J OHM iS?l^lt 
 
/_ M 
 
 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. 
 
 Shelf 
 
 
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 
 
 J 
 
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LIFE 
 
 GEN. JAMES H. LANE 
 
 "The Liberator of Kansas" 
 
 Corroborative Incidents of Pioneer History 
 
 ♦ ¥ 
 
 BY JOHN SPEER 
 
 ti ^ 
 
 
 GARDEN CITY. KAS. 
 
 JOHN SPEER. PRINTEI? 
 1896 
 
.1^ 
 
 
 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 
 
 1896, by JofaM Speer, in tlie Office of the Librariati of 
 
 Congress, at Washington. 
 
gknp:kal jamp:s h. lane. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Tlie tirst sentence in the preface to (Inuit's Memoirs rends: "Man 
 proposes and ( nnl disposes." If this is true tf (irujit's ^reat work in 
 tlie American conflict, liow much more empliatic the sentence seems 
 when applied to the earlier struggle where the whole question of 
 slavery progression was fought over and the victory locally won wiiich 
 finally warranted and demanded the Emancipation Proclamation and 
 culminated in the surrender at Appamattox, and tlie overthrow of the 
 institution. This victory was won in Kansas; and I write of one 
 who led the forlorn liope against an oligarchy whicii had ruled the 
 Nation from its foundation, and up to that period seemed strengthen- 
 ing from year to year, till some of its leaders boasted in tlie hails of 
 Congress that they would live to call the roll of their slaves in the 
 shadow of Bunker Hill Monument. W'iien James II. Lane threw his 
 life, his fortunes and his honor into the conflict, tlie people of Kansas 
 were but a handful of unorganized men with hostile Indians on the 
 west and more hostile white men on the east. This seems strange 
 language now; but previously to Lane's enlistment in the cause an 
 enactment had been placed upon our statute books by invaders of 
 our country warrantiim this declaration, and the puljlic sentiment of 
 our oppressors more than sustained it 'n barbarity. 
 
 "Man pro|H)ses and (rod disposes" truly. The gift of j)ropliecy 
 never gave to tlie pioneers of Kansas a twinkle of light upon what 
 was to come. No human being had predicted the results nor fore- 
 seen the outcome — the bravest struggle and the grandest outcome in 
 the history of the world. 
 
 My opportiniities in forty-two years of Kansas life have l)rougIil to 
 me quite a number of solicitations to write on tiie occurrences of that 
 period; and among them I venture to (luote from two characteristic 
 but antagonistic great men: one. Rev. Samiki. Okcott, of New Ha- 
 ven; the other, Hon. .Iamks N. Biknks, of 8t. Joseph, Mo. — tiie Con- 
 necticut historian and divine and the Missouri statesman, written 
 when I was engaged on the Kansas Biographical Dictionary. Mr. 
 Orrcott says : 
 
Vlll PKEFACE. 
 
 New Haven, Coxx., Aug. 11, 1879. 
 Mr. J. Speer — Dear Sir: ... I like the appearance of 
 
 the sheets you have sent me. Tlie wliole appearance of your work is 
 agreeable and pleasing. . . I have no objection to the work, 
 and like it very much, except John Brown's picture, in which the true 
 character is gone, as to my thinking. The article as a whole is per 
 feet — the medal picture fitting most charmingly. . . I should 
 be glad to commend you to any fair opportunity to do something 
 more for humanity and the future. I have not seen a history of 
 Kansas. If there is none full and complete, you would do well to go 
 at it. No history of a Westei*n State would sell in the East like that, 
 in my judgment. Is not now the time ? Connect the leading fami- 
 lies with their ancestors; fill it out carefully with historical notes 
 and the like, and you would be in time, if there is no historical work 
 on that State. A'ery truly, Samuel Orcott. 
 
 Col. Burxes, in a very complimentary letter in regard to Kansas 
 and Missouri history, dated December 6, 1877, said : 
 
 Having taken the liberty of saying this much, I feel that it will not 
 be considered impertinent for me to add, that a book of anecdotes 
 and incidents in the life you have lived, bearing upon the social and 
 private life of the public men of the border, laughable, ridiculous, 
 non-partisan — just such stories as you can tell in asocial way all day 
 LoxG — will give you such pecuniary rewards as make book-writing a 
 success. Your idea may be far better than mine ; but I thought it 
 might not be hurtful to have you think the matter over carefully, as 
 to the elements and character of your book. Tlie world is not inter- 
 ested much in any of the men, great or small, who have " flourished 
 or faded" in our two States; but it is always interested in a good 
 story, and will buy tickets liberally in a lottery of laughter. 
 
 In the present effort I am taking the advice of neither of these dis- 
 tinguished men ; and only quote to show some of the incentives to 
 write. I am attempting what I conceive to be justice to a great man 
 with many eccentricities. I once met a negro emancipated by Lane's 
 command, and asked him how he came to be free. His quick response 
 was: " God sent Jim Lane and his army for me — I don't care what 
 anybody says." This faith of the poor slave differed very little from 
 Grant's: "Man proposes and God disposes." If no other good re- 
 sulted from the INIexican War, which was man's "proposal" for sla- 
 very extension, than the raising up of Jim Lane, as he called himself, 
 as a "Crusader of Freedom," the whole civilized world now prays,. 
 " The Lord's will be done." Joirx Speer. 
 
TABLK OF CONTEXTS. 
 
 Patto. 
 
 CiiAiTKU I. liirth, rarentage and Early Career, 
 
 II. Repeal of ^Missouri Compromise — Excitement over 
 
 Slavery — Outrages on Settlers 17 
 
 III. Movement for a Constitutional Convention, . . . .'J4 
 
 IV. The AVakarusa War — Attempted Subjugation, . . 49 
 V. Speeches that Still Speak 66 
 
 YI. Continued Outrages in the Winter of 1855-6, ... 72 
 
 VII. Anecdotes of Lane and his Compeers, S4 
 
 VIII. General Lane's (Campaign for Fremont, I'll 
 
 IX. Lane's ^lilitary Defense of Kansas in 1856, .... lU'J 
 
 X. The Free-State Triumph, 135 
 
 XI. "A Turbulent and Dangerous Military Leader," . . 152 
 
 XII. Gov. Denver's Assault upon Lane and his Staff, . 163 
 
 XIII. The Leavenworth (Constitution, 175 
 
 XIV. The Homicide of Gains .lenkins, 187 
 
 XV. A Period Fruitful of Important Results, .... 219 
 
 XVI. Elected to tlie United States Senate, 227 
 
 XN'II. Bivouac in the Presidential .Mansion, 234 
 
 XVIII. (Jen. Denver's Kansas Campaign, 242 
 
 XIX. Delahay's Appointment as United States Judge, ' 244 
 XX. General Lane on the Vigorous Prosecution of tlie War 
 
 and on ('olored Troops, 247 
 
 XXI. (iuantrill's Massacre at Lawrence 265 
 
 XXII. Location of tlie Union Pacific Kailwav 272 
 
 XXIII. The Second Nomination of Lincoln 279 
 
 XXIV. The Price Paid and Political Campaign of 1864, . . 285 
 XXV. Senator Ingalls on Lane — Lane's Southern Expedition 
 
 — Tlie Henderson Amendment, .302 
 
 XXVI. The Causes of (xeneral Lane's Deatli 313 
 
 XXVII. (k)ngressional Eulogies upon his Death, .... 317 
 XXVIII. Glimpse at Events — Lane's Acts and Characteristics, 327 
 
JOHN J-TEER. 
 
LIFE OF GEN. JAMES H. LANE. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 I'.IKTH, 1>AKI-:.\TA(;K and EAKI.V CAKKrCK. 
 
 In attcini)tiiiu- :i skctcli of this iviiiai'kahlc man, we 
 must rcnifnilx'i- ilir cii-cuinstanccs and (.-(•nditions of tlio 
 l)erio(l in wliicli hv acted. I>oni at Lawi-cnceburn-li, In- 
 diana, .June 2-2, 1.S14, liis vciy birtli was in tlic midst of 
 the I'xc'iteinonts and dcniofalization following the War 
 of 1812. The first sounds u^^on his infant ear were the 
 shouts and revelry of the rude Hoosiers and wihhM- Ken- 
 tuekians cheei-ing and di-iid<in<;- in honor- of tlie JJattle of 
 New Orleans and in eon ii;ratu hit ions over the Treatv of 
 (ihent. And yet this man, the ehild of the fi'ontier of 
 (•ivilizati(»n, the advance hei-ald of two wars, the leader 
 in the Kansas Conllict against Slavery, was one of the 
 most abstemious men I ever saw. So remarkable was 
 this as a characteristic, that, in speaking of it to his 
 daughter, she t'xpressed surprise at the idea that he ever 
 partook of liipior at all. 
 
 It was my ])rivilege to have spent a portion of my life 
 (in 1S42) at Corydon, Indiana, the capital of that State 
 from 1SK5 till 1824, and to learn much by ti-adition of 
 his parentage, where his parents spent much of tlieir 
 
10 ANCESTRY. 
 
 time after the admission of Indiana as a State in 1816. 
 The father, Hon. Amos Lane, was the first Speaker of 
 the Indiana House of Representatives, and was after- 
 wards a Judge and a member of Congress ; and, at that 
 time, anecdotes were almost as numerous and unique as 
 those of the son in the pioneer days of Kansas. Many- 
 persons were there then living who had intimately known 
 both the parents. The father had the reputation of the 
 trickiness of the wily politician, and the mother that of a 
 lady eminent for piety, amiability, charity and every 
 womanly virtue — a member of the Methodist Episcopal 
 church ; and both these attributes of character were 
 brought to Kansas where the first marked Methodist em- 
 igration settled ; and at no place were Lane's triumphs 
 of oratory and political success greater than at Baldwin 
 City among that good people. The father was of Scotch- 
 Irish descent — the mother of New England Puritanical 
 stock. She was descended from the Foote family of 
 Connecticut, one of whom was Governor of that State 
 and United States Senator — a family distinguished in its 
 State history. -But little seems to be known of the an- 
 C(s:;ors on the paternal side beyond the father, Amos 
 Lane ; but the parents were married at Ogdensburgh , 
 New York ; and Gen. Lane's daughter, Annie, now 
 Mrs. D. A. Johnson, of Kansas City, Mo., frequently 
 visits the Connecticut kindred, and informs me that the 
 old house -in which her grandparents were married is 
 still standing in a good state of preservation, where she 
 has been shown the room in which the ceremony was 
 
A mother's influence. 11 
 
 performed. Gen. Lane himself gave me all I know of 
 Ills father's nationality. Talking with Lane once, on 
 politics, I happened to tell him I got my first practical 
 ideas on political organization from Newton Gunn, a 
 trusted, earnest friend and comjDeer of Thurlow Weed. 
 "Newton Giinn ! Where did you know Newton 
 Gunn? He was my cousin." I found that he and 
 Newton Gunn, a Connecticut youth, had been fellow 
 clerks in the store of Judge Geer, of Ithaca, New York, 
 and that from such sources he had gotten much informa- 
 tion. Contrary to general belief, he had various oppor- 
 tunities for culture among eminent men, though liis 
 education had been limited to common schools. But his 
 mother was a woman of culture. Connecticut was famous 
 for its advancement in education many years before she 
 was born, and she had all its advantages in some of its 
 most advanced schools for female education. In that 
 rude settlement in Indiana, she took to her own home a 
 few of the children of her neighbors, and taught school, 
 her own children being a portion of her pupils, and her 
 teachings were probably the most useful and instructive 
 of his life. Thurlow Weed was one of his ideals of a 
 great man, and opportunities with such a man we may 
 readily imagine would never be lost on such a pupil. 
 Whether in the evolution of humanity these criss-cross 
 characteristics of parentage influenced the eccentricities 
 or idiosincrasies of the son, I leave to scientists who may 
 read his history. 
 
 The writer had further opportunities of knowing of 
 
12 SETTLES IN .KANSAS. 
 
 the son in the fact that he was in Indiana when the Mex- 
 ican War broke out, and passed through his native town 
 when the first news of the victories of Palo Alto and Re- 
 saca de la Palma were received, and the rally was on for 
 volunteers, and James H. Lane stepped from the multi- 
 tude into the ranks as a private, and was spontaneously 
 proclaimed the leader of the regiment, and made colonel 
 by acclamation. Leading that regiment with great ac- 
 ceptance, he not only gallantly led these brave men 
 through all its engagements up to the ensanguinary Bat- 
 tle of Buena Vista, but rallied the demoralized regiment 
 of Col. Bowles, the latter retrieving much of their lost 
 honors under his leadership ; and after the expiration 
 of the term of this regiment, he returned to his home, 
 and organized another regiment, participating in the 
 battles around the city of Mexico, honorably command- 
 ing till the close of the war. He was Lieutenant Gover- 
 nor of Indiana, Elector-at-Large and member of Congress. 
 
 "With these honors, he came to Kansas. One bright 
 morning in April, 1855, as he was passing with his team 
 over the hill where the State University now stands, he 
 halted and walked into the little hamlet now called Law- 
 rence, named but without a charter, carrying a jug to fill 
 with water to pursue his journey westward, but meeting 
 a man named Edward Chapman, who offered to sell him 
 a "claim," he purchased and ended his journey. 
 
 He was a Democrat, and always had been, with the 
 odium of having voted in Congress for the Kansas-Ne- 
 braska bill. That bill, the precursor of the slavery agi- 
 
VIEWS ON SLAVERY. 13 
 
 tation, was considered by the people among wliom he 
 settled the acma of pro-slavery tyranny. His democracy 
 might have been forgiven ; but the sin of breaking down 
 the " Missouri Compromise " and turning the tide of sla- 
 very northward through Kansas, where a considerable 
 number of slaves were already held, could not be palli- 
 ated. Was he a pro-slavery man? The ultra abolition 
 type of agitators regarded him in that light. They be- 
 lieved that the whole democratic administration was sold 
 and delivered to slavery. He was, however, no more 
 pro-slavery than Pierce, Buchanan, Douglas, Logan and 
 Grant. He believed in what they all called the "com- 
 promises of the constitution." He was no more a pro 
 slavery man than Henry Clay, who said he would rather 
 be instrumental in relieving his country of the great 
 stain of slavery than to be a conquering hero. He was 
 with Douglas in favor of "squatter sovereignty." These 
 men only espoused anti-slavery ideas according to the 
 advanced thought of Garrison, Thaddeus Stevens and 
 Chase after slave-holders arose in rebellion to sustain 
 the Dred Scott decision that slavery was national and 
 that slaves were property to be taken all over the Union 
 acccording to the volition of the owner. If we had ta- 
 booed all men holding the views of Lane, Grant and 
 others, we would have had neither statesmen, nor army, 
 nor navy. The sentiment which triumphed grew out of 
 results ; but in the very incipiency of the conspiracy 
 against Kansas, the conspirators laid down the proposi- 
 tion that they were neither Whigs nor Democrats, but a 
 
14 WEAK IN NUMBERS STRONG IN PRINCIPLE. 
 
 distinctive Pro-Slavery party. On the other hand, Lane, 
 Emery, Goodin and others attempted to organize the 
 Democratic party, and were denounced as abolitionists 
 and enemies of the institution of slavery. The oppo- 
 nents of slaveiy met them upon this ground, if they did 
 not jDrecede them, but that can hardly be claimed ; for 
 the friends of a Free State never chrystalized into a solid 
 party until the Big Springs Convention September 5, 
 1855, when they made provision for another convention 
 at Topeka, September 19, 1855, wiiich appointed an Ex- 
 ecutive Committee and called an election for Delegates to 
 the Topeka Constitutional Convention. 
 
 Still, the small consolidation at Lawrence and a few 
 other places, weak in numbers, but strong in the princi- 
 ples of universal liberty, dates back further. The very 
 first effort at the trial of strength was November 29, 
 1854, when the anti-slavery men were badly routed, the 
 vote standing ; Flenneken, Democrat, 805 ; Wakefield, 
 Anti-Slavery, 248; Whitfield, Pro-Slavery, 2, 258, for the 
 election of Delegate to Congress. At this election the 
 Pro-Slavery men showed their determination to conquer 
 the new Territory by invasion and ballot stuffing. The 
 first homocide occurred that day, when Davis, Pro-Sla- 
 very, assaulted Kibbe, Free-State, and by the latter was 
 killed in self-defense ; which was the first murder trial 
 in Kansas, in preliminary hearing before Judge Lecompte 
 on writ of habeas corpus, with a view to bail. The case 
 was never tried. It was reported in full by John Speer 
 for the Kansas Tribune and Free State. 
 
THE CONI'I.KT I NA l* iT H ATKD. 15 
 
 The next contest was Marcli 30, 1855, when one thou- 
 sand men from Missouri and other States, with guns, re- 
 volvers and a cannon, boldly camped at Lawrence the 
 e\ ening before the election, and marshalled a portion of 
 them for other points, besides liaving oth^r bands enter 
 the Territory at KickapoO, Leavenworth, Atchison and 
 elsewhere. It was the boldest, wickedest assault upon 
 the ballot-box ever made in a country pretending to pop- 
 ular siitlrage. The selection of a Pro-Slavery legislature 
 succeeded this outrage, and laws were passed rendering 
 a fair election an impossibility. Practically all oppo- 
 nents of slavery were disfranchised. 
 
 This outrage, hoAvever, aroused a spirit of resistance 
 that linally became unconquerable. But, to avoid blood- 
 shed, a general determination was evolved to hold an 
 election for Delegate to Congress on a separate day from 
 that selected by what w^as denounced as the "bogus 
 Legislature." But it is not the purpose of this work to 
 go into historical incidents beyond what is necessary to 
 elucidate the character on whom we are writing. The 
 history of the Legislature thus imposed upon the people 
 was characterized by an infamy unparalleled by any 
 other in the annals of the Republic. The worst charac- 
 ters in the slaveholding oligarchy had failed to make 
 precedents severe enough to satisfy the vengeance of 
 these usurpers for punishments against the " abolition- 
 ists," and they made the mere declaration of opinion 
 that "slavery does not legally exist in this Territory" a 
 penalty of not less than two years in the penitentiary, 
 
16 ESPOUSES FREE-STATE PRINCIPLES. 
 
 and. harboring or feeding a man whom they declared to 
 be a slave was death. 
 
 With all this, however, Gen. Lane had nothing to do. 
 He liad thus far been quiescent, except in a futile attempt 
 to organize the Democratic party. It was in the initia- 
 tor}' effort to resist this tyranny that he literally broke 
 loose in all his power, fury and energy. Thence onward 
 he was indomitable and unconquerable. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 REPEAL OF MISSOURI COMPROMISE EXCITEMENT OVER 
 
 SLAVERY OUTRAGES ON SETTLERS. 
 
 The original provocation for conflict was in what was 
 known as the repeal of the ''Missonri Compromise," 
 embraced in the act ' ' to organize the Territories of Ne- 
 braska and Kansas," which became a law by the signa- 
 ture of President Pierce May 30, 1854. This act repealed 
 the law which '^ forever prohibited" slavery ''north of 
 thirty degrees and thirty minutes north latitude, not in- 
 cluded within the limits of the State" of Missouri, in 
 what was known as the '' Louisiana Purchase," acquired 
 under the administration of President .Jefferson in 1804. 
 
 Tnat compromise law had been considered a sacred 
 compact between the Nortli and the South for a third of 
 a century, the preserver of x)eace between the slave- and 
 free States. 
 
 This action renewed all the hostilities that ever existed 
 between the slave- and non-slaveholding States, and 
 opened up a contest for supremacy which eventually re- 
 sulted in the war and the entire annihilation of slavery, 
 and threw the whole burthen of the conflict upon the set- 
 tlers of Kansas. 
 
18 AGGRESSIONS OF SLAVERY. 
 
 The animosities were aroused from the introduction of 
 the bill. The theory of Senator Stephen A. Douglas, the 
 author of the bill, was in the right of the people to " reg- 
 ulate their own domestic institutions in their own way," 
 and the friends of the measure attempted to popularize it 
 as ** squatter sovereignty," but the ghost of slavery was 
 too transparent. Mr. Douglas' first bill was to organize 
 the Territory of Nebraska; but at the next session, he 
 modified his measure by the act to organize the Territo- 
 ries of Nebraska and Kansas, in hopes that the idea of 
 one slave- and one free State would concilliate the excite- 
 ment. The result is written in history, and speaks from 
 the graves of the martyrs of the greatest war the world 
 ever saw. The Northern emigrants to Kansas met the 
 aggressions of slavery at every step. They were boldly 
 told that " the abolitionists might take Nebraska, but if 
 they got Kansas, they would have to fight for it; and 
 most emphatically they carried out their threats. The 
 best ** claims " were staked out and marked with the 
 names of pro-slavery men, many of whom had never seen 
 the land. My first night's experience will illustrate the 
 situation. Six of us Northern men slept upon the prai- 
 ries. We were aroused by the yells of a pro-slavery man, 
 as distinct and definable as the rebel yell became after- 
 ward. My comrades suggested, as I was a Western man, 
 that I should do the talking. I hailed from Kentucky, 
 where I had once lived. He greeted me with gladness, 
 and informed me that ''too many infernal abolitionists 
 are getting into the country, and for my part, I am for 
 
THE TRYING HOUR. 19 
 
 tarring and feathering and gutting and hanging and 
 drowning the scoundrels till not an abolition thief shall 
 be found in Kansas!" Congratulating my Kentucky 
 friend on his levelheadedness, he departed. Long after, 
 I met him as a Union man, and a jolly good fellow he was. 
 
 The trying hour came in the election of March 30, 
 1855, for members of the Territorial Legislature, when 
 1,000 men invaded the polls at Lawrence, principally 
 from Missouri, but with no inconsiderable portion from 
 other slave States. This was the main central object of 
 the invasion , but they came in sufficient number to over- 
 throw the legal vote at Leavenworth, Atchison, Kickapoo, 
 and in fact all along the border, while no part of the 
 settled interior was neglected. It was an invasion with 
 arms and all the munitions of war, with a cannon for the 
 emergency of having to batter down a log house occupied 
 for a polling place ; and they did, indeed, upset a house 
 and capture the judges at Clinton, having detailed two 
 or tliree hundred men from Lawrence for that purpose. 
 
 Gov. Reeder, though appointed by President Pierce, 
 whose every act had been to establish slavery, was a man 
 of honest purposes and did all he could to right the 
 wrong by throwing out illegal returns, and proclaiming a 
 new election to fill vacancies thereby created ; but there 
 not being enough tlirown out to give the Free-State mem- 
 bers a majority in eitlier branch, the Pro-Slavery men 
 did not go to the trouble or expense of a second invasion 
 and ballot usurpation, and the Legislature paid no atten- 
 tion to the legal election, but summarily ousted all the 
 
20 FREE-STATE MEN ALL OUSTED. 
 
 members elected at the second election and seated the 
 members in both houses previously declared by the Gov- 
 ernor not to have been elected at all. Martin F. Con- 
 way, a Free-State man, clearly elected a member of the 
 Council, axidressed a letter to that body denouncing it as 
 constituted by fraud, and refused to act with it. S. D. 
 Houston, a Free-State member of the House also uncon- 
 tested, remained in the House but a short time, when he 
 withdrew in disgust and contempt, denouncing them as 
 usurpers and tyrants. This left both bodies unani- 
 mously pro-slavery ; and they gave to the Territory a 
 code of laws which had no parallel for infamy in the his- 
 tory of American civilization. 
 
 The causes which led up to the war are too little un- 
 derstood. The sufferings and trials of the pioneers in 
 the anti-slavery cause in Kansas can hardly be realized 
 in the present period of comparative comfort and ease ; 
 yet they enjoyed the excitements, laughed at their 
 calamaties, and rejoiced in their successes. 
 
 A single section of "An act to punish offenses against 
 slave property," (Statutes of Kansas Territory, 1855, 
 page 117, section 12,) will suffice as a specimen : 
 
 Sec. 12. If any free person, by speaking or by writing, assert or 
 maintain that persons have not the right to hold shxves in this Terri- 
 tory, or shall introduce into this Territory, print, publish, write, 
 circulate or cause to be introduced into this Territory, written, print- 
 ed, published, or circulated in this Territory, any book, paper, maga- 
 zine, pamphlet or circular, containing any denial of the right of persons 
 to hold slaves in this Territory, such person shall be deemed guilty of 
 felony, and punished by imprisonment at hard labor for a term of not 
 less than two years. 
 
THE ACM A OF TYRANNY. 21 
 
 Three of the sections of this infamous enactment pre- 
 scribe death for their violation ; three imprisonment for 
 not less than ten years, or death at the discretion of the 
 jury ; three imprisonment for not less than five years ; 
 two imprisonment for not less than two years. 
 
 No enactment so severe had found its way into any 
 of the American slave States. These statesmen had one 
 merit — originality in barbarity. Under a jury of slave- 
 holders, it might have been as bloody as the code of 
 Draco. 
 
 With these aggravations, would it be wonderful if the 
 victims of such laws should feel the spirit of revenge? 
 
 With all this, the Kansas troops were as humane as 
 any body of similar troops that ever entered the army. 
 They never sought Kansas for other than honorable pur- 
 poses, and to them the field of battle was the field of 
 honor. 
 
 The organization of the New England Emigrant Aid So- 
 ciety, while peaceful and patriotic in its purposes, was 
 made the pretext for more outrage upon the people from 
 the slavery propogandists than against all other classes 
 and combinations . It was the theme of denunciation in 
 every campaign, and pro-slavery men traversed the Ter- 
 ritory justifying all their aggressions, invasions and mur- 
 ders, on the ground that that company had invaded the 
 rights of the slave States. It helped the country finan- 
 cially ; it aided the immigration by securing cheaper 
 transportation both for passengers and freight ; it built 
 mills, hotels, schools and churches ; and it is safe to say 
 
22 THE EMIGRANT-AID SOCIETY. 
 
 provoked many quarrels and brought unjust accusations 
 against the people of colonizing men from the East for 
 the sole purpose of voting, which was by no means its 
 object. There might have been isolated cases of men 
 who availed themselves of its advantages for corruption 
 only, but its purposes were humane and honorable. 
 
 The Aid Society wera not long in realizing the danger 
 of such antagonism to their property ; for when they 
 built the original stone building generally called the Free 
 State Hotel, but changed to the Eldridge House by Col. 
 Eldridge, they raised the walls above the roof and made 
 portholes in it as in blockhouses. The walls were built 
 by placing boxes above the work and filling them with 
 stone , something like concrete , except larger stone . The 
 roof was as near flat as consistent with good watershed, 
 and the walls projected above the roof. In the walls 
 were placed boxes as if for molding sunk into the wall 
 within about two inches of the outer surface, covered 
 with mortar to hide the outside view ; but the butt of a 
 gun could instantly knock it out, and armed men would 
 thus be ready for defense, either by firing through these 
 holes or over the walls. 
 
 This building is thus described by Mr. Ben. Johnson, 
 
 who erected the house : 
 
 Ottawa, Kansas, October 21, 1894. 
 Friend Speer: I received a line fi*oin you asking about the walls of 
 the Free-State Hotel. The building was fifty by eighty feet, four 
 stories high. The basement walls were two feet thick ; first story 
 twenty inches ; the balance eighteen inches thick. The parapet walla 
 in front above the roof were two feet, running bevel all around the 
 
PORTHOLES AND SHARP's RIFLES. 23 
 
 building, making the sides and rear from two to six feet high, with 
 portholes six feet apart, sixteen inches large on the inside, and four 
 inches on the outside, mortared over to prevent observation from 
 without side. Shape of opening: B.JOHNSON. 
 
 While this house was going up, just following the elec- 
 tion outrages of March 30, the Aid Society representa- 
 tives, as individuals, and others sent Geo. W. Deitzler 
 (afterwards more famously known as Gen. Deitzler) to 
 Boston for Sharp's rifles, and he returned under the as- 
 sumed name of Crocker up the Missouri on the steamer 
 Vienna, and up the Kansas on the Emma Harmon, and 
 it began to dawn upon the Puritan that he must not only 
 ** trust in God, but keep his powder dry." 
 
 Whether these " parapets " and " portholes " had any- 
 thing to do w^tli causing the following indictment in 
 1856, is submitted to show how hard it was for Free- 
 State men to build anything to advance civilization 
 without encountering the direst enmity of the slavehold- 
 ing oligarchy and its adherents : 
 
 The Grand Jury sitting for the adjourned term of the First District 
 Court, in and for the county of Douglas, in the Territory of Kansas, 
 beg leave to report to the honorable court, that, from evidence laid 
 before them showing that the newspaper known as the Herald of 
 Freedom, published at the town of LawTence, has from time to time 
 issued publications of the most inflammatory and seditious character, 
 denying the legality of the Territorial authorities, advising and com- 
 mending forcible resistance to the same ; demoralizing the popular 
 mind, and rendering life and property unsafe, even to the extent of 
 %dvising assassination as the last resort. 
 
24 AN INFAMOUS INDICTMENT. 
 
 Also, that the paper known as the Kansas Free State has been simi- 
 larly engaged, and has recently reported the resolutions of a public 
 meeting in Johnson county, in this Territory, in which resistance to 
 the Territorial laws, even unto blood, has been agreed upon. And 
 that we respectfully recommend their abatement as a nuisance. 
 
 Also, that we are satisfied that the building known as the Free-State 
 Hotel, in Lawrence, has been constructed with the view to military 
 occupation and defense, regularly parapeted and portholed for the use 
 of cannon and small arms, and could only have been designed as a 
 stronghold of resistance to law, thereby endangering the public safety 
 and encouraging rebellion and sedition in this country ; and respect- 
 fully recommend that steps be taken whereby this nuisance may be 
 removed. 
 
 Whatever may have been the '* provoking " causes, 
 the worst speech ever made, considering its source, and 
 the occasion, threatening murder, rapine, arson, and all 
 their concomitant evils, was that made by David R. At- 
 chison, Acting Vice President of the United States, as he 
 nerved the ruffians to the assault upon Lawrence, in con- 
 formity to that indictment : 
 
 Boys, this day I am a Kickapoo Ranger, by God ! This day we have 
 entered LawTence with "Southern Rights" inscribed upon our ban- 
 ner, and not one damned abolitionist dared to fire a gun. Now, boys, 
 this is the happiest day of my life. We have entered that damned 
 town, and taught the damned abolitionists a Southern lesson that they 
 will remember till the day they die. And now, boys, we will go again, 
 with our highly honorable Jones, and test the strength of that damned 
 Free-State Hotel, and teach the Emigrant Aid Company that Kansas 
 shall be ours. Boys, ladies should, and I hope will, be respected by 
 every gentleman. But when a woman takes upon herself the garb of 
 a soldier by carrying a Sharp's rifle, then she is no longer worthy of 
 respect. Trample her under your feet as you would a snake. Come 
 on, boys. Now do your duty to yourselves and your S juthern friends. 
 Your duty I know you will do. If one man or woman dare stand be- 
 fore you, blow them to hell with a chunk of cold lead. 
 
A VICE PRESIDENT S BAD EYE FOR SHOOTING. 2o 
 
 Terrible destruction followed this outburst of demoniac 
 profanity ; and the best apology that could possibly have 
 been offered for the Vice President is inferentially in the 
 statement that when he sighted and fired the first gun at 
 the offending hotel, eighty feet wide and four stories 
 high, he missed the building! The hotel, the printing 
 offices, Gov. Robinson's house and much other prop- 
 erty went up in flames, and many of the stores were 
 robbed. 
 
 What the Emigrant-Aid Society did mainly to pro- 
 mote emigration, was to establish agencies at different 
 points, which were advertised to furnish cheap rates of 
 transportation for passengers and freight, in numbers 
 and amounts so great as to be an inducement to steam- 
 boats and railroads to make important reductions ; and 
 the agents were all instructed to sell to customers with- 
 out regard to politics, though generally they were at 
 points Avhere the bulk of their business would come from 
 the non-slaveholding States, and incidentally contributed 
 to Free-State sentiment in Kansas. 
 
 But these cheap rates attracted some Pro-Slavery men, 
 "who either knew nothing or cared nothing about who 
 sold, so that they got their tickets cheap. An amusing 
 case of this kind of mistaken identity occurred in 1857, 
 When Robert J. Walker, the newly-appointed Pro-Sla- 
 very Governor from Mississippi, came to Kansas wath a 
 retinue of followers. By some means unkno^vn to com- 
 mon mortals to this day, some of the party stumbled into 
 the steamboat agency of Simmons & Leadbetter, the Aid 
 
26 THE MAIDEN UNDER THE ORANGE TREES. 
 
 Society's agents at St. Louis. The shrewd Yankee at 
 the desk saw his opportunity in the distinguished list of 
 travellers, and probably lost money on the sale ; at any- 
 rate, it is hardly necessary to state, he sold them all 
 tickets as low as he could and avoid suspicion of having 
 come by them dishonestly. About that time, Col. D. R. 
 Anthony — of whom some people have heard since — hap- 
 pened along, but whether he had anything to do with 
 " setting up a job "on them, has never come down even 
 by tradition to the present posterity. With this party 
 came a most distinguished orator of the spread-eagle 
 variety, Hon. 0. E. Perrin, who became more distin- 
 guished laterrboth in Kansas and New York. He came 
 to sustain " the guarantees of the constitution," the ad- 
 ministration of James Buchanan, show the beauties of 
 the organic act, the justice of letting slaveholders bring 
 their ** chatties" into the new Paradise , and the iniquity 
 of tolerating the Emigrant-Aid Society. Bills were dis- 
 tributed for a complete circuit of the Territory, and his 
 appointments all filled. The persuasive eloquence of 
 that genius of slave-propogandism, in his appeals to the 
 young men in behalf of "the beautiful maidens of the 
 sunny South," and the "enchantments of that lovely 
 vision as the maiden sat under the orange tree, bring- 
 ing sweet music from her harp," had never struck the 
 ear of the rude immigrants from the sterile North as it 
 did from the lips of that grandiloquent orator ; but his 
 eulogy of the Southern maiden and Southern institutions 
 was peurility compared with the withering scorn, con- 
 
PAUPERS AND NEGRO-THIEVES. 27 
 
 tempt and indignation with which he hurled his anath- 
 emas against the * * infamous Emigrant-Aid Society and 
 the groveling paupers and negro-thieves with whom it 
 was attempting to pollute the virgin soil of the fairest 
 patrimony of the American people." His circuit of the 
 State ended up at the Osawkee land sales, where all 
 classes of people were attracted by that great auction of 
 the Delaware Trust Lands . The Northern people, mainly 
 the Free-State people, had become strong in number and 
 stronger in resolution ; and as that was a general assem- 
 bly of the people, demanded the right to be heard on 
 equal terms, and a joint or general debate was reluc- 
 tantly agreed upon, with the despised "abolitionists.'* 
 Joseph L. Speer had just then driven two yoke of oxen 
 up from Lawrence with a load of lumber, and located at 
 a spring near the edge of the embryo village ; and he 
 lariated his oxen, laid down his big whip, and proposed 
 to take a tilt in the general discussion. He got on the 
 list ahead of Perrin ; but the Pro-Slavery men were wild 
 to hear the great orator of Kansas, the demolisher of aid 
 societies and paupers, and their voices were vociferous 
 for " Perrin ! Perrin !" but the Free-State men's ire was 
 up, and revolvers bristled in the evening air and moon- 
 shine, while Perrin said he only wanted to speak ten 
 minutes. That just suited Joe — in fact, he preferred it 
 — ^because it gave Perrin an op;oortunity to annihilate 
 the aid society, and Joe was " loaded for bear " — loaded 
 by D. R. Anthony ; and he arose and requested the aud- 
 ience to listen to Mr. Perrin, on the a£:surance that he 
 
28 TERRIFIC ON AID SOCIETY 
 
 should have his rights in ten minutes. Perrin dropped 
 into the pitfall, and his denunciations of the Emigrant- 
 Aid Society were so bitter and malignant that he forgot 
 all about the "maidens with their harps under the 
 orange trees." He told his friends before he went in, 
 that with that audience, he thought he could make the 
 great eflbrt of his life that night; and, as he went on, 
 on, for more than an hour, the cheers and yells of sla- 
 very triumphant nerved him till great drops of perspi- 
 ration rolled down his classic cheeks. 
 
 The orator retired in triumph, and went into the hotel 
 from the steps of which he had so successfully vindicated 
 the slavery cause, to receive the congratulations of the 
 chivalry — perhaps in liquid potations. Speer followed 
 mildly, regretting his inability to compete with the dis- 
 tinguished leader of the opposition, but in great candor 
 confessing that in his denunciations of the Emigrant-Aid 
 Society he was compelled from indubitable evidence in 
 his possession to agree with him. He had been able to 
 find his own way to Kansas, and pay his own fare with- 
 out aid from any corporation, and he believed that was 
 the more independent way. His attention had not orig- 
 inally been called to the deleterious character of that 
 institution, but in the changes of his mind he was not 
 wholly influenced by the arguments, eloquent as they 
 were, of the gentlemen who had preceded him. He had 
 made some discoveries himself which he would read. 
 He had extracts from the books of Simmons & Leadbet- 
 ter, the agents of that abolition institution at St, Louis, 
 
DAMAGING STEAMBOAT TICKETS. 29 
 
 the authenticity of which could, not be disputed, showing 
 the character of the men w^hom it was sending among us. 
 (Then he gave the page and number of tlie book to which 
 he referred:) "'Hon. Robert J. Walker.' Now," 
 said Speer, continuing, ** we have had enough of tlieso 
 Pro-Slavery Governors foisted upon us without any aid 
 from that Society, If that institution was bringing in 
 Pro-Slavery Governors faster than they could run away, 
 you and I and all of us, fellow-citizens, will join Mr. 
 Perrin and all good men in removing that nuisance from 
 our midst. [Laughter, cheers and shouts of applause.] 
 Now, hear: 'Frederick P. Stanton!' [Cheers.] This 
 is the new Secretary of the Territory, whose first decla- 
 ration was that the tyrannical Pro-Slavery laws passed 
 by the invaders, making it a j)enalty of two years in the 
 penitentiary to deny their validity, must be obeyed ; and 
 if not, it was war to the knife, and the knife to the hilt ! 
 Could anything be more damnable than that?" And on 
 he went through the whole list, all Pro-Slavery, severe 
 in his ironical castigations of the Society. " Now," said 
 he, " I come to the climax of infamy : * 0. E. Perrin and 
 servant ! ' It was bad enough to bring that great orator 
 and enemy of free institutions to Kansas; but, if thio 
 servant was a negro and a slave, and this Society is 
 planting the oppressor and his slave upon our soil, no 
 curse can be too severe upon its character !" The shouts 
 which followed this induced some slavery advocate to re- 
 port to Perrin, in the hotel, to which he had retired, and 
 he rushed out, vengeance in his eye, exclaiming, " I aji* 
 
30 E. O. PERRIN AND SERVANT. 
 
 told the speaker has assaulted me personally, and I de- 
 mand apology!" Speer's reply was: "0, no; on the 
 contrary, I was complimenting him on his opposition to 
 the Emigrant-Aid Society;" and then he went on and 
 repeated what he had said, and defied him or any other 
 man to dispute the fact that the whole gang of United 
 States officers had availed themselves of the cheap tickets 
 of the Emigrant-Aid Society, evidently for the purpose 
 of saving a few dollars ; and they were all now hypocrit- 
 ically traversing the Territory denouncing it for political 
 effect, against the well-known fact that any man who had 
 the money could do the same thing. 
 
 Mr. Perrin was a power on the stump, of pleasing ad- 
 dress and persuasive eloquence. But liis great theme 
 was the charge of colonizing paupers, and ostracising the 
 Free-State men as purchased paupers ; and wlien Speer 
 struck " E. 0. Perrin and servant" on the record, and 
 verified it, the audience went wild with enthusiam, and 
 the triumph was complete . * * His occupation was gone. * * 
 He departed the country, and Kansas knew him no more 
 forever. 
 
 These Osawkee land sales, which opened July 15, 1857, 
 were the source of more free discussion than had ever 
 taken place in Kansas. The people came from all parts 
 of the country to buy land and to lend money ; and gold 
 was there in heaps. A man came to my brother's cabin 
 one day, and said, " I want to go down to your spring 
 and get a drink." We walked with him. He began to 
 clean out the spring, and pulled out a bag of gold, which 
 
NO SUNDAY-SCHOOL TEACHERS. 31 
 
 he said he had hidden there the night before. All were 
 armed, and men will fight for gold, and all were inter- 
 ested in having peace — and had it there, skirmishes on 
 politics excepted. 
 
 Some narrow escapes on politics occurred which were 
 rather amusing. An impromptu discussion broke out, 
 with a wagon for a rostrum ; and Mr. John C. Douglass, 
 a very gentlemanly young man from Leavenworth, and 
 a Sunday school teacher, undertook to take a hand in it, 
 and the ruffians made a rush for him ; and, although 
 Mr. Douglass showed good grit, they mobbed him clear 
 away from the stand. Just about then D. R. Anthony 
 appeared in view ; and the mob was hot. They " had it 
 in ' ' for Anthony on account of the Aid Society records ; 
 and right then, he exclaimed, " Joe, you got me into 
 this ; will you stand by me?" and thoy both crawled in 
 the wagon. Their first utterances, simultaneously and 
 together, would read something like this: "That man 
 you mobbed was a Sunday school teacher ; we are no 
 Sunday school teachers, but a pair of blooming aboli- 
 tionists ; and if you pro-slavery sons of perdition want 
 anything of us, come right on." They had their rights 
 that day. Their speeches were not reported, but it is 
 said that they made it so clear that they were not Sun- 
 day school teachers, that that has never been disputed 
 since. 
 
 We have thus attempted in this chapter to give very 
 briefly facts illustrative of the provocations leading up to 
 the conflict in Kansas till 1857, because we could not well 
 
32 LIBERTY OF THE PRESS ASSERTED. 
 
 break the chain of facts in regard to the Emigrant-Aid 
 Society and do jnstice to that institution. 
 
 On tlie day the slavery-protection law took effect, we 
 published the following in the Kansas Tribune : 
 
 VMM DAY 
 
 IS 
 
 m m 
 
 To-<Iay> i^epj;. 15, J ^.5^, is the day on Tfliicli the ini' 
 
 avitoD^ eUrcun^Dt of an iUc^itiinate. Ulceol r^.3. fraudolejit Lepslalureiiave declared rommeDces- the prostration of tha 
 IKiftL. nf N.Kxcli BTid^ib^ ^lutailmen? of tho fc^iiBERTV OF THE FREN8 1 ! To-day commences on £ra in Kansas 
 fvluch nnlrsf *he sturdy r^ee 61" iht Pvop' '. baoUcJ. if necessary, by *• strong arms and the sure eye," shall teoch the tyS 
 vKor?* -^^r* ••ftcmpt ( r e^tKi-tU? \u th- ^*^»*7u which vttrJPathcrs tAiight tokingly lyranta of old, shall prostrate as in th0 
 Cir^ one* jTike as ^nsiaicf oi iiaOH^^-iiv^b.' 
 
 Wor^e iliaMk€iie Teriest Bespotism ovl JQarth! 
 
 fToJay commcncf^ <b(r«ipM»(Tftn.ofB Itt-i riiicb flccTarc^; *'8rc. 12. If'nn^ frce^penoOt'bT'BpciiEini'or by writing, ul 
 •^rl oroinintain Ibet person* hare not th^ ri^hf *c hold slaves in Ihis^tTemioryror shallJntrodace into this Temtorr} 
 |:nat, 2 uLliNh, wrlt^, circnlate or cause to u-?-- u.*roduced into this Territory, written, 'printed, published or circulated m 
 It^li Territorvt any book« papery magazine, pt^mphlct or circular,' containing an^ deniaUof tbe-right lot persons to hold 
 tV*e» in t:-F« T<>rritory, such- jierson flhalljic deemed guiUyoC JEelony/^uid ptuusliedJir jmprisaiunent ut bard labor for* 
 itcrm o. a'<*. Icn ihan.trTO years.'* 
 
 m ow we 1)0 AISISERI* and TFe declare^ de^ite aU the 
 
 b^l^i^ijir^lwr? ?if th'iici)}^uiiona Xeg^islaturc uf Ikaiisai^, ithul 
 
 '^WJSmSONS HAVS NOT TKB 
 
 RlKGiHT TO HOL.D ISL.ATEIS IN THISi 
 TERRITORir." 
 
 A«d ^e-WUI Fai'i^lazdii itTipoirOTwTiOBftci' in Icnenrvo Iiufge imd in langnage so plain llial fhe inlKtiiBtcd iiiTtfam^bo 
 ^^ed lhcXanna*> Leglslaturts as well aa 
 
 TUT CORRUPT AND IGNORANT LEGISIATIIRE 
 
 liseir, may understand if— so tliat, if tliey cannot ready 
 
 they m«T 81'ELl. IT OI T, nnd medilolc and dclibcrnfc upon it; and wc hold ihot Ihc mim who «u1b (o uUer Ihi* hU> 
 «Tidcat truth, on orcount of the insolent cnQclmcnl alluded to, is a poltroon and a sioTc worse than the black, dan* CC 
 ^nr |icr9ecuiors and oppressors. 
 
 The Conslitution of the United Sules, the ^reol Mognlt Chnrta of AmricaB.'LibrrUc*, 
 
 Crnarantees to every Citizen the L<lberty of SSpeecli and 
 the Freedom of the Press ! 
 
 Aai nils is fl.c first time in tl.c history of Amer that a body troiminK LcgislofiTe ™wer. *" ^.«"* '""'''"'P* ^^^ 
 Vhem from the people And it is not only the right, but the bounden duty of "'^'y*'^^™ '» "P?" 'V^ ^d SKuJL 
 trmmpir under foot on ennetnient whieh thus basely riolotes the ni-his of freemen For «arf«rt we IW^ 
 CW«TINIie to utter this truth so Jong as wc have the power of uuemnee. and.nolh.ng but the braU forec otMCJW 
 Rearing tyranny can prevent us. 
 
 Will any eitiien — onj Crec Amerieaa — brook the insnit of 
 
 AH INSOIiEl^T GA© L.AWI! 
 
 «1ie work ofa Leelslolure rlerled by bnllyins ruffians wlo inTadrd Kansas with orms, and whose drunken nrtirr, a^i 
 •usullB «o our peoceable. tinoirendinc, and eomporativcly unarmed eitiiens. were o disgraco to manhood, and a barleaqqa 
 ,.• ■>n poyular Ueiiublieon Wovemmcnt : If they do, they ore slaves already, oad with them Freedom u bnt a mockeij. 
 
CAPTAIN FRANK B. SWIFT. 
 
 33 
 
 This defiance of tyranny and defense of the freedom 
 of the press was published in full page size, 18 by 24 
 inches, and is now reproduced in reduced fac simile by 
 photo-engraving, to show the spirit of the times. 
 
 We cannot insert this without referring to the gallant 
 soldier, the accomplished printer, the intelligent legisla- 
 tor, the true friend, and the compositor who put that 
 arraignment in type, Capt. Frank B. Swift, wdiom the 
 people of Lawrence took from a case in our office, by 
 electing him to the Legislature ; and any imperfections 
 in the job are explained by the fact that it took all the 
 type we had to do it. The spots in it were made by 
 sparks from the buraing of the editor's dwelling. 
 
 The following oath will explain what was going on 
 elsewhere the same day : 
 
 United States op America, Territory of Kansas. 
 
 I, John F. Wood, do solemnly swear, upon the holy Evangelists of 
 Almighty God, that I will support the Constitution of the United 
 States, and that I will supi)ort and sustain the provisions of an act en- 
 titled "An act to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas," 
 and the provisions of the laws of the United States commonly kno^\^\ 
 as the Fugitive Slave law, and faithfully and impartially and to the 
 best of my ability, demean myself in the discharge of my duties iu 
 the office of Probate Judge. So help me God. 
 
 JOHN P. WOOD. 
 
 Sworn and subscribsd bsfore me this 15th day of Ssptember, 1855. 
 DANIEL WOODSON, Sec't'y Kansas Territory. 
 Journal A page 1 Probate Court Douglas county, Kansas. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 MOVEMENT FOR A CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 Gen. Lane's first direct participation with the Free- 
 State party was in the initiatory steps for the formation 
 of a State Constitution, in which he at once became the 
 leader. 
 
 So much has been said about * * the Topeka Movement, " 
 and the claims of ambition so often presented, that it is 
 better to let the actions and words of participants of the 
 times sjDeak in justice as much as the records will show. 
 
 It is due first, however, to Hon. Martin F. Conway, a 
 journeyman printer, almost a boy at the time, to say, 
 that, in my opinion, the initial step for resistance to the 
 laws passed by the Pro-Slavery or " Bogus Legislature" 
 was in an impromptu meeting under tlie shade of the 
 
 Kansas Tribune office, in Lawrence, at which he declared 
 his determination to refuse to sit as a member of the 
 Territorial Council, to which he had been elected and re- 
 ceived hio certificate from Gov. Reeder, and he did send 
 a letter of j^rotest and resignation to that legislature, on 
 July 3, 1855, the day next after its assembling, rejecting 
 his certificate with contempt. 
 
FIRST MEETING FOR RESISTANCE. 35 
 
 I think the following is the only report ever made of 
 the meeting thus called : 
 From the Kansas Tribune, June 13, 1855. 
 
 PUBLIC MEETING. 
 
 A large number of the citizens of Lawrence assembled at the hall 
 of Messrs. Harlow & Hutchinson in Lawrence, on the evening of the 
 8th instant, to take into consideration the propriety of calling a Ter- 
 ritorial convention of Free-State men, John Speer in the chair, and 
 A. S. Addis secretary. M. F. Conway, Esq., of Pawnee, being called 
 for, made some able and spirited remarks in relation to the outrage- 
 ous and unparalleled invasion of our rights by armed hordes from 
 Missouri, at the recent election. He was for repudiating all action 
 by the Legislature elected by Missouri, and memorializing Congress 
 for relief. The meeting was also addressed in an interesting manner 
 by Messrs. J. L. Speer, S. N. Simpson, E. D. Ladd, J. Hutchinson, R. 
 G. Elliott and others. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Simpson, it was resolved to call a Territorial con- 
 vention at Lawrence on the 25th of June, for the purpose of giving 
 expression to their views in relation to the recent outrage, and taking 
 such action in tlie premises as might be deemed proper. 
 
 On motion of J. L. Speer, it was recommended that each represent- 
 ative district should appoint five delegates to said convention. The 
 following gentlemen were then appointed to i-epresent the Lawrence 
 district: Messrs. Elliott, Beitzler, J. L. Speer, S. N. AVood, and S. N. 
 Simpson. 
 
 On motion, the chair appointed Messrs. Pratt, Elliott and Abbott to 
 act as a committee to inform the Free-State men of other districts of 
 the objects of the proposed meeting, and solicit tlieir co-operation. 
 
 A. S. Addis, Secretary. JOHN SPEER, President. 
 
 Though this meeting was dubiously looked upon by 
 mere politicians as indiscreet, it was well attended, and 
 was the beginning of the great constitutional struggle. 
 
 After diligent search, I can find no proceedings, nor 
 do I remember, of any convention of June 25, 1855 ; but 
 
36 ONLY A FEW FOOL ABOLITIONISTS KNOW IT. 
 
 tliis may have been a coiifoiindiiig of dates. Politicians 
 were scared at this ''revolutionary" movement. It 
 might have been said of it, as Gen. D. W. Wilder said, 
 in a great street meeting on universal emancipation : 
 ' ' It is coming, but only a few of us fool abolitionists 
 know it.'' 
 
 The Topeka Constitution movement was universally 
 conceded to be the culminating point in resistance to 
 the usurpation, and the ''invention " of a practical plan 
 for deliverance from the thraldom of the Territorial laws. 
 It would perhaps be unfair to claim that credit for any 
 man. All the politicians had talked over the question 
 of State organization — some from one point of necessity, 
 and some from another ; but nearly, if not quite all of 
 them, from the stand-point of ambition to be Senators, 
 Governors, Congressmen and Federal officers. 
 
 The fairest way is to pulbish in full the proceedings of 
 the very first meeting at which the question was fully 
 discussed, and Avas called for that discussion. We there- 
 fore give it to show Gen. Lane's action with the rest on 
 that question, remarking only that that report was made 
 by a reporter decidedly unfriendly to him, and therefore 
 now becomes the most important in establishing his po- 
 sition . 
 
 The Herald of Freedom of July 14, 1855, has the pro- 
 proceedings of a meeting held at Lawrence July 11 : 
 
 ^lessrs. G. W. Smith, .Tolin Hutchinson. .loiiii P. Wood, Rev. ]Mr. 
 Nute, Dr. ('. Rol)inson, C. Stearns, Wni. Josse and othei-s, by whom 
 the partic'uliir form of the organization to be effected and tlie action 
 
MODERATION, MODERATION, MODERATION. o7 
 
 to be taken, was earnestly and warmly discussed. . . . Messrs. 
 Smith, Robinson and others recommended the choosing of delegates 
 for the formation of a State Constitution, and application to the next 
 session of Congress for admission into the Union as a State. 
 The only action taken was the passage of the following resolution : 
 Eesolved, That a mass meeting of the Free-State citizens of the Ter- 
 ritory of Kansas be held in Lawrence on the second Tuesday of August 
 next, to take into consideration the situation of the Territory in ref- 
 erence to its government, and for the transaction of such other busi- 
 ness as may come befoi'e the meeting. 
 
 The meeting thus called to be " be held in Lawrence 
 on the second Tuesday in August," met pursuant to the 
 recommendation, and the proceedings are reported in the 
 Herald of Freedom of August 18, 1855. Col. Lane said, 
 as reported in that paper : 
 
 If I believed a prayer for you, from me, would do any good, it would 
 be that you might be imbued with the wisdom of Solomon, the caution 
 of Washington and the justice of Franklin. I am glad to see so many 
 here this inclement day. It requires wisdom— it requires manhood to 
 restrain passion. I say as a citizen of Kansas, I wish we had wisdom 
 to-day. There is the existence of a nation hanging upon the action of 
 the citizens of Kansas. Moderation, moderation, moderation, gentle- 
 men ! I believe it is the duty of each of us to define our position. I 
 am here, as anxious as any of you to secure a free Coxstitutiox to 
 Kansas. 
 
 Dr. Robinson [since Governor RoWnson] made the report of the com- 
 mittee on resolutions, with a lengthy preamble. 
 
 It is not necessary to insert all these resolutions. The 
 preamble and the first three resolutions were recitations 
 of our oppressions and declarations to resist the imposi- 
 tions , 
 
 The fourth resolution ^vas to " set aside all differences 
 of political opinion, to cultivate a comprehensive and 
 
38 TO EFFECT A THOROUGH UNION. 
 
 intimate intercourse with each other, to effect a thorough 
 union, and otherwise prepare for the common defense." 
 
 This resolution was adopted on Col. Lane's motion. 
 
 The fifth resolution was drawn by John Speer, though 
 not a member of the committee on resolutions, and read 
 as follows : 
 
 5. Resolved, That we consider the attempt to establish a Territorial 
 form of government in this Territory as thus far an utter failure, and 
 that the people of the Territory should, at some convenient period, 
 assemble at their several places of holding elections in the various 
 districts of the Territory, and elect delegates to a convention to form 
 a State Constitution for the State of Kansas, with a view to an imme- 
 diate State organization, and application, at the next session of Con- 
 gress, for admission into the American Union as one of the States of 
 the American Confederacy. 
 
 The Herald of Freedom says : 
 The fifth resolution was moved for adoption by Col. Lane. 
 
 This resolution was most thoroughly discussed during 
 the forenoon and the afternoon of the second day's pro- 
 ceedings, by Messrs. Lane, Holliday, Hutchinson, Rev. 
 Gilpatrick, G. W. Smith, Robinson, (since Gov. Robin- 
 son,) Foster, Wakefield, Mendenhall, Jesse, Ladd, Pom- 
 eroy, Conway and others. 
 
 We quote from the Herald of Freedom the remarks of 
 the most prominent men upon the fifth resolution, ''with 
 a view to immediate state organization." 
 - Mr. Holliday -[since so universally known as Col. Holliday of Topeka, 
 one of the leading organizers of the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Rail- 
 way Company] spoke briefly, but to the point, upon the resolution, 
 and said he was glad that during the night the conflicting elements of 
 the day previously had been harmonized ; that he believed all parties 
 would unite in adopting the majority report. [Cheers.] 
 
LANE FOR STATE GOVERNMENT. 39 
 
 Rev. Mr. Gilpatrick. The question is not whether we will have 
 slaves in Kansas, but whether we will be slaves ourselves. A worse 
 than vandal horde are riveting chains upon us. For myself, I will not 
 consent they shall do it. I would rather go to a Southern plantation 
 and labor by the side of the meanest slave, and be compelled to toil 
 on for life, than submit to the degradation. 
 
 Mr. [G. W.] Smith had not differed in the sentiment of the majority 
 report. The wording was different from what he would have made it. 
 As he understood the matter, he could cordially adopt the plan sub- 
 mitted by the committee. 
 
 Dr. Robinson [since Governor] did not wish to be misunderstood in 
 regard to his position. He could not consent that a movement for 
 framing a State Constitution should originate in this convention. He 
 would be happy to meet with a convention of the people at large at 
 another time, to take action upon the expediency of framing a consti- 
 tution ; but he would make no pledges as to how he would act in the 
 premises in the convention about to be held. 
 
 Mr. Mendenhall lives in the immediate vicinity of the daily sessions 
 of this mock Legislature, and knows their doings. He recounted 
 the fact that Missourians directed the legislation of that body ; that 
 Atchison, Stringfellovv and Sliannon were at Westport advising and 
 directing the action of the legislature ; and that their tools at the 
 Mission were only carrying out their previously expressed will. He 
 did not feel like being governed by such a body of men, and hoped the 
 resolution would bs unanimously adopted. 
 
 Gan. Pomeroy [afterward United States Senator] being loudly called 
 for, took the stand, and thought the time had not arrived for forming 
 a State Government. He wa? not without hope of the new Governor. 
 [Gov. Dawion, appointed by President Pierce, but never accepted— a 
 Pennsylvanian.] He thought it was possible our best hopes might be 
 realized. Let us not embarrass the new powers. I believe there is 
 yet light, though all now is dark as night. I have just come from the 
 East, and have travelled through the free AVest. and know that a de- 
 termined and firm course will meet with the support of every freeman 
 in the nation, and many of the best men of the South. There is a way 
 
40 LANE SWAYS THE CONVENTION. 
 
 to redeem our Territory, and I believe it can be done. Tlie Grecian 
 fable tells us that Justice can sleep, and Equity lie napping on the 
 couch of Time ; but we deceive ourselves, if we think, on her waking, 
 she will be affrighted back to her native heaven. Those men now in 
 power by foreign votes, 
 
 " Dressed in a little brief authority, 
 Play fantastic tricks lef jre high heaven." 
 Col. Lane replied briefly. Was in favor of adopting a State Govern- 
 ment, and had no doubt Gov. Dawson would lend his aid in further- 
 ance of such a project. 
 
 At the afternoon session the same report says : 
 
 Mr. Conway occupied twenty-five minutes, by special vote of the 
 convention, in showing that it was practical to move for a State Con- 
 stitution. His remarks were delivered with gi'eat earnestness, and 
 listened to with great attention. 
 
 A resolution was adopted endorsing the action of the Free-State 
 convention held in Lawrence on the 25th of June, and the Executive 
 Committee were requested to perfect their organization. 
 
 Allusion was made to a Free-State delegate convention called at Big 
 Springs on the 5th of September next. The bills were exhibited, and 
 the movers of that convention, several of whom were present, ex- 
 pressed a desire that there should be a union of effort of all Free-State 
 men, and hoped that those in attendance at this convention would act 
 in concert with that. The following resolution was then introduced 
 by Mr. Speer, one of the secretaries, who reduced the understanding 
 to writing, as follows: 
 
 Resolved, That in conformity with past recommendations, tl>e Ex- 
 ecutive Committee be requested to call a Free-Statfe Convention of 
 five delegates to each representative from the several representative 
 districts of Kansas, to be elected on the 25th day of August, to meet 
 in convention at Big Springs on the 5th day of September next, for 
 the purpose of taking such action as exigencies of the times may de- 
 mand agreeably to a call already published. 
 
 The proceedings published but very mildly portray the 
 action of Lane on that occasion. 
 
POLITICIANS SCARED PATRIOTS BOLD. 41 
 
 The proceedings of the times show for themselves. 
 The politicians were startled at the audacity of the 
 movement. The legislature, sitting at the Shawnee 
 Mission, at the Missouri line, many of the members 
 boarding in Missouri, were concocting laws making the 
 severest penalties for discussing the question of slavery ; 
 and the popular sentiment of Missouri needed no such 
 stimulant to break out in fury, kill and drive from the 
 country the few brave spirits who dared to confront that 
 giant of despotism. Gen. Pomeroy, a man of talent, 
 ambitious for the Senate, whither he afterwards went, 
 stood aghast at the temerity of that brave assembly, 
 thought there would be a way, that there might be light, 
 " though all was dark," and related a Grecian fable. It 
 was no time for fables. Stern realities faced us. The 
 eloquence of Conway stirred that audience as the voice 
 of Patrick Henry aroused the men of the Revolution. 
 The brave Quaker, Richard Mcndenhall, his home and 
 his family in sight of the halls of legislation, uttered 
 truthful words of warning, and boldly backed the meas-. 
 ure of our hope and salvation ; and paid the penalty 
 when the Friends' Mission went up in flame. Col. Hol- 
 liday uttered the voice of Topeka in no mistaken terms, 
 when, after a niglit's deliberaticn, he declared that it 
 gave him great satisfaction to announce that '' conflict- 
 ing elem_Mi's had been harmonized;" and most nobly 
 the Topeka people backed him up. By the time tlie Big 
 Springs convention met, the whole country was aroused. 
 Many statements have been publishel as to the ''in- 
 ventor of the Topeka movement." It was so great a 
 
42 UNEQUIVOCALLY FOR FREEDOM. 
 
 movement that many were willing to confess its pater- 
 nity when danger passed by. " Invented " is a safe 
 term ; but this writer hopes his egotism will be excused 
 in the interest of the truth, when he says that he him- 
 self, at that street meeting — and an unfriendly hand has 
 made it into history — made a motion for a meeting at 
 Big Springs on September 5, 1855, while the inventor 
 was getting out his caveat, and the patent was lost. 
 
 Notwithstanding Lane's earnest emphatic champion- 
 ship of the measure, the prejudices against his vote for 
 the organic act still clung to him. The Western men, 
 notwithstanding their positive enmity to slavery, were 
 generally in favor of a law prohibiting negroes, bond or 
 frae, from settling in the country ; and some of them went 
 so far as to say, if they must have negroes among them, 
 they wanted them slaves. Such la\ys had existed in the 
 AVestern States, and in some they were constitutional 
 provisions. He was a black-law man ; and, while that 
 helped him with the Western people, it was very repug- 
 nant to the advanced anti-slavery sentiment of the East. 
 
 " Lane spoke briefly," says the report. As the meet- 
 ing was adjourning, he sent a man to me to ask me to 
 announce that he would speak at the hall that night. I 
 refused, unless he proposed, without equivocation, to 
 speak for the Free-State cause. He declared that he 
 would open up in favor of a Free Constitution and de- 
 nounce a noted Pro-Slavciy leader. An immense crowd 
 appeared ; and rarely was such a scathing administered. 
 His address inspired every heart. 
 
BLACK-LAW EMBARRASSMENTS. 
 
 43 
 
 An incident occurred that night which showed Lane's 
 presence of mind. The meeting was in Robinson Hall, 
 second floor. As he spoke to an audience charmed with 
 his invective frontier eloquence, the building gave way. 
 Instantly, bringing his arms down with emphasis, he ex- 
 claimed, ''Stand still!" Not a soul moved. '' Now," 
 he continued, " let two of our best mechanics go quietly 
 out, examine the building and report." They did so, 
 and reported that it had sunk three to four inches, but 
 its foundation was solid and the building safe. The 
 meeting went on. 
 
 From that night on, Lane was a giant in the Free- 
 State cause. He was a candidate for delegate to the 
 Big Springs convention, and I opposed him because he 
 was a black-law man. Our candidate was defeated ; but 
 I got in a resolution instructing him to oppose any allu- 
 sion to black laws as a delegate in the convention. That 
 was the best anybody could do. 
 
 A few days afterward, I met him in the road, and his 
 first greeting was: "Why is it you so oppose me?" 
 I said I was not opposed to him. I was opposed to his 
 barbaric black laws. He asked me if I did not believe a 
 majority of the people were in favor of laws prohibiting 
 the immigration of negroes, bond or free, to Kansas. 1 
 admitted it, but told him such a clause in the constitu- 
 tion would defeat admission, and drive all sympathy 
 with us from such men as Sumner, Wade, Wilson, Ste- 
 vens and Chase, and utterly defeat the project. We sat 
 down and talked it over, and he made this proposition : 
 
44 ADROIT POLITICS A CHALLENGE. 
 
 If lie could get into the Constitutional Convention, he 
 would use all his powers to get a clause in as a separate 
 question, distinct from the constitution, to be voted on 
 pro and con, and to be operative only as instructions to 
 the first legislature, to be null and void afterwards. We 
 shook hands on that, and agreed cordially to be friends. 
 In the state of feeling then, it was the sublimity of wis- 
 dom. It was carried out to the lettar. And when Lane 
 was sent to Washington with that constitution and pre- 
 sented it to Congi-ess, Senator Douglas accused him of 
 forgery by striking out a black-law clause, and Lane 
 promptly challenged him to mortal combat — a challenge 
 which Douglas declined on the ground that Lane was not 
 his peer as a Senator. On all opportune occasions Lane 
 used to say : " Deep down in Douglas' pocket is a chal- 
 lenge which he declined because I was not his peer. He 
 insulted you as well as me. You owe it alike to your- 
 selves and to me to put me where I will make him reacli 
 down and pull that paper out !" That was strange elec- 
 tioneering language, or would be now ; but it was the 
 spirit of the age. The war made them mutual friends ; 
 and perhaps no statesman more sincerely lamented 
 Douglas' untimely death than Senator Lane. Well I 
 remember his sad expression of countenance as the 
 event was announced to liim ; and liow sympathetically 
 he spoke of Douglas' patriotic work and his great influ- 
 ence over important elements in the pivotal condition of 
 the American Union. But events proved that great 
 men might pass away, but the Union was ever-enduring. 
 
THE BIG SPRINGS CONVENTION, 45 
 
 Wilder 's Annals, the vacle mecum and multum in parvo 
 in Kansas literature and history, has but one reference 
 to " black laws," and that relates to a vote in the TojDeka 
 Constitutional Convention (page 86) on a motion to strike 
 the word " Avhite " out of the suffrage provision. We 
 suppose the author considered that black enough, and 
 searched no further. Hon. John Hutchings, a bookworm 
 of Lawrence, who had hardly a compeer in Kansas his- 
 torical research, considered it a myth. It nevertheless 
 passed just as I have stated it ; and Lane scorned the 
 idea of explaining under an imputation of his word. 
 
