rank and record, but upon his personal favor. The military inspectors, which he appointed in each province, were whimsically elected without regard to seniority or special military fitness. Fred- erick's power was absolute and despotic, and in times of peace he made hght of all military dis- content. He persistently played favorites, not only in regard to caste and individuals, but also prov- inces, cities and districts. The State Treasury re- imbursed Berlin in full for the sums that it had been required to pay to the foe as ransom, but Halle received only one-sixth of the amount which it had been compelled to pay, and in most cases burghers were left to bear the entire loss themselves. When Prussia was staggering to recuperate from a war that had almost impoverished the kingdom, Frederick, three months after peace was signed, began the construction of a third palace at Potsdam and lavished on this ridiculous and absolutelv un- warranted superfluity, a sum which probably rep- resented more than one-half of all the money which he assigned to the restoration of the land, the re- building of industry and the making of necessary improvements in the kingdom. It has been said that Frederick resorted to this extravagance to im- FREDERICK THE GREAT 91 press the foreign powers and carry to them the sug- gestion that it would be dangerous for them to again consider fighting with a foe that could wage war for seven years and emerge from such a conflict with sufficient money to build luxurious palaces, while they staggered beneath overwhelming debts. No sooner was the great European war of 1756- 1763 ended, when Frederick was deeply engrossed with not only the work of reconstruction, but also the planning for "the next war" and "the future struggle." It is significant that in his secret esti- mate for the inevitable coming war, he placed the annual expense of the campaign at 12,000,000 thalers, and of this amount Prussia by taxation would be required to contribute only 4,750,000 thalers. Of the remaining required 7,250,000 thalers, he was determined that Saxony, an inde- pendent state, would be again forced to pay tribute, and the amount of her share he placed at 5,000,000 thalers per annum, or more than Prussia would supply by taxation. The balance of 2,250,000 thalers he decided must come from the State Treas- ury. Frederick put into effect an elaborate tax- system and supervised its collection, so that at the close of his reign the total annual revenue of the state was well over 20,000,000 thalers, which was three times that obtained during the reign of his father. The Treasury at his death contained some 60,000,000 thalers, or enough, according to Fred- erick's estimate, to finance any future war. Frederick did much to promote agriculture and cattle-raising, and he sought to make Prussia self- supporting in order to increase the power of the kingdom, through independence of all foreign 92 FREDERICK THE GREAT lands, in time of war. He encouraged Prussian industries, and, whenever necessary to encourage domestic production, he prohibited importations of food, raw materials or manufactured goods. An interesting illustration of the metlicds he employed is afforded by the story of Berlin-made porcelain. T\Tien the Prussians occupied Dresden they ex- torted the secrets of the making of the famous Meissen ware from the skilled employees of Augus- tus, and a factory for producing the porcelain was built at Berlin and importations prohibited. Fred- erick resorted to many schemes to widen the market at home and to create a market abroad for Berlin porcelain, and among other orders he decreed that in order "to promote the welfare of Prussia, Jews who wished to marry, would be compelled to pur- chase a service of porcelain and dispose of it in some foreign land." The Prussian King did all in his power to prevent foreign goods entering Prussia, and to increase the sale of Prussian goods abroad. Prussia must be self-supporting and independent of every other land, but he desired foreign gold for Prussian pro- duct. Frederick tried to raise tobacco in Prussia, with poor success; he tried to put a stop to coffee drinking by making it a state monopoly and impos- ing a tax of 250 per cent, upon its value, even though he was a devotee himself of the beverage, but the only effect of his decree was to encourage coffee smuggling. To the Pomeranians who pro- tested against the royal coffee decree, Frederick replied, "His Majesty's high person was reared in youth on beer, therefore, the people can equally well be reared on beer, for it is much more whole- FREDERICK THE GREAT 93 some than coffee." Frederick irritated his people greatly by placing the tax collecting department under the supervision of foreigners, as well as by his arbitrary schemes for raising revenue. Redda- way says, "To his fiscal measure, more than all else, was it due that the state which he had exalted drew a deep breath of relief when he died." XIII. AFTER the Peace of Hubertusburg, Freder- ick in his innermost heart still felt himself to be an Ishmael in Europe. Notwithstanding all his protestations of affection for the Hapsburgs, he still considered Austria his enem}^ just as Prusso-Germany since the war of 1870-71 and their forcible acquiring of Alsace-Lorraine — somewhat