>*^^ 013 744 537 2 5 pHSJ E 668 .C88 ^opy 1 3 XiO^sT-AwZj sxjE'iRsa^.^jkcr^, All aiglits to Ail Elen! Equality of White Men! SPEECH OF HON. AARON H. CRA&IN, IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE, JANUARY 30, 18G8, ';: ON THE KECONSTKUCTION AGT,_,. Published by the Union Republican Conrir esslonal ExecntiBO Committee. Mr. CRAGIN. Mr. President, when the ques- tion of the life or death of the Republic was presented to the loyal people of this land they bravely and patriotically resolved to accept war and all its direful consequences rather than that the Union should perish. After four years of toil and sacrifice of life and treasure, such as no other nation ever suf- fered, victory perclied upon the banners of the Union army, and a wicked and causeless rebel- lion was put down; and the question now is, whether the fruits of victory shall be lost, and those who did their utmost to destroy the Union and the hopes of the world in free gov- evrnment, shall dictate the terms of recon- struction and come back into full fellowship, filled with rebel hate and arrogance, and with increased political power, or whether those who saved the Union shall rebuild it upon founda- tions cemented with the eternal principles of truth, justice, and equality. The former ques- tion is involved in, and must result from, the final success of the President's "policy" and the plan of the Democratic party; the latter will surely follow the complete triumph of the congressional and Republican plan of recon- struction. At the btginning of the rebellion the rebels destroyed the loyal State governments in eleven States and set up new governments hostile to the United States. They absolved their officers and citizens from their oaths of allegiance to the United States, and compelled them to take Lew oaths of allegiance to the Southern con- federacy as a new and independent nation. When the rebellion was suppressed and con- quered traitors were compelled to lay down their arms, and the national authority became reasserted over the territory formerly occupied by the insurgents, those hostile State govern- ments disappeared and do State organi.Kations remained. The rebels knew, and all the world knew, that they had been engaged in a most nefarious business, a most wicked and atro- cious crime, for which they deserved to die, and they were ready to cry out, "What can we do to be saved?" Such was the condition when Mr. Johnson was made President by the cruel assassination of Mr. Lincoln. Now, by the express language of the Consti- tution, tlic President is authorized to call au extra session of Congress on "extraordinary occasions." What occasion could be more "extrao'-dinary" than the sudden and shock- ing death of a dearly-beloved President and the supprcssioa of a gigantic and bloody rebel- lion 1 But the President, overlooking this new and unparalleled era in our history, wheu so much of the unfinished work of his predecessor lay beforehim, purposely neglected to call such session of Congress, and took the work of re- construction into his own unaided hands. Was this more boldness and self-reliance or was it assumption ? Whatever name you may give it, the sequel has proved it to be a grave and almost irreparable error. The President's business is to execute, not to make laws. In undertaking, therefore, this work, he undoubtedly usurped the legislative functions of Congress, and invaded the pre- rogative of a coordinate branch of the Govern- ment. He appointed provisional Governors without authority of law, and defined their duties. He prescribed the qualifications of voters, and declared who should not vote in the rebel States. He authorized the calling of con- ventions, and dictated the provisions of future constitutions. He established military rule a hundred times more despotic than that which now exists in those States. None but rebels were elected to these conventions or permitted to fiU olTices, and he was, in consequence of this The ballot wns given to the black man — first because he was a citizen and a freemin, and as incident to and an inhering right of eitizen- ehip; but Epecially that he might have a weapon for self-protection and with which to insure the adoption of loyal democratic State governments. It was given for his own pro- tection and the protection of those principles of union founded "in the just consent of the governed," which the Declaration of Inde- pendence declares to be the original source of all government. We gave him no other protcstiou than this, and less we could not do; for how could we legislate for the superstructure of a government before we had laid its foundations upon the "just consent of the governed." We must either submit to rebel supremacy or adopt this policy to insure "loyal supremacy." Congress chose the latter course, and every day's ex- perience is verifying the wisdom of this policy. But what, sir, are the facts in relation to "negro supremacy" in the South? In only two States, South Carolina and Mississippi, does the colored population constitute a ma- jority of the people. The recristration of vo- ters under the reconstruction acts shows a ma- jority of white voters in Qve of the disorganized States, namely, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Arkansas, and Texas, and in the five other States the colored voters are a majority. This, except in South Carolina and Mississip- pi, results from the fact that many of the white men refused or neglected to register themselves as voters. Is Congress to blame for this ? If a man sleeps upon his rights, shall he complain if he loses them? If all the white men entitled to vote under the acts of Congress had registered, the colored men would have had a majority only in the two States before named. The following official figures show the num- ber of each class registered in each State and the vote cast for and against conventions. White, colored. For. Agiilnst. Virginia IKi.OdO 101,000 107,S12 r>l,,ss7 North (Carolina 10:t,n(iO 71.057 0H.2r,(i 32,(i61 r'Oiith fai-ollna •ir,,75l 7!),5S5 07.7:i'j 2.22(! (Ifiorirla •)5.214 93,458 ]02.2-:{ 4.127 MIs'Tsslppi 48,920 8«,»25 ll'.l.TS') 0,277 I oiilslana 44,7.