 The Big Springs Convention became noted throughout 
 the Union, as intimately connected with, and a part of, 
 " The Topeka Movement;" and it was the first consoli- 
 dated mass of the freemen of Kansas in resistance to the 
 oppressions attempted by the usurping legislature, and 
 was as intelligent, earnest and heroic a body of men as 
 ever assembled to resist the tyranny of George the Third. 
 It was emphatically an armed meeting. I remember well, 
 at the rude country hotel, when I asked the landlady for 
 my overcoat, her response : " Go in and get it. I would 
 not touch that armory for all the property in the room.'* 
 It was safe to be dangerous, and dangerous to be safe, 
 then. There was danger, as the weight of every coat I 
 had to remove, in the great pile of garments plainly in- 
 dicated. 
 
 The people came from all portions of the Territory. 
 No hamlet nor agricultural community was unrepre- 
 sented. Men started before daylight in dangerous pro- 
 
46 THE STEADY ARM AND THE SURE EYE. 
 
 slavery places, like Kickapoo, Delaware, Lecompton and 
 elsewhere, to avoid interruption, if not assassination. 
 
 Gov. Andrew H. Reeder, who had endeared himself to 
 every friend of liberty, by his noble stand in favor of 
 law, justice and the rights of man, was nominated for 
 Delegate to Congress by acclamation; and, to avoid 
 bloodshed, as well as the appearance of recognition of 
 the '' Bogus Laws," by an invasion similar to those pre- 
 ceding, they fixed the time on a different day from tliat 
 designated by those "laws." Reeder 's speech of ac- 
 ceptance was a masterpieca of eloquence and patriotism. 
 It is to be regretted that there Avas no reporter on tlie 
 ground to preserve it as an example of heroic literature, 
 to be read by future generations, when liberty might 
 seem to be endangered. When he uttered this noble 
 sentiment: "We stand here, fellow-citizens, as with 
 the voice of one man, to proclaim to the world, before 
 High Heaven, that we will protect our rights with the 
 steady arm and the sure eye !" it was said that the unit 
 shout was heard at Lecompton, five miles away ! " He 
 who tempers the wind to the shorn lamb," sent a stiff 
 breeze into the pro-slavery camp that day. 
 
 Two sets of resolutions were adopted : One set offered 
 by Gen. Lane, and thereafter known as the " Big Springs 
 Platform;" and the other by Hon. James S. Emery. 
 Lane's were the more conservative of the two ; but both 
 were positive in their determined insistance upon our 
 rights — Emery's declaring that "we will resi-;t them 
 [the ''laws"] to a bloody issue as soon as we ascertain 
 
A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 47 
 
 that peaceable remedies shall fail, and forcible resist- 
 ance shall furnish any reasonable prospect of success." 
 Mr. John Hutchinson offered a resolution endorsing 
 the people's movement recommended by the convention 
 of August 14 and 15, previously alluded to, for a dele- 
 gate convention of " the people of Kansas Territory, to 
 be held at Topeka on the 19th instant, to consider the 
 propriety of forming a State Constitution," which passed 
 without a dissenting vote. 
 
 Events followed events in quick succession. The peo- 
 ple met in Delegate Convention at Topeka on September 
 19. It was a business meeting, well attended; but it 
 took two days. The first day, it met about noon. Lane 
 was not there ; and doubts were expressed about his loy- 
 alty to the cause. A little after dark, he came riding up 
 at the head of a body of ''conservative Western men," 
 M. W. Delahay, H. Miles Moore and S. N. Latta among 
 them, all of whom became distinguished in the Free-State 
 hosts afterwards. They had rode sixty miles that day to 
 get there ; and in five minutes , Lane had his horse tied to 
 a post, and was making a street speech to an admiring 
 audience. That meeting made him chairman of a com- 
 mittee on an Address to the People, and appointed an 
 Executive Committee, as follow^s : J. H. Lane, chair- 
 man, C. K. Holliday, M.J. Parrott, P. C. Schuyler, G, 
 W. Smith, G. W. Brown, and J. K. Goodin, secretary. 
 That was, in fact, a Provisional Government, with Lane 
 at its head. The Committee issued scrip to pay expen- 
 ses, and considerable of it ^yas redeemed, by contribu- 
 
48 CONSTITUTION FRAMED. 
 
 tions from Eastern friends. They also proclaimed a 
 a day of Thanksgiving. At a later period, just after 
 a Free-State victory, in reply to a petition from cer- 
 tain citizens for a day of Thanksgiving, Gov. Walsh 
 replied by refusing, and giving as a reason, that there 
 was nothing to be thankful for, in this infernal country, 
 or words to that eft'ect. 
 
 The delegates to the Topeka Constitutional Convention 
 were elected, and James H. Lane made President, par- 
 ticipating actively in its proceedings. The convention 
 met at Topeka October 23, and framed a liberal and 
 admirable Charter of Freedom for our State government, 
 adjourning November 11, submitting the instrument to 
 a vote of the people, December 15, 1855 ; but before the 
 vote was taken, war was declared against the people and 
 Lawrence besieged by 1,200 armed men, mostly from 
 Missouri. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE WAKARUSA WAR ATTEMPTED SUBJUGATION. 
 
 While the people were jubilant over the success of the 
 Big Springs Convention, and gratified with the results 
 of the Toi^eka Constitutional Convention, a new element 
 of discord and disaster broke out, in the murder of 
 Charles W. Dow by Franklin N. Coleman — which was 
 followed by the Pro-Slavery authorities, not in arresting 
 the murderer, but in capturing Dow's neighbor, with 
 whom he boarded, Jacob Branson, apparently, as the 
 Free-State men claimed and believed, to prevent Bran- 
 son from being a witness against the murderer. 
 
 In the invasion, outrages and murder following, which 
 was known as the AVakarusa War, the i)rejudices against 
 Lane became again transparent, and he was placed 
 second in command. Dr. Charles Eobinson (since Gov- 
 ernor Robinson) was made Commander-in-Chief of all 
 the forces. There was, indeed, a prejudice in the minds 
 of many New England men against Western men — a fear 
 that they were not far enough advanced in anti-slavery 
 sentiment to be trusted ; and there w^as an especial dis- 
 trust against Southern men who expressed anti-slavery 
 
50 THE MURDER OF DOW. 
 
 opinions, not unwarranted, but sometimes doing injus- 
 tice to the firmest and truest advocates of the Free- State 
 cause ; but investigation was a necessary precaution. It 
 is no reflection on any person to tell this patent truth, 
 that there was no other known man in Kansas, who had 
 the experience as an officer in w^ar, to lead in the drill- 
 ing, organizing and manoeuvering of an army in the crisis 
 upon us. Like a true soldier, bound to obey as well as 
 command, he accepted the situation with anon chalance 
 which showed no disappointment — not a quiver of the 
 lip, a blanch of the cheek or a wink of the eye, indicated 
 any uneasines at his position. Nor are we finding fault 
 with anything; but attempting, in the interest of the 
 truth, to " hew to the line, let the chips fall where they 
 may." He took his position as Grant did, when he was 
 set to making records at Springfield ; and they both made 
 their records afterward. 
 
 But to our subject : Lane and his acts. Trouble had 
 been brewing all summer. The acts of the Free-State 
 party — their withdrawal from all participation in elec- 
 tions ; the bold defiance of the Big Springs convention, 
 and yet their peaceable aspect in refusing to recognize 
 either "the laws" or the elections under them — were 
 aggravating to men " spoiling for a fight." Their pre- 
 text came in this homocide, wdiich was a cold-blooded 
 murder. It occurred at a point near where is now the 
 west end of Palmyra township, in Douglas county, and 
 near the old Santa Fe wagon trail. Dow was a quiet, 
 inoffensive, courteous gentleman. Branson was an up- 
 
BRANSON RESCUED FORTS CONSTRUCTED. 51 
 
 right, honest farmer. I knew both well. His murder 
 created a sensation all over the country, and especially- 
 near his former Ohio home, on the Western Reserve; 
 but his family was from New England, and when Horace 
 Greeley visited Lawrence, May 19, 1859, he made special 
 inquiries concerning him, and found that he was of a 
 family who were his old neighbors and friends, not far 
 from his childhood's home. He was at a blacksmith 
 shoj) , where he had got a plowshare repaired ; and was 
 starting home, when Coleman yelled some insulting re- 
 mark at him, and he turned around, and was instantly 
 shot dead. 
 
 When the news was sent out. Major J. B. Abbott, S. 
 N. Wood, S. F. Tappan, J. B. Kennedy, Wm. Meirs, 
 and several others, held an indignation meeting near the 
 scene of the murder ; and, as they were returning home, 
 tliey heard of Branson's capture, and that he was being 
 taken to Lecompton, where death probably awaited him, 
 and they rescued him from the bogus sheriff and his 
 posse, the two parties being about equal in numbers; 
 and war in earnest began. 
 
 Gen. Lane took charge of the orgaization and drilling 
 of troops . His energy was indomitable and he seemed 
 ubiquitous. The besieging army, most of them from 
 Missouri, were soon found to consist of twelve hundred 
 men ; while the Free-State men rallied but about half 
 that number. A plan of fortification Avas resorted to. 
 Lane planned and ordered forts or earthworks — rifle pits, 
 perhai^s, is the best description — and with half their 
 
52 THE PLAN OF BATTLE. 
 
 number, defied tliem. Every man did his duty ; but the 
 name of Lane was a terror, wherever it was heard. Mis- 
 souri had furnished many troops to the Mexican war — 
 New England but few ; and more men in the ranks of 
 our enemies knew of liis prowess, than had aver heard 
 of him in our lines till he lead us in battle array. 
 
 In these rifle pits, the men worked with great energy. 
 They were located as follows, as nearly as I can describe 
 them now : One in the middle of the crossing of Massa- 
 chusetts and Henry streets ; one in tlie middle of Massa- 
 chusetts street, about four hundred feet north of Winthrop 
 street ; one in the middle of New Hampshire street, about 
 half way between Winthrop and Henry streets ; and one 
 on Vermont street, about halfway between Winthrop and 
 Henry streets. They were circular in form, about sev- 
 enty-five feet in diameter, five feet high, and three feet 
 wide at the summit. 
 
 This was practically then the business centre of Law- 
 rence — the whole place a mere hamlet. The distance 
 between the rifle pits on Massachusetts street was eleven 
 hundred feet — between those on New Hampshire and 
 Vermont street six hundred feet. Massachusetts street 
 was pretty well built up within the lines of these forts ; 
 the Free-State Hotel, now the Eldridge House, was a 
 heavy stone building ; adjoining the now Journal build- 
 ing, was the Dr. Leibey building, substantial stone ; near 
 the north fort, the substantial stone building of G. W. 
 Hutchinson, and I think the stone building of B. W & 
 Phillip Woodward, partly up ; with wooden buildings, 
 
**0H, ladies; please excuse us.'* 53 
 
 more or less substantial, nearly inclosing the whole dis- 
 tance. This was planned for the scene of the death 
 struggle. This was no child's play. 
 
 I was in the south intrenchments, when Gen. Lane, 
 taking a view of the situation, rode up, and remarked : 
 "Boys, you are getting well read}- for them." To in- 
 quiries as to the probabilities of attack, he said they 
 were likely to come that night. " They will come," said 
 he, "yelling and screeching, as if hell had broken loose, 
 and all its devils were upon you. Keep cool. Be ready 
 for them. Victory will be yours." 
 
 The situation was too serious for levity. We could 
 hear the cannon of the enemy at Franklin, their head- 
 quarters. We fired none, though we had one ; but the 
 object was to let its first voice be heard raking Massa- 
 chusetts street when the assault came. Some of the men 
 were shooting at floating objects in the river ; when the 
 order came, "Waste no powder in the river — save it for 
 the enemy.' ' There was a question of powder ; and two 
 brave women, Mrs. Lois Brown and Mrs. Margaret 
 Wood, volunteered to go through the enemy's lines to the 
 Wakarusa, and returned with tw^o kegs of powder under 
 the buggy seat. As they returned, the word rang out, 
 " Halt !" three men advanced, and, observing the ladies, 
 merely remarked, politely bowing: "Oh, ladies, please 
 excuse us ; pass on." 
 
 This is the way we got the cannon : When the siege 
 commenced, there was an eight-pound howitzer in the 
 warehouse, at Kansas City ; and two young men, jNIessrs. 
 
54. now WE GOT THE CANNON. 
 
 BiifFiim and Suiuiier, (a relative of Senator Sumner,) 
 volunteered to take a team and bring it up. It was closely 
 boxed. They went and came by the north side of the 
 Kansas river, tlir()Ui;li an Indian reservation, mostly 
 wil(l(!rness. As I belonged to the cavalry company, I 
 was notified that picked men wore wanted for a danger- 
 ous expedition. We were led by that gallant man, Col. 
 James I51ood. We forded the Kasas river, in preference 
 to fei-ryiiig, to know where to cross, on the return, " on 
 th(i double (juick," in the case of a retreat. We had 
 scarcely got out of the limits of the pr-(^s(!nt North Law- 
 rence, when one of our company remembered that he 
 belonged to a committee, and ought to be exempt, I 
 have never heard the language with which Blood drove 
 Iiiiii back into the ranks used in puli)it oratory. Wo had 
 heard that a Pro-Slavery body had crossed the riv(M- op- 
 posite Franklin, then the headquarters of the Pro-Slavery 
 hosts. We met the brave boys with the cannon just on 
 the east side of Mud creek, four miles northeast of Law- 
 rence, audit was safely brought to town, with no attempt 
 to hinder. Poor, brave Bob lUifFum was hung at Atlanta 
 as a spy. He might have been a spy, but ho. died as 
 ** gamey" as John Brown, 
 
 At the Wyandot ferry of the Ivansas river, a body of 
 Pro-Slavery men were politely asked to assist the team by 
 lifting on the wheels, to ascend the steep hill u]) the river 
 bank. They peaked through the cracks of the boxes, 
 saw some bright brass, pronounced it a Yankee cultiva- 
 tor, and pushed on it like heroes. 
 
THE GRATITUDE OF REPUHLTCS. 55 
 
 Again Captain Blood called to saddles : this time in 
 pursuit of tlie murderers of Barber ; but they fled to the 
 pro-slaveiy camp l^eyond all hopes of captui-e. The pol- 
 icy of the people was that of dcifVuise. Regard for human 
 life, as ;ig;iinst a foe of iiior*' th;iii doiibh; their nutiib(!rs, 
 dictated that policy. "IMiis aggi-avating iruirdrjr ai'oused 
 our people to a state of fnmzy, and th(!y were ready for 
 the fray. Sound policy dictated othcM-wise, We were 
 appealing to the sympathy of mankind in our great dis- 
 tress ; and we could not afford to assume even the ap- 
 ])earance of the aggrcssoi'. I b(^li(ive we (Mjuld hav*^ inet 
 th(!m in thf; (uitrenchments and luive conquered thetn ; 
 but we were at fearful disadvantages, with three hun- 
 dred miles between us and hopes of re-enforcements, and 
 all Missoui-i upon our borders. 
 
 The ])e()p]e of Kansas have done thems(3lves grt^at 
 honor in honoring lliis liiiinble ])atriot fanner, "his hut 
 covered with snow," as he wtint down to death foi" hu- 
 man liberty, the first martyr after the first organiz(jd 
 forces got into battle line to *' make this country all slave, 
 or all free." They have repelled the libel of thrones, au- 
 tocrats and tyrants, that '' jv-publics are ungrateful," by 
 inscril)ing his name on a tablet of gold in the House of 
 Representatives, and naming a county of the State in his 
 honor; but, perhaps, tlie greater honor has been con- 
 ferred upon his UHMnory by " the bard of freedom," 
 John Ci. Wiiittier, in his pathetic pocMn, " The Burial of 
 Barlxu'," which will be read as long as freedom has a 
 votary : 
 
56 THE TRIBUTE OF FREEDOM S POET. 
 
 BURIAL OF BARBER. 
 
 Bear him, comrades, to his grave: 
 Never over one more brave 
 
 Shall the prairie grasses weep, 
 In the ages yet to come, 
 AYhen the millions in our room, 
 
 "What we sow in tears, shall reap, 
 
 Bear liim up the icy hill, 
 With the Kansas, frozen still 
 
 As his noble heart, below, 
 And tlie land he came to till 
 With a freeman's thews and will, 
 
 And his poor hut roofed with 
 snow! 
 
 One more look of that dead face, 
 Of his murder's ghastly trace ! 
 
 One more kiss, O widowed one ! 
 Lay your left hands on his brow. 
 Lift your right hands up, and vow 
 
 That his work shall yet be done. 
 
 Patience, friends ! The eye of God 
 Every path by murder ti'od 
 
 Watches, lidless, day and night ; 
 And tlie dead man in his shroud. 
 And his widow weeping loud. 
 
 And our hearts are in his sight. 
 
 Every deadly threat that swells 
 With tlie roar of gambling hells. 
 
 Every brutal jest and jeer, 
 Every wicked thought and plan 
 Of the cruel lieart of man. 
 
 Though but whispered. He can 
 hear ! 
 
 We in suffering, they in crime. 
 Wait the just award of time. 
 
 Wait the vengeance that is due; 
 Not in vain a heart sliall break. 
 Not a tear for freedom's sake 
 
 Fall unheeded: God is true. 
 
 While the flag with stars bedecked 
 Threatens where it should protect, 
 
 And the law shakes hands with 
 Crime, 
 What is left us but to wait, 
 Match our patience to our fate. 
 
 And abide the better time ? 
 
 Patience, friends ! The human 
 
 heart 
 Everywhere shall take our part. 
 
 Everywhere for us shall pray ; 
 On our side are nature's laws. 
 And God's life is in the cause 
 
 That we suffer for to-day. 
 
 Well to suffer is divine ; 
 
 Pass the watchword down the line, 
 
 Pass the countersign : ' Endure !' 
 Not to him who rashly dares. 
 But to him who nobly bears. 
 
 Is the victor's garland sure. 
 
 Frozen eartli to frozen breast, 
 Lay our slain one down to re.'^t ; 
 
 Lay him down in hope and faith. 
 And above the broken sod. 
 Once again, to Freedom's God, 
 
 Pledge ourselves for life or death 
 
 That the State whose walls we lay. 
 In our blood and tears, t »-day, 
 
 Shall be free from bonds of shame. 
 And our goodly land untrod 
 By the feet of slavery, shod 
 With cursing as with 'Jame ! 
 
 Plant the Buckeye on 'as grave, 
 For the hunter of the slave 
 
 In its shadow cannot rest ; 
 And let martyr mound and tree 
 Be our pledge and guaranty 
 
 Of the freedom of the West 1 
 
A DANGEROUS NIGHT 's RIDE, 57 
 
 There Avas a great struggle for food, and many of tlie 
 people were living upon chopped wheat, with the bran in 
 it. As the men were making the dirt fly in the trenches, 
 along came that patriotic old Irishman, Mr. James Mc- 
 Gee. Looking at them a few moments, he exclaimed: 
 ''Work away, boys ; work away; there are two thou- 
 sand bushels of corn in Jimmy McGee's cribs, and while 
 there is a bushel left, you shall not starve !" That little 
 speech sent him to the Legislature, 
 
 A night ride, and a dangerous one, was that, as 
 skirmishers patrolling the California road, from near 
 Franklin* westward, up past where the State University 
 now stands, a beat of three miles, back and forth, under 
 the command of Col. Wm. Y. Roberts. We advanced 
 too near the pickets of the enemy, and were halted by 
 the guards. We had, however, but a quiet talk with 
 them, and returned westward. About due south of 
 Pennsylvania street, we met a man in the darkness, who 
 sheared off to the north side of us, failing to regard the 
 word ' ' halt ! " " Who are you ? We don 't want to hurt 
 you," shouted Roberts, He answered : " I am an Amer- 
 ican citizen;" but went on, Roberts' command was: 
 " You men in the rear, halt that man," As I was in 
 the rear, I made the effort, wheeling my horse, and get- 
 ting up to him, neck and neck with my horse and his 
 mule. As I was a little behind him, on his left side, I 
 
 *As Franklin is frequently mentioned, and has no existence as a 
 town now, it may be proper to state, that it was a village from three 
 to four miles southeast of Lawrence, taken possession of by the Pro- 
 Slavery forces, as headquarters. 
 
58 GEN. RICHARDSON DINES WITH LANE. 
 
 could liave broken his back, or his skull, with my 
 Sharp's rifle ; but no one had any desire to kill him, or 
 even hurt him ; and I attempted to grasp his mule's 
 bridle, when he drew a large horse-pistol on me, and, as 
 I relaxed on the bridle, wheeled to the right, and fired, 
 and shots were exchanged as he got away. Another man 
 coming up, says : " I believe I can bring him, " and fired 
 away. We had let him pass us entirely, and if he had 
 politely told us any kind of a reasonable story, we should 
 have bade him " good night," and allowed him to pass 
 on his way in peace. The next day, we learned that he 
 was Coleman, the murderer of Dow, and all his conduct 
 was accounted for. We were too near the enemy's lines 
 for pursuit. The mule was shot through the flank with 
 a Sharp's rifle ball, and died the next day ; but Coleman 
 reported that the shot greatly accelerated its speed. Of 
 course the murderer, if we had taken him, would have 
 been likely to have been hung. 
 
 Much has been said about the '' first shot of the war." 
 Was this the first? To the people in the East, it is hard 
 to realize that absolute war actually prevailed anywhere 
 until Sumter was fired upon, but in Kansas the blood of 
 many martyrs, and the lurid flames of many dwellings, 
 testified that war existed, with all its conseciuences, from 
 1855 till 1865. 
 
 Let us try further for the first acta of the war. Gen. 
 Lane was at Topeka immediately after the murder of 
 Dow, and had no knowledge of the circumstances for 
 two or three days beyond the rumors always afloat under 
 
FIRST LETTER OF THE WAR. 
 
 59 
 
 such circumstances. He leaves Topeka on the 30th of 
 November, probably one of his usual night rides, and on 
 the first day of December, invites Gen. Richardson to 
 dine with him ; and then writes " The First Letter of 
 the War," as follows, fac simile reduced : 
 
 o->^^<^ 
 
 
 ^ /^/T-. 
 ^^^ .>^^*--^^-*-«^'^^ 
 
 o^^ ^ ^ytuf^^o-. 
 
 /7>-^ 
 
 
60 
 
 DR. AINSWORTH WITH "THE BAGGAGE. 
 
 
 .^^ 
 
 Tliis may very j^roperly, we tliink, be claimed as the 
 first letter written having any relation to the Avar for 
 slavery. Let us epitomize history : The Civil War orig- 
 inated on, in and over Kansas. Gov. Shannon's procla- 
 mation of war, November 29, 1855 — Gen. Lane atTopeka 
 November 30, hurries to Lawrence that night, writes the- 
 foregoing letter December 1, the two armies stand in 
 
HISTORY EPITOMIZED. 61 
 
 battle array December 2 — Pro-Slavery forces at Franklin 
 besieging Lawrence, Lane in command at Lawrence, his 
 troops in line of battle under drill, and large details of 
 men making entrenchments for defense. The war, thus 
 commenced, that day, never was relinciuished till after 
 Liiicoln proclaimed emancii3ation, and Lee surrendered 
 at Appomattox. 
 
 In the midst of all this, on December 2, Major-General 
 Richardson and his staff, dined with Lane, while on their 
 way to Lecompton, under orders to annihilate the town. 
 What their conversation was is not known ; but Lane 
 was a diplomatist, and what they got out of him was 
 undoubtedly more valuable to our side for its inaccura- 
 cies than advantageous to the enemy. They probably 
 '^'sw^opped lies," Lane getting "the boot." 
 
 The conflict was remarkable for the harmony of the 
 Free-State leaders. I was with the pickets on the outer 
 line when Lane and Robinson passed it going to a con- 
 ference with the Pro-Slavery leaders at Franklin, and 
 hailed them as they advanced on their return. They 
 signed the terms, and I heard of no disagreement among 
 leaders, except with John Brown, who was bitter against 
 any settlement, determined to fight to the death. 
 
 The letter to Dr. Ainsworth is highly significant. In 
 ''Kansas Historical Collections," Vol. 4, page 413, will 
 • be found an account of a pretended expose of a secret 
 society, by Dr. A. J. Francis, in which he says : 
 
 At public gatherings, if there is danger, a member or officer arises, 
 and asks as follows: "Is Dr. Starr present? If so, he is wanted at 
 
62 TREATY OF PEACE, 
 
 -," (naming the place ;) and it is the duty of members to repair 
 
 to that place without attracting any attention whatever frona any 
 
 other person, in all cases taking their arms with them. 
 
 Dr. StaiT was promptly on hand witli " the baggage." 
 Of course, as I have said, there was dissatisfaction 
 
 with Lane as to his political record ; but his military 
 
 conduct of the campaign won the applause of all parties ; 
 
 and he was hailed as the military leader who had saved 
 
 us from annihilation. 
 
 The Treaty of Peace is annexed, that all may judge of 
 
 the terms of settlement : 
 
 Whereas, There is a misunderstanding between the People of Kan- 
 sas, or a portion of them, and the Governor thereof, arising out of the 
 rescue, near Hickory Point, of a citizen under arrest, and some other 
 matters ; 
 
 And Whereas, A strong apprehension exists that said misunder- 
 standing may lead to civil strife : 
 
 And Whereas, It is desired by both Governor Shannon and the cit- 
 izens of Lawrence and vicinity to avert a calamity so disastrous to 
 the interests of the Territory and the Union ; and to place all parties 
 in a correct position before the world ; now, therefore, it is agreed by 
 the said Governor Shannon and the imdersigned, citizens of said Ter- 
 ritory, in Lawrence now assembled, that tlie matter now in dispute be 
 settled as follows, to wit: 
 
 We, the said citizens of said Territory, protest that the said rescue 
 was made without our knowledge or consent ; but that if any of the 
 citizens of the town of Lawrence have engaged in said rescue, we 
 pledge ourselves to aid in the execution of any legal process against 
 them. That we have no knowledge of the previous, present or pros- 
 pective existence of any organization in said Territory for the resist- 
 ance of the laws ; and that we liave not designed and do not design to 
 resist the legal service of any criminal process therein ; but jiledge 
 ourselves to aid in the execution of the laws, when called upon by 
 the proper authority in the town or vicinity of Lawrence; and that 
 
PEACE RESTORED. 63 
 
 we will use our influence in preserving order therein ; and we declare 
 that we are now, as we always have been, ready at any time to aid the 
 Governor in securing a posse for the execution of such process: Pro- 
 vided, That any person thus arrested in Lawrence or vicinity while a 
 foreign force shall remain in the Territory, shall be duly examined 
 before a United States District Judge of said Territory, in said town. 
 and admitted to bail. And provided further, that all citizens arrested 
 without legal process, by said sheriff's posse, shall be set at liberty. 
 And provided further, that Governor Shannon agrees to use his-infl'i- 
 ence to secure to the citizens of Kansas Territory remuneration for 
 any damages suffered, or unlawful depredations, if any have been 
 committed by the sheriff's posse in Douglas county. And further. 
 Governor Shannon states that he has not called upon persons resident 
 in any State, to aid in the execution of the laws, and that such as are 
 here in the Territory are here of their own choice, and that he does 
 not consider that he has any authority or legal power so to do, nor 
 will he ^.exercise, any .such power. And that he will not call on any 
 citizens of any other State who may be here. That we wish it under- 
 stood that we do not express any opinion as to the enactments of the 
 Territorial Legislature. WILSON SHANNON, 
 
 C. ROBINSON, 
 J. H. LANE. 
 
 The gist of this document is : " That we wish it under- 
 stood that we do.Jiot. express any opinion as to the enact- 
 ments of the Territorial LegisLature." This dividing 
 line must be kept in view always, by all men, that that 
 Territorial iniquity is never to be tolerated. And then, 
 on the part of the Governor, is the admission that tlie 
 force against us was an invading enemy, the protest that 
 they were here without his authority, the promise that 
 they should never be used again, and finally, thi-ough 
 his order, the whole power of the United States, arrayed 
 under the American flag, to drive them fro-m the soil 
 
64 LANE UNDER UNITED STATES ORDERS. 
 
 which they had desecrated ; and on the part of the peo- 
 ple was tlie promise of obedience to United States courts, 
 loyalty to a flag which it was always the pride of eyery 
 true Kansan to swear by. 
 
 It has been said, and often repeated, and there are still 
 men who assert the truth of the statement, that Lane got 
 a high public functionary in a state of intoxication, and 
 partook pretty freely himself to do it, while others say 
 he drank out of the wrong bottle, and was not hilarious 
 from oyer-stimulation, in order to secure the following 
 document : 
 
 To C. RoBixsoN AND J. H. Laxe, Commanders of the Enrolled Citi- 
 zens of Lawrence : 
 
 You are hereby authorized and directed to take such measures and 
 use the enrolled force under your command in such manner for the 
 preservation of the peace and the protection of the persons and prop- 
 erty of the people in Lawrence and vicinity as in your judgment shall 
 best secure that end. WILSON SHANNON. 
 
 Lawrence, December 9, 1855. 
 
 It will be seen here, that Gov. Shannon had been 
 brought to a clear realization of the situation. The yery 
 j)resence of his troops Ayas eyidence that they were not a 
 body of Kansas citizens who Avere running riot against 
 the laws ; but a body of insurgents from Missouri, thirst- 
 ing for the l)lood of innocent men. In fact. Shannon 
 was naturally a humane man ; l)ut, as he advanced 
 through Missouri, on his mission as chief executiye of 
 Kansas, he Avas misled by false accusations against the 
 " al)olitionists " as law-breakers; but he had never be- 
 fore seen his " army" in battle array, and when he dis- 
 
THE WAKARUSA WAR ENDED. " 65 
 
 covered that not one-tenth of them were bona fide citizens 
 of the reahn he was commissioned to govern, self-respect 
 compelled him to declare that ' ' he has not called upon 
 persons resident in any State, to aid in the execution of 
 the laws, and that such persons as are here in the Terri- 
 tory are here of their own choice," and he admits that 
 he has no legal power to call on them, and promises that 
 he will not " exercise any such power." The Free-State 
 men conceded no imj^ortant point, but the high contract- 
 ing parties expressly declared : ' * We do not express any 
 opinion as to the enactments of the Territorial Legisla- 
 ture." 
 
 It was not ten minutes after Lane got this order, till 
 he was in the streets in great glee, exclaiming that we 
 were now "United States dragoons," addressing the 
 ragged battallion of Free-State horsemen, and calling 
 them " into line for action." He had rej)resented truly, 
 that a horde of invaders were hovering around for mas- 
 sacre and depredation, and the John Gilpin ride which 
 we gave them, in the direction of the Missouri line, was 
 more amusing than dangerous. And thus ended the 
 Wakarusa War. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 SPEECHES THAT STILL SPEAK. 
 
 The first conflict in the struggle against the despotism 
 of the slave- j)ower having so propitiously terminated, 
 comparative peace reigned, and preparations were being 
 made for the severities of what turned out to be the se- 
 verest winter Kansas ever experienced ; and the struggle 
 against want and the elements was a desperate one. 
 The elements of discord were greatly subdued by our 
 sufferings on the brink of destruction, and the guerdon 
 of noble deeds, well done, was almost universally 
 awarded to Gen. Lane for services which no other man 
 could have.giv^n — -not„becausejtJiere. were .not men there 
 as patriotic and as self-sacrificing — but because of a war 
 experience which no other man possessed. That spirit 
 of gratitude always born of trouble went out from every 
 heart, to the greatest and the humblest participant in 
 our preservation. 
 
 The first martyr of the war was buried temporarily ; 
 but on the 15th of December, a public funeral was given 
 to the remains of the lamented Barber, at which Rev. 
 L. B. Dennis officiated, and Lane and Robinson made 
 
THE MEED OF PRAISE. 67 
 
 short speeches. It is a misfortune to posterity that these 
 speeches were not all reported. Mrs. Hannah A. Ropes, 
 a ministering angel in all our troubles, a woman of cul- 
 ture, of great descriptive powers, but with all the New 
 England prejudices against Lane emphasized in her 
 heart, has written an incomparably graphic account 
 of that funeral, in which she has immortalized Lane in 
 five w^ords : " Even Colonel Lane did well." To know 
 Mrs. Ropes and read that, is to impress the reader with 
 a funeral oration of great power, pathos and elociuence. 
 On the 11th of December, the volunteer companies 
 took their departure for their homes, after being ad- 
 dressed by Generals Robinson and Line, in speeches 
 which still speak the unbiased history of the times : 
 
 SPEECH OF GEN. CHARLES ROBINSON. 
 
 From the Herald of Freedom, December 15, 1855. 
 
 Fellow Soldiejis: In consequence of a "misunderstanding" on the 
 part of the Executive of this Territory, the people of this vicinity have 
 been menaced by a foreign foe, and our lives and property threatened 
 with destruction. The citizens, guilty of no crime, rallied for the de- 
 fense of their families", their* pi-opertyvand their lives, \ind from Till 
 parts of the Territory the true patriots came up, resolved to perish in 
 the defense of their most sacred rights, rather than submit to foreign 
 dictation. Lawrence and her citizens were the first to be sacrificed, 
 and most nobly have her neighbors come to her rescue. Tlie moral 
 strength of our position was such that even the "gates of hell" could 
 not prevail against us, much less a foreign mob, and we gained a 
 bloodless victory. Literally may it be said of our citizens, " they 
 came, they saw, they conquered." 
 
 Selected as your commander, it becomes my cheerful duty to ten- 
 der to you, fellow-soldiers, the meed of praise so justly your due. 
 Never did true men unite in a holier cause, and never did true bravery 
 
68 ENTITLED TO THE DEEPEST GRATITUDE. 
 
 appear more conspicuous, than in the ranks of our little army. Death 
 before dishonor was visible in every countenance, and felt by every 
 heart. Bloodless though the contest has been, there are not wanting 
 instances of heroism worthy of a more chivalric age. To the experi- 
 ence, skill and perseverance of the gallant Gen. Lane all credit is due, 
 for the thorough discipline of our forces, and the complete and exten- 
 sive preparations for defense. His services cannot be overrated ; and 
 long may he live to wear the laurels so bravely won. Otliers are wor- 
 thy of special praise for distinguished services, and all, both officers 
 and privates, are entitled to the deepest gratitude of the people. In 
 behalf of the citizens of Lawrence, in behalf of the ladies of Lawrence, 
 in behalf of the children of Lawrence, in behalf of your fellow-soldiers 
 of Lawrence, and in my own behalf, I thank you of the neighboring 
 settlements for your prompt and manly response to our call for aid, 
 and pledge you a like response to your signals of distress. The citizens 
 who have left tlieir homes, to come to our assistance, have suffered 
 great privations and many discomforts and expenses, while the citi- 
 zens of Lawrence have incurred heavy expenses ; but all has been 
 submitted to without a murmur, and in a spirit worthy of a people 
 engaged in a high and holy cause. 
 
 The war is ended, our duties are discharged, and it only remains 
 for me, with tlie warmest affection for every soldier in this conflict, 
 to bid you adieu, and dismiss you, to go again to the bosoms of your 
 families. 
 
 SPEECH OF GEN. JAMES H. LANE. 
 
 From the Herald of Freedom, December 15, 1855. 
 
 Fellow Soldiers: You assembled to vindicate the right — to defend 
 this city and inhabitants of the Territory against threatened destruc- 
 tion. 
 
 Well and gallantly have you discharged that duty. The tocsin of 
 war is no longer lieard from the beseiging army ; tliey have returned 
 across the border from whence they came ; our fortifications are not 
 demolislied ; those beautiful buildings still remain to ornament our 
 city, and accommodate our citizens. You still retain the rifles you 
 know so well how to use. The ladies — Cxjd bless them! — are still 
 among us, to encourage manly and cliivalric deeds. 
 
THE FEARFUL CRISIS PASSED. 69 
 
 You have won a glorious victory by your industry, skill, courage 
 and forbearance. In these fortifications, wrought as if by magic, you 
 took your position, there determined never to surrender while a man 
 was left alive to pull a trigger; with a desperate and wily foe almost" 
 in your midst, you restrained your fire — determined to continue them 
 in the wrong, and compel them to commence hostilities — to take all 
 the responsibility of a battle which you believed would shake the 
 Union to its very basis. The beseiging army had time to ascertain our 
 true position — found that position just and lionorable ; tliat there was 
 no good cause of complaint against us ; and liaving marched into Kan- 
 sas, marched out again, leaving us occupying the identical position we 
 did when tlie invasion was made. 
 
 AVhile' congratulating ourselves upon our success, let us not forget 
 the gallant Barber, who fell in the discliarge of his duty. He was a 
 noble spirit, worthy of the cause for which he bled. Had he fallen 
 upon the battle field in manly combat, we could not have complained. 
 While we forgive, we cannot forget his cowardly and brutal murder. 
 Long may his manly bearing be remembered by all true men. 
 
 For the honor you have conferred upon me, in electing me to the 
 position I hold, you have my thanks. The duties I was called upon to 
 discharge were arduous. I have endeavored faithfully to discharge 
 them ; you are the judges as to the success of my efforts ; to your de- 
 cision, I cheerfully submit. 
 
 From Major-General Robinson I received that council and advice 
 which characterizes him as a clear-headed, cool and trustworthy com- 
 mander. He is entitled to your confidence and esteem. 
 
 The officers associated witli us have discharged their duty, and are 
 entitled to your thanks, and the thanks of the friends of liuman rights 
 throughout the world. They are gallant spirits worthy of you and 
 the cause in which they were engaged. 
 
 For days and weeks we were impressed with the belief that our hands 
 were to be imbued with the blood of our brethren, while we were 
 determined manfully and to the death to defend our hearth-stones. 
 Our hearts bled in contemplating the dreadful alternative. The fear- 
 ful crisis is passed, and, we earnestly hope, never to return. Our 
 Missouri friends understand us and our cause better than when they 
 
70 THAT BELOVED UNION. 
 
 came, and will not again pei*mit themselves to be stiri*ed up in anger 
 against us. 
 
 That beloved Union, for the safety of wliieh we trembled, will riot 
 again we trust, be imperiled by a foreign force from a sister State in- 
 vading our Territory. They must and will see the impropriety and 
 injustice of meddling in our affairs until they become our fellow- 
 citizens. 
 
 These addresses are history. No pen can iinwrite it, 
 no order expunge it, no besom of destruction sweep it from 
 the records. We had just passed through a fearful or- 
 deal — bloodless, it is true, with a single illustration of 
 barbarity, which would have followed a victory on our 
 part, had we achieved one, sending home to Missouri a 
 few scores dead, to aggravate their animosities — if a more 
 merciful fate had awaited our defeat. Every nerve had 
 been strained to strengthen our defenses and encourage 
 the men. On the 5th of December, Lane sent by dis- 
 patch, the following to Hon. Charles A. Foster, then of 
 Osawatomie, now of Quincy, Massacliusetts : 
 
 Lawrence, Dec. 5. 1855. 
 We want every true Free-State man at Lawi*ence immediately. 
 
 This is but a specimen. They w^ere sent everywhere 
 
 where succor could be hoped for. And then he went 
 
 among the men, harranguing them with an inspiration 
 
 equalling the action of the Corsican at the bridge of 
 
 Lodi. 
 
 The speech of Lane bristles with patriotic sentiments, 
 
 a love of Kansas and of the Union, with which his after 
 
 life was adorned in the forum and on the field. 
 
 There is a wise provision of law, which recognizes as 
 
 the safest and the sublimest evidence, the statement of 
 
lane's services cannot be overrated, 71 
 
 the dying man, facing liis God and looking into Eternity. 
 Thus the witnesses stood. In its best aspects, a terrible 
 calamity had been but barely escaped. Two hundred 
 miles and more of as implacable an enemy as ever stood 
 in the pathway of civilization, were between us and pos- 
 sible hope of help, ready to break out in all the savagery 
 of the Lawrence Massacre. And as long as the story of 
 Kansas is told, it will read : 
 
 "To THE Experience, Skill and Perseverance op the Gallant 
 General Lane, all Credit is Due for the Thorough Discipline 
 OF our Forces, and the Complete and Extensive Preparations 
 for Defense. His Services cannot be Overrated." 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 CONTINUED OUTRAGES IN THE WINTER OF 1855-6. 
 
 Comparative quiet prevailed during tlie winter of 
 1855-6. The first election of State officers and the Leg- 
 islature under the Topeka Constitution, whicli took place 
 January 17, created considerable excitement nearly all 
 over the Territory. In the interior towns, as Lawrence, 
 Topeka and elsewhere, the Free-State party was too 
 strong for successful opposition. In the river towns, as 
 Leavenworth, Atchison, Wyandotte, Sumner, Kickapoo, 
 Doniphan, and elsewhere, the opposition was very bitter, 
 and backed by considerable strength. At Easton, twelve 
 miles west of Leavenworth, a mob interfered with tlie 
 election ; and tliB next day, Stephen Sparks and-his son, 
 Free-State men , were captured going home from election . 
 Capt. Reese P. Brown went to their assistance, and res- 
 cued them. He and others were captured. Brown was 
 a heroic man, true as firm. They released the others, or 
 they got away ; but they taunted, if they did not assault 
 Brown, a helpless prisoner. I think they did personally 
 insult him by words and buffet him, to provoke him to 
 fight, which he offered to do, if he could have any show 
 
A PATRIOT QUIETLY BURIED. 73 
 
 of fair play. At any rate, tlie Pro-Slavery men claimed 
 he got into a fight. He was assaulted and gashed with 
 hatchets ; and on an excessivel}^ cold night, was jolted 
 home in a lumber wagon, where he was merely able to 
 say to his wife that he had been ' ' cruelly murdered 
 without a cause." He had just previously participated! 
 in the Wakarusa War. I spent a night of peril witli 
 liim patrolling the old California road as skirmishers. 
 He was reticent, as well as a stranger personally to me^ 
 though I had heard of him. He cautioned me of dan- 
 ger, and prevented me from hailing and halting a man, 
 saying he was too far off. The man was undoubtedly a 
 messenger, carrying dispatches between the camps of 
 Lecompton and Franklin. Brown was a Kentuckian, 
 with something of the Southern dialect, and I became 
 suspicious that he might be a disguised enemy, and was 
 greatly pleased when we w^ere relieved by change of 
 guards, and better pleased when I found who my com- 
 rade was. 
 
 In some places, the voters resorted to a " pocket 
 vote," the election boards being broken up, and the 
 judges going among the people personally, and taking 
 their votes at their homes. 
 
 Two days after his death, Brown was quietly buried 
 on Pilot Knob, near Leavenworth, by a few^ courageous 
 friends. Notwithstanding President Pierce's fulmina- 
 tion of a special message to Congress, declaring the To- 
 peka government revolutionary and an act of rebellion, 
 Gen. Lane, as Chairman of the Executive Committee, 
 
74 LANE AND REEDER ELECTED SENATORS. 
 
 announced the result of the election by the adoption of 
 the Topeka Constitution. Jefferson Davis, Secretary of 
 War, issued orders, calling the organization "insurrec- 
 tionary," and commanding the officers to " disperse and 
 retire peaceably" before they met. Nevertheless, the 
 Legislature met, and, on the first day, by unanimous 
 vote, elected James H. Lane and Andrew H. Reeder 
 United States Senators, and memorialized Congress for 
 admission into the Union. 
 
 The threats of demolition and destruction against the 
 property and lives of everybody daring in the mildest 
 manner to utter anti-slavery sentiments were still kept 
 up. The Territorial Register, a conservative Free- State 
 paper at Leavenworth, Avas thrown into the Missouri 
 river, and innumerable outrages committed upon per- 
 sons and property. To add to the horrors of the situa- 
 tion, the severest winter ever known in Kansas set in 
 upon us. The day of the convention to nominate State 
 officers (December 22) w^as so mild in the forenoon that the 
 assembly sat in comfort out of doors ; at noon a storm 
 ■struck us with such fury that we w^ere driven into the 
 unfinished dining room of the Free-State Hotel ; and be- 
 fore night, delegates w^ere making desperate efforts to 
 get feed to their horses, tied in the woods, across the 
 "Kansas river, with but little success ; and for years, the 
 gnawed saplings were pointed to as the poor beasts' abode 
 of suffering. The next morning, men and horses crossed 
 on the ice. Snow fell to the depth of tw^o feet ; sleds 
 were improvised for business, and the sturdy Northerner 
 
TO HARBOR A NEGRO, DEATH, 75 
 
 faced the wintry blasts, thanked God for the breezes, 
 which drove the Southern invader to his lair, to ruminate 
 over disaster and defeat to his cause ; and, even in all 
 the distress, business revived, and the Kansas City and 
 Leavenworth merchant prospered ; the sawmills re-kin- 
 dled their fires, and the ice above wdiere Bowersock's 
 dam now turns the pent-up waters upon the machinery 
 of the city, was strewed with hundreds of logs, burr-oak, 
 black w^alnut, hickory, hackberry, linn and Cottonwood ; 
 and Col. Whitman was building a church, and Col. 
 Eldridge w^as finishing a hotel for the Vice President of 
 the United States to batter dow^n the next May. 
 
 As we go along, let us remember, that in the civiliza- 
 tions of the world, perhaps, no such two conflicting 
 forces ever met — certainly no two in a republican form 
 of government like ours — as met upon the plains of Kan- 
 sas. To us, " slavery ^vas the sum of all villanies " — to 
 them, it was the apple of their eye, property proportion- 
 ately more sacred than their flocks and herds as it was 
 more valuable. To steal a horse, morally speaking, was 
 petty larceny ; to steal a negro, embraced the concrete of 
 all the crimes — piracy, robbery, murder, rapine — and, 
 therefore, they furnished the proof of this theory by a 
 solemn statutory enactment making it death to feed or 
 harbor a negro, while the mere expression that he might 
 be free was punishable by hard labor in the penitentiary 
 not less than two years, and on indefinitely, tempered 
 only by the temerity of the offender, or the mercy of a 
 court w^iich such lawmakers might constitute ; but that 
 
76 COURTS TOO SLOW. 
 
 law was backed by a public sentiment which waited not 
 upon the tedium of courts, but '' hung the accused first, 
 and tried him afterwards," as they did Jacob Cantrel, a 
 Missourian, for "treason to Missouri," because he in- 
 scribed on his wagon cover " Kansas a Free State ;" or 
 as Fugit shot and scalped Hoppe. It was the survival 
 of the fittest. 
 
 I have referred to what might have been the eventual 
 result of a victory in the Wakarusa War. I believe, in 
 case of an attack within our' entrenchments, the battle 
 would have been ours ; but when the dead went back to 
 Missouri, in their exasperation, they could have thrown 
 ten thousand men into Kansas, and might have turned 
 our victory into a calamity, and ante-dated the Lawrence 
 Massacre seven years, and its numbers limited only by 
 the number of resistants. 
 
 From the last of April till September 26, 1856, I was 
 absent, and during that period I only know of events by 
 reading and personal information from my family and 
 friends who remained. 
 
 I was engaged in the rescue of Samuel N. Wood on the 
 19th of Api'il. Being informed by Charles F. Garrett 
 that Wood was arrested in the law ofiice of James Chris- 
 tian, I walked in a perfectly perfunctory manner towards 
 the' office, all the time persuading Mr. Garrett to keep 
 out of the difficulty, as he and I were in business, which 
 any interference would break up. His reply was : " But 
 if they take him to Lecompton, they will kill him." 
 " Qh," I said, ' 'there is more danger that Jones will be 
 
WOOD RESCUED. 77 
 
 thrown in the river than that he will be allowed to take 
 him away ; and there are plenty of young men , whom 
 nobody will ever be able to identify, who will rescue him 
 without us involving ourselves." But as I came to the 
 door, Jones stood holding him by both wrists, while 
 Wood was asking to let him see his family before taking 
 him away, pledging himself to return in ten minutes, 
 saying he could put all the guard around his house he 
 pleased. " Will you give yourself up?" said Jones, 
 Wood replied: "No. I do not recognise your right to- 
 take me ; but I will put myself in precisely the position 
 I am in now." "Then you cannot go," said Jones. 
 "I will go," said Wood; and suiting the action to the 
 word, with a sudden twist of his hands, he jerked loose, 
 quickly making for the door. Jones jumped for him, 
 and caught him by the collar just as he reached me at 
 the door; when, impromptu, and apparently without re- 
 flection, I caught Jones by the throat and Wood by the 
 coat collar, and saying, "Get away. Wood," he left ; but 
 as I caught Jones, Wood quickly twitched his revolver 
 from him, and he was disarmed. Jones' three deputies 
 undertook to interfere ; but James B. Abbott laid one of 
 them down on the ground very hard ; Charles F. Garrett 
 swung another oft' the porch by the coat tail ; and Sam. 
 F. Tappan throttled the third. Jones made some threats 
 of what he would do yet ; and then there were cries, ' ' Put 
 him in the river !" just as I expected. I did all I could 
 to pacify the crowd, telling them enough had been done, 
 and appealing to them to "be orderly, and let the Pro- 
 
78 CHURCH MILITANT AND TRIUMPHANT. 
 
 Slavery men commit all the outrages." One of his dep- 
 uties pawed the air in great excitement, exclaiming : 
 "That's enough! that's enougli ! Tlie law has been 
 violated, and the officers resisted." The multitude qui- 
 eted, and Jones and his posse went peaceably away. 
 Jones reported officially that he had been resisted by 
 a mob. 
 
 The following Sunday, April 20, Jones made a descent 
 on the city, with a posse of ten men. The first effort 
 was to arrest Mr. Tappan, (he who was afterward Colo- 
 nel of the First Colorado, and a member of the Peace 
 Commission under President Grant,) l)ut Tappan resist- 
 ed ; and then, " there was a splendid chance for fun," 
 as the boys remarked. Rev. S. Y. Lum was preaching 
 in the hall hard by. It was "the church militant and 
 the church triumphant " — and the church a la militaire, 
 for that matter ; for they were nearly all armed. Tlie 
 audience almost fell over each other in their attempt to 
 reach the scene ; and the preaclier was not more than a 
 length behind, accusing Jones of breaking up his churcli. 
 Finding that he w^as foiled, and ' ' discretion the better 
 part of valor," Jones "stood not upon tlie order of his 
 going, but went at once." 
 
 It was said that the redoubtable sheriff selected Tap- 
 pan as his first victim because he was reputed to be a 
 non-resistant. However, I do not know liow tliat might 
 have been. If so, as a member of the Bogus Legislature 
 had knocked Tappan dow^n, he changed his mind, and 
 put on two revolvers. The offense he committed was in 
 
SHERIFF JONES SHOT. 79 
 
 calling that astute body a Nero Lsgislature ; and as the 
 member had never heard of Nero, he thouglit he meant 
 a negro Legislature, and no mortal member would stand 
 such an insult as that ! 
 
 On the 23d of April, Jones returned with a company 
 of United States dragoons. The troops were generally 
 our friends, and watered tlieir horses at all the wells 
 where there was a horse that would drink at all ; and all 
 who knew of anything they had done, got notice in time 
 to run ; and I fled for safety to the Delaware Indians. 
 Jones advanced on ni}- house, formed a hollow square 
 around it, and made a search. He then took about ten 
 innocent men who were never suspected, and, to show 
 that he was "master of the situation," camped in the 
 town, where the Bowersock opera house now stands, 
 diagonally northeast from the Eldridge House. That 
 night he was shot, and was supposed to have been mor- 
 tally wounded ; but he recovered. The citizens denied 
 all knowledge of who did it, and held a public meeting, 
 passing resolutions condemnatory of the act. 
 
 The Deputy Sheriff, Sam Salters, took command, and 
 twice formed a hollow square with troops around my 
 house. The first time, he was insolent, abusive and pro- 
 fane ; and I advisd Mrs. Speer, if she saw his liosts com- 
 ing, to make no resistance, but to barricade the door, 
 and compel liim to break it down. This she did; and, 
 as he uttered a volley of profanity, she indignantly cast 
 a dipper of water in his face. The dragoons laid back 
 in their saddles, and laughed and cheered. This so pro- 
 
80 A GENTLEMAN REBUKES A ROWDY. 
 
 yoked him that he pulled a revolver, swearing he would 
 "kill the abolitionists." Then the lieutenant ordered 
 him away, rebuking him, telling him no man should 
 insult a lady in his presence. He dismounted, tapped 
 on the window, and politeh^ requested her to open the 
 door. She replied : ' ' If you are a United States officer, 
 I wall ; if you are a Border Ruffian, you will have to 
 break the door down." " I assure you, madam," said 
 the officer, politely, " that I am a United States officer, 
 in discharge of a very disagreeable duty." She stepped 
 to the door and opened it, inviting him to search every- 
 where. He made a very inefficient search, pleasantly 
 remarking about the Ijright morning, the babe in the 
 cradle, and her four pretty children around the fire, and 
 retired. Salters told him he had left a little room un- 
 searched. I was not there. I met him on the road alone 
 once before, with a Sharp's rifle on me. If he had com- 
 manded me, I would have followed him, as we had all 
 sworn a solemn oath to resist no United States authority, 
 and about as solemn an oath to resist all other authority. 
 He afterward told a lad}^ he never was more afraid of 
 anything than to enter that house. " Did you think he 
 would kill you?" " No. I met a polite lady, in a neat 
 house, witli five nice children, one of them a babe in a 
 cradle ; and I was shocked at the idea that I might have 
 to take him away. ' ' He was Lieutenant Mcintosh , after- 
 ward Gen. Mcintosh, of the Southern army, killed at 
 the Battle of Cabin Creek. It is painful to think that so 
 polished a gentleman sliould die in such a manner. 
 
LAST INTERVIEW WITH SHERIFF JONES. 81 
 
 President Buchanan appointed Jones Collector of Cus- 
 toms at El Paso, Texas ; and President Lincoln selected 
 Wood for his successor. It became too hot for either of 
 them. Quantrill robbed Jones at Black Jack, while he 
 thought he was in the liands of the " abolitionists." 
 
 Jones became a quiet business citizen of Arizona, and 
 died there. Twenty-five years later, as I sat in the 
 Planters House, at Leavenworth, a gentleman extended 
 his hand, saying, " Is not this Mr. Speer?" He was 
 Sheriff Jones. We passed out onto the veranda, and 
 had a long and pleasant talk over old times. I asked 
 him if he ever imagined it possible I could have had 
 anything to do witli the attempt on his life. Most em- 
 phatically he replied: "No. I always recognized you 
 as a gentleman ; and that was a dastardly attempt at 
 assassination." With pleasant memories, and hearty 
 congratulations, we parted, never to meet again. 
 
 Major James B. Abbott has written the following ac- 
 count of the Wood rescue as he saw it : 
 
 It so happened that I had come in from my ehiim that day, and no- 
 ticed one man in Sheriff Jones' posse, who had been a passenger on a 
 steamboat witli me from St. Louis to Kansas City, who, with his part- 
 ner, had taken passage for the express purpose of capturing a lot of 
 Sharp's rifles wliicli they expected to find on board of the boat, but 
 which had been sliipped, by my direction, on a boat whicli started two 
 days before we did. So that phm failed. The same man was in the 
 posse that arrested Branson ; but the prisoner was discharged before 
 he arrived at the justice's office; and so I made up my mind, if this 
 unlucky rifle hunter attempted to work an oar in any business in which 
 I or any of my friends had an interest, I should try to discourage him. 
 Quite a crowd had gathered near the office of Dr. J. N. O. P. Wood, 
 
82 MAJOR J. B. Abbott's statement. 
 
 wanting to see who was to be arrested ; for all the rescuers [of Bran- 
 son] had been threatened. After a while, I saw Sheriff Jones had 
 clinched Wood, and Wood was apparently making an effort to get 
 away. Soon Mr. John Speer, who was coming along the street, no- 
 ticed what appeared to be an affray, and commanded the peace, and 
 attempted to separate tlie combatants by pusliing them apart. At 
 this time I noticed my rifle hunter was getting somewhat uneasy, and 
 apparently disposed to take a hand in the business ; and so I quickly 
 picked him up and carried him back to the rear of Dr. AVood's office, 
 and laid him on the ground and held him there till the excitement 
 was over. AVhen I came back on the street, the Sheriff was com- 
 plaining that he had lost a pistol. AV^ood was gone, and some one 
 said that AVood had found the pistol in one of the Sheriff's pockets. 
 The talk among the by-standers was, that Mr. Speer, having been 
 appointed a Justice of the Peace by Governor Reeder, it was his duty 
 as a peace officer to prevent hostilities on the streets. 
 
 Dr. Wood and James Cliristian liad their offices in the 
 same room . 
 
 This is a succinct, but clear and explicit statement 
 from Major Abbott, who "was marked for vengeance on 
 account of his leadership in the Branson rescue. At a 
 later period, he led a party of about a dozen men in the 
 rescue of Dr. John Doy from the jail in the city of Saint 
 Joseph, Missouri, where Doy had been convicted of negro 
 stealing, though the offense, if there was any, Avas com- 
 mitted in Kansas. 
 
 The statement which I made that I was a justice of the 
 peace preventing a street fight, Avas a mere joke. To 
 the charge that I had resisted an officer, I jocosely re- 
 plied, that my commission as justice ran to the end of 
 the first session of the Legislature ; and as there never 
 had been a legal legislature, my time had not expired ^ 
 
A TREASON INDICTMENT. Oo 
 
 and I had stopped Jones and Wood in a street fight. 
 The Pro-Slavery men carried that joke a little too far by 
 reporting it to the Grand Jury, wliich astute body called 
 in the Attorney General ; and that more astute official 
 very gravely instructed them that the mere resistance of 
 an officer was not treason, but where it was done under 
 the pretence of the authority of a defunct office, it was 
 treason ; and I was indicted for treason ; but I objected 
 to carrying tlie joke any further, and was never arrested. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 ANECDOTES OF LANE AND HIS COMPEERS. 
 
 Gen. Lane had been brought up in the Methodist Episco- 
 pal cluiirh under a scrupulously pious Methodist mother, 
 though the tergiversations of so active, ardent, shrewd 
 — not to say tricky — a politician, cast some doubt upon 
 him as a consistent "brother;" but in Kansas, the 
 Methodist church was one of the most important factors 
 in the destruction of slavery, and the slavery question 
 was the alpha and omega of Kansas politics ; and no 
 man grasped that idea with more tenacity than Lane. 
 Quite a number of his mother's local cluii'ch had pre- 
 ceded him to Kansas, and the church members began to 
 call on him and occasionally he exhorted in church meet- 
 ings. A story was told that, at a revival, in the old 
 Methodist church at Lawrence, he and Col. Hamilton P. 
 Johnson, of Leavenworth, l)oth made exliortations, and 
 Lane had just completed a most ])athetic appeal to sin- 
 ners, in wliich he had spoken of the happiness with 
 which the Christian died under all tlie circumstances of 
 life. He had seen the Christian die in the palaces of 
 wealth and in the humble cabins of the pioneer ; and 
 
DIED NARY A TIME. 8^ 
 
 lie ahvays died happy. He had seen him die upon the 
 battle fields of Mexico, and in the mansions of luxury 
 and wealth — no mattei' where he died, he always passed 
 away in happiness, and went to glory. Just then a man 
 whom we shall call Mc, in a state of intoxication, hear- 
 ing the words of Lane and Johnson, and taking it to be 
 a political meeting, staggered in, and, addressing the 
 preacher in the pulpit, said : * ' Mr. President : Since the 
 (hie) gentleman has mentioned the (hie) battle of Buena 
 Vista, (hie) I was there myself (hie) and fought and bled 
 — and died nary a time !" Some of the church jnejnbers 
 took Mac by the ear and led him out ; but not without 
 liis yelling back, that he could not see why he had not 
 as good a right to speak as Jim Lane or Ham Johnson ! 
 Johnson was a retired Methodist preacher, and consider- 
 ble of a politician, who afterwards became a colonel in 
 the army, and was killed at the Battle of Morristown, 
 Missouri. 
 
 The Methodist church had gone through the ordeal of 
 a division between the North and the South ; and but a 
 small portion of the Southern division remained in Kan- 
 sas. The Northern branch had been twics baptised — 
 ])aptised in the faith of Wesley, and baptised in the 
 principles of that great leader, who declared that ''sla- 
 very was the sum of all villanies." The disruption of 
 the church inade all these Methodists objects of antago- 
 nism, and they were marked as enemies by the whole 
 Pro-Slavery organization. On the other hand, I have 
 seen thirty or forty men, most of whom - cared -nothing 
 
86 THE WAKARUSA CAMPMEETING. 
 
 about that church, and some of them caring for no 
 church and no religion, go to a carapmeeting, armed 
 to the teeth, swearing that no Methodist assembly should 
 be insulted and broken up while they lived. The first 
 Methodist conference came together under great appre- 
 hensions of violence, and with the distinct assurance that 
 it should be protected. The Wakarusa campmeeting 
 was one of our institutions sacred to liberty, and many 
 anecdotes were mixed w^ith its religious history. It was 
 at a great Palmyra campmeeting that Lane was con- 
 verted, or said to have been converted. His prominence 
 in politics, and his peculiarities of character, made him 
 the religious butt of the waggish tongue everywhere, and 
 various were the stories of his ' ' experiences . ' ' Far be 
 it from me to ridicule sacred things, and I hope these 
 recitals will escape such criticism. The stories must be 
 taken with the usual degrees of charity, and considered 
 as the Christian looks upon all apocryphal stories ; as 
 he reads the Maccabees, Susanna and the Elders, or the 
 account of Judith and old Holifornes, where that vir- 
 tuous virago cut his head off with his own falchion, and 
 threw the gruesome object into the basket of her maid, 
 and the tw^o went shouting over the hills to Jerusalem. 
 Mr. Dallas, the Topeka lawyer, has given me the best 
 version of it, and this may be rather suspected apocry- 
 phal. Dr. Dallas, his father, was a devout Methodist, 
 and an ardent friend of Gen. Lane ; and the^ young- man 
 came home from school during a campmeeting, and 
 having a great desire to see Gen, Lane, who, he was 
 
BAD BOYS AT A CAMPMEETING. 87 
 
 told, was at the camp, lie hunted up Silas Soule, a young 
 
 friend, and requested him to go with him and point the 
 
 noted man out. Now Sile was a bad boy. There are 
 
 bad bad boys and good bad boys — and Sile ^vas of the 
 
 latter kind — on mischief bent, with no bad intent — 
 
 Neither a man nor a boy, 
 But a hobbledehoy. 
 
 '' Yes, I know him," said Sile ; " the old rascal is at the 
 headquarters tent praying now. Come on." On they 
 went. The tent entrance was crowded beyond the pos- 
 sibility of passage ; ])ut they found a crack in the boards 
 — and there he was, down on his knees, -in extreme so- 
 lemnity. The usual exhortations were delivered, one 
 after another speaking, with all the pious responses 
 which deep devotion always prompts. Finally, Lane 
 arose slowly, and looking seriously over the congrega- 
 tion, commenced a most pathetic exhortation, referring 
 with great solemnity of manner to the teachings of his 
 sainted mother, long since gone to the heavenly rest. 
 He dwelt upon her infantile lessons, when she taught 
 him to kneel at her knees, and repeat the child's lesson : 
 
 Now I hiy me down to sleep — 
 I pray the Lord my soul to keep ; 
 
 If I should die before I wake, 
 I pray the Lord my soul to take. 
 
 And on that text he touched every heart — leading them 
 
 up, gradually, to his advancement in age, when she 
 
 taught him the Lord's Prayer. This he recited : " Our 
 
 Father who art in Heaven : hallowed be Thy name ; Thy 
 
 kingdom come ; Thy will be done on earth as it is in 
 
88 THE DOG-LEG SURRENDERED. 
 
 Heaven." Then he followed it up in almost tragic ac- 
 cents, praying that the will of tlie Lord might he done 
 liere and now and everywhere " as it is in Heaven." 
 And he stii-red that audience, as our infoi-mant tells us, 
 who had heard many of the greatest revivalists of our 
 times, as he never liad witnessed. The patlios andefl'ect 
 of that address is indescribable. As he concluded, he 
 sat down, bowed forward, with his face in his hands, as 
 all his friends have so often seen him, in deep medita- 
 tion. Then the minister carried on the meeting, exhort- 
 ing the people against all the vices that luimanity is lieir 
 to ; but eventually turning upon the vice of tobacco, 
 until his eloquence made a deep impression, and seemed 
 to move visibly that great man to a sense of his besetting- 
 sin ; when, reaching down under his vest, with his head 
 still in prayerful attitude, he pulled foi'th about a foot of 
 dog-leg tobacco, and passed it up to the preacher with- 
 out raising his liead. As the pi-eacher took that plug in 
 his hand, a new inspiration seemed to seize him, as he 
 exclaimed: " Glory to God! This great man wlio has 
 led the hosts of his country in battle, stood upon tlie 
 forum of the capitol, and in the serried ranks of wai-, 
 lias given up his last idol, and sui'rendered his lieart to 
 the Lord ! We will cast this vile weed to the four winds 
 of heaven!" And, suiting the action to the word, he 
 flung the dog-leg afar into the bushes surrounding the 
 camp. Then, in spontaneity, the whole audience broke 
 forth in shouts of song, "Praise God, from whom all 
 blessings flow." 
 
SEARCHING FOR THE TOBACCO. 89 
 
 In time, the touching scene was ended, and all went 
 their several ways with happy hearts rejoicing. But 
 Sile and young Dallas remained, sauntering over the 
 camp in silence, till Sile said : ''Let us go over and find 
 that tobacco." They searched through all the brush 
 and weeds, but the weed of all weeds was lost. The 
 next day, Mr. Dallas went to a Lane caucus, and found 
 him discussing politics and chewing apparently the same 
 dog-leg piece. He had "backslidden." When he went 
 into the Senate, he entirely broke off from the habit, and 
 was as dignified as any Senator. 
 
 This story ought to be true ; for we have since been 
 reliably informed that the relator came very near being 
 whipped by his Methodist father for slandering his friend. 
 It fails also in the fact that he has furnished no proof as 
 to where he got so much tobacco ; for he never had but 
 one chew at a time, and borrowed all the tobacco of the 
 troops who were being used as a posse comitatus by the 
 Pro-Slavery officers for his arrest. Many a soldier has 
 given him, and all the Free-State men, the hint of 
 danger. 
 
