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 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM R. KING, 
 
 OF ALABAMA, 
 
 j 
 
 ON THE COMPROMISE BILL, 
 
 IN SENATE, JULY 19, 1850. 
 
 WASHINGTON CITY, 
 1850. 
 
riving additional security, inasmuch as record 
 evidence, when it could be obtained, would be 
 cted mote in the free States to which the 
 fugitive bad Bed, than any other kind of evi- 
 dence. But further than that, it relieved the 
 owner of the slave from die necessity of taking 
 nswith him to establish the identity of 
 the slate. This accumulation of eVidencjB does 
 I.. I prevent the pursuit of the slave : not at all: 
 . u n. r of the fugitive dave maj obtain it or 
 not, aa maj be naosl convenient to him. It was 
 udered to be accumulative and therefore to, 
 additional facilities to tin- owner of the 
 in obtaining hi* property. Sir, there was 
 er motive, which perhaps was a ven proper 
 ■ r into the consideration of this sub- 
 ject It is that wherever the law was to be 
 ited, it is of the first importance that the 
 
 ael.t of the country should not he shock,-.! 
 
 by tie execution of it. but that it should chime 
 hi. as far as possible, with the feelings and even 
 prejudices of the people. It was supposed that 
 this evidence would command the high respect 
 of the people generally, and thereby facilitate 
 the recoverj of the fugitive. Hut even if this 
 bill is defective, 1 know that gentlemen from 
 the free States — from ope portion of the com- 
 munity, from one portion of the country — I 
 mean the Democracy of the Northwest, Stand 
 prepared to ma- e it as stringent as any Southern 
 man requires it to be made. BO as to insure the 
 purpose intended to he accomplished, and to 
 render it as effective as possible. 
 
 Therefore, I think that my honorable friend 
 should he Satisfied with the hill as it now stand.-,. 
 until it properly comes up for consideration and 
 amendment. Then any suggestion that will 
 give strength to that bill, so as to enable the 
 slaveholder to recover his property, guaranteed 
 to him by the Constitution of the united States, 
 would be admitted bya large majority of the Sen- 
 ate. 1 pass l>y that question. 1 gave my assent to 
 reportiii'_ r this hill, believing with day .Southern 
 friends, that we were arranging it in such a way 
 
 aa was best calculated to effect the object we 
 had in view. We were desirous, and our North- 
 ern friends were willing that We should do 
 
 everything in our power to render the bill effec- 
 tive and satisfactory. Mr. President, the next 
 
 subject to which I WOUld call the attention of 
 
 the Senate, is immediaicly connected with the 
 subject matter before aa; and it is, perhaps, 
 one of the most difficult points to settle which 
 is likely to come under our consideration. It is 
 a point about which there is a great diversity of 
 opinion; it is a point about which gentlemen 
 may reasonably and honestly differ. Sir, { find 
 myself differing from some of my political 
 friends — my personal associates — gentlemen for 
 whose opinions I entertain as high a respect as I 
 can powubly entertain for those of any Senator 
 on this floor. 1 believe I have said before, and 
 I repeat it OOU — 1 b ilieve '.hat under all th ■ cir- 
 
 cumstances connected with the annexation of 
 Texas to the United States, her claim to the. 
 boundary which she has established for herself 
 LG rendered so perfect that, without a violation 
 of good faith upon the part of the United State*, 
 she cannot be justly deprived of it. Sir, that 
 question has been discussed with an ability 
 much greater than I could bring to bear upon 
 the discussion, if I was disposed to go into its 
 
 consideration. I will not do so. 
 
 I put it upon the ground upon which it ap- 
 pears me to rest, and that is the claim of Texas 
 
 to the boundary of the Rio Grande, from its 
 
 sources to its mouth, is rendered perfect by the 
 
 course of the government <•( the United States 
 itself, she having undertaken to establish that 
 boundary b\ negotiation with .Mexico, and hav- 
 