<2 82,007 7.").0,-s:i 4,C(J« Florl'la 11,100 15,S57 14.3S7 lS9 T.r:is m,rm 47,430 Notvoted. ArKaiisas (total) .... 0i..8(« — 27,576 IS,!^? Alabama ,74,450 90,3-10 70,238 5,028 It is well known that a majority of regis- tered voters in Arlcansas are white, but the exact number of each is not known here. Let us look at some of those SUtes in the litrht of these figures. The actual white popu- lation of Virginia is nearly doable that of the colored, and they have twelve thou'^and major- ity of the registered voters, notwithstanding tens of thousands of white men, from bitter- ness of pride, refused or neglected to regis- ter. With all this advantage, the convention was actually carried by forty-flve thousand four hundred and fifty-five majority of those voting. The truth is that large numbers of white men voted for the convention. Is there any "negro supremacy" in this? Not a bit of it. I hope, sir, a million of white men in Virginia do not acknowledge themselves whipped by half that number of black men. At the beginning of the rebellion they claimed that one Virginian could whip and put to fiight five Yankees, and now one poor despised colored man can whip two of these proud knights. This is the pitiable and flimsy argu- ment of the Senator from Wisconsin and of the leaders of the Democratic party. IF this be true, how art thou fallen, oh, Virginia! Look at North Carolina. She has over thirty- one thousand majority of registered white voters, and yet the convention was carried there by over sixty thousand majority. There were twenty-two thousand more votes cast for a convention than there are colored resistered voters. Here, too, is "negro supremacy," one man, who the Senator from Wisconsin says is not fit to vote, putting three white men to flight ! O nonsense, most humiliating ! Look at Georgia. The number of registered white voters there is two thousand more than the colored, and yet the convention was car- ried in that State by over ninety-eight thousand majority. About thirty-five thousand white men voted for the convention, or more than one third of the whole number of registered white voters. Here, again, is "negro supremacy!" I ask the Senator from Wisconsin to look at it. He claims that the negro is not fit to vote, and yet we find a less number of them in Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia beating a greater number of white men, with their acknowledged superiority, at the polls. Sir, a white man ■ ought to be ashamed of this argument. If it proves anything it proves too much for our opponents. It proves that the colored man is qualified to vote. I commend to the Senator from Wisconsin ^ and all others who are so terrified about "negro supremacy" an extract from a recent speech of cx-Governor Brown, of Georgia. Governor Brown was one of the first Southern Governors who saw the hopelessness of the rebellion and the tyranny of Jefi". Davis; and he sees now the false and humiliating pre- tences by which reconstruction is sought to be delayed. He says : The pooplf" North havo iicen t^ild latolythat the acts of (,'oii cress establisli nc^rro sui)vcin:\!'y ami ■ white suborcliniitlon in tUc houth. 'llu! cbarge i»" false. Tf wa^ I be pcrvfrsc obsl iiiacy of the whit'- race'- roI'MsliiK U) r.ake control tl>:it atmvc llic ncKroi'S powpr^/ In the convoiiMon. Tlu'i-r is liftciMi tlioiis;uiil w|,|tn nviloi-llv In Oeorffla. AVIth Ibis ni;iiority ami tlic boatted' stipi'i-Un-Uy of Ihc race In iiitoUcet, cilin-.i. tlon, experience, and wealth, It Is a libol on the whlie men to say that negroes can nilc iiUfllert anil capital and control nuniliers^ crerywlirn'. The charge that General I'oiv f; Ray and others, dated August 7, 1867, says : On a late public occasion, when many of yon were present, I expressed mv perfect wiUingniss to see impartial suffrage established at the South, and I believe that this opinion is entertained not only by a large majority of the Intelligent and reflecting whites, but also by the same class iimong the blacks. We have recognized the freedom of the blacks, and liave placed this fact beyond all probability of doubt, denial, or recall Tjct us recognize In tlie same frank manner and a? fully their political rights also. For myself, I "onfess tiiat I am willing to sei' a constitu- tion adopted by our State coutVrring tbi' elective tVanclilse on the negro on precisely tlic same terms as It is to be exercised by tiie while man, guarding against tiie al)Uso of this privilege by establlslilng a slight educational and property (lualllicatloa for all classes. The New Orleans Picayime says : We have urged onr people to no longer Indulge In any false sriueamlshness about accepting the negro as with themselves, a voter, and to Indulge In no hesitancy as to Ills competency and qnalHieations. It is ridiculci\is for any one to pretend tlial lie Is low- ered or disgraced liy going to tile polls with a negro when lie crowds at the general delivery with him to get a letter at the post ollice. The Daily News, of New York, an ultra Demo- cratic paper, says : The right to vote belongs to each male