 With all his oddities, he had a firm faith in the Chris- 
 tian religion. Dr. Brooks, a Pro-Slavery man, and a 
 Virginian, had great personal admiration for him ; but, 
 not knowing how a visit by him would be taken by 
 Lane, asked me to accompany him. Lane was pleased, 
 and the visit was a delightful one, continued quite late. 
 Our ways separating at the gate, we stood awhile quietly 
 talking, when all at once, Dr. Brooks called my atten- 
 
90 HIS RELIGIOUS IDEAS RAN TO SUPERSTITION. 
 
 tion to solemn sounds. All alone, he was teaching his 
 child the Lord's Prayer. His religious ideas ran even to 
 superstition ; and esj^ecially to an overruling influence 
 by the spirit of his mother. A few friends, at Washing- 
 ton, deputed me to invite him to visit with them the 
 celebrated spiritualist, Foster, which he declined, telling 
 me, in confidence, and all seriousness, that he believed 
 his mother would appear to him, and he w^ould break 
 down, and it would be quoted against him as an evi- 
 dence of weakness. In all his plans of politics, one of 
 his most confidential advisers was a distinguished Meth- 
 odist minister, accompanying him on long journeys. 
 
 When the first street cars were placed upon Pennsyl- 
 vania Avenue, in 1862, cars were run with a placard, in 
 large letters, " For Negroes," and no negro was admitted 
 on the white cars except as a servant, accompanying a 
 mistress or children, and the servant was compelled to 
 stay on the platform, while the mistress or child w^ent 
 inside. One day, in Lane's presence, a young colored 
 girl appeared with a child ; the child was pushed into 
 the car, and the girl kept on the platform, the aff'righted 
 Infant screaming for its nurse. Lane opened the car 
 door, and said to the nurse : " Come in and take care of 
 this poor child." The girl protested that they would 
 not let her. " I will see that nobody hinders you," said 
 Lane, taking her by the arm and leading her in. The 
 conductor interfered, threatening to inform on him. 
 Lane promptly said: ''Attend to your business, or I'll 
 drive this car to the headquarters, report the case, and 
 
MILLIONS FOR KANSAS. 01 
 
 see that a bill is introduced to repeal the charter of this 
 road." The ^irl staid on, and the conductor reported. 
 The company investigated it far enough to find that Jim 
 Lane was the offender, and was preparing a bill to repeal 
 the charter or control the road. They took the cars off, 
 and a negro car has never run since. 
 
 One bright forenoon, in 1862, I was walking down 
 Three-and-a-half street with him, wiien he struck a stage 
 attitude so suddenly that Ffeared he had taken a spasm , 
 as he exclaimed, pointing his long bony finger toward 
 the sun : " That is the most important sun that has ever 
 arisen upon Kansas. Before it sets, prospective, untold 
 millions will be added to our wealth !" That afternoon 
 the Pacific Railway bill passed. 
 
 In the troubles of 1855, Messrs. Wemple and 
 
 William Ross, brother-in-law and brother of Ex-Senator 
 Ross, brought to Lawrence, from Shelby county, Mis- 
 souri, a free colored man, w^ith all his certificates of 
 freedom regularly certified and sealed by the officers of 
 the proper court, and a white Missourian named David 
 Evans, as farm hands. Evans was a Free-State man of 
 very marked characteristics. The Pro-Slavery men ex- 
 pressed doubts about the freedom of Jonas, the negro, 
 and w^anted to investigate "the nigger-thieves." Dave 
 took it up, and armed to the teeth w^th bowde-knives and 
 revolvers, drove them off. Lane heard of him and his 
 prowess, and hired him for fifteen dollars a month " just 
 to stand around and accommodate ruffians spoiling for a 
 fight." He was known as Buckskin, because he wore a 
 
92 THE GERMAN GAVE IT UP. 
 
 buckskin suit, and he was ready for a fight either '' fist 
 and skull, or with the cold steel and malleable iron. " 
 His first job of " fist and skull " was on Luke Corlew, a 
 noted bully, whom he pounded terribly, tore his clothes 
 from him, and ran him, half-naked, out of the town. 
 They gave Buckskin a wide berth after that — shied away 
 from him ; and for a long time , he was a terror to all of 
 them . 
 
 In the second Lincoln campaign, as I was sitting in 
 Lane's room with Hon. J. C. Burnett, of Kansas,' a very 
 intelligent Cincinnati Republican came in to interview 
 him in behalf of Gen. Fremont for the Presidency. He 
 argued the matter with great abilit}^, and still greater 
 persistency ; and Lane heard him very attentively. As 
 an apparently final appeal, the German assured him that 
 the entire German-American population were for Fre- 
 mont. Looking that honest German squarely in the eye, 
 Lane very gravely replied : "That is the reason I am 
 opposed to your movement. It is unpatriotic and clan- 
 nish. We should be neither German-Americans, Irish- 
 Americans, Scotch-Americans or Swedish-Americans, but 
 all Americans ; and as a German, I protest against it." 
 Whether the smile upon the countenances of the audi- 
 ence impressed the German that Lane was guying him, 
 or he had discovered an important split in the German- 
 American ranks, I cannot say; but he replied: "Very 
 veil, I gif it up." The German did not get ahead of 
 Lane in the politeness of their separation , and in response 
 to Lane's hearty invitation, promised to " call again." 
 
THE TRIAL OF HOG THIEVES AT OSKALOOSA. 93 
 
 If the reader wants to laugh till tears run out of his 
 eyes, get Hon. Walter N. Allen to tell the story of Lane's 
 defense of the hog thieves at Oskaloosa. Mr. Allen was 
 the prosecuting attorney, and had had four or five Free- 
 State men arrested for stealing Pro-Slavery men's hogs 
 on the Delaware Indian reserve. He had all his evi- 
 dence ready, was sure there could be no defense, and 
 expected a plea of guilty, and an appeal to the court for 
 mercy. To his surprise, when the court met at 9 a. m., 
 an affidavit was presented by the defendants, setting 
 forth that they had been unable to procure an attorney, 
 and asking for a postponement until 7 p. m. The court 
 granted the time, of course ; but Allen w^as amazed at 
 such foolishness, as he meant to be merciful. He retired 
 to his hotel for rest and recuperation. South of Oska- 
 loosa, there was a long slope of prairie, a smooth, 
 beautiful ridge, a grand view for seven or eight miles. 
 Sitting on the porch of his hotel, near the middle of the 
 afternoon, he observed an object far aw^ay, which he soon 
 saw w^as moving, and slowly advancing towards him ; 
 again he saw the object was a man on foot, and as it 
 neared him, he recognized Gen. Lane. Then it dawned 
 upon him that he was attorney for the hog thieves ; but 
 what conceivable defense he could have, was beyond his 
 imagination. Soon men were coming to the trial from 
 all directions ; and when the court met, the house was 
 full. The accused had quietly wiiispered around among 
 their friends that Lane would speak that night. Lane 
 had examined the poll lists at Lawrence, and found these 
 
94 THE COURT JUMPED OUT OF THE WINDOW. 
 
 men's names on the lists and copied them, and managed 
 to have the Free-State men hear that the accused had 
 something against their "persecutors," and if they de- 
 nied it, they must take the consequences. Allen pro- 
 duced his witnesses, and the evidence w^as clear and 
 indisputable . Lane had no questions to ask ; and Allen 
 considered argument unnecessary. Lane said the court 
 was bound to take judicial notice of two facts: ''One, 
 that I hold in my hand a copy of the poll list, showing 
 that these men voted at Lawrence, and now swear they 
 lived in Missouri, and emigrated to Kansas afterward. 
 Men that would thus stuff the ballot-boxes, overrun elec- 
 tions, and drive voters from the polls, ought to be 
 thankful that they are not hung. Another point of 
 which the court must take judicial notice, is, that this 
 pretended offense was committed on an Indian reserve, 
 which is no part of the Territory of Kansas, and over 
 which the court has no jurisdiction." He then turned 
 his face from the court, and denounced these men as 
 ballot stuffers, murderers, w^lio had no rights in Kansas, 
 nor any place else outside of the penitentiary ; and he so 
 exasperated that audience, that the attorne}^ retired in 
 good order, but the court jumped out of the window, and 
 the prosecutors fled in all directions ; and then Lane 
 turned to the arrested men and said : " Where, oh w^here 
 are thine accusers?" Attorney, court, jurors, accusers, 
 were all gone. 
 
 Allen, in telling the story, told me Lane came to the 
 hotel and undertook to speak to him. He repulsed him ; 
 
HIS BEST FRIEND IN OSKALOOSA. 95 
 
 told him to go away ; he would have nothing to do with 
 a man who would incite a mob against him in atrial. 
 But, after mucli persuasion and affectionate good nature 
 on the part of Lane, Allen condescended to hear him. 
 "Now, Walter," said Lane, "you know what kind of a 
 case I had." "Yes, I know you had no case at all." 
 But he listened further, as Lane proceeded: ^' Walter, 
 you know, if I could have borrowed or hired a horse on 
 credit for the trip, I would not have walked here and 
 back, over forty miles. These men deposited a twenty- 
 dollar g3ld piece in Ed. Thompson's bank at Lawrence, 
 which I am to have when I get there. Walter, if you 
 are as poor as I am, I hope you got your fee. I had not 
 a dollar, and I have been refused credit for a loaf of 
 bread in Lawrence, and my family have not even the 
 necessaries of life. Let us be friends, Walter. My 
 clients are cleared, and yours have cleared out for Platte 
 county. I hope your friends will find a ferry, and not 
 be drowned in the Missouri river." 
 
 And after this, Mr. Allen, in telling the story, said: 
 " Speer, I declare to you, that before he left, I was the 
 best friend he had in Oskaloosa." 
 
 On one occasion, the friends of Lane called a great 
 round-up meeting at Lecompton, for two o'clock on the 
 afternoon before election. Now, Lecompton was hardly 
 legitimately our "stamping ground;" but we had just 
 secured an important accession of strength there in the 
 person of Hon. David T. Mitchell, wlio was a powder in 
 Lecompton, and we had determined to back the convert 
 
96 OLD JIM WAS TO SPEAK. 
 
 up with an ovation. But the opposition were alive, too ; 
 and they had called a meeting for three o'clock of the 
 same day, at the same hall, and promptly at two o'clock 
 came Mr. Josiah Trask, the brilliant young editor, Col. 
 James Blood, Hon. Paul R. Brooks and one or two 
 others, to hear our talk, and squelch us with "the last 
 word" before election. We held a caucus. It was a 
 hey-day in Lecompton. " Old Jim was to speak." Lane 
 remarked to the caucus : " These men have come here 
 premeditatedly to take our audience. We cannot tole- 
 rate that. The rule of the justice's court that it is two 
 o'clock till three, holds good in apolitical meeting. We 
 will push our way through that crowd at five minutes to 
 three, sharp ; take twenty minutes to shake hands, 
 and let the meeting settle; Speer will arise, and take 
 thirty minutes on the prospects of Lecompton, and to 
 introduce the venerable Father Weaver, the head of Lane 
 University, as our President, who will speak till four 
 fifteen o'clock on the business and educational interests 
 of Lecompton, and I will speak till six o'clock, when I 
 must leave for our meeting at Clinton, [twelve miles 
 away ;] Clarke will speak till half past seven ; and then 
 Speer will speak till between eight and nine, and intro- 
 duce Hon. David T. Mitchell ; and if Dave gets to six- 
 teenthly before the polls open to-morrow morning, I am 
 mistaken in his w^ind !" The program was pretty faith- 
 fully carried out ; ])ut in the dim distance of thirty-five 
 years I could liardly swear that tliis list of his subjects 
 was correct: Battle of Bunker Hill, Declaration, War 
 
CHESTER THOMAS AS A FACTOR IN POLITICS. 97 
 
 Of the Revolution, Resolutions of '98, Whisky Rebellion, 
 Alien and Sedition Laws, Jefferson and the Embargo, 
 Sailors' Rights, Hartford Convention, Monroe Doctrine, 
 War of 1812, Jackson on Nullification, Veto of United 
 States Bank, Mexican War, Slavery, and was whaling 
 away on " sixteenthly, Lincoln and the Rebellion," 
 when the chickens began to crow, and the last words 
 our opponents heard as they fled over the Lecompton 
 hills, were "hurrah for Jim Lane and Dave Mitchell!" 
 
 There was another man of great power in the pioneer 
 days, so intimately connected with Lane that we cannot 
 leave him out, the anecdotes of whom would make a 
 small volume, and whose influence was extensive and 
 salutary. We mean Chester Thomas, of Topeka ; and, 
 if Topeka ever gets aw^akened to his merits, they ought to 
 erect him a monument in the State capitol grounds for 
 his great power in tlie location of the capital. He was 
 warm hearted, generous, hospitable and a sincere friend. 
 
 When he was recommended for mail inspector, he went 
 up to the postofRce department, and General Blair, the 
 liead of the department, was not busy, and invited him 
 to be seated and make himself sociable. They sat talk- 
 ing, and Gen. Blair said: "Mr. Thomas, if you have 
 any business to transact before entering upon your offi- 
 cial duties, you need not hesitate about going home. 
 Your appointment will follow you in a week or so. It is 
 a mere matter of formality." He said to him : '' No, I 
 have nothing in particular. I can just as w^ell wait as 
 not, and take the appointment with me. You don't 
 
98 SET UP A JOB ON THEM. 
 
 know Lane and Pomeroy. If I should leave, and they 
 should take a notion they didn't want me, I ^vouldn't 
 get further than Baltimore, till they would both come up 
 here, and file their affidavits that there never was any 
 such man lived west of the Mississippi river. I will take 
 it along." 
 
 Mr. Thomas had a reputation before he came to Kan- 
 sas. Hon. David Wilmot, of Wilmot Proviso fame, told 
 Gen. Lane, if he ever had a knotty question to settle, to 
 send for Chester Thomas. " He is one of the ablest pol- 
 iticians I ever knew." He was a Democrat, as was 
 Wilmot ; but he went off to stay on the slavery question. 
 He and Wilmot had much to do in getting John W. For- 
 ney interested in the anti-slavery cause. I once asked 
 him about it, but he hesitated to tell me. Said he: 
 ** The fact is, we set up a job on them." The anti-sla- 
 very men had an honest, punctillious old Quaker on the 
 committee who would not go in at Forney's back door. 
 They wanted the caucus secret, and the Quaker wanted 
 to be open and above board. Thomas was more practi- 
 cal, and did not hesitate. He said it didn't make so 
 much difference where you went in, so tliat you came 
 out right. They never knew what hurt them till the 
 polls closed. It was the turning point in Pennsylvaniar 
 politics. 
 
 His theory of political demagogy was, that a man who 
 started out to get office, lauding his own honesty, could 
 seldom be trusted. Said he: ''You cannot buy a poli- 
 tician. A politician has a reputation to take care of. 
 
A CHRISTIAN ON THE TICKET. 99 
 
 and will not sell out. If you want to buy a man, buy an 
 honest man. An honest man will sell. When I was in 
 the Council, [Territorial,] a man came to me and said : 
 ' Thomas, I will give you one hundred dollars, if you 
 will move a reconsideration of my bill that failed yester- 
 day, and get it through.' I told him I would not touch 
 his bill, if he would give me all he could make out of it. 
 He started away. I said : ' Now don't go away dis- 
 gusted. Let me give you a little advice. Never try to 
 buy a politician. Buy an honest man. A politician 
 won't sell; but an honest man will.' I said : 'There 
 sits an honest man. Go to him and offer the proper 
 persuasives, and get him to move a reconsideration, with 
 a few^ pertinent remarks, to the effect that he w^as mis- 
 taken in the character of the bill, but has since investi- 
 gated it, and found it a meritorious bill. There sits 
 another honest man. Get him to second the motion, 
 with a few similar remarks, and your bill will go right 
 through ; and my record will be all right." It passed. 
 
 On one occasion, it w^as palpably plain to Mr. Thomas 
 that there w^ere several candidates likely to be nominated 
 who were hardly proper men ; but still he could not pre- 
 vent their nomination . He said : ' ' Gentlemen , what w^e 
 want is a Christian on that ticket to save it, or we are 
 scooped. I know a Christian plowing corn, out on the 
 south side of the county, w^itli the crown out of his hat 
 and his toes out of his boots, who would make a good 
 candidate and a good officer. ' A little leaven leaveneth 
 the whole lump,' and it's an infernal hard ' lump ' at 
 
100 SEVEN IS MORE THAN SIX. 
 
 that," They got the "leaven," and the ticket went 
 right through. That man has since become distin- 
 guished, honored and respected as a statesman. 
 
 When he was in the Council of 13, (Territorial,) he 
 organized for business with six men with him for all his 
 bills — that is, he and six others agreed on what they 
 wanted, and solidly supported each other. His name 
 being at the foot of the list, and therefore the last vote, 
 he would sit in his seat sometimes until his name had 
 been called thrice, and then apparently rouse up, re- 
 marking, "A meritorious bill. I vote aye." And then 
 frequently he remarked, " Seven is more than six." 
 From a political standpoint, his measures rarely lacked 
 wisdom. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 GEN. lane's campaign FOR FREMONT. 
 
 Where shall we commence, and where shall we make 
 the dividing line, in that wonderful dual .campaign of 
 politics and w\ar — the Presidential campaign in the 
 States, and the defense in Kansas Territory, covering 
 different fields, separated more than fifteen hundred 
 miles, four hundred miles of it traversed only by horse- 
 power, the Missouri river blockaded by armed enemies ? 
 Besides bringing three colonies into Kansas, Lane was 
 heard from the stump in nearly all tlie great cities of the 
 North from New England to Iowa, then the furthest 
 Western State east of the Rocky mountains. His fame 
 as a soldier from the fields of Buena Vista and the City 
 of Mexico to his triumps in defence of the defenseless 
 people of Kansas, and his wonderful powers of oratory, 
 attracted the masses to him as they were attracted to no 
 other man in the nation. When the cry of renewed dis- 
 tress came he w^as in the East in the interest of Free 
 Kansas. With the celerity of thought, he was in the 
 field originating measures to avert the destruction of the 
 lives and property of the pioneer freemen ; and in an in- 
 
102 LANE APPEARS IN CHICAGO. 
 
 credibly short period, he was leading a force five hun- 
 dred miles overland, through Iowa and Nebraska, more 
 than two hundred miles of it wilderness, west of all 
 bases of supplies ; and, although forty years have trans- 
 pired, the settlers point out " Lane's Road ' ' as an object 
 of historic interest. 
 
 Perhaps no better idea of the opening of the campaign 
 of 1856 can be given than in extracts of proceedings and 
 his speech, when he appeared in Chicago, May 31, 1856 : 
 
 From Andreas' History, page 136. 
 
 The President then introduced Col. James H. Lane, of Kansas. As 
 he rose up and came forward, he was greeted with an outburst of ap- 
 plause from the crowd that continued for some minutes, during which 
 time he stood statue-like, with mouth firm set, gazing with those 
 wondrous eyes down into the very heart of the excited throng. Be- 
 fore the apphiuse had subsided sufficiently for his voice to be heard, 
 the fascinating spell of his presence had already seized upon the whole 
 vast audience, and for the next hour he controlled its every emotion 
 — moving to teais, to anger, to laughter, to scorn, to the wildest en- 
 thusiasm, at his will. No man of his time possessed such magnetic 
 power over a vast miscellaneous assembly of men as he. AVith two 
 possible exceptions, (Patrick Henry and S. S. Prentiss,) no American 
 orator ever equalled him in effective stump-speaking, or in the irre- 
 sistable power by which he held his audiences in absolute control. 
 On that night, he was at his best. It was doubtless the ablest and 
 most effective oratorical effort of his life. No full report of it was 
 given at the time. 
 
 Col. S. S. Prouty, one of his audience and one of the 
 next party he led to Kansas, thus wrote of the speech 
 twenty-five years afterward : 
 
 He was fresh from the scene of dispute in the belligerent territory. 
 He made a characteristic speech, teeming with invective extrava- 
 gance, impetuosity, denunciation and eloquence. The grass on the 
 
DENUNCIATION OF PRESIDENT PIERCE. 103 
 
 prairie is swayed no more easily by the winds than was this vast 
 assemblage by the utterances of this speaker. They saw the contend- 
 ing factions in the Territory through his glasses. The Pro-Slavery 
 party appeared like demons and assassins ; the Free-State pai'ty like 
 heroes and martyrs. He infused them with his warlike spirit and 
 enthusiastic ardor for the practical champions of freedom. Their 
 response to his appeals for succor for the struggling freemen was im- 
 mediate and decisive. 
 
 A few extracts which have been preserved will show 
 the spirit of his address : 
 
 I have been sent by the people of Kansas to plead their cause before 
 the people of the North. Most persons have a very erroneous idea of 
 the people of Kansas. They think they are mostly from Massachu- 
 setts. They are really more than nine-tenths from the Northwestern 
 States. There are more men from Ohio, Illinois and Indiana than 
 from all New England and New York combined. 
 
 We must remember, in reading this, that all the North- 
 western States, except Iowa, then lay east of the Missis- 
 sippi river. Of the President he said : 
 
 Of Franklin Pierce I have a right to talk as I please, having made 
 more than one hundred speeches advocating his election, and having 
 also, as one of the Electors of Indiana, cast the electoral vote of that 
 State for him. Frank was, in part, the creature of my own hands; 
 and a pretty job they made of it. The one pre-eminent wish of mine 
 now is, that he may be hurled from the white house ; and that the 
 nine memorials sent him from the outraged citizens of Kansas, de- 
 tailing their wrongs, may be dragged from his iron box. 
 
 He alluded to Col. W. H. Bissell, then the Republican 
 
 candidate for Governor of Illinois, as follows : 
 
 It is true I was side by side with your gallant and noble Bissell at 
 Buena Vista and in Congress. I wish I could describe to you the scene 
 on the morning preceding that glorious battle. On a ridge stood 
 Clay, Bissell, McKee, Hardin and myself. Before us were twenty 
 thousand armed enemies. It was a beautiful morning, and the sun 
 
104 INVASION AND TYRANNY UNDENIED. 
 
 shone bright upon the polished lances and muskets of the enemy, and 
 their banners waved proudly in the breeze. In our rear, the lofty 
 mountains reared skyward, and their bases swarmed with enemies 
 ready to rob the dead and murder the wounded when the battle was 
 over. Around us stood five ragged regiments of volunteers, two from , 
 Illinois, two from Indiana and one from Kentucky ; they wei'e bone 
 of your bone, blood of your blood ; and it was only when you were 
 near enough to look into their eyes that you could see the devil was 
 in them. It did not then occur to me that I should be indicted for 
 treason because I loved liberty better than slavery. 
 
 After pa^dng a glowing tribute to Bissell, and giving a 
 vivid description of Kansas outrages, he proceeded : 
 
 The Missourians poured over the border in thousands, with bowie- 
 knives in their boots, their belts bristling with revolvers, their guns 
 upon their shoulders, and three gallons per vote in their wagons. 
 When asked where they came from, their reply was, "From Mis- 
 souri:" when asked, "What are you here for?" their reply was, 
 "Come to vote." If any one should go there and attempt to deny 
 these things, or apologise for them, the Missourians would spit upon 
 him. They claim to own Kansas, to have a right to vote there, and to 
 make its laws, and to say what its institutions shall be. 
 
 Col. Lane held up the volume of the statutes of Kan- 
 sas, and reading and commenting as he read, said : 
 
 The Legislature first passed acts virtually repealing the larger por- 
 tion of the Constitution of the United States, and then repealed, as 
 coolly as one would take a chew of tobacco, provisions of the Kansas- 
 Nebraska bill. Of this bill I have a right to speak — God forgive me 
 for so enormous and dreadful a political sin ! — I voted for the bill. I 
 thouglit the people were to have the right to form their own institu- 
 tions, and went to Kansas to organize the Democratic party there, 
 and make tlie state Democratic ; but the Missouri invaders poured in 
 — the ballot-boxes were desecrated — the bogus legislature was elected 
 by armed mobs — you know the rest. 
 
 Th^ pro-slavery fragment of the Democratic party also delights in 
 the term "nigger worshipper," to designate Free-State men. I will 
 
THE INFAMOUS SLAVE CODE. 105 
 
 show you that these Pro-Slavery men are of all " nigger worshippers" 
 the most abject. According to the Kansas code, [Col. Lane read from 
 the book, giving page and section,] if a person kidnapped a white cliild 
 the utmost penalty is six months in jail — if a "nigger" baby, the 
 penalty is death! AVho worship "niggers," and slave "nigger" ba- 
 bies, at that? To kidnap a white child into slavery, six months in 
 jail I — to kidnap a " nigger " into freedom, death ! 
 
 He concluded his sccathing review of the code as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 Is there an Illinoisan who says enforce these monstrous iniquities 
 called laws? Show me the men. The people of Kansas never will obey 
 them. They are being butchered ; and one and all will die first ! As 
 for myself, I am going back to Kansas, where there is an indictment 
 pending against me for high treason. AVere the rope about my neck,. 
 I would say that, as to the Kansas code, it shall not be enforced. 
 Never ! never ! 
 
 Following, he argued elaborately and conclusively^ 
 the right of Kansas to come into the Union as a free state 
 ' ' now ! " He closed his speech with a detailed account 
 of the murders and outrages perpetrated upon the Free- 
 State settlers, given with a masterly power of tragic de- 
 lineation, which brought each particular horror, blood- 
 red and distinct, before the eyes of the excited throng : 
 
 He knew of fourteen cases of tarring and feathering^the most aw- 
 ful and humiliating outrage ever inflicted on man ! He told of Dow 
 shot dead while holding up his hands as a sign of his defenselessness 
 —lying, like a dead dog in the road all the long day, until in the 
 evening, his friends found his body, dabbled in his life-blood, and 
 bore it away ; Barber, unarmed, shot on the highway, brought dead 
 to Lawrence, where his frantic wife, a childless widow, 'mid shrieks 
 of anguish, kissed the pallid lips that to her were silent evermore I 
 Brown, stabbed, pounded, hacked with the hatchet, bleeding and 
 dying, kicked into the presence of his wife, where in agony he 
 breathed out his life — she now a maniac ! 
 
106 ARRAIGNS PRESIDENT PIERCE AS A MURDERER. 
 
 A voice from the crowd called, "Who was Brown?'* 
 Brown was as gallant a spirit as ever went to his God ! And a De- 
 mocrat at that — not one of the Pro-Slavery fragment, though. For 
 the blood of free men shed on the soil of Kansas — for the blood now 
 flowing in the streets of Lawrence — for every drop that has been shed 
 since the people asked to be admitted as a state — the administration 
 is responsible. Before God and this people, I arraign Frank Pierce as 
 a murderer ! 
 
 In conclusion, I have only this to say: The people of Kansas have 
 undying faith in the justice of their cause — in the eternal life of the 
 truths maintained — and they ask the people of Illinois to do for them 
 that which seems to them just. 
 
 The Chicago Tribune, in its report of the meeting, 
 
 .June 2, 1856, says : 
 
 We regret we can only give a meagi-e outline of the eloquent and 
 telling effort of Col. Lane. He was listened to with the deepest in- 
 terest and attention by the vast throng ; and as he detailed the series 
 of infamous outrages inflicted upon the free men of Kansas, the peo- 
 ple were breathless with mortification and anger, or wild with enthu- 
 siasm to avenge those wrongs. During Col. Lane's address, he was 
 often interrupted by the wildest applause, or by deep groans for 
 Pierce, Douglas, Atchison, and the doughfaces and ruffians who had 
 oppressed Kansas, and by cheers for Sumner, Robinson and other 
 noble men who have dared and suffered for liberty. 
 
 Language is inadequate to give the reader a conception of the effect 
 of the recital of that tale of woe wliich men from Kansas had to tell ; 
 the rigid muscles and the frowning brows told a story to the looker-on 
 that types cannot repeat. From the fact that the immense crowd 
 kept their feet from eight to twelve o'clock, and that even then they 
 were unwilling the speakers should cease, or that the contributions 
 should stop; from the fact that working men, who have only the 
 wages of the day for the purchase of the day's bread, emptied the 
 contents of their pockets into the general fund ; that sailors threw in 
 their earnings ; that widows sent up their savings ; tliat boys contrib- 
 
MOST REMARKABLE MEETING EVER HELD. 107 
 
 uted their pence ; that those who had no money, gave what they had 
 to spare ; that those wlio liad nothing to give, offered to go as settlers, 
 and do their duty to freedom on that now consecrated soil ; that evei-y 
 bold declaration for liberty, every allusion to the Revolution of '76, 
 and to the possibility that the battles of that period were to be fought 
 over again in Kansas, were received as those things most to be de- 
 sired — something of the tone and temper of the meeting may be im- 
 agined. . . . Take it with its attending circumstances — 
 the shortness of the notice, the character of the assembled multitude, 
 and the work which was accomplished — it was the most remarkable 
 meeting ever held in the state. "We believe it will inaugurate a new 
 era in Illinois. We believe it is the precursor of the liberation of 
 Kansas from the liand of the oppressor, and of an all-pervading polit- 
 ical revolution at home. 
 
 About half past twelve, Sunday liaving come, the meeting unwil- 
 lingly adjourned, and the crowd reluctantly went home. At a later 
 hour, the Star-Spangled Banner and the Marseillaise, sung by bands 
 of men, whose hearts were full of the spirit of these magnificent 
 hymns, were the only evidences of the event that we have endeavored 
 to describe. 
 
 This demonstration of Lane , the concoction of his own 
 brain, was but twelve days from the hour when Atchison, 
 Acting Vice President of the United States, sighted a 
 cannon at the Free State Hotel at Lawrence, and razed 
 it to its foundation with ball and fire, and burned and 
 pillaged much other property ; and, in exhorting his co- 
 horts, lest some defenseless woman should attempt to 
 IH'otect her home, advised them to "blow her to hell 
 with a chunk of cold lead ! ' ' Kansas onward for a time 
 became almost literally a sheet of flame, and homes were 
 demolished and sacked and burned. 
 
 It is unnecessary to go into details of his cami)aign for 
 Fremont for the Presidency in 1856. He made hiiiTied 
 
108 IN OHIO, NEW YORK AND CONNECTICUT. 
 
 tours all over the free states, speaking in the larger cities 
 with the same power and effect which he manifested at 
 Chicago. I was in Northern Ohio when he spoke at 
 Cleveland, and representative men of all parties, far and 
 near, rushed to hear him in his story of Kansas wrongs, 
 when, but for the difference in the time and the occasion, 
 his effort there could hardly have been secondary to that 
 at Chicago. Hon. Mark AV. Delahay, United States 
 District Judge for the State of Kansas, told me an amu- 
 sing stor}'- of their appearance together in New York, 
 hungry, in a restaurant. Lane penniless, and Delahay 
 w^ith only sevent3^-five cents, begging his co-partner to 
 moderate his appetite for another meal ; but they left 
 that table without the means for a plate of soup. ' ' How 
 on earth," said I, '' did you get out of that great city?" 
 '* Oh," said Delahay, laughing, " Lane hunted up a com- 
 mittee, replenished our treasury, and the committee got 
 out bills, and rented a hall with such good results that 
 they sent us on our way rejoicing, for an assault on Dem- 
 ocratic Connecticut!" 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 lane's military defense of KANSAS IN 1856 
 
 The confident declaration of Hon. Joseph Medill, in 
 his spirited description of the meeting and his landation 
 of the s^.eaker, ' ' We believe it is the precursor of the lib- 
 eration of Kansas from the hand of the oppressor," has 
 long since passed the limit of prophecy, and become his- 
 toric. It was the beginning of the end. And^^that other 
 prediction of ' ' an all-pervading political revolution at 
 home! "how significantly it has reverberated in every 
 home of the Union ! Chicago was the centre of thought 
 and of energy and of help in that great conflict ; and the 
 Chicago Tribune was the mouth-piece which gave utter- 
 ance to the thoughts of the Great West in a conflict, the 
 like of which the world had never seen. An incident 
 occurred in the Tribune office shortly after this event 
 which illustrates the spirit of the times. I was sitting 
 at the editorial table of Gov. Bross, sadly talking over 
 some bad news from Kansas, when a solemn-looking 
 individual, with a white neck-choker, sedately advanced 
 to the Governor, and mildly inquired : " Is this Deacon 
 Bross?" He modestly responded : " They sometimes call 
 
110 HIS VOICE WAS FOR WAR. 
 
 me deacon." "I am," said the mild-mannered man, 
 "a representative of the American Society for the Pro- 
 motion of Peace ; and I called to see if yon conld help 
 us. " ' ' No ! by the Eternal God ! my voice is for war ! " 
 exclaimed Bross, bringing his solid fist down on the 
 table till it bounded as if the ghost of Beelzebub had ap- 
 peared at a spiritualistic seance. And the " peace pro- 
 motor ' ' made two strides for the door, and was seen no 
 more. The war spirit was up, and Kansas was to be de- 
 fended. 
 
 There has been given in Chapter VI an account of the 
 causes which led to the troubles of 1856, to wit : the re- 
 turn of S. N. Wood, who had been connected with the 
 rescue of Branson, which brought on the Wakarusa war 
 of the previous fall. Branson had committed no crime, 
 and was noted as a peaceable, inoffensive man, taking 
 but little part in public affairs ; but Wood was a bold, 
 aggressive, fearless Free-State man ; and an excuse was 
 wanted for driving all such men from the Territory. 
 
 Gen. Lane had been in Washington during the winter, 
 and was there when the outbreak occurred. If he was 
 in Kansas before the 22d of July, as I luxve no doubt he 
 was, he was there incognito, on account of indictments. 
 At that date, he boldly crossed the Missouri river, at 
 Nebraska City, with three hundred men. A convention 
 was held jit Buffalo on the 9tli and 10th of the same 
 month to aid Kansas, and at that convention, that great 
 philanthropist, Hon. Gerrit Smith, subscribed one thou- 
 sand dollars per month. A messenger from Lane's camp 
 
THE LOWER HOUSE SUSTAINS KANSAS. Ill 
 
 ill Iowa arrived, and made an eloquent report to the con- 
 vention. A National Kansas Committee was appointed, 
 of which Abraham Lincoln was a member, and on my 
 motion. Col. Shaler W. Eldridge was made the Kansas 
 member, and during that summer, he led a company of 
 emigrants to Kansas over " Lane's road." Alx)ut that 
 time, Hon. .John Sherman introduced an amendment to 
 the army appropriation bill, prohibiting the enforcement 
 of the Bogus laws, which passed the United States House 
 of Representatives by a vote of 88 to 40 ; thus virtually 
 sustaining Lane and his "army" by more than two- 
 thirds of the American Congress, fresh from the people. 
 Quite early in the summer of 1856, when, if Lane was 
 in Kansas, he was known as " Captain Cook," a cogno- 
 men adopted to avoid arrest, C. W. Topliff and 0. E. 
 Learnard had a command, we think under the respective 
 titles of Colonel and Lieutenant Colonel, though it would 
 be misleading to call it a i-egiment. This organization 
 was camped on an island of Coal creek, two or three miles 
 south of the Wakarusa — I think on the land of Hon. 
 Araasa Soule, long since deceased. Small in numbers, 
 j)erhaps not to exceed tliree hundred men, they were 
 nevertheless, of great significance in keeping up a mili- 
 tary organization, a standing menace to the invaders, 
 and a perpetual notice of readiness for resistance to the 
 whole state of Missouri. Lane arrived in Kansas early 
 in August, and established a cordon of forts on Lane's 
 road from the Nebraska line to Topeka, bringing in 
 about six hundred men. He was an uncertain quantity 
 
112 CAPTAIN COOK ON THE WHITE HORSE. 
 
 ill the conflicts then, generally known only to those wiio 
 could be trusted to know him as " Captain Cook on the 
 white horse" — a horse of mine which he ''borrowed" 
 when I was a thousand miles away — and much of my 
 information was acquired from Captain Charles F. Gor- 
 rett, wlio was his confidant and adviser, in nearly all 
 the skirmishes and engagements of that summer. 
 
 In August of that year, a pretty large body of Pro- 
 Slavery men, Misssourians, South Carolinians and Geor- 
 gians, advanced through what is now Johnson to near the 
 Douglas county line, but was then an Indian reserva- 
 tion, unsettled by whites and but sparsely settled by In- 
 dians, penetrated the white settlements at Bull creek, not 
 far from what is now Lanesfield postoffice. Lane called 
 promptly to arms, made a forced marcli, and a brilliant 
 demonstration, with a very inferior force, the dash and 
 impudence of the gallant Free-State boys rushing them 
 out of Kansas, with such celerity as to make the enemy 
 the laughing stock of the country. Col. 0. E. Learnard, 
 in command of cavalry, took an active part in this sor- 
 tie ; and he says that Lane was conspicuously in 
 command, with a stafl^ of thirty men, actively and ener- 
 getically ordering the charge. 
 
 The trials of Leavenworth (county and city) Free-State 
 men are indescribable, and seem incredible : Hoppe was 
 shot and scalped by Fugit, on a bet that he would bring 
 in a Yankee scalp in an hour, and he soon brought the 
 gruesome object, elevated on a pole; a lone grave near 
 Moore's Summit long showed the resting place of one of 
 
A DEMONSTRATION IN LEAVENWORTH COUNTY. 113 
 
 Emory's innocent victims : scores pushed on boats ahead 
 of Pro-Slavery bayonets testified against tyranny in their 
 Eastern homes, or came back by way of Iowa, to fight 
 freedom's battle out on freedom's soil ; Phillips, who had 
 been tarred and feathered and sold for a sixpence to a 
 negro, was murdered, in his own house, in the presence 
 of his family, the blood spurting on a young lady, an 
 Eastern guest, who still lives in Lawrence, (Mrs. Nancy 
 A. G. Libey,) who rarely can be persuaded to tell the 
 horrible story! Details are sickening! In this crisis, 
 Lane proposed to Col. Learnard to join with .lohn Brown 
 in a night demonstration from Stranger creek, near where 
 Hon. John Wright lived, all around that country, where 
 it was reported the enemy had two thousand men. He 
 declined co-operation with Brown, but took a force of a 
 hundred and forty horsemen, and in the darkness, made 
 a night raid, meeting no opposition. It had the effect, 
 however, of giving confidence to the Free-State settlers, 
 and notification to the enemy that they were ready for 
 action. It was reported that messengers were sent to 
 Weston, Missouri, representing that Lane was scouring 
 the country w^ith more than a thousand men ; and that 
 the Weston bells were rung for fire, the people aroused, 
 and measures taken for action. 
 
 It is unnecessary to go into details of his capture of 
 Franklin, Fort Titus, or his descent upon Lecompton, 
 with his forces in line, and the cannon, know^n as the 
 Old Sacramento, frowning over the entrenchments, 
 where its capture was only prevented by the interven- 
 
114 THE MURDER OF HOYT. 
 
 tion of United States troops under Col. Philip St. 
 George Cooke. Each of these places were fortifications 
 of considerable strength against merely small arms. At 
 Fort Saunders was a solid log house, besides breastworks 
 of considerable strength, with a superior force to Lane's, 
 but he made an exhibition of force, by marching around 
 elevated objects, which alarmed the enemy, and they 
 fled the country in all directions. This was the place 
 where they had so brutally murdered David S. Hoyt, 
 a Massachusetts man, hacking his face to prevent iden- 
 tification, and burying his body so lightly that it was a 
 prey for wild beasts. Col. Learnard told me that when 
 a body of Free-State men went in search of the murdered 
 man, they could smell his remains in the woods, for a long 
 distance before they found them. Hoyt went unarmed, 
 on a mission of peace, stopped on his way at my house, 
 said that a leading man among them was a Mason, and 
 he believed he could have some influence with him in the 
 promotion of peace. He had been a bombardier in the 
 Mexican war, a soldier relying upon the honor of a sol- 
 dier ; but, during the previous winter, he had started 
 from Boston with a lot of Sharp's rifles, which were 
 captured on the Missouri river, though he got away with 
 the lock apparatus, rendering them useless. 
 
 The defense of Franklin was a large heavy frame house, 
 impregnable by any force he could collect ; but for a long 
 time, the house stood at Franklin, riddled with bullets, 
 man}^ of them imbedded in the siding, as an evidence of 
 the assault. It was a night attack, and he found a load 
 
CAPTURE OF FORT TITUS. 115 
 
 of hay on a wagon ; and keeping up a fusillade of bullets 
 from a diagonal stand-point, he placed a body of men at 
 the wagon's tongue, and set the hind end on fire, illumi- 
 nating the prairies, as they rushed it upon the building. 
 The enemy fled in terror, while the Free-State men saved 
 the building from destruction by fire. The house was 
 removed to Lawrence, and for some time was the best 
 hotel in that cit}^, known as the Sherman House, and 
 still stands on New Hampshire street. From its bal- 
 cony Gen. Sherman made a famous speech shortly after 
 his great campaign from Atlanta to the sea. 
 
 Fort Titus was a log fortification, on a hillside, two 
 miles from Lecompton, with log and stone breastworks 
 around it, and w^as the headquarters of Col. Titus, a 
 Georgian, afterwards with Walker, the Cuban fiUibus- 
 ter. Border-Ruffian Maclean, afterwards on Gen. Price's 
 staff", in the Price Raid into Kansas in 1864, was one of 
 Titus' officers. Capt. Samuel Walker had the principal 
 charge of this assault, while Capt. Thomas Bickerton had 
 charge of the cannon. Tw^enty prisoners were captured 
 and the house burned. Captain Walker resisted a de- 
 termined eff'ort to hang Titus. Captain Henry J. Shom- 
 bre, one of Lane's company from the East, and a very 
 promising young man, was wounded, and died two days 
 afterward . 
 
 On the fifth day of September, Gen. Lane determined 
 to make an assault on Lecompton. The outrages were 
 intolerable ; and it was determined that the imprisoned, 
 persecuted Free-State men held under Bogus authority 
 
116 IN LINE AT LECOMPTON. 
 
 should be released — not those held for treason under 
 United States soldiers — for, with Lane and all his fol- 
 lowers, under no circumstances did they disregard the flag 
 of the country or its officers. The line of march ordered 
 by Lane was directly on or near the old " middle road" 
 till they should arrive within a mile of the George W. 
 Clarke place, (he of Barber murder notoriety ;) thence 
 w^estwardly the cavalry and the infantry were to divide, 
 the former taking the prairie or middle road, and the 
 latter through the woods, near a blind road up the river. 
 Col. Samuel Walker was the superior officer, but was 
 in command of the infantry by the river road. Lane 
 accompanying him, and Mr. J. H. Shimmons acting as 
 guide ; while Lieutenant-Colonel Learnard had entire 
 command of the cavalry, six companies ; while Captain 
 James A, Harvey led a considerable force on the north 
 side of the Kansas river. Shimmons resided among the 
 Pro-Slavery men in the woods near Lecompton, and no 
 man was better posted on their trails, nor more useful, 
 than he. These two commands advanced towards the 
 scene of action. Walker's halting on the heights in front 
 of the capitol, and Learnard' s on the first hill south of 
 Lecompton, and directly between tlie camp of the United 
 States troops and that town. 
 
 Another true anti-slavery man, a near neighbor of 
 Clarke, whom Clarke had threatened and attempted to 
 kill, and once assaulted in a public meeting at Law- 
 rence, was Alphonso Jones, who was prompt and useful 
 in giving information, and acting as guide. 
 
''captain cook" in the ranks. 117 
 
 The Pro-Slavery forces were in Lecompton, and had 
 fortified the basement of the Territorial capitol ; but 
 there was a hurrying to and fro to get messages to the 
 United States troops, for help against the ''abolition- 
 ists." Soon the government cavalry came upon a dash, 
 with little regularity of march, and were halted, and 
 Major Sibley demanded of Learnard what was wanted. 
 Learnard vei^ mildly informed him that there were some 
 prisoners in Lecompton, for whose release they had 
 waited long enough, and they had come to take them. 
 Just then Col. Sam. Walker rode up from the other com- 
 mand, and sat upon his horse listening. Sibley stated 
 to Learnard that the prisoners would be released, and 
 added: "Now, you have my word as an officer, and I 
 know you have confidence that the promise will be ful- 
 filled. Now just retire with your command, and let us 
 have peace." "No," said Learnard, "I cannot do 
 that." " Why not?" demanded Sibley. " I am not in 
 command." Sibley said he had spent his life in the 
 army, and been through the Mexican war, but he never 
 saw any such warfare as this. " Who is in command?" 
 "Gen. Lane." "Where is he? and how can I see 
 him?" " He is among the trees, with another com- 
 mand, on the other hill, getting ready to fire on Le- 
 compton. Col. Walker will conduct you." Off went 
 Sibley and officers. 
 
 At this juncture, Lieutenant-Colonel Cooke, in com- 
 mand, appears upon the scene, apparently just from the 
 Governor and other civil officers, and, simultaneously, a 
 
118 GEN. LANE IN COMMAND, 
 
 United States marshal, with writs for Lane, taking ad- 
 vantage of the presence of the military officers, to demand 
 their assistance to arrest him. Charles H. Hoyt, a lad 
 of twelve years, stood in the ranks, boy-like, ready to 
 " kill them all." Instantly appreciating the situation, 
 Lane said: '' Boy, take my horse!" and Lane was in 
 the ranks, an old slouch-hat drooping over his face, in 
 grim defiance of all. The marshal demanded protection, 
 while he should pass along the lines to search him out, 
 which Cooke sternly refused, reprimanding him by say- 
 ing, "Marshal, you are a very indiscreet man. Get 
 back to Lecompton." A dozen guns were leveled upon 
 him, with exclamations, "Shoot him! shoot him!" 
 and one of Lane's men stepped up and took his revol- 
 ver without the least show of resistance. The marshal 
 very excitedly protested that he could not get back ; that 
 there was an abolitionist behind every tree. Lane de- 
 clined to see Cooke, and probably Cooke did not want to 
 see Lane. Througli the interposition of Col. Walker and 
 John H. Shimmons with Lane, the frightened Marshal 
 Cramer was given safe conduct past " abolitionists be- 
 hind every tree," showing such mercy to a man who 
 was attempting to take Lane to a tortured murder like 
 that to which Reese P. Brown had been led at Easton. 
 Thus the negotiations went on ; the prisoners were re- 
 leased ; and "Captain Cook" left the ranks, mounted 
 his horse, and rode home triumphantly as Gen. Lane, 
 at the head of his command. 
 
 It Avill make the situation much clearer to give as 
 
REPORT OF COLONEL COOKE. 119 
 
 much of Colonel Cooke's official report to his superior 
 officer as is necessary to show his view of the condition, 
 the guns shotted on the " rocky hill," Captain Bickerton 
 swearing because the fuse was not applied, Colonel Lear- 
 nard ready for the cavalry charge, and Captain Harvey 
 among the trees, to cut them off from fording the Kan- 
 sas river, on their retreat to Missouri, from whence they 
 
 had come : 
 
 Headqitarters, ) 
 
 Camp near Leoompton, September 5, 1856. \ 
 
 Major : .... At 3 :30 some citizens entei'ed camp 
 
 in haste, reporting a large force approaching Lecompton from below. 
 I sounded " boots and saddles." In a few minutes I received a note 
 from the Governor, reporting the same, and asking my protection for 
 tlie town, etc. I immediately ordered the Sergeant of the guard to 
 be sent, with the relief of the guard kept saddled, to endeavor to in- 
 terpose between the town and threatening force, (wliich was well 
 executed by Corporal Batty, Company C, First Cavalry.) At the 
 same time I sent off Captain Anderson with the dismounted dragoons. 
 Some minutes after, I marched in person at the head of a squadron of 
 Second Dragoons, ordering the First Cavalry and Artillery to follow 
 as their preparations were completed. 
 
 About a mile from town I joined the dismounted command, and, 
 rising the hill prairie above the town, came upon the flank of about 
 60 mounted men in line, who remained motionless. Ordering the 
 dragoons to halt nearly in open coluinn, I rode in front of the Law- 
 rence men, and accosted Captain Walker, who was in command, ask- 
 ing what he came after. He answered, that they came to release 
 prisoners, and have their rights. He said they had sent into town to 
 treat with the Governor. I asked him if that was all their men. He 
 said, oh no, there were 700 more close by. I told him it was a very 
 unfortunate move on their part ; that the prisoners had been ordered 
 to be released; and, a«iong other things, said if tliey attacked the 
 town, I should attack them. He asked me if I would go with him to 
 the main body. I consented, and sent an order to Colonel Johnston, 
 
120 • COLONEL COOKE SPEAKS. 
 
 then arriving on the hill, to remain there in command of the troops 
 until I returned ; and taking Lieutenant Riddick, acting Assistant 
 Quartermaster, an orderly and bugler, rode with him towards the 
 woods, near tlie town. 
 
 Discarding all personal feeling, I liad then in mind tlie instructions 
 of August 28, viz : " If it should come to your knowledge that either 
 side is moving upon the other with a view to attack, it will become 
 your duty to observe their movements, and to prevent sucli hostile col- 
 lision," and to "make every exertion in your power, with the force 
 under your orders, to preserve the peace and prevent bloodslied." 
 
 I arrived, with Mr. Walker in rear of the main force, on an abrupt 
 eminence commanding the town, over a wooded and rocky ravine, 
 within long gun-shot. They had two pieces of artillery in position, 
 and their visible numbers might not have been above three hundred 
 men. 
 
 I asked JNIr. Walker to collect the officers in front of the line, and 
 some twenty or thirty approached me mounted. At the moment 
 there was an altercation with a Mr. Cramer, Treasurer of the Terri- 
 tory, whom they had just made prisoner, who appealed to me, stating 
 he was a United States officer, and that he had been sent to me. I 
 addressed these principal men. I said : " You have made a most un- 
 fortunate move for yourselves ; the Missourians, you know, have 
 gone, and the militia here are nearly gone, having commenced cross- 
 ing the river yesterday morning, to my knowledge. As to the pris- 
 oners, whilst I will make no terms with you, I can inform you, that 
 they were promised to be released yesterday morning ; and the Gov- 
 ernor this morning told me he would order the release of all of them, 
 and was to send me word at what hour I should send a guard to 
 escort them to my camp, that, therefore, I could assure their promjjjt 
 return to their homes ; that everything was going in their favor, and 
 that it apparently would be so, if they would refrain entirely from re- 
 prisals or any outrages, return to their occupations, and show mode- 
 ration." I required the release of the prisoner, Mr. Cramer, and 
 their return to Lawrence. 
 
 I was asked if I could promise that affairs would be set right at 
 Leavenworth, and they have power to go and come. Mentioning 
 
THE AMERICAN FLAG AMD JIM LANE's ORDER. 121 
 
 several cases of nuirders or killing, even tliis morning, I answered, 
 " I could only answer for this vicinity ; that things could not be set- 
 tled in a moment; tluit Gen. Smith was close to Leavenworth, and 
 that liis powers and views, I believed, were the same as mine." I 
 was then asked the ever-recurring question, if I should attack them, 
 if they attempted there to redress themselves or defejid themselves? 
 I replied, " I give no pledges; tliat my mission was to preserve the 
 peace." 
 
 Great regret was expressed by them that they liad not been informed 
 before of these events ; said tliey had waited long ; that their messen- 
 gers were killed or made prisoners, and mentioned that a regiment 
 M'as then over the river, and apprehended that it would lead to bad 
 results, and I was asked to send to them to go back to Lawrence. I 
 suggested that a written order should be sent, and one was afterwards 
 handed me ; they tlien released three prisoners, and marched off to 
 return, whilst I rode over to the town witli the released prisoners. I 
 found one or two hundred militia, whom I had previously seen oppo- 
 site, among the walls of the new capitol, under General Marshall. 
 
 I found the Governor, and informed him of my action and its re- 
 sults. He said the prisoners had been released, but, in fact, the or- 
 der had not yet been executed. Mention was made of prisoners that 
 had been taken by a Lawrence force ovei* the river ; I asked the Gov- 
 ernor to send over the order for that force to retire. He found diffi- 
 culties ; when Mr. Riddick* volunteered to go, and was instructed 
 also to obtain the release of any prisoners. Lane had evidently been 
 in real or nominal command, but had not presented himself to me. 
 jNIr. Sheriff Jones and others now clamored for his arrest ; he was then 
 gone with his force about him. The Governor spoke of writing a 
 requisition. I told them, on an impulse, that I should make no ar- 
 rests this night ; but soon after took the Governor aside and told him 
 
 *The renu)val of the " difficulties " is happily accounted for when 
 we know that "'Sir. Kiddick's" other title was "Lieutenant Riddick, 
 acting Assistant Quartermaster United States Army," and that Gen- 
 eral Lane had given the order "handed to" Colonel Cooke, in plain" 
 sight of both officers. Equi|)ped with the American Hag and an order 
 from Jim Lane, " iNIr. Riddick" was as safe any place in Lane's com- 
 mand as if he had been in a kitidergarten. 
 
122 A PLATOON ESCORTS THE PRISONERS HOME. 
 
 I recalled that decision, and said, "If you want liim arrested, write 
 jour requisition ; but I think, on reflection, you will liardly make it." 
 He replied he would not, if I advised against it; and the matter 
 dropped. I then galloped over to my troops, and sent a platoon to 
 request the Governor to send to my camp the released prisoners ; and 
 they have been sent here. 
 
 With great respect, your obedient servant, 
 
 P. St. G. COOKE, 
 Lieut. Col. Second Dragoons, Commanding. 
 Major George Deas, 
 
 A. A. G3n. Dept. of the West, Fort Leavenworth, K. T. 
 
 This ofRcial report gives facts justifying every act of 
 tlie Free-State men. It admits that the prisoners had 
 not been released, although the order had been made. 
 It was to avenge oft-repeated violations of faith like this 
 that made force necessary. It admits that Lecompton 
 had been held by Missouri invaders, and that even after 
 prisoners had been ordered released, their lives were 
 only safe from murder and assassination under govern- 
 ment troops, between their prison and their families. 
 Colonel Cooke says, very truly, that "Lane had evi- 
 dently been in real or nominal command, but had not 
 presented himself" to him. It was nevertheless a fact, 
 that General Lane had stood upon his dignity, taking 
 the high ground of superior military authority, and re- 
 fused to negotiate except through Colonel Walker, his 
 chief of staff, and that Walker went to and fro between 
 them in full sight, not a hundred feet distant. It was 
 about then that Senator Benton said, ''President Pierce 
 is as completely in the hands of Jefferson Davis as the 
 
BATTLE OF HICKORY POINT 123 
 
 suckling is in the hands of its nurse;" and this report 
 was made to satisfy the war department under Secretary 
 Davis. The great object was accomplished, the release 
 of the prisoners, and Cooke sent them home "under a 
 platoon of United States dragoons." 
 
 His last engagement of 1856, was just as Gov. Geary- 
 was entering Kansas, fully empowered by the govern- 
 ment to disperse all armed bodies of both sides. On the 
 12tli of September, he made an assault on Hickory 
 Point, in wdiich Tom McElroy, Free-State, and Jack 
 Henderson,* Pro-Slavery, Avere wounded. The place 
 was a collection of half a dozen heavy, w^ell-built log 
 houses, twenty- five to thirty miles northw^est of Law- 
 rence. He found it impracticable to capture the place 
 witliout lieavy loss of men. He retired, went into camp 
 for tlie night, and sent two messengers, one to Topeka, to 
 notify Captain Dan. Home to hold himself in readiness 
 for Captain Harvey, of Lawrence, and one to Harvey, to 
 come at once, by w^ay of Topeka, with a cannon, to cap- 
 ture the place. After these messengers were dispatched. 
 Lane got the proclamation of Governor Geary, that he 
 was in command of LTnited States forces to keep the 
 peace, and ordering all armed bodies to disperse. As 
 he had absolutely, but unwittingly, violated the procla- 
 
 ""• Captain Charles F. Garrett was one of Lane's men at Hickory 
 Point. Jack Henderson became a Union man, and the two met in 
 different commands at Nasliville, Tennessee ; and Jack, approaching 
 Captain Garrett, said: "You don't know me. Captain?" "Don't 
 know you !" said Garrett ; " don't know you ! Didn't I carry water in 
 my hat, to pour on your back, after we shot you at Hickory Point ?" 
 
124 LANE IN NEBRASKA. 
 
 mation of Governor Geary, and was liable to arrest by 
 the troops, he at once dispatched other messengers to 
 warn both Home and Harvey, and retreated to Nebraska, 
 alleging that he was going north to " open up the road,' ' 
 where the Pro-Slavery forces of Gen. Richardson were 
 holding the country, intercepting emigration by the way 
 of Iowa. Harvey, disregarding Lane's orders to " come 
 by the way of Topeka," took a nearer route, and thei-eby 
 failing to meet the messenger or find Lane, opened fire 
 upon Hickory Point, captured and dispersed the enemy, 
 killing five men, and then encamped for the night. The 
 United States forces soon came and captured the wliole 
 Harvey command, one hundred and one men ; and they 
 were held as prisoners, on charge of murder, at Le- 
 compton. 
 
 Shortly thereafter Gen. Reid, Pro-Slavery, invested 
 Lawrence with thirteen hundred men. A skirmish oc- 
 curred on the outskirts of the town in which Captains 
 Walker and Cracklin participated. John Bi'own was 
 with this defense, but disavowed any authority to com- 
 mand, though he gave them some wholesome advice 
 about Sharp's rifles shooting too high. In this dilemma 
 Col. Leai-nard, with a company of cavalry, did eflicient 
 service in reconnoiti'ing, skirmishing, and giving infor- 
 mation of dangei'. Night approaching, Reid retired. 
 As resistance was hopeless, dispatches were sent to Gov. 
 Geary at Lecompton l)y three different messengers, by as 
 many difi'erent routes. Gov. H. A. W. Tabor, since of 
 Colorado, was one of the messengei's, and a few years 
 
CONCILIATING NEBRASKA. 125 
 
 ago, described to me very graphically the dangers of the 
 situation. Geary must have moved with great celerity ; 
 for by the next morning, the whole prairie around Law- 
 rence was covered with United States troops. 
 
 The absence of Lane at the time of this occurrence is 
 already explained. While Lane was at Nebraska City, 
 a caustic article was published in Hon. J. Sterling Mor- 
 ton's paper on Lane and his men ; and the first I knew, 
 he was in a terrible state of excitement, exclaiming, "A 
 horse! a horse! anybody's horse!" He mounted and 
 went with the swiftness of the wind. The explanation 
 was, that some of his men had determined to mob the 
 paper. Whether this was true or not, a great deal of 
 excitement prevailed; and he called "a conciliatory 
 meeting to explain to the people of Nebraska. " Ne- 
 braska was neutral ground, and strict neutrality was 
 observed by Kansas men. Therefore, Nebraska City 
 was full of refugee Pro-Slavery men, and quite a number 
 of slaves were held there, some of them by Mr. N\ickols, 
 afterward Delegate to Congress and a Union man. The 
 meeting opened for " conciliation" in a very boisterous 
 manner. He seemed "as mild a mannered man as ever 
 scuttled ship or cut a throat." To me his introduction 
 was irony worse than Elijah's mockery of the false pro- 
 phets bringing fire from heaven ; but the ruffians seemed 
 to like it. It was somewhat in this formula: "Mr. 
 President, and you, fellow-citizens : I am pleased with 
 this intelligent audience ; and I particularly congratu- 
 late myself that so large a portion of the neighboring 
 
126 COMPLIMENTS TO COL. DONIPHAN. 
 
 State of Missouri are here to honor me with their 
 pres nice. [They brought their knives and revolvers 
 along to aid in the "honors," but our men (100) had 
 n 'arly all looked down the muzzles of guns, and few of 
 theirs had.] Like you, I am a Democrat. I made a 
 Democratic speech when I was but thirteen years old, 
 which the fathers of Democracy declared to be orthodox, 
 I never scratched a Democratic ticket in my life, and 
 probably never should, had I not come to Kansas, where 
 they organized the parties ignoring Democracy, and leav- 
 ing no Democratic ticket to be scratched. I even voted 
 in Congress for the Kansas-Nebraska bill, leaving it to 
 the people ' to decide upon their domestic institutions in 
 their own way.' That is all I want now. Keep your 
 institutions in Missouri as you like them. Did you ever 
 hear of Jim Lane interfering? Never! Let us reason 
 together. I was a soldier in the Mexican war. fight- 
 ing in the same cause with your brave Doniphan, lead- 
 ing one regiment and tlien another to overtake the army 
 before we reached the City of Mexico. [He had them 
 there.] Oli ! that that hero were here to-night ! The 
 boys would take him on their shoulders, and carry him 
 to our camp-fire, where we would feast together in har- 
 mony and love." "The boys" shouted; and even the 
 Missourians applauded. What were "the boys" there 
 for? But nobody mentioned that they had the cannon 
 which Colonel Doniphan had captured at Sacramento 1 
 " Now I come to slavery. Hear me, and condemn, if 
 you feel like it. I was awakened to investigation of the 
 
BOUGHT TWO CARPENTERS YESTERDAY. 127 
 
 institution on the coast of Mississippi, where I was dis- 
 posing of goods in a store-boat. I had with me a young 
 man, a carpenter and joiner, a skillful workman, as in- 
 telligent a man as there is in this audience, a gentleman 
 — like the mass of you, gentlemen, earning his living by 
 honest labor. On the bank stood a lordly mansion, the 
 home of a sugar planter, who was adding house to house 
 on his great estate. I went with this young man, to the 
 proprietor, who sat on his porch. I complimented his 
 institution, and, to ingratiate myself with him, intro- 
 duced myself as Colonel Lane, who had been charmed 
 with the Mississippi valley in going to and from the 
 scenes of the Mexican w^ar ; and then I told him I had 
 here a young man, of eminent skill as a carpenter and 
 joiner, an architect capable of planning as well as exe- 
 cuting, whom I recommended for his honor and integ- 
 rity, and I hoped he could give him employment which 
 would be mutually advantageous to both . He laid him- 
 self back, with his thumbs in the armholes of his vest, 
 and with sneering scorn, replied : ' I bought two car- 
 penters yesterday !' Great God ! If such men are buy- 
 ing carpenters, machinists, engineers, how soon will they^ 
 sell you and me in their marts of human merchandise !" 
 He had that audience as completely as Napoleon had his 
 soldiers when he rushed ahead of them at the Bridge of 
 Lodi ; and one universal burst of applause attested his 
 triumph as an orator. 
 
 While at Nebraska City, our command marched to 
 Tabor, in Iowa, an intensely anti-slavery and religious 
 
128 NO CHICKEN SQUAWKED AT TABOR 
 
 town, settled principally by people from Oberlin, Ohio. 
 As Ave sat eyes upon its white buildings glittering in the 
 sunlight, the command went out : " Halt ! We are now 
 approaching the town of Tabor. Its people are a moral 
 and religious people. That is all that is necessarj' to sa}^ 
 to the honorable men of the Kansas Volunteers, to com- 
 mand their respect, and to assure the good people that 
 we come in honesty and sincerity as the advance guard 
 of the crusade of freedom. There will be no immoral 
 conduct — no harsh talk while here. The Kansas sol- 
 diers will be on their morals at Tabor. March !" 
 
 Our tents were pitched on the public square, and there 
 the boys played ball. No oath escaped their lips. No 
 chicken squawked through their agency. But for their 
 raiment, they might have been taken for a convention of 
 Sunday school superintendents and teachers. 
 
 It was then at Nebraska City that the challenge to A. 
 W. Doniphan and A. G. Boone, but really intended for 
 Vice President David R. Atchison, to decide by wager 
 of battle the great contest of Kansas — one hundred men 
 on each side, Lane and Atchison respectively to be one 
 of the number — referred to by Senator Ingalls, and re- 
 referred to by Mr. Noble Prentis, was issued. I wrote it 
 myself. Lane invited me to his room, laid down on his 
 l)ed, pointed to a chair and table, and said : " Write !" 
 Perhaps more than half tlie phraseology was mine ; l)ut 
 tlie idea was all Lane's. I tliought it was among the 
 lost literature of Kansas until I saw it referred to in the 
 Senator's work. The proposition was as he stated it. 
 
BIG DUELS AND LITTLE DUELS. 129 
 
 They were to figlit in the presence of twelve members of 
 each house of Congress. Mr. Prentis said nothing came 
 of it. He is mightily mistaken. If, in the exuberance 
 of liis youth and patriotism, ho had been there, and had 
 not been one of Lane's first volunteers, he would have 
 been astonished at the number of young men wlio felt 
 differently. I saw the blood in the eyes of the boys. 
 Lane had been insulted by malicious fellows challenging 
 him ; he had been provoked almost be3"ond endurance ; 
 but he told me in seriousness and in sadness, lie could 
 never jeopardize the life of his fellow man, except in some 
 great cause . In search of a copy of this peculiarly unique 
 challenge, I wrote to that distinguished collator of his- 
 torical events, Hon. J. Sterling Morton, United States 
 Secretary of Agriculture, who is also President of the 
 Nebraska Historical Society; and, while he was unable 
 to furnish me the particular document asked for, he has 
 furnished me more important information in the follow- 
 ing letter : 
 
 United States Department of AGRicuLTrRE, ) 
 
 Office of the Secretary, Washington, D. C, Sept. 9, 1895. \ 
 
 Mr. John Speer, Kansas Historical Society, Topeka, Kansas. 
 
 Dear Sir : I hasten to reply to your communication of September 
 6, and to inform you that Mr. James H. Lane issued no challenge to 
 the people of Nebraska City to fight a duel — 100 Free-State men against 
 100 Pro-Slavery men, and that such a challenge would have been ut- 
 terly absurd, for the reason that there never were 100 Pro-Slavery 
 men in Otoe county, in my judgment, from the date of its organiza- 
 tion down to the present time. 
 
 Your recollection probably grows out of the fact that two aged men 
 — William B. Hale, a native of Virginia andja'slaveliolder, and Capt. 
 
130 DUELING CONTAGIOUS. 
 
 John Lorton, a native of Illinois and formerly a resident of Burling- 
 ton, Iowa — challenged Mr. Jas. H. Lane to name two, or ten, of his 
 followers who would meet those two aged citizens alone, or those two 
 with eight men whom they would choose, and fight a duel at short 
 range, with muskets, rifles, shot guns or revolvers. But Gen. Lane 
 declared that he and his peoi)le were merely peaceful emigrants going 
 to the Territory of Kansas from Nortliern States, with the intention 
 of quietly and without force making it a Free State. 
 
 At my home farm, Arbor Lodge, adjoining Nebraska City, I have 
 the newspapers of that period bound, and wlien I visit Nebraska City, 
 (as I shall probably in the month of October, the latter part thereof,) 
 I will take pains to hunt up tlie matter, and see how near my recol- 
 lection is to the facts. 
 
 Assuring you that I shall be pleased to contribute the matter you 
 seek, if I can find it, I remain, Very respectfully yours, 
 
 J. STERLING MORTON. 
 
 We did not mean to say that Lane had challenged the 
 people of Nebraska City, for the very reason which Mr. 
 Morton gives. The people of Nebraska, like the people 
 of Kansas, were opposed to slavery. 
 