 Ulg acquired the disputed territory by conquest, 
 cannot justly retain it. Well, sir, if that opinion 
 was general, if we could find a majority of the 
 people of our country in favor of it, all difficulty 
 would be out of the way. Texas is satisfied to 
 keep her territory. She only asks that Congress 
 si i aid allow her claim. Hut we know, we can- 
 not disguise the fact, that there is a great diver- 
 sity of opinion on this subject. There are many 
 persons, not in the North, not in the West, not 
 in the Northwest, merely, hut even in the South, 
 who have great doubt with regard to the claim 
 of Texas being such as she could sustain cither 
 in Congress or in the courts if it couIdffO there. 
 In that state of things, what is host to he done? 
 It is a disputed question, ami one which I must 
 take for granted can be reasonably disputed. 
 Many persons entertain an opinion as strong, 
 adverse to the claim of Texas, as my own opiniOH 
 in favor of it. Well. sir. in this condition of 
 things, with this disputed boundary on the part 
 of Texas, does it not behoove us to endeavor to 
 do as substantial justice as possible to that State, 
 and to prevent the difficulties — which, I must 
 honestly say. although with regret, have been 
 augmented and rendered threatening by the 
 action, ami what I COnsid< r the improper action, 
 
 of the Genera] Government, to prevent the difli- 
 cuities growing up in that quarter, and going on 
 increasing e\ cry day .' Is it not, therefore, bettor 
 that we should give to Texas a reasonable com- 
 pensation for th.- relinquishment of any claims 
 she may have to the territory, or any portion 
 thereof, and settle then the question at once and 
 forever. Now, sir. I know very well that, with 
 many of our Southern friends, this is the great 
 Stumbling block in the way of any adjustment 
 of this question. Sir, did I helievethat, by pur- 
 chasing any portion of the territory of Texas, 
 we were to do what gentlemen tell us to hi' done 
 — namely, that any portion of what I believe to 
 be now a part of the territory of Texas, and 
 therefore slaveholding territory, was to be con- 
 \erted into free territory— I would not consent 
 to it. But 1 beKeve the opinion of the ablertt 
 
 constitutional lawyers of the land would sustain 
 
me in the assertion that, as that territory is pur- 
 chased, and you pay an equivalent to Texas tor 
 it, the laws of Texas will remain operative on it, 
 because, by purchasing and paying for the chum, 
 you recognize the right, and thus admit the fact, 
 that this Is now a portion of the territory of 
 Texas. Hence the laws of Texas must continue 
 to be in force in the territory ceded, unless they 
 be repealed by some subsequent legislation. I 
 wish to speak plainly upon this subject. If this 
 opinion is correct, then, whatever may be the 
 operation of the Mexican laws in other portions 
 of the territory of the United States acquired 
 from Mexico — a point which I do not propose 
 to consider — whatever may be the operation of 
 those laws elsewhere, it is certain that in this 
 territory purchased from Texas they will have 
 no operation whatever — the slaveholding laws 
 of Texas having been attached. What then, is 
 to prevent — provided the soil, climate, and pro- 
 ductions, authorize doing so — what is to prevent 
 the slaveholder from moving into that territory, 
 if he thinks proper to do so ? and being protected 
 by the territorial laws, until the people them- 
 selves shall determine to form their constitution, 
 when they can prohibit, or continue to tolerate 
 the institution as they see lit. 
 
 Is there, any difficulty in the way 1 ? I will ask 
 any honorable senator who may entertain any 
 doubt upon this tubject, to state what the diffi- 
 culty is, or how any Mexican law, or any other 
 Saw now existing, can prevent the slaveholders 
 from going into this territory with their slaves, 
 if they choose to do so ? Well, Mr. President, 
 Texas has manifested a willingness to settle this 
 question upon a reasonable basis, by relinquish- 
 ing her claim for a competent compensation, to a 
 portion of her territory. Can it be supposed 
 that the Representatives of Texas would sacri- 
 fice the rights of that State by giving up their 
 territory, to be taken from the jurisdiction un- 
 der which it now is, when they and all others 
 can now go and take their property of whatever 
 description, and, in consideration of a few paltry 
 dollars, consign it to restrictions disadvantage- 
 ous and offensive to her, as well as to all the 
 SouthernStat.es] No, sir, no! Sir, the com- 
 mittee that reported this bill never for a mo- 
 ment supposed that they were laying the slight- 
 est temptation in the way of any one calculated 
 to influence their votes/and they did not sup- 
 pose, they were likely to carry a single vote one 
 way or the other, by means of the compensation 
 to be given to Texas for the cession of her claim. 
 Texas prefers to retain her own territory. Give 
 it to her, and she will be content .md ask no- 
 thing more. But if you think it best to pur- 
 chase it, Texas consents to sell for the benefit of 
 the whole country, and for the restoration of 
 the peace and harmony of the Union. For these 
 reasons, Mr. President, I believe that this meas- 
 ure would have the effect to settle a difficu' 4 , an 
 exceedingly difficult subject, and wliich, if not 
 