citizen of twenty-one years of age. It Is his by birth; and he, by operation oflaw, becomesa citizen of the Uuiied States, .and entitled to all rlglits, prlvilegeo. and im- munities through the relation of his native State to the National Union. The elective franchise is his inherent right; the exercise alone Is Bxibject to State regnlatinn. IIi>refol'ore nothing stood between the blacks and full clti/.eiiship but tlieir condition of in- voluntary serviliele; tlial iiupedi mentis gone through the actual oiieralbm of the war, and tho liberated black stands himseH'a citizen in his own proper per- son. Then, if the abstract right to vote iniiercs In every citizen, why not in tiie native black man 'i What rule of law denies him that right? Is it not his absolute personal right, now that he Is lib- erated. The Boston Post, alluding to Judge Reagan's letter to Governor Throckmorton, urging that suffrage be given to the negroes on the same terms as it is given to the whites, says: Tills is wise, just, politic. Impartial suffrage we have always advocated. The ftlassachuseits system we tliink a good one; and If every State wouldauopt it the result would prove its great security to the peace, and prosperiiiy of the country. The Senator from Wisconsin may say this is substantially his amendment. I am not sure that the Senator intends to vote for his own amendment. I presume he would not vote for the bill if his amendment could be adopted. He simply wants to make an issue. But grant- ing that Congress has the right to pass his amendment into law, and he concedes the whole power; if we have the right to say that negroes who have served in the Union army, or who can read and write, and own a little property, can vote in these States, then we can say that all may vote. It is only a question of policy how far we will go, when the power is conceded. I am for suffrage on the broad-gauge princi- ple. I do not believe in property qualifications or any other qualifications except what God has given to every sane, honest male citizen. I will not consent to any disqualification ex- cept it be the commission of crime. I regard the ballot as a great educator, and I am foi manhood suffrage. The constittition of New Hampshire lately contained a provision re- quiring that every member of the House of Representatives should have "an estate of the value of £100, one half of which to be free hold." The other half, or .?'250, might be per- sonal property. In 1S50 this provision was strickeu out, though it was a dead letter long before. In tlie convention of that year was a farmer from the county of Grafton, where I reside, and this question beini^ under discus- sion, he said: Uniler this requtroment. a man to be eligible to a seat In 'lie House imist own i}tJW, ami one lialf may In^ personal properly lie may hare a iaekass lie values at $i")0, ami iii250 in realehlate. He is then elij-'lMe an. I takes his seat. The jaekasc is takea tiiiTk ancl illes— the owner is then niaOe ineligible. Now, saiil he, I want to know who represents the town— the man or the Jackass? The Senator from Wisconsin pretends to be in favor of reconstruction on this basis. I am not. Suppose the man who owns a freehold worth 8250 linds himself deprived of the right to vote because his house was burned down and left him worth less than $250, I would like to inquire whether the man or the house votes? Then, by the Senator's amendment, if a man's wife owns S2.50, in freehold the man may vote. There may be philosophy in this, but I would suggest that he go for female suf- frage in that case. Negro suffrage is no new thing at the South. It is a well-known fact that free negroes voted in all the States at the time of the adoption of the Constitution, with the exception of South Carolina, Delaware, and possibly Georgia. I assert here to-day that free negroes voted for the Constitution in 17S9 in Massachnsetts, New Hatnpshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina. I assert also, that they voted for General Washington as first President of the United States in the same States. There is reason to believe that they voted in all the original "thirteen" States at the time of the adoption of the Declaration of Independence. They continued to vote in Vir- ginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee as late as 1830. It is an undisputed fact that some of the ablest men in Congress were elected by negro votes. Cave Johnson, once Postmaster General, was elected to Congress for the first time from Tennessee by the votes of free ne- groes, as he himself declared. I once heard John Bell, when a member of the Senate from Tennessee, say that he was once elected a member of the other House of Congress by free negro votes. I have heard it stated that Willie P. Mangum, of North Carolina, was once elected in the same way, but of this fact I am not sure. In Virginia free negroes voted side by side with white men until 1830. I could give much evidence upon this point, but my time will not allow it. They arc all free now, and for their own protection and the salvation of the Union we say they may vote. We say they may vote because they arc loyal to their country ; because they are freemen and native- horn citizens. ' But the Senator from Wisconsin says they are "ignorant and half-civilized Africans," and but a few generations removed from "canni- bals," and to allow them to vote would degrade the ballot. Ignorance is not the worst dis- qualification; disloyalty and treason are more dangerous. But who made them ignorant? The very men with whom the Senator now co- operates. They were bound in cruel bonds and denied