 Why these two gentlemen wanted to kill Lane and 
 eight or ten more is not apparent ; but Lane went them 
 ninety per cent, better, and challenges stopped. Times 
 have indeed changed, when the Governor of Texas con- 
 venes the Legislature to prevent a fisticuff. If the 100 
 men to each side had appeared, it would not have made 
 any difference whether a quorum of the Congressional 
 committee appeared or not. That challenge answered a 
 purpose similar to the " Topeka movement" — it united 
 the men. Tliat prize fight — the prize of Free Kansas — 
 was fought in thousands of battles. 
 
 A few davs after, Lane marched with his command 
 
CHARLEY GARRETT AS A DONIPHAN TIGER. 131 
 
 toward Kansas, in hopes that the affair at Hickory Point 
 could be reconciled with Gov. Geary. At the end of the 
 first day's march, when we were encamped near a little 
 r.own called Archer, .-md Lane and a few others had gone 
 to the village hotel to hear the news and talk with the 
 people, Dr. Cutter* appeared, and informed us of the 
 'issault of Capt. Harvey on Hickory Point and the cap- 
 ture of 101 of his men, taken to Lecompton, to be tried 
 for murder. Lane at once called out his men, and as 
 they stood in a hollow square, stated the exact situation, 
 notifying the men that we could not resist the United 
 States officers and soldiers, nor Gov. Geary ; and advis- 
 ing all who had participated in the action at Hickory 
 Point to keep away from Kansas, as he should do, and 
 did for some time. Nine of us stepped out, saying we 
 should go to Kansas, one of them Charles F. Garrett, 
 afterward distinguished as an officer in the service of his 
 country, though he had been in the fight. Travelling 
 twenty-four hours without a morsel of food, Garrett 
 led us off on a creek, where, when he was going north 
 with Lane, he had represented himself to a Pro-Slavery 
 settler as a member of the Doniphan Tigers, (a Pro- 
 Slavery organization,) and was told exultantly that, with 
 a little notice, the family could get up a good dinner for 
 fifty of the Tigers any time. " We will see,'' said Mr. 
 Garrett, " what they can do for a breakfast, this morn- 
 
 ; * This Dr. Cutter had before captured a Santa Fe ox-wagon train 
 belonging to Col. Boone, of Westport, Mo., who was rtpresented to 
 have contributed ten thousand dollars to the Pro-Slavery fund in 
 Kansas. 
 
132 COL. TITUS WITH HIS NICARAGUA LETTER. 
 
 ing, for nine hungry Free-State men." There was a 
 good deal of consternation, when the old Virginian rec 
 ognized his familiar ' ' Tiger ' ' at the head of nine of 
 Lane's men, armed with Sharp's rifles and revolvers ; 
 but it only facilitated the preparation of breakfast, and 
 we passed on in peace. This was near Holton ; and the 
 next night we spent with friends at Indianola, four miles 
 north of Topeka, and early the next day we were at our 
 beloved home at Lawrence. 
 
 Our illustration, "Inside View of the Lower Prison 
 Room at Lecompton," is a historic picture of political 
 persecution, drawn by Mr. William Breyman, one of the 
 prisoners. It represents Col. Titus, introducing and 
 reading a letter on Nicaragua, and trying to persuade 
 the prisoners to join him in a fillibustering expedition to 
 that country. While it gives a faithful view of their 
 prison life, it more vividly illustrates the contrast be- 
 tween patriotism and tyranny. There stands Col. Titus, 
 the unscrupulous adventurer, the propagandist of sla- 
 very, doubtful at least of success in overthrowing freedom 
 in Kansas, ready for rapine and murder in any other 
 country, as he was in Kansas. Around sit men in want 
 and distress, imprisoned falsely on the vilest charges, 
 despoiled of their liberty and their lives endangered. 
 Conscious of their own rectitude of purpose, every ap- 
 peal to them is resisted with disdain and contempt. 
 Theirs was the spirit of patriotism — the love of country 
 and of liberty. 
 
 New circumstances arise to test them. Under the or- 
 
FREE-STATE MEN's PRISON LIFE. 
 
 W. 
 I— t 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 o 
 
134 PRISONERS FOR PROTECTION. 
 
 ders of the War department of their countr}^, as admin- 
 istered by Jefferson Davis, they had been imprisoned by 
 Governor Geary. The time came when the very slave- 
 power which oppressed them threatened the life of Geary 
 himself, and he was compelled to notify them that the 
 crisis was approaching when he should arm them for his 
 personal defense. With cheerfulness and alacrity, they 
 were ready for the conflict. 
 
 These men were charged with murder, and some of 
 them convicted — defending their hearths, their homes 
 and their firesides, their wives and their children ; but, 
 nevertheless, murderers ! Was there ever a parallel to 
 this condition of a ruler in a civilized government com- 
 pelled to arm his convicts for his personal protection ! 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE FREE-STATE TRIUMPH. 
 
 Gen. Lane returned to Kansas March 3, 1857, having 
 been absent from the October preceding. His first po- 
 litical action of importance was as president of the Free- 
 State convention at Topeka, June 12. The convention 
 declared that they would not submit to the Territorial 
 laws, and he was authorized to organize the Free-State 
 men into military companies. Gov. Geary ^vas abso- 
 lutely driven from the Territory for fear of his life by the 
 Pro-Slavery brigands, and departed in the night. His 
 resignation had been sent in several days before it was 
 publicly known. Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, was 
 appointed Governor, and Frederick P. Stanton, of Ten- 
 nessee, Secretary of the Territory. Within two days 
 after his arrival in the Territory, Mr. Stanton made a 
 speech at Lawrence, in which he declared "war to the 
 knife and the knife to the hilt," to all who refused to 
 obey the "bogus laws." President Buchanan threat- 
 ened the people with Gen. Harney, the well-known In- 
 dian fighter, and many of the people thought it was 
 because tliey were regarded as no better than savages. 
 
136 LANE TO DEFEND THE ELECTIONS. 
 
 At another Free-State convention at Topeka, July 15 and 
 16, he again presides, and refuses a nomination for Con- 
 gress, but with the voice of Stentor, shouts to the people 
 present, '' But, at the proper time, I ma}^ whisper to 
 you, that I want to go to the United States Senate!" 
 At the Grasshopper Falls convention of August 26, he 
 made a great speech in favor of the Free-State party 
 participating in the election of October 5th for Territo- 
 rial Delegate to Congress and members of the Legisla- 
 ture. ' ' We have them in our power," said he, " both at 
 the polls and with arras. Let us adopt the policy of 
 meeting them face to face, under their infamous ' laws,' 
 as a man in prison ^vould seek liberty through a sewer ! 
 As Governor Walker and Secretary Stanton have tra- 
 versed the Territory promising to secure fairness at the 
 polls, let us hold them to their words." The convention 
 passed this resolution : 
 
 Resolved, Tliat (xen. J. H. Lane be autliorized and empowerd to 
 tender to (tov. Walker the force organized by him under the resolu- 
 tion passed by the convention held at Topeka on tlie 15th of .July last, 
 to be used for the protection of the ballot box. 
 
 At the United States land sales atOsawkee, commenc- 
 ing Jidy 15, 1857, the Pro-Slavc]-y leaders took advantage 
 of the situation to make the most violent speeches in de- 
 nunciation of the ''abolitionists;" but the Free-State 
 men had got strong enough to meet them anywliere, and 
 Lane responded witli his usual sarcasm, in repelling 
 their assaults, and in exposure of tlieir outrages upon 
 the riglits of the people of Kans'is. Tliat occasion was 
 re;illy the first time and place wlien and where freedom 
 
STEP OFF TWENTY PACES FOR FIGHT. 137 
 
 of debate had been asserted and maintained. While he 
 was speaking, one day, a Pro-Slavery man called him a 
 liar, and drew a revolver. Lane faced him, exclaiming, 
 "Hold the assassin! I am a Kentuckian,* and recog- 
 nize the code. Now step off twenty paces and give ma 
 my choice of weapons !" More than half that audience 
 were Pro-Slavery men, and more than half the Pro-Sla- 
 very men were Kentuckians. A shout w^ent up for fair 
 play, and the dastard slunk away. 
 
 When the Lecompton constitutional convention met 
 at Lecompton, the Free-State people had made arrange- 
 ments to assemble in convention at the central head- 
 quarters of the infamy, and protest indignantly against 
 the proposed tyrannous infliction of a slavery constitu- 
 tion. Then and there they met the leaders of invasion. 
 Five or six hundred assembled, reaching Lecompton in 
 almost impassable roads, from the recent rains and mud. 
 
 Hon. T. Dwight Thacher, in the Lawrence Republican 
 of October 22, 1857, said : 
 
 It was a timely and judicious move, that Free-State meeting at Le- 
 compton last Monday. . . . There is nothing so difficult 
 for a scoundrel to do as to meet the clear, honest gaze of the man he 
 is trying to wrong, and we can well understand why Sheriff Jones and 
 his ilk should have gnashed their teeth in impotent rage as they lis- 
 tened to the burning words of the gallant Lane. . . . But 
 there are some creatures destitute of all shame — I'eckless, abandoned 
 
 * It was such instances as this that left some people in doubt whether 
 he was born in Indiana or Kentucky. "Chivalry" was in higher re- 
 pute in Kentucky than in Indiana. He was a good-enough Kentuck- 
 ian for that emergency. Mr. Gorman, the Osawkee landlord, said 
 that "when Old Jim was first discovered, he was standing astride of 
 the Ohio river, claiming both states." 
 
138 JIM THE FIGHTER JIM THE ORATOR. 
 
 villains; and of such is this convention, (xen. Lane's speech at Le- 
 compton is spoken of, on all hands, as one of the noblest of his life. 
 
 It must be remembered, in quoting Mr. Thacher, that 
 we are quoting one of Gen. Lane's most positive oppo- 
 nents ; and it is creditable alike to the editor and the 
 orator that he had the manliness to do him justice. 
 
 The correspondent of that paper thus notices it : 
 
 No report, official or otherwise, could do justice to the efforts of 
 Gen. Lane. For thrilling pathos, for withering invective, for crushing 
 argument, for sublime earnestness of purpose, his speech of yesterday 
 stands without a parallel in his history. Like an eagle, he i*ested 
 upon the crest of the difficult mountain paths ; and like an eagle, he 
 beat down, with one flap of his wing, the carrion crow that assaulted 
 him. Jim Lane the fighter is enough to scatter a panic through a 
 legion of ruffians, but Jim Lane the orator is more an object of 
 dread than was Cromwell to the infamous Long Parliament. 
 
 Sheriff Jones, Maclean, and a few others of the same stripe, exerted 
 their utmost to create confusion and a fight ; but the Free-State 
 party, true to the noble impulses which have held them in all their 
 struggle, forgave both the bullies and their insults, and in the midst 
 of judgment, remembered mercy ! 
 
 If ever a people, crushed beyond precedent, and goaded to the con- 
 fines of madness, have held their indignation in a leash stronger than 
 the woof of destiny itself, it is the Free-State people of Kansas. And 
 we rejoice greatly at this. The greatness and the glory of the prin- 
 ciples whose disciples they have been, are of themselves so transcend- 
 ent in their beauty and their might, that the forbearance and long 
 suffering of those who have endured so much in their behalf is but 
 another and more conclusive evidence of their utter excellence and 
 l)urity. We think the struggle is well-nigli over now. Through many 
 days of anguish, and nights of weary woe, they have waited and 
 watched by the tomb where their buried liberty lay ; and now it is 
 the resurrection time. The betraying Judas has done his worst — the 
 lil)s of Pilate can add nothing to the pronounced doom — but afar off 
 
RESOLVES IN THE FACE OF A BATTERY. 139 
 
 we can hear the rushing of the angel's wings as he comes to roll away 
 the stone from the sepulchre. ■ " * 
 
 111 this epoch, events rush upon us so that brevity fails 
 in description. The reports are meagre; but tlie char- 
 acter of the committee on resolutions could not fail to 
 bring out ringing denunciations of the tyranny and de- 
 fiance to the tyrants. To those who know the commit- 
 tee, they could almost imagine what their utterances 
 would be. William Hutchinson, E. B. Whitman, G. F. 
 Warren, G. W. Deitzler, J. B. Abbott, 0. E. Learnard 
 and J. P. Root, could *' utter no uncertain sound." 
 
 We give only one resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That we utterly and forever protest against the assem- 
 bling of any body of men at Lecompton, on this day, or hereafter, 
 claiming the right to act as our agents in making a constitution for 
 our common observance ; that we delegate to no finite power the re- 
 sponsibility of representatives, unless the people are first the free 
 instruments of their election ; and that it is the duty of "the whole 
 people" to fervently repudiate and spurn any attempt to force upon 
 them so contemptible an imposition as the professed work of that 
 misnamed convention, and to set at naught whatever may emanate 
 from them. 
 
 Lane did his full duty in the canvass, day in and day 
 out, till victory was won at the polls. The preparation for 
 battle warned the people across the line that danger was 
 in the wind, and Lane in the field. The enemy .adopted 
 a lle^v plan. They forged enough of election returns in 
 two districts to carry the election of members of the Leg- 
 islature — 900 votes at Kickapoo, in the Leavenworth 
 district, 1632 at Oxford, in the Douglas and Johnson 
 county district, the whole vote at Lightning creek, where 
 
Shouting Defiance into the Convention's Ears and 
 THE Battery's Muzzles. 
 
BARELY ESCAPE THE HANGMEN. 141 
 
 there was no polling place, because it was an Indian res- 
 ervation, and had no voters ; and they disfranchised all 
 the people in eighteen counties, by failing to report the 
 census, and leaving them out of the apportionment, 
 thereby depriving them of three or four representatives. 
 When such returns were ascertained to have been sent 
 in to the Governor and Secretary, who constituted the 
 returning board, an aroused public sentiment prepared 
 for battle. The number of members returned as elected 
 were twenty Pro-Slavery members out of thirty-seven in 
 the House, and eight in the Council out of thirteen. Of 
 course contest was impossible of success. To accomplish 
 this result in the Douglas and Johnson district, the 
 judges of election at the Oxford district, on the Missouri 
 line, a precinct that had not fifty male inhabitants of 
 voting age, crossed the line into Missouri, and made up a 
 poll list of 1632 votes, counting about a dozen "aboli- 
 tion ' ' votes to make the fraud look as if such votes had 
 actually been cast, Avhere it would have been all a Free- 
 State man's life "was worth to have looked on. The no- 
 torious Sheriff Jones was at that election. Walker and 
 Stanton, the Governor and Secretary, were openly and 
 boldly notified that the perpetrators and their aiders and 
 abettors would be hung if the certificates were issued ; 
 and a hanging committee got into the neighborhood of 
 Oxford just a little too late to catch the judges of elec- 
 tion. Investigation developed the fact that the names 
 upon the Oxford list had been copied bodily from an old 
 Cincinnati directory ; and this discovery was made by 
 
142 DEMANDING AN EXTRA SESSION. 
 
 the singular fact, that they had inserted tlie name of 
 that great patriot, who had been United States Senator, 
 was Governor of Ohio, and became Secretary of the 
 Treasury and Chief Justice of the United States, Salmon 
 P. Ghase. The ignoramuses did not know Sahiion P. 
 Chase from John Doe or Richard Roe !* 
 
 Under the terrible indignation of the people. Walker 
 and Stanton threw" out the returns at Oxford as " simu- 
 lated and fictitious," and issued the certificates to the 
 Free-State men. And thus the triumph of Freedom was 
 assured. 
 
 But the Lecompton constitution forever establishing 
 slavery w^as upon us ; and Lane started in a new role of 
 demanding a call by the Governor for an extra session 
 Of the Territorial Legislature, to secure a fair vote on the 
 Lecompton constitution. It was then that, in the lan- 
 guage of Senator Ingalls, so often reiterated, "the elec- 
 tric shock of his extraordinary eloquence thrilled like a 
 trumpet," and he "swayed the people like a field of 
 reeds shaken in the wind" — but let no man accuse me 
 of garbling by leaving out the beautiful symbol of the 
 * ' rasping gutturals of a Dutch Initcher in the last gasp 
 of inebriation." It w^as then, too, to quote the same elo- 
 quent author, that " his energy was tireless, and his ac- 
 tivity indefatigable: No night was too dark, no heat or 
 cold too excessive, no distance too great to delay his me- 
 
 *Tliis poll list was fifty-two feet in lengtli, in a good clerical hand, 
 the nianuscrii)t scarcely soiled — the clearest fraud transparent in the 
 impossibility of its having j)assed the ordeal of 1632 whisky-drinking, 
 tobacco-chewing Missourians. 
 
COURrERS ANNOUNCE HIS APPROACH. 143 
 
 teoric pilgrimages, with dilapidated garb and equi|.age, 
 across the trackless prairies from convention to conven- 
 tion. " His theme was the L3Compton constitution ; and 
 his demand w^as that the Governor must — yes, must and 
 SHALL w^ere the words — 3all the newly-elected Territorial 
 Legislature of Free-State men, in extra session, to pro- 
 vide for an honest vote on that charter of iniquity and 
 tyranny, the Lecompton constitution. Everywhere were 
 seen the old moccasin-colored horse and his rider with the 
 slouch hat, seal-skin coat and calf-skin vest, in his Paul 
 Revere ride, announcing that nothing short of that ac- 
 tion would save Kansas from the curse of slavery. He 
 never held less than three meetings a day. Couriers 
 were sent ahead of him from one meeting to another. 
 The people seemed to rise up as if by instinct. On one 
 day he rode ten miles to speak at eight o'clock in the 
 morning, and thirty more to speak at 3 o'clock in the 
 afternoon, and still twenty more to speak at 7 o'clock at 
 night.* His utterances may have been wild, but nobody 
 denied that they were convincing. 
 
 All this time the members of the legislature were as- 
 sembling at Lawrence. They met to deliberate ; but it 
 
 *Col. M. M. Murdock, of the Wichita Eagle, is wont to tell of a 
 similai* exploit, in which he accompanied Lane from Burlingame. 
 " He made a talk to quite a crowd at Council Grove after breakfast; 
 between 10 and 11 a. m., he spoke at Wilmington, Wabaunsee county ; 
 driving to Burlingame, he took dinner, where he delivered another 
 speech of an hour's duration in Judge Schuyler's old mill; between 
 4 and 5 o'clock, he made anotlier speech at Auburn, Sliawnee county ; 
 after supper, he made his fifth speech for the day, in the old repre- 
 sentative hall at Topeka. At about 1 o'clock that night, getting fresh 
 horses, he left for Lawrence, arriving at his home just after daylight, 
 where Speer and Shimmons were waiting to hold a caucus — a tour of 
 over 90 miles." 
 
144 AN EXTRA SESSION PROMISED, 
 
 was as rapid deliberation as ever was known in a delib- 
 erative body. They prepared a draft of a petition, and 
 all signed it, appealing to the Governor, in the name of 
 justice, to allow the people to say w^hether or not they 
 were in favor of slavery. 
 
 At this juncture, Col. Shaler W. Eldridge api^eared 
 upon the scene, and declared that he would go to Le- 
 compton and present the question to Mr, Stanton, the 
 Secretary, ex-officio Governor — Governor Walker having 
 fled the Territory. He went ; and, begging the Gov- 
 ernor and his advisers to ask him no questions as to how 
 he knew, but assuring them that he did know, that the 
 people had resolved that patience had ceased to be a vir- 
 tue, and that an organization had been effected compared 
 with whose operations the worst days of California vigi- 
 lance committees would be mild amusement ; and that, 
 unless that legislature was called, men would be hanging 
 upon trees.* He returned with the Governor's promise 
 to call the legislature, and at once, at his request, this 
 writer went to Leavenworth to advise Lane. I arrived a 
 little after noon, and was told that Lane was at Stock- 
 ton's Hall. I found it a big room, full of men, all stand- 
 ing, and greatly excited. Dr. Davis, a conservative 
 Free-State man, suspected of Pro- Slavery symptoms, 
 was denouncing Lane's actions as tending to a disturb- 
 ance of the peace, endangering the lives and property of 
 
 *Itwas supposed by some that these Intimidations induced (xov. 
 Denver, at the regular session following, to recommend, in his mes- 
 sage, an investigation as to whether an organization similar to the 
 Danites among tlie Mormons existed in Kansas. 
 
AN EXTRA SESSION CALLED. 145 
 
 the ]3eople. As he conchided, Lane slowly ascended the 
 rostrum, which was a store-box, as I x^ushed through the 
 crowd, and had but opened in his reply, when I took him 
 by the elbow, and, as he stooped down, told him that 
 Stanton had called the Legislature. It was then that 
 Pro-Slavery piety was shocked, as the " intermittent 
 form of Lane's religion" gave way ; and he exclaimed : 
 " Great God ! I am amazed at the cowardice around me ; 
 but I have the honor to announce to the weak-kneed, 
 timid Free- State men, trembling in fear of their lives and 
 prof>erty, and to the hell-hounds of slavery, chuckling 
 over their timidity, that Stanton has called the Leg- 
 islature ! and there is no devil too vigilant, and no hell 
 too hot for the tyrants and oppressors of Kansas !" 
 
 The sentiment was too deep for cheering, and the au- 
 dience quietly dispersed, the Pro-Slavery men crest- 
 fallen and the Free-State men in doul)t, as if the news 
 were too good to be true. 
 
 The next night a little after dark, I reached Lawrence, 
 and rushing into the Lawrence Republican office for the 
 news, I found Mr. Edward P. Harris (so long since 
 eminent as a printer in the State Printing department) 
 setting up the following 
 
 PROCLAMATION. 
 
 To THE Members of the Legislative Assembly of the Territory 
 OF Kansas : 
 
 An extraordinary occasion having occurred in the affairs of the 
 Territory, within the meaning of the thirtietli section of the Organic 
 Act, which authorizes the Legislature to be called together on such 
 occasions : 
 
146 BUT HERE COMES THE ENGLISH BILL. 
 
 I, Fred. P. Stanton, Secretary and Acting Governor, do hereby 
 summon the members of the Council and House of Representatives 
 of the said Teri-itory, to assemble in their respective houses, at Le- 
 compton, on Monday next, the 7th inst., then and there to consider 
 matters of great moment, pertaining to the public v^elfare. 
 
 Given under the seal of the Territory, at Lecompton, this the first 
 day of December, A. D. 1857. Fred. P. Stanton. 
 
 The legislature met, first informally at Lawrence, and 
 arranged for tlieir appearance at the capital. Lane or- 
 ganized 900 men, ( Wilder 's Annals says 1,200, but no 
 count was made,) and escorted the legislature in triumph 
 to Lecompton. The cavalcade, except the cavalry, were 
 in every conceivable manufacture of vehicle. The vote 
 was ordered and the constitution defeated. The death- 
 knell of slavery was rung. 
 
 The men that were ' ' going to kill Lane and his aboli- 
 tionists at sight,' ' " hunted their holes." The triumphal 
 inarch to Lecompton was an epoch in the history of the 
 Kansas struggle never to be forgotten. An immens3 
 meeting again assembled in front of the same building at 
 the steps of which Lane had before denounced the con- 
 vention, now used as Representative Hall, where he and 
 others again addressed the people. 
 
 Our illustration represents the cavalcade passing the 
 pioneer home of Col. William Nace, on the heights ap- 
 proaching Lecompton, all the multitude, from the east, 
 the south and west having concentrated just south of 
 that point. (See page 165.) 
 
 But there was a resurrection. The English bill in 
 Congress re-submitted that constitution to vote, with the 
 
LANE ELECTED MAJOR-GENERAL. 147 
 
 largest bribe of land ever proposed since that offer was 
 made ^'on an exceeding high mountain" of all the 
 kingdoms of the earth — a bribe in one hand and a threat 
 in the other — admission and slavery with a bribe, but no 
 admission without slaver}^ The overwhelming defeat 
 of the Lecompton iniquity, under the English bill, is too 
 well known to need reiteration. And afterward, Kansas 
 was practically free, though the contest was not over, 
 either in Kansas or in Congress. 
 
 The Legislature ousted all the Leavenworth delegation 
 on the Kickapoo fraud. They passed a bill for a lair 
 vote on the Lecompton constitution, an act for organiz- 
 ing the militia, and elected ^t%tL. Lane Major-General, 
 with a full military board, and enacted other laws for 
 the protection of the ballot-box, doing nothing contrary 
 to the pledge signed before the call was issued for an 
 extra session. 
 
 The vote on the Lecompton constitution, as submitted 
 by act of the extra session, January 4, 1858, stood as 
 follows : Against the constitution, 10,226 ; for the con- 
 stitution with slavery, 138 ; for the constitution without 
 slavery, 23. On the same day, the vote was taken for 
 officers of state, for congress and the legislature, and the 
 highest vote was on congress : Parrott, Free-State, 7,620 ; 
 Carr, Pro-Slavery, 6,574; 3,000 of those cast for Carr 
 being fraudulent votes at Oxford, Shawnee and Kicka- 
 poo. An act was passed by the extra sessien to take a 
 census of the voting population of Oxford and Kickapoo, 
 and by that census, Oxford had but 42 male inhabitants 
 
148 SLAVERY INCIDENTS. 
 
 of voting age ; but I can find no separate census of 
 Kickapoo. 
 
 In this chapter on the dying throes of slavery is per- 
 haps as good a time as I could find to get in some inci- 
 dents and anecdotes of " the institution." 
 
 The records of Douglass county show an order in the 
 probate court relating to slaves. 
 
 George W. Clarke, the murderer of Barber, published 
 a card for his " negro woman, Judy," who he said, "is 
 no doubt lurking in or about Lawrence, if she has not 
 already secured a passage on the underground railroad 
 to Chicago." Judge Elmore of the United States court 
 brought eleven slaves to Shawnee and Douglas counties. 
 In many trips from Lawrence to Topeka in the winter 
 of 1855-6, I saw one of his slaves at the hotel at Big 
 Springs, hired out to the landlord, and I sat by the fire, 
 while that slave mother, her infant creeping at her feet, 
 cooked my meals. 
 
 Judy, advertised for by Clarke, made good record for 
 humanity. She went to the house of Mr. Alphonso Jones 
 one night, and rapped at his window, and as he looked 
 out, in a lioarse whisper, said : " Massa Jones ! Massa 
 Jones! min' what I tell you; dey're going to kill you 
 to-morrow night, as you comes home from dat abolition 
 meetin'. Now min' wat I say — Ize gone!" Thus 
 warned, Mr. Jones remained in Lawrence that night. 
 Clarke had Jones' house searched afterward for her, but 
 never found her. Clarke fired at him once, and shot a 
 hole through his hat, and at a Lawrence meeting, as- 
 
A BEWILDERED PREACHER. 149 
 
 saulted him on the speakers' stand. But Clarke was a 
 favorite of the Pro-Slavery leaders. 
 
 Secretary Stanton, who lived in a mansion he built 
 in the same neighberhood, brought three slaves with 
 him. The Secretary Avas by nature a kind-hearted man, 
 with an admirable family. Mrs. Stanton kept a gover- 
 ness to teach her children ; and as there were no schools 
 elsewhere, invited three of the little Jones children and 
 others to her house, and they were taught by that ac- 
 complished governess. 
 
 Mr. John H. Shimmons was another man who lived in 
 that neighborhood, and had several seances with Clarke, 
 and they " discussed the questions at issue " one night 
 with Sharp's rifles. There were Pro-Slavery preachers 
 in those days ; and it is related of Shimmons, that, one 
 night, just at dark — very dark at that — he met a min- 
 ister of that cast of mind in quest of Lecompton, who 
 remarked that he did not know where to go because there 
 were so many abolitionists around there ; and inquired 
 if he could tell him the way. Shimmons blurted out : 
 " Yes ; but you can't find your way there, through the 
 brush, this dark night, any more than you can get to 
 heaven by the Pro-Slavery route. I am one of those 
 'infernal abolitionists;' but if you want to stay with 
 me, you are welcome." In fear and trembling the 
 preacher accepted the invitation. All the family made 
 the visit agreeable, and to those who knew Mrs. Shim- 
 mons, it is unnecessary to say that that preacher never 
 got better meals than he found at that ''abolition" 
 
150 THE MELTING AWAY OF SLAVERY, 
 
 cabin. The pleased preacher proposed "a season of 
 family prayer," and, with an expression of doubt as to 
 whether a Pro-Slavery prayer would do him any good, 
 Shimmons assented, the preacher prayed and departed 
 in peace. 
 
 A man by the name of Bourne, on Washington creek, 
 had about a dozen ; and among them was one Tom, in 
 who in he confided as an overseer. Bourne himself be- 
 gan to oversee the destiny of slavery, and called up Tom 
 to consult him about ''going back to old Virginia." 
 Bourne had said he came to Kansas to establish slavery ; 
 Tom took him at his teachings, and replied : " No, no, 
 Massa Bourne. I came to Kansas to ' 'stablish de insti- 
 tution,' and I'm goin' to see it froo." It was not two 
 weeks till Tom had " seen it froo," and he and most of 
 the other slaves had gone. 
 
 A man by the name of Skaggs made a big hole in the 
 dense woods opposite Lecompton with slave labor ; but 
 when war was made on the " abolitionists," he fled to 
 Texas before "the handwriting upon the wall," with all 
 his slaves. Just after the war, I was passing over a fine 
 farm on the Verdigris bottoms, when a robust colored 
 man came out of one of two substantial log houses, and 
 to my inquiry if he owned that farm, he replied that he 
 did, and came from Texas, and said: "You are Mr. 
 Speer?" " How did you know me?" " I lived up the 
 Kaw bottoms from Lawrence, and have been at that 
 Yankee town many a time. I was Mr. Skaggs' slave.' 
 " Where is Mr. Skaggs?" " He is is a poor man now 
 
THE SHRIEK OF THE CRUSADER. 151 
 
 He lives in the other house, and I rent out the lialf of 
 the farm to him on the shares." 
 
 When Lane shrieked it across the valleys and prairies 
 of Kansas, " Henceforth and forever, I am a Crusader of 
 Freedom!" the fiery ordeal was on us, and he never 
 halted till the last vestige of the accursed institution had 
 not only been swept from Kansas, but blotted out for- 
 ever from the national statutes. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 "a turbulent and dangerous military leader." 
 
 When Congress met, on the first Monday in December, 
 1857, President Buchanan earnestly recommended the 
 admission of Kansas under the Lecompton constitution, 
 anxious to avert the ellect of any action of the newly- 
 elected Territorial Legislature, now in the hands of the 
 Free-State men. There were no telegraphs to Kansas in 
 those days, and for our purposes just then, we did not 
 need any ; for the President could not learn that a rest- 
 less spirit "with dilapidated garb and equipage," was 
 roaming " across the trackless prairies from convention 
 to convention," in an earnest endeavor to circumvent 
 the machinations of the chief executive and other Pro- 
 Slaver}^ leaders for the overthrow of freedom in Kansas. 
 They did know who to look out for as w^ell as the British 
 knew that ' ' Mr. Washington sat upon a strapping stal- 
 lion." Congress met but three days after the Kansas 
 special session had l:)een called. 
 
 On the re-assembling of Congress after the hollidays, 
 the President sent in a special messnge, accompanying 
 
lane's reply to the president, 153 
 
 the Lecompton Constitution, in which he denounced the 
 people of Kansas as a lawless people, "in rebellion 
 against the government, with a military leader at their 
 head of most turbulent and dangerous character." 
 
 We give the full speech of Gen. Lane, in reply to this 
 accusation : 
 
 Fellow-Citizens: With your permission, I will occupy a few mo- 
 ments of your valuable time in noticing a special message of the Pres- 
 ident of the United States transmitting the Lecompton Constitution 
 to the Senate. 
 
 No one regrets tlie necessity for such a notice more than myself ; 
 but an official paper emanating from the representative of the gov- 
 ernment is presumed to be correct, at least in its recitation of facts. 
 But whether proceeding from ignorance or malice, I venture tlie 
 assertion that the message stands without a parallel in its falsification 
 of history. [Applause. A voice: That's so.] 
 
 I hope to demonstrate tliat it contains an unmanly assault upon a 
 patriotic, patient and peace-loving people. It is known to you, and it 
 is a matter of history, that there never has been in Kansas any or- 
 ganization, i)ublic or secret, armed or unarmed, against the General 
 Government, or the Territorial Government. 
 
 At the great Delegate Convention held at Big Springs, in Septem- 
 ber, 1855, it was unanimously resolved, after full discussion and de- 
 liberation, NOT to organize in resistance to that code, but to leave 
 each member of the Free-State party free to act independently in 
 that regard. Never has there been a moment in our history when 
 writs could not be freely served in Lawrence or elsewhere in the Tei 
 ritory. Towards that Missouri cede we adopted the let alone policy, 
 neither resorting to nor resisting it ; and it fell of its own weight be 
 neath tlie contempt of an indignant people. [Applause.] 
 
 While the Territorial oflRcers appointed by the Federal Government 
 have been regarded and watched as enemies, yet their authority has 
 always been acknowledged and their positions respected. Knowing, 
 as we long have, that a collision between the people of Kansas and tho 
 
154 ONLY AKMED FOR DEFENSE. 
 
 Federal authorities was sought for by our enemies, both here and in 
 the General Government, we have borne and forborne as Americans 
 were called on to do before us. 
 
 When our Territory was occupied by four distinct armies from for- 
 eign states, laying waste the country and avowing to exterminate the 
 people of Kansas, before resisting them we called upon the Territo- 
 rial authorities and the commandant of the United States troops for 
 protection. Not until that protection was refused, did we attack the 
 marauders. Never have the people of Kansas beex in arms except 
 TO resist invasion from other States. 
 
 Before the convention at Big Springs, a meeting had been called at 
 Lawrence, to organize the Democratic party in the Territory. In 
 that meeting, the plan was brought forward to organize a State gov- 
 ernment under the Enabling clause, not doubted at that time to be 
 emphatically enunciated in the Kansas-Nebraska bill. 
 
 At Big Springs this plan was embraced as the peacefully legal one, 
 in preference to organized resistance to the Territorial laws, to save 
 the effusion of blood, and avoid those laws, instead of coming in con- 
 flict with them. The delegates were fairly elected by the settlers of 
 Kansas. A constitution was formed, republican in its form — sub- 
 mitted as an entirety to a fair and full vote of the whole people, and 
 ratified by them ; State officers and members of the Legislature, a 
 Representative to Congress, and two United States Senators, were 
 elected, and the constitution forwarded to Congress, with an humble 
 prayer for our admission under it as one of the sovereign States of 
 the Union. 
 
 Had that prayer been granted, hundreds of lives and millions of 
 property would have been saved to the people of Kansas. Since that 
 time we have been struggling for admission, that peace miglit be 
 restored and perpetuated, and tlie sovereignty of the majority vin- 
 dicated. 
 
 When we were weak, and Missouri strong, our enemies obtained 
 possession of the Territorial government. Although we believed that 
 precedent and law would justify us in putting the Topeka govern- 
 ment in motion, and that when put in motion, it legally superseded 
 the Territorial government, yet at all times have we been anxious to 
 
ORGANIZED ONLY TO PROTECT THE BALLOT. 155 
 
 seize the Territorial government. The first opportunity which oc- 
 curred, we DID embrace, and took possession of it. 
 
 It is known to you that, had there been a chance of success, under 
 the fraudulent registry niade by our enemies, we would have contested 
 the election of delegates to the Lecompton convention. Your speaker 
 returned to Kansas in disguise, at the imminent peril of his life, for 
 the express pui-pose of using his humble efforts to induce the people 
 to go into that election. 
 
 The Topeka Legislature is now in session passing a code of laws, 
 with the distinct understanding that that code is not to go into effect 
 until we are admitted into the Union, or until war is declared against 
 us by the reception of the Lecompton Constitution, 
 
 There never has been a fair election under the Territorial authority. 
 Our border was invaded at evei'y election by organized bands from 
 Missouri — strangers to our soil — our ballot-boxes seized, and our set- 
 tlers driven therefrom by force. The Territorial militia officers were 
 our enemies. 
 
 In view of this, at the convention when we decided to go into the 
 October election, it was determined that I should be authorized to 
 organize the people for the protection of the ballot-box. That organ- 
 ization was had. Although we could not pi*event the manufacture of 
 fictitious I'eturns, we did keep back the armed hordes, and secured 
 the Territorial Legislature to the people. 
 
 The right to defend one's self is held to be inalienable. The Amer- 
 ican right of suffrage is believed to be equally sacred. The organiza- 
 tion had no other object than that indicated ; and immediately after 
 the election, the position was surrendered into the hands of the peo- 
 ple. The only design in enrolling the names of those who refused to 
 join the organization was to secure a full census of the voters, to 
 serve as a corrective of the returns, for the detection of fi-auds. 
 
 The Lawrence charter association was a mere squatters' movement. 
 It was news to our people to learn from Gov. Walker that it was the 
 commencement of a great system, In that matter he deserved and 
 received the ridicule of all sensible men, and no man was more cha- 
 grined than liimself at the mistake he had made. 
 
 As I have shown, and as is known to you, the people of Kansas could 
 
156 BACKED BY FEDERAL BAYONETS. 
 
 not participate in the election of delegates to the Lecompton conven- 
 tion with the slightest hopes of success. Tlie registry was named by 
 our enemies to defraud us. The election officers were villains of the 
 deepest dye. The people remained at home necessarily, and with but 
 few exceptions, the vilest men were elected delegates to frame a con- 
 stitution. They met, and by the aid of Federal bayonets consummated 
 their villainy ; and I assert here, that but for those Federal bayonets, 
 that crime would have been prevented by an outraged people in a 
 summary manner. 
 
 In consonance with their program, a ti-ick of submission was in- 
 vented to impose upon the Congress of the United States. "Witli the 
 government under that constitution in the hands of our enemies, we 
 know that Kansas would be as fully a slave state without the slavery 
 clause as with it. The submission of the slavery question was of itself 
 a mere mockery. Leaving out of the question altogether the prin- 
 ciple, as asserted by our fathers, that representation and the exercise 
 of power are inseparable — the fact that the constitution was framed 
 by the enemies of the people, protected by Federal bayonets, and not 
 submitted, is deemed sufficient to justify American freemen in resort- 
 ing to extreme measures to prevent its being enforced as their organic 
 law. Should Congress receive it under tlie circumstances, it would 
 be in all respects the infliction of a constitution by the central gov- 
 ernment upon the people of the state contrary to their wishes, and in 
 violation of their plainest rights. Tlie spectacle of the central gov- 
 ernment forcing an unwilling people into tlie Union would be some- 
 what anomalous. 
 
 Fearing the action of a partisan Congress, elected with deep 
 ])rejudices against us, under protest, and with no other object than 
 to induce that Congress to reject the Lecompton Constitution, a por- 
 tion of our people, on the 4th of January, participated in the election 
 of state officers and members of the legislature under it. By decisive 
 majorities, we elected enemies to that constitution. Frauds which 
 would drive any other people than those of Kansas into bloodshed and 
 civil war, were perpetrated to crush us. By years of suffering and 
 oppression we are driven to the wall. Should Congress, by the influ- 
 ence of a corrupt and tyrannical Executive, receive that constitution. 
 
THE PROPOSED LEAVENWORTH CONSTITUTION. 157 
 
 and atteiiipt, by Federal authority, to enforce it upon us, we are de- 
 termined ; and nothing is left for us but the alternative of manly 
 resistance. 
 
 If we bravely fall in such a struggle, we will at least have main- 
 tained our reputation as freemen worthy of our ancestry. If we 
 succeed, it will be a lesson to the central government that Americans 
 " Know their rights, and knowing dare maintain." 
 
 For three years we have spit upon the Missouri code ; and all the 
 powers of Missouri and the General Government could not enforce its 
 provisions against our contempt ! Our own Territorial government 
 has novr repealed the obnoxious features of the code. Should Con- 
 gress receive the Lecompton Constitution, they restore to life that 
 repealed code. If in three years the central government could not 
 enforce it before its repeal, how many years will it require to en- 
 force it afterwards? [Laughter.] 
 
 The Kansas-Nebraska bill secures to the foreigner who has declared 
 his intentions, the right to vote. The Missouri code takes that right 
 from him, and confers it upon the Indian. We have vindicated the 
 right of the foreigner under the Nebraska bill by the repeal of the law. 
 Should Congress receive the Lecompton Constitution, this law is again 
 revived, and he who votes for the reception endorses the doctrine. 
 
 As a speedy and peaceable mode of settling our difficulties,, the 
 people framed and ratified the Topeka Constitution. By a decisive 
 majority, that constitution was received by the popi}lar branch of 
 Congress. Since that time we have had a lively hope that the Senate 
 would ratify the action of the House. To remove all pretext, and as 
 a sacrifice to the unfounded prejudices in the minds of the opponents 
 to that constitution, the first Territorial Legislature under the control 
 of the people has passed a bill calling a convention to frame another 
 constitution. The law is fair to all, and provides for submitting the 
 constitution to be framed to a fair and full vote. 
 
 The movement is tendered in a Christian and patriotic spirit, as a 
 compromise, for a speedy and just settlement of the Kansas question. 
 Why should not Congress and all parties receive it as such ? Before 
 the Lecompton constitution can possibly pass, this Constitution will 
 
158 THE CHARGE OF "TURBULENCE." 
 
 be before that body. By endorsing it at once as their action, thus rec- 
 ognizing the right of the people to fix details in the settlement of their 
 own affairs, peace is permanently secured, and the rights of the ma- 
 jority vindicated. On the contrary, should Congress persist in forcing 
 upon us a constitution, war, devastating war, must follow. It may be 
 extended all along the line to the Atlantic coast, and the President 
 may be compelled to look upon the fragments of a broken government. 
 God grant that justice may prevail, and such a scene never be presented. 
 
 The people of Kansas are qualified to manage their own affairs. 
 They have sternly opposed Missouri intervention, and would have 
 opposed intervention from Northern states or aid societies as firmly. 
 
 They have originated their own policy — engineered their own cause 
 — they have ever been loyal to the government and true to the Union, 
 and he who charges otherwise wrongs them and falsifies their history. 
 
 To the charge made by the President against me personally, I have 
 this to say : That the allegation comes with a bad grace from him or 
 his party. I could not have been a "turbulent" character when that 
 party endorsed me, by thrusting upon me, by unprecedented majori- 
 ties, three of the most important positions in the state of Indiana — all 
 of which I held at one time — those of Lieutenant-Governor, Elector- 
 at-Large, and member of Congress. That character could not have 
 been won by me while leading the troops under Federal authority in 
 the Democratic Mexican war, wlien I stood upon the field where 
 Pierce faintingly reclined. [Laughter.] 
 
 It was not " turbulence " to my then party that induced me to vote 
 for the Kansas-Nebraska bill, in obedience to the instructions of my 
 constituents — obtained, as I afterwards learned, through fraud and 
 misrepresentation, by the vile creature, John L. Robinson, in obedi- 
 ence to his Briglit* friend. Are my earnest and energetic efforts, 
 upon my arrival in the Territory, to build up the Democratic party in 
 Kansas, to be used as a foundation for the charge of " turbulence " by 
 the head of that party ? t 
 
 * Senator Bright, of Indiana, afterward expelled as a rebel. 
 
 tThe Border-Iiuffian legislature passed a resolution that the organ- 
 izati(m of tlie Democratic party was " a measure now on foot fraught 
 with moi*e danger to the Pro-Slavery party" "than any which has 
 yet been agitated." — Wilder's Annals, page 71. 
 
LET BUCHANAN HOWL AND CONGRESS ENACT. 159 
 
 Is the fact that the Topeka movement was first brought forward in 
 a Democratic convention, to be used against me? Is my anxiety to 
 participate in every election that has occurred in Kansas since I 
 reached her border, to prejudice me? 
 
 Having on all occasions insisted upon the sacred observance of the 
 right of property without reference to political opinions — having 
 treated all prisoners kindly and courteously, I am forced to the con- 
 clusion that the " head and front of my offending" must be found in 
 the fact that I have sternly and fearlessly vindicated the right of the 
 people of Kansas to frame their own laws and mould their own insti- 
 utions " in their own way." 
 
 The message of James Buchanan evidences that he is on the same 
 downward road that liis predecessors and the Governors of Kansas 
 have so successfully travelled, [laughter,] that of acting in our affairs 
 upon the representations of the Pro-Slavery flllibusters of Kansas and 
 Missouri. The politician who does it " has already fallen." 
 
 Let Buchanan howl and Congress enact. Kansas is free ; and all 
 the powers of the earth cannot enslave her ! To-day the people of 
 Kansas are a unit. So long as that unity is preserved, nothing can 
 prevail against her. 
 
 For cool, calm, discreet reply, in a trying crisis, this 
 speech has few parallels . The dividing line between re- 
 sistance to Federal and "bogus" authorities, to many 
 minds, was a very narrow one ; it was the Scylla and 
 Char3-bdis of political action, with monsters ready to 
 devour on all sides ; but he defines it well. He is diplo- 
 matic — Talleyrand never was more so ; but he is diplo- 
 matically correct. He " spits upon the Missouri code," 
 and very narrowly misses the whole administration. It 
 is the Patrick Henry admonition, less blunt and more 
 polite, if not more emphatic, substantially saying, " We 
 have driven 'three distinct armies out of Kansas,' the 
 Missourians, Georgians and South Carolinians, 'spit 
 
160 AS MUCH A SLAVE STATE AS SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 
 upon their laws ' and defied them ; we have politically 
 decapitated five Governors, and sent them to perdition ; 
 and James Buchanan may profit by their example. If 
 that be treason, make the most of it." 
 
 The Lecompton Constitution was the culmination of 
 the last desperate effort to overthrow the freedom of 
 American citizenship and establish slavery in Kansas. 
 In this message the President says : " It has been sol- 
 emnly adjudged by the highest judicial tribunal that 
 slavery exists in Kansas by virtue of the Constitution of 
 the United States. Kansas is, therefore, at this moment 
 as much a slave State as Georgia or South Carolina." 
 
 That was the dogma of all the propagandists, which, 
 after great struggles, they had practically sustained by 
 the Dred Scott decision. 
 
 Lane, with many others, had previously been indicted 
 by the Territorial grand jury of the United States court 
 for Kansas, but no man dared to attempt his arrest, and 
 he defied all the authorities. 
 
 In tliis message, after stating that he has received a 
 copy of the Lecompton Constitution from John C. Cal- 
 houn, which he transmits to Congress, the President 
 says : 
 
 Ever since that period, [his inauguration,] a large portion of the 
 people of Kansas have been in REBELLION AGAINST THE GOV- 
 ERNMENT, WITH A MILITARY LEADER AT THEIR HEAD 
 OF MOST TURBULENT AND DANGEROUS CHARACTER. 
 
 Nearly three columns are occupied in denunciation 
 of Lane and his " followers " for their disregard for the 
 enactments of a legislature fraudulently forced upon the 
 
JEFF DAVIS KNEW WHO WAS LEADING. 161 
 
 people. But the convention that framed the Lecompton 
 constitution was still worse. A few Pro-Slavery men 
 were elected to the first legislature ; but not one man 
 of that Pro-Slavery convention could have been elected 
 upon the slavery issue without the intervention of the 
 United States army ; and under the conduct of Presi- 
 dent Buchanan's administration, not more than three or 
 four of them could have been elected as plain Democrats, 
 gnoring the slavery issue. 
 
 Neither President Pierce, nor his War Secretary, Jef- 
 ferson Davis, both of whom were with Lane in the Mex- 
 ican War, nor President Buchanan, whose imbecility 
 permitted the War of the Rebellion, made any mistake 
 as to who led the forces of Freedom in both those disas- 
 trous, diabolical administrations. 
 
 But Lane never faltered. We must recollect that, at 
 that time, in the dead of winter, we were two hundred 
 miles from railroad communication, dependent upon the 
 stage coach for transportation of the mails. As soon as 
 the intelligence reached him he took the stump in oppo- 
 sition to the position the of President, rallying the people 
 — inspiring them with his own ardor and energy. 
 
 He stood the central figure of tlie President's fulmina- 
 tions of death and destruction. The administration had 
 brought all its powers of influence against him. It had 
 bribed the press — had hurled from power and place 
 every man who dared to whisper his sympathy for us in 
 our oppressions. The timid conservative stood in fear; 
 the tyrant, the brigand and the assassin were on the 
 
162 NO PARALLEL IN TYRANNY. 
 
 alert ; a bogus indictment for treason stared hiin in 
 the face. It was the only time in the history of America 
 when a President had made a public man, asserting the 
 rights of a people, the subject of a special message with 
 threats of the use of the American army to back him in 
 his tyranny. Under any other influence than the oli- 
 garchy of slavery, a President thus guilty would have 
 been impeached, and hurled from power as a tyrant. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 GOV. Denver's assault upon lane and his staff. 
 
 Gov. Walker having fled the Territory in fear, and 
 appeared at Washington, shortly after his action on the 
 Territorial election of 1857, whicli gave the Free-State 
 party power, the Territorial Secretary became ex-officio 
 Governor ; but the calling of an extra session of that 
 legislature to provide for a fair vote on the Lecompton 
 Constitution was an act so obnoxious to Buchanan's 
 administration that he was removed, and the appoint- 
 ment of Hon. John W. Denver as Secretary sent to the 
 Senate. After an acrimonious debate, his appointment 
 was confirmed December 10, 1857, three days after the 
 meeting of the extra session of the Territorial Legisla- 
 ture ; but he did not assume his duties till after the 
 adjournment of that session. 
 
 By act of that session, .James H. Lane was made Ma- 
 jor-General of the Territorial military forces, and soon 
 after went to the relief of the people near Fort Scott. 
 
 In his first message to the regular session of the Terri- 
 torial Legislature, Gov. Denver calls the attention of 
 that body to the outbreak in the following language : 
 
164 GOV. Denver's first tilt at lane. 
 
 Having but recently arrived among you, it could hardly be expected 
 that I should have that exact information in relation to the internal 
 affairs of the Territory that a longer residence would have afforded ; 
 but I have seen enough to satisfy me that much of the animosity and 
 bitter feeling now existing proceeds more from personal hostility 
 than from political considerations. These had their origin in the 
 troubles growling out of the first settlement of the country, and the 
 vindictive feelings then engendei'ed among the prominent actors 
 have, in many instances, sunk into personal hatred. Thus, you find 
 the most bitter feuds existing all over the country, which, when 
 traced back, are found to have originated in some personal quarrel. 
 
 The southern part of the Territory was lately convulsed about a 
 claim to a quarter-section of land. One man, with his friends, forci- 
 bly removed another from a claim, and, for so doing, they were 
 arrested, under a writ issued by the United States Judges, and held 
 to bail for their appearance at the next term of the court, to answer 
 the charges made against them. A cry of " persecution " was imme- 
 diately raised, and this petty difficulty was soon elevated to the dig- 
 nity of "a war between the Free-State and Pro-Slavery parties," and, 
 at one time, threatened to draw the whole Territory into the quarrel. 
 The difficulty was not at first a political one, but it was seized upon 
 as a pretext for their acts, by those lawless and restless men whcrare 
 never satisfied except when engaged in some broil or exciting trouble. 
 Such acts are demoralizing in their effects upon the public mind, and 
 it behooves every good citizen to discountenance them, and assist in 
 bringing the actors to punishment. To quell tliese disturbances, I 
 have deemed it necessary to send a detachment of United States 
 troops into the neighborhood, which has had tlie effect to restore 
 peace to the community. The rumors of battles and killing various 
 persons, with wliich the country was rife at the time, have proved to 
 be vmtrue, the marauders having confined their operations to the 
 indiscriminate plunder of friends and foes. 
 
 The Governor had so " recently arrived," that he was 
 doubtless not informed by his Pro-Slavery advisers that 
 all this trouble originated in the fact that the murderer 
 
TRIUMPHAL MARCH OF FREEDOM 
 
 165 
 
 Gen. Lane Escorting the Legislaure to Lecompton, 
 
 ( See Page 140. ) 
 
166 G. W. CLARKE CAUSES "A CONVULSION." 
 
 of Thomas W. Barber was the primitive cause of all 
 that difficulty. It is unnecessary to state that the mur- 
 der of Barber was one of the barbarities of slavery which 
 had no ameliorating circumstances in it. The whole 
 matter has been investigated, and the public mind uni- 
 versally satisfied as to who perpetrated the murder. 
 
 I personally participated in a melee where Clarke at- 
 tempted the murder of Dr. (since Governor) Charles 
 Robinson, at a very early period in our history. It was 
 at a meeting at Lawrence, to consider some squatters' 
 rights in regard to town property, held on January 11, 
 1855. I had never attended a meeting so boisterous as 
 this one. There were five hundred persons present, all 
 armed. Mr. Alphonso Jones (heretofore referred to) 
 had attempted to speak against Clarke on a claim ques- 
 tion. The stand was a store box, and Clarke " went for 
 him" behind his back, sending him at least a rod over 
 the heads of the crowd around the stand. Some of the 
 crowd yelled, " Now go for them," and Clarke drew his 
 revolver on Robinson. As he did so, I jumped for him, 
 caught his weapon, and turned its muzzle as directly as 
 possible upon his heart, determined, if he pulled a trig- 
 ger, he should take the contents. As we struggled for the 
 gun, a Kentucky Pro-Slavery man, as determined as I 
 was to prevent bloodshed, came to my assistance, and 
 quiet was restored. If Clarke had murdered Robinson, 
 the " convulsion " would have started right there. It 
 seems strange to the civilization of the present day, with 
 what pertinacity the government protected that man, 
 
OFFICIAL DIGNITY COMPARED. 167 
 
 and promoted him in office. He had shot at not less 
 than four men, besides the man he murdered and the 
 one he attempted to murder at Lawrence. Mr. James 
 L. Wallace, a North Carolinian, had only arrived in his 
 neighborhood, when Clarke sent him a government mus- 
 ket " to shoot Yankees," which he refused. 
 
 For a clear understanding, and a comparison between 
 the official courtesy of Gen. Lane and Gov. Denver, we 
 quote the Major-General's report : 
 
 Headquarters Kansas Militia, \ 
 Lawrence, Jan. 15, 1858. \ 
 
 To His Excellency, the Acting Governor op Kansas Territory, 
 THE President of the Council, and Speaker of the House of 
 Representatives op the Legislative Assembly: 
 
 Gentlemen: In the discharge of duty, I submit the following re- 
 port on a subject which has excited much interest and comment. At 
 the time of my election by your honorable body, as Major-General of 
 the militia, news was rife, as you will remember, of a disturbance in 
 Bourbon county. 
 
 Immediately after the adjournment of your special session, I re- 
 paired to the scene of action, sending Generals Phillips and Plumb in 
 advance, to inform the people that a force of U. S. troops were mov- 
 ing in that direction. Accompanied by Generals Stratton, AVhitman, 
 Shore and Leonhardt, I arrived at Sugar Mound, where the people 
 were encamped, under the command of Ool. J. B. Abbott, shortly 
 after the messenger. On inquiry, I ascertained that the people had 
 been compelled to take up arms for these causes and reasons : 
 
 Two years ago, a man named G. W. Clarke, notorious for his con- 
 nection with the murder of the lamented Barber, organized a band of 
 marauders in Missouri, who invaded that district of the Territory, 
 laying waste the country, driving off the Free-State settlers, plun- 
 dering and insulting them and their families, and then taking pos- 
 session of their claims and stock, which they were compelled to leave. 
 During the present summer and autumn, a number of the settlers 
 
168 PROTECTING SETTLERS IN BOURBON COUNTY. 
 
 thus expelled from that district, returned, and endeavored, by peace- 
 able means, to recover their rights and property. They were met by 
 writs obtained from unscrupulous and unjust officers, many of them 
 arrested on pretended cliarges, for offenses which were never com- 
 mitted, and imprisoned in Fort Scott, in cells unfit even for felons to 
 inhabit ; in several cases their property was sold at nominal prices, 
 and driven out of the Territory, to defray expenses not yet accrued, 
 and other outrages perpetrated similar to those which drove tlie peo- 
 ple to arms in former periods of our history. During the perpetration 
 of these outrages, Col. Abbott, Dr. Gilpatriek and Rev. J. E. Stewart, 
 who had been ordered there, arrived and proceeded to establish a 
 Squatters' court, for the redress of grievances and the restoration of 
 })eace. About the time they closed their sittings, having decided all 
 the cases on the Little Osage, they were assaulted by an armed mob, 
 five times their number, pretending to act under the authority of a 
 U. S. Marshal. The assault was successfully worsted [resisted] — sev- 
 eral assailants killed and woinided, and the remainder driven back 
 to their dens in Missouri. It was immediately after this conflict 
 that I arrived at Sugar Mound, proceeded at once to enroll the people 
 under your act of Dec. 17th ; sent out scouting parties in all direc- 
 tions, informing the people that we were to protect all actual settlers, 
 without reference to their political opinions. We were kindly re- 
 ceived by all, and our authority cheerfully recognized. 
 
 On the evening tlie companies were to be disbanded, our scouts 
 brought news tliat a company of U. S. troops were moving upon us 
 with the avowed intention of attacking us. We immediately took 
 position, intending, if possible, with honor, to avoid a conflict, but 
 prejjared to meet it successfully, if forced upon us. AVe remained in 
 this position, thus taken, until we ascertained that tlie U. S. troops 
 had mai'ched to Fort Scott, and had received written assurances from 
 Judge Williams that the Free-State prisoners would be protected and 
 treated kindly. l*eace being restored, we disbanded the command, 
 retaining two comj)anies in the field, some thirty men, with orders to 
 protect the inliabitants. 
 
 On my return to Lawrence, a writ from Judge Miller, Probate 
 Judge of this county, was placed in tlie liands of Captain Miller,>f 
 
DISCRETION THE BETTER PART OF VALOR. 169 
 
 my command, for the arrest of the judges and clerks of the election 
 in Johnson county, who had participated in the frauds committed at 
 the election held on the 21st of December. As the prompt service of 
 the writ was deemed important, I thought incumbent to go in person 
 with the command. The duty was discharged and the command 
 disbanded. 
 
 These expeditions have been attended with some expense, a full 
 and concise account of viiiich has been kept, and will be transmitted, 
 with vouchers to you, from the Quartermaster's and Commissary's 
 departments. 
 
 As the object of the organization, provided for in the law of Decem- 
 ber 17th, was the protection of the people of Kansas, and as the action 
 had was indispensible in that direction, it is hoped it will meet your 
 hearty approval. Respectfully, J. H. Lane, Maj. General. 
 
 This was the first military organization by the Terri- 
 tory under Free-State party legislative domination ; and, 
 therefore, the first action of that party under the forms 
 of law. This action was taken under a law passed at 
 an extra session of the legislature December 17, 1857; 
 but the Pro-Slavery party pronounced that act contrary 
 to the act of Congress organizing Kansas Territory, 
 though it is an absolute and indisputable fact that no 
 judicial decision was ever handed down on that ques- 
 tion. It is a noticeable fact, however, that when Lane 
 wheeled for action, the United States troops did not come 
 on. They were not afraid ; but ''discretion is the better 
 part of valor ;" and the officers were going to take no 
 chances on the unconstitutionality of a law, because a 
 Governor so decided it. The military and the civil au- 
 thorities are eacli, in their sphere, subject to law; and 
 both the army officers and Lane knew that well enough 
 to avoid bloodshed. The writs of Judge Williams were 
 
170 THE MATERIAL FOR GREAT MEN. 
 
 probably not worth the paper they were written on. 
 Under the pre-emption law, (and we had no other law 
 then under which land could be .acquired,) the General 
 Land Office had exclusive Jurisdiction. This was a nar- 
 row escape of conflict between the people and the mili- 
 tary authority of the United States ; but it was the first 
 appearance of such resistance, and was of an anomalous 
 character in the fact that the Governor was assuming to 
 put down a disturbance contrary to the express enact- 
 ments of law. He became a usurper, attempting to ex- 
 ercise both judicial and military control. 
 
 Look at the future of these men, (Lane and his staff,) 
 whom Denver denounced as "lawless and restless, never 
 satisfied except when engaged in some broil or exciting 
 trouble," whom he wanted to slay with United States 
 soldiers : Two of them — Lane and Plumb — in the United 
 States Senate ; one of them — Phillips — distinguished in 
 the war and in Congi-ess ; three of them — Abbott, Shore 
 and Stratton — elected. to the Kansas Legislature ; two of 
 them — Leonhardt and Whitman — captains in the Union 
 army ; Leonhardt, a Pole, brave as a lion, and Whit- 
 man, who built the first church in Lawrence, entered the 
 army, promoted to Lieutenant-Colonel for meritorious 
 services, retained in the army after the war, and was 
 distinguished as among the originators of the National 
 Cemetery system, erecting monuments to the patriotism 
 and heroism of his comrades — a work wliich has made 
 his name monumental alike as a philanthropist and a 
 patriot; one — Dr. R. Gilpatrick — nominated for a Lin- 
 
THE TABLES TURNED. 171 
 
 coin Presidential Elector in 1860, when we expected ad- 
 mission to the Union, a Surgeon in the Union army, 
 murdered while dressing the wounds of a rebel soldier. 
 Where are their assailants? Their leader, G. W. 
 Clarke, went whither no one knoweth, " a fugitive and 
 a vagabond on the earth," and his followers, with few 
 exceptions, victims of Gen. E wing's Order No. 11, 
 
 Their names unknown, unhonored and unsung. 
 
 In the meantime. Gov. Denver had issued a manifesto 
 agaijist Lane ,^-derpgatorx,to all his acts, stigmatizing him 
 as "one J. H. Lane," who was assuming power without 
 the authority of law. The tables had turned, however, 
 and the Territorial Legislature had given to him the pro- 
 tection of the forms of law, and Denver became the 
 usurper in rebellion against the laws. It mattered not 
 whether the law was constitutional or unconstitutional, 
 so far as his action was concerned. He was the execu- 
 tive, but he was not the interpreter of the constitution or 
 the organic act, (the two having similar relations,) and 
 his recourse wasto- thaxourts ,- not -to violence through 
 his power by means of the army. Law was on the side of 
 right, and legislative domination with the people. 
 
 To this assault. Lane replied as follows : 
 
 A CARD. 
 
 Lawrence, March 16, 1858. 
 Since my return from a Northern tour, my attention has been called 
 to a Gubernatorial pronunciamento, (said by the boys to be 4,060,) 
 dated "Lecompton, February 6th," and signed by one "J. W. Den- 
 ver, Acting Governor." 
 By President Pierce and his myrmidons, I was denounced as a traitor 
 
172 AN INSOLENT PRONUNCIAMENTO. 
 
 and indicted for high treason. They did not dare to test the truth of 
 the charge by an arrest or a trial, and finally admitted my innocence 
 and their idiocy by quashing the indictment. 
 
 By Mr. Buchanan I have been charged as a rebel, and " a military 
 leader of most turbulent and dangerous character." That charge also 
 has been answered. 
 
 One J. W. Denver now steps forward and charges me with making 
 "insidious attempts to renew the difficulties and troubles," and with 
 an intention or design of establishing a military dictatorship. By 
 reference to the regulations and commissions of which he speaks, it 
 will be found that "one J. H. Lane" signed them by order of the 
 Military Board, and as President thereof. A full vindication of the 
 action of tliat Board will be found in its report of this date, to which 
 I respectfully refer the people of Kansas. 
 
 As to the charge of " turbulence," I refer to the people of Doniphan, 
 Geary City, Wathena, Elwood, White Cloud, and St. Joseph and Ore- 
 gon, Mo., who have listened to my speeches, delivered within the 
 past three weeks, in all of which I urged the cultivation of fraternal 
 relations and brotlierly intercourse. It is deemed a sufficient answer 
 to the charge that I desire to establish a military dictatorsliip, that 
 upon four different occasions I have been invested with the chief com- 
 mand of the military forces of the people of Kansas, and that imme- 
 diately after the emergency ceased which called them into the field, 
 that command was voluntarily surrendered into their hands. 
 
 The command I now hold was conferred upon me by the Territorial 
 Legislature, without solicitation on my pai't, by a unanimous vote of 
 both branches. Tlie Legislature has reserved the power to remove 
 me at any time. The moment that the dark clouds wliich now ob- 
 scure our horizon disappear, that moment will my command be sur- 
 rendered to the people. 
 
 The acts complained of in this insolent pronunciamento were of an 
 official character, so signed and publislied. Its author has chosen to 
 make a personal matter out of these official acts. AVith him rests the 
 responsibility thereof. 
 
 I am willing to submit my acts, past and future, to the judgment 
 of the people, confident as I am that they will never accuse me, as 
 
COFFEE AND PISTOLS FOR TWO. 173 
 
 they do justly charge one J. W. Denver, with having, in violation of 
 an official oath and public duty, endeavored to throw obstacles in the 
 way of laws deemed necessary for the protection of the rights of the 
 citizens of Kansas ; and that they will never say of me, as they do 
 truthfully say of one J. W. Denver, that, by a miserable pretext, dis- 
 creditable to any man — the excuse of a sluggard, and the ci-ime of a 
 soldier, to wit : that he slept when on duty, he is endeavoring to pre- 
 vent the settlement of the Kansas imbroglio by defeating the consti- 
 tutional convention movement. 
 
 They will never accuse me, I feel sure, of harboring the ridiculous 
 opinion, advanced and maintained by one John W. Denver, that a co- 
 ordinate branch of a legislative assembly can sleep while the other is 
 in session, but will testify what I have frequently stated, that I have 
 known the President of the United States, the highest executive 
 officer in the Republic, to sleeplessly occupy for several successive 
 nights the Speaker's room in the capitol, in order that no law of Con- 
 gress might be lost to the people for want of his prompt action. 
 
 One J. W. Denver, a mere executive officer, charged with the exe- 
 cution of all the laws of this Territory, has arrogantly usurped and 
 ruthlessly trampled under foot the legislative department of the gov- 
 ernment of a free people, and in violation of his official oath and duty 
 seeks to unite in his own person, and thus control, the power of the 
 sword and purse of the people, to crush out their liberties. Truth, 
 justice and manhood require that the villain should be unmasked. 
 I pronounce the charges he has preferred against me utterly untrue 
 and calumnious, and his acts towards the people of Kansas perfidious 
 and tyrannical, and I do arraign one J. W. Denver before the country, 
 and denounce him as a calumniator, perjurer and tyrant. 
 
 To the people of Kansas I have this to say : One J. W. Denver came 
 to Kansas a professed duelist — his hands reeking with the untimely 
 shed blood of his fellow man — having won from his friends the sobri 
 quet of " butcher" — a fit appointee of the oligarchical administration, 
 which disgraces the nation by its criminal efforts to enslave a free 
 people ! For base political purposes he has sought an excuse for a 
 difficulty with me, and out of a public act, done in performance of my 
 mperative duty, has fastened a personal quarrel upon me. As a per- 
 
174 NO INTERFERENCE WANTED. 
 
 sonal quarrel, it is private property. You require rest and peace, 
 and I respectfully demand that there may be no interference on the 
 part of my friends. 
 
 He has assaulted me, not for individual action, for I have never 
 seen him, but for official action, and as a representative elect of that 
 great and noble party whom he and his masters have sought to en- 
 slave, and in the spirit of that party, as an humble member of it, I 
 liurl back his allegations, and bid him and his masters defiance. 
 
