:E36I Alii ^ H^ li/tMU4> H^Hvu /U A^ n^ ^"H^ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 011802 258 HoUlnger Corp. A BRIEF REVIEW OF THE PAST SIXTY YEARS For the Reflection of the American People and their Representatives in Congress, Wnii TIIK LETTER OF GENERAL ANDREW JACKSON JDi-. Coleman, Api-il ?iO, 1^^24, ATTACHED. The reLator lias had near .'3ixty years' business experience, and gone through the three great financial revolutions of the country which happened between the years 1835 and 1860, and claims to know something of their causes, which he fully believes were attributable to vacillating and compromising leg- islation in a great measure, and want of firmness of legislators. At an early day, by a law of Congress, the representatives of the Amer- ican people established a mint, for the purpose of coining gold and silver; which being done, various coins were made of different denominations and fineness, and fixed the value of each coin, both by weight and value, by posi- tive law, and made it a superior article, and called it money, for a circu- lating medium, and a measure of value and medium of exchange for all labor, and the products of labor and property, and made it a legal tender in the payment of all debts. It then ceased to be merchandise, but the suj)e- rior of all labor, production, merchandise, and property, and that to which the energies of man are directed to secure, as being their best and truest friend ; but, unfortunately, for the corruption and dishonesty of the present limes, failed to enact a negative law to make it a criminal offence, punishable by fine and imprisonment, for the violation of the law of Congress. They also established a National Bank, which went into operation iu 1791, char- tered by Congress for twenty years, which Avas authorized to issue a paper currency, redeemable in specie and in payment of debts. These currencies were very uniform throughout the whole country, and of great value and convenience to trade and commerce, which was then principally foreign, having no regular manufacturing industry except what little was done on the farm. This state of things continued for about twenty years, when, in 1811, the Congress refused to recharter the bank, because it was considered an old Federal measure, and its business was closed up. The European wars had given us a market for our surplus products of agriculture during that period, and the shipping interest was done and principally attended tu / 5 69 f E30I 2 'N/f by the New England Stnte^. The war with England in 1S12 changed the scene, and piracy drove our merchantmen from the seas, and the business of these States was completely suspended — the country in a deplorable con- dition far the want of supplies of clothing, blankets, and war material for the use of our armies. This gallant and ingenious people, having a cold, barren, rocky soil, unfitted for agricultural pursuits, turned their attention, energies, and water-power to manufacturing, and soon made cloths, blankets, cotton goods, and the varioi;s necessaries, and the army was supplied, and the country, to some extent, redeemed. The wars over and peace restored, found the country largely iu debt, and without means. Something had to be done. The State banks which had come into existence, both chartered and unchartered, soon fell into disrepute, and suspended, and many of them failed, and the business of the country into confusion. Foreign agettts and manufacturers, with their skilled labor, cheap money and cheap labof, soon flooded our seaports with their products, which soon had the effect of/break- ing down our infant manufactories, when hundreds and thousands of skilled men and women were soon out of employment, and foreign manufacturers and their agents soon had the market to themselves. The relator was, in 1S13, '14, '15, and '16, a clerk in a retail store iu the country towns, when the foreigners had the market at their own prices, which ranged very high, as follows : Rio coffee, fifty cents per pound ; teas, from two to five dollars per pound ; brown sugar, twenty-five to thirty cents per pound ; ground alum and Liverpool salt, six dollai's per bushel ; prints, then called calico, from fifty cents to one dollar per yard ; India muslin, a coarse, brown ar- ticle, thirty-three to thirty-seven cents per yard; bleached mus!in for shirt- ing, from sixty-two to eighty-seven cents per yard ; cloth, from ten to twenty dollars per yard ; cassimeres, from three to seven dollars per yard; cassinetts, from two to four-aud-a-half dollars per yard, and not a fine article ut that ; hardware and queensware, hats and shoes, all at equally high prices. Agricultural products, having neither a home nor foreign market, to any considerable extent, ruled at very low prices, as follows ; wheat, fifty cents per bushel, in 1814; rye and corn, thirty cents per bushel; oats, fif- teen cents per bushel ; potatoes, twenty to twenty-five cents per bushel ; eggs, six cents per dozen ; butter, six to eight cents per pound ; and vege- tables, DO market for at any price, except at the cities, and they, then very small, required but little to supply them. After struggling with the war debt and depression of business, the Con- gress, the representatives of the American people, met in December, 1815, and, before adjournment, chartered a National Bank, with a capital of thirty- five millions, for twenty years, and adopted the American system, and gave to the country the first tariff looking to the protection of American labor, and a lav/ for the development of the country by internal improvements. These beneficent laws were styled the American system, and the building of the great national road commenced by the General Government. But to neutralize the tariff" act, the foreign agents and merchants, to keep the market, dropped their pricf.'s. Then the act not proving sufficient to influence capital to enibark in manufacturing, very little was effected. In 1S20, Congress increased the duties on foreign im[)orts ; following the same rule, they again reduced tlie'se prices; so that, until the tariff" act of 1824. which still further increased the duties, was enacted, but little was done in pro- duction. Then rolling-mills, nail factoi-ies, cotton-mills, furnaces and foun- rlries, ■woollen-mills, and various manuf'actiiriii_!