analogous to the Silesia of Austria — have consid- ered France their great persistent enemy. Unjust and forcible acquisitions of territory have always caused the victor-by-force to generate and nurture feelings of hatred for the country which has been robbed and humiliated. This is probably due to the reaction of national conscience; the violated peo- ple may grow to forget or at least to overlook and stifle the natural impulse for revenge, but the nation that has broken the moral law by force, keeps the wound open. Not only did Frederick continue suspicious of Austria, but he had no confidence in France and he hated the British who had in reality done far more for him than all the other foreign powers combined. An instance of Frederick's absurd anger at Britain and his childish petulance is afforded by the story of his war horse, which he named after the British Minister, Lord Bute. When Bute, however, in 1762, was unable to persuade Frederick to end the horrible, ruinous war through negotiations with Austria, and refused to renew the British alliance with Prussia but entered into a peace treaty with France, Frederick in rage demanded that his noble FREDERICK THE GREAT 95 charger, Lord Bute, be yoked with a mule and made to perform humiliating duties while he himself looked on with apparent satisfaction. This is about the way that HohenzoUerns have "humiliated" the British in the past, and the British have enough of that sense of humor, so lacking in the Teuton, to feel "deeply mortified" by the insult — to a horse. In 1764, Frederick fearing Russia, and Russia fearing Austria, and being suspicious of Prussia and a hostile combination between the Prussians and the Turks, Frederick finally, through tricky playing of his cards, convinced the Czarina, Cath- erine II of Russia, that an alliance between them would be mutually profitable. Frederick had his eye on Poland and by his Russian Treaty of April 11th, 1764, he obtained Russia's guarantee of his right to Silesia. After the Prussian alliance with Russia, Frederick played politics with Austria. He met the young Emperor, Joseph II of Austria, son of Maria Theresa (Emperor Francis I was dead) in August, 1769, at Neisse and professed to be charmed with him, although it is significant that Joseph, reporting the interview to his mother, re- marked, "The Prussian King talked well but be- trayed the knave in every word uttered." Again, in Moravia, in September, 1770, Frederick worked hard to captivate the Austrian Emperor, Chancel- lor Kaunitz and General Laudon. By hypocrisy and Machiavellian deceit and wiles, he impressed the Austrian trio and won their favor by insincere flattery, when in his heart he felt nothing but con- tempt for them all. Frederick's unscrupulous guile bore fruit in the partition of Poland — one of the 96 FREDERICK THE GREAT most outrageous acts in European history. Poland had been kept in a state of anarchy for many years by Prussia and Russia, and their co-operation to- ward this end was set forth in the Prusso-Russian Treaty of 1764. The Romanists and Dissidents had fought each other in a bloody and desolating war since 1768, and on January 15th, 1772, Russia and Prussia, and on August oth, 1772, Austria — after much hesitation — agreed to and signed the shameful treaty of partition. Frederick sardonically enjoyed the spectacle of the Austrian Queen struggling with her conscience and upbraiding the Imperial Chancellor Kaunitz, her son and herself. She complained that they aimed at once at two incompatible objects "to act in the Prussian fashion and at the same time to preserve the semblance of honesty." The prospec- tive additions to the Imperial domain, she affirmed, seemed to her positively odious, since they were "acquired at the price of honor, at the price of the glory of the monarchy, at the price of the good faith and religion, which are our peculiar posses- sions." Maria Theresa would not agree to the par- tition and spoliation of Poland for many long months, and not until she had referred the whole matter to the Holy See and satisfied her conscience, in a measure, by obtaining the approval of the Pope. Galicia and Lodomeria were added to the Hapsburg dominions, and in 1777, Bukowina was taken from the Turks. Frederick enjoyed im- mensely the plight of Maria Theresa as she strug- gled between the dictates of her conscience, on the one hand, and Imperial power and glory with dy- nastic aggrandizement, on the other; and when FREDERICK THE GREAT 97 Austria finally signed the Treaty of the first divi- sion of Poland, the elated and triumphant Prussian King cynically remarked, "The Empress is always weeping, but always annexing." By the partition of Poland, Prussia was made for the first time contiguous with Brandenburg and Pomerania. Frederick's share of the spoil amounted to over 16,000 square miles, and in 1774 he filched some two hundred additional villages from Poland. When he made his triumphant entry into the new Prussian province he declared that it was not a territory to be proud of and that all he saw was "sand, pines, heath and Jews," but to his brother, Prince Henry, he wrote, "It is a very good and very profitable acquisition, both for the politi- cal situation of the state and for its finances." Frederick openly expressed his