the means of education. To accuse them now is to add insult to injury. They are learning fast, and the time is not far distant when they will compare favorably with, if they do not outstrip, the mass of white people South in point of intelligence, as I be. lieve they do now in moral worth. General Swayne, in his report to General Howard, Commissioner of the Freedmen' Bureau, says: A aistinsnished officer of the third military dis- trict (ieciares tliat the marvellous progress mu'ie by the frccil people in educiitiou and knowledge linds no parallel lu history. He adds: If continued, and the masses of the white people exhiliit the same indisposition to be educated th:tt tiie> now do, five years will have transferred intelli- gence and education, so far as the masses are con- cerned, to the colored people i.f tha district. General Howard hinaself says: As a people thr-y are making i-apid progress in ed- ucation, in mechanic arts, and all branches of in- dustry whicli conduce to tli^ir comfort and resxtecta- biliiy. The assistant commissioner for Georgia says : Their anxiety to learn Is unabated, and every available means which may aid them in the pursuit of knowledge is eagerly resorted to. Laborers on plantations are learning from each other, wliile in the cities parents are lieintr taugh'. l)y theirehildren; and so tens of thousands who do uotenjoy the b nc- fits of regular scliooling are bting educated lu ele- mentary branches. General Robinson, in North Carolina, says : Gratifying testimony is offered concerning the fidelity and general disposition of the freed oeople. The assistant commissionerdoubts if there ever was a community suddmily transferred from a condition of slavery to one of freedom more industrious, sober, and law-abiding than are the colored ptople of Xortli Carolina. General Scott, in South Carolina, says : Enfranchisement has given birth to a liealthful sentiment. Laborers are more ambitious in the Held and workshojis, as well as at the night school And yet the Senator from Wisconsin calls these people "half-civilized Africans;" but if they keep on they may become civilized, even in the estimation of the Senator. I am tempted to compare the language of General Jackson, addressed to the colored troops at New Or- leans, with thatof the Senator from Wisconsin. Addressing theni after that glorious battle, he said : Fellovv-cltizcns and soldiers: I invited you to jhare In the perils and to. divide ihc glory of"your v.hite countrymen. 1 expected much from you, for I was not nulnfonned of those qualities wlilch must render you so fonuidable to an invading 'oe. I Icnew that you oould ciulure huncfcr and tliii'j.t and all tlic hard- sliips of war. I knew tlmt you loved llie liiBil of your nativity, and tliat, like" ourselves, y. u liad to defend all tliat Is most dear to man; but you ^uipass my liones. I have found in you, united to tiiosc^ qualities, tliat noble enthusiasm whlcli impels to great deeds. Soldiers: The President of the United State-) shall be informed of youreouduct on the prtsiiu ( asion, and the voiee o'ftlie representatives oflh:- AuuM-'eau nation sliall an])Iaud your valor, a^ yuur General now praises your ardor. This language founds a little different to me from that of the Senator from Wisconsin. I will not, however, presume to say that General Jackson was much of a Democrat, as compared with the Senator. He did very well for those old-fashioned times; but Democracy has made wonderful progress since his day. Democracy was then a generous sentiment, embracing all the people in one common brotherhood of justice, humanity, and equal rights. The Democratic party long ago drifted away from its old landmarks, and has now become the advocate and apologist for slavery and aris- tocracy. One thousand colored soldiers aided General Jackson in that trying hour, and he sounded their praises and told thenj that the "repre- sentatives of the American nation would ap- plaud their valor." More than three hundred ihousand aided General Grant in a more trying hour, when the life of the nation and liberty itself was in imminent danger, and the Senator from Wisconsin has no voice with which to applaud their valor. But, sir, the American people have applauded their valor; and, with the blessing of God, will protect and defend them. They exhibited "that noble enthusiasm which impels to great deeds," but the Senator sees it not. He only sees ten million white men crushed by four million degraded, igno- rant, "half-ci^'ilized Africans." • I see these men taking their stand upon the field of battle, and going down before rebel bullets into a common grave with their white fellow-soldiers of the Union army. I see them on the plantations and around the rebel prison pens, where brutal murder and cruel starvation carried off fifty thousand of our brave men, the only ministering angels of mercy and sym- pathy. I see them, when our brave and starv- ing men escaped from Andersonville, conceal- ing them by day, and with ample lood piloting them by night toward the Union lines. God only knows how much these people did for our cause, and how great a debt we owe them. Yet the Senator from Wisconsin calls them rebels. Sir, I pity a heart that canisot appre- ciate a noble action, and whose sympathies go out only for the proud and wicked traitors. He pleads for pardon and forgiveness for the rebels, saying " they have been punished enough." 