^ f\stablishmcnts sprang into being, and the country began to revive, and all labor found ready employ- ment at full wages ; revenue came into the Treasury, and the debt way being paid. Seeing the great advantage.-* produced by this American sys- tem, in 1828, just forty years ai2;o this session of Congress, they gave us the great tariff act of that session, (God grant that the present session may follow their example,) when the whole country sprang into life, with indus- try, prosperity, and thrift on every hand ; revenue increased, and flowed into the Treasury ; the people became wealthy, and in about six years paid off the whole of the national debt, and had a surplus in the Treasury of forty-two millions of dollars of good, sound money, and the country in the highest state of prosperity. Not knowing what to do with the surplus of forty-two millions, it was divided amongst the States, and the national road was completed through the States of Maryland, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Ohio, and entered Indiana and nearly through the State. But, in an evil hour, jealousy, that great evil-eyed monster, crept into our great policy, and the American system was destroyed. The Northern States, owing to their free system and great diversity of labor, created and ditTused wealth, and drew the principal part of emigration, and were being developed very rapidly and permanently, when, in the Southern States, nullification reared its hydra head, and instead of following the example of the Northern States and extending the system of a division of labor amongst themselves, which they had every right to do, nullified the laws of Congress which they them- selves aided in enacting in 1832, and the wliole system was destroyed by the veto, and was done for want of firmness in the legislation of that ses- sion of Congress. From that time until 1860 the country passed through various ordeals — three great revulsions, which took placij in 1837, 1839, 1840, '41, '42, and again in 1857, all of which was occasioned by the false system of a revenue tariff and the free-trade idea. During these twenty- eight years, the laboring and producing classes were putting no profits into their pockets, and many failed and were impoverished. The profits went into the pockets of the non-producer — the broker-shops, bankers, com- mission mei'chants, freighters, and money-shavers — the prices of products being generally too low to pay anything to the producer; while the slave States, having the control of the whole Government, and both a foreign and domestic market for their great staple, were extending their system over free soil and growing stronger every year, and when they thought they had acquired strength to do so, rebelled against tli(; (lovernment which they controlled themselves. Had they profited by the experience of the North- ern States and established manufactures, and became independent of foreign powers for supplies, they never would have rebelled ; and should they have done so, would have stood a much better chance of success. Thank God the rebellion is over, and this great nation is free ! Let the erring sisters now return in peace to the embrace of their magnanimous and forgiving sisters, and let us have peace. The great question now to settle is to establish a sound curre'ncy and pay our debts. How is this to be done? It can only be done by product- ive labor, and with economy, and with honest and faithful industry in all branches of the Government, Productive labor must be protected, as in 1828, (just forty years ago ; we have had that experience,) from foreign competition, and ])aying our money to our own laborers instead of sending it to Euroj)e to pay for labor there, and letting our own labor go idlo. A tariff act equal to that of 1828 will raise more revenue than our present tariff, and will protect labor and give employment to all who are willing tr) work, and will bring skilled labor from Europe, who will learn our people tiie many trades we have yet to learn, and will, in a few years, become the greatest producing country in the world — having the raw material in greater abundance, and only waiting for development, and will enable our people to pay their taxes with greater ease. The bonded debt is well provided for ; the holders are jjaid interest in gold promptly. The bonds are not due and payable for from sixteen to thirty- tive years, and the country is generally satisfied with them, and the credit of the Government is in a fair way of being improved. Demagogues, how- ever, try to create alarm to make political capital, with the hope of changing the administration. Should they succeed, the whole business would be infinitely worse when in the hands of the unscrupulous. I trust the holders will give them no attention, and will stop sending them to Europe and trading them off for merchandise, which very soon goes into the scrap pile and rag hag, and you have nothing for them. Hold on to them ; you get the interest in gold ; the principal will be paid to your satisfaction when it is