contempt for the natives and spoke of them as "imbeciles with names ending in ki," and his administration of Polish af- fairs was void of every semblance of justice. Frederick continued to keep Prussia as a "nation at arms," spend money on fortifications and war equipment, and keep an army of 150,000 to 200,000 men constantly in the field. He looked on while Russia and Austria despoiled the Turk in 1774, when the American Colonies rebelled and when France joined the war in 1778. He had absolutely no use for the British, but he was scrupulously care- ful to give no offense to either combatant so that he could throw in his lot later with the victor with hopes of obtaining a share of the spoils. An instance of HohenzoUern duplicity is af- forded by the story of the "joke" he played on the struggling American Colonists. In the first stages 98 FREDERICK THE GREAT of the war Frederick's policy was to pursue a "mid- dle course," taking sides neither for nor against the Americans; but when he learned of Burgoyne's surrender he assured Benjamin Franklin that he would recognize their independence "when France, which is more directly interested in the event of this contest, shall have given the example." He also instructed his Minister of State, Baron Schulen- burg, to permit American agents in Berhn to pur- chase arms for Continental troops — stating that "the firm of Splittgerber & Co., contractors for the manufacture of arms, have received directions to deliver such as you may demand." Acting under this authority, Arthur Lee, the American Colonial Commissioner to Prussia, purchased 800 fusils, but when delivered it was found that they were old, worn-out weapons which were utterly worthless. Lee indignantly demanded that the Splittgerber firm be compelled to rectify the fraud, but he was informed that he "as a good Republican, ought to know that the Prussian King (the most auto- cratic and absolute despot of his era) had no power to arbitrarily right private breaches of contract." Emperor Joseph II of Austria became very friendly to Frederick, and the Prussian King played with the young man for his own selfish benefit. A painting of the Austrian Emperor was hung conspicuously on the wall of one of Fred- erick's rooms, and an intimate associate of the Prus- sian King knowing Frederick's hatred and fear of Austria, asked why he should permit the picture of an enemy to be so conspicuously near him. Fred- erick replied, "I desire to keep that young gentle- man in my eye." FREDERICK THE GREAT 99 In 1777, the Elector, Maximilian Joseph of Ba- varia, died and his domain passed by right to the aged and childless Elector Palatine. Joseph II of Austria, seeking to emulate Frederick and desiring to consolidate the Hapsburg lands, set up a "Prus-^ sian" type of claim to part of Eastern Bavaria, and, in January, 1778, half frightened and half bribed the new Elector into acquiescence while his heir, Charles, Duke of Zweibriicken, vigorously protested. Austrian troops promptly occupied (in true Prussian fashion) the ceded territory. Joseph of the House of Hapsburg had not sat at the feet of Frederick of the House of Hohenzollern for nothing ; he was ambitious to reap the benefits from Hohenzollern instruction, and practice on other neighbors what Frederick had so successfully prac- ticed on Austria; but Frederick could not permit others — friends or foes — to do to others, not to mention to himself, what he would be only too happy to do to them. Reciprocity is unknown in the Hohenzollern doctrine, and what is right for a Hohenzollern is wrong if attempted by any other dynasty or country. Frederick promptly opposed Joseph's ambitions ; he did not honestly announce his reasons for oppos- ing Austria's annexation of part of Bavaria, which really consisted of his unalterable objection to any act which would tend to strengthen an enemy state or a state which might some day become an enemy, but he heroically and hypocritically assumed the pose of the champion and defender of German princes against an Emperor who was trampling upon their constitutional rights. His real reason, he affirmed, was his determination to humble Aus- 100 FREDERICK THE GREAT tria's ambitions once for all, and render her impo- tent. "I know very well," he admitted to his brother Henry, "that it is only our own interest which makes it our duty to act at this moment, but we must be very careful not to say so." Frederick, in 1778, was not the Frederick of the three Silesian campaigns of 1740-1763, and Aus- tria was really not prepared for war. Both sides seemed to desire to negotiate, and although Fred- erick marched from Berlin April 6th, he remained inactive in Southern Silesia until July 3rd, at which time he declared war, and on July 5th marched his troops over the mountains into Bohemia. Fred- erick was far from well, he was captious and vacil- lating and seemed to have lost either the inclination or the power of making swift and resolute military movements which so characterized his earlier cam- paigns. Austria, on the other hand, exhibited good judgment and boldness as well as discretion. Fred- erick's strategy did not work as anticipated and soon his armies suffered from lack of supphes, and by the middle of October, Austria saw the last of the Prussian invading armies. The