1 am not panting for punishment or revenge — none at all. But before high Heaven I dare not forgive the red-handed rebel, unless at the same time I am just to the colored man and give him the means of eelf-det'ence. Tbe nation owes him a vast debt of gratitude, and God would never prosper the Republic if we suffered this despised race to be again recast into slavery. Tue Seumor from Wisconsin talks about a "war of races," and says that the action of Congress is calculated to produce it. It is the course of the Seuator and his party that is cal- culated to produce such a result, and nothing else will do it. The colored men, under all circumstances, are peaceable, industrious, and law-abiding, auq|tthere will be no "war of races" unlesswhitc rebels drive them to des- peration by cruelty and rank injustice long continued. They are a patient people, and will bear persecution, outrage, and even death before they will res®rt to violent measures. If there is ever such a war it will be provoked and commenced by the white rebels and en- tered upon by the colored men in self-defence, and only when they can no longer endure the oppression and injustice heaped upon them. If such shall ever be the case, I have no doubt God will defend the right. But I have no fears of such a calamity, if we do our duty and secure and protect the rights of all. Much is said here and elsewhere about white men being disfranchised by the reconstruction acts, and unscrupulous partisans seek to exag- gerate the number. I am satisfied that the Senator from Indiana placed the number high enough when he estimated it at fifty thousand in the ten States. And here I do not forget that yesterday the Senator from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Buckalew), for whose judgment and fairness I have great respect, told us that the number of men dis- franchised under the reconstruction acts was three hitndred thousand. Never was a greater mistake made. Sir, let us look for one mo- ment at the States of Virginia aud North Car- olina. The registered white vote in Virginia is 116,982. The total vote given for President in Virginia proper, as it now is, in 1860, was 115.257, less than the present registered white vote. In North Carolina the registered white vote is 103,060, and the total vote for President in 1860 was96,230. The total vote in lS60,lu these States, for President of the United States, not including South Carolina, where the electors were chosen by the Legislature, was 659,113. The Seuator from Pennsylvania would have us believe that one-half or nearly one-half of these voters are disfranchised under the recon- struction acts. The reconstruction acts dis- franchise only those who took an official oath tr> support the Constitution of the United Staits and afterward entcaged in the rebellion. The main classes included in that are the for- mer members of Congress; members of the Legislatures in those States prior to ISGO; otficers of the armj' and nav}' who deserted the Hag of the Union and went over to the rebels; deputy postmasters, judicial officers, and a few others in those States. It is im- jMJssilile to ascertain tlie exact number; but I fully believe fifiy thousand is a high estimate — five thousand on an average in each State. There is a much larger number in the State of Virginia undoubtedly; but, on an average, I believe five thousand to be a large estimate for each State. I can tell the Senate that the Deiiocratic party in New Ilampshire, with John G. Sin- clair as a leader, tried to disfranchise a greater number of white men in that State— all the Union soldiers absent from the State and fight- ing for their country. We asli that only a few of the leaders, who caused the war and fought against their country, shall, for a brief time, take " back seats." The design of Congress was to exclude the leading rebels and no others. General terms ■were used. This was thought to be a better way than to go into a long enumeration of in- dividuals or classes. Of course it included ;oine who were not actual leaders in the rebel- lion, but it did include only those who had added treason to perjury. I should have been satisfied if a much less number had been dis- franchised, though many more deserved it. There was good reason why those who had taken a solemn oath to support the Constitu- tion and then sought to destroy it by armed rebellion should not take part in reconstruct- ing the fabric they had partially destroyed. The time will soon come, I trust, when this disability can safely be removed, and when all will rejoice in a restored Government and the return of national prosperity. The work thus far has been well done, in spite of the opposition of the President and the Democratic party, who have done all m their power, directly or indirectly, to defeat 't. The rebel spirit was at once curbed in the presence of military power, and the wail over unpunished barbarities and murder that filled this chamber one year ago has almost entirely ceased. We do not hear of one murder now where we heard of hundreds then. General Howard, in his report, says : The jrcnurul effect of Die rcconslriictlou acts of Conjrross will more fully ajipear from the Slate re- ports hcr.lii enihoillc.l. 'I'liere Is almiulant eviilencc tint till :,(; mcriMins li:iTi' <|i,,.,kcil ilic deliaiit spirit of dlf^lijyal mc:n, ralscMi the liopcs of freetates, a favorahlc clianfje In the condition of tlie free1.5'20 90 5S9 77.748 591,588 704,3^3 339.U00 (i73,S44 10;i,579 919.517 357.02U C2ri.952 515,918 ,221.401 742,314 171 8.4 3.'i3.fl0i. ,0J3,509 325.579 643,699 1,831.7 631,100 ;.302 838 52 337 l,S49,2uB 170,Gr.8 291.338 82i;,782 4il.29t 314 389 .017,411 ,71U Colored. 437.770 111,2 9 4,08ii 8,027 21,027 62,077 4G5.098 7,028 11,428 1 009 625 233,107 350.373 1,327 171,131 9,60'! 