 settled now, no man can foresee where it will 
 terminate. I was in favor of retaining that pro- 
 vision, in order to settle the boundary of Texas. 
 Sir, I care not whether the western boundary of 
 Texas on the Rio Grande conflicts with the 
 boundary of New Mexico, Chihuahua, or Tam- 
 aulipas. It is a matter of no importance what- 
 soever. We can establish a line certainly in any 
 territory that we possess ; and if we think pro- 
 per to annex any portion of it lying contiguous 
 to a State, it is certainly in our power to do 
 so with the assent of such State, as in the case 
 of Missouri. How did she get that bcautful 
 section of country lying upon the Missouri river? 
 It was by an act of Congress annexing it. And 
 so, sir, 1 say that all arguments founded upon 
 the ground that we are cutting off this portion 
 or that portion of the territory of New Mexico, 
 or that we are breaking up or disregarding old 
 Mexican lines, have no influence whatsoever on 
 my course or opinions. It is for us to decide, 
 under the circumstances of the case, what limit 
 we consider to be right now, and to settle upon 
 that as the line. 
 
 One amendment., Mr. President, I shall re- 
 quiie, to put an end to all doubt or cavil, and 
 that is, that a clause be inserted by which the 
 right of Texas to divide the territory which may 
 remain to her, into the number of States desig- 
 nated by the compact for her admission into the 
 Union., shall be expressly recognized and admit- 
 ted. The next portion of the bill, as reported, 
 provides for the establishment of territorial gov- 
 ernments for New Mexico and Utah. This por- 
 tion of the bill was prepared with a view to ac- 
 cord with the principles of non-intervention, as- 
 contended for by the South. The boundaries 
 being fixed, Mr. President, it became necessary 
 to determine what kind of a government should 
 be established for those territories, and what re- 
 strictions imposed, if any. The bill itself, as 
 reported, contained a phraseology by mistake, 
 which was adopted from the Clayton Compro- 
 mise bill, but which has been modified so as to 
 correspond with the amended language of that 
 bill, by the amendments of my honorable friend 
 from Georgia, (Mr. Berrien.) The tenth sec- 
 tion, which specifies what the legislative powers 
 of these territories shall be, is as follows: 
 
 "That the legislative power of said Territo- 
 ries shall extend to all rightful subjects of leg- 
 islation, consistent with the Constitution of the 
 United States and the provisions of this act; but 
 no law shall be passed interfering with the pri- 
 mary disposal of the soil, nor in respect to Aj- 
 rican slavery ; no tax shall be imposed upon the 
 property of the United States ; nor shall the 
 lands and other property of non-residents be 
 taxed higher than the lands and other property 
 of residents. 
 
 All the laws passed by the legislative assembly 
 shall be submitted to the Congress of the United 
 
Nut. b, and, if disapproved, shall be null and of 
 i i." 
 Now, air, whj was this provision amended? 
 honorable Senators will perceive that the fursl 
 part ■ Lion gives to the territorial legis- 
 
 lature, all rightful legislation under the laws and 
 Constitution of the United States, but the pro- 
 hibition with r. African Blaverj would 
 have prohibited the territorial legislature from 
 protectii »f thai discription if found 
 in the territory. But thi Senate of the United 
 Stat - i amendment, striking out thai 
 
 m which restricted them, and thus l< 
 the j ■ bs all municipal regulations ne- 
 
 , for the pi'.;., lion ol over] discriptii 
 srty, prohibiting them only from passin 
 
 tm of Blav< ry, or the pro- 
 '. i I I in tills 
 itructiou? [flam, then whal isthe objec- 
 tion that my honorable friends make to thai pro- 
 iii our propert] if we 
 ' tliink that we are protected. 
 1 tliink that the terrritorial legislature would 
 have - an] law which should be 
 
 >s of 
 erty, bul that they are bound on the other 
 ation to protect prop- 
 tion. Now. it' 1 am m 
 