 J. H. Lane. 
 
 The report of the military board referred to is signed : 
 J. H, Lane, President ; A. D. Richardson, Assistant Ad- 
 jutant General; J. G. Cleveland, Samuel Jameson, Geo. 
 S. Hillyer, Samuel Walker, Brigadier Generals; J. Fin 
 Hill, Inspector General ; Hiram Housel, Com. General ; 
 and S. B. Prentiss, Surgeon General. 
 
 We do not propose to go into an investigation of the 
 allegations of Lane as to the homicide with which he 
 charges him ; but if Lane was mistaken in his charac- 
 teristics, James Buchanan and Jefferson Davis were also 
 mistaken in the selection of the man for their purposes. 
 If Lane w^as guilty of any conduct in his official position 
 unwarranted by the organic act, Denver had ready ac- 
 cess to a willing court, for a writ of quo w^arranto, and 
 had no excuse for infringing upon judicial powers. The 
 President knew tliat lie had the reputation of a fighting 
 ]uan, and "acknowledged the code," and selected him 
 for these qualities. The legislature which selected Lane 
 knew alike the caliber of their man, and the man he had 
 to confront. It was war, not peace ; and had been war 
 from the very outset of the attempt to force acts of usur- 
 pation upon the people. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 THE LEAVENWORTH CONSTITUTION. 
 
 The situation in Kansas when Gov. John W. Denver 
 was sent here was precarious to the a-dvocates of slavery. 
 Gen. James H. Lane had become so formidable that Pres- 
 ident Buchanan had personally denounced him as a 
 '' turbulent and dangerous military leader," in a special 
 message. Politically dead Kansas Governors w^ere strewn 
 all over the country, and the Administration was adver- 
 tising for some Goliath of Gath to overcome the armies 
 of Kansas, when they discovered John W. Denver. 
 Lane was really the only man of military renown among 
 us, though he had already brought up quite a number of 
 formidable pupils. Our neighbors, the Missourians, were 
 getting acquainted with us enough to know that it was 
 best to be polite or stay away. Seven Governors — all, 
 all sent as messengers to plant slavery on Kansas soil — 
 had been thwarted, and failed; and in desperation the 
 Administration had sought a man for his firmness and 
 his courage, a man of, tried blood, of whose position 
 tliere seemed no doubt as a devotee of the institution 
 
176 GOV. DENVER FULFILLING HIS MISSION. 
 
 they were attempting to establish. The people had the 
 legislature at last. The Lecompton Constitution had 
 been assailed by the legislature in a purpose to show 
 that the objections to that instrument had already been 
 submitted to a vote of the people, and overwhelmingly 
 condemned. That legislature, however, had given up 
 no hopeful resort, for the purpose of meeting the Admin- 
 istration in its opposition to the Topeka Constitution, that 
 it originated in a mere public meeting, and lacked the 
 elements of a non-partisan document, notwithstanding 
 the fact that it had passed the popular branch of Con- 
 gress. Devoted as the people were to that ' ' blood-stained 
 banner," their representatives were considering the pro- 
 priety — the strategy, rather — of passing a law by the 
 legislature, then in session, for another convention, the 
 idea being with many to make it a mere re-enactment 
 of that document so dear to many hearts, and a bill was 
 soon presented to the legislature , To say that the whole 
 power of the Adminstration was against it, is but assert- 
 ing a fact demonstrated by the shrewd, strategic opposi- 
 tion of the few adherents of Pro-Slavery in the Territory, 
 backed by Gov. Denver, who was but fulfilling his 
 mission. His last attempt was to thwart it by what is 
 called " pocketing the bill." To do this he decided the 
 legal question of when the legislative session expired, 
 retained the bill while the legislature was in session, and 
 pertinaciously declared that it was defeated. 
 
 In an address made before the "Old Settlers Meeting," 
 September 7, 1884, Gov. Denver said : 
 
SUFFRAGE QUALIFICATIONS. 177 
 
 Well, after the Constitution came around, and it turned out that i* 
 was to be submitted to a vote of the people, and the returns were to 
 be submitted to the Governor and three others, . . . and 
 one of tlie provisions of tlie Constitution was that thei-e was to be 
 " universal suffrage ;" that every man, woman and child, every horse, 
 every cow, everything that had life in it, should have the right to 
 vote in Kansas. Well, that was only an illustration of the wildness 
 of the times. . . . Standing here as the representative of 
 the General Government, taking no part in any of the excitements, it 
 was my place to look at these things calmly and weigh tliem properly, 
 and act for the good of the people. 
 
 To show how " calm " Gov. Denver was, it is but nec- 
 essary to quote section one of the Suffrage Article, in the 
 Leavenworth Constitution, as follows: 
 
 Article XI. — Section 1. In all elections not otherwise provided for 
 by this Constitution, every male citizen of the United States, of the 
 age of twenty-one years or upwards, who shall have resided in the 
 State six months next preceding such election, and ten days in the 
 precinct in w^hich he may offer to vote, and every male person of 
 foreign birth, of the age of twenty-one years or upwards, who shal 
 have resided in the United States one year, in this State six months, 
 and in the precinct in which he may offer to vote ten days preceding 
 such election, and who shall have declared his intentions to become a 
 citizen of the United States, conformably to the laws of the United 
 States, ten days preceding such election, shall be deemed a qualified 
 elector. 
 
 The objections which struck most ellectually against 
 this article, was that it had not the word ' ' w^iite " in it, 
 and the Pro-Slavery leaders were exceedingly bitter on 
 that. If, however, Denver meant his " horse-and-cow " 
 theory of voting as irony, it was a flat failure ; if he 
 meant it as fact, it was flatter as a statement unworthy 
 of his character as a statesman. 
 
178 THE AMBITION OF HIS LIFE. 
 
 But the Lecompton Constitution lacked the same word. 
 (SeeWilder's Annals, page 183.^ It said "every male 
 citizen of the United States above the age of twenty-one 
 years, " and so forth, could vote. Lines were well marked 
 then, between slavery and freedom. The Dred Scott de- 
 cision had just declared that negroes were not citizens, 
 but " chattels." The men in the one convention recog- 
 nized them as men — in the other, as things. Lane said : 
 "A man has to be educated up to man's rights of equal- 
 ity." The sentiment of the two was as widely distinct 
 as freedom is from slavery. 
 
 I have no jDurpose to detract from the character of 
 Gov. Denver, nor from his ability. He was the eighth 
 Governor who had been selected by the slave-powder to 
 subdue Kansas. Seven came and seven returned from 
 this "Grave of Governors." He came proudly as the 
 last resort of the hopes of an oligarchy which had ruled 
 the nation almost from its foundation. He had a hard 
 task to fulfill. If he succeeded in turning the tide w^iich 
 Lincoln had declared, in his great debate with Douglas, 
 was to make this country '' all slave or all free," he was 
 immortalized ; and nothing short of shearing the oligar- 
 chy of power could have kept him out of the Presidency. 
 
 The great controversy of right and wrong came on the 
 question of his " pocketing" the bill for a constitutional 
 convention — the one under which was framed what was 
 called the Leavenworth Constitution. 
 
 On the 12th day of January, 1858, " Mr. [John] Speer 
 introduced Bill No. 41, entitled ' An act to provide for 
 
A PEACE OFFERING. 179 
 
 the election of Delegates to a Convention to frame a State 
 Constitution.' " There had been two years of persever- 
 ing adherence to the Topeka Constitution. The people 
 had rallied to it as to an ark of safety. They had re- 
 solved, and even sworn, to support it, and many lives 
 had been sacrificed to sustain it ; and they were loathe to 
 give it up. Still, tired of a state of war, the opposition 
 in the East declaring that its informality was the special 
 reason why it could not prevail, and that such an instru- 
 ment, instead of originating in a mass meeting of the 
 people, and a convention of delegates afterward, althougli 
 adopted by- a fair vote , was so informal and so contrary 
 to precedent as to make it indefensible : all these con- 
 siderations, well weighed by its author, and approved, 
 as he believed, by the wisest counsels, the bill was drawn 
 and presented in the honest hope that it might restore 
 quiet, and produce alike peace and success. It Avould 
 have done all this, had this been a question alone for the 
 people to be governed by. The slave-power had forced 
 the Dred Scott decision, which practically made slavery 
 national, and one of its champions had defiantly declared 
 that he would yet " call the roll of his slaves under Bun- 
 ker Hill Monument." This bill, therefore, brought out 
 all the opposition of the National Administration, and 
 every artifice was adroitly used to delay its passage in 
 the House and in the Council. The bill finally passed 
 both houses, and was deposited with Mr. Walsh, the 
 Governor's private secretary, at the Governor's table, 
 ten minutes before eleven o'clock on the ninth day of 
 
180 CONVENTION BILL POCKETED. 
 
 March, 1858, which was three full days of twenty-four 
 hours and one hour and ten minutes over three days be- 
 fore the forty days' limit of a legislative session by the 
 organic act of Congress had expired. The legislature, 
 however, remained in session one day longer. Whether 
 that was legal is immaterial. The organic act provided 
 that a bill held by the Governor for more than three 
 days, unless the legislature adjourned before such three 
 days had expired, should become a law without his sig- 
 nature ; and Gov. Denver held that the legal life of the 
 legislature expired in less than three days after he re- 
 ceived the bill, and held it; and that thus it failed of 
 passage. 
 
 On the contrary, Mr. Whiting, a clerk of the House in 
 which the bill originated, made a sworn statement to 
 the facts which I have stated, and such sworn statement 
 was ordered entered upon the journal, and on motion of 
 Mr. Speer, a resolution w^as passed declaring that the 
 bill had passed, and was in the possession of the Gov- 
 ernor more than three days before the legal expiration of 
 the session, and directing that the President of the 
 Council and Speaker of the House be empowered to cer- 
 tify such fact upon the bill, instructing the Superintend- 
 ent of Public Printing to publish it with the laws of that 
 session, and declaring that it was a law of Kansas Terri- 
 tory. The journal of the House of Representatives 
 shows this fact. 
 
 On the 20th of March following. Gov. Denver pub- 
 lished an article in the Herald of Freedom, in which he 
 
WHITING AND PRATt's STATEMENTS. 181 
 
 denied the passage of the bill before the expiration of 
 forty days, and said : 
 
 Being quite unwell that evening, I told Mr. Walsh, my private sec- 
 retary, to give information of that fact, and that it was my intention 
 to retire. Shortly after he left the room, the House adjourned, and 
 and after his return, I retired, leaving him and Mr. R. S. Stevens en- 
 gaged in writing in my room. They were the only persons who had 
 been there for two or three hours before. This was after 11 o'clock, 
 and if Mr. Whiting was there, it wat after that time, and afte the 
 House had adjourned for the night. 
 
 This was an article of some length, but the quotation 
 gives the gist of it. 
 
 To this I replied in an article in the Lawrence Repub- 
 lican of February 25th, saying : ' ' It may be a query how 
 the Governor knew^ who was in his room for three hours, 
 and also that the House [more than a block away] had 
 adjourned during the same period ; and it strikes me that 
 sensible men will come to the conclusion that the ' rumor ' 
 was concerning the adjournment, and that the sworn 
 statement of Mr. Whiting, which is a matter of record, 
 is worthy of at least as much credit as the Governor's 
 OPINION, especially if he was sick and asleep. Mr. 
 Whiting's statement is corroborated by Caleb S. Pratt, 
 enrolling clerk of the Council, who was at the door of 
 the executive chamber with other bills." Mr. Whiting 
 also says : " Perry Fuller, Esq., of Centropolis, Franklin 
 county, went with me when I went from the House, and 
 was by when I knocked at the door. Mr. Walsh, private 
 secretary to Gov. Denver, came to the door, and I offered 
 the convention bill with the others to him. He said the 
 
182 GOV. DENVER AT BISMARCK GROVE. 
 
 Governor had retired, and he could not receive any more 
 bills that evening. I looked at my watch, which I had 
 set by Gov. Denver's, and found that it was exactly ten 
 minutes to eleven o'clock. Mr. Pratt also looked at his 
 watch, and it was eleven o'clock precisely.' 
 
 This ought to be sufficient wide-awake testimony to 
 overcome the opinion of a sick man asleep. The fact 
 was, that these active men had all their senses awakened 
 in the idea that that bill might be " pocketed." They 
 knew that every strategy known to the enemies of free- 
 dom would be exhausted to defeat it. I had prepared the 
 bill, watched it at every turn, with intense interest, put 
 it personally in the hands of Whiting, and saw him start 
 for the door of the Governor's office before eleven o'clock. 
 
 The next day, I went to the Governor's room on other 
 business, and he said to me : " Mr. Speer, I have heard 
 that you said I was avoiding bills to prevent their pass- 
 age." I replied quickly : *'I said no such thing. On 
 the contrary, I said precisely, that I had no reason to 
 believe you would do so, but Gen. Jackson had * pocketed' 
 a bill, and I would give no man the opportunity with a 
 a bill of mine if I could help it." He replied: *'I am 
 glad to hear it." 
 
 Gov. Denver was invited to be present at the Old Set- 
 tlers' Meeting, in Bismarck Grove, near Lawrence, in 
 September, 1884, and delivered an address. In that ad- 
 dress, he said, in reference to this bill : 
 
 Well, I concluded I would not approve that bill for calling a con- 
 vention to frame a new constitution. Several committees were ap- 
 
GOV. DENVER FRIGHTENS THEM ALL, 183 
 
 pointed by the legislature to call upon me, begging me, if I would 
 not approve it, to return it to them that they might act upon it. I 
 told them no, that I had made up my mind, and I was not to be moved 
 — that I thought we had constitutions enough, and that I had an abso- 
 lute veto in that case, and that I proposed to exercise it, which I did. 
 
 The next night, after twelve o'clock, a bill was brought to me. pur- 
 porting to be a bill calling a convention for a new constitution, and 
 endorsed on it that it had been returned by the Governor, and passed 
 by a two-thirds vote, notwithstanding these objections. That was 
 signed by the four officers, the presiding officers of each house, the 
 secretary of the council, and the clerk of tlie assembly. I immedi- 
 ately sent for them, and told them, that while that act of theirs, if I 
 was disposed to act upon it, gave me power to do something to their 
 disadvantage, I did not desire to do it, because I did not want any 
 trouble or disturbance in the Territory ; tliat that was all wi-ong on 
 their part ; that they certified to that which was not true ; that that 
 paper had never been before the Governor ; that the bill sent to him 
 had never been out of his possession, and consequently the whole 
 statement was false. 
 
 Mr. Currier had the bill in his hands. He asked me what I wanted 
 them to do. I told him I wished them to do one of two things : To 
 give me a certificate of the fact that that had never been acted upon 
 by the legislature at all, or else to destroy it thei'e in my presence. 
 They said that that would be pretty rough. Currier said that he 
 would not put his name to any such paper as that ; and said he : 
 "What shall we do with it?" Deitzler said: "Destroy it." He 
 said: "All right;" and tore it up, and stuck it in the stove. That 
 was the last of that bill. 
 
 Now, a resolution passed after the term had closed, after twelve 
 o'clock, and the legal term of the legislature had absolutely closed — 
 a resolution was passed, declaring that that bill had been properly 
 passed by the legislature, and they resolved that they would go on 
 and hold the convention. Notwithstanding all that had occurred, 
 and the failure of the bill to become a law, they decided to hold the 
 convention. 
 
 I can know nothing about what Messrs. Deitzler and 
 
184 ACTS OF GEN. DEITZLER. 
 
 Currier may have said to Gov. Denver. Their actions in 
 the House I do know. The former presided over the 
 House all the next dav, and participated in and signed 
 the proceedings as Speaker ; and the latter acted as 
 clerk, and made and signed them ; and when Mr. 
 Walsh, the Governor's private secretary, sent a message 
 to the House, stating that the members must appear and 
 sign the pay-roll, and get their pay, or he would leave 
 for Lecompton, the Speaker, sitting in his chair, ver}'- 
 coolly remarked , "The gentleman has my permission to 
 leave at his earliest convenience." 
 
 It will read strange to those who knew that hero of 
 Wilson's Creek, Gen. Deitzler, and have seen him tried 
 so often, that he quailed before the majesty of the Pres- 
 ident's representative, when he accused him of forgery 
 and falsehood, and threatened to ''do something to his 
 disadvantage." It is not mentioned whether he was to 
 be burnt at the stake as other " abolitionists " had been 
 burned, or merely imprisoned as he had been for several 
 months, when he had done no wrong. To all Deitzler's 
 acquaintances this will seem akin to the Governor's 
 story about horse-and-cow voting on page 177. 
 
 The Governor says he tells this story as " an illustra- 
 tion of the wildness of the times ;" and we repeat it as 
 an illustration of the forgetfulness of a wild-eyed Gov- 
 ernor in Border-Ruffian days. To think of all these men 
 coming to the Governor for forgiveness, Deitzler tremu- 
 lously saying, "Destroy it!" and Cyrus F. Currier ac- 
 quiescing, turning pale, casting the bill in the flames ! 
 
AN EMINENT HODY OF MEN. 185- 
 
 The plain trutli is, that the House remained in session 
 all night and into the next day, as Congress often does, 
 and the House journal before me shows no later date 
 than Marcli 12, 1858, which the Governor claims was 
 the last day of the session ; and this I state as a member 
 who sat in the House very wide-awake. 
 
 We say in the interest of truthful history, that, in that 
 Constitutional Convention, instead of being composed of 
 wild, impracticable men, there were twenty members of 
 more ability as statesmen than the Governor himself ; 
 and we compliment him in making the number so small ^ 
 and apologize to the surviving members of the convention 
 for not making it larger. 
 
 We are startled Avhen we look at the list of patriots- 
 who signed that Constitution, (see Wilder's Annals, 
 page 230,) and we are filled with emotions of admira- 
 tion when we read their work as a State Paper. 
 
 We venture to name a few of the members : Jaines H^ 
 Lane, President, resigning to gratify his ambitious young- 
 friend, Martin F. Conway, who succeeded him ; F. G. 
 Adams, Wm. Spriggs, Wm. R. Griffith, P. B. Plumb, 
 
 A. Danford, .J. R. Swallow, T. Dwight Thacher, Robert 
 
 B. Mitchell, Gustavus A. Colton, Henry J. Adams, W. 
 W. Ross. Thomas Ewing, jr., James S. Emery, T. N. 
 Blake, Isaac T. Goodnow ; and to avoid seeming invidi- 
 ous, we quote only the names of those whom we cart 
 remember as holding official positions State or National. 
 
 And Hon. T. Dwight Thacher has written a history of 
 
186 LAST SOLEMN PROTEST OF THE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 that convention, wliicli will be read with admiration in 
 the progressive ages of enlightened civilization. 
 
 Here is the last declaration of that stigmatized House 
 of Representatives after they got over the scare given 
 them by the brave and distinguished Governor : 
 
 Mr. Hanna [afterwards a distinguislied member of Congress from 
 Indiana] offered the following concurrent resolution, which was 
 adopted, and Council notified: 
 
 Resolved by the House of Representatives, (the Council concur- 
 ing,) That we do hereby, for the last time, solemnly protest against 
 the admission of Kansas into the Union under the Lecompton Con- 
 stitution. 
 
 That we hurl back with scorn the libelous charge contained in the 
 President's message accompanying the Lecompton Constitution to 
 Congress, to the effect that tlie freemen of Kansas are a "lawless 
 people." 
 
 That, relying upon the justice of our cause, we do hereby, in hehalf 
 of the people we represent, solemnly pledge to each other, to our 
 friends in Congi'ess and in the States, our lives, our fortunes and sa- 
 cred honor, to resist the Lecompton Constitution and government by 
 force of arms, if necessary. 
 
 That, in this perilous hour of our liistory, we a])i)eal to the civilized 
 world for the rectitude of our position, and call upon the friends of 
 freedom evei-ywhere to array themselves against this last act of op- 
 pression in the Kansas drama. 
 
 Resolved, That the Governor be requested to immediately transmit 
 ■cei'tified copies of these resolutions to the President of the United 
 ■States, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and President of 
 the Senate, and to our Delegate in (k)ngress, and tliat tlie same be 
 presented to the Congress of the United States. 
 
 These resolutions were passed unanimously. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE HOMICIDE OF GAIUS JENKINS. 
 
 It is painful to write unfavorably of the dead, whom 
 we have always respected and esteemed. Gains Jen- 
 kins has been dead for thirty-eight years, and Lane 
 thirty years. Mr. Jenkins' acquaintance I made on the 
 17th of May, 1855. I had seen him before, and perhaps 
 spoken to him. He kept the American House at Kansas 
 City, I think, wdien I arrived in the country, September 
 26, 1854 ; and I stopped at that hotel then, and several 
 times during the ensuing winter, and remember seeing 
 him. 
 
 But at the first date, (May 17, 1855,) I was a passen- 
 ger with him on the Emma Harmon steamboat from 
 Kansas City to Lawrence. It was the first steamboat 
 that ascended the Kansas river after white settlement — 
 the Excel had made several trips to Fort Rilej^ with gov- 
 ernment material for building and supplies for soldiers 
 in 1853 — and as the whole trip was through an Indian 
 reserve, the navigation new, the channel entirely un- 
 known, and the crew^ had to cut their own wood, it was 
 necessarily a tedious one ; and I happened to fall into 
 
188 BEGINNING OF CHAPMAN CLAIM. 
 
 conversation a good deal with him and formed a good 
 opinion of him ; and the second day, when it was pro- 
 posed to hold a meeting to compliment the officers of the 
 boat, on my motion he was made president, and ever 
 after we were friends. He was good-hearted, generous 
 and hospitable, but a man of irascible temper, and given 
 to indulgence in strong drink , and w^hen under the influ- 
 ence of liquor, quite passionate. But between him and 
 me, the links of friendship and neighborly ki ndness were 
 never broken. 
 
 When we were a few miles below Lawrence, on the 
 boat, he told me he had a claim adjoining the town of 
 Lawrence, and that he had a man named Edward Chap- 
 man on it. I had known Chapman from September 29, 
 1854, wlien he came there, and had slept in his cabin a 
 night or two, and got meals at his place, before he got 
 any occupancy or started any improvement on the place 
 afterwards disputed. I told Mr. Jenkins that Chapman 
 claimed to own it and sold a portion of it to the town 
 company. 
 
 I was on the committee to settle what were called the 
 outside difficulties, a dispute as to town lines, involving 
 this claim. He replied that he liad heard something of 
 the matter, and spoke very bitterly of Chapman's treach- 
 ery. Shortly afterwards, Mr. .Jenkins attempted to build 
 within the portion which Chapman had sold to the town 
 company, and a number of the people of the town com- 
 pany turned out to drive him otl', and he did remove his 
 number outside of the lines claimed by that company. 
 
LANE PURCHASES FROM CHAPMAN. 189 
 
 I have no doubt Jenkins' representations that he fur- 
 nished the money to make the improvements were true ; 
 but I had been there a few days, secured a membership 
 in the town company, returned to Ohio on business, and 
 got back to Lawrence on December 7, 1855, remained 
 there till April, and returned with my family in com- 
 pany with Gains Jenkins, arriving at Lawrence May 18, 
 1855, and never heard of anybody laying claim to it but 
 Chapman, until Jenkins told me on the boat the day be- 
 fore our arrival, although I had been on the committee 
 to adjust rights. 
 
 The next day I called on Cliaj^man, saw a double-log 
 house on his claim which he told me belonged to Col. 
 Lane, to w^hom he said he had sold a part of his posses- 
 sions. 
 
 It seems to me impossible that Lane could have had 
 any knowledge of any dispute about the claim. He was 
 an entire stranger; and for Chapman to have told him, 
 would have depreciated the property, if not prevented 
 the sale. 
 
 In this book, I cast to the wind as chaff all merely 
 personal matters ; but the character of a man on so 
 grave a charge as murder, is too precious to avoid a full, 
 clear, honest statement of facts. There never was so 
 assiduous and malicious an attempt to blast a man's 
 character as in this disastrous transaction. His enemies 
 have published, time after time, statements to blast his 
 reputation that have no foundation in truth. 
 
 One of the statements published in 1884 was made by 
 
190 COL. blood's statement. 
 
 Mr. James Blood. We republish it, because it was relied 
 upon by Lane's opponents, though we cannnt see its re- 
 lation to the case : 
 
 The claim wtis located by Gains Jenkins in tlie fall of 1854, in my 
 presence. The first log honse was bnilt by Jenkins, he fnrnishing all 
 the means and material and paying Chapman in fnll for all the work 
 done on it by him. Stilman Andrews, with others, dug the well at 
 the first log house built as above stated, and was paid for it by Jen- 
 kins. The frame house was put up on the claim by Jenkins in Sep- 
 tember or October, 1855. Jenkins had a well dug by the frame house 
 in the fall of 1855, sixty-odd feet deep, and found no water. Aaron 
 Pei'ry and Samuel Fry dug this well. The double-log house was 
 bought by .Jenkins of Lane about the last of December, 1855, accord- 
 ing to the statement of botli Jenkins and Lane to me at that time. 
 
 The statement of Mr. Blood is a fair one from his 
 standpoint, but it makes no case of settlement, and a 
 case no strongor than that would l)e ruled out on demur- 
 rer. A pre-emption can only be acquired by actual per- 
 sonal settlement, and an attempt to hold a pre-emption 
 by proxy is fraudulent. Chapman claimed it, and sold 
 it to the Lawrence association, (the town company,) 
 or a part of it, and then sold his right to Lane, without 
 Lane liaving any knowledge of a previous sale ; but a 
 man by the name of Oliver was aliead of both by actual 
 settlement, and Lane bouglit his rights. It is not denied 
 that Lane contracted a sale to Jenkins, but only a por- 
 tion of the money was paid ; Jenkins refused to pay the 
 balance ; Lane tendered him back in gold what he had 
 paid, and peaceable i:>ossession was never given. 
 
 Tliis Avriter came to Lawrence September 27, 1854, and 
 Mr Blood had previously left the country for Wisconsin, 
 
MORE OF THE SAME. 191 
 
 and remained till May, 1855, and then found Lane on 
 the place. The alleged proxy settlement of Chapman 
 M'as made in the fall of 1854, after I came to Lawrence. 
 
 This I know personally : The second day after I ar- 
 rived at Lawrence, my first search was for land, and I 
 looked all over the tract afterwards in dispute, and saw 
 nothing on it indicating settlement for pre-emption, and 
 had not Edward Chapman claimed to me that he had 
 marked it for a home, I should have saved all this trouble- 
 by a bona fide settlement. 
 
 Here is another statement from Mr. Blood, published 
 in newspapers and circulated, which is absolutely as. 
 strong testimony for Lane as was presented : 
 
 Kansas Territory, / . , 
 Douglas County. \ '"^' 
 
 Personally appeared before me, the urdersigned, James Blood, whoi 
 deposes and says : 
 
 Sometime during tlie month of September, A. D. 1854, I came to- 
 Lawrence, from Kansas City, ^lissouri, in company with Mr. Gaius- 
 Jenkins. We camped one niglit near the California road, on the hill 
 south of Lawrence. 'Sir. Jenkins told me at that time, that he came- 
 here to Lawrence to commence improvements upon a claim near this 
 place with the intention of pre-empting the same. Sometime the- 
 next day, I saw him at work near tlie jjlace, and on the same quarter- 
 section where he now resides. Subsequently, in the fall of 1855, I 
 believe in the month of September or October, 31r. Jenkins requested, 
 me to come over and assist him in erecting a house. I went over and 
 found him at work with several men. A few days later, I was there^ 
 and found him with his family in said house. I have been there fre- 
 i|uently since, and know that they have continued to reside there^ 
 and reside there at this time. J. Blood. 
 
 Subscribed and sworn to before me, this 12th of October, 1857, at. 
 Lawrence, K. T. E. D. Ladd, Notary Public. 
 
192 NO COMPLIANCE WITH PRE-EMPTION LAW. 
 
 Col. Blood was an honest man — warm in his friend- 
 ships, bitter in his animosities. If there was one trait 
 in his character more marked than all others, it was his 
 prejudice against Lane ; and next to that, largely grow- 
 ing out of it, was his friendship for Jenkins. It was all 
 of a year, as this witness shows, from the time he states 
 that Jenkins showed him the claim , and he saw him do 
 som.e work on it, that he saw him personally make the 
 first pretense of improvement under the pre-emption 
 law, and it w^as still later before his family moved on or 
 he made any semblance of settlement. If Col. Blood 
 could have conscientiously named a single day that he 
 saw Jenkins residing on the place, or eating a single 
 meal there, he would gladly have stated it. After Jen- 
 kins' first pretended settlement, if lie remained absent 
 more than thirty days, he forfeited his rights and any 
 man could have legally jumped it. That is the law. 
 Mark the difference between Col. Blood's "statement" 
 and his affidavit — the latter, plain facts wdthin his own 
 knowledge ; the former, hearsay, about what Andrews, 
 Chapman, Fry and Perry did. 
 
 I have a musty old paper of the times, giving a long 
 list of the settlers, with dates of settlement, section, 
 township and range, thus : 
 
 XAMK. DATK OF SKTTLRM ICXT. S. T. K. 
 
 <i;aius Jenkins, April 30, 1854. ne 36 li' 19 
 
 John Speer, Sept. 26, 1855. e '.j n e 31 12 20 
 
 Mine is correct, and no dispute as to date of any of the 
 
 others. If Jenkins' date is correct, he was a trespasser 
 
 on Indian land before the title was extinguished, and 
 
A clerk's vituperation. 193 
 
 had no legal rights thereby, evidently having come into 
 the Territory when so many people came from Missouri 
 to mark homesteads and protect them in defiance of the 
 rights of the Indians. This question was decided in the 
 long-contested case of Purinton vs. Smith. 
 
 The following letters have been published and re- 
 published, in various sources, and quoted as testimony 
 against Lane : 
 
 MoNTOURSviLLE, Pa., Feb. 18, 1884. 
 S. C. Russell, Esq. — 
 
 Dear Sir: I remember you very well as the attorney of Jenkins — 
 the victim of Lane's murderous villainy — in the case of Jenkins vs. 
 Lane, before the local land office at Lecompton. 
 
 I acted as clerk for the greater part of the tnne, and perhaps the 
 whole of it, after the case was re-opened in the taking of the testi- 
 mony in the case. I do not know what became of the book of testi- 
 mony in this case, unless General Brindle knows something of it. It 
 was probably destroyed as waste lumber, or perhaps turned over to 
 General Brindle's successor. 
 
 Soon after the taking of the testimony was finished, Lane seems to 
 have thought his case a hopeless, or at least a doubtful one, as he re- 
 quested me to be at my office on a certain evening alone, and to have 
 the book of testimony with me, as he wished to look over it. Lane 
 came to my office after I had waited up till near midnight, and was 
 disappointed and disgusted when he found I had not the book with 
 me. The case was decided most unequivocally in favor of Jenkins 
 by the land office. Soon after the local office acted on the case. Lane 
 requested another interview, which I granted, and though the talk 
 lasted nearly all night, I can sum it all up by saying that the whole 
 object of it was to induce me to show General Brindle good and suf- 
 ficient reasons for changing his decision in this case before it was sent 
 to the General Land Office. Lane's first inducement was an offer to 
 guarantee to Brindle and myself twenty, and afterwards forty acres 
 of the disputed land. After finally convincing Lane that it would be 
 
194 MORE INFORMATION FROM CLERKS. 
 
 a dangerous experiment to intimate anything of the kind to General 
 Brindle, he left. 
 
 I did not mention the matter to General Brindle then, and indeed I 
 am not sure that I ever have since. There are two prominent gentle- 
 men now^ living in Kansas, one a prominent ex-county office-holder 
 at Topeka, and the other in the banking business at Emporia, who, I 
 have no doubt, will remember this last interview, as, at my request, 
 they were within willing distance, they being at the time at the place 
 of business of the former gentleman one or two doors above my office. 
 Your well-wisher and friend, 
 
 Henry W. Petriken. 
 
 But here is another statement which may look plau- 
 sible to those who never investigated this homicide : 
 
 Hon. Charles Robinson. — 
 
 My Dear Sir : In answer to your question as to whether or not tlie 
 land office at Lecompton had decided in the land case between Jen- 
 kins and Lane at the time of Jenkins' death, and as to my knowledge 
 of the case itself, will say : That the case had been settled by the 
 Register and Receiver of the Pawnee Land District, then located at 
 Lecompton, in favor of Gains Jenkins and adverse to James H. Lane. 
 This decision had been given several weeks before the shooting of 
 Jenkins. Lane was apprised of this decision by the Register and Re- 
 ceiver and by his attorney in the case, Wilson Shannon. I took all 
 the evidence in the case, was and am familiar with the facts in the 
 litigation. The Secretary of the Interior had also confirmed the de- 
 cision of the land office at Lecompton. All of these facts were in the 
 possession of Lane at the time of and before the killing of Jenkins. 
 
 After Lane was elected United States Senator, he had the case re- 
 opened, and the Secretary of the Interior reversed the decision of the 
 land office and of the former Secretary of the Interior. 
 
 Jan. 8, 1884. Respectfully, Ely Moore. 
 
 We might mildly suggest to Mr. Petriken that, for the 
 truth of history, he ought to have stated the name of the 
 Topeka ex-office-holder out of a thousand or two of that 
 
A CONSPIRACY. 19^ 
 
 ilk, wlio was up stairs, or up the hill waiting; audit 
 might lead to truth, if he would state what kind of 
 banking the Emporia financier is engaged in, whether 
 National banking, State banking, or faro banking. ^ 
 
 Mr, Petriken discovered that Lane was either a fool or 
 a chump ! No man who ever knew anything of Lane 
 would believe, that if he had had even a shrewxl scheme 
 in politics to propose to that young man, he would not 
 have drawn his chair close up to him, straddled his 
 knees, and getting within eighteen inches of his eyes, 
 pointed his long, bony finger at him, and whispered, 
 '.'Young man, this is strictly confidential," and you 
 would not have heard him two yards away. 
 
 We would like to witness a caucus of these three wise- 
 acres and have them explain why they neither took Lane 
 up, and got their share of that claim ; nor came out and 
 exposed the rascality, and saved that widow and her 
 family that valualbe property. If w^e recollect aright, 
 if it w^as Buchanan's administration, an honest man was 
 at the head of the General Land Office; and yet they 
 did not even tell General Brindle, but " nursed their 
 w^rath to keep it warm" for more than a quarter of a 
 century, when that young man's virtuous bosom heaved, 
 and broke forth likea volcano ! 
 
 . Thus far, we have given the accusations against Lane 
 by his most positive enemies — statements which have 
 been extensively published in newspapers a dozen years 
 ago. Their only purpose could be to show that Lane 
 was a lawless man, holding tl^^ home of his neigh1)or by 
 
196 OFFICIAL SOURCES LOOKED UP. 
 
 force, after the highest tribunal of the land had decided 
 against him, and from whose decision there could be no 
 appeal. 
 
 Fortunately this Government keeps records ; and they 
 come out as bright to-day as when they were put in the 
 vaults forty years ago. We have before us the official 
 statements of the Commissioners of the General -Land 
 Office under three administrations, all corroborating the 
 fact that no decision was ever made by the Lecompton 
 land office, or any other tribunal, until after Jenkins 
 had been dead for more than four months. 
 
 In search of the exact truth, we addressed Hon. W. S. 
 Lamereux, the present Commissioner, asking him to 
 give us the ' ' date of first decision of local land office at 
 Lecompton, trial de novo, if any occurred, or review or 
 rehearing, if any ; and dates of all such hearings and 
 decisions before the Secretary of the Interior, whether 
 original or on review — in short, all essential facts which 
 could possibly be of interest historically ; ' ' and we present 
 in juxtaposition the statement of our own fellow-citizen, 
 of Topeka, Commissioner McFarland, under President 
 Arthur's administration, and that of Judge Lamereux, 
 Commissioner under the present Cleveland administra- 
 tion, with the remark that the statement of the present 
 Commissioner is the more complete because more infor- 
 mation Avas asked for, and there could be no disagree- 
 ment, when information was asked from men who knew 
 the truth and wanted to tell it. The facts here presented 
 are a clear, indisputable refutation of all such charges : 
 
ALL REPORTS AGREE. 197 
 
 UNDER ARTHUR. UNDER CLEVELAND. 
 
 Department of the Interior, ) Department of the Interior. ) 
 
 General Land Office, General Land Office, ■- 
 
 Washington, D. C, Feb. 2, 1884. > AVashington,D. C, Oct. 10, 1894. \ 
 
 J. H. SiiiMMONS, Esq., Lawrence, Mr. John Speer, Lawrence, Kan. 
 ICansas. Sir: I am in receipt of your let- 
 
 Your letter of the 28th, in which ter of no date, [should read : Law- 
 you request to be furnished a copy ence, Ks., Sept. 2(), 1894,] endorsed 
 of the contract between Lane and by Hon. W. A. Harris, asking for 
 Jenkins and a copy of Col. Blood's dates of all decisions and other in- 
 evidence to be found in the papers formation relative to the contest 
 on file in this office in tJie case of case of Gaius Jenkins vs. J. H. 
 Jenkins vs. Lane, Lecompton,K.T. Lane, involving the N. E. U of 
 —also with the dates of tlie several section 36, T. 12 S., K. 19 E., Le- 
 decisions in said case, and in whose compton, Kansas, land district, 
 favor they were made, has been re- In reply, I have to state, that an 
 ferred to this office for answer, and examination of the records in the 
 in reply inclose herewith a copy of case in this office, shows that on 
 the affidavit of Blood, and would October 19, 1857, the Register 
 state that tlie contract referred to and Receiver of the United States 
 is not with the papers in said case, land office at Lecompton, Kansas, 
 nor can they be found in the files made a report in which tliey stated 
 of this office. their " inability to render a de- 
 
 With regard to the decisions in cision"in the matter and transmit- 
 said case, our records show that ted to this office all papers in the 
 there were three: first by the Reg- case for its examination and final 
 ister and Receiver under date of decision. 
 
 October 6, 1858, awarding the land December 16, 1857. the local of- 
 in contest (N. E. sec. 36, T. 12, R. ficers were directed to take addi- 
 19 E.) to Jenkins. The second by tional testimony, and render an 
 my predecessor under date of July opinion. 
 
 20, 1861, reversing the decision of September 12, 1858, the Register 
 the local officers, and awarding rendered a decision in favor of 
 the S. E. }4, S. W. ^4 and N. AY. Jenkins, in which opinion the Re- 
 ^ of the said N. E. ^4 to Lane, ceiver refused to concur, deeming 
 which decision on appeal to the the additional testimony insuffi- 
 Honorable Secretary of the Inte- cient. Subsequently, however, on 
 rior was affirmed by him Decern- October 6, 1858, the Receiver con- 
 ber31, 186L curred with the Register, in 
 
 Very respectfully, awarding the land to Jenkins. 
 
 N. C. Mc'Farland, Afterwards, by decision of this 
 
 Commissioner. office of July 2(5,1861, their decision 
 
198 RECORDS BRIGHT AS FORTY YEARS AGO. 
 
 was reversed, and tlie right of entry given to Lane. An appeal was 
 taken from this decision to the Honorable Secretary of the Interior, 
 and^decisions were rendered by him dated December 31, 1861, Decem- 
 ber 27, 1862, and February 21, 1863, approving the decision of this 
 office and awarding tlie land to Lane. 
 
 Patent for a portion of the tract S. i^ and Ts. W. i^ of N. E. M, 
 issued March 15, 1862. Patent for the remaining portion N. E. H of 
 N. E. U, issued February 23, 1863. Very Respectfully, 
 
 Commissioner. 
 
 There had been such a perfidious determination to fal- 
 sify all the records of the land offices, local and general, 
 in this unfortunate homicide, that I requested Judge 
 Lamereux to give me the statement in his own hand- 
 writing, instead of, as is usual, over the signature of a 
 clerk, which request he has kindly complied with ; and 
 I am, therefore enabled to present this refutation of 
 falsehood in fac simile over the broad, emphatic signa- 
 ture of the present Commissioner himself ; and the rec- 
 ords, instead of being destroyed as " w^aste lumber," 
 stand there as bright as they did forty years ago. 
 
 The reason for the different dates of the decisions on 
 different sub-divisions of the quarter-section is accounted 
 for in the fact that they embraced portions of the city of 
 Lawrence, heretofore referred to as contracted by Chap- 
 man, and notices had to be given and the rights of occu- 
 pants considered. 
 
A WAIF ON THE WATERS OF FALSEHOOD. 199 
 
 But here comes a waif, with no date and no address, 
 which, to my knowledge, has floated upon the waters of 
 falsehood for several years : 
 
 We had decided that Jenkins was entitled to his claim before he 
 was killed ; at the time of his death, we were hearing the case again. 
 It had been sent back to enable Lane to put in additional testimony, 
 which we i-eceived, but which did not show him to have been the prior 
 settler. AVilliam Brindle. 
 
 This is supposed to be, and is quoted as, a statement 
 from Receiver Brindle, who, we have seen, could not 
 agree with the Register, when he made up his tardy 
 mind in favor of Jenkins more than three months after 
 he was dead, as shown by Judge Lamereux's statement, 
 and all other statements. This quotation is probably a 
 forgery. Jenkins was killed June 3, 1858; Register 
 Moore took more than three months to consider, and de- 
 cided lor Jenkins September 12, 1858 ; Receiver Brindle 
 disagreed, but got his conscience to consent October 6, 
 1858, and the first decision was made October 6, 1858, 
 more than four months after Jenkins was dead. No 
 other decision was made under Buchanan's administra- 
 tion, though it did not expire for two years and five 
 months. Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks was Commissioner 
 of the General Land Office, an honest man, but a bitter 
 opponent of Lane. Does any body suppose, if there had 
 been a good case against Lane, that eminent lawyer and 
 statesman's heart could not have been touched with sym- 
 pathy for the widow and orphans of Gains Jenkins, and 
 justice been hastened, instead of delayed? Hon. Joseph 
 Wilson, who succeeded Mr. Hendricks under Buchanan, 
 
200 COMPROMISES. 
 
 and remained in the office during all of Lincoln's admin- 
 istration, decided the case in favor of Lane, as Thomas 
 A. Hendricks would have done had he reached it. No 
 just lawyer could have decided it otherwise. 
 
 This was a perplexing case to the local officers. The 
 Pro-Slavery mob that invaded and ruled Kansas dictated 
 decisions and overruled justice. If the land officers had 
 decided that case in favor of Lane at a certain stage of 
 its proceedings, their official heads would have gone off 
 in a jiffy, and they would have been compelled to seek 
 personal safety in an escape from Lecompton. The bit- 
 ter antagonisms of Pro-Slavery hate would have tolerated 
 no such decision. 
 
 Mr. John H. Shimmons, the partner of Lane, for two 
 terms postmaster of Lawrence, and intimate with the 
 facts, gives us tliis statement : 
 
 The case summed up stands thus : During the summei- of 1854, Dr. 
 Lykins, of Kansas City, Missouri, selected the claim, and employed 
 David Hopper to set up four posts six feet high, and to nail scantling 
 from post to post, to notify people that he had selected that claim. 
 Afterwards he became acquainted with Chapman, who was engaged 
 as hostler for Gaius Jenkins, proprietor of the American House, in 
 Kansas City. Chapman had no money to improve the claim or to 
 build a house to live in during the winter. It was then agreed be- 
 tween Jenkins and Chapman, that Jenkins would furnish the money, 
 and he and Chapman should each own one-half. In ]March, 1S.55, 
 Chapman sold to the Lawrence town company his right and title to 
 said claim for the sum of $2,500, parts in lots, cash and promissory 
 notes. Chapman settled with Jenkins for his lialf of tlie claim by 
 giving him his personal note for $1,250, Jenkins accepting said note in 
 full payment of his interest. Chapman then made a new settlement 
 south of the claim he had sold to the town company. This new set- 
 
THEN THE FIGHT BEGAN. 20l 
 
 tlement he sold to Lane in April, 1855, for ^QOO. Lane built. a house 
 on the claim and fenced and broke ten acres of land, and planted it in 
 corn. During the summer of 1855, Jenkins and Chapman quarreled 
 over the non-payment of the note given by Chapman to Jenkins. 
 Jenkins then advertised that he would contest the claim with the 
 town company, as Chapman was a "jumper." Chapman, in August, 
 1855, advertised that he had not received any consideration for said 
 note, and would not pay it. In September or October, 1855, Jenkins 
 undertook to build a house on the original claim. Chapman and the 
 town company tore down the frame, and threw the lumber off the 
 land claimed. Then he made a purchase of one-half of Lane's claim 
 for the sum of $800, payable in cash and notes, and a small account 
 against J. II. Shimmons. Each one was to have half, and each one to 
 pay lialf of pre-emption money. If Lane should die, Jenkins should 
 pre-empt, and give one-half to James H. Lane, jr. If Jenkins sliould 
 die, Lane would pre-empt, and give half to Mrs. Jenkins. Lane then 
 permitted Jenkins to build his house on his (Lane's) claim. When 
 the section lines were run, botli of their houses were on the same 
 quarter-section. Jenkins then refused to pay the note which he had 
 given Lane, unless Lane would abandon all to Jenkins, which Lane 
 refused to do. Then commenced the fight on Lane. Upon the advice 
 of Governor Shannon, Lane's counsel. Lane offered to divide with 
 Jenkins. Jenkins refused to take half. All the right Jenkins ever 
 had in the said claim he relinquished when he accepted the $1,250 
 note from Chapman, thereby recognizing the sale of Chapman to the 
 toM^n company. All the equity Jenkins had against Lane was under 
 the contract with Lane. When he refused to pay the consideration 
 mentioned in the contract, he forfeited all his rights under tliat 
 contract. 
 
 Perhaps no better statement of facts in brevity could 
 be made than this. It may elucidate the situation to 
 state that this contest was under the original pre-emption 
 law of September 4, 1841. It was on unsurve^^ed lands 
 of what was known as the Shawnee Purchase, by treaty 
 
202 JENKINS WANTS TO SELL. 
 
 with that tribe of Indians, and the right to settle before 
 survey, which led to many contentions. 
 
 The following is the advertisement referred to by Mr. 
 Shimmons, which we copy from the Kansas Tribune of 
 September 15, 1855 : 
 
 Notice is hereby given to E. Chapmax. of the town of Lawrence, 
 K. T., that the farm claim, which I laid near the said town, and which 
 he has jumped and pretended to sell to one John P. AVood, I shall 
 pre-empt and hold, as I have been forcibly ejected therefrom by 
 threats and demonstrations of violence. Said Chapman has not a 
 particle of right thereto, and I shall prove my title beyond dispute. 
 All persons, therefore, are hereby warned not to purchase lots or city 
 interests of said Chapman or Wood, located upon said claim, as they 
 liave no right to sell the same. And, as I am in favor of the move- 
 ment now being made by the Outsiders to break up the settlement of 
 March last, I shall transfer said claim to them, if I deem best. 
 
 G. Jenkixs. 
 
 Lawrence, Aug. 29, 1855. 
 
 This advertisement is clearly in evidence against Mr. 
 Jenkins. He had been driven off the land by the Law- 
 rence Association, or town company, composed princi- 
 pally of New England people, who believed that he was 
 a trespasser upon their rights, as they had innocently 
 purchased from Chapman, whom he warns the world 
 against as a "jumper" — that is, a trespasser. But, at 
 the same time that he asserts his own rights, he unlaw- 
 fully gives notice that he will sell to the *' Outsiders," if 
 he " deems best." The " Outsiders " were princij)ally 
 Pro-Slavery men, who were making a fight against the 
 city authority, to " break up the settlement of March 
 last," thereby attempting to hold the town against what 
 
A GREAT JURIST DECIDED THE LANE CASE. 203 
 
 was known as the " Robetaile Float," an Indian land 
 warrant from the United States to Robert Robetaile, a 
 Shawnee, his heirs and assigns. This warrant could 
 only be laid on. lands unsettled ; and in order to effect 
 that right, every settler had to waive, and did waive, his 
 rights of settlement. To have made Jenkins' proposed 
 contract with any party would have disqualified him for 
 making the required oath of a pre-emptor, that he was 
 taking the land for cultivation and improvement, for 
 his own use and benefit, and had neither sold nor agreed 
 to sell it. 
 
 This was at least the third attempt which Jenkins had 
 made to speculate upon that land ; while Lane had never 
 done a single act to indicate anything but an honest pur- 
 pose of settlement, and offered to divide with Jenkins, 
 as has always been allowed under the rules of the land 
 office in contested cases. 
 
 No inferior nor partisan court decided the Lane case. 
 Hon. Joseph Wilson was a profound land lawyer, as 
 honest as he was learned ; was Acting Commissioner un- 
 der Commissioner Hendricks during Buchanan's admin- 
 istration, and was retained by President Lincoln for his 
 ability as an officer and his worth as a man. He decided 
 the celebrated Osage Ceded Land case, involving mil- 
 lions of dollars to two railroad companies, and was 
 importuned to death to reverse his decision, some of the 
 railroad advocates reminding him he had changed his 
 politics under Lincoln ; to which he responded that ' ' a 
 man would be a blamed fool w^ho could n't change as 
 
204 HIS enemies' boasts acquit him. 
 
 fast as an administration, but he would be an infernal 
 scoundrel ttr«hange that judicial decision." The Secre- 
 tary of the Interior overruled him ; and under a special 
 act of Congress, the Supreme Court of the United States 
 sustained Wilson. He decided the Lane case. 
 
 It is easy to imagine how young men, merely growing 
 into matured manhood, might, under the pernicious 
 Pro-Slavery influence of Lecompton, be led to " imagine 
 vain things" — hear falsehood so often as to cause them 
 to think it must be truth ; and on solicitation, perhaps 
 under refreshing suggestions or reminders, be made to 
 give currency to libels upon the silent dead ; but to use 
 such statements when the public archives plainly show 
 their falsity, is fiendishly wicked. 
 
 Four men came armed with an ax, rifles and revolv- 
 ers, to drive Lane from his home or kill him ; and the 
 case principally depended upon the wicked declarations 
 of the assailants ; and they alone would have acquitted 
 him. Not only did these four men cut down the fence of 
 his own dooryard, but they advanced to within a few 
 steps of him, and fired the first shot, wounding him so 
 severely in the knee that for several days he had to re- 
 main in his house before trial, in danger of his life by 
 tetanus and blood-poisoning. These w^ere the admissions 
 of the accomplices, one of them declaring that if his gun 
 had gone off. Lane never would have killed Jenkins, and 
 another (Jenkins' nephew^) said he meant to have killed 
 him. The plea of going for water was a mere subter- 
 fuge ; for there was a spring of clear, sparkling water. 
 
HIS ENEMIES OUTLIVED HIM. 205 
 
 free to all, gurgling from Mount Oread, more easily 
 accessible to Jenkins' house than the well he sought, 
 even if Lane's gate and well-curb had stood wide-open ; 
 and, to those who know the locality of the house, now 
 removed, the waters of that pure well and that sparkling 
 spring continue to give everlasting testimony to the truth 
 of this statement; and, if undisturbed, will continue to 
 so testify. He had gone before, seized Lane's ax from 
 his wife, cut the well open in his absence, and sent him 
 a defying notice that he was going to have water or a 
 fight ; and it is in testimony, that when Mrs. Lane re- 
 monstrated against such violence as ungentlemanly in 
 her husband's absence, he insultingly told her, ''You 
 are no lady, if you say so." 
 
 It has been stated by many who have spoken upon 
 Gen. Lane's character, that he was a favorite of the peo- 
 ple of Indiana, but always antagonized by the politicians. 
 This was emphatically true of him in Kansas, and hosts 
 of them who were circumvented by him in life have out- 
 lived him to anathematize his character through the 
 whole thirty years since his death. It is easy to say, 
 '' He killed a man who wanted to get water out of his 
 own well ;" but the man had sold the well to Chapman, 
 and in his testimony before the John Sherman commit- 
 tee, April 28, 1856, swore he did not vote in Kansas in 
 the fall of 1855, because he lived in Missouri. (Page 
 549.) Never was the axiom truer than in this case, that 
 a falsehood will travel a mile while truth is getting on 
 its boots. 
 
206 GEN. LANE DEFENDS HIMSELF. 
 
 In an address published in the Lawrence Republican 
 of March 19, 1859, to the people of Kansas, Gen. Lane, 
 in reply to accusations by the notorious Captain Ham- 
 ilton, said to have been a brother of the Captain Ham- 
 ilton of the Marais des Cygnes Massacre, makes this 
 statement in his own behalf, in regard to the homicide 
 of Jenkins : 
 
 Fellow-Citizexs : It is known to you that I have sedulously avoided 
 responding to assaults made upon me, either by the public press or 
 by individuals, since my residence among you. But, while this has 
 been my rule of action, I trust you will pardon me for calling your 
 attention to the following resolution, purporting to have been offered 
 by Captain Hamilton, and adopted by what is called a law-and-order 
 public meeting of Bourbon county on the 21st of February last : 
 
 "Resolved, That Jim Lane, the murderer of Jenkins, was a fit 
 leader for the mob in Lawrence, and the fact of his firing ujjon me 
 and robbing my command was a most ridiculous act of cowardice, 
 and but adds one more infamous page to a life of treason, stratagem 
 and spoils." 
 
 I do not propose to notice farther than to refer to the fact, that tlie 
 meeting that adopted the above resolution was arranged by the Dem- 
 ocratic wire-pullers before Captain Hamilton left Lawrence. But I 
 proceed to the consideration of the resolution itself. 
 
 As to the charge first referred to, as it is sought to be used by the 
 press in the pay of the administration [Buchanan's] to the detriment 
 of the Free-State party, I take occasion, for the first time, reluc- 
 tantly, to submit some facts with reference to that subject, in miti- 
 gation of any judgment which those not fully conversant with the 
 transaction may be disposed to pass upon me in connection there- 
 with. It is true that Mr. Jenkins fell by my hand ; but no one has 
 more deeply felt or grievously mourned that misfortune than myself ; 
 but it is also true, that the fatal trigger was not drawn until the pres- 
 ervation of my own life and that of my family seemed to me to im- 
 peratively demand it. At the time of the occurrence, I was beset by 
 
MET FOUR ARMED MEN IN THE OPEN FIELD. 207 
 
 four armed men within a few yards of me, rushing upon me, who had 
 with force and violence broken down my fence and entered my enclo- 
 sure against my earnest entreaties. Three shots were fired by them, 
 two of which touched my person — one passing thi-ough my garments, 
 the other cutting my hair from my left temple ; the third shot pene- 
 trated the window of my house, into the room occupied by my fright- 
 ened and shrieking family ; and almost simultaneously with my own 
 shot, the fourth was made, striking me on my knee, which proved in 
 the sequel nearly fatal to my life, and the lead of which I shall carry 
 to my grave. During the whole attack, I desisted from firing upon 
 my assailants until the last possible moment. The shot fired by me 
 was bird-shot, and the only load I had of any kind on my premises, 
 having only the day before loaned my Sharp's rifle to General Mc- 
 Donald. 
 
 Three times before this event, persons of the same party, and in 
 my absence, had broken down my inclosure and entered my premises, 
 and on the fatal morning word was sent to me that they were again 
 coming. I replied to them in the most earnest manner, desiring them 
 not to come. I saw them approaching, armed with an ax. Sharp's 
 rifles and revolver. I met them at the fence, unarmed, and besought 
 them in the kindest manner not to resort to force — saying to them, 
 that, if they really wanted water, so long as there was a drop in the 
 well, they should have it, provided they came into the yard through 
 the gate, as others did. My appeals were in vain. It was not until 
 they had broken down my inclosure and rushed into the yard, tliat I 
 took the gun into my hands, and thus imperfectly armed against such 
 odds, resisted them in open field. Having once in my life received 
 against my person, Iti the front, a load of shot from a gun similar to 
 the shot used by me in this defense, wliich did not pierce the cavity 
 of my body, and did no other injury than to prostrate me, I do sol- 
 emnly declare, and appeal to Almighty God for the truth of my state- 
 ment, that I had no intention of killing Mr. Jenkins, when I fired 
 upon him, and expected only to knock him down, and, at the most, 
 wound or disable him. 
 
 Although I have never asked any one to endorse my conduct in this 
 affair, I am compelled to inquire whether there is any one who can- 
 
208 THE OPEN-FIELD FIUHT. 
 
 didly believes, that, surrounded by the same circumstances, he would 
 not have acted in the same manner ? In view of the fact that a board 
 of three justices of the highest respectability and intelligence assem- 
 bled at the time and place, after having spent weeks in patient inves- 
 tigation of the transaction, and upon their oaths found no reasonable 
 cause existed to believe that any crime or offense against the law had 
 been committed in the premises; and furthermore, the grand jury, 
 composed of the most substantial men of Douglas county, patiently 
 examined all the evidence in behalf of the Territoi-y, and were unable 
 therefrom to find an indictment — the case having been adjudicated — 
 it is respectfully submitted, whether the law-and-order meeting above 
 referred to was not entirely estopped from preferring such a charge. 
 In reference to the second charge prefei'red, the writer denies that 
 he has ever led a mob in Lawrence or elsewhere. 
 
 Hon. H. S. Clarke, who has been sheriff of Douglas 
 county, regent of the State University, and the recipient 
 of several other official positions, and a man of the best 
 repute, informs me that during the contest, he was 
 invited by Mr. J. H. Shimmons, one night, to go to 
 Lane's log house and remain during the night, the reason 
 given being that Jenkins threatened to drive Lane away 
 by force. Shimmons told him he thought there would 
 he no conflict, but he wanted a witness if difficulty should 
 occur. Mr. Clarke went, and stayed till 4 o'clock in the 
 morning ; and he describes the scene as one of fearful 
 danger. Jenkins and two or three men were in one 
 room and Lane in another. Jenkins was violent in his 
 abuse, and threatened several times to throw him out of 
 the house, and made violent demonstrations towards 
 putting his threats in force, prevented by the restraint 
 of his friends ; while Lane laid upon the floor or in a re- 
 clining position, some of the time apparently asleep, 
 
THE MOS • CH-ARITABPE VIEW. 209 
 
 though he does not believe he slept a wink. Mr. Shim- 
 mons describes that night scene in a very similar manner. 
 Both of them affirm the cool, calm manner of Lane. 
 
 Mr. Clarke also says, speaking of the trial afterwards, 
 that proof was offered going to show that, after Jenkins 
 fell, Lane brought his gun down to a rest at his side, 
 turning his side towards the attacking party, both hands 
 down his side, so as to present the narrowest side-view 
 possible to the discharges of the guns. 
 
 Perhaps the most charitable view that can be taken of 
 Jenkins' conduct may be derived from the candid, fair 
 testimony of Hon. James F. Legate, his personal friend, 
 and in a partisan sense an opponent of Lane, that Jen- 
 kins was drinking heavily that day, which was corrob- 
 orated by Hon. John G. Haskell, State House architect, 
 and brother of Hon. Dudley C. Haskell, the distingished 
 member of Congress. There was some conflicting tes- 
 timony on that point, but it was from a stand-point either 
 of love and affection for the dead, or opposition, anxious 
 on the one hand to shield the reputation of the beloved, 
 or on the other to wreak vengeance upon the man by whom 
 he had been slain. The truth is, as I see it, that he was 
 maddened by liquor and evil counsels, and not the right- 
 minded Gains Jenkins at all. I, myself, saw Jenkins not 
 ten days before his death, in a frenzied state of intoxi- 
 cation, threatening Lane's life. 
 
 The following letter from Hon. James Christian, to 
 Mr. J. H. Shimmons, published for the first time, will 
 throw some li^ht on the situation between these men • 
 
210 
 
 THE HOMICIDE OF JENKINS. 
 
JUDGE christian's STATEMENT. 211 
 
 Arkansas City, Kan., Jan. 7, 1884. 
 
 My Dear Friend : Your letter of December 27 was received in 
 due time ; but I had not the opportunity of answering it until now. 
 My opportunities for answering correspondents are not as good as 
 when you first knew me. My daughter, who does my writing gene- 
 rally, was absent at Topeka when your letter was received, and there 
 was anotlier matter that I wished to hunt up before I attempted to 
 answer your letter. I allude to an article that I published in the 
 Arkansas City Traveler some five or six years ago, and my daughter 
 was compelled to hunt over the files of the Traveler office [of] several 
 years before she could find it, which, fortunately, she did, under the 
 date of April 3, 1878. You may have seen the article; but if not, I 
 send you an exact copy from the file in the possession of the old editor. 
 
 In reference to what you say the land ofHce records state was 
 my evidence, I have now no remembrance of so testifying, either in 
 the land office or before 'Squire Ladd, at the examination of Lane for 
 the killing of Jenkins. But I have a very distinct recollection of 
 having often said to friends and acquaintances, when interrogated on 
 that subject ; and I think it highly probable that, if the question was 
 asked me upon the examination, that I so testified, because it has 
 been a rule with me through life never to make a candid statement 
 to any man that I am not willing to swear to, if properly called upon ; 
 but I cannot see how the records of the land office could possibly have 
 been lumbered with that matter. The personal difficulties between 
 Lane and Jenkins could have no possible bearing upon the question 
 of who was entitled to the claim ; and I think that 'Squire Ladd took 
 down most of the testimony in writing at the preliminary examination 
 of Lane, though doubtless it has been destroyed long ago, as these 
 events occurred some twenty-six years ago. 
 
 My first personal acquaintance with Jenkins was early in the spring 
 of 1855, when he consulted me as a lawyer with reference to his claim 
 — or rather the Chapman claim — to which he then laid claim, giving 
 me as a reason that Chapman was only his hired man — that he had 
 furnished him money and materials in Kansas City, to come up into 
 the Territory and hold the claim he (Jenkins) had selected the previ- 
 ous fall. 
 
212 chapman's rascality. 
 
 AVe had a long and familiar conversation on the subject, during 
 which I told him I had no doubt that all his statements were true, 
 but that, according to my view of the pre-emption law, a man could 
 not hold a claim for another as he would hold a neighbor's horse by 
 the bridle ; in fact, that a man could not hold a claim by proxy. He 
 flew into a violent passion, and swore he would have that claim at all 
 liazards ; but at this time his anathemas were all directed towards 
 Ed Chapman, who, he stated, had betrayed his confidence, and acted 
 
 the scoundrel. I told him that I had no apology to offer for 
 
 Chapman's conduct. He may be all he describes him to be ; but that 
 lie was the first man to make a permanent settlement upon the claim, 
 erected a dwelling thereon, and inhabited the same, as the law re- 
 quired. This, in my judgment, settled the hash with Mr. Jenkins. 
 This conversation, I think, occurred before Lane came to Lawrence ; 
 at least, it was before I had seen Lane. It was while Jenkins lived in 
 Kansas City, and had come up to see about his affairs. I have had 
 frequent talks with Jenkins up to the time of his death. Always the 
 most friendly relations existed between us. His first enmity against 
 Lane was grounded on the fact that Lane had purchased a part of the 
 Chapman claim, lying outside of the float, his (Lane's) interest be- 
 coming antagonistic to his own, and naturally fearing him and his 
 influence as being more powerful than that of Chapman. 
 
 There were other causes that widened the breach between Lane and 
 Jenkins. It was well known to the early settlers of Lawrence that 
 there was sometimes a bitter feeling existing between the New Eng- 
 land element and what was termed the Western Free-State men — the 
 former Jenkins' friends, and the latter Lane's admirers. 
 
 Gaius Jenkins was a generous, whole-souled, warm friend, but of 
 an impulsive, violent temper, particularly when he was influenced by 
 liquor — a habit that he frequently indulged in. Lane, you know, on 
 the contrary, was cool and deliberate. I witnessed, on one occasion, 
 at Lecompton, a little episode that illustrates the truth of what I say. 
 It was one day while we were engaged taking testimony. Some one 
 foolishly i-emarked, in the presence of Lane and Jenkins, that "the 
 best way for them to settle the difficulty was to go out and fight it 
 out." Jenkins instantly remarked, in a loud voice, that that would 
 
A ROW IN THE LAND OFFICE. 213 
 
 suit him ; that he would agree to that proposition ; that if Lane would 
 go out, the case would be decided in a few minutes. Lane instantly 
 jumped to his feet, folded his arms across his breast, and with a most 
 terribly bitter sneer upon his face, remarked: "Any man that would 
 let a nigger take him prisoner need not talk to me about fight- 
 ing!" Jenkins simply remarked, his face red with passion: "The 
 unkindest cut of all." Col. Mooie, the Register of the land office, 
 coming on the scene, in his stentorian voice, commanding "Silence!" 
 all quieted down, and the testimony proceeded. 
 
 You all remember that, during the year 1856, while the political 
 excitement ran at its highest. Milt McGee's negro man arrested Gaius 
 Jenkins and another man on their way up to Kansas. This was the 
 circumstance that Lane alluded to in the above episode. 
 
 Your own remembrance as well as others in Lawrence, is that Jen- 
 kins was influenced with liquor at the time the difficulty occurred 
 that ended his existence. He had been drinking freely all the fore- 
 noon in company with men hostile to Lane. 
 
 I believe I have answered all the inquiries you name so far as my 
 memory serves me at this time. I am, sir, 
 
 Very respectfully, your old friend, 
 
 James Christian'. 
 
 From the Arkansas City Traveler, April 3, 1878. 
 A SCRAP OF HISTORY. 
 Friend Scott : As the Historical Society of Kansas seems desirous 
 of scraps of the unwritten history of Kansas, to illustrate the lives 
 and acts of its early settlers, I propose to give, through your paper, 
 a little light on one of the saddest events that ever occurred in the 
 early days of Kansas settlement. I mean the death of Gaius Jenkins 
 at the hands of James H. Lane, familiarly known as Jim Lane. The 
 circumstances of the killing ; the supposed causes that led to the ter- 
 rible calamity ; the trial of Lane before justice Ladd, and all the facts 
 connected with it, were published in the papers of that day. But as 
 nearly all the principal actors in the drama are now in their graves, 
 I propose to give a little scrap of history — a link in the chain of causes 
 that produced that catastrophe, which came under my own observa- 
 tion, and of which I had personal cognizance at the time. 
 