movements of the Prussians during the early fall of 1778, dic- tated largely by hunger, caused the war to be known as the Potato War. The Prussian army went into winter quarters "dejected, ill-disciplined and disaffected," and Frederick, although he made plans to invade Mora- via in the spring, worked energetically for peace. In March, 1779, representatives of Prussia, Aus- tria, France and Russia met at Tetschen, and on May 13th a peace treaty was signed after an un- eventful war, without a pitched battle, but which FREDERICK THE GREAT 101 had cost about thirty million thalers, but with, for- tunately, a small loss of men. The peace terms which terminated what is generally known as the War of the Bavarian Succession were somewhat favorable to Prussia; the Austrians were granted the Innthal, i.e., the part of Lower Bavaria between the Inn, Salza and Danube, and Prussia obtained the Franconian principalities. The treaty guaran- teed by France and Russia again confirmed the Peace of Westphalia, but it paved the way for for- eign interference in German affairs, a condition most unwelcome to Frederick. XIV. WHEN Maria Theresa died (November 28th, 1780), Frederick mourned her loss with some sincerity, for he felt that she was a more or less effective check upoi^ the ambitions of her son Joseph. He uninten- tionally spoke the truth when he said, "She has done honor to her throne and to her sex," but he lied when he wrote to that wonderful French philosopher and mathematician, Jean d' Alembert, "I have made war upon her, but I have never been her enemy." Frederick was the bitter enemy of Austria, of the Emperor of the Holy Roman Em- pire, and of the Hapsburg dynasty. Being utterly immoral himself he could not, however, understand or truly appreciate morality in others — especially when expressed in the person of an Empress or sovereign with generally accepted despotic rights. Maria Theresa was the loving mother of her peo- ple; a high principled, religious and courageous woman, with a sublime faith in the ultimate survival of truth, justice, and virtue; but no sooner did she reach the throne of Austria than the greater part of Europe — France, Prussia, Spain, Bavaria, Sax- ony, with the Elector Palatine and the Elector of Cologne, formed a coalition to despoil her. Maria Theresa was the antithesis of Frederick, and never in her darkest moments did she show the white feather or act cowardly or treacherously. Her bravery was as noble as her faith, and if her armies had possessed her resolute spirit and her indomit- FREDERICK THE GREAT 103 able courage, and if they had been ably led, there would have been no second Silesian campaign, no Seven Year War, and no Frederick the Great Maria Theresa was a queen in fact as well as in name, and she ruled her people and created har- mony among them by a human appeal unequalled in the pages of history. She personally kept Aus- tria, Bohemia and Hungary united during a most turbulent period, and no ruler has ever lived more loyal to a conception of duty. When she signed the peace Treaty of Tetschen, on May 13th, 1779, thus averting another great European war, she YiTote Prince Kaunitz that she had now finished her life's journey, her work was done and she could sing a Te Deum, for she had secured the repose of her people at whatever cost to herself. Her fatal illness developed in the Autumn of the following year, and she died in her sixty-fourth year. When the Austrian Queen lay painfully on her deathbed, her son Joseph — afterward Joseph II and Em- peror of the Holy Roman Empire — said to her, "Mother, you are not at ease," and her last words were the answer, "My son, I am sufficiently at my ease to die." The Prussian King found Maria Theresa a per- sistent obstacle to the realization of his ambitions, a powerful restraint to his unlicensed piracy, and to him she was ever an enigma. He ridiculed her as a pliable, weak woman, but found in her a resolute, courageous Empress that no military disasters could drive to despair, and with a faith in Provi- dence that no apparent triumph of force could weaken. Frederick sneered at her religious behefs, at her love of goodness and at her desire to ad- 104 FREDERICK THE GREAT minister, as well as demand, justice. He branded her as an ambitious antagonist, "bigoted and hypo- critical," but at heart he feared her, for she was his superior and immeasurably beyond him in every characteristic in the realm of morals, in the attri- butes of spirit, and in those qualities which human- ity, with judgment mellowed and crystallized in truth by time, has been pleased to denote as regal. In 1780, Frederick lost the benefit in European affairs of the Russian alliance, and Austria, in May 1781, entered into a defensive alUance with Russia. Frederick feared Prussian isolation, so he worked with vigor to form a combination or con- federacy of the German states under the leadership of Prussia for the benefit of Prussia and the Hohen- zoUern dynasty. Frederick had often posed as the champion of the German states against the ambi- tions of a Romanist Imperial Emperor; he had at times assumed the role of the Defender of the Protestants, and in the affairs of the Bavarian suc- cession, Frederick had capitalized the "motive" of his militaristic enterprise, undertaken, he