 Con- 
 cific. Donottellme, 
 ican law - come : ', 
 
 ion of 
 propei ihibited by Mexican 
 
 lation : fori have no doubt as regards the 
 if the Mexican laws, and if 1 hac 1 an] 
 doubts, they have been entirely removed b 
 able, and i tents ofthe 
 
 honorable 5 ' fr. Soi i.i:. | 
 
 —none whal wer. I ' ' eh i move 
 
 ;v of thai di wription to an 
 i i 
 
 tence 
 
 could intei le orpreveril me. Sir, 
 
 I that propi ' Beit so; 
 
 but our peoj !e ore They can be 
 
 mad are the lav s 
 
 It' it [have no fear 
 
 tever of the result. If I am « rong, li 
 . rrojt be pointed out I know there i n 
 • 
 their wiah< a, their d< 
 
 habited ; bul I am d< ckled 
 opinion — and I d 
 
 u -truetion pul upou tlie bill difl' 
 from whal other gentlemen maj consider to be 
 ins of tin' bill vi\ c u.s 
 theprotection w aich we demand. Mr. Pn sideut, 
 I promised to be as bri< f as possible ; 
 come now to ii,.- prii ciple obj< d w Inch induced 
 me to say a word to the Senate. I have been 
 ious from the commem ement, as 
 
 I have stated over and over again, to see thus 
 unfortunate question settled in. such a way as to 
 protecl the rights of all the citizens ofthe United 
 
 States; to take t'roin none what they are fairly 
 entitled fco under the Constitution, and to give to 
 all that participation Which they have j right to 
 
 ask as citizens. From the commen ei lent of 
 this whole matter, to every individual who 
 thought proper to ask my opinion. I have stated, 
 thai the boun lary of the State of Ca ifornia,as 
 
 died, was an insuperable objection to my 
 
 mind. It is not necessary to go into any exami- 
 
 the exteul of the country that is taken 
 
 by a few individuals — [mm ew in- 
 
 uals — stationed at Monterey and and S 
 Francisco, and a \r\v scattered upoi the line — 
 an extenl of couiitry which there is not a 
 man in this Senate. 1 venture to say, would mark 
 out as the boundary of any Sta map 
 
 was laid before him. and he had I ation 
 
 of the boundary himself; not one. If there had 
 been no action upon the part of California, and 
 we had been ahoul to prescribe the lin its for a 
 State, and to authorize her to form a constitu- 
 and State go . what should wedo .' 
 
 Id \ "ii not give he li limits ] 
 
 Would you not give her limits similar to 
 granted to the largest States in the U Lim- 
 
 dch would enable hi c to pei for n the duties' 
 that apperti . tainl] 
 
 you would. Then w I ition 
 
 I ifortu ' 
 ident, the reason is too a] 
 
 iscd; ami I f 11 a littli . ! thus i i ess, -. u 
 
 time ago, when my h file id from llli- 
 
 vs] with 1 . I elo- 
 
 . s characterize him, 
 
 thought proper to intimate that the objection of 
 
 South to the admission of < alifornia wae 
 because she prohibited slavery. Was thai j 
 Was it fair '.' Did it fi irh repres 
 expressed by honorable Senators from the South'* 
 Not so; cortainlj not. We were prepared from 
 
 sgining, I believe 1 may say — a.\d 1 - 
 of tnosl of the Southern men, and probabtj oi 
 all — to waive the mi nj objei regu- 
 
 larity and informalities — objecti . u ider 
 
 other circumstai ■ . - insuper- 
 
 able. 
 
 lint. -in order to [jel clear of this unati 
 
 ttou ii' practicable, without - erilicing 
 i pur pari, we were prepared to ad- 
 mil California, with proper lint ig all 
 
 tions. I know that the question will arise, 
 whether, if her limits are restricted, you can 
 her instantaneously. Tin stion 
 
 of considerable doubt. ! have entertained the 
 opinion that such admission might take place, 
 thougli I musl confess thai Ihc pre edenti are 
 . | i insl me. as in the case of towa, and Micliigan 
 
 Arkansas. Mr. President, what! desire — 
 and my amendment shows m\ d - o give 
 
 lifornia a boundary, natural in itself, rery 
 
extensive : giving her all the facilities thai :t 
 State ought to have, and, in truth, preventing 
 what may take place hereafter, if the whole 
 country is thrown into one empire ; preventing 
 what gentlemen seem very anxious to prevent. 
 the setting up of these people for themselves. 
 When yos give them such an extended territory 
 of 1,000 miles upon the Pacific, you take a step 
 that more endangers the loss of that portion of 
 the country than any other you could possibly 
 take. It is an empire of itself. It takes all the 
 front. It leaves all the rear dependent upon 
 them, to unite with them and make common 
 cause. Whatever that front, commanding as it 
 must the most valuable trade of the world, deter- 
 mine upon, the whole interior must acquiesce in. 
 If you divide that front, you divide the interest. 
 You make your possessions much more secure, 
 