214 DESECRATION OF HIS CHILD's GRAVE. 
 
 Those familiar with the early settlers in Lawrence will remember 
 that, shortly after Lane settled in that place, in the spring of 1855, 
 one of his children died, and was buried on his claim, a short distance 
 southwest of the old log house he then lived in. Around the little 
 grave was a neat paling fence. In the fall of that year the troubles 
 commenced. Col. Lane was, as all will remember, absent much of 
 the time during that winter and the following year of 1856, and his 
 family, with the exception of little Jimniie, was then in Indiana. 
 During the troubles, and while Lane was absent pleading the cause of 
 the Free-State party, Jenkins, being a settler on the same claim, took 
 forcible possession of Lane's log house, and plowed up and cultivated 
 the land that Lane had broken up, and on which his child was buried. 
 In 1857, on return of Lane and family, all traces of the grave were 
 gone, having been plowed over and cultivated the previous year, and 
 the fence removed, so that not the faintest trace of where the grave 
 was could be found. Lane and myself spent several days hunting 
 and digging, about where we supposed the grave was located, and 
 both came to the conclusion that the body had been dug up, as no 
 trace of the coflSn could be found, or any part of the paling fence. 
 AVhen we concluded it must have been raised by some one. Lane in- 
 stantly laid it to Jenkins, his enemy and claim contestant. I shall 
 never forget the expression of his face, as, with compressed lips, he 
 exclaimed : " Such a ghoul is not fit to live. If I was only cer- 
 tain that he dug up my child out of revenge upon me, I would kill 
 him at first sight." The tears started in his eyes; I tried to calm 
 him by telling him we might be mistaken in the exact distance from 
 the house — that, as the ground had been plowed over, and no mound 
 was perceivable, the body might still be there. " Yes," said he, " but 
 
 why did the brute tear the paling away, and plow over the grave, 
 
 so that it could never be found ?" 
 
 This was a question that I could not answer, but had to admit it was 
 a most beastly and inhuman act. The remembrance of that child's 
 grave still rankled in his breast against Jenkins until the fatal en- 
 counter in 1858, when Jenkins was slain. 
 
 Gen. Lane until the day of his death believed that Jenkins dug up 
 the child and threw it away. Whether he was guilty or not, God only 
 
A DEEP DESIGN TO KILL LANE. 215 
 
 knows. But these are the facts, as I saw and heard them. Lane, 
 with all his faults, was a loving and affectionate father, passionately 
 fond of his children. 
 
 The circumstances of the times, tlie prejudices of the 
 court, the vengeance of the slave oligarchy, the malice 
 of disappointed ambition, were all against him. I give 
 it as my deliberate judgment, that Jenkins, while in 
 every way the aggresser, was not wholly to blame ; but 
 that there was a deep design, and a determination, to 
 urge Jenkins on, until Lane was either driven out of the 
 country or killed. On what other theory can we account 
 for the convenient presence of Sheriff Jones and Border 
 Ruffian Maclean immediately after the death, the former 
 bold enough to suggest hanging, and the people so indig- 
 nant as to drive them away ? 
 
 After his discharge by the justices, he asked to be held 
 for trial, so that his case might come before the Territo- 
 rial court, under a Judge appointed by the President. 
 This the justices decided they could not do ; but his ene- 
 mies eventually brought the case before the grand jury, 
 and they failed to find a bill of indictment. 
 
 In publishing Captain Christian's statement, we have 
 two remarks to make : We fully believe in the truth of 
 his statement ; but we do not allege that Mr. Jenkins 
 perpetrated any such dastardly deed as exhuming the 
 remains of that child. Charity will suggest to every 
 good-feeling heart, as it did to that of Captain Christian, 
 some other reason for the desecrationof that grave. But 
 that it was desecrated, there can be no doubt. Very re- 
 
216 THE father's grief. 
 
 cently, in conversation with Gen. Lane's daughter, she 
 spoke very feelingly and sadly about the lost grave, but 
 no feeling of reproach or suspicion escaped her lips. It 
 may have been the work of some brute in human form 
 for the anatomical market. It might have been the 
 careless deed of some hired hand, told to clear all obsta- 
 cles out of the Avay for plowing, know^ing nothing of the 
 sacred treasures within the inclosure ; or the reckless- 
 ness of immigrants in camp in search of kindling for the 
 camp fire after a hard day's drive, in the shades of even- 
 ing or after nightfall. Let us hope for some other cause 
 than brutal malignity toward the living and the dead. 
 
 On the other hand, let the sympathetic heart go out to 
 the distressed father. What of him ? Looking over a 
 plowed field for the remains of a dead infant, and in his 
 agony thinking of the dire antagonism of the man with 
 whom he had quarreled and of his frequent threats to 
 drive him from what lie considered his honestly-pur- 
 chased and honestly-earned home by strict and faithful 
 compliance with the pre-emption laws in settlement and 
 improvement, the very house from which he had carried 
 his infant in his arms, to find it a resting place, till the 
 doomed city of his choice should select a suitable city of 
 the dead, such as the beautiful Oak Hill, where he at 
 last reposes, and where all his dead save that one infant 
 have been by loving hands tenderly laid. Let parents 
 take this to themselves, and say what might have oc- 
 curred with them under similar circumstances. If Lane 
 and Jenkins had happened to meet then and there, and 
 
A CONFESSION UNDER OATH. 217 
 
 in that frame of mind, Lane had killed him on the spot, 
 no jury would have convicted him, but would have made 
 it " emotional insanity " at least. 
 
 This duty to the dead is of too unpleasant a nature to 
 pursue. I have writt?n mucli on Lane in the thirty 
 years since his death ; and the following extract, in reply 
 to an assault upon his memory, is all that I ever have 
 said on this subject : 
 
 I think the most unjust thing evei* said is this: " In fact, no blood 
 was drawn under this hero, except when he fired ninety-three bird 
 shot into the body of Jenkins, whose claim he had jumped." I liave 
 never allowed myself to write at all on the death of Jenkins. Two 
 widows and their families remain, whose hearts I would fain not 
 wound by a recital of this homicide. In saying that Lane " jumped " 
 his claim, you accuse Gains Jenkins of perjury. Gen. Lane settled on 
 that claim in April, 1855. Gains Jenkins, in his testimony before the 
 John Sherman investigating committee, April 28, 1856, swears, under 
 examination by Gov. Reeder, page 549: 'I left Kansas City [Mo.] on 
 the naorning of the day of the election last fall, [1855,] and started to 
 come up to this place by Gum Springs. The election was Jield under 
 the authority of the legislature for Congressional Delegate. Before 
 leaving Kansas City, I was asked by Mr. Milton McGee to go over to 
 Wyandotte and vote. I said I had no right to vote, as I was then a 
 resident of Kansas City." 
 
 This election was October 1, 1855, moi'e than five months after 
 Lane settled on that claim. 
 
 That oath was made according to law, and subject to 
 all the pains and penalties of perjury under the laws of 
 the United States ; that testimony was truthful testi- 
 mony ; and that testimony alone, as an admission from 
 the party interested, would have broken any pre-emption 
 claim ever laid upon the lands of the United States. 
 
218 KERNKLS OF TRUTH CHAFF OF FALSEHOOD. 
 
 With all this clearness of exposition, I have to apolo- 
 gise to the reader for the verbosity of this chapter ; and 
 my reason is, in a determination to give everything, pro 
 :and con, that could possibly have any bearing upon this 
 <lisastrous transaction, that the candid reader may sift 
 every kernel of truth from the mass of the chaff of false- 
 hood, and give them their full weight and influence. 
 
 This painful duty is done, and I am willing to submit 
 it to the sober second-thought of all intelligent readers, 
 which is seldom wrong, and always efficient. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 A rp:RIOD FRUITFUL OF IMPORTANT RESULTS. 
 
 The years 1858, 1859 and 1800 were the period that 
 was to make statesmen. There were two legislatures to 
 elect in 1859 — the Territorial, for the last time, as was 
 supposed, and the State, for the first time, under the Wy- 
 andotte Constitution ; but the tardy action of Congress 
 under Buchanan's administration prolonged the Territo- 
 rial existence for another year. The State Legislature 
 was to start the machinery of the State in motion ; while 
 the Territorial seemed destined to smash all slates and 
 play havoc with many politicians. 
 
 Lane's modes w^ere comparatively quiet. Depressed 
 with the sad circumstances heretofore discussed, he had, 
 nevertheless, not only made many friends, but his most 
 violent opponents liad made more strength for him than 
 he had made for himself; and he seized upon all their 
 mistakes and misdemeanors with avidity. 
 
 When the proper time came for action, the year 1859 
 enlisted — or, rather, re-enlisted — all his energies. A 
 legislature was to be elected, and that legislature was to 
 elect two United States Senators. Strange to say, he 
 
220 SEEKS A TERRITORIAL ENDORSEMENT, 
 
 was found to have absolutely secured a majority of both 
 legislatures in his favor, and had a project to secure two 
 elections — first, as an endorsement, by the Territorial 
 Legislature, by election as United States Senator. It 
 will be recollected that the State was not admitted into 
 the Union until January 29, 1861 ; and when the Terri- 
 torial Legislature met, January 7, 1861, twenty-two days 
 before admission, tliere was no certainty wdien w^e would 
 be admitted, but it was morall}^ certain that Congress 
 would not adjourn without our admission. He w^ anted 
 the Territorial election as an " endorsement," show^ing 
 popular favor in advance of any possible action by the 
 State. On the first day of February, that body passed 
 a resolution in both houses ' ' to elect two LTnited States 
 Senators for the State of Kansas," notwithstanding the 
 Territorial life had expired. But there ^vas opposition 
 enough to " make things lively." The Pro-Slavery ser- 
 pent was killed ; but as the Irish gentleman remarked, 
 as its tail \viggled, ' ' it was not sensible of it," and every 
 possible dilatory motion w^as made to keep a dispatch 
 from going abroad, that "Lane was elected." They 
 whooped, they howled, they screeched, they danced — 
 and Lane's friends laughed, and " mocked at their ca- 
 lamities" — while his opponents even brought into the 
 hall a noted Pro-Slavery vocalist to sing Dixie, and he 
 was ever after known as " Dixie Morrow'," The second 
 day of February, they adjourned without getting a vote ; 
 but it had accomplished its purpose — demonstrated the 
 power and popularity of the great Free-State leader, alike 
 
Lincoln's first Kansas appointments. 221 
 
 in peace and in war. His plans, communicated to me, 
 were to get this election by the Territorial Legislature in 
 anticipation of an interregnum of a month or more be- 
 tween the election by that body and the meeting of the 
 State Legislature, and in the meantime to go to Wash- 
 ington with the prestige of two elections to the Senate — 
 one by the legislature under the Topeka Constitution, 
 and the other by the Territorial Legislature — and thus 
 equipped, to control more effectually the patronage of 
 the National administration, or at least to prevent any 
 appointment awaiting the election of United States Sen- 
 ators, who always controlled the patronage in conjunc- 
 tion with the member of the House. This action he had 
 already preceded by an agreement with Hon. Martin F. 
 Conway, our Congressman-elect, who would be in his 
 seat on the inauguration of President Lincoln, that all 
 Kansas appointments should await tlie election of our 
 Senators. This agreement was faithfully carried out by 
 Mr. Conway, and recognized by the President, with the 
 exception of Hon. Archibald Williams, of Illinois, who, 
 on the 8th of March, was appointed United States Judge, 
 with Hon. James L. McDowell as United States Marshal, 
 both being indispensable appointments, the Territorial 
 judiciary expiring with that government. Tlie appoint- 
 ment of Judge Williams bewildered all the politicians ; 
 but their eyes were soon opened, when it was ascertained 
 that he was a bosom friend of Abraham Lincoln, and his 
 appointment had no political significance to Kansas pol- 
 iticians. That of McDowell was no surprise to Lane, 
 
222 A QUICK CAMPAKJN. 
 
 though he had maintained rather a neutral position in 
 the Senatorial contest. It may be stated, however, as a 
 remarkable fact, that Lane got the information while 
 McDowell was at Lawrence in doubt of his own success, 
 and told me of it, with the confidential admonition, " Let 
 him go home and find it out. " Thus were all his "fences 
 repaired," and no bars left down. 
 
 As the Legislature had been elected a year and a half 
 before it was called to meet, there were several vacancies 
 to be filled, all of which Lane carried ; but they were 
 hotly contested, and claimed as tests of the voice of the 
 people. 
 
 The election in Douglas and Johnson counties was an 
 extraordinary struggle ; and not a precinct was omitted 
 where Lane did not speak, except at Lawrence. As a 
 ''blind" he was announced for Lawrence the night be- 
 fore election — notifying me, however, that he would not 
 be there, as he must speak in Lykins (now Miami) 
 county the second night before election, and tlien speak 
 throughout Linn and Bourbon the day before election, 
 which he did, making a ride of sixty miles, and speak- 
 ing four times, finishing up in Bourbon, in favor of his 
 
 friend. Dr. W. W. Updegraff, who was elected over 
 
 Miller, Democrat, by a majority of 165, but the former's 
 seat was contested to keep him out of the Speaker's 
 chair, to which he was, nevertheless, elected on the first 
 ballot. The failure of Lane to speak at Lawrence that 
 night lost us many votes ; but w^e had them to spare, and 
 liis absence was a necessity. His opponents " never 
 
PASSED UNANIMOUSLY. 223 
 
 knew what hurt them ' ' till the votes were counted. But 
 the goal of his ambition had not been reached, and we 
 turn back in the campaign for the Senate. 
 
 There was rarely a nominating convention where he 
 did not appear and make a speech, and he never lacked 
 a preamble and resolutions. He would go to a place 
 where they were about resolved to hang him, and come 
 back with Lane for the Senate inserted in their resolu- 
 tions. After the election of members of the Legislature, 
 he kept up his campaign just the same way. One man 
 who called him a leper was met by him at an assembl}^ 
 where he scowled at Lane as if he was ready to assault 
 him. He inquired pleasantly about his affairs, and then 
 arose, and suavely said: " Mr. President — I move you, 
 if I can meet with a second, [at least a dozen men sec- 
 onded the motion before they heard it,] that our distin- 
 guished fellow-citizen, Mr. .J. O., be made chairman of 
 this meeting." The motion carried with great applause 
 in favor of his "enemy ; " and then Lane handed him a 
 list of men he thought would be suitable to prepare reso- 
 lutions ; and he also gave the chairman of the committee 
 the suitable resolutions, which passed, without opposi- 
 tion, in favor of Lane for Senator. It was no trick at all 
 for him to go to a convention where there was a member- 
 elect whom his opponents placed in the anti-Lane col- 
 umn, and come back with a report like this: ''Hon. 
 P. M. Alexander was elected president, and after some 
 appropriate remarks by the chair, the following resolu- 
 tion was passed unanimously : 
 
224 A PLAN TO BUY A NEWSPAPER. 
 
 Kesolved, That we have great confidence in the ability, integrity 
 alid patriotism of Gen. James H. Lane, and earnestly recommend his 
 election to the United States Senate. 
 
 This is tlie identical resolution offered by a member 
 from Douglas county who had up to that very day been 
 denouncing him as unworthy of confidence ; but after 
 hearing his speech, became his warmest friend. 
 
 That was perhaps the most earnest campaign ever 
 "fought over" in Kansas. I bought a newspaper for 
 the campaign for $3,500. Neither Lane nor I had a dol- 
 lar ; but I told him I must have $500 to pay the hands, 
 to keep them from striking before the Senatorial elec- 
 tion. He went to Leavenworth to raise it ; and the late 
 Judge Delahay told me how he got it, thus : "Christmas 
 night, at 12 o'clock, a rap was at my door. I put out 
 my head, and the wind blew so hard and the snow flew 
 so thick I could see nothing. 'Who's there?' said I, 
 ' and what do you want such a night as this?' ' Lane ; 
 come down.' I came. 'Are 3^ou crazy. Lane?' said L 
 'No. Speer has bought the Lawrence Republican.' 
 'That is good. But what of it?' 'He wants $500, to 
 keep the hands from striking till the paper can earn 
 something.' ' Now I know you are crazy. Neither of 
 us can raise a dollar.' ' I have a plan, Mark. You 
 know these Fort Leavenworth officers never bought a 
 bushel of corn from a Free-State man. You go to the 
 Fort, and tell them that your cousin, Abraham Lincoln, 
 wants you to go to Springfield, and you may have to go 
 to Washington, and you want to sell them $500 worth 
 
ALL THE MULES BRAYING FOR CORN. 225 
 
 of corn. Ham. Johnson has the corn. Tell them that, 
 Mark, and you will think that every mule around the 
 Fort is braying for corn.' I told the story, and I had a 
 •check for $500 before I told them where to find the corn." 
 
 This was no deception ; for that was the relationship ; 
 and the great man was entertained by .Judge Delahay, 
 when he visited Kansas, and he had absolutely invited 
 him, and asked his advice. It illustrates the quick- 
 witted shrewdness of Lane. 
 
 The next day, Lane and H. P. Johnson walked from 
 Leavenworth to Lawrence (35 miles) and brought the 
 money ; and, as a consequence, Johnson's brother-in-law, 
 Col. Nicholas Smith, wdio afterwards married Horace 
 Greeley's daughter, became my partner, and it was soon 
 rumored that there was a Lane paper in town. About 
 that time, Col. D. R. Anthony and D. W. Wilder sprang 
 up w^ith the Daily Conservative at Leavenworth, favor- 
 ing Lane — and there was music in the air, and howling 
 in the Anti-Lane camp ! 
 
 This illustrates his judgment of men. On the eve of 
 the Senatorial election, two of his staunch friends, Hon. 
 Chester Thomas and Dr. Gilpatrick, were almost his 
 constant companions, their conceptions quick, and their 
 judgments clear. They would caucus and consult and 
 plan in Lane's office till 3 o'clock in the morning, and 
 then sleep on the floor till daylight, and go at it again. 
 Capt. Charles F. Garrett is authority for the story, that, 
 once, when Lane walked to Leavenworth, and returning, 
 <;ould not cross the Kansas river for the ice, he had a 
 
226 garvey's hospitality. 
 
 campfire on the iiortli side and Thomas and Gilpatrick 
 had one on the south side, and they were holding a 
 caucus. I failed to attend; but if Hon. J. C. Burnett 
 was not there, he was singularly neglectful of his duties. 
 Mr. C . A. Faris, well-known as a distinguished printer^ 
 tells this story of an episode in Lane's struggles, which 
 he witnessed himself, and is so absolutely true as to need 
 no embellishment. Early in 1855, there settled in To- 
 peka a whole-souled Irishman, Hon. E. C. K. Garvey. 
 He was a Democrat, and an ardent Free-State man. He 
 built a hotel ; but his devotion to the Free-State cause 
 made it a home of hospitality, and eveiybody was made 
 w^elcome. Lane got in debt to him, and Garvey was 
 hard pressed for means. He came to Lawrence, deter- 
 mined that Lane must pay him. The two met on Mas- 
 sachusetts street ; and Garvey, flushed with anger at his 
 wrongs and in his forbearance, demanded the money, 
 expostulating over his injustice. It was a shivery day ; 
 and just then. Lane's little boy appeared in his bare feet, 
 when Lane appealingly, in good-nature, said : '* Mr. 
 Garvey, do you suppose, that, if I had two dollars in the 
 world, I would pay it to you before I bought that boy a 
 pair of shoes ?" Garvey thrust his hand in his pocket, 
 handed Lane two dollars, demanded that he should take 
 it, and saying, " If I get worse off than you are, pay mo 
 when you can," and returned to Topeka. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 ELECTED TO THE UNITED STATES SENATE. 
 
 The State admitted into the Union when Lane was so 
 poor that he was refused credit for a loaf of bread in 
 Lawrence, and was as ragged as Diogenes, he accepted 
 a ride to Topeka in a neighbor's farm wagon with but 
 twent}^ dollars in his pocket, took rooms at the Topeka 
 Hotel, and opened his campaign ; and when his assail- 
 ants made an attempt to get the landlord to turn him 
 out, assuring him that he would be defeated, and there- 
 fore would never be able to pay, he coolly remarked that 
 he believed he could "move into a store box on Kansas 
 avenue, and get ahead of the hounds." He returned to 
 the scenes of his poverty, his beloved La^vrence, which 
 he had done so much to defend, a United States Senator. 
 
 There probably never has been such a struggle in the 
 history of Senatorial elections. Senators have been 
 chosen, who have apparently made no effort for them- 
 selves ; but such has not been the custom in the Western 
 States. It vras intellect against intellect, and strategy 
 against strategy. From the time of the adjournment of 
 the Territorial Legislature, February 2, 1861, till the 
 
228 A SIGNIFICANT STRUGGLE FOR ASCENDENCY. 
 
 day appointed by the Governor for the assembling of the 
 State Legislature, March 26, there was no rest for any of 
 the aspirants. There were vacancies to fill in the House, 
 as has heretofore been referred to, in the Eighth, Tenth, 
 Eleventh and Twelfth districts. In the Third Senatorial 
 district, Samuel Lappin (afterwards State Treasurer) 
 was elected to fill a vacancy. There had been an under- 
 standing between Gen, Lane and Hon. Marcus J. Par- 
 rott, that they were, as far as possible, to combine their 
 forces. In that district, where Parrott was especially 
 relied upon to work to that end, he utterly failed, or else 
 was untrue to his pledges ; for Senator Lappin was a 
 most uncompromising opponent of Lane. In the Eighth 
 district, composed of Johnson and Douglas counties, 
 Rev, Werter R. Davis, a warm friend of Lane, had 
 pledged himself publicly and unequivocally for Parrott. 
 It was the home of Lane, and a vigilant, earnest, despe- 
 rate campaign was made in that district, electing Davis 
 by a significant majority over his opponent, L. L. Jones, 
 a brilliant speaker, an able man, but considered a little 
 presumptuous in being a candidate in less than a six- 
 months' residence. Davis was also an able speaker, a 
 Methodist preacher. There were ten representatives and 
 three senators in this district, and it was well understood 
 that both parties would regard the election as instruc- 
 tions for or against Lane to the whole membership of the 
 district. S. C. Pomeroy and F. P. Stanton were pitted 
 against Lane and Parrott, though afterwards, on account 
 of Parrott's failure to effect his part of the understand- 
 
THE DOCUMENT THAT DID IT. 220 
 
 ing, and considerable unexpected opposition being devel- 
 oped against Pomeroy, an adroit union was secretly 
 formed against Lane and Pomeroy. On tlie first day of 
 April, a vote was taken in the Senate for " a Senator 
 from the south side of the Kaw," Frederick P. Stanton 
 leading, and Lane receiving only nine votes out of 
 twenty-five. We were then not operating under any 
 law of the United States; but the usual way was, by 
 vote of both houses, to go into joint ballot ; and in sev- 
 eral States , the failure of one of the houses to vote for a 
 joint session had defeated any election. This was what 
 that movement meant — either the defeat of Lane or the 
 defeat of any election, with the probabilities against 
 him. It was a surprise to Lane and his friends, and 
 aroused Pomeroy also to the danger of the situation ; 
 and in the dead of night, in a private house, the two 
 statesmen met, and effected a written secret organiza- 
 tion, which is here presented for the first time : 
 
 ToPEKA. Kansas, April 1st, 1861. 
 We, the undersigned members of the State Senate, do hereby agree 
 to vote for a resolution to go into a joint-convention for the purpose 
 of electing tv^'o United States Senators, or agree to vote to concur in 
 any such resolution coming from the House of Representatives, for 
 the same purpose ; and also agree to vote for such resolutions as are 
 necessary to attain that purpose. J. C. Burnett. 
 
 JosiAH Mn.LER. Wm. Spriggs. 
 
 H. S. Sleeper. . P. P. Elder. 
 S. D. Houston. H. W. Farnsworth. 
 
 T. A. OsBORN. H. N. Seaver. 
 
 J. A. Phillips. Jno. A. Martin. 
 
 Jno. Lockiiart. En. Lynpe. 
 
230 WHAT THE DOCUMENT DID, 
 
 The signature of Senator Lynde is in the handwriting 
 of Hon. J. C. Burnett. Mr, Lynde held back a good 
 while, but finally authorized Mr. Burnett to sign it, and 
 the die was cast. When Mr. Thomas looked the list all 
 over, he laughed, as he looked at Lynde' s name, and 
 dryly remarked, " Your pivotal man was a little too 
 sliakey, but, if he told Burnett to sign it, he'll swing 
 'em around all right." 
 
 These thirteen Senators stood squarely up to their 
 pledges on every trial of strength, Chester Thomas on 
 the floor, audibly remarking, "Thirteen is more than 
 twelve," and " We'll let 'em know that thirteen 's no 
 luilucky number; they can't April fool us any more!" 
 until the fourth of April, when they came to a final trial, 
 thus: J. H, Lane, 55; S, C, Pomeroy, 52; Marcus J 
 Parrott,49; F. P. Stanton, 21; M. W. Delahay, 2 ; S. 
 D. Houston, 1; S. A. Kingman, 3; A. J, Isaacs, 11 ; 
 M. F. Conway, 1. 
 
 The Lieutenant Governor announced that James H. 
 Lane and Samuel C. Pomeroy were elected United States 
 
 Senators. 
 
 The voting was long continued, " in which interval," 
 says Wilder' s Annals, " Lane fluctuated between 45 and 
 64, Pomeroy between 49 and 57, and Parrott between 47 
 and 60." . . . " Fifty-eight members changed 
 their votes." 
 
 Having witnessed the voting, and all the numerous 
 changes, for two hours, we doubt whether the whole vote 
 could have been accurately counted in that way ; and it 
 
THE people's man's CAPITAL. 2S1 
 
 was always insisted by many of Parrott's friends, that he 
 was "counted out," though no doubt was ever expressed 
 as to the election of Lane . 
 
 Taking all the circumstances into consideration, it was 
 a most wonderful triumph of oratory, genius, courage 
 and good management. 
 
 The effort to get him out of his hotel was an embar- 
 rassing situation. Mr. Stewart, the landlord, was his 
 particular, earnest, substantial friend ; but the normal 
 condition of all Kansas was poverty, and the landlord 
 was hardly an exception to the rule. Whether Lane 
 had paid him a cent I do not know ; but certain it is 
 that his whole capital was twenty dollars. Mr. Henry 
 Brown, of the firm of Duncan & Brown, from whom he 
 borrowed it, says it was thirt}^ dollars ; but if so, he must 
 have given his family ten for their necessities. When 
 this report came to Col. .John Ritchie, he went out vol- 
 untarily, and raised him twenty or thirty dollars more ; 
 and Mr. Bassett, the singing master, went to Lawrence, 
 twenty-five miles, and came back with a similar amount 
 — and, when I asked him how he got it, he gruffly re- 
 plied, " Took my own." 
 
 Wesley H. Duncan and Charles S. Duncan, a couple 
 of Virginia Democrats, whose parents were slaveholders, 
 became great friends of Lane, and did him many good 
 services. 
 
 In this crisis, many friends, in and out of the Legisla- 
 ture, stood manfully by him. No attempt to enumerate 
 them could do equal justice. No man in the history of 
 
232 GRATITUDE TO A NOBLE FRIEND. 
 
 Kansas had such warm, devoted friends among the 
 people, and no man aroused such antagonism among 
 corrupt, ambitious, trading, trickstering politicians as 
 were aroused by Lane. 
 
 As we think of Lane's friends, our memory runs back 
 to the gallant Col. S. S. Prouty. He dropped his com- 
 posing stick in a Chicago printing office, and followed 
 him on foot, his knapsack on his back, through Iowa, 
 Nebraska and Kansas to Prairie City, wiiere he estab- 
 lished a newspaper, ably supporting him ; thence onward 
 he moved to the Neosho valley, where he became a leader 
 in journalism. '^ Jim Lane forget his friends !" Let us 
 tell. The war was raging. Prouty and Lane and I sat 
 in his parlor on F street, Washington. He says, " Ex- 
 cuse me, gentlemen ; I have business at the War DejDart- 
 ment." Perfunctorily, we walked with him a block, 
 one on each side, during which he said he was going to 
 the Department to have Mr. Findlay, of Lawrence, made 
 a quartermaster. I left him ; Prouty walked on, and as 
 he entered the office, Prouty says: ''Why cannot you 
 have my name put in that blank?" " I can." And in 
 it went. Findlay' s appointment was delayed ; but not 
 forgotten. 
 
 Let us turn back. Not a week after his election, the 
 affairs of love come in ; and I was invited to the wed- 
 ding of his accomplished and beautiful daughter, Miss 
 Ella, to Col. Charles W. Adams. It was a very humble 
 wedding in a very humble pioneer cabin. Only a few 
 were invited, his personal friends in the campaign ; and, 
 
WE WILL SEE WHAT HE DID. 
 
 233 
 
 as I I'emember, when I entered, there sat Josiali Miller, 
 J. C. Burnett, Frank Adams, J. H. Shimmons, Sidney 
 Clarke and one or two others, looking so much like a 
 Lane meeting, that I in({ui:-ed of Judge Miller when the 
 caucus would begin ! Lane said they could aiford no 
 wedding festival, but he wanted a few friends to witness 
 the ceremony and have a parting word with them befoi'e 
 he left for Washington. 
 
 As he started to the capital, with his commission as 
 Senator, and a very small amount of 
 money, which he had borrowed, se- 
 curing its payment by an insurance 
 J^y' y»on his life, and an order in advance 
 ': (■ on the Sargeant-at-Arms for his sal- 
 '. ary as Senator, he remarked, " Now, 
 i^S' we will see what a live man can do ;" 
 THE senatok'.s cauix. aucl Ms power with the President and 
 in all the departments was soon painfully apparent to 
 liis antagonists, and it became a stock phrase with them, 
 that " it was strange and unaccountable that he should 
 have such power with such a man as Lincoln." 
 
 Going to Washington at the most critical period in 
 American history, when, if the enemy had known the 
 weakness of the city, the capital and all its archives 
 and all its treasures, with the captivity of the Pi-esident 
 himself, would have been an easier conquest than wdien 
 the British captured it under President Madison, we will 
 see what he did to secure the gratitude and everlasting 
 admiration of .Abraham Lincoln. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 BIVOUAC IN THE PRESIDENTIAL MANSION. 
 
 Just before President Lincoln started to Washington 
 to assume the Presidential chair, Gen. Lane tendered 
 him a body guard of Kansas men, to be led by himself, 
 to escort the President to the national capital, which the 
 good man, conscious of his own patriotism and human- 
 ity, politely declined to accept, expressing his firm belief 
 in the loyalty of the American people. The result was 
 tliat he narrowly escaped assassination at Baltimore, and 
 was submitted to the humiliation of traveling in dis- 
 guise. 
 
 What the result might have been, had the President 
 accepted this proposition, no man can conjecture. The 
 opponents of Lane, or many of them, have labored to 
 l)rove him a reckless man, devoid of all prudence. Never 
 was there a more mistaken idea of any man. That was 
 not a characteristic of him in the Mexican war when he 
 was a young man ; and he had greatly profited by expe- 
 rience since that period. We practically had had war in 
 Kansas from 1855 till 18G1 — six years — and no mistakes 
 of that kind were made. To a voung, active Free-State 
 
A VOLUNTEER ESCORT. 235 
 
 man of his command, anxious for a fight as John Brown 
 ever was, lie said: "You are always wanting to kill 
 somebody. What we want to do, is to make Kansas a 
 Free State, and kill nobody. And the way to do that is 
 to be always ready to fight, if unavoidable or neces- 
 sary." In the six years of practical w^ar in Kansas be- 
 fore the Avar for the Union began, he had the most exact 
 knowledge of his men and all their characteristics. He 
 knew whom to trust and whom to avoid. 
 
 In his offer of a guard to the President, his plans were 
 for an organization of men, who should appear at dif- 
 ferent points, as if they were passengers, getting upon 
 the trains about in the regular manner, some going to 
 witness the inauguration, some for one purpose and 
 some for another, none of them armed, but all ready to 
 be armed, the arms within reach, and ready to use them. 
 
 "All is well that ends well ;" and the prudent escape 
 of the President from assassination at Baltimore has 
 gone into history. There is ever}-^ probability that, if he 
 had been with the President, as he contemplated, and 
 an attack had been made, the scene would have been 
 altogether diff'erent from that which occurred when the 
 first Massachusetts troops were assaulted at Baltimore 
 and several killed. At the very first demonstration, af- 
 ter the mob had wounded a single man, the killing would 
 have been of the mob, and the first battle of the war 
 would have been fought right then and there ; and lurid 
 fiames of Baltimore might have lighted the scene. But 
 it is useless to speculate on " what might have been." 
 
236 MARCHES INTO THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 Going to Washington at a time when the assassina- 
 tion of the President was still imminent, and a general 
 assault upon the city probable, President Lincoln, with 
 the utmost confidence in Lane's heroism, loyalty and 
 judgment, accepted his services Avith one hundred and 
 sixty of his chosen men, principally from Kansas, and 
 he bivouacked in the famous East Room of the Presi- 
 dential Mansion. This was the beginning of that inti- 
 mate friendship which was never broken between the 
 two except by the dissevering chords of death. There 
 was no ingratitude in Lincoln ; and if he erred at all, it 
 was in the plenitude of his gratitude for the man who 
 had boldly thrown himself upon tlie threshold against 
 harm to the Nation's chief. 
 
 The following from Hon. Cassius M. Clay will be 
 
 interesting : 
 
 White Hall, Ky., Dec. 12, 1894. 
 ^NIk. Joiix Speek, Ljivvrence, Kansas: 
 
 Dear Sir — Youi- favor of the 3d inst. received. James H. Lane 
 
 raised a company of military in Washington in 1861. Soon after, I 
 
 did the same in Willaid's old theater. When the commands met, I 
 
 ^1 was chosen major, and companies were consolidated. I^ was at the 
 
 defense of the Long Bridge, under my command. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 C. >[. Clav. 
 
 The two organizations were distinct and separate 
 until after Lane w^as authorized to discharge his men. 
 There were two places of great danger — the President's 
 Mansion and the Long Bridge. When Clay started with 
 his co]nmand for the bridge, a great crowd of rebels fol- 
 
A VOICE WORTH A THOUSAND MKX. 237 
 
 lowed, hooting and yelling and crowding, until the in- 
 sults became unbearable ; when , suddenly, he gave the 
 command : " Halt ! about — face ! ready !" He did not 
 have to give the command to "aim." There was no- 
 body to aim at. Tliat voice of Clay's was worth a 
 thousand men. For those services, he was promoted to 
 the rank of Major General, the first man ever promoted 
 from the ranks to that position. 
 
 Hon. William Hutchinson, one of the guard and one 
 of the framers of our present State Constitution, has sent 
 us the following, clipped from the Washington Daily 
 Chi'onicle about twenty years ago, without any credit, 
 except that it was from a Kansas paper, and Mr. Hutch- 
 inson thinks it was written by me ; but I am unable to 
 identify it. At any rate, the facts are there : 
 
 AN INCIDENT OF THE WAR. 
 
 When Senatoi" Cameron is pressing a measure for 
 special recognition of services. rendered the Nation by 
 the troops that first reached the capital in its defense, 
 he should include an organization of men that sprang to 
 arras in the national capital, at his request, before it was 
 possible for ti'oops to reach there from any of the States. 
 We allude to the company of Western men, mostly Kan- 
 sans, who formed themselves into a company known as 
 the Frontier Guards, under the captaincy of Gen. James 
 H. Lane, then a United States Senator. This company 
 numbered nearly two hundred men, most of whom had 
 seen service in Kansas, and under the leadership of 
 
238 SCENE FOR A MASTEKPIKCE. 
 
 Lane, at that critical period, inspii'ed a wholesome terror 
 among the then rampant secessionists who were over- 
 awing everybody on the streets of Washington. Their 
 presence, no doubt, prevented an attempt, then well 
 understood to be organized for the piu'pose of capturing 
 the President, and overturning the government by a 
 coup d'etat in Washington city. 
 
 The ex-Secretary will no doubt remember the intense 
 anxiety for the safety of the President that pervaded 
 officials, indeed all loyal citizens, when Major David 
 Hunter, since Major General Hunter, was sent to the 
 headquarters of the Frontier Guards, at Willard's, late 
 on the night of April 16, 1861 , with the request from the 
 Secretary of War, that Gen. Lane should report witli his 
 company at once for duty at the President's house ; how 
 that company, one hundred and eighty strong, witliin 
 half an liour fi'om that time, filed into the East Room of 
 the Wliite House, threw out pickets in every direction, 
 and bivouacked that night in tlie President's mansion. 
 
 The ex-Secretar}' will doubtless remember tliat histor- 
 ical scene, when, about midnight, tlie President and 
 Secretary, arm in arm, aj^peared at the great entrance 
 door of the East Room, and looked in upon that strange 
 spectacle of an armed force camping in the dwelling of 
 the President. 
 
 If the Secretary is as close an observer as we take him 
 to be, he has not forgotten the strange, sad expression 
 of Mr. Lincoln's face, as, in looking upon that scene, he 
 seenied to catch a glimpse of the_terrible struggle just 
 
MEDALS SUGGESTED. 239 
 
 then coming on, and of which he was to be the great 
 central figure. That was an occasion for a masterpiece, 
 and we wonder that the pencil of some great artist has 
 not caught and put on canvas that first great picture of 
 the Avar. 
 
 That company was on duty for several weeks, and 
 never received or asked for any compensation, and 
 doubtless would refuse a money consideration now ; for 
 that was given voluntarily and freely as a patriotic ser- 
 vice to the Republic in a time of great peril. But if 
 medals are to be awarded to the volunteers who first 
 arrived to succor the capital, why not include these men? 
 
 This excei'pt, its paternity in doubt, but which J adopt, 
 makes a wise suggestion, which ought to be adopted even 
 now. 
 
 With his proverbial care for the honor of his soldiers. 
 Gen. Lane saw that these brave men were honorably 
 discharged from a service which has no parallel in the 
 history of the country ; and we are fortunate in being 
 able to produce in reduced fac-simile a copy in which 
 tw^o of the relatives of President Lincoln are honored — 
 Hon. Mark W. Delahay, and Hon. Clark J. Hanks, the 
 latter a nephew of the man who assisted Lincoln in 
 "mauling" the rails which were so triumphantly car- 
 ried into the Chicago convention when Lincoln was 
 nominated for the Presidency. 
 
 Hon. Gi«*44©s H. Holmes, one of the guard and after- 
 wards Secretary of New Mexico, informs me that Lane 
 sent him with a squad of men to capture Col. Robert E. 
 
240 
 
 DISCHARGE OF FRONTIER GUARD. 
 
 
 ' >"^'^-*'i'*'-?i:~*)*^ 
 
 
 
 zy7^/^*^CffCC- 
 
 itvmun yiiu(53. :, ja:.: 
 
PARTIAL LIST OF THE GUARD. 241 
 
 Lee, but he had escaped for Richmond before the s<iiiad 
 reached Arlington. 
 
 This being an impromptu voluntary enlistment, we 
 find, after diligent search, that no roster seems to have 
 been preserved in tlie War Department ; and we are now 
 only able to give the following names : Harry C. Fields, 
 Marcus J. Parrott, I). R. Anthony, Mark AV. Delahay, 
 Clark J. Hanks, Job S. Stockton, Thomas Ewing, jr., 
 J. C. Vaughan and A. Carter Wilder, of Leavenworth ; 
 William Hutchinson, Sidney Clarke and James H. 
 Holmes, of Lawrence ; Chester Thomas, of Topeka ; Da- 
 vid Gardner, now an officer in United States army at 
 Fort Myer, D. C. ; Thomas I). Bancroft, student at 
 Genesee College, N. Y. ; Charles Howells, brother of 
 tlie distinguished author. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 GEN. Denver's Kansas campaign. 
 
 After Gov. Denver's dismal failure to establish slavery 
 in Kansas, we supposed he was lost forever. He was 
 the eighth or ninth Governor, and when he left in 1859, 
 Gen. Lane and his men had, speaking politically, as 
 completely slaughtered tliem all as Joshua slaughtered 
 the '^ one and thirty kings," whom he " smote from Baal- 
 gad in the valley of Lebanon even unto the mount Ha- 
 lak." But Denver came back as a Brigadier General in 
 November, LS()2. The reporters did not annoy him by 
 jostling him in his marquee, for reports of his battles, or 
 his schemes of war ; nor did the camp-followers get on 
 his trail as birds of prey ; even the sutler lost trace. 
 Fortunately, he has preserved the history of his own 
 campaign, and it may be read in the Transactions of the 
 State Historical Society, 188(), Part T, page ITo ; and 
 the gist of it is like this ; "I did report to Gen. Hunter 
 at Fort Leavenworth for duty. He looked at my oi'der 
 and said : ' Very Avell ; I will just put you in command 
 of all the troops in Kansas.' ' Well,' said I, 'General, 
 wliat are tlie troops, and where are they?' Said he, ' I 
 
HIS LAST INSULT TO KANSAS. 243 
 
 don't know any thing about them. You must find them 
 tlie best way you can.' Well, I soon found that he was 
 much disgusted about something." That report beats 
 Caesar's famous dispatch, " Veni, \'idi, vici," in brevity ; 
 for Caesar only described a battle, while Denver de- 
 scribed a whole campaign. We sent a tracer after him 
 b}^ that vade mecum of literature and multum in parvo 
 of history, Wilder 's Annals, and it reads thus: "No- 
 vember 30, 1861, Gen. .James W. Denver ordered to 
 report at Fort Scott. . . . March 15, 1862, Gen. 
 Denver ordered to take command in Kansas." That is 
 all. If he ever hurt a rebel in Kansas, the rebel might 
 have retorted in another quotation from Caesar, " Et tu. 
 Brute?" What possessed him to come back to the peo- 
 ple whom he attempted to enslave, and of whose soldiery 
 he could only speak in contempt — he couldn't find them, 
 while the fighting rebels had found and felt them on a 
 hundred battle-fields — is l^eyond mortal ken. No w^onder 
 if the soldiers' salutation was, Veni, vidi, vamose ! 
 
 If the grim explanation of Lane was unjust, it was not 
 unprovoked: ''It was a trick of Lincoln, to keep him 
 out of mischief by allowing him to draw a salary in 
 greenbacks instead of Confederate notes." 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 delahay's appointment as united states judge. 
 
 Hon. Mark W. Delahay and Lincoln were not oulj 
 boyhood friends and companions, but relatives. In the 
 days of the President's fame, he never forgot the bo}^ 
 who was his companion in his poverty. When Mr. Lin- 
 coln visited Kansas in December, 1859, he was met at 
 St. Joseph, Missouri, and escorted into the Territorj^ by 
 Mr. Delahay and Hon. D. W. Wilder. In less than a 
 month after the President's inauguration, he tendered 
 to Delahay the appointment of Surveyor General of Kan- 
 sas, wdiich he accepted. 
 
 Now I state a fact in the President's conduct which 
 has never seen publicity. All familiar with the affairs 
 of that ])oriod, will remember what an onslaught was 
 made upon Lane, when it was announced that Delahay 
 had resigned the office of Surveyor General to accept 
 that of United States District Judge. All the epithets 
 of the English language were hurled at Lane and Del- 
 ahay. Among Lane's opponents, man after man, com- 
 mittee after committee, every man that had a title, or a 
 public reputation as a leader, was sent to Washington to 
 
lane's ]>EV0TI0N to LINCOLN. 245 
 
 remonstrate botli with Lincoln and the United States 
 Senate against tlie outrage alleged to have been perpe- 
 trated by Lane in misleading the President and in liis 
 attempt to further impose upon the Senate. Lane did 
 not ask his appointment at all, nor did he recommend 
 nor think of recommending it. The facts were imparted 
 to me in confidence at the time. On the death of Lin- 
 coln's special friend, Judge Williams, Lane called to see 
 the President and condole with him. As he was about 
 to leave, ]ie remarked to Mr. Lincoln that it would be 
 improper so soon to talk about a successor, but before 
 he made an appointment he should be pleased to confer 
 with him. Mr. Lincoln took him by the hand, saying he 
 would do so, but still holding his hand, added : " But I 
 think it will take a very good man to beat my friend, 
 Mark W. Delahay for that office, if he will accept it." 
 That was enough. Delahay accepted the office, and 
 Lane accepted the situation, and stood as firm as a rock ; 
 not for his own choice, but for the President's. And 
 every man, and every committee, and every official, wlio 
 went to the President to assault either Lane or Delaliay, 
 only offended Lincoln, and cemented tlie bonds of friend- 
 ship between Lincoln and Lane. The President told a 
 distinguished Kansas man who represented that Delaliay 
 was no lawyer, that he (Lincoln) knew Delahay was a 
 better lawyer than he was, and lie flattered himself 
 that he would do for a Kansas Judge. In this the great 
 man was probably mistaken ; but as Delahay and Lin- 
 coln commenced life together — the one with good oppor- 
 
246 KNEW NOT HIS OWN GREATNESS. 
 
 tunities and quick perception, and the other untutored 
 and in poverty — it was probably true then ; but Lincohi 
 did not realize that he had outstripped a vast majority 
 of jurists and statesmen. 
 
CHAPTEXR XX. 
 
 GEN. LANE ON THE VIGOROUS PROSECUTION OF THE ^VAK 
 AND ON COLORED TROOPS. 
 
 Two facts must be recollected in Lanes 's conduct in 
 Lis command : 
 
 First : That he had never, until he entered Missouri 
 under the flag of his country, crossed the imaginary line 
 of that State in enmity. One side of that line was black 
 with the curse of slavery — the other, had been made red 
 with the blood of Freedom's sons ; and the slavery proj)- 
 aganda of Missouri, South Carolina, Georgia and other 
 slave States had invaded Kansas, not only fi-audulently 
 to vote away the rights of the people, but by violence to 
 drive them out of the country. The question in Kansas 
 might have been peaceably settled, but for frauds and 
 violence never precedented. 
 
 Second : It is an undenied fact, that there never was 
 evidenc shown of a Kansas man voting or trying to vote 
 in the State of Missouri, or of any organized opposition 
 against her, until after the bombardment of Fort Sum- 
 ter, April 12, 18G1. Five days thereafter, Gov. Claib. 
 Jackson replied to the President's call for seventy-five 
 
248 KANSAS WOULD ONLY SUSTAIN THE FLAG. 
 
 thousand troops to put dotvii tlie rebellion: " Not one 
 man will the State of Missouri furnish to carry on such 
 an unholy crusade." 
 
 Prior to that, men had been tarred and feathered, 
 bucked and gagged, and left to die on the prairies, 
 hacked to death with liatchets, scalped and the scalp 
 carried into Leavenworth on a pole ; raids of men from 
 Missouri had voted without residence, by thousands, 
 and afterwards, as less expensive, poll lists had been 
 forged by thousands of names, copied from Cincinnati 
 and New York directories ; and the Missouri river block- 
 aded against loyal Americans and the American flag. 
 
 There never was a falsifier so collossal as to pretend 
 that a Kansas man had ever crossed the Kansas line to 
 vote or assault a citizen of another State under the orders 
 of the Union to uphold the American flag ; and no such 
 pretence is made now. 
 
 Comparative peace liad prevailed for a year — not per- 
 fect jieace in all our borders ; ]nit we were able to carry 
 our own elections and conduct our own affairs. 
 
 The crisis came as the war commenced. We were ])ut 
 a handful compared with Missouri. 
 
 We naturally looked for a leader ; and there was but 
 one in full sympathy with the people — Lane. He was 
 a Senator — indisputably anxious for military honors, 
 with all his civic promotions. Pie took the held, as did 
 other Senators. He was beset witli opposition, and the 
 right to his seat disputed, and for a long peried he was 
 harrrssed over that ; but he finally triumhed over all. 
 
NO (iUARDS FOR SLAVES. 249 
 
 It is not necessary to follow him in detail. It was 
 soon found that Kansas soldiers under him were not to 
 be put on guard to protect the institution of slaver3^ 
 He boldly declared that he would not lend a hand to the 
 support of an institution which had attempted the over- 
 throw of every right of his adopted State. About that 
 time, Gen. Benjamin F. Butler had announced his cele- 
 brated order that slaves were "contraband of war." 
 Whether he followed Butler or preceded ]iim matters not. 
 
 The regular army officer was very frequentl}^ a cold- 
 blooded conservative. Life officers under different ad- 
 ministrations, the teachings of the governments of each 
 administration were inherited, and many of them were 
 taught the doctrines of Hayne, Alexander Stephens and 
 McDuffey, that slavery was the foundation corner-stone 
 of the American Government, exampled by the patri- 
 archs and illustrated by Christ and the Apostles. On 
 the other hand, Lane's men had most of them fouglit 
 slavery from the time of the organic act in 1855, till they 
 entered the war in 1861, under the teachings of Wesley, 
 the divine, that it was ''the sum of all villanies," and 
 they believed in the denunciations of it by Jefferson, the 
 statesm.iii, vyhen he exclaimed, in view of it, " I tremble- 
 for my country, wnen I remember that God is just!" 
 There w\as but an imaginary line two-thirds of the way,, 
 and the Missouri river the other third, between Mis- 
 souri and Kansas, with five years of the bitter antago- 
 nism, the wrongs of invasion, and responsibility thereby 
 for all wrongs, to foment the feuds and incite revenge 
 
250 POINTED THE SLAVE TO THE NORTH STAR, 
 
 for the past, when the clash of arms came. Constitutions 
 ^ncl hiws had been but as ropes of sand to the former ; 
 Ijut they claimed the forms of law. That claim, little as 
 it was worth, was lost ; and Lane and his men entered 
 Missouri to maintain the integrity of the Constitution, 
 luider the flag which had been immortalized in three 
 wars. Lane himself had been six years in finding out 
 that slavery was local and freedom national, and he had 
 no idea of using a single shot or a bayonet to uphold 
 slavery or slaveholdej'S in a country where all were hos- 
 tile, and the slaves kept in rigid subjection, and when 
 not erecting,. breastworks or doing other menial duty to 
 masters in the field of conflict, were raising all the 
 crops and edible supplies for the armed enemies of their 
 country and their families, in whose homes aid and com- 
 fort were given to the foe, and the bushwhacker's bullet 
 to the loyal citizen. About that time. Gen. Fremont 
 issued a proclamation of freedom. Lane issued no proc- 
 lamations of the kind, but he scattered the slaves in all 
 directions, pointed them to the North Star of deliver- 
 ance, and " broke every bond, and let the oppressed go 
 free." He captured the stores of an enemy vrhich shot 
 every man who dared to luake a move towards enlisting 
 under the American flag, and subsisted upon the enemy. 
 He had learned in the school of the pioneer that to 
 .weaken the enemy in resources of sustenance was better 
 than to kill him, and his speeches to the Kansas people 
 at home and tlie Kansas soldiers in the field were illus- 
 trated by his widely-known story of Joe Darrah : "In 
 
JOE darrah's sore shix. 251 
 
 the school of Kentucky on the line of the Hoosiers and 
 Corncrackers, when I was a boy, we fought prize fights 
 at the country schools for the mastery. I had practiced 
 till I was proud and vain of my proficiency ; but there 
 was one Joe Darrah, a boy of my age, whose skill and 
 muscle I had failed to overcome. One Saturday night, 
 when w^e boys were in swimming, poor Joe knocked his 
 shin upon a rock, and I had him show his sore, and I 
 marked well the spot that was wounded, and was ready 
 whenever he should have the temerity to enter the con- 
 test. The time came the next Saturda}^ night ; up came 
 Joe and the combat commenced. The first opportunity, 
 I kicked Joe on the shin, and he fled the field bellowing 
 like a calf. I tell you, comrades and fellow-citizens, 
 that slavery is the sore shin of the Confederacy, and you 
 miss the opportunity of your lives, if you fail to kick it 
 whenever and wherever you can. When the slaveholder 
 comes into camp whining about his constitutional rights, 
 and begging you to help catch his slaves, kick him on 
 his sore shin. " 
 
 In all these methods of war and strategy, he but pre- 
 ceded the inevitable. In this, however, he was the fore- 
 runner of Abraham Lincoln, counseling and advising 
 with that great statesman, as we shall show hereinafter. 
 
 But the mossbacks of civilization were against him, 
 and Gen. HaUeck wrote to that other fossil of the bar- 
 baric era. Gen. Geo. B. McClellan, December 19, 1861, 
 who was acting on the theory that slavery was to be 
 protected first and the Union afterwards : 
 
252 (JEN. HALLECK AGAINST LANE. 
 
 The conduct of our troops during Fremont's campaign, and es- 
 pecially the course pui-sued by those under Gen. Lane and Jennison, 
 has turned against us many thousands who wei*e formerly Union 
 men. A few more such raids, in connection with the ultra speeches 
 made by leading men in Congress, will make the State as unanimous 
 against us as is Eastern Virginia. 
 
 The conduct of the forces under Lane and Jennison has done more 
 for the enemy in this State [Missouri] than could have been accom- 
 plished by twenty thousand of his own army. I receive almost daily 
 complaints of outrages committed by these men in the name of the 
 United States, and the evidence is so conclusive as to leave no doubt 
 about their correctness. It is rumored that Lane has been made a 
 Brigadier General. I cannot conceive of a more injudicious appoint- 
 ment. It will take twenty thousand men to counteract its effects in 
 this State, and, moreover, it is offering a premium for rascality and 
 robbing generally. 
 
 The idea of what Lane and Jennison are doing is as 
 maudlin nonsense as if he liad written that Capt. Kidd 
 and Henry Ward Beecher had vexed the seas with their 
 piracies. Jennison was, if possible, a more malignant 
 enemy of Lane than either Halleck or McClellan ; but 
 for different reasons : Jennison was a wild man, who 
 considered Lane too conservative ; Halleck and McClel- 
 lan considered him the extreme of radicals. Jennison 
 was a roysterer, a reckless, drinking man, and a gam- 
 bler. Jennison allied himself with Lane's bitterest ene- 
 mies, and, with a big sword on, went to an election 
 where he had never lived, and had no rights of suffrage, 
 and stuffed a ballot-box to defeat one of Lane's warmest 
 friends ; and in 1862 he went into the State Convention 
 with a proxy which he boasted he had bought, and whea 
 Ills boasts were proven on him he admitted his boasts, 
 but, to save his friend, denied the purchase, and told 
 
HALLECK WANTS LANE SHOT. 253 
 
 the Convention to ''set that clown as one of Jennison's 
 lies." That was the honor of the gambler. Jennison 
 would win the last dollar a man had, give him back a 
 five-dollar bill, and send him home to his family in a 
 carriage. In Missouri, they called the lone chimneys 
 " Jennison's monuments." 
 
 It must not, however, be imagined that Jennison ever 
 got even with the rebels of Western Missouri in bar- 
 barity. He was a gallant and heroic man ; but he was 
 not a co-operator with Lane, nor did he recognize his 
 command ; and most of the depredations charged to him 
 were committed after the diabolic provocations of the 
 Quantrill Massacre, when Lane had no command what- 
 ever, and was almost constantly in the Senate. 
 
 Gen. Halleck, writing to Secretary Stanton, March 
 25, 1862, after a mild censure of "the enemy's guerilla 
 bands," saying " they are rapidly disappearing," thus 
 again assails Lane : 
 
 I'd. The Kansas jayliuwkers, or robbers, who were organized under 
 the auspices of Senator Lane. They wear the uniform of, and it is 
 believed receive pay from, the United States. Their principal occu- 
 pation for the last six months seems to have been the stealing of 
 NECxROES, the robbery of houses, and the burning of barns, grain and 
 forage. The evidence of their crimes is unquestionable. They have 
 not heretofore been under my orders. I will now keep tueji oit oe 
 
 MlSSOlRI, OR HAVE THEM SHOT. 
 
 November 19, 1861, Gen. Ben. McCullough, after hav- 
 ing been pushed out of Kansas into Arkansas, thus gives 
 vent to his views : 
 
 The Federals left eight days since with three thousand men, cjuar- 
 reling among themselves, and greatly injured their cause by talcing 
 
254 EVERY day's delay perilous. 
 
 negroes belonging to Union men. Gen. Lane went to Kansas, [to the 
 United States Senate,] Gen. Hunter to Sedalia, and Sigel to Rolla. 
 
 All this time, while Lane was being " shot" by Hal- 
 leck, and making himself "unpopular" with Ben. 
 McCullough, he was filling his place in the Senate ; and 
 it may be interesting to know what he w^as doing : 
 From the Con. Globe, 37th Con., 2d Sess., 1861-62, Part 1, p. 110. 
 
 The Vice-President announced that the following resolution, offered 
 yesterday by Mr. Lane of Kansas, was now before the Senate for con- 
 sideration : 
 
 "Resolved, That the Secretary of War be i-equested to furnish to the 
 Senate copies of the orders directing the erection of barracks and 
 other buildings for winter quarters for the Kansas troops." 
 
 Mr. Lane of Kansas. Mr. President: I do not desire to conceal 
 my motive in introducing this resolution. As a citizen and a Senator, 
 I have the right of criticising tlie acts of the government; and I 
 mean to exercise it with the full flush of truthful patriotism — kindly, 
 but fearlessly, cordially, beseechingly. 
 
 I will waste no words. I do not wish uselessly to consume your 
 time. But the hour is, when truth should be spoken in these halls, 
 and that plainly. I declare then, as a fact which all financiers will 
 admit, and no statesman dispute, that every day's delay in the vigor- 
 ous prosecution of this war is pregnant with peril to the Republic. 
 
 Sir, this is a war of the people. AVhen Sumter fell, they became a 
 unit. Party prejudices were scattered, personal hates forgotten. 
 Roused by their wrongs, they proffered their strength and pledged all 
 their resources to avenge an injustice wliich threatened to destroy 
 the freest government on earth. Maiuissas followed — a fearful re- 
 verse, and seemingly a fatal defeat. But even that did not dash the 
 spirit nor shake the purpose of the j)eople. Tlie balk of the moment, 
 the blood and treasure lost, only deepened their determination to 
 crush out the conspiracy. Such unity, such ardor, such sacrifices, 
 the world lias rarely or never witnessed. 
 
 Sir, let me not be misunderstood in tin's matter of delay. My con- 
 fidence in the administration will not permit me, for a moment, seri- 
 
INACTION THE BANE OF THE VOLUNTEER, 255 
 
 ously to entertain the injurious suspicion that this army we have 
 created — so admirable in spirit and discipline, so complete in all its 
 appointments — this magnificent organization, to which the country 
 has contributed its choicest spirits, and on which it has lavished un- 
 told millions of treasure — is destined, without one decisive blow 
 struck, to a living burial in the inglorious obscurity of winter quar- 
 ters ! But, should this confidence prove to be misplaced— should this 
 fatal policy of inaction seize upon the enei'gy of our rulers, I feel, I 
 KNOW, that the public announcement of the fact will be as the fire-bell 
 at midnight. Dismay and confusion will follow ; and the eagles of 
 anai'chy may interpose new and fearful obstacles to the restoration of 
 that government whose chief peril must always result from the loss 
 of confidence on the part of the people. 
 
 Fortunately the people are as intelligent as they are patriotic. 
 They do not require impossibilities, nor insist upon premature action. 
 And thus we are brought to the consideration of the questions of 
 strength and preparation. 
 
 AVhy is our army inactive? Will it be answered that it is still de- 
 ficient in discipline ? That I'eply is as unjust as it would be illogical. 
 Ours is an ; rmy of volunteers, who must not be judged by the rules 
 applied to regulars. You cannot drill it into that mere machine 
 which martinets consider the perfection of efficiency. The citizen- 
 soldier is an individual ; no amount of discipline can destroy his indi- 
 viduality. Four months of industrious drill is ample time to prepare 
 such troops for effective service. Prolonged inactivity will finally 
 discourage his zeal. Tlie prospect of action must be ever present 
 as an incentive. Inaction is the bane of the volunteer. 
 
 These opinions I express with confidence; for I have had a large 
 experience in the management of volunteer soldiers. The training 
 of two distinct regiments during the Mexican war, with subsequent 
 labors in Kansas, and the campaigns of the last spring and summer 
 in Missouri, have given me a practical knowledge on this subject en- 
 titled to consideration. 
 
 The regiments that fought and won the Battle of Buena Vista were 
 not as well provided as the army of the Potomac, and not better 
 drilled. Sir, I have witnessed the drill of that army ; and I am sat- 
 
2.")6 INVULNKRABLE ON OPEN PRAIRIE. 
 
 isfied that it has reached the maximum of discipline attainable by 
 volunteers, and that every day of inaction now tends to its demoral- 
 ization. While, also, as regards discipline, we are as fully prepared 
 for action as we ever shall be, we have the advantage of su[)eriority, 
 in that respect, to the enemy. Every unprejudiced observer during 
 the Mexican war will testify that the regiments from the North, in 
 the excellence of their drill, far exceeded those from the states now 
 in rebellion. Our opponents are formidable only when their individ- 
 uality can be shown while fighting under cover — as at Manassas, 
 Springfield, and Ball's Bluff. Operating in mass, on the open field, we 
 can always conquer; as at Drywood, where four hundred Kansas 
 troops checked and di-ove baclv ten thousand rebels. And of these- 
 facts, the Confederates are themselves fully aware. Recently, at 
 Spring River, eight hundred Kansas troops encountered six thousand 
 rebels, covered by that stream and six miles of timber. This hand- 
 ful of heroic men offered a fight on the open prairie, which was de- 
 clined by the enemj^ — either because they expect^ed us to repeat the 
 folly of attacking them in their timber-stronghold, or feared a defeat 
 without its protection. It will require, on our part, rapidity of 
 movement and boldness of strategy to force them into a battle on the 
 open field. 
 
 So much for efficiency. That hei'oic veteran, tlie late Lieutenant 
 General of the army, now forced by age and infirmity into a retire- 
 ment made glorious by the memories of a long life of patriotism and 
 tiMumpli, announced the fact that the ides of October would see his 
 columns prepared to move. Hence it is impossible not to believe that 
 they are by tliis time complete in arms, etiuipment, means of trans- 
 portation, and every other pliysical appliance of service. 
 
 Why, then, do they tarry ? If Napoleon, with sixty thousand undis- 
 ciplined recruits, scaling the frozen fastnesses of the Alps, and avoid- 
 ing tlieir hostile fortifications, could, in five weeks, reach the plains 
 of Lombardy, pierce the Austrian lines, and anniliilate the army of 
 INIelas, a hundred and twenty thousand strong, on the fields of Ma- 
 rengo, thereby emancipating tlie whole of Italy, shall it be said that 
 we cannot surmount tlie hills of Virginia and Kentucky in spite of 
 their defenses, and, i)enetrating to the heart cf the rebellion, strike 
 
CLEAR THIS WAR OF DOUBTS. 257 
 
 in detail their armies inferior to our own in numbers, arms, equip- 
 ment, discipline, and all that constitutes the true soldier, and stretcli 
 along a line of over two thousand miles in extent, destroying the het- 
 erogeneous hosts as we go, or scattering them in consternation, and 
 restore to the rule of the Republic those fair regions now cursed by 
 a usurpation more intolerable than that of the Austrian, and which 
 holds in bonds of terror even those wretched men wlio are committed 
 to its support? jMr. President, to doubt our ability is disgraceful ! 
 
 Let it not be said that the snows of winter are upon us. If Wash- 
 ington could marcli his barefooted soldiei's over tlie frozen roads of 
 New Jersey, their footsteps marked with blood, and, in the middle of 
 winter, ci'oss the Delaware filled with floating ice, can we not, at the 
 same season, move our well-clad legions towards the mild valleys of 
 the South to re-establisli that freedom which their sufferings secured? 
 
 "Will you wait till spring, when tlie roads, if ever, will become im- 
 passable ? or till our troops shall have been decimated by the diseases 
 of summer? No. Clear this war of the doubts that surround its 
 purpose ; give to the volunteer a battle-ci-y ; cherish tlie enthusiasm 
 which is indispensable to success, and which nerved the conscripts of 
 Napoleon to the achievement of victory without leference to disparity 
 •of numbers. See that your volunteers are not thrown upon artillery 
 witliout preparation ; they must see the guns, count tliem, hear the 
 whistle of their balls, and thus prepared, no strength of fortifications 
 can resist them ; they are the most effective troops on earth. He who 
 ■doubts this, or underrates them in comparison with others, knows 
 but little of their energy of pui-pose and their devotion to their 
 country and their flag. Was such another victory ever gained upon 
 the open field as that of Buena Yista ? Twenty thousand well- 
 disciplined troops, amply supplied witii artillery, overthrown by 
 forty-six hundred ragged American volunteers! Those who wit- 
 nessed that conflict will know how to appreciate the indomitable 
 fighting qualities of troops like ours. 
 
 The occupation of tlie rebel states by our army is a military neces- 
 sity. I laugh to scorn the policy of wooing back the traitors to their 
 allegiance by seizing and holding unimportant points in those States. 
 Every invitation extended to them in kindness is an encouragement 
 
258 SCATTER THE ENEMY WHIP SOMEBO]>Y. 
 
 to stronger resistance. The exhausting policy is a failure. So long 
 as they have four million slaves to feed them, so long will this rebel- 
 lion be sustained. My word for it, sir, long before they reach the 
 point of exhaustion, the people of this country will lose confidence in 
 their rulers. And it is unreasonable to expect the loyal citizens of 
 the rebel States to manifest their desire to return to their allegiance 
 while their homes and families are in the power of their oppressors. 
 Did the Italians welcome Napoleon till he had expelled their tyrants, 
 and thereby proved his ability to protect them? So with the people 
 of the disloyal States ; march your armies there ; engage and scatter 
 the foi'ces of the enemy; whip somebody; evidence your ability to 
 protect the loyal citizens, their homes and families; and then, and 
 not till then, will they rally to your standard by thousand and te.is 
 of thousands. 
 
 I have alluded, Mr. President, to the slave population of tlie rebel 
 States. It is claimed by the friends of slavery that the institution is 
 a source of military strength. The slaves are made, not only to feed 
 and clothe their oppressors, but to build fortifications for their de- 
 fense, and even in some cases to bear arms in their service. The 
 slaveholders are right — and they ai"e wrong; the institution is an 
 element of strength, but only wliile it exists. AVithdraw that ele- 
 ment, and tliis Rebellion falls of its own weight. The masters will 
 not work, and they must eat. Now they are fighting to retain tlieir 
 slaves, exposing tlieir lives and the lives of their sons. Suppose wk 
 had their slaves: to what lengths would they not go in an opposite 
 direction, in the hope to recover them? They would bow down in 
 dutiful submission, even to Abraham Lincoln himself. In my opinion, 
 the obtaining possession of those slaves by the government would be 
 more effectual in crushing out the rebellion than tlie seizure, if it 
 could be made, of every ounce of ammunition they possess. As the 
 fear of losing their slaves is now tlie incentive to war, so would then 
 the desire for their recovery be the inducement for peace. INIarch 
 your sj)lendid armies into the heart of their Confederacy; win one 
 victory ; oppose kindness to cruelty, and as the i)easantry of France 
 rallied to the standard of Napoleon on his-,return from Elba, so will 
 the slaves with one impulse fiock to ours. The General who coni' 
 
ADVANCE RAPIDLY STRIKE BOLDLY. 259 
 
 iiiands the army will be received with the same acclaim as was Bona- 
 parte ; they will hail him as their liberator and friend, and by their 
 very numbers will secure safety to his army. No trouble, then, in 
 obtaining information of the enemy's operations. Interested in our 
 success — grateful as they will be faithful, every movement endan- 
 gering their champions and protectors will be instantly reported. 
 Peace will be restored and the cause of the war removed ; and then, 
 in these halls, in the interest of humanity and a united country, we 
 can deliberate and do justice. 
 