due, and all the necessaries you require you can get from our own manu- facturers and merchants for yoiir butter, eggs, vegetables, &c., &c., none of which the foreign manufacturer or merchant will or can take from you.' The currency question is just as easily arranged : all it want.s is back- bone in our legislation, and not suffer the non -producers to control it. Our great country abounds with all kinds of minerals — lead, copper, zinc, iron, tin, gold, and silver, etc., and a great variety of agricultural products for manufacturing pui'poses ; and when brought into market by the force of labor, are all a mercantile article, ready for exchange for other products of manufacturers, but very inconvenient, as a general rule. To remedy the evil, Congress, having authorized the coinage of money into various denom- inations, fixing their standard weight and value by positive law, as'a measure of value and medium of exchange for all labor and the products of labor, and all property, gold and silver thus coined becomes a superior article, and is called money, and governs all exchanges, and is no longer merchandise, to be bought and sold as properly. Various causes, the late rebellion more particularly, made it necessary for Congress, the representatives of the Amer- ican people, to authorize the Government, by positive law, to coin or issue paper money, as being more convenient for the general purposes of busi- ness, both for the Government and people ; and in their great wisdom, seeing there was not money sufficient to be had to furnish the necessary sup- plies to resist the great rebellion and save the Union, authorized the issue of four hundred millions of dollars, in notes of different denominations, and made them a legal tender and money value in payment of all debts and the purchase of property, same as coined gold and silver, except for duties on the imports of foreign . merchandise, which was held as a restraint against excessive importations, which they had a legal and constitutional right to do. Now this Congress, the representatives of the American people, who have been sustained in all they have done for the past eight years to save the Constitution and the Union, should take no step backward, but go forward, and 'save the labor and productive interest of the wliole Union from the rapacity of gold gamblers, speculators, and foreiga agents of both mercliants and manufacturers and non-producerf, by enacting the proposed tariff laws, and laws making it a criminal offence for violating any of the laws of Congress fixing the value of gold and silver, and the notes issued as money for a measure of value and medium of ex- change for labor and property, and not permit the disturbance of these values. If Congress, before adjournment, make the violation of these laws a penal offence, punishable by fines and imprisonment in the penitentiary for five years at labor, resumption can begin on the 1st of July. The frac- tional currency can be redeemed and taken out of circulation, with silver coin of 10, 25, and 50-cent pieces. The law protecting it fiom gold gamblers, it will remain in circulation for all business purposes, and cannot be sold. On the 1st of January, 1870, the one and two dollar notes can be redeemed and taken out of circulation with silver and gold ; with the law protecting the coin from sales, the banks can be ready to resume specie payments. The paper currency of the banks and the legal-tender notes of the Government being such a uniform currency, and so much more convenient for all busi- ness purposes, little coin will be required, except for the necessary change below the five-dollar notes. The legal-tender notes of the Government being recognized as money and currency, and equal in value by positive law, are required for circula- tion ; are not required by the people to be taken up only as they become mutilated and defaced, and should be redeemed with new notes and destroyed. The Government legal-tender notes, for the interest of labor and the de- velopment of the country, should be kept in circulation equal to the four hundred millions of dollars issued ; when coin comes into circulation, and it be found to increase rapidly, and the general circulation of the different currencies exceed twenty-eight dollars per capita of the whole population, then the Government notes can be withdrawn to the extent of keeping the circulation below thirty dollars per capita, and redeemed in coin. The Secretary of the Treasury and the Comptroller of the Currency should be authorized and required to see to it that a sufficient currency was in circulation to do the general business of the country for cash payments, which would require from twenty-five to thirty dollars per capita. The country would then avoid those great financial revulsions we have suffered in the past ; sheriff and constable, sales and sacrifice of property, would be unknown ; money Avould become abundant for all useful purposes; interest on money would soon be as cheap as in Europe, and the Government could borrow money at 3 or 4 per cent., and could take up the 5 or G per cent, bonds, and save a large amount of taxation. With the protective principle incorporated in our tariff laws, the sound currency, and plenty of it, our population would largely increase from the skilled labor from Europe ; our people would soon learn all the trades, and this great American nation, hav- ing in every section the same interest, would soon become the great pro- ducing nation of the world, and for our agricultural products the very best market, on our own soil ; the created weahh would remain amongst our own people; labor would be fully rewarded ; the most thrifty and economical would soon gain wealth and become producers, and poverty would be un- known in our land. To make the record more complete : After the great revolution of 1S37, the effect was so great that a complete and full change took place in par- ties, and on the 14th of March, 1841, a new administration came into power, 6 identified with the American sy stent; and the tir.st ges,-*N ix^) DR. COEEMAN. •WAsnh\(;To.