 body and that of the House of Representatives. 
 Let them determine to withhold from tke 
 South all participation in any portion of the ex- 
 sive territory included within the proposed limits 
 of California. To admit it as a State with such 
 unreasonable and inconvenient limits, merely 
 because the people there have been induced by 
 a government agent to apply what is tanta- 
 mount to the Wilinot ■ I'roviso ; let them deter- 
 mine (in that, and God knows when the peace 
 of this country will be established, and contro- 
 versy and agitation terminate. My proposition, 
 Mr. President, is to take as the northern boun- 
 dary of the State of California, the 42nd paral- 
 lel of latitude, which is the southern boundary 
 of Oregon ; to follow that parallel until you 
 reach the summit of Sierra Nevada ; pass along 
 the crest of that until you come to latitude 35 
 
 and you benefit the people themselves ; for they : degrees, 30 minutes. I fixed upon the latitude 
 can discharge their duties better as citizens with 35 degrees, 20 minutes, because it is a moun- 
 two governments, than if obliged to travel GOO tain range, which leaves the lake, Tullans, which 
 or 700 miles in order to get to the seat of gov- is in some measure the head waters of the San 
 eminent, passing almost impassable barriers, Joaquin. It is to throw all the waters that run 
 the mountain range. I would ask honorable \ west of the mountains of Sierra Ncveda into 
 Senators, over and again, to say to me. the territory of California, which I propose to 
 
 I speak of those in favor of admitting Calil- form into a State. It is not only necessary for 
 fornia with her present extent of limits — to say ! senators to look at the map, to see that it is a 
 to me and to the. country, as independent, as ] natural boundary. It is one that, if they had 
 frank, as honorable men. and as senators of the j been going themselves to arrange the matter, 
 United States, whether they would vote for that j looking upon the whole territory, and no -ction 
 territory, as extensive as it is marked down j having been previously had, they v .,ul ; in all 
 
 here, to be a State, if slavery was not prohibited. 
 Will any man answer me that ? I do not be- 
 lieve there is a man in the Senate that would 
 
 human probability have fixed upon. The terri- 
 tory I propose to include in the limits of the 
 State, is upwards of ninety thousand square 
 
 vote for it. Then, is it not asking too much of ' miles ; so that in truth it will be the largest 
 the Southern States, who are disposed to yield j State in the Union. It is more than twice the 
 
 all that they can, I honestly believe, consistent 
 with honor and essential rights, to settle this 
 question ? Why, I ask, will you not give us 
 ground to stand upon ? We shall be asked, 
 perhaps — why insist upon a division ? for this 
 whole country is not fitted for slave labor, and 
 you will have two free States instead of one. 
 That is not the question. Be it so. If the 
 country is not fitted for slave labor, if owners of 
 slaves do not go there, if those in favor of a 
 free State settle the country, after giving them 
 a territorial government, in sufficient numbers 
 to justify its coming into the Union, we of the 
 South have no objection. Let it be free. Can 
 anything be fairer ? If there is anything unfair, 
 unjust, illiberal in the proposition I make, I 
 wish it to be pointed out ; and I assure senators 
 I will modify or change it, or give it up, pro- 
 vided it shall be made to appear wholly wrong, 
 in order to place the whole matter upon just and 
 liberal terms. God knows I do not wish to see 
 the contest continued. God knows that it is 
 my desire to see it brought to a pacific termina- 
 tion. Whether it will be so or not depends 
 upon the action of Congress. I tell senators I 
 speak what I know. Whether it is to be peace- 
 fully adjusted depends upon the action of this 
 
 size of the State of New York, as my honora- 
 ble friend near me, (Mr. Douglas) remarks. 
 If you look upon the coast, it has the distance 
 of upwards of six hundred miles — between six 
 and seven hundred miles. Mr. President, I have 
 offered this proposition with the most sincere 
 and ardent desire that it will meet with favor on 
 the part of the Senate, of the United States, and 
 ultimately upon the part of the House of Rep- 
 resentatives. I have done it, as I have stated 
 before, differing with my own friends as regards 
 other parts of the bill. I am prepared to risk 
 my own standing and position in that section 
 from which I come, in order to try and settle 
 the question. Defeat this amendment, and I 
 shall be compelled by the strongest obligations 
 that I owe to myself, to my own section, and I 
 believe the whole country, to go against the 
 bill. 
 