6,709 259 427,404 118,503 494 25.33i; 49,005 301 522 3J,773 128 53,849 ■",9.32 412320 283 '-9 182,921 548.907 Total. 934,201 435 4i0 305.439 400 147 112,210 140.425 1,057,286 1,711,955 1,350,428 074.9i3 107.203 1,155,(84 71" 8,002 028,279 687,049 1231,000 749 113 172,123 79 '.305 1,182,012 326.073 072 035 3 8S0 735 992.022 2 319 511 52,405 2,900,115 174,020 703.708 l',109 801 4 215 .315 098 1,590,318 1,171 ,5,SS1 Present Eepresent- otion 3 4 1 1 7 14* 11 6* 1 9* 5 5 6 10 6 2* 5 9 1 1 3 5 31 7 19* 1 24 2» 4 8 4 3* 11 New AppoTtion- lueut. Gain. Loss. 10 The oiiijlual apportionmeut was one less to cacli of the States marked by a star, the whole nniuber bein-j: two huudred aud ihlrty-lhree, but tlie Irac-tious beiuj^ large, Congress, by law of March 4, 1802, iuercascd them one each. West Virginia has three Representatives, but as this State has been created out of Virginia since the census of 13C0 and the apportion- ment, and as its population was then included in Virginia, no account of it is made in this calculation. If it is allowed three Representa- tives under a new apportionment Virginia would propably have three less. This table shows that it requires only 48,56-4 white inhabitants in South Carolina for a Rep- resentative, whereas it takes 103,537 in New Hampshire; that it takes only 58,983 in Mis- sissippi, but requires 124,450 in California ; that it takes only 59,005 in Louisiana, but re- quires 134, 708 in Iowa; and that it takes only 74,948 of the same class in Georgia, but re- quires 133,129 in New York. lu South Caro- lina there was by the last census 291,388 whit° inhabitants, and in New Hampshire 335,579. But South Carolina had 413,330 colored people, who are not lit to vote, or hardly live, and she will have six Rep'-esentatives, while New Hampshire, with 35,000 more white inhab- itants, will have only two. I cannot see the equality here; but iJcrhaps South Carolina, in the estimation of the Senator from Wisconsin, has behaved so remarkably well during the past six year?, and cost us so little money and life, that she is entitled to this consideration and superiority. It may be that one man in that State, with all his treason, is equal to three in New Hampshire; but I think the peo- ple will fail to see it. We offered these States in the constitutional amendment the alternative to allow the ne- groes to vote or have the colored population taken from their representative basis. They would not do either, but, under the lead of Mr. Johnson and the Democratic party, rejected the proposition with scorn. They have the inso- lence, and the Democratic party say they are right, to claim a gain and advantage on ac- count of their treason. If the negroes can be allowed to vote, this matter will be all right, and they should have the increase; for it is then based on voters, and the loyal and liberty- loving blacks will in part, at least, neutralize the disloyal votes, and the members of Con- gress from that section will not be all rebel pympathizers. We bear much said about this being a "white man's Government." I am for equal rights for all; for "a government of the people, for tho people, and by the people." But if ivo are to have a white man's Govern- ment, I shall rao3t emphatically insist upon equality among white men. I am not for having white men in the rebel States, with black shadows by their sides, made equal to two or three good men in the other States. I charge the south wing of the Democratic party with being the priuM; movers in the rebel- lion, and the northern wing with giving them aid and comfort. I charge the Deiuoeratie party generally with having eausea the war, aud brought all the expense, snflering, woe, and death upon the country. I charge that every man who opposed the recruitment of our armies during the war, who denounced the draft, who encouraged desertions, and who in any way aided the rebellion, is now a supporter of the Democratic party aud opposed to loyal supremacy. I charge that all the fossils, who had no sympathy and no money for our own suffering soldiers, and whose bloodless hearts, during the long struggle for national existence, were never animated by one pulsation of love and commiseration for our imperilled country, are supporters of the Democratic party, and opposed to loyal reconstruction. I charge that all the rebels who tried to destroy the Repub- lic, who murdered our wounded soldiers on the battle-lield and starved our brave men in prison pens, who sought to poison the water we drank, who sought to introduce the germs of yellow- fever and pestilence among our people, and tried to burn peaceful and defenceless cities, are supporters of the Democratic party, and opposed to loyal reconstruction. Andrew Johnsou made a speech at Louis- ville, Ky., just prior to the last Presidential election, from which the following is an ex- tract: The p^eudo Democratic party is the rebel party of the Uiiiteil Stales, composed in major pare of the rebels anil lurking traitors ill our midst, who areas much ei)jr:iged in the attempted overthrow of tlie (xovernnii ut as the traitors under Jell'. Davis. The point olils leadci'ri and ruling ineiuliers is ijow^er; and tluir inteiilimi i^ to jrive aid ami comfort to Jell". J)avis ,t ('•).. and their armies, 'i'hey are llie aides and friends of deir. Uavis, givin^i; hi'ui all possible aid and idHii'urt in kveping up the rebellion, in re- sisting the supremacy of tiie Coustitittion and laws over lue entire United States. The once honored and patriotic Democratic party has fallen from its proud positiou. After abandoning the principles of Democracy and becoming the advocate and supporter of hu- man slavery, it took sides with traitors