 Mr. President, in my opinion the policy of fortifications should be 
 discarded. A capital dependent upon such protection is not worth 
 preserving. Tlie only sufficient bulwark for its defense is formed by 
 the loyal breasts of our citizen soldiery. Think no more of barracks 
 for winter quarters ; our troops do not desire them. Cheat yourselves 
 no longer with the delusive idea that your camps are still schools of 
 instruction ; henceforward your lessons must be taught in the field. 
 Advance rapidly, and strike boldly. The countx'y is favorable ; the 
 climate invites ; the cause demands. Advance, and all is accom- 
 plished ; the government is saved, and freedom is triumphant. 
 
 Mr. Carlile replied, but we cannot cumber these pages 
 more tluxn to give the substance of his i-eplication. The 
 position of Gen. Lane is too intelligibly stated, and too 
 faithfully sutained by the historical results following it, 
 to need defense. 
 
 The substance of the reply was, that where there was 
 greater danger of defeat than hopes of victory, we should 
 hesitate long before j^recipitating battle. He was " sur- 
 prised to hear from the Senator that twenty million of 
 loyal people are unable to contend with five million in 
 rebellion — counting all the whites that are in the rebel- 
 lious States — without liberating the four million slaves 
 that are in the slaveholding States." It was a speech 
 
260 NEGRO TROOPS SUGGESTED. 
 
 "deprecating slavery agitation," and pronouncing any 
 opposition to slavery as "an inhuman and unholy cru- 
 sade against American constitutional liberty," and aver- 
 ring that when the army ' ' are to be clianged into an 
 army of negro thieves, you will see that army disap- 
 pear as rapidly as the snow melts under tlie rays of a 
 Southern sun." 
 
 History has made that language laughable. But 
 the utterances of Lane were the advance thoughts of the 
 times, startling the Senate with their boldness. The 
 official reports of 1861-62, show his perseverance in the, 
 policy foreshadowed in this patriotic'speech. In this he 
 confronted opposition from all quarters. On a propo- 
 sition to insert the word ** white" in a joint resolution 
 for the enlistment of troops in Kansas and the South- 
 west, Gen. Lane said : 
 
 Give to Gen. Hunter the power asked for in this joint resolution, 
 and I answer this Senate, as I answered a distinguislied gentleman 
 tlie other day, that lie can have and use thirty-four thousand slaves 
 in a column of thirty-four thousand soldiers; and without expense, 
 too. Instead of shipping your flour to the army, send them corn 
 mills to grind their own corn, and let the slaves who seek the lines 
 do that business. I believe that we could profitably use in the army 
 of the United States now in the field every able-bodied slave in tiie 
 slave States, and that, too, without putting arms in their hands. 
 
 This joint resolution does not give to Major General Hunter the 
 power to arm slaves, or to arm Indians, or to arm loyal citizens ; but 
 he can say to the loyal wliite man, "Join us; we will organize you 
 into companies and regiments — bring your own gun ;" he|can say to 
 those Indians, who are gallantly contending for our flag upon the 
 western plains: "Come within oui- lines ; we will organize you ; we 
 will feed you." That is the power that is given under this bill, and 
 
WOULD TAKE THE RESPONSIBILITY. 261 
 
 intended to be given ; to receive them, to feed them, and to commu- 
 nicate with the Government as to their acceptance ; and when ac- 
 cepted by the government, and not till tlien, to pay and arm them. 
 When further interrogated, he responded : 
 
 I say to the gentleman from Iowa, that I wished to be understood, 
 that the Government of the United States was not committed in this 
 joint resolution to the policy of arming the slaves. Permit me here 
 to say, however, and I wish it distinctly understood, that if I had the 
 command of that army, while I would not commit the Government 
 to the policy, I would say to every slave : " I have not arms for you ; 
 but if it is in your power to obtain arms from rebels, I will use you as 
 soldiers against traitors." [Applause in the galleries.] 
 
 Before these speeches were uttered, Lane had been 
 liberating negroes, and advocating their enlistment in 
 the army ; but public sentiment had not advanced far 
 enough to attempt the practical enforcement of his ideas. 
 The prejudice against the negro made even the most 
 advanced philanthropist hesitate in such a policy, under 
 the fear that the negro, like the Indian, would perpe- 
 trate barbarities in revenge for their hardships as slaves 
 that would arouse the enmity of the civilized world 
 against our country, and it was for that reason tliat 
 Lane's policy was not to stand up in the Senate and ad- 
 vocate unconditional enlistment ; and only when pressed 
 by Pro-Slaveiy men did he l^reak out in his real senti- 
 ments, bringing cheers from the galleries. 
 
 Within six months of the time of these debates, as I 
 was walking down Pennsylvania avenue, in Washing- 
 ton, with Lane, he told me that he had just received 
 authority to organize three regiments of white and two 
 of colored soldiers in Kansas ; and when I asked in 
 
262 UNPARALLELED EN LISTxMENTS. 
 
 amazement to see the order to enlist the colored troops, 
 he informed me that it was a verbal promise from the 
 President that he would see that tliey were clothed and 
 subsisted until sucli time as they could be brought into 
 Hne armed and equipped for battle; and on August 4, 
 1862, he opened a recruiting office in Leavenworth for 
 both white and colored troo^Ds. He stumped the entire 
 State, appealing to the patriotism of the people, in a 
 campaign of unparalleled energy and power ; and in less 
 than six weeks he had the Eleventh, Twelfth and Thir- 
 teenth Kansas regiments organized, and a nucleus for 
 the First and Second Colored infantry, the First Colored 
 Battery thrown in for good count, and all completed be- 
 fore the ides of October. He appointed all the officers, 
 under the authority of the President — no recognition be- 
 ing given to the Kansas State Government. I am not 
 explaining. I am only attesting a fact. Abraham 
 Lincoln did it. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln's " enemy has written a book," and 
 in it he has given him this certificate : 
 
 Born as lowly as the Son of God, in a hovel, of what ancestry we 
 know not and care not, reared in penury and squalor, with no gleam 
 of liglit nor fair suri'oundings ; without external graces, actual or ac- 
 (|uired ; without name or fame or official training, it was reserved for 
 this strange being, late in life, to be snatched from obscurity, raised 
 to a supreme command at a supreme moment, and entrusted with the 
 destiny of a Nation. Where did Shakspeare get his genius ? Where 
 did Mozart get his music ? Whose hand smote the lyre of tlie Scottish 
 plowman? God, God, and God alone; a!«i so surely as these were 
 I'aised up by God, was Abraham Lincoln; and a thousand years 
 lience, no story, no tragedy, no epic poem will be tilled witli greater 
 
GEN. THOMAS OUTLANES LANE. 263 
 
 wonder, or he followed by mankind with deeper feeling than that 
 which tells of his life and death. 
 
 Since Balak stood upon a liigli mountain, overlooking 
 the armies of Israel, commanding his prophet, saying, 
 ^'Come, curse me .Jacob," and the prophet replying, 
 •" How can I curse whom God hath not cursed?" there 
 never has been such a testimonial from an " enemy " 
 xis the noble tribute of Henry Watterson to Abraham 
 Lincoln. 
 
 It will be well to remember, that, in all these tirades 
 iigainst Lane by Halleck and McClellan, his depreda- 
 tions generally consist in refusing to prevent negroes from 
 fleeing from their oppressors, or encouraging them in 
 leaving. But afterwards, that grand old Virginian, 
 Gen. George H. Thomas, went into Mississippi and else- 
 where, and 'iwept all the able-bodied negroes within 
 reach of his command into his army, and spread con- 
 sternation and defeat wherever he appeared. 
 
 Another remarkable fact is, that on February 11, 
 18H2, McClellan denounced Lane to Secretary Stanton 
 for " seizing and confiscating the property of rebels," 
 while six months before, (August 9, 1861,) the clay that 
 the rebel John Reynolds drove sixty families from the 
 Neutral Lands in Kansas, and the day before the Battle 
 of Wilson's Creek, McClellan was receiving letters, and 
 considering propositions for deposing Lincoln and assum- 
 ing either the Presidency or Dictatorship — (see McClel- 
 lan 's Own Book, page 85.) He says : " I receive letter 
 after letter, have conversation after conversation, calling 
 
264 THE WORLD SUSTAINS HIM. 
 
 on me to save the Nation, alluding to the Presidency, 
 Dictatorship, etc." Lane w-ould have captured and sent 
 to prison any man who would have dared to enter his 
 camp witli svich a proposition, and Jennison would liave 
 hung him. True, he said he was going to lay it down 
 when he had " saved the Nation ;" but dictators have a 
 bad habit of abdicating with their heads off. 
 
 Lane's policy prevailed, and the world admits its 
 wisdom. 
 
.■ i i /. 
 
 ; I 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 QUANTRILL's massacre at LAWRENCE. , 
 
 It is not our purpose to write a history of that unpar- 
 alleled barbarity, beyond what is necessary to describe, 
 Gen. Lane's escape, and his futile but determined effort 
 to capture Quantrilland his command, in which Lane had 
 no command whatever ; and any intelligible statement 
 would require the censure or approval of tlie conduct of 
 others. 
 
 August 21, 1863, in the twilight of the morning, the- 
 noted guerrilla and bushwhacker, William C. Quantrill, 
 after having made two forays into K^yisas as far a& 
 Shaw^nee, in Jolmson county, in the first burning a fine 
 hotel and five or six dwellings, as well as murdering 
 several citizens, and in the second burning hearly all 
 the place and murdering four or five more, with pther 
 depredations and murders at Olatlie and elsewhere, en- - 
 tered Lawrence, and murdered 183 men and boys, mal- 
 treated women, and burned nearly all the valuable por- 
 tion of the town, robbing banks, stores, houses, &c., to- 
 an aggregate of more than a million and a half of dollars. 
 
 Lane was an object of special vengeance. Three mem 
 
V.iM'^ lane's escape and pursuit. 
 
 met Mr. Arthur Spicer, a well-known citizen, and asking 
 bim if he knew Lane, and where he lived, getting an 
 atfirraative response, he was shown a horse, with the 
 command : * * Mount ! and if you veer to the right or left, 
 you are a dead man !" 
 
 The race started on fleet horses, arriving at Lane's 
 front door just as he escaped from a back window, and 
 tlicnce into a cornfield. Out of the cornfield he got to a 
 clump of bushes, and soon managed to get a horse, which 
 was pasturing near by on the prairie, and at the very 
 earliest possible moment he was rallying men to his aid 
 in pursuit. In the meantime, his home and all its con- 
 tents went up in flames. 
 
 The position of the writer was such — having had two 
 sons murdered, one of them supposed to have been 
 totally burned up — that he had but few opportunities 
 for exact personal knowledge ; and he therefore copies 
 literally from one of the most reliable men in the 
 pursuit : 
 
 (iiumtrill hud hardly drawn liis men out of the burned city before 
 Lane, securing a horse, started in pursuit, accompanied by a few cit- 
 izens from the country. 
 
 ()uantrill was easy to foUow, as his road was b'ghted up by the 
 burning houses and barns. Lane pushed ahead, being joined, ai- he 
 ^vent, by other citizens, until coming to Brooklin, on the old Santa Fe 
 trail, he came upon Quantrill's men in the act of burning Thad. 
 Prentice's house. They were driven otT and the house saved, and no 
 more houses were burned from there until they were safe into Mis- 
 souri. They had enough to do to save themselves. The whole of 
 (^uintrill's force was in sight about half a mile ahead. Lane halted 
 his following, drew them up in line, and counted off a total of 35, 
 
ONLY THIRTY-FIVE MEN WITH LANE. 267 
 
 mostly armed, some on mules, some on good horses, and others on 
 old "plugs," some had saddles and some not — no two mounted alike 
 and equally armed. Some had old rifles long unused, some muskets, 
 others with shotguns, and some with pistols — all with a limited 
 amount of ammunition, some having only the loads in their guns. I 
 was apparent at once to Lane, that if he rushed this motley crowd, in 
 the open prairie, onto Quantrill's cutthroats, he would be only lead' 
 ing them to certain destruction, and do no good. So, after a hurried 
 consultation, it was determined to send one man back for ammuni- 
 tion, and to hurry forward the country people row swarming on tlie 
 trail, with the wox-d that he had overtaken (juantrill, and as soon as 
 more men came up, would attack him. John K. llankin had joined 
 the pursuit some miles back. Lane placed him in command of the 
 35 men, and said, that as Qmintrill was evidently heading south for 
 the Ottawa ford, we would go and hang on liis left flank, by the way 
 of Prairie City, in the hope of joining the militia company of that 
 section, and tlien be able to do something. He had only proceeded 
 in that direction a mile or so, when (leo. Wood, a well-known farmer 
 living near Black Jack, galloped up and said to Gen. Lane : "There 
 are 250 cavalry just over here." They were in fact in plain sight. 
 Lane at once directed him to return to the commanding officer, and 
 say to him, that (^uantrill was about half a mile west of where we 
 were, across the cornfield, going down the Fort Scott i-oad, and that 
 we would attack him at once — to come on. Wood departed at full 
 speed with his information, and Lane turned to Kankin and ordered 
 him to proceed at all speed and attack. Then putting spur to his own 
 horse, he led the way. Owing to the cornfields, it was necessary to 
 follow the fences for quite a distance, they apparently terminating in 
 some woods. Lane being much in advance, llankin being detained 
 by a vain attempt to keep his men together, passed the mouth of a 
 narrow lane running west. Just after he had done so, and before 
 Rankin had reached it, two companies of cavalry galloped into the 
 lane, and were soon out of sight. Ot> ai-riving at the lane, Kankin 
 halted, and looking back for his men, discovered he had but one man 
 with him, the rest being strung along for a quarter of a mile back, all 
 
268 LANE ANIJ RANKIN ORDER THE CHARGE. 
 
 corning, but owing to the diversified and peculiar mount, no two of 
 them could keep togetiier. Seeing the hopelessness of ever getting 
 these men as a body to the front, Eankin ordered the man who had 
 been able to keep up to go back and turn all down the lane, and en- 
 courage all to come forward as rapidly as possible — that the regular 
 troops had got ahead of us — and that he would go ahead and join 
 them. This was done. On getting out on the open prairie, he found 
 the way strewn with sidesaddles, calico, and all descriptions of plun- 
 der, abandoned by Quantrill's men on getting a glimpse of the sol- 
 diers. On coming up with the troops, he found one company deployed 
 across the road as skirmishers, and heard the command given to 
 charge, which was done in gallant style, advancing down the road on 
 the run, Quantrill's rear guard being followed in hot pursuit, coming 
 up with them as the farm of Mr. Josiah Fletcher was reached. IVIr. 
 Fletcher had extended the fence around his cornfield into the grass 
 land on the west side, and across the road, making quite an angle in 
 the road, around this new land and his cornfield. Rankin being fa- 
 miliar with the country, galloped to the head of the second company 
 advancing in column, and said to the commanding officer, to throw 
 his command into line, throw the fences, and advance through the 
 corn, so that he would come up on the enemy's flank, the other com- 
 pany now having driven the rear guard in, they would be compelled 
 to fight on the other side of the field. This they proceeded to do, no 
 halt being made beyond the time required to open the field suffi- 
 ciently to let the troops through. Coming up in line to the fence on 
 the other side, to find Quantrill, as Eankin expected drawn up in 
 line awaiting, as he supposed, the inevitable assault, Eankin gave the 
 order to throw the fence and charge. Just at this juncture, Lane, who, 
 as before stated, had missed the lane, and consequently, Eankin gal- 
 loped up through the corn, and also ordered the fence thrown, and 
 to charge. Seeing no one disposed to throw the fence, Lane and 
 Eankin dismounted and commenced to throw it, Lane urging with 
 all his command of language the charge and the folly of stopping 
 there. By this time, the officer in command came to himself, and 
 shouted : " Dismount and give them a round or two with your Burn- 
 sides at three hundred yards." This order was promptly obeyed. 
 
DESPERATE EFFORTS TO RALLY THE MEN. 269 
 
 Thei'eupon, Lane and Rankin, knowing the fence would be needed, 
 quit throwing it. Almost immediately (iuantrill and his men raised 
 a shout and charged. The troops, not having been pi-operly drilled or 
 from some other cause, failed to take the usual precautions with tlieir 
 horses, and at the first discharge of their guns, the horses began to 
 pull back. The men became confused, and no order or exertion Lane 
 was able to use could avail to hold them to the work, with Quantrill's 
 men rushing, yelling and firing towards them, and they went pell- 
 mell back through the corn. The company which had been deployed 
 as skirmishers having come around the field, started to make a coun- 
 ter cliarge ; but finding they were not being supported by those who 
 wei-e in the cornfield, fell back. Lane and Rankin soon found them- 
 selves alone. Rankin mounted his horse first, but he knowing the 
 danger, only delayed from unwillingness to desert a friend ; Lane did 
 not mount his horse until an advance man was within thirty feet of 
 him. This man discharged his- revolvers at Lane as he rose into the 
 saddle. Riding rapidly through tlie corn, they found the men gather- 
 ing their horses at the further fence. Lane exhorted them to mount 
 at once and renew the attack, Quantrill's men riding out and waving 
 their hats and jeering at them. Just as the company was about 
 mounted, the officer in command of the troops galloped up with two 
 more companies. After a word or two with him, Lane led the re- 
 mounted company into a charge across the field ; but on arriving at 
 the other side, found that (^uantrill had improved the short delay in 
 getting away, and was now half a mile on his way to Missouri. 
 
 At this point oiu' correspondent separated from the 
 command. Col. Rankin had no command there ; but 
 lie was then Lieutenant and Aide-de-Camp to General 
 Robert B. Mitchell. Lane there fell in with the regu- 
 larly-enlisted volunteer troops without a command, and 
 loynlly did his duty as a private soldier. 
 
 The historical fact is too patent to need repetition, 
 that Lawrence was almost literally a community of non- 
 combatants — not that they were religiously or conscien- 
 
270 BLOOD KAN IN RIVULETS. 
 
 tiously non-resistants, but they were business men and 
 boys too young and men too old for service, or invalids, 
 the patriotism of the people having led nearly all fit for 
 duty into the field ; or, as one patriotic woman expressed 
 it, as they ignited the liquid which sent her house up in 
 llame, and one of them inquired, "Where is your hus- 
 band?" when she replied, " At the front, with his armor 
 on, fighting for his country, and not burning houses 
 over women and children." 
 
 Col. Rankin, referred to by our correspondent, and his 
 brother, William A., were among the very few who had 
 any chance for resistance, and they showed resistance, 
 and drove a squad of them from their place. 
 
 The concensus of intelligent opinion places the force of 
 Quantrill at from 300 to 400 men. A Confederate his- 
 tory entitled ''Shelby and his Men," etc., gives the 
 number at 300. AVe copy the following statement from 
 Wilder's Annals, page 371 : 
 
 About daylight on the morning of August 21, 1863, Quantrill, with 
 tliree huqdred men, dashed into the streets of Lawrence, Kansas. 
 Flame and bullet, waste and pillage, terror and despair were every- 
 where. Two hundred were killed. Death was a monarch, and men 
 bowed down and worshipped him. Blood ran in rivulets. The guer- 
 rillas were unerring shots with revolvers, and excellent horsemen, 
 (reueral Lane saved himself by flight ; General Collamore took refuge 
 in a well, and died there. Poor Collamore ! He should have kept 
 away from the well upon the principle that actuated the mother who 
 had no objections to her boy leai'ning how to swim, if he didn' t go 
 near the water. Printers and editors suffered. 8peer of the Tribune, 
 Palmer of the .Journal,* Trask of the State Journal, had n't time even 
 
 *This is incorrect. Palmer was in the Tribune office, (a mere boy,) 
 
qUANTRILL AVOIDED LANE's ARMY. 271 
 
 to write their obituaries. Two camps of instruction for white and 
 negi'ot soldiers, on Massachusetts street (of course), were surrounded 
 and all their occupants killed. Every hotel, except the City Hotel, 
 was burned. Other property valued at two millions dollars, was also 
 tired and consumed. . . . ^Massachusetts street was made 
 a mass of smouldering ruins. Sometimes there is a great deal in a 
 name, — in this instance more than is generally the case. After kill- 
 ing every male inhabitant who remained in Lawrence, after burning 
 the houses in the town and those directly around it, (iuantrill very 
 quietly witlidrew his men into Missouri and rested there, followed, 
 however, at a safe distance, by General Lane, who made terrible 
 threats, but miserable fulfillments. Two hundred white abolition- 
 ists, fifty or sixty negroes, and two millions of dollars' worth of prop- 
 erty were fearful aggregate losses. 
 
 A careful scrutiny of tliat most accurate work, Wil- 
 der's Annals of Kansas, shows the significant fact, that, 
 of all Quantrill's robberies and murders — the most hor- 
 rible in the annals of war — not one of them occurred 
 when Lane had any military command whatever, nor 
 for more than four months after he surrendered all mili- 
 tary control. The murderers stood back while Lane's 
 Brigade protected the border, and confined themselves to 
 murdering Union men in Missouri, sheltered in the fast- 
 nesses of the Snibar hills, from the brambly brush of 
 which he and Upton Hays issued orders to shoot down 
 all men seen going to Union posts to enlist. 
 
 and was shot down at the door; and the demons seized his body and 
 liurled it into the Hames of the burning building. His father, who 
 repaii'ed our presses, was burned to ashes in his shop; and his 
 brother, Barney D., was then lying with an arm shot off in battle. 
 
 t There were no colored soldiers there. Captain Leroy J. Beam 
 was organizing a company, and had twenty-one men — men they were, 
 Indeed, in courage and patriotism, though nearly ail of them were 
 from sixteen to twenty years old — my own burned and murdered son 
 among them, who was eighteen the day befoie the massacre. They 
 liad no arms. Eighteen of them were massacred — three escaped. 
 
CHAPTER XXJI. 
 
 LOCATION OF THE UNION PACIFIC RAILWAY. 
 
 1" ' 
 
 In 1864, the construction of the Union Pacific Rail- 
 way was commenced at Wyandotte, under the leadership 
 of John C. Fremont, Samuel Hallett being his manager, 
 and John D. Perry, a St. Louis banker, furnishing the 
 principal portion of the capital. The laying of the track 
 closely followed the grading ; and almost before the 
 people had realized what was going on, Hallett had 
 graded the road clear past the city, missing Lawrence 
 b}^ about three miles, passing through the farm of ex- 
 Governor Robinson, near the bluff of the Kansas valley. 
 It liad also been surveyed so as to miss Topeka by about 
 the same distance. 
 
 Various consultations were held among the Lawrence 
 business men, both Samuel Hallett and his brother 
 Thomas, who was an engineer and assistant manager, 
 meeting with them. Similar action was taken l^y the 
 people of Topeka, in which Col. C. K. HoUiday was 
 conspicuous by his activity and influence. Samuel Hal- 
 lett insisted that Lawrence and Topeka were both so far 
 out of a direct line that Congress would refuse to appro- 
 
A PROPOSITION ACCEPTED. 273 
 
 priate the subsidies gi-anted by their charter, if he di- 
 verted the track to either of those places. Lane and this 
 writer held interviews together with him both at Leav- 
 enworth and Lawrence. At a Lawrence meeting. Lane 
 made this proposition to him : ' ' If I will get you a writ- 
 ten recommendation from a majority of the United 
 States Senators — all the Republican Senators and aii}^ 
 others whom I can — will you consider that a sufficient 
 guarantee that they will recognize you as entitled to the 
 subsidies ? and will you then locate your road on the 
 north bank of the Kansas river opposite Lawrence and 
 Topeka?" We both pressed upon him the argument, 
 that, having urged him to make such location, they 
 could neither refuse the appropriation nor investigate 
 the propriety of his action. Hallett assented ; and in 
 ■due time, Lane drew up such request, and had it signed 
 by every Republican Senator and several of the opf)Osi- 
 tion ; and, in addition, he capped the whole article with 
 a signature not promised, that of President Lincoln. 
 This is the letter : 
 
 "Washingtox, D. C, December 7, 1863. 
 
 To Mr. Samtel Hallett, Coxtraotor of Kansas Branch Pacific 
 Railway : 
 
 We, the undersigned, having been informed that Lawrence and To- 
 peka can be made points on the great National Railroad you are con- 
 structing, by an easy curve and slight deviation from an air line, (not 
 ■exceeding two to three miles inclusive,) suggest to you the justice 
 and importance of running the road to the north bank of the Kansas 
 river opposite those points. 
 
 Lawrence having recently been destroyed by the rebels, and Topeka 
 being the seat of Government of the State of Kansas, have peculiar 
 
274 
 
 HALLETT STILL REFUSES TO COMPLY 
 
 claims upon the Government, and are entitled to her fostering care. 
 These cities, being the terminus of other railroads provided for by the 
 Government, will become valuable feeders to your road. We there- 
 fore request you to locate the Pacific Railroad as before suggested, 
 and oblige Yours respectfully, 
 
 Ben Loan. 
 James Harlan. 
 Z. Chandler. 
 AV. Sprague. 
 James Dixon. 
 Alex. Ramsey. 
 H. S. Lane. 
 L. AV. Powell. 
 J. M. Nesmith. 
 J. B. Henderson. 
 Lem'l Bowden. 
 Edgar Coavan. 
 B. F. Wade. 
 L. F. S. Foster. 
 Reverdy Johnson. 
 J. C. Ten Eyck. 
 S. C. Daily. 
 
 J. H. Lane. 
 S. C. Pomeroy. 
 
 A. C. Wilder, M. C. 
 H. Wilson. 
 
 M. S. AViLKINSON. 
 
 Tim. O. Howe. 
 
 B. F. Harding. 
 
 P. G. Yon Wimple. 
 AV. L. AVilley. 
 Tnos. A. Hendricks. 
 H. P. Barnett, M. C. 
 Chas. Sumner. 
 John P. Hale. 
 Dan'l Clark. 
 Solomon Foote. 
 John Sherman. 
 E. D. Morgan. 
 H. B. Anth<jny. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Ira Harris. 
 I cordially endorse the foregoing. 
 
 Notwithstanding all tliese endorsements and promises, 
 Hallett still persisted in refusing to locate the road as 
 agreed to, and was determined that Lawrence or Douglas 
 county should bond herself to the amount of three hun- 
 dred thousand dollars as a condition precedent to such 
 location ; and he came to me with an article of about 
 one column, urging such donation, and offering me one 
 hundred dollars to publish it in the Kansas Daily and 
 Weekly Tribune, which I refused with contempt. 
 
 Not onh' did Lane do this, but he got a law passed 
 
A PROPOSAL SPURNED WITH INDIGNATION. 275 
 
 authorizing, but not compelling, the company to locate 
 their road by Lawrence and Topeka, Congress holding 
 that a compulsory law would interfere with vested 
 rights ; and still Hallett refused. In this crisis, as a 
 last resort, to save the destruction of our city, a few of 
 the business men of Lawrence, among them George 
 Ford, Peter D. Ridenour, C. W. Babcock, B. W.Wood- 
 ward and others, met and selected the writer to go to 
 Washington and urge Senator Lane to protect tliera 
 against the impending ruin to the city. 
 
 At Lane's room, I met Samuel Hallett and John D. 
 Perry, the latter then President of the Union Pacific 
 Railway. The}' called upon Lane at his room, and said 
 to him that they liad determined not to change the loca- 
 tion of their road at Lawrence, unless the people would 
 vote them three hundred thousand dollars. Lane was 
 lying upon his bed when this proposition was made. 
 His eyes flashed with indignation and contempt, as he 
 raised himself up ai)d replied : " Before you get a dollar 
 out of that burned and murdered town,* you will take 
 up every stump, and every old log you have buried in 
 your grade to save money, and stone-ballast every rod to 
 Lawrence ; and even then, when you get your first sub- 
 sidies, let Jim Lane know!" They attempted argu- 
 ment. He waved his hand: ''No words, gentlemen — 
 no words." I was scared. I thought he ought to have 
 listened to them. He simpl}- remarked: "They will 
 want to see me worse to-morrow than they did to-day." 
 
 * This was less tlian a year after the Lawrence Massacre. 
 
276 THE DOCUMENTS SIGNED. 
 
 The next day I met him with a broad grin on his coun- 
 tenance ; and his first words were: " Halle tt has been 
 to see me." " Well, with what result ?" "I told him 
 Mr. Perry was a positive man, and so was I. They will 
 want to see me worse to-morrow than they did to-day." 
 The next day, I met him crossing Pennsylvania avenue, 
 and he said : " Perry and Hallett have been to see me, 
 and I have their joint agreement in writing to locate the 
 road to the bank of the river opposite Lawrence and To- 
 peka ; and I am just going to the telegraph office to 
 send a dispatch to so locate it at Lawrence," The dis- 
 patch read : 
 
 Washington, June 13, 1864. 
 John L. Hallett, Wyandotte, Kansas: 
 
 The road is to be located as near the river bank opposite Lawrence 
 as good depot grounds can be found. Survey and locate accordingly. 
 
 Sam r EL Hallett. 
 
 Here follows the correspondence between Hallett and 
 
 Lane, settling the whole question : 
 
 Washingtox, June 13, 1864. 
 Hon. .T. H. Lane — Dear Sir: An inquiry into the wishes of the Gov- 
 ernment and all the facts in the case has induced me to adopt your 
 suggestion in locating the main line of the Union Pacific Railway, 
 E. D., so that it shall approach the Kansas river at the nearest practi 
 cable points opposite Lawrence and Topeka. I shall telegraph my 
 brother to so make the location. 
 
 Samuel Hallett, 
 
 General Manager U. P. Railway, E. I). 
 
 Senate Cuamhek, June 13, 1864. 
 Samikl Hai, LETT, Esq. — Sir: Accept my thanks and those of my 
 constituents for the determination you have reached, as communi- 
 cated in your note of this day. Tliis removes all obstacles to my 
 
INFLUENCE ON THE ORIGINAL LOCATION. 277 
 
 hearty and earnest co-operation with you in obtaining such legisla- 
 tion as is desired — acting with you at home in all things connected 
 with the early completion of the Union Pacific Railroad and branches. 
 
 Yours, J. H. Lane. 
 
 The two infant cities, Lawrence and Topeka, were en- 
 tirely at the mercy of Hallett, as is shown in the desper- 
 ate efforts necessary for their protection ; and but for 
 Lane, the cities or counties w^ould eacli have been com- 
 pelled to issue not less than a quarter of a million of 
 bonds for the protection of their rights. 
 
 To help the enemies of Lane in their efforts to show 
 his influence over Lincoln, I will here state the incDU- 
 testable fact, that the original draft of the Union Pacific 
 Railroad bill contemplated but one road from the Mis- 
 souri river westward, the initial point to be selected by 
 the President of the United States ; and that this was 
 an embarrassing duty put upon Mr. Lincoln, who would 
 have been expected to favor Chicago in preference to St. 
 Louis, and that largely to Lane's management, and the 
 President's anxiety to unload a burthen, was Kansas 
 indebted for the location of that great artery of trade 
 upon her soil at all, including both the Kansas valley 
 route and the Central Branch from Atchison. 
 
 One bright forenoon, about 10 o'clock, as I was walk- 
 ing down Three-and-a-half street, Washington, with 
 him, Lane suddenly struck a stage attitude, and point- 
 ing his long bony finger to the sun, exclaimed : * ' That 
 is the most important sun that has ever arisen upon 
 Kansas. Before that sun goes down, an enterprise will 
 
278 UNTOLD MILLIONS FOR KANSAS. 
 
 have been accomplished, which will bring untold mil- 
 lions of dollars to Kansas, and make her one of the 
 greatest Commonwealths of the American Union." 
 That afternoon the Pacific Railroad bill passed the 
 Senate. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 THE SECOND NOMINATION OF LINCOLN. 
 
 Early in this campaign, Mr. Lincoln recognized the 
 necessity for an opening speech in the city of New York, 
 and selected Lane to deliver an address at Cooper Insti- 
 tute. Happening to be in Washington, he invited me 
 to accompany the party, among whom were Judge Ed- 
 munds and a very distinguished Methodist preacher, 
 Avliose name I cannot recollect. Although the afternoon 
 and night sat in with one of the severest storms I ever 
 witnessed, the hall was well filled. The venerable Sim- 
 eon Draper presided ; and Gen, Lane made as acceptable 
 a speech as Mr. Lincoln himself had previously made 
 from the same stand. 
 
 At the suggestion of Mr. Lincoln, I hurried home from 
 Washington, to aid in securing the election of Gen. Lane 
 as a Delegate in the National Convention which was to 
 assemble at Baltimore June 7, 1864, and to aid also in 
 his selection as a Delegate to the Grand Council of the 
 Union League, which was to meet on the day previous 
 to the National Convention. The State Convention met 
 April 21, and Lane was elected a Delegate. Subse 
 
280 NO BRASS BANDS NO REPORTERS. 
 
 qiiently I was in the Union League Convention at Leav- 
 enworth, where he was elected a Delegate to the Grand 
 Council, and I carried the credentials to him at Balti- 
 more, and was myself a Delegate. 
 
 It was a terrible body in its malignity towards the 
 President. Fortunately I am saved the attempt to de- 
 scribe it. That eminent statesman and author, Hon. 
 W. 0. Stoddard, who was Lincoln's Private Secretary, 
 and who wrote a " Life of Lincoln," " Lives of the Pres- 
 idents," and many other works, both in prose and poe- 
 try, has given its -history most giTiphically, (see " Story 
 of a Nomination," North American Review, 1884, Vol. 
 136, p. 263,) from which I quote : 
 
 The Grand Council assembled at an early hour, and its doors were 
 sternly closed to all but those with absolute I'ight to enter. The 
 Grand Council was a dignifiedly simple gathering. There were no 
 press reporters present. No brass band made music. No time was 
 lost in pi'eliminary or other organization, and no committees were 
 required. The ample platform contained only three men — the Grand 
 President and the Grand Recording and Corresponding Secretaries. 
 There was all the more time for the transaction of business, and this 
 began the moment the meeting was called to order. There had been 
 both preparation and consultation among the intending assailants of 
 the Administration. These arose to speak in rapid, but not in con- 
 flicting succession, in different parts of the hall. Perhaps the severest 
 attack upon the President and the conduct of the war was made by 
 one of the United States Senators from Missouri ; but there were 
 others whom he little surpassed in veliemence. The charges made 
 were appalling, and it M^as well that their eloquent utterance was ta 
 form no part of the published pi'oceedings of the Baltimore Conven- 
 tion. Had they been openly uttered in the convention, to go forth to 
 the country, whether they were true or false, that body could after- 
 ward reached no peaceful agreement by ballot, nor could it have- 
 
THE FALSE HAD DONE ITS WORST. 2S1 
 
 aidopted any platform of I'esolutions upon which it could have placed 
 Abraham Lincoln before the people as a candidate for the Presidency. 
 There were not many faults possible to the ruler of a fi-ee people 
 whereof Mr. Lincoln was not accused, before tlie excited patriots 
 made an end of their "speeches for the prosecution" of the public 
 criminal whose course in office tliey were denouncing. 
 
 Once more it seemed as if a rising tide were sweeping all before it. 
 Not a voice had been raised in defense of Mr. Lincoln. This may 
 have been, in part, from lack of opportunity. The Grand President, 
 Judge Edmunds, was a devoted friend of Mr. Lincoln, and yet, as if 
 with malice aforethought, he sat there behind his desk on the raised 
 platform, calmly "recognizing," as presiding officer of the Grand 
 Council, only the known enemies of liis friend, until it seemed as if 
 most of them must have been heard. 
 
 There came a lull in the storm, and "Jim" Lane of Kansas arose, 
 near the front, in the middle aisle of the hall. He was instantly rec- 
 ognized by the chairman ; but he stood in silence for a moment, until 
 he had deliberately turned around and looked all over the room. 
 The substance of his remarks was nearly as follows : 
 
 "Mr. President, (lentlemen of the Grand Council: For a man to 
 produce pain in another man by pressing upon a wounded spot re- 
 quires no great degree of strength, and lie who presses is not entitled 
 to any emotion of triumph at the agony expressed by the sufferer. 
 Neither skill nor wisdom has been exercised in the barbaric process. 
 For a man, an orator, to produce an effect upon sore and weary 
 liearts, gangrened witli mi.ny liurts, worn out with many sacrifices, 
 .sick with long delays, broken with bitter disappointments; so stir- 
 ring them up, even to passion and to folly, demands no high degree 
 of oratorical ability. It is an easy thing to do, as we have seen this 
 evening. Almost anybody can do it. 
 
 " For a man to take such a crowd as this now is, so sore and sick at 
 heart, and now so stung and aroused to passionate folly ; now so in- 
 fused with a delusive liope for tlie future, as well as with false and 
 unjust thoughts concerning the past ; for a man to address himself to 
 sucli an assembly, and turn the tide of its passion and excitement in 
 tlie opposite direction ; that were a task worthy of tlie higliest, great- 
 
2S2 NOW LKT THE TIIL'TII V.K SET FORTH. 
 
 est effort of human oratory. I. am no orator at all ; but to precisely 
 that task have I now set myself, with absolute certainty of success. 
 AH that is needful is that the truth sliould be set forth plainly, now 
 tliat the false has done its woi'st." 
 
 He had gained in a minute all tliat could be won in an audacity 
 bordering upon arrogance. Rapid and vivid sketches followed, pre- 
 senting in detail the leading features of the history of ^Ir. Lincoln's 
 Administration. Each was made complete in itself, and at the end of 
 each chapter came some variation of tliis formula: 
 
 "I am speaking individually to each man here. Do you, sir, know 
 in this broad Uvnd, and can you name to me, one man whom you could 
 or would trust, before (lod, that he would luive done better in tliis 
 matter than Abraham I^incoln has done, and to wliom you would be 
 now more willing to trust the unforeseen emergency or ])eril which 
 is to come? That unforeseen i)eril, that perplexing emergency, that 
 step in tlie dark, is rigiit before us, and we are here to decide by 
 wliom it should be made for the Nation. Name your other man." 
 
 N'ery little time was wasted upon the general list of ciiarges ; for 
 they had spent themselves in making; but a masterly picture of Mr. 
 liincoln's long-suffering, patience, faitiiful toil, utter unselfishness, 
 and of the great advances already gained under his leadersiiip, was 
 followed by a sudden transfer of the thoughts of all to tlie scene in 
 tlie great wigwam on the morrow: 
 
 '■ We shall come together to be watched, in breathless listening, by 
 Jill this country — by all the civilized world, — and if we shall seem to 
 w.'iver as to our set purpose, we destroy hoi)e ; and if we ])ermit pri- 
 vate feeling, as to-night, to break forth into discussion, we discuss 
 defeat; and if we nominate any other man than Abi-aham Lincoln, 
 \v.» nominate ruin. (lentlemen of the (irand Council of the Union 
 League, I have done." 
 
 The Senator sat down, but no man arose to reply. His speech had 
 not been a very long one, but it liad been enough to accomplish all 
 he had proposed for it. The resolution approving tiie administration 
 Mas adopted with but few dissenting vt)ices, many not voting. An- 
 <»ther vote declai'ed the voice of the Um'on League to be in favor of 
 Tresident Lincoln's re-election, and the greatest political peril then 
 
THE (IKAND COUNCIL DID TJIE WOIIK'. 2S:i 
 
 threatening the United States had disappeai*ed. Thirty days later, it 
 Avould have been a liard task to find a man who would confess to liav- 
 ing ever entertained a doubt as to that result ; but then tlie delegates 
 to the (Irand C'ounoil were not in a ])osition to maice reniarlvs or an- 
 swer ((uestions. 
 
 On adjourning the Convention, .Jiidge Edmunds said : 
 '' Gentlemen of the Grand Council : The work of to- 
 morrow is done. Abraham Liiicolil is as certainly nom- 
 inated to-night as if the vote of the National Convention 
 were counted. " 
 
 I was upon the floor of the Convention early, and oc- 
 cujned a prominent seat with the Ohio delegation. 
 Lane, Judge Edmunds, and a distinguished Methodist 
 minister, whose name I cannot remember, prepared 
 some of the resolutions. 
 
 To me, it looked as if a good deal of tlie acrimony of 
 tlie Grand Council seemed about to break out, and " dis- 
 cuss defeat." Gov. Stone, of Iowa, was expected to lead 
 off for Lincoln, and he secured a prominent position 
 with Lane near liim — that is, the delegations of Iowa 
 and Kansas — and there was no doubt of the determined 
 effort to adopt the strategy of the previous night. When 
 Stone arose, the storm commenced. Five years ago, I 
 met him in the General Land Office at Washington, of 
 which he was then Deputy Commissioner ; and when I 
 reminded him of witnessing his successful efforts for 
 Lincoln, he grew eloquent in his recital of the crisis, 
 and was especially complimentary to the Kansas delega- 
 tion, remarking that, above the uproar, he could hear 
 
2S4 LINCOLN FOR A SOITHEKN MAN. 
 
 the clarion voice of Jim Lane, exclaiming, " Stand your 
 ground, Stone ! stand your ground ! (Ireat God, Stone, 
 Kansas will stand by you ! ' ' 
 
 As an interesting historical reminiscence, I think it 
 may be safely stated that President Lincoln desired the 
 nomination of Andrew Johnson for Vice President. I 
 know that Lane was for him, and he was in such accord 
 with Lincoln that he would not have run counter to his 
 wishes. The late Hon. John Hutchings, just before his 
 death, sent for me. In the course of conversation, lie 
 said, substantially : " Do ^^ou remember about a half 
 dozen of us, in consultation with Lane, early in 1864, 
 when the Vice Presidency was referred to, and the party, 
 almost unanimously responded, ' Oh, Hamlin, of course ;' 
 but Lane said : ' No — Andrew Johnson. Mr. Lincoln 
 does not want to interfere ; but he feels that we must 
 recognize the South in kindness. The nominee will be 
 Andy Johnson?' " Lane was largely a factor in secur- 
 ing that nomination. 
 
CHAPTER XXTV. 
 
 THE PRICE EAID AND THE POLITICAL CAMPAKJX OF 18G4. 
 
 The Price Raid and the political campaign of 1864 
 were pretty closely connected — so closely that Lane's 
 gallantry and efficiency in the former decided the latter ; 
 in fact, warded off a most fearful calamity. 
 
 About the first of October, 1864, Gen. Lane was in St. 
 Louis. Perhaps his knowledge of the position of the 
 enemy might have led him there for observation. He 
 was perplexed over the political situation, unpopular 
 nominations having been made for the State ticket in a 
 canvass in which his re-election to the Senate was pend- 
 ing ; and but for the Pi'ice raid and his noble actions in 
 it, his defeat seemed inevitable. Whatever the cause 
 may have been, he returned in great anxiety for the 
 safety of Kansas, and boldly and energetically declared 
 that Price's objective point was Kansas, and his pur- 
 pose the destruction of Kansas City, Lawrence, Leaven- 
 worth, Fort Leavenworth and all its military stores ; 
 and his plans were to move inward, destroy Topeka, and 
 plunder all the towns of Kansas, and supply his army 
 with the products of her farms. Gen. Curtis was in 
 
*28(3 KEFUSIN(i TO KNTEi: .MISSOURI. 
 
 command of tlie district, ]iead([uarters at Fort Leaveii- 
 wortli, and Gen. Sj^kes was at Lawrence — an easy-going 
 man, in tlie hands of Lane's enemies. Sykcs was re- 
 moved by Lane, as liis enemies alleged, and his friends 
 admitted, and those gallant leaders, Gen. Blunt, with 
 Cols. Plnml), Moonlight and a host of men of iron will 
 and undaunted courage, took the place of milk-and-water 
 men in jDolitics and nonentities in war. There were con- 
 spirators in those days, who would rather rule in the 
 camps of the enemy than serve in the Union cause. 
 They were active. They organized " a fire in the rear." 
 Mercenary writers prepared articles denouncing Lane as 
 an impostor; and when Gen. Curtis issued a proclama- 
 tion declaring martial law, and ordering every man of 
 Kansas into the field fi-om sixteen to sixty years old, 
 their conspiracy for a time tlireatened mutiny. A noted 
 article published in the Leavenwortli Times and Law- 
 rence Journal, (not by either of the present proprie- 
 tors,) entitled " How Long, Oh Lord, How Long?" was 
 prepared by the conspirators and circulated with a view 
 to prevent organization for defense. It alleged that Lin- 
 coln was deceived l)y Lane, whose tyranny was oppress- 
 ing the people and eating out their substance. It 
 denied that there was any purpose of invasion, and bur- 
 lesqued " Lane at Hickman's Mills," an outpost in Mis- 
 souri. Tlie effect of that and other articles was to im- 
 pede the army being raised to meet Price. Tliey had 
 emissaries as camp-followers pleading the unconstitution- 
 alitv of Icadiho- the Kansas militia across the State line. 
 
CLRTIS MADE XO MISTAKE OX LAXE. 287 
 
 The}^ induced two regimeiits to desert. They absolutely, 
 through theii- iiiflueiiee, halted the Army of the Union 
 at the line of Misseuri, while tlie timid were pleading for 
 their lives not to l)e compelled to cross the border. But 
 for that influence, the ravages of Kansas, the burning of 
 barns, houses, hay and grain, if committed at all, would 
 have been perpetrated in Missouri. There was no dis- 
 count upon the loyalty of Gen. Curtis ; but he was an 
 old man, lacking in some degree the energy and endur- 
 ance for tlie crisis, and the calumnies of the conspiratoi"s 
 v.^ere heaped upon Lane as the leading spirit in that 
 rally for the lives and property of all Kansas. The accu- 
 sation stands as a truth of Heaven attesting Lane's loy- 
 alty, energy, love of his State and his country ; and the 
 vouchers in the archives of the State, still unpaid, for 
 over $400,000 worth of the property of the people, stand 
 as an everlasting memorial of infamy against the men 
 who thwarted the Union armies in their march, and a 
 testimony to Lane for having saved the State. That he 
 was the leader then, and wholly responsible, is the only 
 case in which his friends and his enemies fully agreed. 
 Gen. Curtis was an able man, a heroic soldier, a Colonel 
 in the Mexican war, and well knew Lane's record for 
 efficiency and ability. His commendations of him after 
 the campaign showed he had made no mistake. 
 
 We make various quotations, showing the situation 
 and the ditt'erent views of citizens of all classes, in this 
 trying crisis of Kansas history, with extracts from pa- 
 pers of the period : 
 
288 WAR NOTES OF ALARM. 
 
 From Rebellion Keeords, Series 1, A'ol. XLI, Part 1\, page 120. 
 
 Ca.mp .\t SriAw.vEE, Mo., October 19, 1864. 
 Genekal Ccrtis: 
 
 I arrived here this evening, and I find considerable restlessness 
 amo.ig the tioops. An impression is being created that all danger is 
 over, and with some persons there are, in my opinion, efforts being 
 made to dissuade the militia from crossing tlie line ; and if there is a 
 necessity to keep the Kansas men in the field, sucli impressions are 
 calculated to demoralize them. The men generally say, as far as I 
 have heard, that tliey either want to go into ^Eissoiiri, or go home. I 
 believe the removal across that scare-crow to some. " the line." would 
 be greeted witli hearty applause by a vast majority. 
 
 Excuse my presumption in addressing you, as you know I claim no 
 
 knowledge of military matters, and I only write this because Major 
 
 Charlott told me to-day that any impression tliat danger was over 
 
 was not only false, but pernicious and dangerous. 
 
 Jonx Sheer. 
 
 IxnEi'EMiEXCE. :M()., Oct. 19, 1864. 
 (rENERAL Davies: Tlierc is no earthly use of forces at Atchison, 
 Why are they not pressed down ? By whose order are they kept 
 there? Did you arrest that C'olonel, as I directed? You must not 
 issue supplies to troops that evade my orders. 
 
 S. \\. CiRTis, ]\[ajor tieneral. 
 
 Gen, Davies replied that he had sent after '' that col- 
 onel," and would telegraph the Provost-Marshal for his 
 arrest. 
 
 From lieb. Ifec. Series 1, Vol. XLI, Part IV, page 117. 
 
 Fort Leaven\vi>i;tii. <k't. 19. 1864. 
 
 iMajor General Cirtis, Independence: 
 
 Lieutenant Wheeler thinks Gen. Sherry will obey orders from you, 
 
 and so will liis men, and will undoubtedly if it comes through ]Major 
 
 (feneral Deitzler. I luive ordered 5,(XK) blankets and 5,000 shelter 
 
 tents turned over to Cai)tain Seelye. They leave on the Benton at 
 
 daylight, with forty tons of commissary stores. Col. Wheeler will 
 
 go down in the morning. 
 
 S. S. Cruris, ^lajor and Aide-de-Camp. 
 
ALL, black; and white, ordered out. 2S9 
 
 Independexce, Oct. 19, 1861. 
 H<>\. Sexatoi! Pomekoy, Kan*ias City ov AVyandotte: 
 
 General Davies iiifonns nie there ai-e 1,650 troops at Atehison send- 
 ing for supplies. I wish you would find out the cause of this outrage- 
 ous delay. I have just received a dispatch fi'om St. Joseph informing 
 me that the rebels evacuated Carrolton yesterday, and went tovvai"d 
 llichniond, Ray county, and eastward. There is no ground for scare, 
 [at xltchison,] and I suspect political folly has induced this effort to 
 keep back troops. I hope you will denounce it everywhere. The 
 scout who separated from Alajor Smith going south luis come in. He 
 reports all the rebel bands are called in to help fight. Price is near 
 AVaverly. If he wliips or is successful, we ought to be ready to meet 
 any movement this way. S. If. C'ritris, ^Mnjor General. 
 
 Ill the same pages are orders to Captain R. J. Hiiitoii 
 to bring in colored troops from Leavenworth, W^'andotte 
 and other points ; and also commands to farmers within 
 a radius of ten miles from Lexington, on the south side 
 of the Missouri river, to bring in supplies of hay, corn, 
 etc., and deliver to ]>. F. Simpson, chief Quartermaster; 
 and ordering all male persons, black and white, from 
 the ages of fifteen to sixty, into the defense. 
 
 When these attacks were l)eing made, where was Lane, 
 and what was lie doing ? " Where is Price ?" was his 
 inquiry ; and he was taking the most practical way to 
 iind out ; and lie had "felt" him two days before the 
 thrust of these enemies had been uttered. 
 
 Th3 same day, Gen. Curtis sends a message to Gen. 
 T. J. McKeon, Paola, Kansas: "The Pawpaws have 
 gone to the brush, and we expected that." The Paw- 
 paws were generally the enrolled Missouri militia, bush- 
 whacking I'nion soldiers on Government pay. 
 
2iO TME GRIM rlllEFTAIN DID IT ALL. 
 
 The preceding show the general appreliensions of 
 dan^rer, as well as confidence in Gen. Lane. 
 
 From the Kansas Tribune. Nov. 2, 1S64. 
 
 Tlie Leavenworth Times teemed with articles denouncing Curtis 
 nnd trying to break up tlie army. Its thunders were denounced against 
 Lane as Curtis' adviser. 
 
 The .Tournal [Lawrence] had articles ridiculing the idea that Kan- 
 sas was in danger. See its Weekly of October 20. Its leader asks, 
 " Where is Trice?" and reiterates, " Where is Price ?" and again, 
 ill mock agony, exclaims, " AVhere is he?" 
 
 Does any ntan doubt, that without the call for the militia, Kansas 
 would have been burned over? Would there have been a house left 
 in Lawrence? Think of the sufferings in Linn county, where Price 
 passed over in Might witli an army in hot pursuit, and seriously ask 
 yourse^lf, reader, what would have resulted from the victorious tread 
 of the rebel hordes over all Southern Kansas? Our citizens have 
 been raising contributions f(n" women and children left destitute 
 even of bedding? 
 
 Who saved us? Our opponents say Lane did; and so far as Lane's 
 influence went in calling out the militia, it is the only truth they ever 
 told of him. Hear the Journal of the 2;)th October, [186i:] 
 
 "AVe pity the Grim Chieftain, now at Hickman's Mills, searching 
 for an opportunity to get up a bogus reputation, if Price has actually 
 tied. He [Lanej camk FKONt tue East vkrv mliou alarmed — actuallv 
 SCARED. He went to the Fort — Sykes was removed. Called upon the 
 Governor for militia, martial law declared, militia called out — he 
 appointed Aide-de-camp." 
 
 If his slanderers ever told the truth, how hajjpy for our glorious 
 State, that " he went to the Fort !" How happy that the effect of his 
 his going to the Fort [Leavenworth] resulted in 'calling out the 
 militia I" To those glorious and gallant militia, thus called out, are 
 our people indebtetl for the salvation of the State. 
 
 The Jourmil further, in the same article, uses this language: 
 ■Our militia have bsen to Lexington, [Mo.,] and have scoured the 
 country from llie Kan>as border to tliat locality. No force of the 
 
I'RK'E DKIVEX FllOM KANSAS. 291 
 
 enemy can be found. He is not nnj^where in that region. All the 
 stories we have heai-d [from Curtis and Lane] have turned out to be 
 great exaggerations. Wherever our militia go, whether at Independ- 
 ence or Lexington, they find that a big scare appears to have existed 
 on a very slight foundation." 
 
 Thus much for the efforts at home to call l)ack the militia. 
 
 Think of the peril ! The epitome in Wilder 's Annals 
 speaks thus : 
 
 October 20, 1864. Engagement at Lexington, 3Io., and letreat to 
 the Little Blue. 
 
 October 2L. Battle along the Little Blue ; fall back to Big Blue, 
 six miles east of Kansas City. Price and his whole army engaged. 
 
 (October 22. Battle of the Big Blue ; Union victory. 
 Citizens of Kansas [mostly militia] now under arms estimated to 
 number 20,00(J. 
 
 October 23. Battle of AVestport. Defeat and retreat of Price. Col. 
 ^loonlight moves down the Kansas border in advance. 
 
 October 24. Near West Point the rebels come into Kansas, in Linn 
 comity, and camji at the Trading Post, on the 3Lirais du Cygne — his- 
 toric ground. 
 
 October 25. The Itebels driven from the Trading Post. On tlie 
 north bank of 3[ine Creek, Price, Fagan and Marmaduke, with ]5,tXX) 
 men, form a line of battle. Kansas meets and routs them, the Kebels 
 falling back in wild disorder. Cenerals iMarmaduke. Cabell, 81em- 
 mon and Graham captured. McXeal puts them to Hight in Bourbon 
 county, and they run from Kansas. Gen. Curtis rescinds martial law. 
 
 When the attacks were being made on Lane, where 
 
 was he, and what was he doing ? His inf|iiiry, too, was, 
 
 *' Where is Price ?' ' and he was taking the most practical 
 
 mode of finding out. Here is one of his ways : 
 
 Lawukn-ck, Oct. 10, 1S()4. 
 !Major CuAKi.oTT, Fort Leavenworth: 
 
 Have any news? .1. H. Lank. 
 
 And instantly the reply came back, tick, tick, tick • 
 
292 COL. AXTIIOXY ADVISED TO "BLUSTER." 
 
 Fort Lkavexwortii, Oct. 10, 1864. 
 No news. Can't jj;et any connection east of Independence, [Mo.,] 
 since last evening 5:30 o'clock. All actively preparing for a forward 
 movement. Blunt left for Olathe last night at 6 o'clock. 
 
 (". S. Cn AKi-oTT, ]Major and Assistant Adjutant (General. 
 
 To a man who had seen the rebels around Independ- 
 ence, this was a volume of news. To Lane's enemies 
 who couldn't find Price, it had no meaning at all. To 
 Lane, it meant that the rebels w^ere in the brtish cutting 
 telegrai^h Avires, prei^aring the way for Price, and that 
 Blunt was on the alert to meet them. 
 
 Here is a note of great significance : 
 CloLoxEL AxTiioxv, Leaveiiwortli : 
 
 Your })aper speaks of 8,(XX) being ready in the city. Do not give 
 clue to numbers. If anything be said, talk of 25,(K)0 or 30,000. A\'e 
 must depend a good deal on blaster till we get sti-onger than we are. 
 The whole enrollment of militia in the State is over 23,000. 
 
 S. Iv. Curtis, Major (General. 
 
 It would be interesting to read the Colonel's next 
 l^aper ; but the presumption is that he didn't fail to 
 " bluster." Anthony was true as steel. 
 
 Eight days after Lane's inquiry for news, Lane was at 
 Lexington, in(|uiring for Price, and here is what he said : 
 
 From tlie Kansas Dnily Tribune, Oct. 21, 18(54. 
 
 Li.:.\iN(iT(>x, Mo.. Oct. 18, 18H4. 
 ])i:ak Fkikm): I h.-ive been with (ien. Bhint and his gallant little 
 army on one of the most rapid marches on record. \\'hen we left 
 Hickman's Mills, we supposed we would strike the head of Trice's 
 column moving westward eitlier at Pleasant Hill or \Varrensbuig. 
 Tlie march from Hickman's Willis to Pleasant Hill, eighteen miles, 
 was made fn)m 7 o'ck)ck p. m. to 12 p. m., Sunday night. At Pleas- 
 ant Hill we learned Price had captured Sedalia, and was moving on 
 Warrensburg; we immediately marched on the latter i)lace. On 
 
LANE LOOKIN<i FOR PRICE WHERE HE IS. 293 
 
 reaching Ilolden, fourteen miles from Wnrrensburg, we leai-ned that 
 the column which captured Sedalia had marched for this place. We 
 left Holden at 9 o'<'lock last nigiit, reaching here at 2 o'clock p. m. 
 to-day, driving out a band of guerrillas lieaded by Todd and Poole, 
 killing two and capturing four. The whole country between Holden 
 and this place is swarming with guerrillas. We tracked them on tiie 
 route. Price is undoubtedly moving on this place, by the way of 
 Waverly and Dover ; and if he is successful in obtaining a foothold 
 hei"e, I will feel that our noble Kansas army is in imminent peril. 
 Our best and only plan is to whip or turn him south before he reaches 
 this point. Blunt is maneuvering admirably, and will fight against 
 odds to accomplish this object, (xod give lii.m success. The citizens 
 here tell me that Todd and Poole started for Kansas with three hun- 
 dred cut-throats day before yesterday, and returned to-day, declaring 
 that every man and boy in the State was on the border with a gun in 
 his liand, and they were unable to get through. Our people cannot 
 be over-watchful, and the place to watch is on the border in this 
 ♦State. Gen. Curtis and Gen. Grant are both wide awake to this dan- 
 ger, and I do hope it may be averted. A very few d.iys longer will 
 decide our fate. AVe have able leaders, brave troops and noble 
 militia, who deserve to win, and I fondly hope will. Laxe. 
 
 While Lane and Blunt were in the battle of Lexing- 
 ton, their enemies were extiltantly taking satisfaction at 
 Shawnee, in the following manner — all because they 
 were unable to find Price : 
 
 From the Kansas Daily Tribune, October 22, 1864. 
 
 At Shawnee thirty or forty jiersons got together and burned Lane 
 in eftigy. and took a jack from ^fr. Choteau's farm, and paraded it 
 with Gen. Klunt's name on it. A goodly portion of these men deserted 
 the same night. 
 
 Of Lane's services, Gen. Curtis makes this honorable 
 
 mention in his report : 
 
 Hon. Senator Lane, of my voluteev staff, took an active and i)rom- 
 inent part in the conflict, and displayed much courage and gallantry 
 
*21)4 (JEN. LAXIi KEl'ORTS TO (iKX. CUKTIS. 
 
 under the fire of tlie enemy. . . . Serator Lane's experi- 
 ence in former campaigns in ^[exico and upon the Kansas border, 
 enabled him to be of much service in the field everywhere. 
 
 These were no times for dissensions ; and the intelli- 
 gent reader will mark the contrast between Lane and 
 his assailants : the one energetically and tmcomplain- 
 iogly ptirsiiing the enemy in his own conntry, deter- 
 mined that rebels, led by Missouri leaders, must fight 
 their V)attles on their own soil — that the devastations of 
 war be made to come home to the aggressors, rather 
 than to the innocent defenders of their homes in Kansas. 
 Read the dignified, intelligent report of Gen. Lane to his 
 superior officer : 
 
 KEl'ORT OF HON. .1. H. LANE, VOLUNTEER AIDE-DE-CAM 1'. 
 
 In compliance with your request that I report to you the part I took 
 in the recent camj)aign against ^Nlajor (General Sterling Price, and 
 what facts came under my observation during that campaign as vol- 
 vinteer Aide-de-camp upon your staff, I have the honor to reiwrt the 
 following: 
 
 On my arrival at Fort Leavenwortli from Washington City, by way 
 of 8t. Louis, I found you absorbed in preparations to resist the inva- 
 sioTi of Kansas by tlie rebel army under (ieneral Price, which was 
 tlien marching tlirougii the State of Missouri intact, gathering strength 
 day by day as it approached our border. The military force of the 
 department having been rapidly concentrated in the eastern portion 
 of the State, comprising volunteers and militia, all under the imme- 
 diate command of \Major General Blunt, I reported to you at Oluthe 
 on the 10th of October and entered at once upon duty. From the lOtli 
 to tlie 14th I was employed with otliers of your staff, under your per- 
 sonal direction, in selecting positicms and making dispositions of 
 troops along the border and on the Blue, visiting, for that purpose, 
 Wyandotte, Kansas City, Independence and Hickman's Mills. At 
 tliis point, (Jen. Curtis directed (Jen. Blunt, with the brigades of Col. 
 
KA-VSAS TROOPS IN THE WHITK IFoUSK 
 
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2H0 LANE AMON(. THE FIC.HTEKS. 
 
 iVIoonlight and Col. Jennison, to move eastward until they found ther 
 enemy, and to learn the exact position and line of march whieli had 
 hitherto, from all information obtainable from any tjuarter, been but 
 inei"e conjecture, with instructions to harrass and impede him in 
 every possible manner, at the same time ordering me to aecomjiany 
 the expedition, while he returned to Wyandotte, to superintend the 
 further organization of his army. Acting upon the information re- 
 ceived of the capture of Sedalia by the enemy, and supposing him to 
 V)e marching upon Warrensburg, Gen. Blunt moved in that direction,, 
 leaving Hickman's 31ills after dark, and making a march of tliirty 
 miles the niglit of the 15th, to Pleasant Hill. Between Pleasant Hill 
 and Holden, we met two hundred or three hundred Missouri militia 
 falling back from AVarrensburg, who joined our force and were en- 
 gaged in the further operations of our detachment. At Holden, re- 
 ceiving definite information that the column that had destroyed 
 Sedalia had moved north toward Lexington, Gen. Blunt at once de- 
 termined to move direct to Lexington, with the hope of reaching it 
 in advance of the enemy, with a view of saving the Government 
 property. Arriving here, we found the town evacuated by our 
 troops, who had taken away the greater part of the public property, 
 and tlie bushwhackers, under Poole, in possession of the place. t"ol. 
 ^loonlight was ordered to charge, which he did gallantly, driving out 
 the enemy, killing and wounding some, and taking several prisoners. 
 Gen. Blunt established headquarters in the town, and made sucli 
 disposition of his force as would best defend the several approaches 
 to tiie place, and awaited the approach of the enemy, whose advance 
 was then but a few miles distant. At 1 j). m. of the 19th, the head of 
 Price's column struck our force under ('ol. Jennison on the AVaverly 
 road. Cdl. Moonligiit was ordered to move at once to the scene of 
 action, (ien. Hhmt and myself preceding him. The two brigades, 
 then consolidated, were disposed across the road from Lexington to 
 Independence. By the stubborn fighting and skillful management of 
 the tro'jps. Gen. Blunt held the enemy for live liours, falling back 
 slowly at night down tlie Kansas City road; not, however, until 
 almost surrounded and enveloped by the vastly superior number of 
 Price's advancing columns, wliicli i)ursii('d us closelj' for seven miles. 
 
TWO days' hard fighting. 297 
 
 to the Little Blue. On the morning of the 20th we took up a position 
 on the north bank of the Little Blue, determined to dispute the pass- 
 age of that stream with all our force, while I was dispatched to Gen. 
 Curtis, then at Independence, to inform him of the position of affairs. 
 I found Gen. Curtis at Independence, having formed his forces on the 
 Big Blue, and being engaged in fortifying the fords on this stream, 
 determined to make his final stand on that line. He then ordered all 
 of Gen. Blunt's force back to this position, except Col. Moonlight's 
 brigade, wliieh was left with ox-ders to burn the bridge and delay the 
 enemy as long as possible at the Little Blue. About nine o'clock on 
 the morning of the 21st, information reached us that the efforts to 
 burn the bridge on the Little Blue had failed, that the enemy was 
 forcing the passage of the river, and were engaging Col. ^loonlight; 
 Col. Jennison's brigade and Col. Ford's brigade, including McLcxin's 
 battery, were at once ordered forward under Gen. Blunt, Gen. Curtis 
 following quickly after and superintending movements on the field. 
 The engagement here was severe and desperate, the troops fighting 
 with courage and dauntlessness creditable to veterans. The com- 
 manding General, assisted by Gen. Blunt, who seemed everywhere 
 present, the bravest of the brave, was constantly under fire, directing 
 movements and inspiring by his own example his greatly inferior 
 force, till, flanked and threatened with annihilation, he fell back from 
 ridge to ridge, figliting at Independence until dark, when he crossed 
 the Big Blue, establishing headquarters for the night on the north 
 bank, on the road leading to Kansas City, the enemy meanwhile 
 going into camp at Independence. 
 
 On the morning of tlie 22d, the enemy commenced demonstrations 
 at the different fords along the stream, but was stubbornly resisted 
 at all points. His superior numbers, how^ever, enabled him at length 
 to force a crossing at Byron's Ford, but his advance was sharply re- 
 sisted back to the vicinity of Westport, when, night coming on, our 
 main force was withdrawn to Kansas City, and placed in line of bat- 
 tle, leaving a sufficient force in the neighborhood of Westport for ob- 
 servation. During tlie night, we learned from prisoners and other 
 sources, that Price, witli his entire army, estimated at 35, (XK) men, 
 was upon us, intent upon the capture of Kansas City and Leaven- 
 
298 ENEMY KOUTED LANE IN PURSUIT. 
 
 Worth, and the devastation of our State, and tliat Pleasonton with his 
 cavalry was close at hand. At daylight all the troops were moved 
 forward to Westport and put in line of battle, where Col. ^Moonlight 
 and a portion of the militia were engaging the enemy. The fight 
 soon opened along the whole line ; and. while unabated, the welcome 
 sound of (xen. Pleasonton's artillery was heard thundering in the 
 rear of the enemy, which was soon followed by a courier from Gen. 
 Pleasonton himself confirming our hopes and reassuring us of present 
 help. Immediately upon the receipt of this intelligence. Gen. Curtis 
 ordered a charge along the whole line, in which all participated, 
 from commanding General to soldier, the volunteers and militia 
 chai'ging with great impetuosity amid cheers and shouts. The en- 
 emy, at first resisting with desperate determination, soon began to 
 waver, gave way slowly and doggedly, but at length, broken by the 
 reckless resistance of our troops, and terror-stricken from the sound 
 of artillery in their rear, turned their faces southward and fled pre- 
 cipitately. The enemy beaten, disheartened and flying, the pursuit 
 was taken up. Gen. Blunt's division in front, and was continued for 
 fifteen miles to Little Santa Fe, when night ended the day's opera- 
 tions. During the pursuit, about. ten miles from the battle-field of 
 the morning. Generals Curtis, Pleasonton and Blunt met for the first 
 time at the farm house of Mr. Thomas, and the plan for pursuit was 
 freely discussed. Gen. Pleasonton was desirous to make a detour to 
 the left by the way of liarrisonville. Gen. Curtis insisted on mass- 
 ing the command and i)ushing the pursuit, which was finally agreed 
 upon. The following morning the pursuit was resumed by the com- 
 bined forces of Curtis and Pleasonton, except McNeil's brigade, which 
 came up during the march, Gen. Blunt still in the advance. Gen. Cur- 
 tis having assumed command of the whole force. 
 