\, April 26, 182 4. SiK : 1 have had the honor to receive your letter of the 21st in.stant, and with candor .*hall reply to it. My name has been brought before the nation by the peojjle themselves, without any age'ncy of mine ; for I wish it not to be forgotten that I have never solicited office, aior, when called upon by the constituted authorities, have ever declined 'when I conceived my services would be beneficial to my country. But as my name has been brought be- fore the nation for the first office in the gift of the people, it is incumbent on me, when asked, frankly to declare my opinion upon any political or national (juestion pending before and about which the country feels an interest. You ask me my opinion of the tariff. I answer, that I am in favor of a judicious examination and revision of it; and so far as the tariff before us embraces the design of fostering, preserving, and protecting within ouiselves the means of national defence and independence, particularly in a state of war, I would advocate and su]}poit it. The experience of the late war ought to teach us a lesson, and one never to be forgotten. If our liberty and republican form of Government, procured for us by our revolutionary fathers, are worth the blood and treasure at which they were obtained, it surely is our duty to protect and defend them. Can there be an American patriot who saw the privations, dangers, and difficulties experienced for the want of a proper means of defence during the last war, who would be will- ing again to hazard the safety of our country if embroiled, or rest it for de- fence on the precarious means of national resources to be derived from com- merce, in a state of war with a maritime power which might destroy that commerce to prevent our obtaining our means of defence, and thereby sub- due us ? I hope there is not, and if there is, I am sure he does not deserve to enjoy the blessing of freedom. Heaven smiled upon and gave us liberty and independence. That same Providence has blessed \\?> with the means of national independence and national defence. If we omit or refuse to use the gifts which he has ex- tended to us, we deserve not the continuation of his blessings. He has filled our mountains and our plains with minerals — with lead, iron, and cop- per — and given us a climate and soil for the growing of hemp and wool. These being the grand materials of our national defence, they ought to have extended to them adequate and fair protection, that our manufactorie.s and laborers may be placed on a fair competition with those of Europe, and that we may have wilhin our country a supply of those leading and important articles so essential to war. Beyond this, I look at the tariff with an eye to the proper distribution of labor and revenue, and with a view to discharge our national debt. 1 am one of those who do not believe that a national debt is a national blessing — but rather a curse to a republic, inasmuch as it is calculated to raise around the administration a moneyed aristocracy dan- gerous to the liberties of the country. This tarifli' — I mean a judicious one — possesses more fanciful than real dangers. I will ask, what is the real situation of the agriculturist ; where has the American farmer a market for liis surplus products? Except for LIBRftRV OF CONGRESS coLloii, he has neither a foreign nor *home mar. ii,,,,,,,,,,,,, ^ prove there is too much labor employed in agr 011 802 25o o nels of labor should be multiplied '( Common sense points out at once the remedy- Draw from agriculture the superabundant labor, employ it in mechanism and manufactures, thereby creating a home market for your breadstuffs, and distributing labor to a most profitable account, and bene- fits to the country will result. Take from agriculture in the United States GOO, 000 men, women, and children, and you at once give a home market for more breadstuffs than all Europe now furnishes us. In short, sir, we have been too long subject to the policy of the British merchants and manufac- turers. It is time we should become a little more Americanized, and in- stead of feeding the paupers and laborers of Europe, feed our own, or else, in a short time, by continuing our present policy, we shall all be paupers ourselves. It is therefore my opinion that a careful tariff is much wanted to pay our national debt, and afford us the means of that defence within ourselves on which the safety and loyalty of our country depend ; and last, though not least, give a proper distribution to our labor, which must prove beneficial to the happiness, independence, and wealth of the community. This is a short outline of my opinions generally on the subject of your inquiry ; and believing them correct and calculated to further the prosperity and happiness of my country, I declare to you I would not barter them for any office or situation of a t mporal character that could be given me. I have presented you my opinions freely, because I am without conceal- ment, and should, indeed, despise myself if I could believe myself capable of acquiring the confidence of any by means so ignoble. I am, sir, very respectfully. Your obedient servant, ANDREW JACKSON. LIBRAI 00 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS III I I II' 11 l| 1 11 I lllll N'll|l 011 802 258