and sympathized with those who fought against the Republic. It now demands that rebels shall have all the rights of loyal citizens, aud be restored to place and power, and that loyal citizens shall be proscribed aud denied tho right of suffrage. This party, in its organized political action, is the inveterate foe of moral aud social pro- gress and elevatio:i. It seeks always to use the prejudices aud vices of men, but not to 11 cure them. It appeals to the appetites and the passions, because it can make them minis- ter to its advautage. [n its political action its impulses have been alien to the spirit of freedom. It sympathizes with the oppressors of the colored race rather than with the op- pressed. It has no voice for humanity, no hand to lift up the lowly and downtrodden. Governor Morton, now Senator, in an ad- dress, waruinij s-^^roas and ambitious young men not to couuect themselves with a dishon- ored party, indelibly stained with treason, said: The Democratic party has committcrl a crime for wliicli hifitorv lias no pardon and tlie memories of mcu no farsrctfiilueos, whose colorsgrow darker from age to ;>j;e, and for whicli the execrations of mau- kiiid become more bitter fi'om generation to genera- tion. The Kepubliean party carried the country triumphantly through the war brought upon it by wicked S«d ambitious traitors, and pre- served the Union and all its precious legacies handed down to us from oitr fathers. It was true to its obligations to country and to man- kind. It struck the fetters from the limbs and darkness and despondency from the souls of four million slaves and made sure their free- dom. No member of this party ever fired upon the flag of his country or murdered one of its defenders. Its principles are humane, demo- cratic, and God-like, and its record is glorious and immortal. It now demands that victory over treason shall be victory legalized and per- petuated; that loyalty shall be honored and loyal men protected; that slavery once abol- ished shall forever remain abolished; and that the freedmen shall be secured and protected in their civil rights and elevated into the full and consummate enjoyment of a Christian civiliza- tion. It demands that the burdens now rest- ing so heavily upon the people shall be light- ened and male equal, and that property of all kinds shall pay its just proportion of the taxes. The Republican party, sir, is the people's party. It is the hope of the country and the anchor of its freedom. It is the representa- tive of the true democratic sentiment of the country. It bears aloft the b:mnjr of liberty and pleads for those rights of human nature ■which God has given to man. It swears by the Declaration of Independence and acknowl- edges the manhood of the whole human race. It teaches Ihe great Christian democratic doc- trine that "all things, whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so unto them." It knows no baseness, cowers at no danger, oppresses no weakness. Generous and humane, it rebukes the arrogant, cherishes honor, and sympathizes with the humble. It asks nothing but what it coucedes, and con- cedes nothing but what it demands. Destruc- tive only to despotism and treason, it is the sole conservator of liberty, labor, and prope* ty. It cherishes the sentiment of universal free- dom, of equal rights, and equal obligations. It sides with the weak and the down-trodden, and sympathizes with every effort to elevate the people and better their condition. A true Republican, while claiming an equality with the best, scorns any political immunities not accorded to the humblest of his fellows. The ark of our national salvation rests upon the shoulders of the men comjjosing this party. I pray that they may be patient and strong, bold and prudent, patriotic and just, devont and self-sacrificing, and resolute and mighty, that we may transmit to uncounted millions and unborn generations the blessings of free, democratic government. GRANT'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. To General Joseph R. Hawlet, President Na- tional Union liejmblican Convention : In formally accepting the nomination of the National Union Republican Convention of the 21st of May instant, it seems proper that some statement of views beyond the mere accept- ance of the nomination should be expressed. The proceedings of the Convention were marked with wipfiom, moderation, and patriot- ism, and I believe express the feelings of the great mass of those who sustained the country through its, recent trials. I endorse the resolutions. If elected to the- office of President of the United States it will be my endeavor to administer all the laws in good faith, with economy, and with the view of giving peace, quiet, and protection every- where. In times like the present it is impossible, or at least eminently improper, to lay down a policy to be adhered to, right or wrong, through an administration of four years. New politi- cal issues, not foreseen, are constantly arising: the views of the public on old ones are con- stantly changing, and a purely administrative officer should always be left free to execute the will of the people. I always have respected that will, and always shall. Peace and universal prosperity — its sequence — with economy of administration, will lighten the burden of taxation, while it constantly reduces the national debt. Let us have peace. With great respect, your obedient servant. U. S. Grant. Washixgton, May 39, 1868. Platform of the Republican Party. The following platform, reported by tbe Committee oa Resolutions, was unanimously adopted by ibe National Republican Conveu- lion at. Cbicago: First. We- cou'jratulate the country on tbe assured success of tlie recoustruclion policy of Congress, as evinced by the adoption, in a majoriiy of the States lately in rebellion, of constitutions securing? equal civil and political rights to all, and regard it as the duty of the Government to susiaii) ibO:^e constitutions and to prevent the people of such States from Vieing remitted to a state of anarchy or military rule. Second. The tjuarantee by Congress of equal snlTrajje lo all loyal men at the rtouth was ae- manded by every consideration of public safety, of gratitude, and of justice, and must he main- tained; while the question of sutlrage in all the loyal States properly belongs to the people of those States. Third. We denounce all forms of repudia- tion as a national crime; and national honor requires the payment of the public indebted- ness in the utmost good faith to all creditors -It home and abroad, not only aecordins; to the letter but the spirit of the laws under which it was contracted. Fourth. It is due to the labor of the nation that taxation should be equalized, and reduced as rapidly as the national faith will permit. ■ FUth. The national debt, contracted as it bfs been for the preservation of the Union for 'iil' time to come, should be extended over a f/iir period for redemption; and it is the duty of Conirress to reduce the rale of interest thereon whenever it can honestly be done. Sixth. That t^e best policy to diminish our burdeu of debt is to so improve our credit that capitalis'.s wi'l seek to loan us money at lower rates of interest than we now pay, and must continue to pay so lou? as repudiation, partial or total, opcu or covert, is threatened or sus- pected. Seventh. The Government of the United States liho.ild ;)e administered with the strictest ei;onoai\; and the corruptioas which have been so shamefully nursed and fostered by Andrew Johnson call loudly for radical reform. Eighth. We profoundly deplore the untimely and tragic death of Abraham Lincoln, and regret the accession of Andre iv Johnson to the Presidency, who has acted treacherously to the people who elected him and the cause he was pledged to support; has usurped high legislative and Judicial functions; has refused to execute the laws; has used his high office to induce other otiicers to ignore and violate the laws; has employed his executive powers to render in- Becure the property, peace, liberty, and life of the citizen : has abused the pardoning power; has denounced the National Legisla- ture as unconstitutional; has persistently and corruptly resisted, by every means in his power, every proper attempt at the reconstruc- tion of the States lately in rebellion; has per- verted the public patronage into an engine o( wholesale corruption, and has been justly im- peached for high crimes and misdemeanors, and properly pronounced guilty thereof by the votes ot thuty-ljve Senators. Nmth. The doctrine ot Great Britain and other European powers, that because a man is once a sui'ject he is always so, must be re- sisted at every hazard by the United States as a relic of the feudal times, not authorized by the law of nations and at war with our national honor and independence. Naturalized citizens are entitled to be protected in all their rights of citizensbiyj as though they were native-born, and no citizen of the United States, native or naturalized, must be liable to arrest and im- prisonment by any foreign power for acts done or words spoken in this country. And if bo arrested and imprisoaed, it is tbe duty of the Government to interfere in his behalf. Tenth. Of all who were faithful in the trials of the late war there were none entitled to more especial honor than the brave soldiers and seamen who endured the hardships of campaign and cruise, and imperilled their lives in the service ot the country. The boun- ties and pensions provided by law for these brave defenders of the nation are obligations never to be forgotten. The widows and orphans of the gallant dead are the wards ot the people, a sacred legacy bequeathed to the nation's protecting care. Eleventh. Foreign emigration, which in the past has added so much to the wealth, de- velopment of resources, and increase of power to this nation, "the asylum of the oppressed of all nations," should be fostered and encour- aged by a liberal and just policy. Twelfth. This convention declares its sym- pathy with all the oppressed people who are Btruggling for their rights. On motion of General Carl Schurz, the fol- lowing additional resolutions were unani- mously adopted as part of the platform : Resolved, That we highly commend the spirit of magnanimity and forbearance with which the men who have served in the rebellion, but now frankly and honestly cooperate with us in restoring the peace of the country and re- constructing the Southern State governments upon the basis of impartial justice and equal rights, are received back into the communion of the loyal people; and we favor the removal of the disqualifications and restrictions im- posed upon the late rebels in the same mea- sure as the spirit of disloyalty will die out, and as may be consistent with the safety of the loyal people. Beaolvcd, That we recognize the great prin- ciples laid dowu in the immortal Declaration of Independence as the true foundation of democratic government, and we hail with gladness every effort toward making these principles a living reality on every inch of a.merican soil. LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 013 744 537 2 0013 / ^ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 013 744 537 2 f^ r>«»OTn3i1ift>*