 At West Point, the pursuit still continuing, the order of march was 
 changed, owing to the exhaustion of Gen. Blunt's men, and that por- 
 tion which had fought at Lexington, not having tasted food for days. 
 Gen. Pleasonton's division was placed in the advance, Gen. Blunt 
 having meanwhile detached Col. Moonliglit's brigade to operate on 
 the right, and for the protection of Olathe, Paola, INIound City and 
 Fort Scctt, on the Kansas border. In this order the march was con- 
 
THE P^LIGHT OF THE EXEMY FROM KANSAS. 299 
 
 tinned during the night to the Trading Post, while our column came 
 up with the enemy about 1 o'clock in the morning. He at once took 
 up his flight, leaving behind him wagons, provisions and plunder of 
 every description, and was hotly pursued by our advance to Mine 
 Run, where he made a stand, and was beaten, with the loss of one 
 piece of artillery. At the Osage, he made another stand, and was 
 again beaten, losing seven guns and many prisoners, among whom 
 were Generals Marmaduke and Cabell. 
 
 At Charlotte, near Fort Scott, he was again beaten. At this point. 
 Gen. Pleasonton, deeming rest and sleep necessary to his command, 
 withdrew to Fort Scott, (against the earnest protest of Gen. Curtis, 
 who sternly insisted upon camping on the trail of the retreating foe,) 
 and from there returned to St. Louis. On the following morning, 
 Gen. Curtis resumed the pursuit, and at night camped at Shanghai, 
 and the next day, the 27th, his foi-ce reached Rouse's Point, about 2 
 p. m., where, being relieved from further duty, I left the army and 
 returned home. 
 
 The foregoing is a brief resume of what I saw and participated in 
 during these eventful days. 
 
 I cannot close this report without expressing the thanks of the peo- 
 ple of Kansas for the gallant defense made of our State. Devasta- 
 tion, ruin and rapine threatened our border towns; an insolent and 
 hopeful foe had placed himself, almost without intei-ruption, within 
 a day's march of our chief city ; his avowed purpose was to sack and 
 burn wherever he touched our soil. He was met, checked, beaten 
 back, and finally put to route by the skill and energy of the com- 
 manding General and the' indomitable, persistent and dogged fight- 
 ing of volunteers and militia. It would l)e impossible to mention 
 particular instances of meritorious conduct, where all did so well, 
 without a seeming injustice to some, and I therefore reluctantly re- 
 frain from doing so. The States of the great Northwest, whose 
 ti'oops participated in this brief but important campaign, have added 
 another to the long list of brilliant achievements won by them during 
 the war. To the militia of my own State, who sprang to arms with 
 the alacrity of other days, at the approach of the foe, I will be per- 
 mitted to tender special thanks. Going out without the hope of fee 
 
oOO DENUNCIATIONS OF LINCOLN. 
 
 or reward, some have fallen, others have been maimed for life, while 
 all liave testified their devotion to the common cause, and their love 
 for our gallant young State ; to one and all of these, let us be ever 
 grateful. Respectfully submitted. J. H. Lane. 
 
 3Ia.tor C. S. CiiARLOTT, Assistaut Adjutant General. 
 
 When the campaign against Price had ended, the 
 election of all the Republican State officers was practi- 
 cally settled. Lane's enemies elected him. He was 
 absent when the nominations for State officers and mem- 
 ber of Congress were made ; but whether absent or 
 present, all the mistakes of nominations were laid to 
 him. On the contrary, the opposition had selected a 
 strong ticket. It may be said, without disrespect to the 
 nominees, that much fault was found with the two can- 
 didates who headed the Republican ticket, Hon. Samuel 
 J. Crawford for Governor, and Hon. Sidney Clarke for 
 Congress. Lane himself thought that some of the nom- 
 inations were very unfortunate, and was much discour- 
 aged, though he had little to do with making them, and 
 was opposed to that of Clarke. 
 
 The opposition ticket was formed by a few bolting Re- 
 publicans who assembled one week after the regular 
 convention. The Democrats met the same day, and by 
 a compromise, through the passage of resolutions which 
 they construed as reflecting on Lincoln's Administra- 
 tion, agreed to make no nominations, but to support 
 what they called the Anti-Lane ticket. 
 
 When Lane assured himself that Gen. Price was ad- 
 vancing upon Kansas, his energy renewed as danger 
 approached. He dropped all political work, and put 
 
ALMOST UNANIMOUSLY ELECTED. 301 
 
 liis whole soul into organizing for battle. Not a word 
 did he utter publicly on politics. Every political con- 
 sideration stood in abeyance at the appalling condition 
 of his State. 
 
 Gen. Curtis had before shown no bias in his favor, 
 and Curtis' conservative temperament would not natu- 
 rally have made them warm political friends ; but when 
 danger approached, Curtis- knew his patriotism and war- 
 like efficiency would at once make him useful, and he im- 
 mediately placed him upon his staff. Then was Curtis de- 
 nounced as an imbecile under Lane, and even General 
 Rosecrans said he ' ' knew Jim Lane well ; and he was 
 running the machine." After Price had fled, they 
 shocked the moral sense of the people by representing 
 Lincoln as a Aveak man used by Lane ; and one of their 
 leaders was rash enough to publicly declare that the Ad- 
 ministration of Lincoln, in its war policy, was more 
 tyrannical than that of Jefferson Davis. 
 
 These things strengthened Lane. He saw his oppor- 
 tunity, and made the most of it. He believed that, by 
 a little stategy, he could be elected Senator unani- 
 mously. It was contrary to his nature to be quiet, and 
 he made a most vigorous campaign. His melancholy 
 mood had left him, and the canvass which he made, 
 quick, bold, defiant, had scarcely ever been paralleled. 
 When the election came, out of the one hundred votes 
 then in both houses, he received 82, to 16 aimlessly- 
 scattering, and 2 not voting. 
 
CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 SENATOR IN(;ALLS ON LANE LANe's SOUTHERN EXPEDI- 
 
 TION^THE HENDERSON AMENDMENT. 
 
 Perhaps in all the catalogue of Lane's assailants there 
 lias been no man so caustic, severe and bitter in his 
 criticism and his charges as Senator Ingalls. We regret 
 this — regret it, because, in our admiration in common 
 Avith the American people of the man, it compels us to 
 attempt the refutation of charges which we consider un- 
 tenable and incorrect, made by a statesman who has held 
 the most exalted parliamentary position in the world — 
 that of President of the United States Senate. His emi- 
 nence makes the refutation the more essential. We can- 
 not pass them indiflerently by. We might as well burn 
 all the three hundred pages already in print, and admit 
 the historical accuracy of Mr. Ingalls statements as far 
 as they go. We are forced to this attempt, and com- 
 pelled to admit, in all sincerity, that we wish it were in 
 better hands. We hope we shall be able to sa}^ what we 
 may in courtesy, truthfulness and sincerity. 
 
 We have, however, the advantage over Ingalls of per- 
 sonally, intimately knowing General Lane from his first 
 
LANE S CONSISTENT TOLITICS. 303 
 
 entrance into Kansas till the day of his death, while Mr. 
 Ingalls, except as a public man, scarcely knew him at 
 all. 
 
 Senator Ingalls sajs that ' ' had he been running for 
 office in Hindostan, he would have thrown his offspring 
 to the crocodiles of the flanges, or bowed among the Par- 
 sees at the shrine of the Sun" for success. It is fortu- 
 nate for his reputation that he was not a Hindu, but a 
 plain, common-sense American citizen, in which capacity 
 he was amply able to sustain himself through a life 
 of consistency for over fifty years, changing only when 
 Grant and Logan and Butler and hosts of other great 
 Democrats changed in following the American flag when 
 the institution of slavery demanded its surrender. It 
 was his boast that he made a Democratic speech at the 
 age of thirteen years, and never scratched a Democratic 
 ticket until the Kansas Legislature resolved that it was 
 treason to Kansas and the South to have a Democratic 
 party in the Territory', and left no Democratic ticket to 
 scratch ; and to the day of his death he never attempted 
 to leave the party of his choice in the Kansas struggle.* 
 What more would the consistent Senator have had him 
 do ? In the tergiversations of politicians in Kansas, 
 where will he point us to a better model of an earnest, 
 consisteiit political life ? 
 
 In 1862, Gen. Lane conceived the idea of what was 
 
 *In Chapter XXVI, on "The Causes of General Lane's Death," we 
 have given our view on his vote tc sustain President Johnson's veto 
 of the Civil Rights bill, so censoriously criticised at the time. 
 
304 lane's magnetic power. 
 
 known as " Lane's Expedition. " His plan was to march 
 through the Indian Territory, w^ith a cordon of troops 
 Avhich would draw the enemy from the east, and invest 
 Texas by sea and land. Major General Hunter would 
 he his superior, but Lane believed he had so arranged 
 with Hunter that he would be unembarrassed and free 
 to use his own judgment and to form his own plans. 
 
 Lane's antagonists call his power that of " magnet- 
 ism." Cicero said all great men w^ere in some degree 
 inspired. Rev. Lyman Beecher, after being persuaded, 
 against his religious opposition to theaters, to witness 
 the performance of " Uncle Tom's Cabin," being asked 
 what he tliought of it, replied, that he believed liis 
 daughter was inspired to write it, if the devil did dram- 
 atize it. And yet here is a man who, seizing the oppor- 
 tunities of his time, did more than any man living to 
 sta}^ the tide of tyranny overrunning Kansas, whom 
 Senator Ingalls pronounces a Captain Bobadil in war 
 and a Rittmaster Dugald Dalgetty in peace. Let us 
 try him as a Wizard of Endor on Ligalls. 
 
 Before his plans were thwarted by Gen. Hunter's 
 jealousy, Ligalls was probing him occasionally in the 
 State Senate, till he got Lane's ire up. He said : " I'll 
 ])ring .John. I go to Atcliison.' ' He went — went with all 
 the faith of Luther when he declared he would go to 
 Worms if there were as many devils in that city as 
 tiles on the roofs of the houses. Atchison had beaten 
 him just previously, when he had one eye on something 
 ehe, and to him it was doubtful whether Atchison oi' 
 
HIS TRIUMPH IN ATCHISON'. 305 
 
 Worms had the most devils. But he brought him, as if 
 by magic. 
 
 I have read a story of the works of a magician at Be- 
 nares — that city so old that agnostics quote its antiquity 
 to disprove the authenticity of the scrij)tures. A party 
 of gentlemen were admiring the wonders of nature and 
 of art in its suburbs, when a magician appeared, giving 
 evidences of his art so tame that they became disgusted, 
 and one of them told him in Hindu to go away. His 
 eyes flashed as he asked if they wanted him to leave. 
 ''Yes; any boy in Benares can beat that," He then 
 asked them to please stand in positions as he placed 
 them, and by his wonderful magic illusions he raised a 
 rock weighing thousands of tons ten feet in the air, its 
 sands and gravel dripping from its edges. I have seen 
 a hypnotic take a man and stand him up, open his 
 mouth and tell him to say no when he wanted him to say 
 aye, and hold him helpless in that condition, exclaiming 
 -Aye, aye." 
 
 Lane beat both these feats at Atchison. He told the 
 people of Atchison of the glories of Lane's Expedition ; 
 how 20,000 to 30,000 troops would be transported over 
 their new railroad, furnished and provisioned at Atchi- 
 son ; how he would build a fortification, with its great 
 guns frowning over Missouri ; how a railroad and tele- 
 graph line would be necessary to the gulf; and he 
 painted Atchison redder* than Benares was when she 
 
 The hauses of Benares were painted a brilliant red. 
 
306 RESOLUTION TO MAKE HI.M MA.IOR GENERAL. 
 
 was furnishing Solomon with his peacocks and his apes 
 
 and his gold for the ornamentation of his temple, till he 
 
 lifted Atchison swinging in the air like the vision of a. 
 
 mirage upon the Western prairies, all its inhabitants 
 
 yelling and screeching and screaming for ' ' Lane and his 
 
 Southern Expedition ! ' ' 
 
 Just then, Senator Hi. Sleeper offered in the Senate at 
 
 Topeka the following resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That we most earnestly recommend to tlie- President of 
 the United States the immediate appointment of (xen. James H. Lane 
 as a Major General, and that he at once be assigned to the command 
 of tlie contemphited Expedition South of the Department of Texas. 
 
 Lane barely took breath in view of his Atchison tri- 
 umph, till he Avaved his magic wand in the direction of 
 Topeka, sixty miles away, gave an electric touch where 
 wire never was stretched, and by some power unknown 
 to common mortals, raised Senator Ingalls from his seat 
 and swayed him and held him, till he yelled " No, no, 
 no, no," — four times — on amendments proposed to kill 
 the resolution, and then Lane said, like other hypnotics, 
 *' Right, right — presto, change !" and he controlled him 
 again, commanding him to say aye, and he yelled 
 " Aye !" " And so the resolution passed :" 
 
 Ayes — Messrs. Broadhead, Curtis, Essick, Holliday, Ingalls, Keeler, 
 Lambdin, McDowell, Osborn, Phillips, Sleeper, and Spriggs — 12. 
 
 Xays — Messrs. Burnett, Denman, (lunn, Hoffman, Hubbard, Lynde, 
 and Reese — 7. (See Senate Journal 1862, pages 67-70.) 
 
 Thus we see the eminent Senator voting to place Sen- 
 ator Lane in a position whicli the President considered 
 essential to the salvation of the LTnion — a man who "in 
 
OLD JIM WAS RATHEK A SMART MAN. 307 
 
 arms was a Captain Bobadil, and in politics a Rittmas- 
 ter Diigald Dalgetty." What malice aforethought could 
 he have had against that great man who was then wrest- 
 ling w^ith all the weighty questions of statesmanship 
 and war, to attempt to thrust upon him a harlequin 
 with no capacity to command and no ability to nego- 
 tiate ? What enmity could he have had against the 
 brave men imperiling their lives to save their country, 
 that he should attempt to put them under the command 
 of a hair-brained adventurer with no capacity to lead ? 
 
 It is but just to the Senator to say that he cast that 
 vote only at the urgent solicitation of his constituents ; 
 but that all the more illustrates the versatility of Lane's 
 genius. We are trying to convince our readers that Old 
 Jim was rather a smart man. 
 
 Lane left his seat in the LTnited States Senate, pro- 
 posing to resign his place in the highest parliamentary 
 body in the world ; imbued with an exalted patriotism, 
 he left the chair of comparative ease and comfort for the 
 tented field of danger, disaster, and probable death. He 
 proposed to penetrate the w^ilderness in an expedition to 
 the gulf only second to Sherman's from Atlanta to the 
 sea. When Gen. Hunter issued a proclamation that he 
 would take command of the expedition himself, there 
 was no possible course for Lane to pursue in self-respect 
 but to return to his seat in the Senate. What might 
 have resulted is but conjecture; but as he had revelled 
 in the Halls of the Montezumas, so might he have revel- 
 led in that island-gem of the sea, Galveston, and camped 
 
308 NO ACCUSATION OFFICIALFA' MADE. 
 
 his hosts in the haunts of the Baratarian pirates ; enrolled 
 ten thousand slaves under his banners, called the noble 
 Texan back from the Eastern battle-fields, engaged Price 
 ill Texas, and sent the book-worm in search of history on 
 Price's campaigns and depredations to the archives of 
 Austin instead of to Topeka. 
 
 Senator Ingalls, in his article in Harper's Magazine 
 of April, 1893, says: " He gained the prize which he 
 sought with such fevei-ed ambition ; but, after many- 
 stormy and tempestuous years, Nemesis, inevitable in 
 such careers, demanded retribution. He presumed too 
 far upon the toleration of a constituency which had hon- 
 ored him so long and forgiven him so much. He tran- 
 scended the limit which the greatest cannot pass. He 
 apostatized once too often ; and in his second term in 
 the Senate, to avoid impending exposure, after a tragic 
 interval of despair, died by his own hand." 
 
 This is a most unjust accusation. It not only accuses 
 the man whose voice is silenced in death, where no accu- 
 sation was ever formally made, but it implies frequent 
 acts of dishonor. No public accusation was ever made 
 against him, either in court, in Congress, in the Senate, 
 as Lieutenant Governor, or in any other official capacity. 
 No charge was ever made, no resolution of inquiry ever 
 offered, in any of the numerous bodies in which he 
 acted. He led two regiments in the Mexican war. No 
 charge was ever made — no court-martial ever suggested. 
 Malice had done its worst in the heat of political excite- 
 ments ; but never did any pul)lic man dare to put a 
 
ON THE HENDERSON AMENDMENT. 309 
 
 charge against him in official form. Many public con- 
 tributions whicli were made to the sufferers in Kansas 
 were stolen ; no accusation was made against him. 
 Thousands upon thousands of fraudulent bonds were 
 issued. He never owned, or handled one for a client. 
 
 No Senator has ever been his superior in influence 
 with the departments ; and no other Senator ever did so 
 much for Atchison as Senator Lane. This is no reflec- 
 tion upon Senator Ingalls, because, in the eighteen years 
 of his service, no such opportunity presented itself ; but 
 Lane is entitled to much credit and the everlasting grati- 
 tude of Atchison for generously seizing the opportunity 
 and accomplishing the most important results. 
 
 The writer heard the whole debate in the United 
 States Senate, day after day, on the LTnion Pacific Rail- 
 road bill. The debate upon tlie celebrated Henderson 
 amendment, but what was more properly the Sumner 
 amendment, was a motion by Senator Sumner to strike 
 out Atchison and insert St. Joseph as the initial point 
 for what afterwards became the Central Branch Union 
 Pacific, with a view to making a straighter and shorter 
 line westward from St. Joseph than could l)e made by a 
 divergence from the western terminus of the Hannibal 
 and St. Joseph Railroad by way of Atchison. This could 
 only be done by changing the grant of subsidies from 
 the Atchison and Pike's Peak Railroad Company to the 
 St. Joseph and Denver Railroad Company, amounting to 
 $16,000 per mile. Senator Henderson of Missouri was 
 intensely interested in it, and the amendment took his 
 
310 THE SENATE FAIRLY STARTLED. 
 
 name. The question was debated by several Senators 
 on the merits of the shorter route ; and Senator Pome- 
 roy made a strong speech in support of Atchison. But 
 the tide was against him. 
 
 In this debate I sat in the gallery by the side of Hon. 
 James F. Legate, who occasionally punctuated the de- 
 bate with appropriate whispered remarks. As the Sen- 
 ate seemed about to take the vote, Legate said: "Old 
 Pom.'s gone up. That's a terrible blow. It almost 
 strikes Atchison from the map of Kansas. " There did 
 not seem a doubt of the result. There was a lull in the 
 Senate. Lane had not spoken a word. Nobody knew 
 that he desired to sjDeak. As he seemed to make a slow 
 movement in his chair. Legate quickly w^hispered : "Old 
 Jim's going to speak ! Old Jim's going to speak !" He 
 arose slowly, looked all around, and soon struck out on 
 a new line which fairly startled the Senate, by inform- 
 ing that staid body that he could no longer hold his 
 peace and see the Senate unwittingly voting $16,000 per 
 mile to a gang of incorporated rebels "whose hands were 
 red with the blood of Union men ! In the midst of his 
 fiery demonstration. Legate nudged me, remarking: 
 " He thinks he is at Baldwin City !" The debate went 
 on, Senator Henderson taking a prominent hand in it, 
 till some of the Senators wanted to know whether Mis- 
 souri and Kansas could not fight their battles in some 
 other place. I can only give space to quote from Senate 
 proceedings in Congressional Globe of June 20, 1862 : 
 
 Mr. Lane, of Kansas. The charter to which the gentleman [Sena- 
 
THE MOST EP^FECTIVK SPEECH MADE. oil 
 
 tor Hendei'son, of Missouri] alludes was granted while Kansas was 
 controlled by the fillibusters of Missouri. Jeff Thompson obtained 
 this charter when the fillibusters of Missouri controlled, by fraud and 
 villany, the Legislature of Kansas. 
 
 Mr. Sumner. Does it go back to that time ? 
 
 Mr. Lane, of Kansas. Yes, sir, so I am informed. There is an- 
 other remark I have to make. When my heart ceases to beat, and 
 not until then, will I permit any gentleman, here or elsewere, to 
 state that Kansas is to be compared with Missouri in the outrages she 
 has committed. In 1855, 1856, 1857 and 1858, the outrages were all 
 upon one side ; Kansas acted exclusively upon the defensive ; and I 
 defy that ge.itleman or any other gentleman to point to any body of 
 Kansans who ever invaded the territory of IVIissouri or stuffed her 
 ballot boxes or attempted to do so. We have, in discharge of our 
 duty to the flag and the country, marched into Missouri by orders of 
 the Government to crush out rebellion, since the commencement of 
 this struggle. Never before did Kansas invade Missouri. And I take 
 the liberty here of saying, that the charge preferred recently by tlie 
 Governor of Missouri against the troops of Kansas, in his message to 
 a convelition of that State, of which the Senator was a member, is false 
 and slanderous, unjust and disgraceful to liim as a man and as a Gov- 
 ernor. Tlie troops of Kansas marched into Missouri for the purpose 
 of crushing out rebellion, and did nothing but what was necessary in 
 the discharge of their duty and in obedience to orders to crush out 
 such men as Jeff Thompson, and those who have ruled and would still 
 control the destinies of St. Joseph. To-day the Senator from Massa- 
 chusetts is endeavoring to aid a town in Missouri at the expense of a 
 Kansas town that has to be kept in subjection by an army of the 
 troops of the United States ; to discriminate against loyal Atchison 
 in favor of disloyal St. Joseph. That is the position which the Sena- 
 tor from INIassachusetts occupies to-day ; and I do deeply regret it, 
 for I know that he has been as true to the interests of freedom and to 
 Kansas as any Senator upon this floor. I know, Mr. President, that 
 the noble defense of that Senator upon this floor well nigh cost him 
 his life. 
 
312 CARRIED ATCHISON ALMOST UNAMM0U;:LY. 
 
 That whole speech would be good reading now. It 
 was a remarkable speech to be made in that staid, con- 
 servative, dignified body ; but it was listened to with the 
 most profound attention, and not without manifestations 
 of approval from the galleries. Gen. Thomas Ewing, 
 then a citizen of Kansas deeply interested in Kansas 
 affairs, pronounced it the most effective speech he had 
 ever heard in the Senate. We hesitate not to say, con- 
 sidering the struggling infancy of the city and the State,. 
 that it was as good a speech as ever was made for the 
 interests of both of them. 
 
 And that, too, for a city, which, not long before, had 
 sent a committee to notify him that he would be mur- 
 dered if he undertook to make an "abolition" speecli 
 in Atchison. The committee did not want to kill him ; 
 they were for peace ; but tliey tried to persuade him to 
 secure peace at the sacrifice of the freedom of speech. 
 He requested the committee to notify the people that he 
 always fulfilled his appointments, would be promptly on 
 time, and Atchison would have to be responsible for re- 
 sults. He did speak successfully. 
 
 It is a historical fact, that, in 1864, out of gratitude — 
 we know no other reason — many of the better class of 
 these Pro-Slavey men supported him, notably Gen. B. F. 
 Stringfellow ; and that he carried Atchison county almost 
 unanimously, against an unnatural conglomeration of 
 politicians, for the United States Senate. 
 
CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 THE CAUSES OF GENERAL LANE's DEATH. 
 
 There have been many conjectures. The immediate 
 cause was insanity. There was not a doubt of that. He 
 had premonitions of it himself, and suggested to Mr. 
 Frank Adams that he ought to be taken to an asylum 
 for the insane. An overworked brain brought it on. 
 
 One of the things which troubled him greatly was the 
 condemnation by his friends of his vote to sustain Presi- 
 dent Johnson in his veto of the civil rights bill. He ex- 
 plained his reasons to me for that vote, at Washington, 
 a few days after he cast it ; and they were mainly his 
 ardent desire to conciliate the President with the Re- 
 publican Congress ; but he remarked, with a very sad 
 expression of countenance, that he had exhausted every 
 resource of his nature, and could not move him. 
 
 Another trouble of his mind was on charges of having 
 an interest in a contract or contracts with the United 
 States Government, which was a serious charge against 
 a Senator. He denied utterly its truth. An article had 
 been published in the Chicago Tribune attributing such 
 an offense to a Senator, without naming him ; and an- 
 
314 CHARGES ABOUT CONTRACTS. 
 
 other article, editorial, in the Boston Commonwealth, 
 which he showed me, stating that Lane of Kansas was 
 the Senator referred to. Lane had ascertained that Col. 
 M^m. A. Phillips was the author of the Tribune charge, 
 demanded his authority, and was given the name of Col. 
 George W. Deitzler. He asked me whether I could see 
 Deitzler for him, and get a statement from him in regard 
 to it. I replied that I had heard the story before I left 
 Kansas, and had had a conversation with Deitzler, in 
 which he stated positively that he knew nothing about 
 it. "That," said Lane, "is all I want him to say. It 
 is all he can say." He showed me an affidavit from 
 Perry Fuller, who was one of the contractors with Deitz- 
 ler, swearing that Lane had no interest in any contract 
 whatever, to his knowledge. Col. Deitzler made the fol- 
 lowing statement : 
 
 Lawrexce, Kansas, June 18, 1866. 
 Messrs. Perry Fuixer & Co., Lawrence, Kansas. 
 
 Gentlemen : In reply to your letter of the 16th inst., I have to state 
 that I liave no personal knowledge that Senator Lane received from 
 the firm of Fuller & McDonald twenty thousand dollars, as charged 
 in the Chicago Tribune of tlie 5th inst., nor any greater or less 
 amount. Very respectfully, G. AV. Deitzler. 
 
 Soon after this interview, he returned to Lawrence, 
 Kansas. I saw him there. I rode around the city with 
 him: and he expressed great interest in the town, say- 
 ing, " A town with seven churches ought not to go 
 down." He started for Washington. In a day or two, 
 the Missouri Democrat (^now the Globe-Democrat) pub- 
 lished a statement that he had stopped at a hotel there, 
 
SAD CIRCUMSTANCES OF HIS DEATH. 315 
 
 and that there were serious reasons for fearing that he 
 was threatened with softening of the brain. He returned 
 to Leavenworth, and went to the Government farm just 
 outside of the city, which was superintended by his 
 brother-in-law, Mr. McCall. Being in Leavenworth, I 
 went at once to the farm to see him. As I approached 
 the farm, Col. Nicholas Smith (who afterward married 
 Miss Ida, the daughter of Horace Greeley) w^as going 
 after Rev. Mr. Leonard, a Methodist minister, and told 
 me Lane was deranged . Lane stood in the doorw^ay as I 
 walked up to the house. I jokingly told him I heard he 
 w^as dangerously ill ; but I could see he was worth a 
 dozen dead men yet. He said : " The pitcher is broken 
 at the fountain. My life is ended ; I want you to do my 
 memory justice ; I ask nothing more." I tried to en- 
 courage him. I offered to stay; but seeing I could do 
 nothing, I returned that night to my home at Lawrence. 
 That was Friday afternoon. The next Sunday (July 1, 
 1866) he committed suicide. He was passing over the 
 farm in a carriage with Mr. McCall and Mr. Adams. 
 As they got out to open a gate, he got out, too, and say- 
 ing, *' Good-bye, Mac," he drew a revolver, fired a ball 
 through the roof of his mouth, and fell. The bullet came 
 out just a little to the left of the center of the cranium. 
 From then till death, he remained in a comatose condition. 
 Once, he recognized and named Josiah Miller, and at an- 
 other time, he named William A. Phillips, who was not 
 present. 
 
 I think he had suicidal tendencies. Just after the 
 
316 THE FREAKS OF INSANITY. 
 
 Lawrence massacre, I was riding with liim, when he 
 pointed to a log, behind which he said he was concealed, 
 and told me that three of the men engaged in that mas- 
 sacre passed closely by him. Then, opening a delicate 
 penknife, with one small blade, he placed the point of 
 that little blade immediately over the ball of one of his 
 eyes, and said : " That was the only weapon I had ; and 
 as I knew, if they captured me, they would torture me 
 to death, I intended to thrust that little blade up into 
 my brain to escape torture." 
 
 I do not believe there ever was any evidence of his 
 being complicated in that contract. An overworked 
 man, reason dethroned, he took his own life. There is 
 nothing strange about such a man becoming insane. 
 The instances are numberless — some running to violence 
 upon their best friends — some to suicide. 
 
CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 CONGRESSIONAL EULOGIES UPON HIS DEATH. 
 
 The limits the writer has given liiraself in this work 
 will not allow of Isngthy extracts and speeches ; but a 
 portion of the remarks upon his death, from the stand- 
 points of men differing with him politically, must be 
 interesting. I will not quote the speech of his colleague, 
 Senator Pomeroy, or of Kansas' sole Rej)resentative, 
 Hon. Sidney Clarke. They would be considered matter- 
 of-course expressions by many. But, even in death, the 
 most positive opponents of the cause which enlisted the 
 bitterest antagonism would not be expected to eulogize 
 him without merit ; nor could they be expected to stul- 
 tify themselves by justifying him in his eminent work 
 which went not only to dethroning slavery, but to hurl- 
 ing themselves out of power in the annihilation of their 
 party's supremacy. The following speech from Hon. 
 Thomas A. Hendricks, Senator from Indiana and Vice 
 President of the United States, will be read with inter- 
 est, alike in defense of his honor as a Senator and his 
 gallantry as a commander in the Mexican w^ar : 
 
318 VICE PRESIDENT HENDRICKS ON LANE. 
 
 From the Congressional Globe, July 18, 1886: 
 
 Mr. Hendricks. Mr. President: Amos Lane, the father of James 
 H. Lane, was a distinguished citizen of the State of Indiana. His 
 professional learning and force as a public speaker placed him among 
 the able lawyers of the State. He was prominently connected with 
 the early legislation of the State, and contributed to the establish- 
 ment of our system of laws. For four years he was a Representative 
 in Congress, and took rank as an able debater in that body. 
 
 James H. Lane was born in the county of Dearborn, in the State of 
 Indiana, on the 22d day of June, 1814, and that continued to be his 
 home until 1855, when he identified his fortunes with the people of 
 Kansas. He was educated for the bar, but did not long devote him- 
 self to the labors or pursue the honors of the profession. When the 
 country became involved in the war with Mexico, he was among the 
 first to respond to the call for troops. His rare energy of character 
 was displayed in the restless zeal with which he prosecuted the work 
 of raising and organizing the Third Regiment of Indiana Volunteers. 
 By the choice of the companies, he was made the Colonel, and placed 
 in command of the regiment. 
 
 That regiment was made up of the young men of Southeastern In- 
 diana, and was composed largely of the sons of the farmers ; and in it 
 were many of my youthful associates and friends, many whose friend- 
 ship and esteem I yet cherish; and I think I am justified in saying 
 that in every soldierly quality it was entitled to rank with the first 
 and the proudest. Its fortunes became to me a subject of great in- 
 terest, and from the day of enrollment to the day of discharge, I list- 
 ened for every report of its gallant achievements, and was very proud 
 of the great name with which it came out of the service. The art and 
 science of war had been neglected in the State of Indiana, and the 
 officers and men looked to the Colonel for the care necessary to their 
 comfort and safety and tlie discipline whicli made them formidable 
 to the enemy. Under his command the regiment soon attained a 
 high rank for its skill and discipline. 
 
 I need not speak of the battle of Buena Arista ; of tlie great dispar- 
 ity in the numbers engaged ; of the importance of its I'esults, not 
 only in holding the line of the Rio Grande, but perhaps in saving the 
 
HIS (JREAT EFFICIENCY AND GALLANTRY. 319 
 
 army; of its decisive influence upon the fortunes of the war, and of 
 the glory it shed upon our arms, for these are all known ; but I can- 
 not omit saying that, upon tliat rough field, the Third Indiana occu- 
 pied positions of greatest difficulty and responsibility ; that it was 
 borne upon by heavy forces of infantry, and dashed against by long 
 lines of cavalry, and that in all the changing fortunes of the day it 
 was neither broken nor bent. Col. Lane and the regiment were hon- 
 orably mentioned in the report of the commanding General. 
 
 After the discharge of the Third, Col. Lane organized and com- 
 manded tlie Fifth Indiana regiment, which was composed largely of 
 liis discharged veterans. Tliat regiment rendered valuable service, 
 and was discharged with a cliaracter highly honorable and gratifying 
 to its commander. Colonel Lane was kind toward his men, careful of 
 their wants, generous toward his subordinate officers, yet strict in his 
 discipline, and enjoyed both tlie affection and confidence of his com- 
 mand. In the enemy's country he was vigilant and active, and upon 
 the field of battle cool, sagacious and brave. 
 
 Upon his return home. Col. Lane was chosen by a large vote Lieu- 
 tenant Governor of tlie State, and in 1852 was elected to Congress 
 from the same district which his father had represented nearly 
 twenty years before. lie did not participate largely in the debates, 
 and his service in the House was not specially marked. He supported 
 the administration of President Pierce, and upon its passage voted for 
 the Kansas-Nebn ska bill. I will not add to what the Senator lately 
 his colleague has said of liis eventful life after he left the State of In- 
 diana. The estimate that may be put upon much of his conduct 
 wliile lie was connected witli tlie border strife must depend upon the 
 standpoint from which it is viewed. His character was not obscure, 
 nor his conduct concealed. His virtues and his faults were alike con- 
 spicuous, and will now remain as models for imitation or beacons of 
 dangers to be avoided. 
 
 His ambition and passions were imperious, and his will dominant, 
 so that, defiant of opposition and popular opinion, he jiursued his ob- 
 jects with an energy and force that w^rung success from adverse cir- 
 cumstances and reluctant fortune. He was not endowed with high 
 powers of argument, nor with cultivated imagination or elevated sen- 
 
'320 HIS INNOCENCE HIS INSANITY. 
 
 timent, nor did he possess in a high degree the command of our 
 language, yet the form and impulse of his nature, sometimes carry- 
 ing him to the verge of frenzy, made him a public speaker of great 
 power and a formidable revolutionary leader. Implacable toward 
 his foes, he was generous toward his friends and untiring in his 
 efforts to serve them. 
 
 I think it proper on this occasion to say that on the evening before 
 leaving this city for his home, he sent for me to examine some docu- 
 ments which he had obtained for his defense against a recent charge 
 that he had received money* for his services in connection with some 
 Indian business. Upon examination of the papers, and as I under- 
 stood the case, I thought his vindication complete. I have under- 
 stood that upon a like examination my colleague arrived at the same 
 opinion. 
 
 It was a sad communication to each one of us, when we were told 
 that one of our number was in the hands of death. In whatever form 
 that messenger from another world may come, he strikes us with awe 
 and terror ; but his presence is never so appalling as wlien he lays his 
 destroying liand upon the human intellect, enthrones distraction, sets 
 the faculties at war, and proclaims 
 
 " Mischief, thou art afoot — 
 Take thou what course thou wilt!" 
 
 An active, perturbed spirit has gone from our midst, and from this 
 saddest permission of Providence we are admonished of the frailty of 
 the human intellect, of its inability to preserve itself, and of its 
 strange and unnatural action when broken loose from the lines pre- 
 scribed for its government. 
 
 The following address from the Republican Represent- 
 ative from Lane's Indiana district, (Mr. Farqiialir,) 
 is significant in the fact that he was the opponent whom 
 Jjane so triumphantly " laid out" when he was elected 
 to Congress in 1852, and by whom Lane was in turn de- 
 feated in 1854, on the Kansas-Nebraska bill question : 
 
 *This refers to tlie charge in the Chicago Tribune. Xo proceedings 
 were ever liad on it in the Senate. 
 
GREAT QUALITIES OF HIS IRON NATURE. 321 
 
 From the Congressional Globe, July 18, 1866, page 3915 : 
 
 Mr. Farquahr. Mr. Speaker: As the Representative of tlie Fourth 
 Congressional District of Indiana, I arise to respond to the anounce- 
 nient of the death of Senator Lane of Kansas under circumstances 
 both painful and embarrassing. It was in the district from which I 
 come that he was born and spent the years of childhood and early 
 manhood. It was there that the pioneers knew him as the prattling 
 €hild, and their offspring as the associate of the festive board and 
 comrade in arms, as they bore triumphantly our " starry banner " to 
 the capital of a sister Republic. It was there his happiest days were 
 spent, under the influence and benign care of a pious Christian 
 mother and the unrestrained society of his liighly educated and ac- 
 complished sisters that the gentler qualities of his iron nature were 
 cultivated and developed. It was there that he first gave evidence of 
 those remarkable powers of endurance that enabled him to success- 
 fully compete with all opposition in whatever field of enterprise 
 he embarked. It was there that he first drew his maiden sword and 
 led to the field the stalwart comrades in arms who won with Iiim at 
 Buena Vista their full share of the imperishable glory of that hard- 
 fought field. It was there that he developed in repeated contests his 
 acknowledged pre-eminence as one of the most successful political 
 debaters of the age. wlio never made a canvass but in triumph. 
 
 Senator Lane was born at Lawrenceburgh, Indiana, in June, 1814, 
 and was the son of Hon. Amos Lane, who represented that district in 
 the Congress of the Republic. His father was widely known &< a 
 prominent Democratic politician of Indiana, and a successful lawyer 
 of more than oi-dinary abilities. It was in the bitter contests of the 
 old Whigs and Democrats, in which his father took a conspicuous 
 part, that the Senator, then a youth, became inspired with the love 
 of polities, wliich in after years fashioned and moulded his character, 
 habits and actions, culminating in eminent success and calamitous 
 deatli. Senator Lane was emphatically a man of the people. "With 
 tlie politicians he never was popular, but wliile in Indiana sustained 
 successfully a war for pre-eminence with those of his own party. 
 AVith the people lie was a great favorite and successfully enlisted 
 them in his behalf in every contest in wliich he participated, and 
 
322 BELOVED AS A MILITARY LEADER. 
 
 served as Lieutenant Governor, Senatorial Elector, and as Eepre- 
 sentative in the 33d Congress, from niy State. 
 
 It was not his forte to inaugurate and mature the policy of liis 
 party, so much as to study and follow the lead of the people, and 
 thereby, seemingly, at least, become the champion of their favorite 
 measures. He was a bold, fearless and successful advocate of what- 
 ever cause he championed, and the friends of human freedom, on the 
 western border, have lost an able leader in the great cause to which 
 they and he showed so much devotion and made so much sacrifice. 
 He was a self-made and self-reliant man who scorned dependence on 
 others, appreciating, if not boastfully, with confidence the sentiment: 
 
 " Tliy spirit, independence, let me share. 
 Lord of the lion heart and eagle eye. 
 
 Thy steps I follow with my bosom bare, 
 
 Nor heed the storm that howls along the sky." 
 
 As a military leader, he was beloved by those who served under 
 him. In Mexico, and especially at Buena Yista, in command of the 
 Third Indiana Infantry, he won with those under him imperishable 
 glory as, in the last charge of our enemy on that to them fatal day, 
 his regiment did invaluable service on their flank, while the grape of 
 Captain Bragg arrested their desperate charge in front. 
 
 Tlie devotion of the men who served with him in Kansas attests his^ 
 services to that noble you«g State. He fought its battles, shared its 
 fortunes, served its people, and received its honors. His restless 
 spirit is still forever, and that iron form so familiar to his associates 
 in the camp, the Senate chamber, at the bar and at the social board, 
 reposes beneath the soil of his adoption that lie defended so welL 
 Would that it had gone out differently, in the fore front of battle, 
 with ai-mor on and victory perching on our banners. 
 
 Mr. Niblack. Mr. Speaker: I feel that I ought not to allow this oc- 
 casion to pass without saying a few words. 
 
 ;Mr. Lane's ancestors, like mine, were among those who fii-st pene- 
 trated the wilderness of that region of country which has since 
 become the great State of Indiana ; and although my personal ac- 
 quaintance with him did not commence in early life, yet I have had 
 
A MARKED MAN IN ALL RELATIONS OF LIFE. 323 
 
 with him for many years an agreeable acquaintance and pleasant 
 personal relations. 
 
 I have been associated with him in legislative positions which have 
 brought me more or less in contact with him. My first personal ac- 
 quaintance with him commenced in the year 1849, at the time when 
 he was inaugurated as Lieutenant Governor of the State of Indiana. 
 I was then a member of the House of Representatives of that State 
 for the first time. The year following I was elected to the Senate of 
 the State, of which lie was the presiding officer by virtue of his posi- 
 tion as Lieutenant Governor of the State. I served as a Senator 
 during the remainder of his official term. Before that I had only 
 heard of him as the gallant Colonel of two of our favorite Indiana 
 regiments, and I only knew him by reputation. My acquaintance 
 thus formed with him continued until the time of his death. Although 
 I was never personally intimate witli him, our personal relations 
 were always kind, and differing, though we often did, the exciting 
 questions which had occupied the public mind since that time never 
 disturbed our kind relations. 
 
 I can say, and say witli truth, that Gen. Lane was, in all the relations 
 of life in which I knew him, a marked man. He was not a learned 
 man. He was not so cultivated as others; but he was a man of 
 strong will, of .greac force of character, of indomitable energy, and of 
 high ambition. He always became a central figure in any movement 
 in whicli he was engaged, and lie always bore a prominent part in 
 any enterprise with which he connected himself. As a political 
 leader, although apparently bold and reckless, he was in truth a dis- 
 creet and prudent man. I always conceived him cautious in devising 
 his plans and mapping out his future life, but bold and resolute in 
 the execution of his plans, never deterred by any dangers which 
 seemed to threaten liim personally or by any consequences which 
 might result to him. From wliat I knew of him, I could not regard 
 him in any other light than as a man of both physical and moral 
 courage. 
 
 As a military leader, his courage, I presume, is unquestioned, and 
 the other conflicts in which he engaged, and which have been spoke.i 
 of here to-day, I think sufficiently establish his reputation as a man 
 
324 PROMINENT IN POLITICAL HISTORY. 
 
 of moral courage. It is not my purpose to refer to the scenes whieli 
 liave been portrayed by the gentlemen who have preceded me. They 
 take one view of those questions, and I, perhaps unfortunately to my- 
 self, take the other view. But wliile thus advocating these other 
 views, and differing from General Lane as I have done, I am not the 
 less willing to bear testimony to tliose traits of character which have 
 made him so prominent in the political history of the country for the 
 last fifteen or twenty years. As I have remarked, he was a man of 
 ambition. He struggled hard to obtain that political prominence 
 and power and influence which in the later years of his life he pos- 
 sessed. After years of unremitting struggle, after passing through 
 one of the most remarkable contests in the history of this country, 
 he succeeded in obtaining a position which gave liim influence and 
 power in the councils of the Nation. He became a member of the 
 Senate of the United States, and was continued for many years pre- 
 ceding his death in a position which many of the best minds of the 
 country have been willing to devote a large share of the best portion 
 of their lives to attain — a position that would gratify tlie ambition of 
 most men. 
 
 Possessing so much, therefore, that would seem to have endeared 
 life to an ambitious man, the struggle must have been a fearful one, 
 the despair must have been terrible, which induced him to lay violent 
 hands upon himself and become the destroyer of his own life. Of all 
 the forms in which death can come, none is so mysterious and terri- 
 ble as the one by which his life was closed. It is hard for us to con- 
 ceive that one so gifted, and occupying so exalted a position, should 
 grow so weary of life. But by liis own act, he has passed away from 
 among us. As has been well remarked by the gentleman from Kan- 
 sas, [Mr. Clarke,] it is our duty, a duty which ought to be strictly 
 observed, to draw the veil of charity over all his faults and failings, 
 and the misfortunes, whatever they may liave been, wliicli darkened 
 the close of his career. 
 
 As a citizen of the State of Indiana, before he emigrated to the far- 
 distant Teiritory, he was already a marked and distinguished man ; 
 and in the great struggle of life through which he has passed, lie has 
 given evidence of some of the highest traits of manhood. Indiana 
 
THE TRIBUTES OF POLITICAL OPPONENTS. 325 
 
 cannot be insensible to the great loss which Kansas has sustained in 
 his death. I therefore bear my willing testimony to much that has 
 been said in his belialf by those who have preceded me on this occa- 
 sion. As a citizen of Indiana, I have to express my profound regret 
 at the sad termination of so active and eventful a life as his has been. 
 I very heartily second the resolutions which have been offered. 
 
 The speech of Senator Hendricks, the reader will ob- 
 serve, so far as his conduct in the " Border Ruffian war" 
 is concerned, is made with all the diplomatic caution of 
 a statesman anxious to do justice to the many Mexican 
 war heroes then still an important element in politics, 
 and at the same time give no offense to those more im- 
 portant political elements the ' ' butternut ' ' sympathisers 
 of Indiana and the entire ex-rebel soldiery and citizens 
 of the South, so powerful an auxiliary in his aspirations 
 to the Presidency, an ambition in which he was halted 
 by Cleveland at the half-way house of the A'ice Presi- 
 dency. He sailed through that Scilla and Cliarybdis of 
 politics with the master mind and wisdom worthy of his 
 greatness. Representative Niblack had the same mo- 
 tives with less ambition. Even the Republican Repre- 
 sentative (Mr. Farquahr) did not care to offend without 
 absolute necessity the sensitiveness of many people of 
 his State in anything that would have reflected upon 
 Indiana's chivalry on the field of Buena Yista. 
 
 The writer cares nothing about such considerations ; 
 and the truth of history justifies him in saying that 
 what was the disgrace of Col. Bowles' regiment became 
 the crowning glory of Lane's achievements. An officer 
 participant in the battle of Buena Arista, an eye-witness, 
 
326 HEROIC EFFORTS AT BUENA VISTA. 
 
 shortly after told me personally of the opening of that 
 engagement. As Capt. Bragg stood for orders, Gen. Tay- 
 lor rode up and gave the command : " Capt. Bragg, un- 
 limber !" " They will take my pieces, General, if I do," 
 modestly suggested Bragg. ''They will take them any- 
 how, by , sir! Unlimber!" Only the cannon's 
 
 flash that followed was quicker than obedience to the 
 order; and Gen. Taylor's further commands, rather 
 milder, perhaps, "A little more grape, Capt. Bragg," 
 became the shibboleth of the triumphant Whigs in his 
 elevation to the Presidency. When Gen. Taylor's Ken- 
 tucky pets seemed to falter in that hell of fire, but recov- 
 ering, Old Zack, raising himself in his saddle, and, as if 
 in soliloquy, exclaimed, "God bless Old Kentucky!" 
 
 then it w^as that the Indiana faltered, its Colonel 
 
 fled, and Lane rushed in, and as Farquahr describes it, 
 tliat " lord of the lion heart and eagle eye, * * his 
 bosom bare," rallied the demoralized and shattered rem- 
 nants of Bowles' command, restoring partial honors to 
 his regiment, and forever immortalizing himself and the 
 Third Indiana. That Buena Vista hero and Kansas 
 13atriot, W. I. R. Blackman, in describing the scene as 
 he knew it in the din of battle and at the campfire, en- 
 thusiastically declared that Napoleon at the Bridge of 
 Lodi was not more heroic than Lane at Buena Vista. 
 
CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 GLIMPSE AT EVENTS LANE's ACTS AND CHARACTERISTICS. 
 
 I once met in a stage-coach an intelligent, liberty- 
 loving Swede, who had just arrived, but spoke English 
 with considerable accuracy. Hearing that I was from 
 Lawrence, he said: "Gen. Lane lives there?" "Yes. 
 What do you know of Lane?" "I read of him in 
 Sweden." " In documents or papers from this coun- 
 try?" " Some ; but I read his Springfield [Mo.] speech 
 in the Stockholm Journal." That speech notified Mis- 
 souri slaveholders that no slaves would be returned, and 
 ended up by saying that ' ' if the army is to be used to 
 perpetuate slavery, Jim Lane breaks his sword and goes 
 home." 
 
 The shot fired at Lexington when Paul Revere dis- 
 mounted was heard around the world. The speech of 
 Lane to Missouri slaveholders resounded at least as far 
 around the world as Sweden. 
 
 He was the advance herald in favor of taking slaves 
 out of the fields of rebel supplies and putting them in 
 the battle lines of loyalty. Grant did that in the Wil- 
 derness, Thomas did it in Mississippi, and Sherman did 
 
323 STRATEGY AT DRY WOOD, 
 
 it from Atlanta to the sea ; but Lane was the Columbus 
 with the egg, who, long before, broached the idea in the 
 Senate and organized the colored troops in Kansas. 
 
 His campaign in Missouri was the result of the Bor- 
 der Ruffian war made upon Kansas in its helpless 
 infancy. He led the " Kansas Brigade " into the very 
 region which had poured its legions into Kansas, over- 
 awed her inhabitants, stuffed her ballot-boxes, sat in her 
 legislative halls, and made her laws. That revenge 
 might be taken by some of his soldiers would be natural. 
 The men on the border who had invaded every locality 
 in Kansas, and under the plea of " pressing property " 
 to sustain a code more infamous than had ever been en- 
 acted in any slave State, stole their horses, appropriated 
 their goods, and murdered their kindred, and were then 
 in rebellion against the American Union, were not a 
 class of people to secure the highest tokens of considera- 
 tion and sympath}'. Tlie army would be more than hu- 
 man from whom we could expect that. In their forays 
 upon the Kansas border, bushwhackers and guerrillas 
 had massacred more men than ^vere killed in battle in 
 proportion to the adult male inhabitants. 
 
 The Kansas Brigade protected the people as long as 
 Lane had command. He repulsed Gen. Price's raid 
 at Dry wood, near Fort Scott, when Price had five times 
 as many men as his number of well-drilled soldiers.* 
 
 *]Major W. N. Ewing, now of Wicliita, Kansas, but then a young 
 man in (xen. Price's command, informs me that Lane made a mas- 
 terly demonstration of force, and for a rime rained lead down on 
 them terrifically. 
 
ENCHANTMENT OF THE AMERICAN FLAG. 320 
 
 It was a master-piece of strategy, wherein lie marshaled 
 his entire force as his advance guard, the very boldness 
 of which led Price to believe that he had a competent 
 army in the rear for his support. Any other policy 
 would have left Fort Scott to death, destruction and pil- 
 lage, and all the surrounding country to more than the 
 usual calamities of w^ar. He commanded a brigade with- 
 out a commission, and subsisted himself without pay ; 
 no oath to serve his country or to obey the constitution 
 was ever found. He stood between his beloved State 
 and all danger. His men literally " swore by old Jim," 
 obeyed him and loved him. Gen. Fremont was his su- 
 perior, but he consulted rather than commanded him. 
 
 A prominent man told me of a perilous trip of a hun- 
 dred and fifty miles through the enemy's country, and 
 said no words could express the rejoicing of his heart 
 wdien he neared Pleasant Hill and beheld the American 
 flag floating over the town. As he registered, he re- 
 marked to the landlord that he observed by that flag 
 that the}^ had a Union town there. With an oath he 
 replied, "By no means." "What, then," said the 
 traveler, "does that flag mean ?" " It means that Jim 
 Lane raised it, and gavo notice he would burn the town 
 if it was disturbed." That was true. He halted his 
 command in line, and ordered details of men to bring 
 into his presence the leading men of the town. Tlie or- 
 der was imperative. There were bayonets behind it. 
 They came. His address was short : " Men of Pleasant 
 Hill, I have sent for you. I know you. You are rebels 
 
330 REBELS GUARD THE FLi^G. 
 
 against your flag and your country. Look upon that 
 starry banner, which I have just floated over your heads, 
 and listen to me. I have no men to spare to protect it. 
 That flag is more precious to the American heart than 
 all the property you possess. I shall return again ; and 
 if you allow a rebel hand to touch that flag, Pleasant 
 Hill will go up with the torch as sure as there is a hell ! 
 March !" The flag floated over that town as long as Lane 
 was in the field. 
 
 Col. George W. Veale, w^ho w^as in Lane's command, 
 tells me that he witnessed that scene. He says : ' ' The 
 order was given to go into the bottom lands and cut the 
 longest tree to be found ; and the flag w^as nailed to it, 
 with no halyards to lower and raise it ; and the com- 
 mand, marching back and forth, saw and cheered that 
 flag until the elements wore it to shreds, and the bare 
 pole stood as a witness of the loyalty and gallantry of 
 tlie men who raised it. Jim Lane loved his State and 
 his country, and was as true a patriot as ever lived." 
 
 Col. Yeale's regiment was in the hottest of the first 
 battles of the border against Price. With the experi- 
 ence which he went through in Lane's brigade, and his 
 knowdedge of Lane at the front in the Price campaign, 
 he would be pretty apt to entertain such opinions. 
 
 Major Thomas J. Anderson, wdio w^as on Lane's statt', 
 a man wdiose honor and gallantry were never disputed, 
 says: ''Never forget the flag-raising at Pleasant Hill. 
 It is the only instance in history of protecting a Union 
 flag with a rebel suard. That caustic treatment not 
 
GEN. E wing's order NO. 11. 331 
 
 only protected that flag, but saved many a soldier's life 
 ill that country then swarming with bushwhackers. 
 Lane's actions were honorable and heroic." 
 
 Hon. I), W. Wilder, Surveyor General, State Auditor, 
 author of the Annals of Kansas, etc., thus epitomizes 
 Lane's character : ' ' Marked things about Lane : He kept 
 his promises ; very few men are so faithful to friends. He 
 did not love money ; w^as not in jobs ; was not corrupt. 
 His capacity to lead : He made friends who flocked 
 around, followed and obeyed him, and enjoyed doing it. 
 He could not visit a hamlet without being surrounded 
 by devoted friends." 
 
 It is not necessary to refer to the raid on Lawrence to 
 prove what we say of the desperation and barbarity of 
 that part of Missouri in the periods preceding the war. 
 The acts of Gen. Thomas Ewing — and acts speak louder 
 than words, but we have both words and acts to fall 
 back on — sustain us. His words are those of the cele- 
 brated ''Order No. 11," in which he set forth his reasons 
 for his acts. In that order he designated depots for the 
 storage of the goods and chattels of loyal men, and com- 
 manded them to come before him with i^roofs of their 
 loyalty, and receive his protection ; and the further no- 
 tification, that all men who did not do so should be 
 treated as public enemies, captured and imprisoned or 
 otherwise punished as their crimes should deserve. 
 Nothing but the unparalleled wickedness of the men 
 who infested the Snibar hills and other fastnesses of 
 that district could have justified such an order. Neither 
 Sherman in his march from Atlanta to the Sea, nor But- 
 
332 LINCOLN GIVES HIM UNLIMITED POWER. 
 
 ler at New Orleans, exceeded it in severity ; but it was a 
 just severity, conscientiously administered by a just 
 man. It was the extreme of humanity compared with 
 the fiendish slaughters concocted and carried out by the 
 community which it punished. 
 
 Perhaps if we refer only to the preservation of human 
 life and property at the time. Lane's action in the Price 
 raid was the greatest effort of his life. His early actions 
 in defense of Kansas, both in acts of incipient war and 
 oratory, did more in staying the destructive march of 
 slavery, in the attempt to make it national — to use the 
 language of Toombs of Georgia, to enable him to call 
 the roll of his slaves under Bunker Hill monument — 
 were greater, because a triumph of slavery then might 
 have been lasting beyond estimation in its results. 
 
 Lincoln had tested and trusted Lane. He knew his 
 capacity in the forum and on the field. He placed his 
 life in his hands with his camp within sound of his 
 voice day and night in the East Room of the Presidential 
 Mansion. No man in the Union — at least in any loyal 
 State — was given such powers. He gave him almost 
 exclusively the appointing power of Kansas, military 
 and civil, even overriding the Government of the State 
 to do it. Gen. Wilder well expresses the fountain of his 
 power: ''He made friends, wdio flocked around, fol- 
 lowed and obeyed him, and enjoyed doing it." Vice 
 President Hendricks said the same thing less pungently. 
 That expresses it all. He took command of the troops 
 who were proud to be called Lane's Brigade, and though 
 
NOT WRITING A DEFENSE OF LINCOLN. 333 
 
 lie had no commission, they would have no other com- 
 mander. President Lincoln authorized him to raise and 
 organize five regiments, and to fill all the offices. So 
 far as the two regiments of colored troops were con- 
 cerned, he had no written order; but he had the per- 
 sonal promise of the President that he would see that 
 they were clothed and subsisted until colored troops 
 should l)e recognized as soldiers in the armies of the Na- 
 tion ; and tliey were so subsisted. Whether this state 
 of facts was known or suspected when an effort was made 
 to take some colored men out of Captain William H. 
 Smallwood's company by writ of habeas corpus, I cannot 
 answer. It is as unnecessary to discuss reasons for the 
 bestowal of such power as it is to write a homily in de- 
 fense of the character and integrity of Abraham Lin- 
 coln. The world will be satisfied he knew enough of 
 them to warrant him in the trust he had confided. 
 Faith in the combined honesty and ability of the Presi- 
 dent and War Secretary are not subjects requiring fur- 
 ther proof of their wdsdom. Tlie justification of their 
 iicts, as well as the acts, have passed into history. 
 
 Gen. Lane was one the most sensitive men I ever 
 knew ; but his wonderful will-power enabled him to 
 conceal his emotions. In the campaign of 1864, his 
 despondency alarmed me. He was at Leavenworth, 
 where, owing to the nomination of Hon. Sidney Clarke 
 over Hon. A. C. Wilder for Congress, the whole city 
 seemed against the Republican ticket. I found Lane at 
 the Mansion House in bed, in the middle of the day, in 
 
334 LANE EXTREMELY SENSITIVE. 
 
 despair, declaring that the best he could do was to go to 
 work specially for members of the Legislature. I tried 
 to rally him, denouncing him for his weakness, and tell- 
 ing him that if his opponents knew his despondent con- 
 dition, he was already defeated; but that we had just 
 had a most successful meeting, filling Laing's hall and 
 overwhelming all opposition — not an Anti-Lane man 
 venturing to interrupt us. I told him that our candi- 
 date for Governor, Samuel J. Crawford, was a gallant 
 soldier who would rally the army boys, and that Mr. 
 Clarke's apparent w^ant of strength was not so much his 
 weakness as the local attachment to Wilder, Avhich was 
 being rapidly overcome. Still his melancholy was ap- 
 palling, even to aberration of mind. But the advance 
 of Price's army against Kansas revived all his energy, 
 and he made two of the most remarkable campaigns on 
 record — one in the army against Price, and the other on 
 the stump in every city and hamlet in the State. 
 
 Lane entered the arena of politics and war at the turn- 
 ing point of despotic power — the two went together — tlie 
 Big Springs convention and the Wakarusa war were but 
 two months apart. The first was political, but it uttered 
 the first shout of war when it declared that the people 
 would depend upon argument as long as liope of success 
 was reasonable, but would "resist to a bloody issue" 
 when hope in peace was lost. Lane advocated the reso- 
 tion in his committee, and Governor Reeder, in speak- 
 ing on it, announced that we would sustain it " with the 
 steady arm and the sure eye." In the elements of war 
 
A MOST IMPORTANT ERA. 335 
 
 we were as children inexperienced. The people came 
 for peace — their enemies for war. No military organizer 
 was among us. Half our territory was an imaginary 
 line between us and our enemies — the other half was the 
 Missouri river. Jn sight of our shores were twice as 
 many men who fought under Col. Doniphan in the Mex- 
 ican w^ar as there were in Kansas who had ever seen a 
 hostile gun. Never had a dozen of our men stood in the 
 ranks of battle here till Lane gave the w^ord to "Fall 
 in !" Twice had we been trampled on at the polls, and 
 tamely submitted. He leaped into the breach at as im- 
 portant an epoch to Kansas as was the appearance of 
 Blucher to Wellington when he emerged from the woods 
 at Trichemont in the Battle of Waterloo. There was 
 more at stake — the freedom of man ; the perpetuation 
 of republican government, and the advancement of the 
 world's civilization. The Big S^Drings resolutions and 
 Lane and his men in the Wakarusa war were to the 
 American conflict what the Mecklenburg resolutions and 
 Marion and his men were to the Revolution. The enemy 
 came with 1200 men, and the 600 Free-State men organ- 
 ized and disciplined by him confronted them, cowed 
 them, compromised and settled, through Gov. Shannon ; 
 and finally threatened disaster was terminated by Lane 
 following the remnant of them that wanted to fight until 
 they retreated into Missouri ; and he continued the ter- 
 ror of all the hostile country till the war was ended. 
 A\niat was Kansas when he entered the arena ? It had 
 less than 15,000 inhabitants. The regions where are 
 
336 Seward's (4reat compliment to Kansas. 
 
 now Marysville, Salina, Council Grove and Emporia, 
 were the extreme of attempted w^estern settlement, as 
 w^as the region of Humboldt on the south ; and within 
 these lines hostile Indians made raids ; while on the 
 east were white men as barbai'ous as the Indians when 
 the shibboleth of " abolitionism " was pronounced. 
 
 Lane led no mercenary bands. They may have en- 
 tertained chimerical ideas. But no more intelligent, 
 upright, honorable men ever fought in a good cause than 
 the masses of the Kansas soldiers in the Free-State cam- 
 paigns and the armies of the Union. They were the 
 men liefore wdiom that greatest of American statesmen, 
 William H. Seward, in his great speech at Law^rence, in 
 his eloquent peroration, exclaimed — his gestures more 
 eloquent than his w^ords — " I bow before you, people of 
 Kansas, as the most intelligent and the bravest and the 
 most virtuous people in the United States." 
 
 Notes. — At page 149, we have stated that Hon. Frederick P, Stanton, 
 Governor of Kansas Territory in 1857-8, brought three shives to Kan- 
 sas. This is incorrect. His daughter, Mrs. Laura Stanton Moss, of 
 Topeka, informs us that he had no slaves then nor for a long time be- 
 fore he emigrated to Kansas. 
 
 The writer, recognizing his own imjjerfections, cannot refrain from 
 gratefully acknowledging his obligations to Hon. F. G. Adams, of 
 the State Historical Society, and all his assistants; to that distin- 
 guislied ])rinter, Mr. Edward P. Harris; and to Hon. D. AV. Wilder 
 and his inestimable Annals, for valuable assistance. 
 
 The drawings for the illustrations were made by ^Ir. Adam Rohe. 
 of Lawrence, excef)t that of " The Homicide of (Jaius Jenkins," which 
 was made by Miss Church, of Topeka; and the engraving was exe- 
 cuted by Teachenor-Bartberger Engraving Company, of Kansas City, 
 Missouri — all of which are admirably done. 
 
♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦ 
 
 ♦ In the "House of Seven Gables" Haw- ♦ 
 T thorne says : " These railroads — could but ♦ 
 X the whistle be made musical and the rum- ^ 
 
 ♦ ble and the jar got rid of — are positively 
 z the greatest blessings that the ages have 
 
 ♦ wrought out for us. They give us wings; 
 
 ♦ they annihilate the toil and dust of pilgrim- 
 J age ; they spiritualize travel ! Transition 
 A beiug so facile, what can be any man's in- 
 
 ♦ ducement to tarry in one spot? Why 
 ^ should he make himself a prisoner for life 
 ^ in brick and stone and old worm-eaten 
 
 ♦ timber, when he may just as easily dwell 
 J wherever the fit and beautiful shall offer 
 ^ him a home ? " 
 
 The 
 
 Santa Fe 
 Route 
 
 GIVES US WINGS! 
 
 ♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦ 
 
 It is a Kansas road for Kansas ^ 
 
 people — 
 
 Just as integral a part of the 
 
 State's history as its 
 
 * early=day heroes. ^ 
 ^ It stands for the development ^ 
 ^ of Kansas. ^ 
 ^ When you travel on a Santa Fe * 
 ^ train, there is a home feeling, J 
 
 * which is thrown in with the J 
 } ticket. X 
 ♦♦♦»♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦ ♦♦♦ 
 
THE LINES OF THE 
 
 Missouri 
 
 Pacific 
 
 Railway 
 
 EXTEND FROM KANSAS CITY 
 
 NORTH, SOUTH, EAST, WEST. 
 
 ELEGANT THROUGH CAR SERVICE, 
 ^— CONSISTING OF 
 
 PULLMAN BUFFET SLEEPERS AND 
 RECLINING CHAIR CARS, 
 SEATS FREE. 
 
 M 
 
 DAILY FAST TRAINS 
 
 REACHING THE RICH AGRICULTURAL DISTRICT, MINERAL 
 AND TIMBER LANDS OF NINE DIFFERENT STATES. 
 
 PAMPHLETS ON THESE STATES. LAND FOLDERS, ETC., 
 FURNISHED FREE, UPON APPLICATION TO ANY OF THE COM- 
 PANY'S AGENTS. 
 
 J. H. LYON, 
 
 WESTERN PASSENGER AGT., 800 MAIN STREET, 
 KANSAS CITY, MO. 
 
 C. G. WARNER, 
 
 VICE-PRESIDENT. 
 
 W. B. DODDRIDGE, 
 
 GEN'L MANAGER. 
 
 H. C. TOWNSEND, 
 
 GEN. PASS. AND TKT. AGT. 
 
 ST. LOUIS. MO. 
 
The Best for the Last. 
 
 Asia, Africa, Europe, and then America, New 
 England, the Middle and Western States, the 
 rugged Pacific Coast ; then, last and best of all, 
 
 Southwest Louisiana, 
 
 Where is found a most marvelous combination 
 of beautiful prairies, valuable woodlands, navi- 
 gable rivers, charming lakes, the most healthful 
 climate on the globe, and a soil of wonderful 
 productiveness. It is the best place in the 
 United States now for the Homeseeker, the 
 Speculator, and for a Southern winter home. 
 The way to reach there is via 
 
 ''The Watkins Route," 
 
 Kansas City, Watkins & Gulf Railway. 
 
 J. B. WATKINS, President, 
 
 Lawrence, Kas. 
 
 THOS. SAUNDERS, Gen'l Manager, 
 
 Lake Charles, La. 
 

 
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