 I know, sir, the objection in the minds of many 
 individuals to fixing this boundary for California 
 results from their unwillingness to send back 
 the senators and representatives now elected 
 from what is called the State of California. 
 Well, sir, if that be the opinion of the two 
 houses of Congress, that the curtailing of the 
 limits produces that necessity, then I appeal to 
 
 •, 
 
s 
 
 whether Uicy c:m jeopard the pacifica- 
 tion of a measure bo important to the peace and 
 harmony of the country, not to say of the Union 
 t, simply because four individuals will be 
 prevented from taki:iL r Um ir s< its in one ..> r the 
 other branch ofCongres during a few weeks. 
 For myself— and 1 say it in p rfi cl aini erity and 
 truth — I would just as soon have these gentle- 
 men elected from California, us senators and rc- 
 rresentatives, as an) othi ra. Witli the senators 
 have a persona] acquaintance ; but not so with 
 ! have a knowl- 
 edge — aid [speak with sincerity — there are bo 
 men from California whom I would rather see 
 occupy the station tl an the two gentlem -n who 
 Were sleeted. There is no fi eung, then 
 upon my part — no d atever to exclude 
 
 them. If they can be admitted with the under- 
 standing that you can limit their boundaries, and 
 also include their admission — if that caii be the 
 . -.ir, 1 acquiesce in it. If, however, it is 
 otherwise, I put it to senators to say whether 
 they will jeopard this measure and brave all the 
 consequences tliat will result from it. Gcntle- 
 mi'ii may v. ink as hard as the) please, but thev 
 cannot .shut their eyes to the difficulties by which 
 they are surrounded. If it cannot be done, and 
 gentlemen are determined to persevere, I shall 
 Bave done i.iy duty to the Senate, and, as 1 be- 
 lieve, to the whole country. I much fear, with 
 the very best intentions hi the word on the part 
 of many Senators, and a heartfelt desire upou 
 their part to do what 1 Wish them to do, yet that, 
 such is the force of circumstances, my amend- 
 ment will be d< featcd. Ifit is, sir, 1 can only 
 Bnj that on others 1 heads, and not on mine and 
 those who are acting with me, will rest the con- 
 sequences. We -shall have done all that we can 
 do to quiet the public mind, to do justice to all 
 sections, in order to Btop the agitation of those 
 unfortunate questions which are blinding men 
 to consequences, arousing angry passions, and 
 threatening the most deplorable results. 
 
 I was going to remark, Mr, President, that 
 when this amendment shall bo disposed of, I 
 
 should propose to strike out the second section 
 of the- hill, iii these words : 
 
 •• That until tne representation in Congress 
 shall he apportioned according to actual enu- 
 meration of the inhabitants of the United States, 
 the State of California shall be entitled to two 
 representatives in Congress." 
 
 I will say why J propose to strike out this 
 section. There are gentlemen in the Senate, I 
 know, who entertain constitutional difficulties 
 with regard to fixing the representation. I have 
 great difficulty myself on that very point. I did 
 believe that the Constitution of the United States 
 gave hut one represesehtative to a State until 
 an actual enumeration was made, and it was as- 
 certained by that enumeration that they were 
 ( rititled to more. According to the ratio of 
 representation now, I have my doubts whether 
 that is strictly correct, although the able argu- 
 ment of my friend from Georgia [Mr, Berrien] 
 
 has never been fully answered. Be that as it, 
 may, in order to relieve gentlemen from all dif- 
 ficulty upon the subject. I shall propose to strike 
 it out, in order that the two Ileuses may settle- 
 that matter for California, if she is to be ad- 
 mitted, they judging of the qualifications 6f their 
 respective representatives, It is therefore un- 
 necessary to say that they shall have a certain 
 number. 
 
 I beg pardon, sir, for having detained the 
 Senate much longer than I ink uded. i have felt 
 so desirous of being placed in a position in which 
 ] could suppport a measure which professes and 
 which ought to be one of pacification and com- 
 promise — yielding something on all sides, in 
 order to bring about an adjustment — that I have 
 perhaps consumed more time than I ought in 
 endeavoring to enforce upon gentlemen the ne- 
 cessity of yielding in this case, and forming a 
 proper limit to the boundaries of California. It 
 will be with Senators 1o act according to their 
 consciences in relation to this amendment ; but, 
 whatever course they may take. I can only say t 
 have discharged my duty. 
 
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