main- tained, solely in the interest of a German kingdom that was being sacrificed in the interests of an unscrupulous, grasping Austrian monarch. He affirmed that the Hapsburgs thought only of Aus- tria, that they were a menace to the peace and security of the independent German states, and that only by confederation could the German states maintain their liberty and independence. Freder- ick, with the true HohenzoUern convenience of f or- getf ulness, disregarded his contemptible record with respect to Saxony, and ultimately succeeded in get- ting the German Princes to favorably consider FREDERICK THE GREAT 105 uniting for their common self-defense, although they feared Prussia as much as Austria and hesi- tated to form any union which might have the in- direct effect of making Prussia stronger than Austria. In January, 1785, Emperor Joseph II practi- cally drove the German states into an alliance when he again bargained for Bavaria with the Elector Palatine, and, with Russian support, made de- mands on the Duke of Zweibriicken, the heir of the realm. Joseph wanted to make his empire con- tinuous, and desired to exchange the Austrian Netherlands for Bavaria and a monetary con- sideration. Joseph had learned much from Frederick, but fortunately for the world he did not possess the Machiavellian deceit, nor use a well-prepared mili- tary force with the quick, resolute stroke which characterized the Prussian King in his prime; nevertheless, Joseph caused Frederick much con- cern and ceaseless worry. "I who am already more than half beyond this world," he complained, "am forced to double my wisdom and activity and con- tinually keep in my head the detestable plans that this cursed Joseph begets afresh with every fresh day. I am condemned to enjoy no rest before my bones are covered with a little earth." On July 23rd, 1785, Prussia, Saxony and Han- over entered into an alliance, with the object of safeguarding the lands and rights of each German principality, and in spite of Emperor Joseph's diplomatic opposition, the rulers of practically all the German kingdoms, states, duchies, etc., joined the "Fiirstenbund," or League of Princes, which 106 FREDERICK THE GREAT gave Frederick security in his old age. This Al- liance or League was not only Frederick's last con- tribution to the politics of Europe, but it was the first open attempt of militaristic Prussia to take the lead in Germany. Frederick kept it alive and effective, but it came to an end at his death, which occurred August 17th, 1786. When Frederick ascended the throne of Prussia his kingdom had an area of 46,000 square miles and a population of two and a quarter million peo- ple; he passed to his heir and nephew, Frederick William II, a kingdom increased by 29,000 square miles and subjects aggregating over five and a half million. The army of 83,000 men which he in- herited and which had risen to 135,000 after the second Silesian war, varied from 150,000 to 200,- 000, with a large reserve. Frederick was mourned by some of his veteran soldiers more for the greatness of his name and the fame that had come to Prussia than for the man. The Junker nobles and army officers lost their leader and great supporter of their exclusive caste, but the people of the domain in general, and Berlin in particular, rejoiced at his death. Frederick made Prussia into a great power among the Euro- pean nations, but such absolute despotism in the days of the world's awakening to democracy and the rights and obligations of man could not endure. On the field of Jena, in 1806, twenty years after Frederick's death, Prussia paid the price of the errors of Frederickism and Hohenzollernism ; half the land was wrested from her and she was prac- tically disarmed and hemmed in by hostile states. Prussia was only rescued from her inglorious plight FREDERICK THE GREAT 107 when she repudiated the spirit of despotic Hohen- zollernism, flung off the fetters of feudahsm, and, inspired by the spirit of hberty, of democracy, of humanity and true nationahsm, she overthrew Na-' poleon in the Wars of Liberation ; only later, how- ever, to be robbed by the Hohenzollerns and Prus- sian Junkers of the fruits of victory, and to gravi- tate to a slavery made complete by Bismarck, the Prussian Junker Chancellor of Blood and Iron, and the HohenzoUern King whom he "hoodwinked and cajoled" into greatness, and made Emperor Wilhelm of the Germans. James M. Beck has truly said, "It was the false prestige of Frederick the Base, in defending the petty principality of Prussia against three-quarters of the world, that gave to the German people that megalomaniac pride that induced the present great war. ... It was the cult of Frederick the Great, taught in every German school-house and uni- versity, taught even to German children at the parental knee, that produced the extraordinary reversal of all morality which led the German peo- ple into the insane belief that in the community of nations there was no morality and that the only law was that of brute force." Deacidified using the Bookkeeper process. Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide Treatment Date: AUG ^""^ PreservationTechnologies A WORLD LEADER IN PAPER PRESERVATION^ 111 Thomson Park Ortve Cranberry Township. PA 16068 (724) 779-2111 ■HVAiiwn